YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

James Louis Petigru
1845
BUST BY CLARKE MILLS
"An article of ornament in the furniture of Badwell "

{Frontispiece)

LIFE, LETTERS AND ^
SPEECHES

OF

JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU

THE UNION MAN OF
SOUTH CAROLINA

BY

JAMES PETIGRU CARSON. E. M.

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
GAILLARD HUNT, Litt.D., LL.D.

For Sale by
W. H. LOWDERMILK & CO.
Washington, D. C.
1920

Copyright, 1920
by
James Petigru Carsion

Press of
H. L. & J. B. McQueen, Inc.
Washington, D. C.

THIS BOOK
PREPARED AT THE DESIRE
OF
CAROLINE CARSON
PETIGRU'S DAUGHTER
IS DEDICATED
TO HER MEMORY

INTRODUCTION

"I remember your saying that South Carolina was the
romantic and picturesque element in our great Confederacy,"
wrote Miss Sally S. Hampton from " The Woodlands " to her
friend Mr. Ruggles, on January 25, 1861.*
The political and social structure of the State was not only
picturesque but singular. Here was a commonwealth which
came into existence before the Revolution, rose to its height in
the first quarter of the next century, continued to live with
varying degrees of vigor for two generations longer and then
died a violent death. It all happened in a period of about one
hundred years — from 1761, say, to 1861. The date of the begin
ning is indefinite, but the date of the end is fixed. No other
American State presents a study so compact. Here was a State
in undisputed control of a recognized upper class; here was a
republic in which a small group of superior men were the gov
ernors; here was a society dominated by aristocrats. The
elements which made South Carolina existed in other States,
notably in Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia, but they did
not pervade those States as completely as they pervaded South
Carolina. James Henry Hammond, Governor and Senator, an
able man of unusual mental frankness, in the confidence of his
private diary wrote this on December 7, 1850:
The government of South Carolina is that of an aristocracy.
When a Colony, many families arose in the Low Country who
became very rich and were highly educated. They were real
noblemen and ruled the Colony and the State — the latter entirely
until about thirty years ago, and to a very great extent to the
present moment.
When Hammond spoke of the education of his sons, August
25, 1858, he said: "I have worked like ten overseers and made
every sacrifice to make my sons well educated and wellbred,
independent South Carolina country gentlemen, the nearest to
noblemen of any possible class in America. "f
*Library of Congress MSS. "Personal Miscellany."
fTo his brother M. C. M. Hammond. Library of Congress MSS. "Ham
mond Papers." (v)

VI Introduction
The men who made the State being countrymen with large
holdings of land, led isolated lives and encountered little
opposition in their inclinations. Consequently, they developed
unrestrainedly and naturally and their faults and virtues were
accentuated. They had many primitive characteristics. Open-
hearted, open-handed, generous, loyal, brave and affectionate,
they were, at the same time, impulsive, improvident, intolerant,
quick-tempered and passionate. They were genuine men, with
out cant, pretense or affectation. Their superior position was
so undisputed that no assumption on their part was required to
support it.
Broad-minded men liked them, even if they did not approve
of them, and timid men, who hesitated to form convictions or to
express them, feared these self-centered masters who asserted
their beliefs with boldness and absolute conviction that they
were right. Their strength of conviction on political questions
came partly from the fact that the chief political issues of their
day were questions which affected each one of them in his home
and family life. Thus they took the lead naturally in the move
ment to destroy a nation which, it was plain, was making up its
mind to destroy them. More than any other Americans they
suffered from the failure to establish a new nation based upon
their social system, for no other State was founded so absolutely
upon that system.
Their power in the nation had been out of proportion to the
size and commercial importance of the State. It was not a large
State; it was not populous; many other States surpassed it in
wealth; yet from the beginning of the Union it wielded as much
influence alone as any group of States exercised together. It
commanded the Constitutional Convention to guarantee slave
property and the Convention obeyed; it ordered a halt in the
progress of the protective tariff system and Congress changed the
tariff law; it ordered the other Southern States to form a
separate nation and they tried to form it. Just before the Civil
War, Jeremiah S. Black, Secretary of State, had a conversation
with William Henry Trescot, his Assistant Secretary, on the
subject of fortifying Forts Moultrie and Sumter. "Then the
Judge broke out," says Trescot, "into an eulogy of South
Carolina. 'There,' said he, 'a little State no bigger than the
palm of my hand, has broken up this mighty Empire. Like

James Louis Petigru vii
Athens, you control Greece. You have made and you will
control this revolution by your indomitable spirit. Up to this
time you have played your part with great wisdom — unequalled
— but now you are going wrong. ' "*
A State which was so powerful must have been led by able men.
It is true that, as a consequence of its self-sufficiency, some of
the strongest intellects were satisfied to expend themselves
within the boundaries ofthe State and were not generally known
elsewhere; but any one who went to South Carolina soon became
aware of the fact that he was breathing an intellectual atmos
phere, and that to be the equal of the men whom he met he must
be well educated and well informed, and must have his mental
faculties in good training.
"The South don't care a d — n for Literature or Art," wrote
William Gilmore Sims, the novelist, to Hammond,t December
27, 1847; but the remark was not true of South Carolina. She
tried to build up a civilization and she included literature and
art among its attributes. She was proud of Sims and of Wash
ington AUston, her painter. The State was too small a mar
ket to support Sims, but it produced him, and Timrod and Paul
Hayne, who were true poets. Hugh S. Legare's Southern
Review was as good as any review of its day and the newspapers
contained articles which showed that they were written by men
of cultivation, thought and knowledge. If political writing is
literature, as I think it is. South Carolina was one of the fore
most literary communities of the nation. Calhoun, Grimke,
Hammond, Harper, R. Y. Hayne, TurnbuU, McDuffie and
Petigru, to take only a few names without deliberation, were
writers who argued convincingly, analyzed as philosophers, and
demonstrated an easy familiarity with classical literature,
ancient and modern. They clothed their thoughts in English
with which no purist could find fault.
The city of Charleston was the centering point of South
Carolina. All that was there was in the country districts and
smaller towns also, but nowhere else did it flower as luxuriantly
as it did in Charleston. The testimony of Henry Adams, the
historian, will suffice on the subject of Charleston society.

*American Historical Review, XIII, 549. Library of Congress MSS. "Tres
cot Papers."
t" Hammond Papers."

vm Introduction
"The small society of rice and cotton planters at Charleston,' '
he says," with their cultivated tastes and hospitable habits,
delighted in whatever reminded them of European civilization.
They were travellers, readers and scholars; the society of
Charleston compared well in refinement with that of any city of
its size in the world, and English visitors long thought it the
most agreeable in America.*
It is true that the aristocrats of South Carolina delighted in
what reminded them of European civilization, but it must Be
remarked that in many of its aspects their civilization was not
European. It was, in fact, their own. It was more like thaTof
the West Indies than it was like any other, but the upper part
of the State was a farmer's country quite different from the
region of the rice plantations, and from the farms came many of
the strongest and most influential men of the State. Hammond
spoke of the low country "nobility," but they did not alone
constitute the aristocratic class, for it was constantly invigor
ated by accessions from the up-country and included in it men
like Hammond, Calhoun and Petigru, all up-countrymen.
Huguenot descendants were always welcomed into it. Indeed,
if one strain of ancestry was accorded special consideration it was
the Huguenot strain. Paradoxical as it may sound, however,
the aristocratic class was democratic in its foundation and made
up of various elements of various origin.
There was great unanimity in the political sentiments of
South Carolina when it led the South into the Civil War, but it
had not come until after a furious conflict of opposing ideas
which had taken place thirty years before Fort Sumter was fired
on. Before the State forced the Congress of the United States
to change the tariff law of 1832, there had been a contest
within its borders which had almost assumed the proportions of
civil war. The line of division between the opposing parties was
clearly drawn. On one side were those whose devotion to the
Union transcended all other political sentiments, and the leader
of that party was James Louis Petigru. On the other side were
the men whose country was South Carolina. After a conflict
which aroused animosities which were never completely allayed,
the party composed of those who acknowledged no allegiance

*History of the United States, 1, 149.

James Louis Petigru ix
superior to that which they owed to their State triumphed, and
an Act of Congress was formally declared to be null and void
within the borders of South Carohna. Thereafter, some of the
members of the Union party left the State, and some who
remained, as the years passed, gave up the hopeless struggle
against the predominating doctrine of State supremacy, sover
eignty, fealty and allegiance. By the time the Civil War came
there were fewer Union men in South Carohna than there were
in any other Southern State.
There were a few, however, the remnant of a once powerful
party, and chief among them was Petigru.
Although Petigru never held a national office, exceptfor two
years during Filmore's administration, when lie acted as United
States Attorney at Cliarleston, and never^peared in national
poUticaTIife he was, nevertheless, jwell known throughout the
country. No visitor counted a visit to Charleston as complete
until he had met him. H[e_b£came an institution of Charles
ton. His exalted personal character, his wit and humor, his
amiable peculiarities, his impressive personal appearance com
bined with his wisdom and broad humanity to make him a
marked man, one who was sought after, listened to and
quoted. The American bar looked upon him as one of its
giants. If a single_one^oXjhis-characteristics rnust be named as
predominant, it was his love of j^stice._,HeJioved-the-law as
the instrument oTjustice. If a single one of his political beliefs
must be given, it was his cdnvictioh that the American Consti
tution was the greatest plan of government- ever devised. His
belief in the rights of the individual man and freedom of con
scientious opinion was so strong that. Unionist as he was, he
accorded to others the same right of behef that he demanded
for himself. Several of his relatives were in the Confederate
service. He would not coerce them from following what they
believed was their duty, and he would not be coerced in follow
ing what he believed was his own duty. ^^^_
In estimating Mr. Petigru, the mistake must not be made of
thinking of him as "a Southern man with Northern principles."
He was as much of a Southerner as any of his neighbors were.
There was a time in his life when he regretted that he had not left
his native State, as some other Union men had done, and gone
to New York or other Northern city; but if he had done so he

X Introduction
would always have been a Carolinian living in another place.
He was essentially a product of "the romantic and picturesque
element in our great Confederacy," and had the qualities which
it produced; but we can hardly censure the tempestuous temper,
the improvident generosity, and the domineering superiority
of a man who loved flowers and trees, who always tried to be
just, whose intellect was the equal of the highest, and whose
courage, physical, mental and moral, was unconquerable. Peti
gru would have denied that he held the sentiments of a Northern
man. He would have insisted that his sentiments were National
— were those of Southern men as well as Northern men, were
those of the Southern statesmen who played a principal part in
creating the National Government and putting it in operation,
were the convictions which had prevailed in South Carolina
itself until the Nullification party triumphed by a bare majority
in 1832. He would have insisted that it was the State and the
South which had changed and not himself.
Inspired to the task by Petigru's daughter, Mrs. Caroline
Carson, her son, Mr. James Petigru Carson, has gathered to
gether in the course of many years of devoted labor a great
quantity of Petigru 's letters, his speeches and a few of his legal
arguments, and many of them are printed in this volume.
They develop, as only such papers can, Mr. Petigru's legal and
political career, and his daily life and habits. They are valu
able on that account, but they have additional interest because
they give an intimate view of the type of men who controlled
South Carolina when the State wielded so much power in the
nation.
Gaillard Hunt.

Washington, August 20, 1920,

PREFACE

James Louis Petigru was simply an American, and a patriot
always devoted to the advancement of the physical and social
welfare of his native State. For thirty years he was the acknowl
edged leader of the bar of South Carolina, when for brilliancy,
learning and practice it stood among the first in the United
States. He was of the school of Alexander Hamilton, a Federalist and
a Whig. He considered the Constitution as an inspired docu
ment, and love of the Union was part of his religion; and from
his fearless maintenance of his views throughout his life he can
justly be termed the "Union Man of South Carolina."
His opposition to the political creed of South Carohna was
fundamental. During the heated period of Nullification he was
in bitter opposition to the majority of his fellow-citizens, many
of whom were his closest and warmest friends. He was really
the head of the Union party, but after doing most of the labor
he, with his usual modesty, always put forward one of his friends
into the first place.
On none of the questions that afterwards agitated South
Carolina did he ever share the popular passions. His mind
rose far above all illusions and neither fear nor favor could in
fluence his judgment. No man ever threw himself more unhesi
tatingly upon his own sense of right. Serenely abiding the issue,
he devotedly and fearlessly led the forlorn hope of the Union
party up to the final outcome of secession and the Civil War.
Although he well understood the advantages of seeking a home /
north of the Potomac, yet he felt that he never could abandon /
the ties that bound him to his family, friends and the many!
who were dependent upon him. His localjJttachment was very
great, but probably there was no State in the Union whereli^r-
political following and influence would not have achieved greater
results than in South Carolina.
His affections were peculiarly tender, and during the war the
suflFerings endured by his neighbors continually wrung his heart.
His moral and physical courage in avowing his opinions in
(xi)

xii Preface
opposition to a whole State in arms surprised no one who knew
his contempt for danger and his indifference to popular applause.
His conduct met a responsive chord among his people, and
though they differed with him they were proud of him as a fellow-
Carolinian. It is remarkable that many of his dearest friends
were among his most bitter political opponents.
Mr. Petigru never kept a diary and seldom spoke of himself
or of his early life except when relating some anecdote in which
other persons figured. It is a loss ever to be deplored that much
of his early correspondence and a diary kept by his daughter
Caroline were destroyed by the burning of his house in the fire of
1861. Many of his manuscript letters, however, were preserved
by his daughters and others were obtained from various sources.
Often after a hard day's work, letters were written late at night
to members of his family without the slightest suspicion that
they would ever be published which show the great facility of his
style and depth of the outpourings of his heart.
Mr. Edward Everett had contemplated writing a Life of
Petigru, and he was supplied with such notes and recollections
as Mrs. Carson could furnish, which, however, were entirely
inadequate for the purpose. After his death they were returned
to her and have been freely used in the following pages.
A tin box containing some of Mr. Petigru's private papers
was accidentally discovered in a local law office where it had
lain for some thirty years. The contents of this box proved to
be a mine of information, and furnished many dates and facts
which filled up gaps in his career. "Grayson's Memoir" pub
lished by Harpers in 1866, and Joseph Blythe Allston's sketch
of his life and letters, published in The Charleston News and
Courier in 1900, have been corrected, and freely used wherever
available. The letters have been arranged chronologically as far as pos
sible, but some of them have been segregated when the subject
would be more clearly shown. An endeavor has been made to
present the picture of the man and let him delineate the story
of his life with his own master hand; but to fill out the back
ground of the picture explanatory notes of people and political
events have been added.
This many-sided man, although his lot was cast in a limited
circle and he was ever without place and power, from the pure

James Louis Petigru xiii
force of his personal character, the brilliancy of his talents and
preeminence in his profession earned the admiration and vener
ation of the people, not only of his own State but also of the
whole country.
James Petigru Carson.

Charleston, June 15, 1919.

CONTENTS PAGE
Chapter I
Genealogy   1
Chapter II
Jean Louis Gibert, 1722-1773  5
Chapter III
The Pastor's Children .  14
Chapter IV
Childhood; The Farm at Badwell . . ... 17
Chapter V
School .  28
Chapter VI
College . . .... . . 33
Chapter VII
Teaching School and Reading Law . . .... 37
Chapter VIII
Social Life at Beaufort  40
Chapter IX
Admitted to the Bar; A Soldier  46
Chapter X
1813
Commences the Practice of Law  50
Chapter XI
1816-1819
His Marriage and Rehgion . . 58
Chapter XII
1820
Law Practice in Charleston; Law Office and Garden; Cases 62
Chapter XIII
1826-1829
Misfortunes; His Sisters, and Social Life ... 72
(xv)

XVI Contents
Chapter XIV
1830-1831
Defeated as Union Candidate for State Senator; Work of
the Union Party ... 78
Chapter XV
1832
The Union Party and Nullification . 87
Chapter XVI
1833
Repeal of Nulhfication ... . . . 115
Chapter XVII
March-August, 1834
Argument Against the Test Oath; Political Situation 130
Chapter XVIII
August-December, 1834
Closing Scenes in the Drama of Nullification; Pacification
Between Nullifiers and Whigs Brought About by Hamilton
and Petigru ..... ... 157
Chapter XIX
1835
Tribute to Chief Justice Marshall; Visits New York;
Removes Daughter, Caroline, from School; Death of his
Brother, Charles; Genealogy; Administration of Plan
tation ....  .172
Chapter XX
1836
Advice to Legate; Death of his Brother-in-law; Marriages
of his Sisters; Cholera; Fire in City; Buying Land . 181
Chapter XXI
1837
The Britt Pension and Coolness with Poinsett; Death of his
Father; Choctaw Country, Mississippi . . . 188
Chapter XXII
1838
Mrs. North to Teach School; Fire in Charleston; Governor
Gilmer of Georgia; Legare . . 195

James Louis Petigru xvii
Chapter XXIII
1839
Sells Plantation; Economizing; Feet in the Stocks . . 203
Chapter XXIV
1841
Marriage of his Daughter, Caroline, to William A. Carson;
Dean Hall Plantation, Cooper River . . 206
Chapter XXV
1842
Financial Failure ... ... 212
Chapter XXVI
1843
The Dowager; Case of Jewell & Jewell; Mr. Legare;
Marriage of his Daughter, Susan; Lecture to Susan; The
Schultz Case  . , 224
Chapter XXVII
1844
Ball in Honor of Mr. Clay; Election of Governor Aiken; Mr.
Hoar . .  238
Chapter XXVIII
1845
Mesmerism; Life Mask; White Sulphur Springs; Mr.
Clay; Philadelphia; New York . . .241
Chapter XXIX
1846-1847
Hospitahty; Dress Coat "Destituated"; A Mean Inn;
Daniel; Mexico  . . 257
Chapter XXX
1848
Disgusted with Taylor Democratic Clubs; Stump Speech
in Abbeville for General Taylor; Bernard Bee; Dines
with Mr. Calhoun; Flask and Silver Cup; Stump Speech
forTaylor in "The Range" . . ... 265
Chapter XXXI
1849
James Johnston Pettigrew Arrived; The New Cabinet;
Keeping the Peace; Retirement of Mr. Lesesne from the
Firm . .   276

XVIII Contents
Chapter XXXII
1850
Calvary Church Riot; Compromise of 1850; Appointed
U. S. District Attorney; Philadelphia on Law Business;
SouthCaroHnaLegislature;Travelsof J. J. Pettigrew . 280
Chapter XXXIII
1851
Murder Case at Camden; His Nephew, Phil Porcher . . 287
Chapter XXXIV
1852
Crying Speech; White Sulphur Springs; Death of Mr.
Webster; Calhoun Monument  291
Chapter XXXV
1853
Visit to Governor David Johnson; The Kohne Case; "The
Busy Moments of an Idle Woman"  295
Chapter XXXVI
1854
Borrowing Money for Client; Case at Walterboro; Speech at
Semi-Centennial of South Carolina College; Dinner with
Governor Manning; Preventing a Duel; The Genus "Rice
Planter"; Grayson's Poem . . . 298
Chapter XXXVII
1855
Argument Before the Supreme Court at Washington; Has a
Mind to Take up Lecturing; Marriage of Mr. Dorn;
Captain Thomas Petigru and the Retiring Board 313
Chapter XXXVIII
1856
Marriage of Miss Elliott; Oration at Erskine College, Due
West, S. C; Mrs. Petigru at Flat Rock; First President
of South Carohna Historical Society; Magrath-Taber
Duel ... .... 317
Chapter XXXIX
1857
Defeat in Law Case; Death of Captain Thomas Petigru;
Completion of Memphis & Charleston Railroad; Failure
of Banks 321

James Louis Petigru xix
Chapter XL
1858
Appeal to Susan; Death of Colonel Hampton and Doctor
Oilman; Visit of Mr. Edward Everett; His Letters; Tren-
holm; Marietta, Ga.; Defends Blue Ridge Railroad;
Opposed by Tombs & Cobb  325
Chapter XLI
1859
Historical Investigations; James Late; Lecture to Wilhe;
South Carolina Railroad Bridge; Revival Stirs Abbe
ville Atmosphere . . . 342
Chapter XLII
Slavery; Besselleu; George Broad; Passage to Liberia;
The Smalley Case; Old Tom; Return of a Miscreant;
Daddy Lunnon .  347
Chapter XLIII
1860
Edward Everett; White Sulphur Springs; Working on Code;
Political; Law about Guns; Miss Cunningham, Mount
Vernon; Toney Drunk; Pohtical; Secession of South
Carolina  . .... 355
Chapter XLIV
January-March, 1861
Edward Everett; Comments; Governor and Mrs. Pickens;
Shuffling Buchanan; Davis Becomes President; Elected
Honorary Member Massachusetts Historical Society;
Foreseen Defects in the Constitution of the United
States; No Near Solution of Fort Sumter Entanglement;
Visit of Lamon and Hurlbut ... 365
Chapter XLV
April- June, 1861
Fort Sumter; Huguenot Records; Sadness at the Taking of
Fort Sumter; Lincoln's Policy; Dinner to Dr. W. H.
Russell; Reverdy Johnson; Mrs. Carson Returns to New
York; Inhabitants of Summerville Shy of him; Rhett, Jr.,
Publishes him as a Monarchist; Card from J. J. Pettigrew 376

XX Contents
Chapter XLVI
July-October, 1861
Johnston as a Private; Hurlbut a State Prisoner in Defiance
of Magna Charta; Belief in General Scott ; Wishes he Were
on the Other Side of the Potomac; Fighting will Dispose
People to be More Civil to One Another; Comments on the
Battle of Manassas; Afraid Defeat Would Have Cost
General Scott his Life; The Code; The Well; Doings ofthe
Clergy; Efforts on Behalf of Hurlbut .386
Chapter XLVII
October, 1861
Mr. Petigru's Argument Against Sequestration Act 395
Chapter XLVIII
October-November, 1861
Work on the Code; Advice to his Grandson, James; Federal
Descent on the Seacoast; General Panic, and Abandon
ment of the Sea Islands . ... 411
Chapter XLIX
December, 1861
Silver Deposited for Safe-keeping in Commercial Bank of
Columbia;'Jts Ultimate Loss; Great Fire in Charleston;
Burning of his House; Courage and Cheerfulness in
Adversity; Bank of Charleston Votes a Year's Salary in
Advance; Re-elected by Legislature Commissioner for
Digesting and Re-molding the Laws, with the Same
Salary  418
Chapter L
January-April, 1862
Delivery of Mason and Shdell; about Sending James to
New York, and his Emigration; Miss Sally Rutledge;
General R. E. Lee; Letter to Barnwell Rhett; The Right
to Change a Boy's Domicile; On the War; Letter to J. J.
Pettigrew; First Dollar to the Cause; J. J. Pettigrew
Promoted  . 426

James Louis Petigru xxi
Chapter LI
April-July, 1862
Comments on the War; Wishes he had Emigrated Forty
Years Ago; General Pemberton Determined to Burn the
City; Rumor of Death of J. J. Pettigrew; Battle of
Secession ville; Death of his Son-in-law, Henry C. King;
South Bleeding at Every Pore; Removal to Summervihe 440
Chapter LI I
July-September, 1862
Comments on McClellan and the War; Work on the Code;
"Johnston a Genius" . . .... 455
Chapter LIII
October-December, 1862
Epoch of his Life; Interpretation of History; Defending a
Free Negro; Discharge of Elkins Held Contrary to
Confederate Act; Scarcity of Salt; "The Avenue the
Only Chance of Going Down to Posterity"; Has not
Changed his Views; The Code Finished; Message Sent
Through Lieutenant Didier, H. I. M. Ship Milan 458
Chapter LIV
January-March, 1863
Death of Daniel Petigru; Helping the Unfortunate; James
Goes to Chapel Hih, N. C; Advice to James; More
Concerned About Health than the Movements of General
Hunter; His Last Letter, Directions About Trees;
Closing Days; Letter of Alfred Huger; Preface of Bar
Association and Correction of Memorial 466
Chapter LV
The Epitaph  477

Index  489

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

page
James Louis Petigru (1845)  frontispiece
Reverend Etienne Gibert  facing 8
White Oak Avenue, Badwell  24
Ballot, 1832  96
Book Plate  176
Seal  180
Carohne Petigru at Eighteen  184
Mrs. R. F. Allston  200
James Louis Petigru (1842)  208
James Louis Petigru (1861)  376
J. Johnston Pettigrew  384

(xxiii)

JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU
THE UNION MAN OF SOUTH CAROLINA

CHAPTER I
Genealogy

James Louis Petigru was born on the 10th of May, 1789, on
a farm in the Flatwood Section of AbbeviUe County, South
Carolina. He was named after his two grandfathers, James Pettigrew,
the Scotch-Irish emigrant, and the Reverend Jean Louis Gibert,
the Huguenot Pastor of the Desert.
From his father he derived his love of books, his wit, his quaint
humor and pathos; from his mother his gravity of mind, un
wearied industry, conscientiousness and the martyr spirit in
which he lived his life.
According to tradition the Pettigrews originally came from
France to Scotland about 1648, and went to Ireland about 1660.
James Pettigrew III, the emigrant, was borne in County Ty
rone, Ireland, April, 1713, and died in Abbeville, S. C, Decem
ber 24, 1784. At the age of eighteen he left college and eloped
with Mary Cochran, six months his junior. She was the
daughter of George Cochran of The Grange.
After a time James decided to go to the woods of Pennsyl
vania to seek his fortune. Leaving the eldest of his four chil
dren with her grandmother in Ireland, he and his wife, with a
daughter and two boys, emigrated to America and landed at
New Castle in 1740. He had ;^500 in cash and he received
remittances from Ireland until the Revolution. Though he
never graduated from college, he had a good classical and gen
eral education. In Philadelphia he knew the prominent men
of the day. Dr. Franklin among others, and that shrewd observer

2 Life, Letters and Speeches
advised him to study medicine. Having the restless spirit of
a wanderer and speculator, he disregarded this advice.
He obtained a tract of 300 acres of land on Marsh Creek, near
Chambersburg, Pa. Here his fifth child, Charles, was born March
20, 1744. It is said that he became very religious and allowed
no cooking in the house on Sunday, a circumstance to which he
owed his life, for on a Sunday hostile Indians came in his direction
and seeing no smoke coming from his chimneys concluded that
the house was unoccupied. In recognition of this providential
intervention he afterwards called one of his sons Ebenezer. He
sent to Ireland for his eldest daughter but she died on the voy
age over. He succeeded in getting his farm weh settled but it
was broken up by the war, and after Braddock's defeat in 1755
he sold his land for £80. He then moved to Lunenburg County,
Va., where he hired some land and remained three years. His
son William, the thirteenth child, was born here January 26,
1758. He then moved to Granville County, N. C, where he remained
for ten years. While there his third son, Charles, went to
Edenton, N. C, to teach school. Charles afterwards became
the first Episcopal Bishop of North Carolina. Hearing favor
able accounts of the land in South Carolina, James Pettigrew
sold his North Carohna land in October, 1768. After three
weeks' travel he reached Long Cane River about seven miles
from Abbeville Courthouse. Here with the spirit of the specu
lator he had a large tract of land surveyed by Colonel Gaillard
and his son Henry for the purpose of obtaining a grant from the
Crown. This land was claimed by a man called Salvadore,
whose agent interfered, and to avoid a law suit the land was
abandoned. Itwas for years afterwards known as " JewsLand."
James Pettigrew remained in this section for four years. In
1773 he bought a farm in what is known as the Flat Section of
Abbeville District, situated on Little River, an affluent of the
Savannah River, about ten miles distant. The land being fertile
he made good crops, his cattle increased and he was becoming
very prosperous. In 1776 there occurred an outbreak of the
Cherokee Indians, and those who escaped massacre were forced
to seek safety at the Huguenot Fort of James Noble, which was
commanded by Patrick Calhoun, the father of John Caldwell
Calhoun. In a short time they returned home and enjoyed

James Louis Petigru 3
tranquility until 1779. Two of his sons entered the patriot army,
one of whom, James, was kihed at the Siege of Savannah. Later
the two younger daughters died at the age of twenty-three and
twenty-five years, leaving the old people with only the youngest
son, WiUiam.
After the fall of Charleston the life of no man was safe. The
country was infested with rascally "bush-whackers" of both the
Whig and Tory parties.
James Pettigrew was a strong Whig, somewhat skilled in medi
cine, and, there being few practitioners in the country, when
ever called upon he gave help impartially to both Whig and Tory,
for which reason he was little disturbed. A few years later,
about the middle of December, he went to "a sacramental occa
sion" at Pickens' Meeting House, where Abbeville Courthouse
now stands. There he remained all night. The weather was
very cold and the bed-clothes insufficient so he took a violent
cold. On Sunday night, after the meeting, he rode home twelve
miles; pneumonia soon developed. He was sensible of his ap
proaching dissolution and comforted his wife with his assurances
of a happy immortality. He died December 24, 1784, at the
age of seventy-one. His wife survived him two years, and
died October 7, 1786, aged seventy-three. They were married
in 1731 and produced the good patriarchal number of thirteen
children, of whom six girls and six boys came to maturity.
William Pettigrew was born in Lunenburg County, Va., Feb
ruary 26, 1758, and died at Badwell, Abbeville County, S. C,
January 23, 1837.
He was the youngest of the thirteen children and was born
when his parents were forty-five years old. He inherited his
father's farm at the Flat Woods. At the Indian outbreak of
1776 he served with various expeditions which extended into
the Creek and Cherokee country from the Ocmulgee River to
the Coosa River in Georgia. In the Revolutionary War he im
mediately went to the front. Under Colonel Pickens he was
in the action at McGowan's Blockhouse in Wilkes County, Ga.,
eight miles above Cherokee Ford on the Savannah River.
The command of Wilham Pettigrew joined General Lincoln in
Georgia and after the defeat at Stono Ferry, June 20, 1779,
were discharged and returned home. After the fall of Charles
ton May, 1780, Colonel Pickens assembled his regiment and

4 Life, Letters and Speeches
they surrendered their arms to the Tory Colonel Richard Pans.
In accordance with the conciliatory and cunning policy of Corn
waUis they were allowed to take "British protection" and re
turn home. But when General Greene besieged Ninety-six in
1781, then held by the Tory Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger of New
York, like all good patriots WiUiam Pettigrew was among the
first to join Pickens and remained till the close of the war. He
received a wound in action for which he drew a pension.

James Louis Petigru

CHAPTER II
Jean Louis Gibert
1722-1773
The maternal grandfather of James Louis Petigru was the
Reverend Jean Louis Gibert, pastor at New Bordeaux, the third
and last of the French Protestant settlements in South Carolina.*
Situated in the foothills of the Cevennes Mountains, fifteen
kilometers from the town of d'Alais, in the Province of Lan-
guedoc, is the village of Lunes. Here the Gibert family had
owned and occupied a small but comfortable house for two hun
dred and sixty years. They belonged to that strong race of
mountaineers who after the Revocation of Nantes were in re
bellion against the government of the great King.
Pierre Gibert and his wife Louise Guy had three sons. Pierre
the eldest, whose son Pierre was the progenitor of those of the
name now living in South Carolina; Jean Louis Gibert born
29th of June, 1722, and Etienne born 2d September, 1736; the
last two being known as the "Pastors of the Desert."
Jean Louis was imbued with piety from an early age. In
1746 he entered the Seminary at Lausanne, and after three years'
study he was ordained and assigned to the parish of San Martin
du Bouboux. He had black hair and gray eyes, classical feat
ures and an attractive and determined expression; he was of
medium height, well built, strong and active. He was naturally
a man of action — a leader of men — and had he not been endowed
with the spirit of an evangelist he probably would have been a
soldier. In 1750 he plunged into the work of his pastorate with irre
sistible courage and zeal, and his duties were continually ex
tended. Traditionf tells how he would sometimes appear dis-
*Recherches Historiques sur les deux Freres Jean Louis Gibert et Etienne
Gibert, Pasteurs en Saintonge, par A. Crottet, Pasteur, Yverdon, Canton du
Vaud Suisse. 1860. Les Freres Gibert Deux Pasteurs du desert et du refuge
(1722-1817) par Daniel Benoit, Pasteur. Toulouse, 1889.
fSee Benoit, page 56, and Appendix.

6 Life, Letters and Speeches
guised as a countryman or shepherd, assemble his flock at night
in some secluded spot (in French "the Desert") and preach,
baptise and administer the sacrament. These assemblies often
numbered four to five thousand people. They were frequently
dispersed by the soldiers, but this seemed merely to increase his
resolve and a few days afterward he would hold another meeting.
In 1755 Jean Louis Gibert with his brother Etienne, who for
two years had accompanied him as secretary and a companion,
escaped a trap set for them at Pons. Of two other companions
one was killed and one captured by the soldiers. In the saddles
of these men were Gibert's records and papers, and in conse
quence, by proclamation, he and his brother were condemned
and a price put upon their heads dead or alive. Jean Louis was
sentenced to make an act of abjuration, to be hanged, gibbeted
and his body thrown into the offal ditch. Etienne was sen
tenced to be branded on the right shoulder with the letters
GAL and sent to the galleys for life. He escaped to Lausanne,
where for three years he pursued his studies at the seminary.
Jean Louis continued his work, and with the presence of mind
and nerve of a trained scout managed to escape the traps and
stratagems to capture him.
When dealing with his flock he was a strict disciplinarian, in
sisting on temperance and that on Sundays they should abstain
from work and amusements and devote themselves to prayers
and meditation. He insisted that children should be baptised
regardless of the fear of persecution. To a man fearing to have
his child baptised by the Pastor the latter told him that he
"would be damned by all the devils and hell would be his por
tion." The man, however, had the child baptised by the priest.
When Gibert was informed of the fact the man was immediately
excommunicated. The Bishop suggested a modification of the
treatment of his parishioners, but he, understanding his people,
continued with firmness that brought forth fruit.
In 1755, when there was a relative calm in the persecution,
believing that large assemblies in the woods were exposed to the
inclemency of the weather and easy detection by the soldiers,
the Pastor decided that they should gather in smaller groups,
and he had constructed as churches, small unpretentious build
ings which if destroyed could easily be replaced. Each was
provided with an altar and benches for about two hundred

James Louis Petigru 1
people. The services were very simple. The garb of the
preacher was a square black cap, a long straight coat and a blue
silk collar.
Persecution was renewed. The churches were used as bar
racks for the soldiers, were either torn down or burned.
In 1760 Gibert was elected president or Moderator of the
Provincial Synod of the churches of Saintonge, Angumois, Peri-
gord and Bordelais, and in spite of persecution the converts in
creased till they numbered about sixty thousand.
After ten years of unequal struggle he decided to obtain from
the government of England authority to conduct a colony to
America, and provided with suitable testimonials he arrived
in England in April, 1761. He wrote to Stecker, Archbishop
of Canterbury, and explained that the object of his mission was
to carry a certain number of his people to America for the pur
pose "of cultivating the vine and raising silk," asking also that
the English King should intervene with King Louis XV so that
these Protestants with their wives and children might be allowed
to leave France. The Archbishop submitted the letter to Pitt
and other ministers and it was eventually conveyed to King
George III, and met with his approval.
Gibert returned to France and after a delay of two years ob
tained from the Synod permission to withdraw from his duties
and leave the country. In the month of March, 1763, he ar
rived in London and announced the coming of the emigrants.
Though they had been promised a welcome no arrangements
had been made for their reception. Archbishop Stecker again
came to his assistance and through his influence King George
contributed a thousand pounds for the benefit of the emigrants.
To avoid observation they came in small groups and were as
sembled at Plymouth on the 25th of August.
Unfortunately there was a long delay; consequently, many
renounced the projected expedition to America and remained
in England. However, through the efforts of Gibert and his
colleague, Pierre Boutiton, on the 25th December, 1763, the
last emigration of Huguenots to America began to embark at
Plymouth on the ship Friendship,* Captain George Perkins,
bound for Charleston, S. C.
*Letter to J. L. Petigru, January 10, 18S9, from W. N. Sainsbury, 29 Cambridge
Street, Eccleston Square, London, S. W.

8 Life, Letters and Speeches
While waiting for a fair wind the emigrants found the food
bad and some violent language was exchanged between them
and the captain; for this, according to the pious chronicler, they
incurred the wrath of God and were severely punished. On the
2d of January, 1764, they attempted to raise the anchor but
failed, and not until the llth did they set sail. On entering
the channel they encountered a violent storm. With difficulty
they were saved from shipwreck, and wet, cold and dejected
they reached Torbay, twelve miles farther from Charleston than
they were when they started. They returned to Plymouth
and on the 22d of February, with a favorable wind, they again
set sail for America.
After a monotonous voyage of forty-seven days they arrived
in Charleston on the 15th of April, 1764. They were sheltered
in barracks and food provided for them by the descendants of
their bourgeois compatriots, many of whom were from the same
province in France and had come to America immediately after
the Revocation edict of 1686.
On the 18 th of April, 1764, they received from Governor
Thomas Boone and Lieutenant-Governor William Bull a grant
of ten square miles of land for which they were to pay yearly
a penny an acre, which sum was paid until the Revolution.
They selected a section in Abbeville County, then known as
the District of Ninety-six. This was on the banks of Little
River, twelve miles above its confluence with the Savannah.
On the 12th of October the colonists started from Charleston,
and after much difficulty, on the 14th of November, reached
their destination, about one hundred and fifty miles distant.
Immediately on their arrival on the right bank of the Little
River they cleared a space for a town which they called New
Bordeaux in remembrance ofthe capital of Guyenne, from which
place many of them had come. In the center of the town was
erected a large building for a storehouse and town hall. Houses
were built, and as a protection against the Indians a fort, called
Fort Bonne, the remains of which still exist on the lands of Mr.
Albert Gibert. To each adult was assigned a half-acre lot
within the town for the immediate cultivation of beans and
corn. Outside the town limits four acres of land for the culti
vation of the vine and silk was granted, and in addition a bonus
of one hundred acres.

Reverend Etienne Gibert
1736-1817

(.Facing I

James Louis Petigru 9
By June, 1765, they had finished planting corn and beans
on the land assigned them.
At first they suffered the usual hardships of pioneers, but
after the second year they produced all that was necessary for
the support of their families.
The vine and silk were cultivated, but the productive crops
were tobacco, corn, hemp and indigo; and after seven years of
hard work the colony was in a most prosperous condition.
The Pastor devoted himself to the spiritual and temporal
progress of the country. He taught the school and conducted
the church under the Presbyterian form, and the greatest care
was given to the registers of marriages and baptisms.
Before sailing for America the Pastor had married the sister
of his colleague, Pierre Boutiton.* According to family tra
dition her given name was Isabeau and Mr. Petigru uses this
name in the epitaph of her son, Joseph Gibert. On the passen
ger list of the ship Friendship, dated January 2, 1764, we find:
" 1. Mons. Jean Louis Gibert, age 41, Pastor;
2. Mad. Jeanne Boutiton, son epouse, age 21."
The register of the French Calvinist Church of Charleston
shows : "1767.
"Louise Le Dimanche 11 Octobre jai
batise Louise fiUe de Mr. Jean
Louis Gibert & de Md Jeanne
Boutiton son epouse
qui I'ont presentie au St. Bateme.
Nee le 14th Septembre."

*Among the passengers were Jaques Boutiton and his wife and a young son, also
called Pierre. Jaques returned to France. The Reverend Pierre Boutiton,
who was 26 years old when he came to the colony, died before the war of Inde
pendence. Pierre, the younger son, married a widow- with several children,
and died after the American Revolution, leaving one daughter. Marguerite
Boutiton, who died in Christ Church Parish, in 1859, at an extreme old age,
leaving all she was worth to her grandniece, Armarinthia Screven Stuart,
daughter of William Stuart, merchant, of Liverpool. Investigations which Mr.
Petigru had made in France show that during the seventeenth century the
Boutitons and Giberts had intermarried.

10 Life, Letters and Speeches
She may be entitled to both names. But little is known about
her, but we can infer that she was a lady of practical tastes from
the fact that she brought with her from France a wafer iron
marked with the initials "I. B." This wafer iron is still pre-
."Served, and occasionally used at Badwell.
The Pastor located his home one mile east of New Bordeaux,
-selecting the end of a ridge overlooking the valley of Buffalo
Creek. He built a comfortable house in which were stored a
classical library and various papers relating to his work in
France, and also the records of the colony. Unfortunately, all
were lost when the house was burned during the war of Inde
pendence. After he had succeeded in bringing the colony to a
prosperous condition he was, at the height of his usefulness,
suddenly cut off by a stupid accident. His cook, John Le Roy,
served him at dinner with what he supposed to be mushrooms;
he was taken violently ill and died a few days afterwards, in
August, 1773, at the age of fifty-one. It is pathetic that a man
who had escaped the traps and stratagems of the soldiers of
Louis XV, and the dangers of shipwreck, should have his career
ended by the veratria poison of an insignificant toad stool. In
the family cemetery, contiguous to his house, his grave is marked
by a square marble monument with inscriptions on the sides, —
one in Latin, one in French and one in English, by Mr. H. S.
Legare; on the fourth side the record of his birth, the date of
which diflFers from that recorded by Crotet.
West Side
The Devoted Huguenots
Not like other adventurers
Constrained by poverty to seek
their fortunes on a distant shore
but in the true spirit of humble
and heroic martyrdom
they plunged into the depths of
an untrodden wilderness
to secure that liberty of conscience
which they could not enjoy in
their own beautiful land. Legare.

James Louis Petigru 11
South Side
Sacred to the Memory
of the
Rev. John Louis Gibert
Born near Alais
in Languedoc
22nd July 1722
Died in August
1773

The sudden death of the Pastor was mourned as a public
calamity and his parishioners wept for him as for a father. He
was succeeded by his nephew, Pierre Gibert, the son of his elder
brother before mentioned, and under him the colony continued
to prosper until 1777, when it was found that living in the town
produced fever and the people began to settle in the adjacent
country. About this time the value of cotton began to be recog
nized and it was cultivated with other crops. Being unable to
wait till the culture of silk and the vine could become profitable
it was practically abandoned, although continued by a few for
a generation longer.
Pierre Gibert had been educated in England by his uncle,
Etienne, and was brought to the colony by his uncle, Jean Louis.
He taught school and the colonists are indebted to him for their
education in English. He was among the first to embrace the
cause of Independence. In a company of the colonists, Joseph
Bouchillon was captain and Pierre Gibert the lieutenant.
They served through the war from the siege of Savannah to the
siege of Ninety-six. He was a public-spirited citizen and for
many years represented the district of Abbeville in the General
Assembly of South Carolina. He contributed largely to the
founding of the church and Academy at Willington and he
sought out and secured the services of Dr. Moses Waddell, who
was the first pastor of the church and made the school celebrated.
Pierre Gibert died June 20, 1815, aged sixty. He married Eliza
beth Bienaimme, and many of their descendants were ministers
of the gospel.
Although two hundred and twelve colonists landed in America,
of the hundred and thirty-eight who settled in Abbeville only

12 Life, Letters and Speeches
about six of the original names remain, — Bouchillon, Covin,
Gibert, Guillebeaux, Le Roy and Moragne.
Mr. Petigru's letter of September 4, 1823, to Mons. Gibert
has interest for us at this point.

TO M. ELIE gibert CHEZ M. GABRIEL PASTEUR A D ALAIS,
department du gard.
Charleston 4 Septembre 1827.
Monsieur, Votre lettre du 18 Juin 1826 adressee a M. Pierre Gibert*
m'est parvenue; et je I'ai renvoye a son fils le medecin Joseph
Bienaime Gibert a Longcane. Comme il n'est pas certain
que vous receviez de reponse de lui et que je desire renou-
veller les relations avec la respectable famille de ma mere je
prends la liberte de vous scrire. Je suis malheureusement oblige
de commencer par vous annoncer la mort de votre estimable
frere. It est mort le 20 Juin 1815. C'estait un homme eclaire,
vertueux et juste. II jouissait de la confiance de ses concitoyens,
qu'il a representes plusieurs fois a I'assemblee de la Carohne de
Sud. Sa veuve est mort le 20 Aout 1818. Trois fils, Pierre, Cle
ment et Elie sont mort garcons: les deux premiers avant le p^re,
Etienne, un autre fils est mort en 1823, sa veuve est restee avec
sept enfans. Jean Louis un autre fils en 1826 sa veuve est
reste avec six enfans — les deux families sont i peu pres d leuraise.
La fiUe puisnee Susane est morte il y a trous ans laissant un
enfant. Ceux qui ont survecu sont Lucie, veuve Kennedy;
Marie, epouse de M. Wright, maitre d'ecole; Harriet epouse de
M. HemphiU, Ministre calviniste; Elizabeth, epouse de M. Lee,
proprietaire, et Joseph Bienaime, Medecin. Mesdames Ken
nedy et Lee sont assez riches. Joseph a des bien considerable,
les autres sont pauvres. lis demeurent tous en la Caroline du
Sud — et la plupart a Longcane.
It faut que je vous disc ce que je suis car mon nom vous est
probablement inconnu. Je suis petit fils de M. Jean Louis
Gibert. II a laisse trois enfans et je suis fils de Louise la plus
agee. Ma chere mere est morte il y'a un an, a I'age de 59 ans.
Nous somnes neuf enfans 4 garcons et 5 fiUes. II n'y a pas
d'autres descendans de mon grandpere. Personne de tous les
colon qui I'a ont accompagne a Longcane n'a survivre mais
il y a un nombre considerable de leur descendans. II se sont
mele avec les autre habitants et ils sont a peu pres perdu I'usage
de la langue francaise. Trois personnes demeurant a Charleston,
sont les seul vivant de ceu qui emigre avec mon grandpere. Ce
sont M. Thomas, M. Sabeau and Mad. Belot.

*Nephew of the Pastor and first cousin of the mother of Mr. Petigru.

James Louis Petigru 13
J'ai toujours eu pour la memoire de mon grandpere la plus
grande veneration, et pour les parens de ma mere un sentiment
tres sincere. Je serais tres reconnaissant si vous vouhez me
donner des renseignements sur I'histoire de la famille et la situ
ation dans la quelle elle est a present. Y-a-t-il beaucoup de
personnes du nom de Gibert ? Dans quelle partie de la France
demeurent-ils.? Viennent-ils tous a I'eglise reformee ? La famille
fournit-eUe a present quelque ministre pour la chaise? M.
Etienne Gibert de Londres a-t-il laisse des enfans .'' Et que sont-
ils ils devenus?
Sans avoir precisement appris la langue francaise, car ma mere
ayant epouse un americain ellene parlait que 1 'anglais dans la
famille je la lis assez courannment — Je suis avocat et demeure a
Charleston. Je serais tres oblige a celui de mes parens en France
qui me serait I'honneur de m'ecrire, et je repondrai toujours avec
plaisir d vos lettres, si jeupuis vous engager a renouveller la
correspondence qui a ete si long temps interrompue entre ceux
de la mgme souche qui sont separe par la mer.
J'ai I'honneur d'etre
Monsieur
Votre tres humble serviteur
Mons: M. Ehe Gibert ayant direge qu'on lui ecrivit au dessous de
votre adresse j'ai puis la liberte de vous envoyer I'encloa; et vous
recevrez les remerciements d'un etranger, de I'expedier a lui, si
vivant, mais s'il n'est plus, de le remettre a I'aine de la famille.

14 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER III
The Pastor's Children
The Pastor left three children — Louise Guy, six years old,
who became the mother ofj. L. Petigru; Joseph, two years old,
who died a bachelor, and Jeanne, who afterwards married
Thomas Finley, and died about 1795.
However unfortunate the Pastor's loss may have been to the
colony it was still more so to his family. The widow, unable to
contend with her difficulties in the country, removed to Charles
ton with her three children. In a year or two she married Pierre
Engevine. He was born in 1727, at Bordeaux, served his clerkship
at Rotterdam, and, after wandering over much of Europe and
America, finally settled as a merchant in Charleston. The wife
died in 1783, and is said to be buried under the Huguenot church
in Charleston.
Pierre Engevine then retired from business and moved to
Abbeville with the three small children. The Pastor's house
having been burned during the Revolution, he selected a location
about one half mUe east along the same ridge, a more suitable
site for a settlement, and at the foot of the hill there was a spring.
This place is subsequently referred to as "Badwell."
The boy, Joseph Gibert, was apprenticed to a saddler by Enge
vine; but the lad was proud, sensitive and aspiring, and his spirit
revolted at what he thought a descent from his father's station
in life. During his apprenticeship he found time to study medi
cine, and at its termination took the degree of M. D.
To obtain the satisfaction of a gentleman for the inconsiderate
treatment of Engevine, he challenged him, on his return home, to
fight a duel with broad swords. The affair was with difficulty
arranged by the intervention of the neighbors.
However, he allowed Engevine a home on the property, where
he died and was buried, and has given his name to one of the
tributaries of Buffalo Creek.
Engevine died January 28, 1805, and was buried in the family
cemetery, near the grave of the Pastor.

James Louis Petigru 15
On his tombstone there is inscribed:
His memory is endeared to the grandchildren of
his wife by every recoUection of the affectionate
intercourse of childhood with a venerable and cheer
ful friend.
The two girls, Louise Guy and Jeanne Gibert, grew up on the
farm at BadweU in practical seclusion, with only such education
and instruction as the affection and care of Mr. Engevine could
bestow. The following description of Louise, the elder, has been pre
served and given in Grayson's Memoir:
A brunette with smooth delicate skin, soft hazel eyes, dark
brown hair, well rounded figure of medium height, with beauti
fully formed arms, hands and feet. She was beloved by all the
people, and the old surviving Colonists enthusiastically spoke of
the Pastor's daughter, as being very beautiful and as good as
she was beautiful. She was profoundly religious and combined
modesty, dignity and sweetness of temper with a firmness of
purpose, which commanded both affection and respect. She
attended to the household affairs and her nature was well fitted
to the task.
William Pettigrew hved on his farm fifteen miles distant. He
possessed many amiable qualities; he was witty, gay, generous
and social, combining a love of horse-racing and sport with a
love of poetry and books. Without much training he selected
with intuitive judgment the standard authors of the day, which
he read for both amusement and instruction. On the other hand
he was impulsive and reckless, lacked foresight, perseverance and
the ordinary commercial instincts.
This charming girl, Louise Gibert, then twenty years old, and
the lively and impulsive William Pettigrew accidentally met.
They fell in love, were married in 1788, and went to his farm
in the Flat Woods on Little River.
During WiUiam Pettigrew's bachelor days there lived with
him his friend Tom Finley, who owned a neighboring farm.
The two intimates were entirely dissimilar in character; they
agreed thoroughly only in the love of books. Finley was cold
and reserved, fond of disputation and exceUing in it; without
wit or humor, but admiring it in others; not loving money, but
not regardless of it; skilful enough in his management of affairs.

16 Life, Letters and Speeches
but not too eager in their pursuit. After William Pettigrew's
marriage Finley continued to be an inmate of the house. Jeanne
Gibert, Louise's younger sister, was a constant visitor. Finley
was attracted by her appearance, and, after a short acquaint
ance, they were married. Finley's farm was quite near and the
two households were intimate neighbors. But this happy inter
course was of short duration. Mrs. Finley died in 1795, the
third year after her marriage, leaving her son Louis to her sis
ter's care. He entered South Carolina CoUege in the Class of
1813 and bade fair to obtain its highest honors, when, after a
short illness in his junior year, he died. He was a youth of most
briUiant promise and most popular among his classmates, who
erected over his remains a monument in Elmwood Cemetery
at Columbia, S. C.

James Louis Petigru 17

CHAPTER IV
Childhood; The Farm at Badwell
The first few years after his marriage, William Pettigrew led
a happy, easy-going life, devoting himself to his hunting, fishing
and horse-racing more than he did to the care of his farm. After
a time the farm was sold for debt. In 1800 he removed to Bad-
well, the home of his wife's brother. Dr. Joseph Gibert wel
comed his sister and her four small children to the homestead.
He wished his sister to separate from William, on the ground
that he could not provide for her wants; but to this she would not
consent. The virtues of the gentle Joseph Gibert are shown by the fol
lowing epitaph on his tombstone at Badwell Cemetery:
John Joseph Gibert
Son of
The Reverend Jean Louis Gibert and Isabeau Boutiton, his wife
In his third year he lost his father and in his thirteenth his
mother
These early privations not to be compensated
Swept away the hopes that dawned on his infancy
Disappointment also marked the progress of succeeding years
But from limited resources
He spared the means to lay the foundation
for the education of his nephew
James Louis Petigru
who in grateful acknowledgment
of what he owes to such a benefactor
Places this stone to his memory
Born on this hill and near it
died at Badwell, 18th, November 1817
Aged 46 years.
William Pettigrew had a select library of English classics,
among which Dryden and Pope were his favorites. He enjoyed

18 Life, Letters and Speeches
without measure every passage of wit and humor that appeared
in his favorite authors. In teaching his children to enjoy them,
he made them read to each other, and established a rule in the
house that one should always read aloud while the rest were at
work. French was still as much spoken as English in that section
of the country. William Pettigrew came home one evening
tired and moody, to find his wife entertaining an itinerant
Frenchman. For some time at the chimney-corner he sat
silent and morose. The stranger at length endeavored to en
gage him in conversation with the remark:
"Mais, Monsieur, vous parlez Frangais?"
"No, sir," replied the other, "I speak no French and very
little Enghsh."
On the 10th of May, 1789, at the farm on Little River, James
Louis Petigru was born, the first of eleven children, nine of
whom lived to maturity. He was a vigorous and promising boy
from his birth, the joy of his young parents; and, from the grav
ity of his countenance and invariable good humor, his grand
father, old Engevine, predicted for him the "high-mark."
At five years of age, on being taken to church by his aunt, he
amazed his mother by repeating, the next day, almost the whole
sermon, word for word.
It was at the age of six, at the funeral of his aunt, Mrs. Finley,
that the sensibihty and tenderness that marked his nature were
first strongly manifested. He wept at the scene so long and so
violently as to attract the notice and concern of all the attend
ants, and when the coffin was about to be let down in to the
grave, he stretched out his arms to prevent it, with passionate
protestations. His friends thought him possessed of great quickness of parts,
but among the neighbors itwas the general opinion that there
was something queer about the boy. It was his habit to throw
himself on the grass under a tree with a book and become
absorbed in his reading. He would walk alone in the woods,
mutter and talk to himself, a habit which he retained aU his hfe,
and he became irritated if he was interrupted. Though not
particularly fond of hunting, he often spoke of being able, with
a rifle, to hit a squirrel at the top of the highest chestnut tree, and
with great delight he told how bare-footed he waded the rocky

James Louis Petigru 19
bottom of Buffalo Creek, seeking mussels for his grandfather
Engevine. He became an omnivorous reader and credited Plutarch's
Lives with giving him the first impulse towards making ofhimself
something more than the ordinary rustic or plowman.
As a boy James Louis was devoted to his mother, and loved
her from early life with a deep affection and was her active assis
tant in the discharge of her household duties. The cares of a
large family often kept her up to a late hour at night, and at this
time he never went to bed until she was ready to go. He mended
the fire for her, he talked with her, he read to her, he lightened
her toil by sympathy and all the active aid he could manage to
give her. His affectionate nature was never weary in its mani
festations of devotion and love and the gentle mother fuUy appre
ciated their value. 
He was eleven years of age when the family removed to Bad-
well. He immediately began to work on the farm to the extent
of his strength, and from the age of thirteen to fifteen he prac
tically conducted all the work. His younger brothers, nine
and eleven years old, worked with him, but were not always so
industrious. Finding one of them incorrigible, he administered a
sound slap, citing the line, "Such brutes and boys are only ruled
by blows." _^
During such intervals as the condition of the crops would al
low he went to school. His first teacher was a wandering Vir
ginian from whom he learned nothing, and of whom he remem
bered httle more than the "barrings-out" of the master by his
pupils. He next went to the school of Charles Touloon, an
Irishman, who was believed by his scholars to have been a Catho
hc priest who had violated his vows by contracting marriage.
What was more to the purpose, however, Touloon knew Latin
and mathematics, and his pupil always spoke of him with regard
and respect. Touloon had been a soldier in the American army
and died in 1812. His widow engaged Mr. Petigru to recover
her dowry in land, out of which she alleged her husband had been
swindled. This was probably one of his first cases. Many
years after, in a letter written in 1839, he says, "I have not got
Mrs. Touloon's money yet."
BadweU occupied a large place in Mr. Petigru's affections
throughout his entire life. With the first money he earned

20 Life, Letters and Speeches
teaching school he built there a house for his mother; there, sub
sequently, his sister, Mrs. North, resided, and with various ad
ditions it became the general hive of the family. The house was
on the side of the hiU and faced south. On the opposite ridge
there was a fine grove of native oaks and chestnuts. The view
down the small valley to the southwest showed some clay hills
scarred with guUies and in the distance some stunted trees. The
spot has no charm but to the eye of loving appreciation. Mr.
Petigru was indefatigable in trying to beautify the place which
to strangers had no beauty in it. Here he loved to pass his va
cations, and when he got on his summer clothes, with most won
derful coat cut in continental style, his face showed all the
happiness of a small boy with his first pair of boots; and he would
immediately sally forth to the work where he labored with axe,
pick or shovel. For over twenty-five years his letters show his
indomitable earnestness and determination to prosecute his im
provements in spite of innumerable delays and disappointments.
It is estimated that his various expenditures on Badwell must
have been about $2,000 a year.
The first enterprise of Mr. Petigru at Badwell was the effort to
obtain good water. According to tradition a divining rod man
located a favorable spot for a well, which being on the top of the
hill would require considerable depth.
In 1837 the well was commenced and after passing through
fifty-five feet of clay a dike of green stone was reached and a
moderate quantity of water was obtained. To get lining for
the well a quarry was opened at considerable expense, but the
miners reported that the granite was too hard to work; so rock
was obtained elsewhere.
In 1849 the water in the well had lost two feet in depth and
was " neither as good nor as cold as it had been. " For the next
few years various "experts" worked at the weU without success.
In 1857 Mr. Petigru, by the advice and assistance of his friend
Major Welton, who had sunk the artesian wells in Charleston,
obtained all the appliances for sinking an artesian well and an
experienced operator. This man erected a horse whim derrick
and installed the plant. After driUing three or four feet the drill
stuck and was broken off. The following year a second operator
was procured. After a few weeks his driU also stuck, the screw
broke, and all eflForts to extract it were unavailing.

James Louis Petigru 21
To encourage the men at work on the avenue, the well, and
the various enterprises, Mr. Petigru was accustomed to send up
each year a barrel of whiskey and a barrel of ale. From bills of
1858 it is found out that whiskey cost 45 cents a gallon, or $15.75
a barrel, and a cask of lager beer cost $18.00. These barrels
were placed in the storehouse. Andrew, the negro foreman, kept
the key, and was ever ready to both give and take a dram for the
honor of the place.
In February, 1861, Petigru wrote: "I fear that our miners are
going to make a long job of the weU. The stone is very hard
* * * there is no reason to give it up. Nothing must be
allowed to stop us unless the water threatens to drown the work
men by coming so fast. Keep them to the point tUl they get
through the rock. Badwell seems like a hard road to travel; the
soil is stiff, and the rocks not only hard but deep, and water is not
to be had without much pains and endurance. "
Mr. Petigru's last visit to Badwell was during August and
September, 1862.
At this time the well had attained a depth of seventy-one feet.
The last sixteen feet was driven through hard green stone by the
German miners. Mr. Petigru was unable to "go to the other
side of the rock," because it was impossible to obtain powder
and fuse. Fortunately a stream of good water was struck, and
after 25 years of struggle the well at last maintained a depth of
eighteen feet and has done so ever since.
The spring house, the sun-dial, the white oak avenue and
the purchase of additional land occupied Petigru's interest up
to the year of his death.
From Charleston, July 19, 1842, he writes his sister, Mrs. Jane
Petigru North: "While your hand is in I advise you to have
a dairy of stone to take in the old spring."
A letter dated September 30, 1844, shows that he had con
ceived the idea that the spring should be inclosed in a granite
basin, or what he called a "fountain," and a house erected. On
September 7, 1850, he writes: "The fountain and the avenue
I will never resign. I beg you to make no arrangements that
do not look to them as the great works of the place." The date
over the door shows "1851."
June 29, 1852, he writes: "Your last letter gave me real pleas
ure. That the fountain is in operation and does not disappoint

22 Life, Letters and Speeches
our expectations is something to console one for many disap
pointments, and the failure of the acorns and magnolias is not
a small one."
On July 24, 1845, he wrote: " It has occurred to me that there
is a great defect in the absence of a dial in the country. Do
make Shannon get out a piece of granite about two feet square,
and at least three feet high above ground. I will get the dial
while in the North."
Four years later a plinth of granite, nicely bush hammered,
fourteen inches square and three feet above the ground was ob
tained. In the autumn of 1849 James Johnston Pettigrew,
Petigru's cousin, by employing plumb bobs and sighting on the
north star in the usual method, adjusted the gnomon to the true
north. It StiU remains at BadweU.
In 1843, though then heavily in debt, Mr. Petigru conceived
the idea of making an avenue of white oaks for the decoration
of BadweU and as a memorial to himself. His letters for the
next twenty years show how, in the face of many disappoint
ments, he earnestly carried on the enterprise.
The avenue was perfectly straight and extended for a mile.
Trees were planted on either side fifty feet apart; the roadway
was thirty feet wide, and as it was free from rock, and the greater
portion level, it was only necessary to ditch, remove roots and
boulders, and surface up. Although the roadbed was of clay,
being weU drained, it answered aU the conditions which the traffic
required. In the course of three years it was completed; and
as it advanced men were employed to transplant white oaks ob
tained from the woods, and where the ground was suitable laurel
oaks, red oaks and willow oaks. Minute directions were given
as to these operations, but many of the trees failed because they
were suffering from injuries before they were transplanted.
In November, 1846, he engaged an Englishman to plant the
avenue. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH 5th January, 1847.
I do not believe that you and Mary wiU like my sending up a
gardener to plant more trees. But consider that it is my weak
ness, and the very thing, therefore, on which I need indulgence.
Besides, if you wish Badwell to possess attractions for me over
and above what I feel in your affection, nothing is so sure to lead

James Louis Petigru 23
me there as the desire of seeing my trees. Therefore, my dear
child and children, I do hope you will admit Mr. Barclay, a
Scotch gardener, recommended by Bainbrook, to the privileges
of the kitchen and set him at work. I think old Tom will be a
sufficient help for him, and if you can spare Andrew sometimes,
that he may catch something of the art, I would be glad. For,
really, the planting business is expensive, and we ought to know
of it ourselves by this time. But by no means let Guilfoyle go
near the trees. I believe they would perish if he looked at them.
He repeats his directions as to planting, adding "not only to
make the holes large but to supply plenty of rich mould and to
pour in at planting a great deal of water"; also directs "old Tom
to gather acorns of white oaks to be placed in a tub with moist
sand and kept in a warm place for planting in the spring. "
In September, 1851, he says: "The loss of the crop is a great
trial and also the loss of my white oaks, but we will buy corn in
Augusta and forget the crop that was lost. In setting out an
avenue at the age of 60 the loss of a year is almost irreparable. "
January 8, 1852: "Cause the acorns to be planted at once.
They are to be put in the ground a foot apart with the point
uppermost. I was wrong to think of putting it off till March.
Let this matter claim your special attention, my sister. You
know that we no longer enjoy the privilege ofthe patriarchs, who
could see the trees they planted at 100 attain their full growth.
So contracted, indeed, is the space of modern existence that un
less these acorns are put in the ground at once there is great
chance of their being too late for me. "
A portion of the nursery planted at this time is now a beautiful
grove of white oaks, as straight as saplings, and some ofthe trees
over two feet in diameter.
January 29, 1852, he says: "Do not allow the little nigs to for
get that their hands were given them principaUy for the purpose
of pulling weeds; and my dear sister let not those odious gullies,
which I was so anxious to fill with fascines, deform the side of the
hiU, nor suffer the terrace to go to decay. ''
In July, 1852, he sends two "Cedars of Lebanon" with in
structions for planting; he had set out some live oaks, and says,
" I hear nothing of the live oaks; I hope they are still in the land
of the living, and that this disappointment with the fountain is
the chief mortification that I will have to endure in respect with
my BadweU speculations."

24 Life, Letters and Speeches
November 8, 1853: "Though your letter does not give a very
flattering view of the crop, it contains assurances much more
agreeable of the fine plantation of acorns that Daddy Tom has
set out. I hope we wiU live, some of us, to bask in the shade of
the trees. You must not be too exacting nor expect from Rodg
ers more than is suitable to his degree. And when a person that
we pay falls short it is well to consider how much worse he might
have been."
February 27, 1855: "I am glad that you planted the pine
mast and hope some will come up. But, my dear Jane, above
all things, mind my nursery of oaks. They need manure; let
everything give way to them. No matter if you lose the crop —
let us secure the fruits of the acorn. Those in the garden re
quire manure as much as any. Now do, my dear, don't be
stingy, but spare labor and time to apply the proper remedy
against the poverty with which they are threatened. * * *
I am sorry Magrath has planted no trees. I wish somebody
would think of earning a little money that way. I would pay
willingly if it was for only one."
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, S. C, June 16, 1856.
My Dear Jane:
For tho' I have had a bad cold and the worst cough that ever
laid siege to my poor tenement, yet for much the greater part
of the time I have been mending; nor have my interruptions or
troubles excused the ordinary feelings and bother that I am used
to. Perhaps more is due to the said contents of that letter —
the depressing news of the destruction of those trees that had
been reared at so much pains and cost and were regarded with
such pride as the future memorials of our time. That fire has
caused me much grief and it ought to suffuse a blush of shame
on the sable cheek of every man and woman ofthe Badwell tribe.
Nothing is left now but to press the growth of the seedlings in
the garden and the patch, and give them manure and loosen
the ground. Unless this is done I fear neither Daddy Tom nor
I will live to see the avenue protected by their foliage at midday
from the rays of the sun.
It is unfortunate for Felix that his character suffers by this
casualty, whether justly or not. I hope he has had one flogging
and if I was sure it should prevent aU such accidents for the
future I would give him another as soon as I got to Badwell.

t- ¦ ¦ ¦
Wr-'* ^

- C- '^ ¦ of

,^.:,, _ "I

'^^^gmmSijl^. ' ',1.
'White Oak Avenue'
{Facing 24)
James Louis Petigru 25
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH December 23, 1856.
This missive will be handed to you by Richard Ready, a native
of Dublin, bred, as he says, to landscape gardening. Now, I
know you will hate to see him. I admit it is an annoyance to
you and to Aunt Mary and to Minny, too, I dare say. But my
sisters and children, you must take the bitter with the sweet. I
know you like to have your brother and uncle with you at times
and this is the price you pay for his company, if the avenue
were abandoned, though I will not say that the place would have
no interest to me (for, whUe you were there that could not be),
yet, it is certain that one great attraction would be removed.
Submit, therefore, to the condition that is laid upon your fra
ternal and filial affection, and give Richard Ready a friendly
reception and set him to work with Guilfoyle and one hand and
a mule and cart when needed. * * *
If Ready can be accommodated in Phil's house or the over
seer's, it is well; if he can not let him be boarded at my expense.
* * *
Mr. W. J. Grayson says: "The last letter I received from him
was in July, 1860, in which, writing from Badwell, he complains
of some atrocious mutilations inflicted on certain over cup oaks,
the delight of his eye, by some vile African who had dismembered
the oaks to promote the growth of a negro patch of corn and
pumpkins. He declares in the language of some Latin author,
that something monstrous is always produced by unhappy
Africa. What rendered the outrage more intolerable was that
he attached the names of his friends to his trees, and was form
ing of them a sort of arboraceous gaUery of portraits. This tree
was Allston, that one Huger; and the black miscreant with an
axe as an instrument, had been operating on the limbs of his
friends and amputating their arms almost before his eyes. It
was at this time that he sent his servant Hamlet from Abbeville
to the city to obtain, among other necessaries, a cork oak propa
gated from Spanish acorns which I had promised to give him.
It was a hot dry week in July that scorched everything growing,
but he trampled on impossibilities in pursuing additions to his
avenue."

26 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, December 24, 1860.
My Dear Jane:
It is a comfort to know * * * that Tony has already
planted the magnolia seed and that he will in good time, do the
same by the pine mast. The Parkinsonia, I am afraid, will not
stand our cold winds. But the Cardiospermum is a climber that
Prof. Gibbes says is well-nigh domesticated in our country; as
he says he has seen it growing by the roadside in some places.

February, 1861: "I am glad to hear that the avenue is under
the treatment of Toney (Brown). I praise him and Jake; but
let them take care that praise do not turn to blame; as it wUl do
if their planting faUs behind that of Marcus and Toney last
spring. If it equals it they shall have praise and pudding too."
May 14, 1862: "The cork tree gratifies me heartily, and I
hope it is not the only branch that is putting out new leaves.
Though you do not mention it I take it for granted that Harvey
applies the water cart night and morning."
December 15, 1862: "Harvey and Toney must not forget
that next month it will be time to think of the avenue, and have
each spot occupied by its own tree; the avenue, my only chance
of going down to posterity, wiU hardly be finished in my life
time." February 13, 1863: "I hope the avenue is in good hands; I
wish they, that is Harvey, Titus and Toney, would set out as
many layers as you can get from the morus multicaulis in the
garden." Two days before his last visit to his office he writes as foUows:
"February 13, 1863. It is my request that Titus and Toney set
out cuttings of morus multicaulis as far as they can. "
The sentimental duty to buy back the land in the vicinity of
Badwell that had once belonged to his venerated grandfather,
the Reverend Mr. Gibert, grew to be a mania with Mr. Petigru,
and though still in debt he would often cramp himself to buy
land. In 1847 he bought two smaU tracts. In 1848, after much
negotiation, he bought a portion of the land of Squire Collier at
the appraised value of $3.00 an acre. He had a most exalted
idea of the value of Abbeville land, and writes: "It is a sad sort

James Louis Petigru 11
of game when one buys a neighbor's land for less than it is worth,
for it shows how his land wiU go when he is gone." In Febru
ary, 1849, he paid to the agent $2,050, the purchase money for
his portion of the land. He goes on to say: "I think we ought
to be very happy in being able to walk on our own land, which is
recommended by the professors of the healing art as the most
wholesome exercise. Fifty-one years we have been on Badwell,
which when we came was a very small affair and showed how the
stream of our grandfather's power had shrunk to contracted
limits. And now we have spread from the road to the river.
I wonder if another generation will keep the ground that we
have so toilfuUy maintained for half a century. But it is not
probable that after us anybody will care for the local associations
that we feel so strongly. Yet we will leave them some recol
lections of us in the avenue and the well, if nothing else. I am
afraid it will be a long time before I will be able to carry into
effect that dream of a stone cottage* on the brow of the hill, for
the new office will leave me as poor as a church mouse. You
are mistaken in supposing that I have got into it. It wiU be
some time yet before I can say so."
*Chapel and school house on the site of the Pastor's residence.

28 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER V
SCHOOL*
There was at this period the academy of Dr. Moses Waddell
at WiUington, ten miles from Badwell, a grammarTscEooL of
great eminence throughout the State.* How James Louis Peti
gru might be sent to this school was a subject of anxious consul
tation with the household. How should the expense of board,
lodging and tuition be defrayed; how could the assistance of the
bread-winner ofthe farm be dispensed with; howwould the family
be able to spare one who was the life and soul of the house?
The decision reached was the result of a chance meeting with
Dr. Waddell in 1804. He was attending a meeting of some kind
near BadweU, when some one attempted to relate to the Doctor
an event which he had read of in a Charleston paper. The nar
rator was making bungling work ofthe story, when Petigru, who
was standing near, said to the Reverend gentleman, " Sir, the
affair was after this wise," and went on to tell the tale in a clear
connected manner and in well-chosen language. The doctor
was well pleased with the performance, patted the lad, and said
to him, "If I had you with me I would make a man of you."
He was sent to Willington forthwith. His return home every
Friday evening was a jubilee to the house, anxiously looked
forward to by all parties, and especially by the younger children.
A letter to his daughter, Carohne Carson, fixes the date of his
going to school: TO CAROLINE CARSON
Summerville, October 14, 1862.
This day, my dear Carey, marks an important epoch in my
hfe. This day fifty-eight years ago, I was received into the
school at WiUington, to which I was conducted by my poor Uncle
Joe, where a Latin grammar as a substitute for the plough was
*Dr. Waddell, born at Rowan County, North Carolina, July 29, 1770. Died
at Athens, Georgia, July 31, 1840. For a graphic description of Dr. Waddell's
school see Longstreet's Romance, with too much "moral," "Master William
Mitten."

James Louis Petigru 29
placed in my hands. Of those who then formed the busy occu
pants of Dr. WaddeU's hive the only survivors that I know are
Louis Gillmer and Alexander Bowie. Time has effected many
changes. A chapter of accidents has contained many sad stories
and the last and the saddest, the Revolution now in progress.
Your Father.
The WiUington school was a sort of Eton and Rugby of Ameri
can manufacture, and the doctor at its head, the Carolina Dr.
Arnold. He had great talents for organization and governing;
his method appealed to the honor and moral sense of the pupils.
They were not confined with their books unnecessarily in a narrow
schoolroom; the forest was their place of study; they improvised
shanties of brush where they prepared their various lessons; the
horn called them at intervals to change of occupation, the sound
was repeated from point to point and the woods echoed with
those sonorous signals for recitation or retirement. When cold
or wet weather drove the students from the woods, log-cabins
in various quarters afforded the requisite accommodation. Their
food was Spartan in plainness — corn-bread and bacon; and for
lights, torches of pine were more in fashion than candles. Moni
tors regulated the classes and sub-division of classes, and pre
served the order and disciphne of the institution with the small
est possible reference to its head. It was a kind of rural republic
with a perpetual dictator. The scholars were greatly attached
to the school and after they had become grandfathers they yet
talked of it with enthusiasm.
The school of Dr. WaddeU was indeed a nursery of genius
and its reputation drew scholars from aU parts of the State —
from the mountains, parishes and the city.
There went in turn, Calhoun, Harper, the Wardlaws, McDuf-
fie, Legare, Grayson, Longstreet, and a host of other lesser
hghts. The shy and awkward boy met with little favor from the
master. The nistic_appearaiicej)fjtjLeJiew_sdiola£jwas a subject
of remark_witH'ihe^young_Eatncjans^^^ ofBroacI cloth
andflnp linen. They attacked the strangerlhTiorrie^spun with
annoyances which school-boy mahce or mischief so promptly
supphes. James's first experience of school hfe was painful
enough; he found he must beat his competitors with both head
and fist; but endowed with an uncommon strength of body as

30 Life, Letters and Speeches
well as intellect, he soon established his position. The new-comer
was driven from the open places of resort by the devices of
his companions. It was a great trouble to his social and cordial
nature, and with a heavy heart he retreated to one of the huts
where he applied himself to his grammar. Presently he felt a
smart as if something had stung him. He sprang from his seat
and found that one of his tormentors, a boy named Ramsey,
from Beaufort district, had inserted through the opening of the
log-cabin a long stick burning at one end and applied it to the
seat of his trousers. This was too much; the book was thrown
to the ground and the injured party rushed on his assailant; a
desperate fight ensued in which after a severe struggle the offender
was beaten. The next day a court of sessions was held in the
school-room. The rules of the institution prohibited fighting.
Its rights had been violated and the two boys were ranged before
the Doctor to show cause why they should not be punished for
their infraction of the law and their contempt for authority.
The persecuted party told his story fairly and manfully. He
had a talent for stating a case; he mentioned his provocations,
his forbearance, his efforts to avoid the wrongs to which he had
been subjected and the final injury which had exasperated him
beyond all self-control. The defeated culprit had nothing to
say. The reverend judge inflicted the same punishment on both
boys with the most scrupulous exactness — the wrongdoer and
the wronged fared alike. Petigru felt the injustice far more than
he did the punishment and ever afterwards referred to it with
emotion. It was an offence, not so much against him, as against
the cardinal virtue of justice which he revered all his life. The
effect of his manly conduct throughout the adventure had the
result of placing him in the school in his proper position, and his
assiduity and his ability secured a place speedily in the highest
rank. Dr. Waddell, though a rigid dominie of the old school, was
nevertheless sufficient of a courtier to wish his rich birds to make
the finest showing, and was proportionately provoked when his
eaglets would soar up from out of the homespun ranks, as most
of them did.
On a great day of exhibition, when all the patrons ofthe school
were assembled, and James was quite overlooked, when the read
ing came to his turn, he pronounced very deUberately that there

James Louis Petigru 31
was a word wrong in the text — there was a fault in the Latin ;
Cicero never wrote it so. Dr. Waddell stormed and the boys
scoffed, but James stood to his assertion. Another edition of
Cicero was at last brought out and the boy was proved to be
correct. From that day the school treated him with great respect
and Dr. Waddell began to pride himself upon his pupil.
That his attainments were remarkable may be inferred from
the fact that the master of the school proposed to him that at the
end of three years he should take the place ofthe assistant teacher.
When Mr. Petigru was married in 1816, Dr. WaddeU per
formed the ceremony. He always treated his old tyrant with
every respect and the old man came to beheve that he had been
the most affectionate and wisest of masters. When he died Mr.
Petigru was invited to dehver a eulogy upon him. This he did,
with a mixture of quiet humor and pathos most interesting; but
on account of his emotion he could not continue to the end. A
further tribute to his old teacher was paid by Mr. Petigru in
closing an oration delivered before the Phi Kappa and Demos-
thenian Societies of the University of Georgia, August 6, 1846:
Let him therefore, my young friends, that would show that
his mind is indeed imbued with the sentinients -which a liberal
education should inspire, be worthy of the civilization of the age,
and seek to extend its benefits. Let a spirit of benevolence
govern his aspirations, and reserve his admiration for the bene
factors, not the destroyers, of mankind. And in choosing his
walk in life, let him so cultivate his mind as if private life was to
be his destiny, and accept of promotion or office, as accidents.
Nor can I dismiss this topic, without recaUing the virtues of
one, whose life exemplified his doctrine, and who taught what
the wisest and best of men in every age have inculcated. It is
not without emotion that I reflect that my venerable master
long presided over this institution; and my mind dehghts to
recaU him as he was in days long past, the example of a con
scientious laborer in the cause of truth and education. The
civilization of his age and country may be said, in some degree,
to be indebted to him, for he carried the lamp of learning to a
distance from the crowded seats of men, and exerted an influence
in favor of education that was widely felt. A devout minister
of rehgion, he extended its benefits to the poor; a priest without
avarice or ambition, he fed his Master's sheep with no mercen
ary hand; kind, without weakness; devoted to learning, but
StiU more devoted to virtue — he trained his pupils to_ place the
pride of intellect far below the value of moral sensibihty.

32 Life, Letters and Speeches
To the virtues that he taught and the discipline acquired in
his school, are many indebted; and some there are, whose hearts
will not receive, unmoved, the impression of his name, when the
cause of education and the mild dignity of private life recall the
memory of Moses WaddeU.

James Louis Petigru

CHAPTER VI
College
In December, J^()6j James Louis Petigru entered as a sopho-
more^t the South Cajojina College. His^dass-graduated in
1809, being-tlie-foutth class to graduate since the opening of the
CoUege in January, 1805. At that time the buildings had not
been completed, nor the walls, which for many years after sur
rounded the college campus. The first president was the Rev
erend Jonathan^axey, aBaptist preacher, a native of Attleboro,
Mass., whqjiad^ been president of Brown University in Rhode
ISIandTand Union College, Schenectady, N. Y.
" To enable James to go to college a part of the funds was fur
nished by his uncle, Joseph Gibert, but the larger portion he
borrowed himself from his neighbor, "Squire" CoUier. From
his first earnings as a schoolmaster he repaid the debt, but having
sent the money by maU it was lost and it had to be paid the
second time. The "Squire" died in 1845, when Petigru was
at the height of his reputation. He placed a handsome marble
slab over the remains, with a most appropriate and beautifully
simple inscription:
H. S. E.
Edward Collier
A native of Lunenburg, Virginia
Once Master of these Acres
Son of Cornelius Collier and Elizabeth Wyatt
Of five sons they gave two
To the Noble Army of Independence
Wyatt who feU at Eutaw and
James a gallant rider in Pulaski's troop
To the memory of the honest Man
Careful of his own
Without infringing on others
Of mild temper and sterling courage
A Humane Master and
A Good Neighbour
This stone is inscribed
By a Neighbour
Nat. July 1765
Obt. May 7th, 1845

34 Life, Letters and Speeches
In order to obtain further means necessary for his support
Petigru secured a position as teacher in the Columbia Academy,
for which reason he was permitted to live outside the College
grounds. Even thus he was forced to practice the greatest econ
omy. Eating but one meal a day, he was barely able to supply
himself with books and clothing during the coUege term. The
narrowness of his circumstances forced him to decline more than
one hospitable invitation, a sacrifice especially severe to one of
his genial nature and joyous temperament.
The Academy became one of the land-marks at Columbia,
and this old dilapidated building, surrounded by grand elm trees,
was in after days with pride pointed out by the citizens of Colum
bia as the place where James Louis Petigru taught school. It
was torn down a few years ago.
He read with the greatest rapidity, his eye being able to take
in a whole page at a glance; he devoted himself to his studies;
nor did he confine himself to the college curriculum — the whole
range of literature and belles-lettres engaged his attention. The
classical poets were with him as household words, and an ex
traordinary memory enabled him often to quote the minor poets
which he had not read since boyhood. Plutarch was always an
intimate friend, and he would often jokingly credit the clever
old Beoetian for some ingenious invention of his own.
Grayson speaks of the entire night spent by them both in the
keen enjoyment of the wit of Rabelais. James was especially
fond of poetry; his taste was formed between the works of Dry
den and Pope and he was ever ready with an apt quotation.
He resented the fashion of decrying the old English classics.
One of his fellow-students in the room adjoining wrote some
verses disparaging Pope and left them on the table. Petigru
found the criticism where it was lying, and forthwith wrote his
comment on the poet's performance in corresponding verse.
Grayson gives it from memory after a lapse of more than half
a century: "Pity that scribblers should aspire
To write of Pope without his fire;
To criticise in witless lines,
The wit in every page that shines;
To chide, in verses dull and tame,
The poet's verse of endless fame;
His taste assail in tasteless strains.
And earn a Dunciad for their pains.''

James Louis Petigru 35
He formed no bad habits at college and he would neither chew
nor smoke tobacco. In later life, when describing the gradual
faU of a young man, he would say, "He would go to the country-
shop instead of ploughing, sit on a dry box whittling a stick and
talk gossip and politics, and finally he would take to smoking a
pipe." This seemed to him the abyss of degradation. How
ever, in later life he took kindly to the gentlemanly vice of taking
snuff, a habit which gradually grew upon him.
He had no taste for active sports or exercises and was unwilling
to waste time in their pursuit. This did not proceed from want
of alertness or vigor, for he was an exceedingly strong and active
man. There were two qualities in which he was absolutely deficient :
an eye for color and an ear for music. He was exceedingly am
bitious to excel in the accomplishment of dancing but his success
bore no proportion to his efforts. His mode of dancing, like his
mode of talking and acting, was peculiar to himself and was
sometimes very much more hearty and original than graceful,
so that it forced a smile from the ladies who danced with him.
He graduated in December, 1809, at the age of twenty and
received the first honors in his class. To George Bowie of Abbe
ville, his old school-mate, who afterwards removed to Alabama,
was awarded the second honor.
It was at this time that he put into execution a design he had
long thought of, which was to change the spelling of his name.
Having a strong leaning to his Huguenot parentage, and his
father's family holding the tradition of having come to Ireland
from France, he adopted the French spelling and all his brothers
and sisters followed him and adopted the change. In after years,
however, he regretted the alteration of the patronymic.
On his return home after graduation he found that the narrow
fortunes of the household had become narrower stiU. Debts
had been contracted; the old farm, his birth-place, had been
taken to satisfy some of these; and the negroes had gone to pay
others. His Uncle Finley, whom he consulted, advised him to
remove to some new country and sever himself from the falling
fortunes of his family. " I will never desert my mother, " was his
reply. "Then you wiU all sink together," was Finley's answer;
"ruin is inevitable. " He was stung almost to madness by these
cruel words, the more so, perhaps, as he recognized their truth.

36 Life, Letters and Speeches
His strong and passionate nature was stirred to its depth, he
was almost in despair and would gladly have welcomed some
sudden convulsion of nature that would snatch them all away
from the fate which seemed to await them. Strong and vigorous
as he was, every channel for the immediate relief of the family
seemed to be barred. The only opening that appeared was
that he should resume the plough and work the farm. Telling
his mother of this determination, the usual, calm, firm spirit of
the Pastor's daughter asserted itself and she would not hear of
this sacrifice. She cheered and encouraged him and advised
that he could best assist his home by leaving it to go where for
tune invited.

James Louis Petigru 37

CHAPTER VII
Teaching School and Reading Law
He decided to try his fortune in Beaufort district. Influential
friends secured a school for him in the lower part of St. Luke's
parish on the Eutaw, near the Baptist Church, which he made
his school-room. Under the guidance of Mr. WiUiam Robertson
of Beaufort district he commenced the study of law, and for his
support he taught school. While engaged in this double scheme
for the present and the future, he boarded in the family of the
Reverend Dr. Sweet, the pastor of the church.
He remained in charge of this school for about six months
and then removed to Beaufort.
Beaufort is situated on a high bluff overlooking the bay at the
head of St. Helena Sound and is one of the most picturesque
little towns on the Atlantic coast. It was always a residence of
some ofthe wealthiest and most cultivated people of South Caro
lina, and a summer resort of the planters of the adjacent planta
tions. At Beaufort a college was organized in 1795, but the corner
stone of the building was not laid until 1802. It had a board of
trustees who furnished their ideas on education, and although
the institution had the power to issue degrees, it never rose
higher than an academy. The rules were stringent; two vaca
tions a year of four weeks each; the summer hours for the school
were from six to eight and from nine till twelve in the morning,
and from one till five in the afternoon.
On July 10, 1810, Petigru was appointed assistant at a salary
of nine hundred dollars per annum, and in 1811 he temporarily
succeeded to the presidency at the resignation of the incumbent
and was allowed an increased compensation. He discharged
with zeal and ability the duties of the whole school. The teacher
became a favorite with all parties, with the inhabitants at large,
and with the boys, who delighted in his genial humor that lent
itself readily in play-hours to their amusement. Stern as a Turk
in upholding the laws of discipline, he sometimes resorted to the
most decisive modes of enforcing them. He had smaU patience

38 Life, Letters and Speeches
with dunces, and one stupid fellow provoked him so much one
day that he kicked him out of the door, and when the chap
roared and rolled on the ground, Petigru went out and kicked
him in at the window. But he was usually as joyous as one of
the boys, and when the hour of study was over he would some
times spin tops or play marbles with as much glee as any of
their number.
At the end of the year 1812 there was an election for the presi
dency of the academy; Petigru was a candidate for the place.
Mr. M. L. Hurlbut,* of New England, was elected and our re
jected candidate went back to St. Lukes and the law. It was
some time before the Trustees could find a suitable person to
take the assistant's place, so Petigru remained in the college
some months longer. He and the president were strangers to
each other's character, and according to Grayson an incident
occurred which endangered their amicable relations. During
the time that Petigru acted as president he had used an arm
chair of his own providing, and it was left in the principal's
room. He wanted it in a day or two, and sent a boy to bring it.
The messenger returned, saying that the president refused to
give it up. President Hurlbut had not yet learned his subordi
nate's nature; impatient always of personal wrongs and prompt
to resist them he would have given a dozen chairs at a word of
request, but lawless authority or injustice he would not tolerate.
The assistant stroUed into the room, shouldered the chair, and
marched off to his own quarters in a manner too significant to
be mistaken. It was a revelation of the man that Mr. Hurlbut
never forgot. The president was an estimable man, and the
assistant was frank, placable and ready to appreciate merit,
wherever he found it; friendly relations were soon established,
which continued ever afterwards between the descendants of
Mr. Hurlbut and those of Mr. Petigru.
Mr. Petigru was wont to say that if he had succeeded in the
election for the presidency of the Beaufort College it would have

*Hc and the Reverend John Morgan Palmer, rector of the Circular Church,
married daughters of Captain Jared Bunce of Philadelphia. He was father of
Stephen Augustus Hurlbut, Major-General of the United States Army, and a
member of Congress from Illinois; by a second marriage father of William Henry
Hurlbut of the NewYork World, and of George Huribut, Secretary to the Ameri
can Geographical Society.

James Louis Petigru 39
fixed him in the occupation of teaching and changed the whole
course of his life. What the youth of the State, of the country,
and English literature lost can never be estimated. He became
a great lawyer, perhaps the first common-law lawyer in the
United States, but as a hterary man and the president of a uni
versity he might have been stiU more distinguished. His tastes
lay in that direction. There was a great deal of real truth in the
remark he once jestingly made: " I have a mind to take to lectur
ing. I would rather undertake to teach the boys than the
judges." To a friend, who in after years spoke of having his
son study law, he replied, " If you have a son who is a fool, bring
him to the bar." The engrossing duties of his profession and
the pressure of misfortune left him no leisure to indulge his liter
ary tastes. In the evening of his days, speaking of his natural
inclination for literature rather than law, a gentleman asked why
he had not gratified it. He replied by quoting the first lines of
Gray's ode: "Daughter of Love, relentless power,
Thou tamer of the human breast."
The querist, who was not a man of letters, was as wise as ever;
but there were others by who appreciated at once the delicacy of
the reply and what it cost to make it.

40 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER VIII
Social Life at Beaufort
The friendship of Judge Huger for Petigru rendered his intro
duction into the best houses in Beaufort easy, and his wit and
vivacity soon made him a favorite with all who knew him. In
his will he says: "The portrait of my friend and early patron.
Judge Huger, I leave to my dear wife, who shares with me the
affection which I bear to his family."
One of the wealthy houses at which he became intimate was
that of Mrs. Heyward, widow of Judge Thomas Heyward, of
Whitehall. He derived great benefit from her conversation and
from the use of her library, and a friendship sprang up between
himself and her son Tom.
It was at a large dinner at this house, at which an old General
of the Revolution and other distinguished guests occupied places
of honor, that he and Tom Heyward sat at the lower end "below
the salt." The conversation among the elders was witty and
humorous, but had, to say the least, no false dehcacy about it.
An occasional broad phrase in the fashion of the time reached
and tickled the ears of the juniors. When the guests had gone
Mrs. Heyward rather embarrassed her young friend by asking
him what he thought of the talk at her end of the table. " Why,
Madam," said he, with some hesitation, "I thought it rather
salt." In writing of Mrs. Heyward he remarked: "In truth she is a
wonderful old lady, a rara avis, in terris, and has with the garrul
ity of a woman all the ideas and language of a man. " To this
wonderful old lady he wrote verses which unfortunately are not
preserved. In after life he occasionaUy quoted a remark of Tom Hey-
ward's: "Whatever parties may exist in a country and under
whatever name they may go, there are always two aristocracies
— the aristocracy of talent and the aristocracy of wealth. You
[to Petigru] belong to the one and I belong to the other. "
Another place at which Mr. Petigru was a frequent guest was

James Louis Petigru 41
the plantation of Mr. NeufviUe, Rocky Point, on Graham's Neck.
Mr. NeufviUe was an accomplished man of the world, loved wit
and vivacity and was noted for a duel in which he had out-man
oeuvred Boone Mitchell, who was rated as the most expert
duellist of the time. A chaUenge passed between them; but
fortunately NeufviUe's seconds understood the teaching of the
code that more principals are killed through the ignorance of the
seconds than by the weapons of the adversaries. They arranged
that the principals should be placed at the usual thirty paces
apart and at the word should advance and fire at any time until
the distance of ten paces was reached. As they had calculated,
Mitchell reserved his fire, but NeufviUe fired at the word and
was fortunate enough to disable the pistol arm of his adversary.
Mitchell still grasping his pistol, supported it on his left arm,
fired and missed his man.
On the grounds of the NeufviUe plantation the aloe grew in
great profusion and one of the amusements of the young people
was to carve their names and write verses on the large, thick
leaves. A Miss C. remarked that the plants were more fruitful
in wit and poetry than in flowers. Spurred by this remark
young Petigru improved the occasion by producing some verses
of his own, a copy of which he sent to Grayson.
The Aloe
"Though bitter the aloe, 'tis pleasant to gaze
On a plant of such wonderful birth.
That blossoms but once in the limited days
Allotted the children of earth.
And such, lovely maid, is the passion I prove;
Yet, ah! it depends upon you.
Whether, doomed to endure like the aloe, my love
Must be like it in bitterness too."
" How do you like that ? " he asks. " Short and sweet, ay ! Epi
grammatic, forsooth! Tell me your opinion. I suppose you
think that Tom Moore has reason to complain of the first stanza.
Do you think it so near a theft as to be actionable? "
The stanzas met with favor from the lady. They were more
fortunate than a sonnet which Petigru finished with great care
and submitted to the critical judgment of the Courier. It
was rejected on the ground that the metre was too imperfect for
publication. Mr. Petigru used to say that this was the greatest
mortification of his hfe.

42 Life, Letters and Speeches
"The verses," he said, "may have lacked the divine afflatus,
but their English construction was perfect."
He, however, continued to write poetry and amused himself
by attempting to imitate the measures of various poets, as the
following letter shows. It is a little lofty to be addressed to a
young lady of seventeen, and to one who knew them both it is
rather a puzzle which to admire most, his youthful enthusiasm
or his adroit flattery and irony.
The lady to whom he addressed the poem on "The Aloe,"
"Miss C," who, as Grayson gently insinuates, received his poem
but declined his addresses, was Miss Chisolm. She is again re
ferred to in this letter and it is a fact that though she twice re
jected his addresses before he met Miss Postell* it was never
considered a very serious affair.
TO miss jane AMELIA POSTELL
Beaufort, Aug. 25th, 1812.
There are two things I beheve firmly: I believe with Sir Isaac
Newton, that the eyes were made to see with, and I believe with
the rest of the world, that pens were made to write with. As the
eyes are never more riveted to their duty than in gazing on a fine
lady, so there is nothing generally written with more alacrity
than a letter. I think I am, myself, an example to prove this
remark, for here I am writing most gravely to Miss Postell, be
cause she said in a jest that I might do so. Now, were I called
on to account for this partiality, that people have for writing
letters above anything else, I would give these reasons: In the
first place, such compositions are submitted, in general, to a
more favorable tribunal than any other. Very likely Mr.Crafts
has often written to his friends many duller things than his
parody of Gray's Bard, yet no one ever blamed him for it. But
as soon as anyone makes the world his correspondent, he can no
longer be dull with impunity. In the next place, an epistolary
writer has a great advantage in this: that he is pretty sure of
being read. A distinction which, many who publish sermons,
and many who write philosophical systems, never had the good
fortune to attain. To be read is indeed the prayer and aim of
everyone, that aspires to the name of a writer. How happy then
is he, who scribbles letters, under the assurance that he shall not
be without this honor; after which epic poets and historians have
strived in vain! That people are very tenacious on this subject,
may be well shown by an anecdote. Lord Ossory was a bosom
friend of Dean Swift, and was left his executor by him. He was
¦"Letter of Caroline Carson to J. P. C.

James Louis Petigru 43
engaged in discharging this trust with great tenderness to the
Dean's memory, when unluckily, one day, in examining the
papers of the deceased, he found a letter from himself, with the
seal unbroken, on which was written in the Dean's own hand,
"This will keep cold." My Lord's friendship, in a single mo
ment, was converted into rage, and he immediately set himself
to write a history of the Dean's life, for the sole purpose of tra
ducing and vilifying his character. See then the laws, as far as
I have been able to ascertain them, that prevail between those
that write letters; they may be summed up thus: To go uncriti-
cised, and to be punctually read. Can you then be surprised,
that I should write to you, or that letters should be a favorite
way of writing ? Do you recollect that I was to write some verses
on Laura? Here they are: To Laura
Sweet image of Saints, that repose
Where anger and strife never come!
Whose looks, like a mirror disclose
The charms, that in Paradise bloom.
Sweet Laura! how placid the dream.
That holds thy young being in trance;
Untroubled you glide on the stream.
And passive and harmless advance.
Those eyes, that with pity shall melt,
Or smile, with attraction to bless.
Now lambent and gazing unfelt.
Nor sorrow, nor joy can express.
Thy morning 's begun and is fair;
Thy lot 's with the tender and good;
And O! may thy day be as clear.
Nor sorrows to cloud it, intrude.
I hope Miss Laura will be instructed to recognize in me her
first admirer and poet. I have taken the verse of Shenstone for
my model; a measure that I was always fond of, but never at
tempted in practice before. By the way I ought to ask you if
you are fond of Shenstone, and to beg if you have not done it
before, to read his "School Mistress" and his "Pastoral BaUad."
You w'ill find them in Dodsley Miscellanies at Mrs. Heyward's.
I hope you received "Thinks I to myself" safe. I dare say
you have had many a good laugh in the perusal of it. Is it not
strange that a work so fanciful and so ludicrous should be written
by a man like Mr. Canning, who is engaged in such high employ
ments and occupied by the most serious cases in the world? It
shows, I think, great versatility of mind and great happiness of
appUcation.

44 Life, Letters and Speeches
A young gentleman of your acquaintance is going to be
married next month. I tell you this, because he is a Philadel
phia student and it was thought heretofore that his medical hon
ors would precede his matrimonial preferment. It is not every
city that sustains a siege of Troy, nor is it every lady that will
allow her lover to go to Philadelphia without her. The lady's
name resembles a field of undergrowth, and the gentleman's
you can guess at. Adjutant C. is going to bring his lady among
us. We thought she was going to be an inmate of ours, but my
hostess has been displaced by another housekeeper and that
housekeeper by a third. My hostess observed she was not sorry
for that these old maids always continue to be freakish. See
what it is to be an old maid and not have a good word from any
body ! There are sick children in the house, whose lives are even
thought to be in danger. I hope you have no such disasters at
Rockspring. Mr. Gregorie and Dr. Doyley are said to be rivals;
you know Mr. G.'s old flame. A former lover of a young lady
at Ciithbertville is said to be attracted within the influence ofthe
other sister Miss I. C, I merely repeat common scandal. With
sentiments of the highest respect to yourself and Miss Ford, I am
young ladies, your most servile to command. J. L. Petigru.

After he was admitted to the bar another fancy touched his
heart more seriously. The object was Mary Bowman, a very
lovely girl of Beaufort. She had every beauty of face and figure,
though to say the truth she was not, by any means, as well sup
plied as the bride of Scarron in one of the articles enumerated in
his marriage settlement.
But the lady was an expectant, merely, of fortune, and her
admirer unfurnished as yet with anything more than genius and
force of character. A rich suitor, a widower with one small child
and two or three plantations, made court to the fair one and was
forthwith accepted. The relatives, at least, thought the match
too good to be refused. Her young friend in after life never
failed to speak of her with gentle memories and unbounded ad
miration of her beauty.
Thrown into such society, it is not suprising that, writing a
letter to Mr. Grayson at this period, he should lament over his
lost zeal for study and wish that " he was fairly within the vulgar
pale, lording it over a farm, talking of venison, drum fish, cotton
seed and politics. This is the state in which a man quietly vege
tates and Uke other vegetables is governed by steady principles

James Louis Petigru 45
and is led to dissolution by regular gradations without the annoy
ance of passion or eccentricity of mind."
No one would ever have supposed that at the beginning of his
career he was intensely shy and nervous, not only at visiting the
fine houses but even when he began to speak in court. He used
to tell with much humor how there was one lady who made him
welcome, but by ill-luck he addressed her once as Mrs. X 
the name of his landlady, the wife of the captain of a coasting
vessel. The great lady drew herself up; he knew he had given
offence and took great pains not to repeat it, but the very next
time he spoke to her he did the same thing. At last it became a
sort of spell, he could not call her anything but Mrs. X  ,
and he had to give up visiting at the house.

46 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER IX
Admitted to the Bar; A Soldier
During the time that Mr. Petigru was teaching in the college
at Beaufort he read law under the direction of Mr. William
Robertson. He was admitted to the bar at Charleston at the
end of December, 1812, in company with an old school-feUow,
J. F. Trezevant, Robert Y. Hayne, and John Mark Verdier of
Beaufort. In consequence of the war all business was suspended and
there was nothing for a young lawyer to do.
When two English sloops of war, the Moselle and Colibri, in
the summer of 1813 were at anchor in Port Royal and the mil
itia of the neighboring parishes were mustered for the defence of
the islands, Mr. Petigru marched in a company under Captain
Huguenin to Hilton Head with a musket on his shoulder, pre
pared to do battle in the front rank for the country's honor,
though entirely lacking in sympathy with the war measures of
the Administration.
At a subsequent period, in 1832, when General Jackson sent
General Scott to Charleston to pacify the nuUifiers, Scott was
recounting one day at Mr. Petigru's house an event of the war
of 1812. Turning to his host, he said, "You are too young,
Petigru, to have taken part in the war." "Too young," Peti
gru replied, stretching out his legs as he sat, throwing himself
back in his chair, crossing his hands on his chest, — "Too young.
General! Why at that very time I was burning with a passion
ate desire to be a hero." And he told of his exploits on Hilton
Head, and his driving a wagon under Huguenin's command.
He relieved the monotony of his country hfe by visits to
Charleston, where he met many friends, some in the service and
some seeking it. His letters to Grayson at this period recount
his meetings with mutual friends and happenings in the seaport
city. One of them says: "I can not make a like return to the
hero-comic story of your letter, but I can teU you of a damned
rascaUy thing of recent occurrence. A privateer, the Revenge,
Captain Butler, put into this port two weeks ago. The common

James Louis Petigru 47
soldiers had divided more than one thousand dollars apiece and
this overflow came from robbing a Spanish vessel. They robbed
her crew and passengers not only of all their money, but of every
rag of clothing except what was on their backs. The pirates
strutted through Charleston, proclaiming this deed, displaying
their gold watches and fine clothes, and not a soul took any
notice of it, till at length the crew got to fighting among them
selves, and one informed. Even then the marshal arrested none
but the captain, and it is said retained no evidence against him.
Thus to the dishonor of our name, these pirates, in all probabil
ity, will go off with impunity."
In another he wrote: "I was amazed, at the sight of our friend
James T. Dent, who was expecting an appointment from Wash
ington. You may remember his steady attachment to the
maxim of Creech's Horace:
'Not to admire is all the art I know,
To make men happy and to keep them so.'
"He has been wandering about carelessly improving his knowl
edge to the detriment of his purse; but while one's capital has not
yet gone and his hopes are young there is nothing to prevent
pleasure." He says, "I met BuU* too, and was positively astonished; he
is considered the Governor's private secretary though it has not
been formally announced. It is a snug post, and opens the world
to him in a very advantageous manner.
"There was no pique or misunderstanding between him and
General Alston. The boy grew restive and, as the method
agreed on between the parties precluded coercion. Bull refused to
receive the salary any longer, and left the place contrary to the
General's wishes."
In another letter Petigru speaks of having met with General
*William H. Bull had gone from college to be i. tutor in Alston's family.
Joseph Alston was Governor of South Carolina from 1812 to 1814. In 1801 he
married Theodosia Burr and the home of the two was thereafter at "The Oaks. "
They had one son, Aaron Burr Alston, who died on the thirteenth of June, 1812.
It was from "The Oaks" that Theodosia Burr Alston departed to sail on the
thirtieth of December, 1812, on the pilotboat-built schooner Pa/r/o/, from George
town to New York. The vessel never reached her destination. A severe gale
off the coast of North Carolina was encountered, the Patriot was foundered and
all on board perished. The story of her capture by pirates is a fiction which does
.not deserve serious consideration.

48 Life, Letters and Speeches
Tait* at the Planters' Hotel, and remarks that he"never met him
without being struck by his misfortunes and the calmness with
which he bore them."
General Tait was a soldier of fortune. He had served in the
American Revolution with the commission, it is said, of Captain
of Artillery. Afterwards he went to France to offer his sword
to the new republic, which was declined. Following is an ac
count of Tait's services:
"The French generals Hoche and Carnot conceived the ex
traordinary idea of landing on the coast of Wales a force of some
fifteen hundred convicts and setting them loose to pillage the
enemy's country; and each man was informed that from the
moment he landed in England he would be regarded as having
been pardoned by the French Government. On February 22,
1797, a French squadron appeared in Cardigan Bay and disem
barked fifteen hundred French convicts under the command of
Colonel Tait. This was the last foreign invasion of England.
"The colonel and his precious men were armed to the teeth
and carried out as far as possible the instructions to avoid actual
fighting and devote themselves to pillage and plunder. But
three days later they were surrounded by a large force of yeo
manry and mihtia and surrendered.
"At a subsequent exchange of prisoners the French Govern
ment absolutely refused to receive any of the worthies of the
command of Colonel Tait. At length the English declined to
keep them any longer and under cover of night quietly landed
them on the French coast, where their presence inspired eloquent
expressions of terror. Ultimately the French troops were forced
by popular sentiment to round them up, and to the number of
eight hundred they were conveyed to the galleys. The seven
hundred others managed to escape capture and remained fugi
tives from French justice, as the government declined to fulfiU
the promise of considering them as pardoned from the moment
they set foot in England. "
How the General lived in Charleston nobody could teU, but
probably on the charity of his hostess, Mrs. Calder. He was a
stoic in temperament and bore the ills of fortune with equanimity.
He was a man of striking appearance, of good address, and his
varied experience gave many charms to his conversation.
*W. J. Grayson, Memoir of James Louis Petigru (N. Y., 1866), page 55.

James Louis Petigru 49
He was ever sanguine of success, as he was among the inven
tors of perpetual motion. He went to Philadelphia to perfect
his machine and probably died in the poorhouse.
Mr. Petigru knew the relatives of the battered old adventurer
in Abbeville, which was a sufficient tie, and he never failed in
visiting the city to seek the veteran, to manifest a lively concern
in his troubles, and to admire the magnanimity with which he
endured the ills of a long and luckless career.
Of another visit to Charleston, Petigru says: "Nobody met
me with more cordiality than Mrs. Calder at the Planters' Hotel.
The good lady took hold of my hands, called me her son, and
what was more extraordinary, remembered I had left her house
on a former visit, at the time of her son's death. She burst into
tears and declared she could never be restored to tranquility
again. She looked, indeed, very much reduced. Nevertheless, the
hostess at length predominated and she joined with much glee in
some of Frank Hampton's* broadest jokes. Frank is another of
the old fraternity that I find here. This may be said of Frank,
that I see no difference in him how in his prosperity, a gay and
gallant officer, from what he was before. He is the same only
greatly improved."
Another character was "Grassy" Smith, about whom the
following story is told by Mr. Joseph W. Barnwell in his address
at the opening of Petigru College:
Mr. Petigru, who was fond of asking in subsequent years about
people whom he had known at Beaufort, once said to Mr. Pope,
"And how is 'Grassy' Smith?" So called from the condition of
his fields which adjoined the high road near Port Royal ferry.
"Ah," he said, when informed of his death, "dead! He was a
man'of great judgment. I remember during the war of 1812
that my friend Bowman said to me, 'Let us go over the ferry on
Saturday and enjoy ourselves. I have a bottle of the best which
has got through the embargo . ' We went . The lunch was good,
and the brandy was better. On our return the ferryman was,
of course, on the other side, and we had nothing to do while wait
ing in the cold except to finish the bottle. Suddenly my friend,
who had but one arm, fell from his horse in a fit. A negro was
sent to summon Grassy, known for his benevolence, and do-vvn
he came with a forceps in one hand and a lancet in the other, in
tent on doing good. I rushed up to him and earnestly explained
to him the sad condition of my friend. ^ Grassy bent over him,
rose, turned upon his heel, and said, 'They are both drunk.'
And'l always respected his judgment, for it was true."
*He was a son of General Wade Hampton of the Revolution.

50 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER X
1813
Commences the Practice of Law
As soon as he was admitted to the bar Petigru began to prac
tice in Beaufort district, attending also the Courts of Colleton
and Barnwell, which together constituted the Southern circuit.
Mr. Petigru's headquarters were at Coosawhatchie, the judicial
capital of Beaufort district. Conditions were most inauspicious
during the war of 1812. The planters were unable to sell their
produce, there was no money in the country and all business was
paralyzed. On this account Petigru talked sometimes of going
to New Orleans, the point of attraction then of young and enter
prising men. But the duty that he felt that he owed to his
mother and family restrained him. His first and only partner
during his practice before the country courts was his classmate,
John Farquhar Trezevant,* but the partnership was not of long
duration, as Mr. Trezevant married in May, 1813, and moved
away. Coosawhatchie was built on the road running from
Charleston to Savannah at a point about midway between those
two cities, where a httle so-called river of the same name was
crossed. On the left the bank of the river was low and marshy;
on the higher ground of the right bank the village extended
along the road, and it was so well situated for catching bilious
fever that the visitor seldom escaped it. It was hardly habitable
during the summer.f The evil increased as the woods were cut
down, and the moist, fertile soil was exposed to the action of the
sun. To live in the village for two consecutive summers became
almost impossible for white men. Few ever attempted it.
There was one exception — P. I. Besselleu, who kept a shop, and
furnished board and lodging for lawyers and clients in term-time.
He was able to hve with country fever with all its varieties, as
conjurors in Bengal handle venomous serpents without harm or
danger. He must have been anointed in infancy with some drug
¦"Son of Peter Trezevant. See page 27, " Trezevant Family," by J. T. Trezevant.
fGrayson, page 68.

James Louis Petigru 51
of mysterious efficacy. The aUigator in the neighborhood was
not safer than he. To every white man but himself a summer in
Coosawhatchie was death. It was unnecessary to try a criminal
there, charged with a capital offence. AU that was required was
to put him in jail in May to wait his trial at the November Court.
The State paid for a coffin and saved the expense of trial and ex
ecution. At night the jailer thought it unnecessary to remain
in the j ail. He locked his doors and went away to some healthier
place until morning, confident that his prisoners had neither
strength nor spirit to escape. At last the lawyers became dis
satisfied. They loved fair play as well as fees and desired to see
the rogues brought to justice in the regular way, with a chance
for their lives, such as the assistance of a lawyer always affords
them. The general jail delivery brought about by fever pre
vented the thief from being duly hanged and the counsel from
receiving his retainer. The culprit escaped the halter through
the climate, not through the bar. The whole proceeding was
informal; petitions were got up to change the site of the court
house and jail to a healthy place, and Coosawhatchie ceased to
be the district capital. When Mr. Petigru began to practice
law the village was in its palmiest state. It had a dozen shops
or houses, with a hundred inhabitants in the winter and Mr.
Besselleu in the summer.
All that remains of Coosawhatchie to-day are a few scattered
negro cabins, and a grove of sycamore trees on the former site
of the court-house and jail.*
During the summer Mr. Petigru retreated to Rock Spring in
the pine-land, where he found a friend in Dr. North, who prac
ticed medicine, and had to fly like his patients from fever in the
summer season.
Speaking of his first struggle in the law, he said that the first
retainer that was ever offered him outside of Coosawhatchie was
at Jacksonborough in the shape of a silver quarter by a pine-
woodsman, who was looking for a defender in a case of petty
larceny. On another occasion he stopped at a tavern. The landlady,
evidently a little doubtful as to his ability to pay, addressed him:
*Besselleu, with surprisingly good handwriting, wrote to Mr. Perigru in 1839,
to draw his will and be his heir for the protection of his family. To this appeal,
and others for twenty years, he promptly responded.

52 Life, Letters and Speeches
"What is your business?" "Madam, I am a peddler," he re
plied. "What are your goods? "she said. "I deal in practices
and precedents." "I don't like none of them new-fashioned
goods; all I want is a gingham dress, and I don't believe I want
to look at 'em."
However, it appeared to establish his credit. Often did he
say that the first three years of his practice he had never had the
opportunity of making a brief, but he took his revenge out of the
pubhc by studying all the harder.
The war came to an end early in 1815 and business revived.
The young lawyer began to make a fair income and his repu
tation soon spread.
With the first money he earned he persuaded his father to let
him pull down the old farmhouse at Badwell and build a new one
for his mother. This has ever been the home of the family and
he formed a habit of going there every summer for his vacation.
In 1816 he was elected solicitor of the district. The pay of
solicitor is not large but the office gives position and leads to
practice. "I have been elected in Columbia," he writes to a
friend, "while sitting down innocent of solicitation in Coosa
whatchie. But if you are disposed to wonder, you will wonder
no longer when you recollect the zeal of Huger and the energy of
Pringle." These gentlemen, Daniel E. Huger and James R.
Pringle, were_members of the gener aPassem bly from Charleston,
friends who adhered to him tlirough life.
His chief and constant opponent at the bar was WiUiam D.
Martin, who commenced practicing about the same time. They
were arrayed against each other in every case, like men-at-arms,
separating justice on either hand. If the plaintiff had the aid of
one, the defendant was always backed by the other. Many of the
country people thought that they had a private understanding
as to which cases each was to win. On one occasion Mr. Petigru
was even approached by a client with the proposition that he
should not only argue the case, but arrange with Martin that it
should be one of those which he was to gain. They were men
of frank, cordial, joyous natures, and appreciated in each other
the high quaUties which they possessed in common. Mr. Peti
gru used to say that the first time he went to ride the circuit," as
lawyers did in those days," he and his friend Martin set off
together. Martin's horse died, and they continued progress by

James Louis Petigru 53
the system caUed "ride and tie," with the condition that the
walker carried always the saddle of the dead beast. When both
were in easy circumstances afterward, at dinner they used to tell
the story in great glee. When asked why they did not leave the
saddle to be sent back instead of carrying it through the country
on their shoulders, they would both hang their heads like guilty
schoolboys, laugh heartily, and never explain. To their simple
minds such a solution in fact never occurred.
Mr. Martin became judge of the Circuit Court, and after
wards member of Congress from 1827 to 1831. He died Novem
ber 17, 1833. Mr. Petigru records the event in a feeling letter:
to HUGH S. legare
Charleston, November 20, 1833.
My Dear Legare:
I write with a heavy heart, for I have met with a misfortune
which I shall long and deeply feel in the death of our friend,
Martin. The event was as sudden as it was cruel. We had
been together all the week at Georgetown; left it last Saturday
morning in the stage and crossed Milton Ferry about half after
7 in the evening. In the morning he had complained of cold and
again in the afternoon, and I thought he had a little fever, but
he never was more cheerful, and the day passed as so many other
days had passed between us, little thinking that it was his last.
When we landed in town he resolved to go to Jones's, and said
he would rather go there and take some medicine. On his prom
ising to come to my house next day I consented, and we parted
never to meet again, for next morning he was found dead in his
bed. It is impossible to describe, and difficult to imagine, the
horror I felt when the message was brought me. I ran to him
and could scarcely credit my senses when I found him a lifeless
corpse. Never did death come more stealthily. His counten
ance was not the least changed; his head rested on his pillow in
the attitude of repose and his eyes were closed as in tranquil
sleep. But, oh! the change in the next twenty-four hours was
awful. Blood gushed from his mouth and nostrils and the prog
ress of decay was so rapid that on Monday afternoon we were
obliged to commit his remains to the ground. He was the earli
est friend that was left me, and for the last twenty years our
intercourse was marked by mutual confidence that was never
broken by the contentions of the bar nor lately by the more
disastrous opposition of poUtics. To me his loss is great; to the
country I fear it is calamitous. Calhoun is incessantly agitating.
He lectures now on the necessity of a test oath. It is believed
that the Legislature will pass a law imposing one.

>

54 Life, Letters and Speeches
A man with the briUiancy, originality and force of character
of Mr. Petigru, practicing in a country court, must necessarily
have left characteristic memories behind him. There are many
stories of great antiquity which are localized and attributed to
men of distinction and wit. Of these Mr. Petigru was a victim
as were Webster, Lincoln, and others. A few incidents which
occurred while he was a young lawyer in the Beaufort district
may serve to illustrate the character of the man.
He was always impatient of injustice and brutahty and
prompt to prevent them. On one occasion there was a fight
going on in front of his office, under the very shadow of the
temple of justice. A crowd surrounded the combatants; the
affair was an enjoyment to the lookers-on and nobody interfered
to stop it. Petigru's indignation was at last aroused by the
savage sight and uproar. He broke through the crowd, seized
one of the parties to the fight by his coUar and waistband of his
trousers, carried him off to the office, and dumped him on the
floor with a stern injunction to keep the peace.
At another time he was assailed in the courtyard with most
violent abuse by a turbulent fellow of the village, who lavished
on Petigru aU the foul epithets and appellations he could remem
ber or invent, of which rogue and scoundrel were among the most
moderate. The lawyer stood unmoved with a half smile of
amusement on his face. At last, the buUy having exhausted his
ordinary vocabulary of abuse, bethought himself of the term of
reproach which at that day comprised everything hateful; he
called him " a damned Federal." Petigru's temper was naturally
quick but he had it under complete control, though his anger
when aroused was terrible. The word was no sooner uttered
than a blow altogether unexpected by the brawler laid him in the
sand. He became as quiet as a lamb and moved away without
comment. A countryman standing near came up and took
Petigru's hand and said, "Lawyer, when I looked at your little
hand, I didn't believe you could have did it. " An old gentleman
present, Mr. WiUiam Hutson, one of the remaining adherents of
the defunct Federalist party, thought the proceeding an impu
tation on his old creed. "How is this," he said to Petigru;
"you seem to think it a greater offence to be caUed a Federalist
than to be called a rogue and a rascal?" "Certainly," was the
reply; "I incurred no injury by being caUed a rogue, for nobody

James Louis Petigru SS
believes the charge; but when he said I was a ' Federalist ' he
came too near the truth."*
T5e~incurredsuBsequently, in conducting a case, the wrath of
a taU strapping fellow on the other side. They met a morning
or two after at Corrie's Hotel. There was a long piazza where
Petigru was walking up and down. The discontented person
followed him to and fro, persisting in the vilest denunciations.
At last Petigru turned round to him and said very deliberately,
"Really, Barns, if I had a whip, I should be tempted to horse
whip you." "You would," said Barns; "stay a moment, I will
go to the shop over the way and borrow one for you. " He went
forthwith, and brought a whip, which he presented with a flour
ish of increduUty, defiance and mockery. In a moment he was
in the clutches of the enemy, a powerful hand seized him by the
collar, another brandished the whip, the blows fell fast on the
legs of the astonished ruffian. The lookers-on were amused at
his contortions to avoid the stripes, until at last he was pushed
down the steps of the piazza with a parting kick and an admon
ition to return the whip to its owner, with Mr. Petigru's thanks
for the use of it.
With all the principles of an aristocrat, so far as a regard to the
etiquette of society and the due obedience to established author
ity are concerned, he was accessible to all classes. His address
was always pleasant. Hejlelighted to talk with the country
people and seemed to draw somethinglDi[fEi3fThe"dullest,'mipart-
ing at the same time pleasure to them. No one ever came near
him without being better, wiser, and happier from the contact,
and hejya.s_always prepargd^ojidi^hejicedv and protect the
wronged and distressed.
Years af teFhe'hliB^ goiie to Charleston and become famous he
returned to Coosawhatchie to argue some great case. There at the
hotel he met a friend of his earlier \\it, called Sam. He and his
friend Sam had frolicked together; together they had chased deer
in the swamps of the Coosawhatchie. His friend Sam had con
nected himself with a highly respectable denomination of Chris
tians, but had " backslided " twice or thrice. Petigru knew it, and
with outstretched hand he met his old friend Sam and exclaimed,
"Why, Sam, how are you, and how is aU the family?" "Thank
God, Mr. Petigru, they are all well, and I am happy to inform
*This was the way he told the story.

56 Life, Letters and Speeches
you that since I last saw you my last son Tom [the wild boy of
the family] has joined the church. " Mr. Petigru's eyes twinkled
as he said, "Sam, I always knew that there was a sprig of piety
in your family; but, Sam, it is not an evergreen."
In later life he always enjoyed speaking of the days when they
lived at Coosawhatchie, and often in court, when the opposing
counsel was laying down what he supposed to be some profound
principle of law, Mr. Petigru with affected humility would reply,
"Gentlemen, that may be law in Philadelphia, but it was not
law in Coosawhatchie."
An examination ofthe records ofthe Court of Beaufort during
that time shows that Mr. Petigru was engaged on one side or the
other in all the most important cases that occurred, and there
encountered the most distinguished lawyers of Georgia and
South Carolina.
The case of Daniel Neu, tried in September, 1861, furnishes
another amusing anecdote of Mr. Petigru's forensic abiUties.
Neu lived at the cross-roads about five miles east of Badwell.
Being a man of unknown antecedents, according to the common
belief of the community he had been a pirate. If possible he
could not have been worse. He owned a small farm and about
fifteen negroes. His children of both colors grew up together in
equal dirt and squalor. He so managed his farm that he always
had two or three runaways, who fed and clothed the other
negroes. At his trial he openly boasted that "one nigger in the
bush was worth three in the field." By this system the neigh
bors were continuously pillaged. If a cow or a hog, or even the
washing from the clothesline disappeared, the general explan
ation was that Daniel Neu's runaways had stolen them. Con
sequently, they became the terror of the neighborhood. Two
of the unfortunates were finally captured. The people wanted
to lynch them, but Mr. Petigru intervened and proposed to have
them tried by law. He accordingly had the prisoners indicted
as nuisances, and their owner for maintaining a nuisance.
The trial took place in September, 1861, before Squire Trewit
and a jury. Neu retained Mr. Edward Noble, one of the leading
lawyers of Abbeville, to defend him. Mr. Petigru appeared for
the prosecution. The trial is thus described by Hiram Palmer,
who was one of the jurymen:
"Lowyer Noble talked powerful strong; told us the law an'

James Louis Petigru Sl
read it out of the books, the same as the gospel. Ever'thing
looked shore all right for Dan'el. Jeams L. wus seated down
an' lissened an' sometimes hit the floor with his stick. He then
looked out the door, an' 'is face wus so pitiful we felt sorry for
him an' thought that we -wtis shore beat. Bime-by Lowyer
Noble gits through talkin'. Jeams L. git up. He bowed to the
judge, an' he bowed to the jury an' ever'body very perlite. He
didn't bring no books. He started easy like, an' said that his
friend Lowyer Noble talked very nice, but all that he had read
out ofthe books had nothin' to do with this case; an' before he
had talked five minits he had Lowyer Noble's argyment busted
wide open. He then begin to talk better'n any preacher I ever
hear." The decision of the court was that the unfortunate negroes
were to be sold out of the State, and Daniel Neu was given orders
"within thirty days to leave the State." He made a great dis
play of moving some of his belongings across the Savannah River
into Georgia, but his family remained at the farm, to which it is
said he frequently returned.

58 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XI
1816-1819
His Marriage and Religion
The young lawyer of rising reputation, brilliant in conver
sation, and a writer of verse, has no long lease of freedom unless
he is protected by the fear of a rich aunt or the guidance of a wise
mother. Mr. Petigru had no one to warn or advise him, so his
fortune was speedily decided. There lived near Coosawhatchie
a frank, warmhearted planter. Captain James Postell, Jr., son
of Colonel Postell of AbbeviUe. The Captain was one of the
most hospitable of men and his house was among the first opened
to Mr. Petigru when he came to Beaufort. He had a daughter
of most alluring beauty. She was Jane Amelia Postell, one of
the ladies to whom Mr. Petigru wrote poetry. She had attended
the famous school of Miss Dattie, the most fashionable school of
that day, who was succeeded by her niece, Madam Talvan.
They had escaped the massacre of San Domingo in 1792, and
came as refugees to Charleston. The young girls educated at
this school learned, besides their lessons, good manners and
absolute obedience. Jane Amelia Postell had a profusion of
light auburn curly hair, and handsome dark eyes, a most brilliant
complexion, and beautiful teeth; she was of medium height and
graceful figure. Her manner was winning, impulsive, and of
sparkling vivacity. She was somewhat willful and capricious in
her mode of address. She was a Southern beauty, and in a small
community once having been placed on the pedestal of a goddess
the illusion forever remained.
She was high spirited, admired genius and originality of char
acter, was just the woman to dare the chances of matrimony and
face the uncertainties of fortune.
She used to say that on the first occasion she saw Mr. Petigru,
he was dancing with her mother, and she thought he was the most
awkward man she had ever seen. His legs went in one direction
and his arms in the other, regardless of the time of the music,
and his face showed the greatest delight and self-satisfaction.

James Louis Petigru 59
At that time he would have given his little finger to have been
able to dance gracefuUy. During the courtship, which must
have dragged somewhat, she consulted her friend, Judge Huger,
who said to her, "Jane, if Petigru ever asks you to marry him
be sure to do so."
In a short time Petigru's hopes were realized. The original
marriage settlement shows that he and Miss Postell were mar
ried on August 17, 1816, by his old school teacher. Dr. Waddell,
at the farm of her grandfather. Colonel Postell, not far from
Badwell. The maternal grandfather of Miss Postell was Paul' Porcher,
2d, the great grandson of the emigrant. He was the progen
itor of the Black Swamp Porchers. His brother, Peter, was the
progenitor of the Santee Porchers. The Porchers were great
people; and like many of the Huguenots of South Carplina, their
genealogical records are to be found in the old books of heraldry.
Paul Porcher, 2d, married Jinsey Jackson, July 6, 1775, and
probably her people gave the name to the town of Jacksonboro,
S. C* The other grandfather of Miss Postell, Colonel James
Postell of Abbeville, had been an officer during the Revolution
— one of Marion's right-hand men. On account of a buUet hole,
whenever he drank water he had to apply his finger to his cheek.
At the age of seventy, although many times a grandfather, this
enterprising old soldier married the belle of the district. Miss
Sally Birtwhistle, a handsome, dashing girl of sixteen. He
always treated her with great consideration, and with pride
spoke of her as " that young heifer. " When he died he left her
all his possessions. The widow afterwards married Mr. Huston.
Her descendants are well-to-do people at Augusta, Georgia, who
delight to speak of Mr. Petigru's visits and friendship for their
mother, whom he always most deferentially hailed as "Grand-
ma. Mr. Petigru's gentle mother would have been pleased with
her daughter-in-law beyond measure if she could have tempered
a gay defiant nature and taste for fashionable life with something
of the elder lady's constancy of spirit and quiet self-control. As
it was, the bride charmed every one as she pleased, her young

*See will of Captain John Jackson, probated January 5, 1724; and will of Cap
tain John Jackson, probated May, 1748; The S. C. Historical and Genealogical
Magazine, Vol. XI, p. 13.

60 Life, Letters and Speeches
sisters of the household especiaUy, with her lively and unaffected
manners and the grace and loveliness of her face and person. At
the close of the summer the young couple returned to their home
at Coosawhatchie. Here they were received by their dear friend
Dr. Edward North, who afterward removed to Charleston.
Dr. North occupied during the winter season a plantation near
the town called Northampton, and the newly arrived pair from
Abbeville spent their first winter after their marriage at his place.
During the year 1818, at a hired house in Coosawhatchie, their
eldest son Albert Porcher was born. Some time after the family
removed to a new house built by Mr. Petigru himself in the out
skirts of the village. It stood on the main road about a mile
south of the court-house^ it was the best building of the neighbor
hood, and the successful architect of his own fortune took some
pride in this portion of his handiwork. He used to say that he
had made his mark in the village borders. It was the first
trophy of success. The house passed from him to Dr. Francis Y.
Porcher, a first cousin of his wife, and after changing hands several
times finally disappeared, and its site during the Civil War was
a camp and parade ground for troops of the Confederacy.
At the end of 1819 Mr. Petigru's practice had greatly increased
and by the urgent advice of many friends he removed from
Coosawhatchie to Charleston. It was difficult for the young
couple to find a suitable house at moderate rent, and.here for
some months they again found a temporary home with their
steadfast friends, the Norths, who had preceded them in moving
their household gods to the city. Their house was in Queen
Street. While here their second child was born, January 4, 1820, and
called Jane Caroline, after Mrs. North. In two months from
that time they took possession of the house in King Street near
Smiths Lane; and each year, as their circumstances improved,
they removed to better quarters. Their third removal was to a
residence on South Bay, next door to Mrs. Grimke's.
At this place, March 1, 1822, their second son was born and
was named after his god-father, Daniel Elliot Huger.
After two years they moved to Orahge^treet, nearly opposite
to Mr. J. R. Pringle.
It was here, October 25, 1824, that their youngest girl was
added to the household, now including two sons and two daugh-

James Louis Petigru 61
ters. She was named Susan Dupont, after her god-mother, the
most intimate friend of Mrs. Petigru.
On August 27, 1826, Mr. Petigru was elected solicitor for St.
Michael's Church, and subsequently he became a vestryman.
He continued to exercise both functions for the remainder of his
Ufe. A deed dated 15th of June, 1829, shows that James H. Ladson
sold pew No. 79 for $600 to James L. Petigru.*
Mr. Petigru was by nature emotional, passionate and deeply
religious. His course through life was marked by self-denial,
devotion to truth, and a reverence for all the great historical
churches. He inherited from his Huguenot ancestor a spirit
of martyrdom, but his mind was too catholic for the Calvinistic
creed in which he was nurtured. He no doubt understood much
ofthe science of theology, but he was not a blind follower of eccle-
siasticism or theological dogma. He was an humble follower of
Christ and his religion was on a plane far above ignorant bigotry.
He was a constant worshiper in the Episcopal church although
he never became a communicant.

*The original records show: "I, Sarah Gibbes, for and in consideration of the
•love and affection I bear unto my son, Louis Ladson Gibbes, have given * * *
my pew in St. Michael's Church, situated on the north side of said church.
* * * " Dated 9th day of November, 1816. In 1826 Louis L. Gibbes, of
Pendleton, sells pew No. 79, on the north side of St. Michael's Church, to James
H. Ladson for $500.

62 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XII
1820
Law Practice in Charleston; Law Office and Garden;
Cases
The change from Coosawhatchie to the city was made easy
by an offer of partnership with his friend James Hamilton, Jr.*
Colonel Drayton had been elected Recorder of the City of
Charleston and had transferred to Mr. James HamUton, Jr., a
large portion of his business at the bar. Mr. Hamilton was a
person of great personal magnetism, brilliancy of speech, and a
keen manager of poUtical parties. He was sanguine, visionary,
and given to speculations, and he was not a thoroughly read
lawyer. The partnership was, therefore, mutually advantage
ous — the one found the business, and the other the principles of
law. From this partnership originated the most dramatic and
serious events of the life of Mr. Petigru.
The removal to Charleston was a great step in advance. At
that time the population of the city was about 25,000 — 14,0(X)
of whom were blacks. It ranked fifth in population, and third
in point of commercial importance among the cities ofthe Union.
Although not offering the same opportunities as it had offered
immediately after the Revolution, it still afforded high prizes
for both reputation and fortune.
The Bar of Charleston was considered among the first in the
land. It was composed of such men as Hayne, Grimke, Drayton,
Mitchell, King, Bailey, Simons — men of the highest culture and
attainments, who gave purity and dignity to the practice and
profession of the law.
The records show that on January 1, 1820, WiUiam Drayton
sold to James Hamilton, Jr., a lot in St. Michael's alley, 35 feet
front by 45 feet deep, for $2,500. The office of Mr. Petigru was
ever afterwards at this location.

*He was the son of Major James Hamilton, of the Revolution, who married the
widow of John Harleston, of " The ViUa" Plantation on Cooper River; she was
the sister of Thos. Lynch, Jr., signer of the Declaration of Independence.

James Louis Petigru 63
The young firm was not at once overburdened with business.
Mr. Petigru often remarked in after life that he was indebted
to the good people of Charleston for much of the leisure to pur
sue his studies during his first two years at the bar in the city.
The following is a characteristic and rather significant letter
which he writes to Mrs. Elizabeth A. Yates, August 13, 1822,
regarding her son, J. D. Yates, a law student in his office:
TO MRS. ELIZABETH A. YATES
As you have recommended him to my care I will henceforth
look on him as more particularly in my charge and not simply to
supply the place of a monitor to him, if any occasion for the
exercise of that authority should present itself.
I am not, however, friendly to the plan of lecturing the young
on all occasions, nor do I think it good policy to give advice
often when it is not asked. But he will find a friend in me while
his behavior is commendable, and when it is not (if that should
ever be the case) I will use the authority which you have en
trusted to me of admonishing him of his errors.
In 1822 Hamilton, as Intendant of the City, rendered himself
exceedingly popular in the State by his energy and firmness in
circumventing a threatened insurrection of the negroes. This
insurrection had been organized by Denmark Vesey,* and GuUah
Jack, an African who was considered by his people to be " voodoo
man," and consequently immortal. At the end of this year
Hamilton was elected to Congress and Robert Y. Hayne, who
was Attorney-General of the State, was elected to the United
States Senate. Mr. Petigru was then electedby the Legislature
to, the office of Attorney-General.
It was an office of profit, influence and dignity, and made him
legaladviser QLthe_State authorities and the official head o£th&
entire bar. His presence was required at the capital with the
State solicitors during the sessions of the Legislature,! and every
bill introduced had to be scrutinized by these officials as to the
efficiency of its form and style before it became a law. The
consequence was that the statutes of South Carolina, for eight
years, could challenge a comparison with those of any other State
in language and structure.
*A West Indian mulatto, who had bought his freedom by winning a prize, in one
of the many lotteries of the day, of six thousand dollars.
tThe Attorney-General at that time performed the duties of Solicitor at Charles
ton and Georgetown.

64 Life, Letters and Speeches
His practice at the bar was not always pleasant. He had
many opponents. Many of them were fully disposed to observe
in the conflict those courtesies of practice that always prevailed.
But there was one exception.
Benjamin Faneuil Hunt was born at Watertown, Massachu
setts, on the 20th of February, 1793, and died in New York on
the 5th of September, 1857. He was a graduate of Harvard.
In 1810 he moved to Charleston on account of his health, where
he studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1813. He was a
Union man during the NuUification struggle, and as colonel of a
regiment in 1833 he insisted on applying the test oath, which was
decided to be unconstitutional. Benjamin Faneuil Dunkin,
afterwards Chief Justice, his first cousin, came to Charleston in
1812. He adopted the politics of the country, and in 1837
became Judge of the Court of Chancery. He married Miss
Prentiss and a number of descendants perpetuate the name.
It is said that when Mr. Hunt first came to Carolina he showed
in the conduct of some of his earliest cases what was supposed
by some to be a lack of spirit. It is a matter of tradition that
on hearing of this his cousin, Mr. Dunkin, sent him the message,
"If you expect to stay in this State, you must fight." The
message wrought an immediate transformation. He flew at
once into the opposite extreme and became thereafter offensively
aggressive, and even to-day he is spoken of as "Bully Hunt. "
We learn from Mr. Grayson that he was an able speaker and
good lawyer; bold, rude, regardless of respect to opposing counsel,
witnesses or clients, and unscrupulous as to the language in
which he expressed his contempt; skiUed in cajoling the jury and
buUying the judge, a little sensitive as to his own feelings and
utterly without regard to the feelings of others. One purpose
only seemed to govern him, that of gaining his case at aU hazards.
He was a formidable adversary, and the lawyers of the old school
were reluctant to encounter his rude assaults.
But in the newcomer from the country court he found no
reluctant adversary — a deeper intellect than his own, a stronger
moral nature, a resolute persistency of spirit that nothing could
daunt, weary or deceive. No craft evaded Petigru's vigilance.
No show of violence stopped his resolute exposure of irregularity
in his opponent's practice. The contest went on month after
month. It assumed the most threatening forms. It seemed.

James Louis Petigru 65
indeed, as if the death alone of one of the parties could put an
end to the struggle. A challenge passed at one time, but the
feud had a sudden and unexpected ending. By a terrible acci
dent Mr. Petigru lost his eldest son. Mr. Hunt addressed a note
of sympathy to the afflicted parent and requested that the an
tagonism between them should cease. Mr. Hunt, speaking to
the Honorable Joseph D. Pope in after years of Mr. Petigru's
power as an orator, used the following language: "His learning
is great; but it is not that. His reasoning faculty is large; but
it is not that. It is his quaint, original, magnetic eloquence.
When his feelings are enlisted he is the greatest public speaker
I have ever heard, and I have heard them all."
Mr. Petigru had prepared for his duel with Hunt with his usual
industry and determination. He bought from Hapholdt — the
best gunmaker in the country — a practice dueling pistol for one
hundred dollars. It had an eleven-inch barrel, hair trigger, and
carried a one ounce ball. In being rifled it differed from the reg
ular dueling pistol. He practiced diligently and became a good
shot. Some thirty years after this event one of the boys found the
pistol in the drawer of an old secretary at Badwell. Of course
he must give it a trial. While engaged in shooting at the mark
Mr. Petigru happened to pass. He asked to see the pistol, which
he examined with great care and interest, saying that it reminded
him of many years ago. The boy bantered him to try a shot;
he adjusted the hair trigger carefully and at the word fired.
He put the ball in the center of the sapling about fifty feet dis
tant. The boy wanted him to try again but he laughed and said :
"My young friend, you will find that when you have made a
lucky hit, it is a good rule to leave well enough alone. You will
find the statement illustrated by my friend Judge Longstreet*
in 'Georgia Scenes.'" Then sitting on the carpenter's bench
under the walnut-tree, with great humor in voice and gesture,
he repeated the story of Billy Curlew and Soap-stick from Long-
street's book.
The pistol was by accident saved during the war. It is still
in good condition and is preserved by a member of his family as
one of the few remaining relics of Mr. Petigru.
*A. B. Longstreet, LL. D., a pupil at Dr. WaddeU's Academy, and afterwards
President of South Carolina College.

66 Life, Letters and Speeches
In the year 1829 General Joseph W. Allston, of Georgetown,
S. C, was placed, both as magistrate and as general of the mil
itia, in a position of great responsibility, by an attempted insur
rection among the negro slaves. Troops and arms were sent
from Charleston, and for a time great alarm was felt throughout
the State. Order was promptly restored, but the task of dis
covering, trying and punishing the ringleaders was slow and
laborious. Allston seems to have written to Mr. Petigru, the Attorney-
General, to ask if the Clerk of Court could, ex officio, act as one
of the magistrates on the Freeholders' Court. This Mr. Petigru
seems to doubt, and writes thus under date of April 17, 1829:
I am sorry that your labors are so arduous. I think the Gov
ernor should be called on to appoint more magistrates, and if
names were recommended to him he would no doubt do so. But
then they would not be obUged to accept.
I am afraid you wiU hang half the country. You must take
care and save negroes enough for the rice crop. It is to be con
fessed that your proceedings have not been bloody as yet, but
the length of the investigation alarms us with apprehension that
you will be obliged to punish a great many.
In the newspapers of the day we find Petigru's name con
stantly mentioned as attending meetings and :naking speeches for
a survey of the South Carolina Railroad, and for a drainage canal
connecting the Ashley and Cooper rivers, and for various pur
poses which would promote the welfare of rhe city.
"The poor and oppressed found him a zealous and untiring
friend, and he was ever ready to espouse the cause of some poor
woman, the victim of a hard system, and most generaUy not able
to pay anything for his services. Tho rights of the free negroes
he was always defending. He was the champion to whom they
flew as a sure refuge. In some of the adjoining parishes, notably
on Goose Creek, there were many unfortunate men accused of
having negro blood in their veins. He established their claim to
being white, and in later years they showed their gratitude
by always voting with him, and were known as the "Goose
Creekers whom he had whitewashed."
He continued to perform his official and other duties, and as
he expressed it, "My success has been at least equal to my de
serts." The country since the War of 1812 had been quiet and

James Louis Petigru 61
prosperous, but during the last decade serious poUtical changes
had occurred. In 1828 the ill-judged "tariff of abominations"
had been passed and the discontent and irritation of the people
which had long been smouldering brought forth the explosion
of Nullification. It divided the States, parties, and friends.
The position of Mr. Petigru, as the disciple of Alexander Hamil
ton, a Federalist, and as one who considered the Union sacred,
was well known. Therefore,_considering the imminent danger
of the country, and m compliance with thejvishes^qfJiisTnends,
he in 1830 resigned the office of Attorney-General and became a
candidate for the State'Senate.
The law office in St. Michael's Alley before and since the War
has always been associated with Mr. Petigru. But according
. to tradition it was in Colonial times the favorite place for the
gallants of those days to hold their meetings.
In 1820 William Drayton* sold to Hamilton and Petigru a plot
in St. Michael's Alley, 35 feet front by 45 feet deep, for $2,500;
and three years later Hamilton sold his share to Petigru. Mr.
Petigru occupied this building until 1848, when finding it incon
venient for his business and many students, he decided to build
a new office. He accordingly bought an adjoining lot 29 by 49 feet
for $1,200, employed Mr. E. B. Whitef as architect, and com
menced building in October, 1848.
The new office covered a space 47 feet by 25 feet; was two
stories high; of rough cast brick; and foUowed in miniature the
graceful lines of a Greek temple.
Petigru occupied the large room on the second floor. It was
surrounded by book shelves from floor to ceiling. The furniture
consisted of a large mahogany table, some chairs and a step-lad
der. On one side of the room was his writing-desk; he always
stood up when he wrote because he considered it self-indulgence
to do so sitting down. Johnston Petrigrew used the adjoining
room. The lower floor was occupied by his partner, the students
and law clerks. On the 7th of May, 1849, Mr. Petigru occupied
the new office. His daughter, Mrs. Carson, describing the
instaUation, says: "He waited for me to come from Dean Hall

?Recorded, books F. and M. 9, pages 146 and 176.
tMr. White graduated at West Point in the class of 1826. The works that he
left behind him show that he was a skilled architect.

68 Life, Letters and Speeches
to help him move and arrange the books. Sue joined to make
it a party of pleasure and summoned Lowndes, Miles, Hayne,
et al., as assistants. We pasted Mr. Petigru's name in each of
the good and new books; and as we read the price of them, — one
pound, two pounds, and oftentimes more, — Sue would protest
and lament so much should be paid for a dry law book which
would have bought her so much finery. There was a crest Mr.
Petigru had chosen, a crane, and a motto I forget, with his name,
which I mostly pasted myself in each book. "
In 1864 Mr. Lesesne as executor sold the building and land for
$14,000 Confederate money, equivalent at that time to about
one-fifth of its cost. For a number of years after the war it was
occupied as a dwelling by negroes. It has recently been reno
vated and converted into a small modern flat.
From a letter from Chancellor Lesesne we find that in 1863
the office building being directly in the line of the sheUing of the
town, Mr. Petigru's books were packed, and with a number of
tin boxes containing the papers labelled with the clients' names,
were transported to Columbia and placed in the library room of
the Euphradian Society of the South Carolina College and the
door locked. There they remained safely during the War.
After the fall of Columbia, 1865, the key was demanded by
Colonel Haughton and delivered to him. The military occupied
the building. The library room of the Society was on the third
story. The two lower stories were used as guard rooms and
sentinels were always posted in the passages at the doors.
In the following November it was found that the door had
been forced open, the lock broken, the books scattered; many of
them with covers torn off, tattered and defaced; the tin boxes
had disappeared and their contents lay scattered over the floor,
soiled and torn. The matter was reported to General Ames,
who expressed great regret at the outrage; he remarked that the
troops had become demoralized and were not under control.
Through his efforts a few boxes, books and papers were recov
ered. In 1867, out of respect for Mr. Petigru, Congress bought his
Law Library — the money, five thousand dollars, to be applied
expressly for the use of his wife. The books were placed in the
Capitol Library at Washington.
Mrs. Carson writes: " In after years when I visited the Capitol

James Louis Petigru 69
at Washington I was shocked to see the shabby appearance of
the books. Many of the fine calf-skin bindings had been torn,
and at least one-third of them had been stolen in Columbia. At
the ragged remnant I was ashamed to look, whereas I had ex
pected to be proud."
Mr. Petigru's tastes led him to make a garden opposite his
law office, this being the only indulgence he ever permitted him
self in the course of a long Ufe devoted to the welfare of others.
In 1 841 he bought a lot 96 feet front by 86 feet deep, for $5,250,
so that the garden must have been commenced at the period
when he was beginning to see his way out of debt.
The two brick buildings on the site were removed, and in the
yard there happened to be a handsome magnolia tree which was
retained and became a prominent feature of the garden. The
side of the alley was enclosed by an iron fence mounted on a
brick foundation, and the entrance was between two massive
pillars of brick which supported a heavy iron gate. The sur
rounding walls were covered with ivy.
For the purpose of erecting a conservatory, in 1851 he bought
an adjoining house and lot, 17 by 41 feet, for $600.
But here again his character displayed itself. An old cobbler
lived in the house which he desired to pull down; but he would
not turn out this old man and he not only suffered the daily vex
ation of the ugly old building which marred the effect of his
beautiful garden, but he prolonged the life of the old man by
giving him maintenance.
From old receipts it is found that in after years he employed
Webb, a professional gardener, at an annual salary of $150, to
supervise the work of the negro gardeners. At a conservative
estimate this garden must have cost for land, construction, etc.,
$8,000, and for annual maintenance and taxes, $200.
Every morning before work he visited it and gave minor direc
tions to the workmen, and often during the day he could be seen
walking there like Plato in the groves of the Academy. Some
times he would be twisting a lock of his dark brown hair, or
again with both hands behind his back and as was his wont
always talking to himself, either repeating poetry or studying
out the argument of some case.
Any strange plants that he found in the woods he immediately
transferred to the garden for cultivation, and often he would

Life, Letters and Speeches
aa a specimen to Professor Louis R. Gibbes, a universal scien-
 it, with a note requesting the botanical name and "that he
would pardon the curiosity of his ignorant friend."
In his law practice if an old Union man got into a scrape Mr.
Petigru was ever ready to extend to him a hand of encouragement
or assistance. In this way he gave his professional aid to a
Union man in the case of the State versus James Clark. It was
imputed to Clark that he was of negro blood. There were many
people in the Goose Creek section who had been accused in the
same way. They were all Union men. Mr. Petigru defended
James Clark's citizenship and poUtical rights. After one or two
witnesses had been heard on the part ofthe State, Captain Rear-
den, a man of portly mien with a broad good-humored face, was
placed on the stand. Attorney-General Bailey inquired whether
the witness knew James Clark. "Certainly," he replied; "know
him well." "Is he a white man?" "No." "Do you know his
mother?" "Yes." "Is she white or negro?" "Nigger."
And the examination ended on the part of the State.
Mr. Petigru then commenced the cross-examination in his
usual deliberate fashion: "Captain Rearden, I am told that you
have the honor to fiU an important office in the service of the
State." " I do not know what you mean, Mr. Petigru. " "Well
then, to be more definite, you hold the commission of captain of
a company in the militia of South Carolina?" "Yes, sir; held
it ever since I was twenty-one. " " Has James Clark ever turned
out in the ranks under your command?" "Always, sir, never
missed; regular as anybody." "Very well. You were one of
the judges of election also, I believe. Captain Rearden?" "Just
so; always am; they will appoint me at Columbia all I can do."
"Have you ever, while serving as judge, received James Clark's
vote at the poUs ? " " Certainly, sir; he always votes punctually
just like he musters; never fails. " "That wiU do, " said Petigru;
" I have nothing more to ask. " "But, sir, " the Captain replied
hurriedly, suspecting something amiss, "stop, sir; maybe you do
not understand; let me explain, sir. In each parish everybody
musters and everybody votes, except the field hands. That is
the reason, sir, the Union party, you know, always beat us at
elections." The explanation was made with perfect simplicity.
The Captain merely assigned the mode in which his party was
defeated, without suspecting apparently there was anything

James Louis Petigru 71
amiss in it. It was the approved custom of his parish against
which he had no notion of protesting. He was anxious only that
Mr. Petigru should understand the nature and extent of their
privileges.**Grayson, page 133.

72 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XIII
1826-1829
Misfortunes; his Sisters, and Social Life
About 1826 Petigru removed to the house in Broad street,
afterwards occupied by Dr. Frost. While here there occurred
within a few days three of the severest trials of his life. He was
about to fight a duel, his eldest son was killed by accident, and
his mother died.
The following letter, in language beautiful in its simphcity,
describes the death of the child and the soul of a strong man in
agony: TO JANE petigru
Charleston, 13 September, 1826.
My dear Sister:
No hand but mine must write what God knows is hard for
me to write. My Albert, — yes, Albert the child of my heart is
dead. And dead, too, in such a way. He fell from the head of
the stair case down to the first floor, on Monday about a quarter
before 12 o'clock. You know how fond he was of climbing; he
had mounted upon the banister; there was nobody in the house
but the servants; none saw him but Becky; he was supporting
one foot on a smaU board that leaned against the balustrade on
the top step; the board was merely tacked to the balustrade; it
had been there before we came into the house; one leg he threw
over the banister; he supported one foot on this little board; it
gave way, and my poor child feU to the bottom. I suppose it is
thirty feet. He gave one scream, as he fell, but no scream when
he reached the floor. The noise was heard at Mr. White's and
Mrs. Gibbes'; the servants raised a cry; the house was filled with
people; they took him up as dead; they rubbed him, they applied
salts and he breathed. It was ten minutes before I came.
Judge of my horror when I kneeled down by the side of the couch
on which he was lying, spoke to him, — him to whom I never spoke
that he did not answer before, looked into those eyes that had been
so bright a moment before, and saw nothing but stony insensi
bility in them. Two physicians. Dr. Ramsay and Dr. Campbell,
had already come; Dr. Porcher and Dr. North came afterwards.
Then before Dr. North came your sister; she was carried away
insensible, and I remained stupid, in horror. Life seemed to
return by slow degrees, and then they gave us hope, but I knew

James Louis Petigru 73
it was hoping against hope, still my heart received and caught
at it. After bleeding him he was carried up stairs, and then we
waited, you may suppose how, to see if sensibility and life would
return, after this state of torpor was over. Susan Webb and Mr.
Morris sat with him; I was with them that night. As for your
sister she needed a nurse, instead of discharging the office of one.
I was even so far comforted by the accounts of others who had
recovered from monstrous blows, that I slept 2 hours that night
on the sofa, but the morning came, Tuesday morning, he was
worse, and again I felt the torture which words can not describe.
I wanted to write to you then, but I could not do it while in such
awful suspense. Again I was doomed to feel the deceitfulness
of hope. At the end of 24 hours after the injury, Tuesday a little
before twelve, he showed signs of consciousness, and even showed
he knew me, and moved his hand to head to tell me where his
pain was. Oh God, how my heart bounded when the poor child
looked at me and I saw in those eyes the proof of consciousness
and that he knew me. But it was for a moment only; he re
turned to the same torpid state and in spite of all the physicians
could do, who left no means untried, he expired this morning at
20 minutes before 1, having hved almost 37 hours, but never
having spoken. With him all was over in an instant, the mo
ment of his fall was the last he knew. Your sister is prostrated.
She StiU calls for Albert, her Albert; and then when that wild fit
is over complains that she can not bring her mind to think that
he is dead. I am crushed. It is the first blow I have ever had.
But the repeated disappointments that the changes in his state
during those 37 hours had inflicted on me, made me realize the
event when it came. They laid him out and he looked beautiful.
I kneeled down by him, and uttered this prayer: — "Oh God, I
thank Thee that thou didst bestow on me this child, and suffered
him to remain with me during 8 years and upwards, as a most
sweet companion; and how thou hast made him an angel of light.
Grant, oh Father, that his parents may be prepared to follow him
to thy Presence." I now feel easier. I have gone through this
narrative for you and mother and father, the little girls and Tom,
and my own poor children that are with you. We don't know
how we will bring them now. My wife can't think of going,
because one of the last things he did — he was writing a letter to
Caroline, she shall see it when she comes, and since we talked of
going, he constantly asked to be aUowed to go with us. I have
written all, my tears have stopped, and I feel better. Adieu.
Your Brother.
Wednesday, 12 o'clock.
The boy was the greatest pride of his father; his loss was a
sorrow from which he never recovered. On the anniversary of

74 Life, Letters and Speeches
his death, ever afterwards, he withdrew from all society and in
absolute seclusion communed with his own heart.
Calamities never come singly, and the day after the death of
his son, his mother died. He had loved her all his life with great
tenderness and with reverent devotion that could not be sur
passed. She had led a life of patient sacrifice, devoted to the
love and training of her children. On her tomb at Badwell we
find inscribed: To the memory
of
Mrs. Louise Petigru
Nee Gibert
Born in Charleston, 14th September
1767
Died on this farm where she had
spent more than forty years of her life
14th, September 1826
This memorial is placed by her
children who are indebted to her
for a virtuous education to which
her own excellent example
contributed the best of lessons.
Mr. Petigru and his wife immediately hastened to Badwell to
give sympathy and aid. The household consisted of his father,
and his five sisters, ranging iri age from twenty-six to twelve
years. His brother. Jack, had been sent west to seek his fortune.
His second brother, Thomas, had entered the Navy as mid
shipman in 1.812.
His third brother, Charles, whom he had educated, was a cadet
at West Point, where he graduated in the famous class of 1829.
His chief concern was about his sisters. They aU showed their
French origin and were handsome, bright and attractive. In
passing, it may be said that the physiognomy ofthe brothers was
distinctly Irish.
He desired to take the three youngest girls to his home and
consulted his wife on the subject. It was no small matter to ask
a young woman devoted to fashionable society and amusement,
to receive into her household three green country girls whom she

James Louis Petigru IS
hardly knew. But she cheerfuUy rose to the occasion and agreed
not only to receive them, but to welcome them. Accordingly,
leaving the two elder sisters with their father at Badwell, he
brought the three younger — Louise, eighteen; Adele, sixteen, and
Harriet, twelve — to his home in Charleston. They became his
constant companions, and on his return home at night, after a
hard day's work, he devoted himself to their entertainment and
amusement. With parental affection he attended to their very
liberal education; he watched over their future happiness, and
was their guide, philosopher and friend even after they were
established in life.
One of these sisters always spoke with enthusiasm of the way
in which Mrs. Petigru did everything to make them feel at home
and happy.
In 1827 he bought a summer residence at the east end of SuUi-
vans Island. This he used until 1843, when he moved to the
more convenient west end of the island to a house, heavily mort
gaged, that he obtained from General James Hamilton, Jr., in
exchange for a debt.
His eldest sister, Jane, married on 13th of August, 1827, John
Gough North, the son of Dr. North, who was Petigru's friend
when he practiced law at Coosawhatchie.
On the occasion of her marriage, Petigru wrote as foUo-ws:
TO JANE petigru NORTH
SuUivans Island, 31st August, 1827.
My dear Jane.
The last mail brought your letter from Pendleton informing us
that you were no longer Jane Petigru. Well — I hope you will
have the grace to be a good wife, and that your husband may
give a good account of you. I have no idea that a woman should
marry at all, unless she is willing to devote herself heart and soul
to promote the good of her husband. Men have many ways to
show themselves clever fellows — the service of the State in peace
and war; politics and religion, all are before them to choose, and
if one shines in these, a moderate neglect of home and family is
by the consent of mankind conceded to him. But a woman, if
she has a sense of virtue and honor, is to show it, like Solomon's
good wife, in rising betimes and setting her maidens to work. I
hope you are now quite well, and North too. It is rather a bad
beginning that you should have been both sick this summer.
But the summer is now drawing to a close and your bad begin
ning will come, I hope, to a good ending. Charleston is really

76 Life, Letters and Speeches
very sickly and I am glad that we were not there when the sick
ness commenced. It is not on account of the yellow fever only
that it is to be shunned, but there is a prevalence of disease. I
was in town on Monday; saw Dr. North, who seemed to be as
much worsted by fatigue as I ever knew him; he told me that he
had paid the day before 42 visits. * * * Your sister has not
been of late so well as she was at first. She has had headaches
of late, but still they are not as distressing as she used to have in
town and she thinks highly of the Island, so that it is probable
that we shall come here again. Make me kindly remembered
to Mr. and Mrs. North and assure your Mr. North of my regard.
Adieu my dear sister.
Your Brother.
In 1828 Mr. Petigru's final move was to the southwest corner
of Broad and Friend street, now Legare street. There he bought
a house and lot. The house was fifty by fifty feet, two stories
and an attic, with piazzas at each story on the front and back,
extending two-thirds the length of the house. The lower portion
was built on brick walls; the rest was of wood. It had a gabled
roof, of slate, and dormer windows. One entered the hall,
twelve feet wide, from which a staircase with mahogany rails led
to the top of the house. On the right of the hall was the parlor;
to the left were two rooms, the front being used for a dining room.
The upper floor was divided in the same way. The rooms were
large with ceUings twenty feet high. In each room there was
an open fireplace, and to warm the house must have been difficult,
but in those days it was considered very comfortable.
The lot was ninety-five by one hundred and thirty-nine feet,
surrounded by high brick walls on the top of which, according
to the Barbadoes practice, were broken glass bottles supposed to
keep out marauders. In the yard there was a brick stable and
carriage house, and other brick buildings, for the numerous
domestics and hangers-on; the attic of one of these buildings was
constructed as a wine loft.
In those days it was the custom for the head of the house, fol
lowed by his servant with a large basket, to go to the market,
especiaUy on Saturday morning, to make his purchases for the
Sunday dinner. On one occasion Mr. Petigru met Mr. A. hag
gling about paying a dollar for a beautiful wild turkey. Mr. A.
finaUy decided that he would not buy it as he had no one to cook
it, upon which Mr. Petigru with great glee said, "As my daugh
ters have been brought up in the kitchen I will buy the turkey."

James Louis Petigru 11
One of the greatest delights of his home life was to bring home
to dinner any friend whom he might casually meet. Hugh S. Le
gate, William Harper, WiUiam D. Martin, James R. Pringle,
Alfred Huger, and others were his frequent guests. On one of
these occasions a countryman, a friend of his boyhood, dined
there in company with many distinguished guests, and contin
ued, during the dinner, to address Mr. Petigru as 'Jim.' " When
the guests had departed one of his sisters remonstrated with him
for permitting such famiharity. "Ah, my dear," said he, "if
you only knew how few people there are who call me 'Jim.' "
He led the life of a hard-working lawyer. Breakfast at nine;
dinner at three, and then again to the office, remaining there
often till midnight. In the winter he lived in the city; in the
summer he removed his family to SuUivans Island.
Here, while other people amused themselves either by driving
or sailing, he was to be seen about sunset alone in the Episcopal
Church yard, bent over pulling up cockspurs, for which he had
a pet aversion; at the same time always talking to himself. On
Saturdays he would occasionally go fishing; though not much of
a fisherman he enjoyed the fish caught by his friends and was
always the life and soul of the party. During July and August
he went to Abbeville for vacation, which he enjoyed like a school
boy. Sunday was a day of rest and recreation.
He usually had a dinner party when he received his friends and
the many distinguished strangers who brought letters to him.
His cook was a noted artist; and his dinners were seasoned with
an unfailing supply of humor and wit which all remembered
with delight.
The old house in Broad street was the scene of his boundless
hospitaUty until it was burned by the great fire in 1861.
On the 13th of October, 1829, his third sister, Louise, was
married at BadweU to P. J. Porcher of Fairlawn Plantation,
Cooper River.
The ordinary routine of his social life was disturbed at the end
of 1830, when, much against his wiU, he was forced into politics.

Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XIV
1830-1831
Defeated as Union Candidate for State Senator;
Work of the Union Party
The views of^Mr. Petigru were well known. He was aisp-
lutelyiopposed to nullification and secession, which he considered
a revolution that would lead to war. He looked upon the teach
ing of the leaders as madness and a snare and delusion destruc
tive to. the happiness and welfare of the people. To him the
Union and the Constitution were things sacred. In a letter on
this subject, he wrote: "The success of going out of the Union
at will demonstrates the faUacy of attempting to combine the
principle of unity with that of the separate independence of the
States, and makes the Constitution a cobweb, and when it comes
to be so considered it wiU be despised and disowned, and a gen
eral disintegration must follow." H^oftendeclaredthat under
the Constitution each State and each citizen enjoys the largest
amount of independence, freedom, and happiness, and that its
only fault was that it was too good for human nature to bear. -
He was recognized as a leader of the Union party, but always
with great modesty, in aU the movements he placed in the front
rank the name of Mr. Poinsett, Mr. Drayton or some of his other
friends. Some of the prominent members of the Union party
did lean towards "States' Rights," a doctrine always flattering
to the southern mind. State rights aside from the Union he
could not abide. He was essentially conservative, but a
thorough Democrat. The majority of the Roman Repubhc
was always in his mind, but to Demos he never bent.
The people were all enemies of the tariff system, but divided
on the subject of nuUification. A great dinner given at the
Hibernian Hall, Charleston, was made the occasion of publicly
arraigning prominent men upon the question of nuUification.
Mr. Petigru, although closely allied in business with James
Hamilton, Jr., a supporter of nullification, refused to attend,
and William Gilmore Simms, then editing the City Gazette,*
*July 1, 1830.

James Louis Petigru 79
caUed attenrion to the fact that while the voting strength of the
city was 2,800 only 430 tickets were taken up by the doorkeepers
at the dinner.
The leaders of the Free Trade States' Rights party were James
Hamilton, Jr., Robert Y. Hayne, H. L. Pinckney, R. J. Turn-
bull ("Brutus"), George McDufiie, Wilham C. Preston and
others. These were known as Nullifiers; and their enemies
called them "fire eaters." They were all disciples of Calhoun.
The leaders of the -Union States' Rights party were J. R.
Poinsett, William Drayton, J. R. Pringle, Judge D. E. Huger,,
J. L. Petigru, B. F. Hunt, B. F. Dunkin, Henry Middleton; an4'
of the younger men were H. S. Legare, C. G. Memminger, Rich
ard Yeadpn. They were known as "Unionists," and also
taunted as "submissionists.'.' —
The following letters of Mr. Petigru show the condition of
affairs at this time.
In a letter of 1830, he says to an old friend of the opposite
party:* You and I will never dispute much on politics, and not at all
on anything else. There is less difference between us than
between some who are on the same side. Nevertheless, we dif
fer rnore than I ever supposed we would about anything. I am
devilishly puzzled to kno-w whether my friends are mad, or I
beside myself. Let us hope we shall make some discovery before
long which will throw some light on the subject and give the
people the satisfaction of knowing whether they are in their
right ipinds. When poor Judge W. used to fancy himself a
teapot, people thought he was a hypochondriac; but there are in
the present day very good heads filled with notions that seem to
me not less strange. That we are treated like slaves, that we are
slaves in fact, that we are worse than slaves and made to go on
all fours, are stories that seem to me very odd, and make me'
doubt whether I am not under some mental eclipse, since I can't i
see what is so plain to others. But I am not surprised that the
people have been persuaded they are ill used by the government.
Old Hooker says, "If any man will go about to persuade the
people that they are badly governed, he will not fail to have
plenty of followers. " And I am inclined to think that the better
the polity under which men live, the easier it is to persuade thein
they are cruelly oppressed.
Again in another letter, in the year 1830, he says:t
*Grayson, pp. 118 to 120.
tGrayson, p. 119.

80 Life, Letters and Speeches
You remark that in Beaufort you are all trying to become
more reUgious and more state-rights. The connection between
the two pursuits is not so obvious at first sight as it becomes on
a closer inspection; for as it is the business of religion to wean us
from the world, the object may be weU promoted by making the
world less fit to Uve in. And, although I do not myself sub
scribe to the plan, I am fain to confess many excellent men have
thought that the making a hell upon earth is a good way of being
sure of a place in heaven. But I am tired of harassing myself
with pubhc affairs, and wish I could attend more closely to my
own, and had more of the taste for gain — the sacra fames auri.
But I am afraid the bump of acquisitiveness is omitted with me un
accountably, and that I might as well try for music or dancing as
for State-rights and faith in Jefferson, which seems admirably cal
culated to serve one in this world, whatever it may do in the next.
In those days when a man, either lawyer, doctor or merchant,
had achieved some success in life, to buy a rice plantation was
considered the proper thing to do. To restrain Mr. Petigru's
lavish hand his friends thought that the best way was to have
him go in debt, which he was sure to pay. Accordingly, for the
gratification of his wife and his friends he bought a rice planta
tion on the Savannah River a few miles below Savannah. The
cost of the plantation was probably about $35,000. He bought
137 negroes for a little less than $300 each, equal to about
$41,000. The original lists show that the children below 14
years old amounted to 28% and the superannuated to 8%. He
also joined his friend James Hamilton, Jr. (the Governor) in
the purchase of a plantation on the Ogeechee River.
Anxious as he was, notwithstanding his opinions, to devote
himself to his profession and his domestic affairs, he was not able
to resist the importunity of his personal and political friends.
There had been a severe contest for the city government.*
*For intendant: — J. R. Pringle, Unionist, received 838 votes, and H. L. Pinck
ney, NuUifier, 754, a majority of 84. Charleston Mercury, September 6, 1830.
Henry Laurens Pinckney was a man of great talent, and his extraordinary
flow of language gave him great control over the multitude. He was always a
devoted satellite of Calhoun. He was the son of Charles Pinckney, one of
the framers of the Constitution, who was educated by his uncle, the Chief
Justice, and was first cousin of his highly honored relative, Charles Cotes
worth Pinckney. Frances Pinckney, sister of Henry Laurens Pinckney, was
the first wife of Robert Y. Yayne.
James Reid Pringle was always a Union man, and one of the leading lawyers of
the city. He was afterwards collector of the port. He was one of the most
courteous men of his day.

James Louis Petigru 81
Another was pending for the House. He says: "We are about
to begin another canvass, which will be more exasperating than
the election of the last intendant. I am in for it, according to
my usual luck. They have impressed me for a senator — nothing
less than impressment. I resisted stoutly and bawled lustily
for help, but none would help me, so nothing was to be done but
take my place in the team. * * * If I am elected, I shall see
much of you in Columbia, for I suppose your election is certain,
since Beaufort, it is said, is willing to go the whole length of Gov
ernor Miller's course — ballot-box, jury-box, cartouch-box. I
wish Elliott were here, where his soundness would be more
appreciated than it is among your insurging people. Strange,
too, that Beaufort, the most exposed place in the State, should
be most eager to rush into danger. But many ingenious gen
tlemen of my acquaintance are seriously of opinion that the
same Yankees whom we now accuse as shameless robbers, would
desist from hurting us as soon as the Union is dissolved; that we
should only have to do like an indignant gentleman who turns
his back upon a man he dislikes, and lives beside him for the
rest of his hfe without speaking and without fighting."*
After the excitement attending the election for intendant had
died out the members of the legislature were yet to be chosen.
The Nullifiers put forth Colonel Richard Cunningham as a can
didate for State senator. The Union party insisted that Mr.
Petigru should take the field against him. To fit hirnself for the
contest he resijgn«Lthe,offiee-Pf Attorney-General. With what
reluctance he yielded to the importunities of his friends is shown
by the previous letter. The result of the election is given in the
Mercury, October 11, 1830, as follows:
State senator, Richard Cunningham received 1,268 votes and
James L. Petigru received 1,243 votes.
The other members of the legislature elected were about
equally divided between the two parties. Amongjhose of the
Union party elected was H.S. Legare. It was with no srnall
dggree^^of satisfaction to Mr. Perigru that in a few days the le_g-
isl'ature elected 3Ir. Legare to the position of Attorney-General
"whicK Jie' had vacated, and also that his friend. Judge J. B.
O'Neall, was promoted from circuit judge to judge of the Court
of Appeals. In later life O'NeaU became president of the Court
¦"Grayson, p. 120.

82 Life, Letters and Speeches
of Law Appeals and of the Court of Errors of South CaroUna.
James HamUton, Jr., was elected Governor.
On December 14, 1830, an election was held to supply the
place in the House of Representatives made vacant by the
resignation of Mr. Legare, the result of which was tha^Mr.
Petigru received 1,266 votes and E. R. Laurens received 1,041,
a majority for Mr. Petigru of 225. (Charleston Mercury,
December 16, 1830.)
In reference to this event Petigru thus writes to Mr. Poinsett:
TO JOEL R. POINSETT
Charleston, December 15, 1830.
My dear Sir:
After a long spell of bad weather we have at last a little sun
shine. The result of the election was declared about one half
after 11. I have a majority of 227 which is 80 more than Mentz-
ing had over Godard. — I believe Laurens had the full support of
his party. Some few persons from private regard did not vote.
Magrath* was the most considerable and influential of those I
have heard of, who took that course. Boycef voted for me. In
fact they have treated Boyce very ill. More than a fortnight
ago, the proposal was submitted to put him forward as the can
didate of both parties — and it was urged that this was due to his
feelings because they had taken the liberty of making him a
candidate before without waiting for his consent and he was not
on our ticket, merely because we did not think ourselves auth
orized to put him on it. In these circumstances he was not only
defeated but at the bottom of the list. And this was the time
for the State rights men to make amends to his feelings; but they
declined the overture.
I felt a great anxiety to get up an opposition, for the purpose
of encouraging our friends at Columbia. A minority is always
in danger of becoming less, and Mentzing's majority over Mr.
Godard might lead people to suppose that you were deserted by
your constituents. As to going up at once to take my seat, it
seems to me unnecessary. The fatigue is not to be considered
at all, but I am very anxious to go to Savannah River. I will
not determine till to-morrow. I see no use in going if the house
is to adjourn on the 18th, but if I was sure it would sit till Tues
day it would make a difference. The mail will come to-morrow
and perhaps I may hear some news from some of you that will
?Andrew Gordon Magrath, afterwards U. S. district judge and governor of
South Carolina 1866.
-f Ker Boyce, one of the most successful merchants of Charleston.

James Louis Petigru 83
enable me to decide. A great deal of money has been lost in the
election. Bets were made to a large amount last night. Old
Dawson at Mrs. McDonald's won 500 doUars betring on a
majority of 200. I have heard of several large bets on our
majority which have been gained.
I left in Alfred's room the papers you were good enough to
undertake to bring forme. They are deeds, etc. Have the good
ness to put him in mind of it. Yours truly, J. L. Petigru.*
At a meeting at Seyle's HaU, Petigru referred to the result of
the election in these words:
" If the departed spirits of the great and good are permitted to
watch over the living, the soul of Washington must look on these
proceedings and bless them for his country's welfare. " {.Courier,
December 30, 1830). TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, August 25, 1831.
Dear ElUott:
On the subject of a paper in Beaufort, I have talked with some
few of our friends and there seems to be some difference of opin
ion. I am afraid that discussion will do nothing for Beaufort
and St. Helena. The majority are just sufficiently numerous to
constitute a good Jacobin Club, and I presume they are about as
accessible to reason as those most incorruptible patriots. If
you establish a paper in Beaufort, it will embitter the parties
against one another and keep them from forgetting the division,
and, out of Beaufort, the paper is not hkely to circulate. I am
in great hope that the Gazette will now die a natural death. Be
assured, neither Grayson nor FuUerf will^stick^o the business
silTmonths^jTinlessTwe^do somethtng'tcrrriake it a question of
'prideT" I wisKyotnvould go to Philadelphia. It will be an
interesting meeting probably, and our party will be well repre
sented. . If Judge Huger don't go, however, it will be more
necessary for you to do so, in order that our low country dele
gates may have some one to look to, who is not so much a stran
ger as Middleton, nor so entirely a man of books as Legare.
The suit on Holmes' bond begins to excite expectation. To
day the report is that Tazewell is to argue the case for Holmes
and that $2,000 are sent on to insure his attention. I have it
from the very highest authority, and no doubt he has been writ-

¦"Original in the New York Historical Society.
tRichard Fuller, afterwards a distinguished Baptist minister.

84 Life, Letters and Speeches
ten to and has the promise of the party of $2,000 if he will come.
Your essays in the papers have always excited a great deal of
attention and are decidedly more talked of than any anonymous
writings of the times. Is it not, as I have surmised, that the
majority of St. Helena and Beaufort are lielplessi. -The planters
are all Jacobinical, more or less. They are fond of two .things
together, which are power and liberty. In ^-yeix strife we find
them against thg established prder of things and it always must
be so. The planter is necessarily proud and his want of edu
cation condemns all but ttie small class, that stand" at theiead,
to witness jvith great heartburning the consideration paid to
polite education and talents. I have much hope that the other
parts of Beaufort district are more sound. I would Uke to
hear from you, and if you care for the party chit chat, wiU take
pleasure in giving you a taste of it occasionally.
Yours truly, J. L. Petigru.
P. S. — The Union party, after going on with marvelous dis
cretion, have just come to something like a stump. They
thought to send tracts into the country; B. F. H.* had the lead
and undertook to superintend. He wrote the prospectus devil
ish well, too, but unluckily he steps over the line and, as our
orthodox say, defends the tariff. Cardoza has denounced the
paper and I don't know whether H. will explain or be sulky. He
is not known; the paper is quite anonymous and of coufse you
are not to guess at his name.
The Honorable William Elliott was the grandson of WiUiam
EUiott and Mary Barnwell. He married the daughter of
Thomas Rhett Smith, a cousin of Barnwell Rhett Smith. Wil
liam E. Gonzales, of the Columbia State, is his grandson.
He was a graduate of Yale College. By occupation he was a
planter. He wrote many briUiant articles on poUtical and agri
cultural topics,t and was the author of "Carolina Sports," a
model book of its kind. He was a senator from Beaufort County
and a strong Union man during nullification. In 1862, when
Beaufort was occupied by Federal troops under General Hunter,
during his absence his beautiful house in Beaufort was confis
cated under the legal form of being "sold for taxes."

*B. F. Hunt.
tNotably, his report to the South Carolina Agricultural Society as to the honors
awarded to Sea Island cotton at the Paris Exposition.

James Louis Petigru 85
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, September 7, 1831.
My dear Elliott:
We are egregiously beaten. They outdid us in manoeuver-
ing and succeed, I believe, beyond their own expectations. The
information you had was good. They did buy those that were
sold before and practiced new and unheard of means. They
kept men drunk, locked up, broke houses and carried them off
and, in fact, did everything that was audacious. There is an
immense advantage on their side, that their men who follow the
craft of electioneering, have nothing else to do. And they
possess a greater degree of impudence than our folks, and have
more credit for character, with fewer scruples of conscience.
We shall not give up, but take another fall with them in October.
The,.da^JlQar£»eiV'has-Peally-come_wlien. passion is openly .pxe-
ferred to reason, and as long as they can play the part of patriots
and resist the constituted authorities at the cheap rate of blus
tering and bawling I believe they will continue to draw more
fools into their circle. As the real character of their measures,
however, develops itself, they will be deserted. This old quar
rel between liberty and licentiousness is very disagreeable. One
of their bulUes, "Jack Ashe," was killed last night by one of
their own fellows, in a drunken brawl. He was good for at
least fifty votes to them. I am expecting every moment to be
called to assist in the ceremony of swearing in the new intendant,
and must conclude and wishing you better news from everybody
than from me. Yours truly,
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, November 14, 1831.
Dear EUiott:
I have been on the go for the last two or three weeks. Seen
Columbia, Georgetown, etc., and listened to a good many things,
but nothing to compare with the graphic touches of your pen in
relation to the Beaufort revival. You reaUy are the only man,
that has caught the secret of Swift and can make one scream
with laughing, while your own gravity is maintained all the
while to admiration. I suppose, by this time, the fire has con
sumed everything in Beaufort that will burn. I see our senator
has taken leave of his constituents and, I suppose, he steps into
Mr. Joyner's shoes as commissioner in equity. If it is he who
still indites the editorial articles, I am afraid that Mr. Baker*
must administer more hell fire, for the traits of the old insanity
*A Presbyterian minister who was the head ofthe great "Revival of Religion"
in Beaufort district.

86 Life, Letters and Speeches
are stiU but too plainly visible in his last remarks. No doubt,
as one nail drives out another, nullification will give way to
religion in some cases, but our little fellow Pinckney has been
vastly devout for six months, without any visible change in the
filthiness of the outer man. It is the inside only of the cup,
which is cleaned; his malignity, baseness and unhappy prochvity
to falsehood are as great as ever. I perceive that Dr. Capers is
to be Grayson's successor, from which I suppose, there is no
hope of any effectual opposition. If you could only join us at
the Senate in Columbia and Smith should be elected, as I hope
he win be in York, it would be a great change for the better. I
was at the meeting at Black Oak, last Friday; St John's is very
much divided; it can not, with safety, be counted for us. The
senator. White, has gone over to the enemy. The Representa
tives, GaiUard and Dwight, are firm. In Georgetown the parties
are nearly equal; a little will turn the scale either way. In the
districts on the Pedee, above Georgetown, the Union predomi
nates, and Ervin, former senator from Marlborough, is moving
with the greatest activity and zeal on our side. It is perfectly
uncertain whether they will attempt to nullify at this time.
There is an ambiguous denial of it in the Mercury, and Harper's
and Preston's speeches at Columbia, are the same way. Huger
gives a very interesting account of the Philadelphia convention.
It is certain Virginia wiU not patronize nullification and the signs
from Georgia are very favorable. Our State now rocks and it
depends on our neighbors whether the revolution shaU proceed.
If they are firm, the freetraders will be obliged to strike, and I
don't think the day is far off, when they wiU cease to wear " those
sweet smUes of assured success" which, the Times says, our
patriotic governor* exhibited at Columbia. Jackson's pros-
Rects are brighter than ever at the North. The nomination of
Ir. Wirt by the Antimasons, has confounded Mr. Clay's friends.
It is thought he will hardly be regarded a candidate except in
Kentucky and Ohio.
Have you seen Middleton's letter to his constituents? He
speaks of the Freetraders in not very measured terms. Cooperf
at Columbia is in great trouble. We must move his expulsion,
and nothing but a party vote can save him. If it be true that
his party intends to desert him, he must go. Adieu.
Yours truly,
*James Hamilton, Jr.
tDr. Thomas Cooper, president, South Carolina College, 1820-1834. He was
finally turned out. The college had been almost destroyed through his presi
dency.

James Louis Petigru 87

CHAPTER XV
1832
The Union Party and Nullification
Ordinary poUtics were very little to Mr. Petigru's taste. He
infinitely preferred the pleasure of social intercourse with his
friends and the discharge of his professional duties. Neverthe
less when he once espoused a cause he gave himself to it heart
and soul. To the Union party he devoted the services of his pen
by contributing able articles to the columns of the City Gazette
and of the Courier; made many popular speeches; gave them the
full benefit of his great learning and ability, was the "soul of
their councils "and became the acknowledged head of the Union
party in South Carolina, though after his accustomed fashion
after doing all the work he put others forward for the praise and
reward. How much he detested the dissensions and divisions among
friends which the nullification controversy created, is shown by
the following letter to his sister, Mrs. North.
TO JANE petigru NORTH
Charleston, June 13, 1832.
My dear Jane:
We had a grand meeting of the Union party last night, Mr.
Henry Middleton* in the chair, and passed resolutions declaring
our adhesion to the Union and our reliance on a southern con
vention. They did not pass without debate — Mr. Grimk6t
opposed them in a speech that was argumentative and eloquent;
but, the great majority voted with us — and I believe Grimke is
satisfied that he has done his duty, and if any harm comes of it,
he is not to blame. Mr. Blake White also offered to support Mr.
Grimke, but, he began after 10 o'clock and the folks cried out
for the question, which I was sorry for — and he could not go on.
We think it will make an impression on the country, and that if
Mr. McLane's bill passes, which is expected, they will rather
acquiesce in the bill than try either nullification or southern con-
*Member of Congress and governor of South Carolina. For many years minister
to Russia and often called "Russia Middleton.''
f Thomas S. Grimke, a lawyer of great learning and high character.

88 Life, Letters and Speeches
vention. But as yet, there seems to be no disposition on the
part of the indignant patriots to accept of any compromise.
I suppose you know that I am going to Edgefield. I expected
to set out tomorrow in my own carriage, but one of the horses is
lame, so I shall go in the stage to Edgefield and depend upon
hiring or borrowing; James Smith* (a brother of Barnwell) is to
deliver the oration for the Union party, but we shall not have a
grand dinner and all that, unless the Nullifiers turn out and
parade, and then we will. Poor Judge Prioleauf is despaired
of; he has had a second stroke of palsy — he was taken on Mon
day afternoon and is speechless but sensible. It-is-reaUy very
dis_tressing — one of the best roen in the relations of domestic Ufe
that I^erkhew — one whom I so much esteenred" and have l)een
so" Intimate with and now he is going to die, and these cursed
politics have made me almost a stranger toliira,^. '^ —
Your Brother.
On the 27th of April, 1832, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr.
McLean, presented a tariff bill (mentioned in the previous letter)
in answer to a call from the house. It was planned to raise
twelve millions of revenue. It was proposed to collect fifteen
per cent on imports in general, with special and higher rates on
the great protected commodities. This was the administration
plan. The battle raged over the whole field of politics and political
economy. The act as finaUy passed on the 14th of July, 1832, reduced
or abolished many of the taxes. It did not materially alter the
protective taxes. The tax on iron was reduced; that on cotton
was unchanged; that on woolens was raised fifty per cent. This
was the position of the tariff and nullification when the presi
dential election was held.
On the passage of this act the people of South Carolina
thought that the limit of proper delay and constitutional agita
tion had been reached. The volcano was nearing eruption.

*Now Rhett.
fThis refers to Judge Samuel Prioleau. His first wife was Hannah Hamilton;
his second wife was Elizabeth Lynch Hamilton, sisters of James Hamilton, Jr.
His second wife was the mother of Charles Kuhn Prioleau, of Fraser, Trenholm
& Company, Liverpool, the financial agents of the Confederacy in England
during the Civil War.

James Louis Petigru 89
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
SuUivans Island, August 7, 1832.
My dear EUiott:
I received your letters, and if I did not answer the first, it was
because, what with moving and other troubles, I was put off
the course of my better thoughts. I wrote to Colonel Drayton,
begging him to get, if possible, the southern members to unite
either upon recommending the biU or some course of opposition,
and since he came he told me he had endeavored to do so, but
could not. The reason is pretty clear since the Georgia members
have disclosed themselves. Have you seen Clayton's speech
and toast at Laurens and have you seen the Augusta Constitu
tionalist? The editor has done a very bold act: he has struck
out of his paper the Troup nomination of members of Congress,
made by the party last December, and says, before that ticket
is printed again in his paper, he must be better informed of the
intentions of those gentlemen in the crisis of our affairs. This
is a leading Troup paper and it portends a breaking up of the
party. The Federal Union, the leading Clerke paper, repub
lishes Oglethorpe with praise and classes drunkenness, cholera
and nullification together, as the three curses of the nation. On
the other hand, the Chronicle, of Augusta, a Clerke paper, is in
the most intimate union with our association, and the Nullifi
cation party in the State is nearly equally divided between the
Troup and Clerke parties, and it seems to me impossible that
these parties can longer be kept together on their distinctive
grounds. The NuUifiers must unite and their opponents will
unite of necessity. Wayne and Forsyth are the only Georgians
who, in Congress, have stood by the Union and this schism is,
I believe, extending in North Carolina and Alabama. Things
will come to a crisis and perhaps it is better that the question
should be made in the other southern States now. It wiU per
haps have a good effect in more ways than one. The zeal of our
State doctors will not be so great, if they anticipate rivals in
other States. They want auxiliaries, but they will be chagrined
if they find that Troup and Clayton are disposed to lead;__It,
-\jguld_bejust like. Calhoun if he were to come forward to save
the.Cj3nsti'turion_,at its Jast gasp. I.should not..be..suEprisedJf
he were to astonish the natives with another somersault. We
win do our utmost in the city and have hopes of carrying the
city election. If we do, there is no telling what the State election
may turn out. And if Judge Richardson is not mistaken, who
is confident of eight districts beyond the Pedee, we are pretty
sure of defeating the convention again. You are pledged and
must keep your word. I see no use, but on the contrary, great
inconvenience in your resigning. If your friends were wiUing
to release you, that would be another thing, but, I suppose, as
they are admitted again to the fold, they would do nothing of

90 Life, Letters and Speeches
that kind. Encourage the " tristes reliquiae belli," the faithful
Unionists of Beaufort; we are strong enough to save the country
if we have patience. Will you not call a meeting to send dele
gates to Columbia? We must do it. The Sumter people insist
on the meeting and Judge O'Neale thinks it expedient for his
part of the country. Nominate a full ticket. Let us make a
goodly show and put forth a strong address, the object of which
will be either acquiescence or convention. We may caU for
convention as loud as we please; it is not likely the other States
will join in convention, as long as they keep down nullification
without it. And the address will have a good effect on the
election. Let me request you to prepare one. It ought to be
well done and none of us could do it as well as you. I have had
bad luck with mine and don't intend to try this time. How did
you like the last? I mean that for the Union meeting, where
Mr. Middleton presided. I wrote Grayson a letter the other
day, quizzing him horribly. I wish he would show it to you.
It is a melancholy sign, when honest men like Grayson are so
willing to be deceived, that they will repeat not only what is
mntrue, but what can be proved to be false in five minutes, and
jwiU continue to abuse their conscience by devotedly believing
it, after it is proved to be false. This reminds me of the club.
I agree that the times would justify it in us to meet club with
club, but, can we get a gang to oppose robbers, as easily as rob
bers unite in gangs? I think not. Yours faithfully,
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, August 24, 1832.
My dear EUiott:
I write but a line to tell you I have read your address with
great pleasure and spoken to little Estill, who will go about the
printing on Monday. The price of 200 or 500 is much the same,
20 dollars. If you will send me the rest of the copy, I will attend
to it and forward them to you as soon as done. We are going
about the election in good earnest. It seems to me almost im
possible we should lose it. I really begin to think a reaction is
taking place. Yours truly,
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
SuUivans Island, September 4, 1832.
My dear EUiott:
We have lost the city election.* — Not only so, but a majority
¦"For intendant —
H. L. Pinckney received 1,112 votes.
H. A. Desessaure received 950 votes.
Majority for Pinckney 162 votes.
Charleston Mercury, Monday, September 3, 1832.

James Louis Petigru 91
of 162 against us. The election was conducted very scandal
ously in many respects. The guard and paupers voted in defi
ance of law and shame. They actually admitted it was an
evasion of law, and said they did it on their responsibility. In
other instances, particularly at the poll where A. H. Brown
martaged, there was great partiaUty in admitting, as weU as in
rejecting votes. I fear the consequences on the State elections,
and our only consolation is, that we did our utmost. The truth^
is, the public mind is poisoned. I never felt so shocked as by
the shameless disregard of all sense of justice exhibited yest^-
day. An awful warning of the temper of revolutionary tribunals.
Estill has finished your book. As soon as Bythewood* sails or
any other opportunity occurs, 300 copies will be sent you; 500
are printed. I thought I would retain the others for distribution.
I don't know the exact amount of Estill's biU, but will let you
know. I shall go to Columbia; I wish you would go too.
Yours truly,
P. S. — I am more and more pleased with your production in
print. I am much mistaken if it does not make a strong impres
sion.
Proceedingsf of the Union and States' Rights convention at
Columbia, South Carolina. Convention met pursuant to
adjournment. The minutes of the proceedings of the first
two days were read.
Mr. Petigru, frorii the committee, reported the following
address and resolutions which were submitted to the convention:
To the People.
At this period, when the controversy by which the State has
for years been distracted is drawing to an issue of fearful import,
the delegates of the Union party assembled at Columbia, invite
your solemn attention to the consideration of the best mode of
providing for the public safety. They solicit your co-opieration
in a common effort to sustain the prosperity, and if possible the
peace of the country. There is no tariff party in South Carolina ;
we agree on every side that the tariff should be resisted by all
constitutional means. So far there is no difference of opinion;
but we are divided as to the character of the means that should
be employed; and resistance by nuUification is the fatal source
of bitterness and discord. Even those who are in favor of nulli
fication differ widely as to its character. It is recommended as
constitutional and peaceful, but when explained even by its

?Captain of Schooner Clutch & Benefit.
-fCharleston Courier, September 15, 1832.

92 Life, Letters and Speeches
advocates it assumes many different aspects, and furnishes an
evil omen of interminable strife.
Regarded as a peaceful remedy, nullification resolves itself
into a mere lawsuit, and may be shortly dismissed as a feeble,
inefficient measure. For it has been wisely provided that the
Constitution and acts of Congress made in pursuance thereof
shall be the supreme law ofthe land — and in a court sitting under
the authority of the Constitution, the merits of the question
could receive no aid from the high-sounding terms of an act of
nullification. Regarded as a forcible interposition of the sover
eign power of the State, the objections to it are far deeper. It
is not a mere infraction of the Constitution which, like an exter
nal injury leaves its great utility unimpaired, but a radical and
fatal error.
The theory ^renders _ the Constitution a dead letter — and
the practical enforcement of the doctrine is the beginning of
Revolution. A Government inadequate to its purposes"" can
nljtlri the nature of things maintain its existence. The great
end and aim of the Constitution is to preserve the union of the
States, and by that means the harmony and prosperity of the
country. The old Confederation proved inadequate to that
end, because the execution of its resolutions depended on the
will and pleasure of the several States. The convention which
formed the Constitution owed its existence to the necessity of
giving to the general Government the power to execute its own
laws. If the several States can nullify an act of Congress like
the tariff, that power can not be exercised, and the federal
government must follow the fate of the Confederation. It is in
vain to argue against facts. The theory of nuUification fal
sifies the history of the country. It is monstrous to contend
that the framers of the Constitution did not invest the general
Government with power to execute their own laws, or that with
out such power a union can exist.
The restriction of the State veto in its terms to laws declared
by the State to be unconstitutional is merely nominal. In
practice it can make no difference, for whether the laws be uncon
stitutional or not, the effect of the nullification must be the same.
If one State has the jurisdiction to declare a law unconstitu
tional, every other State must have the same; and the Consti
tution can have no settled meaning. It is vain to say the powers
would be lightly exercised. If it were a power which the States
possess, if the right was acknowledged, there would be no more
difficulty or reserve in the exercise of it now than under the Con
federation. A veneration for the Constitution may prevent
infractions, but can have no application to the exercise of the
right when it is once admitted to be constitutional. According
to the theory of nullification any number of States, more than
one fourth of the whole, may change the Constitution. For in

James Louis Petigru 93
case a State shall nuUify an act which that very State in common
with all the others had formerly recognized as legitimate, or any
law that is really constitutional, unless three-fourths concur in
favor of the law so nullified, the Constitution wiU, to all intents
and purposes be changed; and this power of a minority to alter
the Constitution is deduced from the express provision that it
shall not be altered by a majority of less than three-fourths. By
the same rule, if unanimity had been required in all amendments,
the Constitution might have been changed by any one State.
Such fallacy requires no exposure. A construction which
destroys the text and gives to words an effect directly opposite
to their sense and meaning is too gross for argument.
Such are the objections to nullification in theory. It is not
merely an infraction of the Constitution, but a total abrogation
of its authority. But in practice a jiissolution of the Union is
onejjf the least of the^ire calamities -which it must inflict on
the zaa^trf7~~K.jMj.ifion from theTJnlon might possibly take
place in peace, and would only impair our national defense, put
duiund^gendence in danger^ arid give us up as a F|arty to foreign
influence, wiHTTts usual consequences of domestic factions and
frequent~wars. . But ''nullification- in, practice must produce a
direct coUision between the authorities of the States arid those
pTthe Union. It would place both parties under the necessity
of a conflict, and ensnare the citizen between inconsistent duties,
adding to the disasters of war the cruelties of penal laws. It
may be said by the advocates of nuUification that the State is
entitled to the unquaUfied allegiance of its citizens, and that
the decrees of a State convention would supersede all other obli
gations. Without stopping to examine the correctness of this
doctrine, it may be conceded for the purposes of argument, that
if the State authorities command us to withdraw our allegiance
from the general Government we are bound to obey. But
nullification proposes to be .a constitutional remedy — and whilst
Tf caUsupon us to resist the constituted authorities, it commands
ifripUcit obedience to the Constitution of the United States;
can anything iess. than humUiation and..defe.at be expected from
such a tijsue of inconsistencies ?
Tfut^if nuUificariohbe considered not as a constitutional power,
but as a high prerogative, and an exceptance justified by great
emergencies, it must in principle be the same as the right of
resistance, which is recognized by the principle of freedom as a
right paramount to all constitutions, and is but an application
to the State as a poUtical body of the same principle which pre
vails in every case between the people and the government.
But as this exception is by its very nature beyond all law, it can
not be incorporated into the rule of the Constitution. The
question in all such cases is, whether necessity exists; whether the

"=?

94 Life, Letters and Speeches
magnitude of the evil is such as to justify a resort to revolution
ary force.
We cherish a sacred attachment to the Constitution, and
deplore and deprecate the effects of that rage and_passion,^which
in the correction of abuses would sweep away .the inestimable
institurion^H^lreedom. "'TTiiuUification was not fatal to these
insTitutions there would be no dispute among us, and when the
vital and essential interests of the State are in jeopardy, we
should think no risk too great for their preservation in the last
resort. But it would little comport with patriotism or prudence
to incur aU the calamities attendant upon the destruction of
social order, if any plan can be suggested for the removal of the
burthens of the tariff (already considerably diminished) by
safer and more eligible means. We believe that the times call
loudly for the adoption of such a plan, and that no insuperable
objections stand -in the way of a cordial co-operation of all
parties. Let the southern States meet in convention and delib
erate as well on the infraction of their rights as on the mode and
measure of redress. The States of Virginia, North Carolina,
Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi are equally con
cerned with us in all the consequences of the tariff. If the free
dom and prosperity of one are involved in the issue, those of aU
the others are equaUy concerned.
Whatever advantages may, be expected from nuUification as
a constitutional check, can only be realized by a concurrence of
the States that are interested, and such a co-operation appears
to be clearly intimated by the Virginia Resolution as the proper
proceeding in such cases. And if nullification be regarded as
an appeal to the principle of resistance, it would be madness to
expect success without the support and countenance of those
States. If the States which are injuriously affected by the pro
tective system, concur in regarding the ordinary constitutional
checks as insufficient to restrain the general government within
its proper sphere, such interposition as they may advise, will be
most effectual and productive of the smallest injury.
Even those who support the opinion that nullification is a
constitutional and peaceful remedy, admit that it is only to be
resorted to in extreme cases, and on the ground of great public
necessity. And how shall we be satisfied of this necessity but
by the support and concurrence of those States who are equally
-'nterested? Many causes may conspire to create an excitement
in one State out of all proportion to the magnitude of the evil.
But if the excitement is general and prevails as widely as the
mischief extends we may be sure that it does not proceed from
prejudice or accidental causes, and that the crisis has arrived
for the intervention of an extraordinary remedy. It is due to
the veneration in which the Constitution ought to be held, to
the responsibility which we are under for preserving it inviolate.

James Louis Petigru 95
that no measure, involving in its consequences so essentially
the stability of the Government as nuUification confessedly
does, should be undertaken except by the concurrence of such a
number of States as are invested with the restraining or negative
power in the case of amendments.
Such^_are__tb£_adK2Jitages..QL..a,,.SQH.thern cony^^^ The
objections to it may be easily disposed of. ij:is^ not, unconsti
tutional. The States are prohibited from entermg into treaties
or cofTfederacies among themselves. But a gpiithfini, contention
wUl^ form _nq treaty or compact of any kind. Their obj_^t .will
"Keto. deliberate, to .enlighten, and give effect' to public. opinio^.
I'^^^or will their deliberations be injurious to the Union. If the
States who are aggrieved by the tariff laws act in concert their
claim will in all probability be conceded; but if the very worst
that can be imagined should happen, and their demands be
capriciously rejected it will be for the several States and not for
the convention to act on the subject. The advice of the con
vention will no doubt have great weight, but it will be salutary
influence, not a legal control.
In the spirit of amity we make this appeal to our fellow-citi
zens. The glorious inheritance is at stake. The same blow
which destroys the union, levels to the ground the defences of
liberty. Under the Federal Constitution we have enjoyed all
which the patriots of the American Revolution desired to see.
Our country has increased in riches, in knowledge, and in honor.
And those who offered up their lives in the cause of America
would have closed their eyes in peace if they could have been
blessed with a vision of that future which we have enjoyed.
The happiness of our citizens has formed the admiration of the
wise and good; and now when the scene is changed, and discon
tents created by the acts of Government, have brought the Con
stitution itself into danger, it depends on the moderation and
wisdom of the sons of liberty, to repay in some degree the debt
of gratitude, by transmitting the same inheritance to their pos
terity. 1. Therefore Resolved, That while we deprecate nullification
as founded on principles subversive of the Constitution, we
would willingly and cordially unite with our fellow-citizens ofthe
Free Trade and States Rights party of this State, on any ground
which promises a redress of our grievances, without involving a
violation of the Constitution of the United States.
2. Resolved, That in case of concurrence of the States of Vir^
ginia. North Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama and Missis
sippi, this Convention do earnestly recommend to the citizens
of this State to meet in their several districts and elect delegates
to attend a general meeting of the citizens of the said State in
convention, to take under consideration the grievances under
which we labor, and the means and measures of redress.

96 Life, Letters and Speeches
3. Resolved, That we solemnly pledge ourselves to adopt, abide
by, and pursue such measures in relation to our grievances, as the
said convention shall recommend.
4. Resolved, That a committee of nine be appointed to corres
pond with their feUow-citizens of the said States, and in case of
their concurrence in the proposed convention to give notice
of the time and place of holding the same, and fix a day for
election of delegates from the several districts of this State, and
that a majority of the acting members of the committee be
authorized to supply any vacancies in their numbers as the same
may occur.
The above report and resolutions adopted by the convention
by a vote of 112 to 1. TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, September 20, 1832.
My dear EUiott:
I suppose you have seen our proceedings in Columbia. We
regretted much that you were not there. We went on smoothly.
Brisbane from St. Georges made a speech against the Resolutions,
which, the Nullifiers in the gallery applauded, till they were told
that he was mad and then, they were vastly chagrined by this
evidence of the likeness between him and their great men. I
would hardly write to you now, if I did not wish to tell you how
rapidly your address to your constituents was caught at. I
carried up nearly all the impressions besides what you have and
they were called for again and again after they were all gone.
I left a few here and Estill tells me there was such a demand for
them, that he kept them no time, and speaks of publishing a
second edition. More than all, I believe it has had great effect
in making him a good Union man. As to our prospects, they
are not as flattering as I could wish. The idea that we are the
weaker party has great influence in making us still weaker. If
we liad missionaries to traverse the country as they do^it believe'
firriilywe^COuld dispute thF ground' with them succSsEjIly. ^ut
we have none. Even now, I am invited to Barnwell and, after
balancing the pros and cons till I am tired, I am not able to go.
If I was independent of the shop, I would take the field in earnest.
Cheves'* second number is coming out; he ought to put his name
to it. "Occasional Reviews" is a ridiculous title for a contro
versial political pamphlet. As far as the manner of pubUshing
can weaken the effect of his opinions, he has made sure of de-

*Hon. Langdon Cheves, Speaker of the U. S. House of Representatives, law
judge of South Carolina, president of the United States Bank and finally a most
successful rice planter on the Savannah River.

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riON 1832
James Louis Petigru 97
priving them of any dangerous authority. One important fact
I must tell you and this is, that these delegates at Columbia were
nearly all in favor of resistance to NuUification, whether by the
"Legis Latinae" or convention. They are to assemble again
in December and with a view to that very question, which, I
have no doubt, will be decided in favor of resistance and, if they
nullify, the sword will be drawn in good earnest. I speak, of
course, on the supposition that the act is accompanied by penal
laws or any encroachments on the liberty of the citizen. Adieu.
Yours,
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, September 28, 1832.
My dear ElUott:
Your resignation was, I've no doubt, considering all circum
stances, the best thing you could do. When sedition rages in a
great city, there is some consolation amidst the risk of resisting
and queUing it, in the dignity of the position. But, in a petty
borough, among a feeble, hot-headed set, what is one to do but
leave them to their folly? I suppose your remonstrance has
kindled their zeal anew. In every other part of the State your
address has been received with admiration. A second edition
has been printed, in consequence of the first impression being
entirely taken off. It is quite in character, however, with the
petty malice of a corhmuriity Uke Beaufort, that lies at the mercy
oreyeryeneiny, to resent an .appeal to their, reason, which, com
ing as it 3oes, from one of their fellow citizens does them more
honoFth^ari'^dt^their-tovm-can-;boas^^^^ The circumstances, at
which you~Have funted, that led immediately to your resigna
tion, are not known here, and it is taken for granted that you
resigned rather than vote for convention. Probably it is as
well to let the impression remain so. The editors, I believe,
have said nothing about it, though from my stay on the island
I am not in the habit of seeing the papers regularly. It wiU be
"touch and go," as they say, about a convention. If we break
their ticket in town the convention is lost; if we do not, it is
perfectly uncertain. The doubtful districts are York, Chester,
Newbury, Union, Laurens, Claremont, Georgetown, BarnweU,
Abbeville. Of course you have seen_Calhou.n'sJast piece. I
think it requires answering and that he is entitled to sorrie credit
for the skiU with which he has put together his materials. But
it is a paltry affair. Disconnected from the excitement of the
day, the reasoningj^uId~be li^ttle^attend He has aban
doned the oIcTgrSundlireach party judging for himself, and now
s^nds.alto.ge.t.be£ W°^ ^^^ allegiance — the exclusive and .abso
lute allegiance of tne";citizen to the State. There is no such
aUegiance and his declaration J^hat there is no such jhing^as^lhe

98 Life, Letters and Speeches
American people is unworthy of a citizen. But, even if it was
so^The difficulty remains: what is to become of the other States?
South Carolina is not entitled to their allegiance and they have
not merely a natural but a positive right to have the Constitu
tion enforced on the people of South CaroUna. I hope Mr.
Cheves will take up the argument and push him to the wall.
We are working very hard here and have some hope — a good
deal of hope; in fact, we don't think of giving up. It is very
desirable that we should know what are the Union votes in every
district. I have been told repeatedly you ought to stand again,
which I have discountenanced. If you have any gentleman,
however, that will put up his name, merely by way of showing
there is a minority and what it is, I would be glad.
Yours truly,
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, October 3, 1832.
My dear EUiott:
I am going off to-morrow to Inabinets in St. Georges to address
some citizens at a barbecue, and can not put off acknowledging
your letter of the 26th till I come back, considering too, that it
should have been done before. I hardly know what to think
of your Beaufort. For a quiet and rather a dull place, it has
become another name for sedition. It has no populace and
very few houses, but it certainly lacks little else to make it a
match for the most seditious place in Christendom. I have no
doubt, however, that your people acted by order and that the
edict was to purge the parishes. The movement was made in
St. Helena, St. Bartholomews, and St. Thomas. I suppose
you have seen Huger's letter: he will not resign. There is no
sort of doubt that the exaction of your promise to abide by the
voice of the parish in regard to convention was unfair, as it was,
in fact, another way of voting for nuUification. But when they
claimed your vote for nuUification itself it was downright impu
dence. I suppose they go for the right of instruction in aU cases.
A. Huger's brother told me this morning he ought to resign, for
a representative was bound to obey the wiU of his constituents.
I have not spoken to old Deas on the subject, but I suppose they
will determine that you can resign, although I see some notice
in the newspapers of doubts and Wardlaw of the C«ro//w2a« very
impertinently requests you to change places with Grayson. I
think, if I were in your place I would not attend the Senate and
let them get out of the difficulty (if there is any) as well as they
can. And now as to your resigning, I think you were perfectly
right. You were so situated as to make it impossible for you
to hold on without doing more harm than good. A place like
Beaufort is very different from St. Thomas Parish. There Huger

James Louis Petigru 99
may hold on and it will make no feud nor produce any quarrels.
But you grieve me when you say the Union party has melted
away. That is one of the worst symptoms of the revolutionary
times; it shows either madness or terror when everybody seems
anxious to be in the majority and there is a rush for whatever
is uppermost in parties. So we shall not meet at Columbia,
even if I am elected and that is a great doubt. We are making
great efforts but the Nullifiers have resorted again to bribery.
I suspected they were going to do so from their absurd punc
tiliousness a week ago. We shall expose them and use no money
and if our rogues — I mean those who are used to money — don't
desert we shall yet do well. I'on will probably lose Christ
Church. Rose will have a contest for St. Thomas and Shool-
bred is a candidate with some prospects from St. James Santee.
There is a great struggle for Goose Creek; we have an unfor
tunate candidate, Davis; he is under the imputation of return
ing no property in his own name. We are very anxious to run
a ticket in every district with a view to ascertain the numerical
strength, but I suppose there will be none in any part of Beau
fort district but St. Luke's. Do send over the Union votes if
we have any, to give Allston a help. Does not Turner own
some land in St. Luke's? Adieu.
Yours faithfully,
P. S. — I hope you have by this time received my answer to
your first letter, i. e., the first after you had resigned.
Unpledged Republican Ticket
Tames R. Verdier ) „
John Fripp \ Representatives.
Ticket printed; nothing else at present.
Petigru made many speeches during this exciting period. All
of them were masterpieces of wit and humor. Those who heard
them spoke of them as models of popular eloquence. They
abounded in pithy reasoning, pointed illustrations and apt allu
sions. He never committed the mistake, common to stump ora
tors, of attempting to lower himself to the level of his audience,
but raised them to his own level of good, pure, unadulterated
and forcible English. No stilted style or bombastic language
weakened the force of what he had to say. In one of these
speeches, at a meeting in a neighboring parish, he impressed
upon his hearers the dangers they would incur if the Union were
dissolved. "I see," he said, "some broad-shouldered and deep-chested
men among you; but who of this assembly would undertake,
with all his muscular power, to strip off with a single pull with

100 Life, Letters and Speeches
I both hands all of the hair from the tail of one of your horses
that stand hitched behind you among the trees? It would be
impossible for the strongest. But the weakest among you, if
he takes the hairs one by one, might pull them all off very easily
and leave the stump as bare as his hand. It is thus that dis
union would expose you to be stripped by enemies that you now
despise." Coming home from the meeting, Richard Yeadon said to him :
"Where did you get your horse's tail? Was it an invention pro
duced by the sight of the countrymen's horses?" "No, Dick,"
replied Mr. Petigru, "I got the horse tail from _PJ.utarch.. Tht
tail isclassicaljjnyijfriend.''*
The reminiscence ofj. H. Dukes, who as a boy heard him use
these words at a meeting:
" But long ere the day comes which sees these United States
a divided nation, I do trust in God that I may sleep in the cold
and silent grave far from the dissonance of that wild note that
shall proclaim the triumph of misrule and downfaU of my coun
try's glory."
The intense excitement and bitterness over the city election
for intendant was surpassed by the ensuing election for the legis
lature. The peace was in peril always from the pubUc meetings
of the two parties. These meetings were held by the Union
men at Seyle's long room between Meeting Street and King
Street; by the Nullifiers at the "Circus."
At these places they were addressed by their several leaders;
the most inflammatory speeches were made night after night,
the rank and file denounced, ridiculed and reviled each other.
On one side the popular tribunes were Hamilton, Hayne, Turn
buU (Brutus), Deas, Pinckney and many more; on the other,
Petigru, Poinsett, Drayton, Huger, and their assistants. On
one side the epithets "submissionist," "slave," "sneak," "cow
ard," "renegade," were freely applied. On the other the terms
Jacobin, madman, fool, conspirator, were as hberaUy bestowed;
and so they went on uttering phrases of contemptuous scorn
with rival zeal and earnestness.
One night there was an exciting passage between the two
factions when they nearly came to blows, and it was always con-

?Grayson, p. 124.

James Louis Petigru 101
sidered a very critical moment, for had blows been dealt, civil
war had begun. They had met as usual. Some were armed;
others were excited with liquor or with passion. The customary
harangues were made and a large amount of fuel supphed to
their patriotic fires. The leaders began to be apprehensive
of the consequences of their own work. The Circus sent a note
to the long room, advising as a prudential measure that the
Union men should retire from their meeting by the way, not of
King Street, but of Meeting Street. King Street was the outlet
of the Circus assembly. The purpose of the missive was a
friendly one to avoid a collision between the two bands. The
object met the approbation of the Union chiefs. The note was
read to the meeting with the hope that its suggestion should be
followed. Nothing of the sort. "What!" it was said, "shall
they dictate to us by what route we shall retire to our homes?
Would they make us the slaves they already call us ? Who will
submit? Not one." The way by Meeting Street was wide and
easy; that by King Street was narrow. They tore down fences
to go out by the King Street outlet; they tied slips of white
cotton to their arms for recognition and marched down King
Street, breathing defiance to their enemies. They met, — the
Union men going down; the Nullifiers going up the street. They
stood in battle array, ardent for fight, and, like Homer's heroes,
began the onset by abusing each other.
But fortunately common sense and right feeling had not quite
deserted the leaders. They made attempts to keep the peace
and finally agreed among themselves to a sort of compromise.
The hostile meeting occurred just at the point where Hasel
comes into King Street. It was agreed that the Union party
should turn into Hasel Street provided the Nullifiers did not
follow them; but the compact was not kept. The insurgent
party pursued their foes. Many blows were aimed at Petigru.
Drayton and Poinsett were both struck by brickbats but were
prudent enough to keep the fact from the knowledge of their
followers. An ardent NuUifier, finding himself opposed by a
common laborer, waved him aside with the remark: "I wiU not
spill your base plebeian blood; bring forth your Draytons, your
Pringles and your Hugers." At length the city guard was
maneuvered into position between the belligerent parties and
they retired to their homes or to the taverns to recount the

102 Life, Letters and Speeches
exploits of the evening and prepare new broils for the future.
Mr. Petigru and his friends retired to his house in Broad Street
aliHTiad supper, and they were joined by Geng.ral.Hamiltorij the
leader of the opposition. Party feelingbetwe.en .these, men..did
not destroy their.personal regard of iriejidship.
Thousands of dollars were contributed by patriotic gentlemen
and not less patriotic ladies towards defraying expenses on
either side. Voters were kidnapped and kept locked up and
under guard until the day of election. Staid citizens and roUick-
ing youths mingled with laboring men and sailors at balls in
Elliott Street and other disreputable places. It was anything
_t^o catch a vote. Drunkenness and debauchery were in the air.
The result of the election was that the Union party were
defeated, and the NuUifiers, for the first time, got control of
South Carolina.
/ The nullification contest was undoubtedly the culminating
period of Mr. Petigru's political life. The following unstudied
letter to his friend, Mr. Hugh S. Legare, then in Brussels, is
characterized by graphic descriptions, patriotic sentiments and
prophetic utterances. From a relative of Mr. Legare these
letters came into the hands of Prof. Yates Snowden, with whose
permission they are used. They have previously appeared in a
"Life of James L. Petigru," by Joseph Blythe Alston, published
in the News and Courier in 1900.
TO HUGH S. LEGARE, BRUSSELS
Charleston, October 29, 1832.
My dear Legare:
Since you left us things have turned out as fools wished and
wise men expected. The city election with all our pains was
lost. Pinckney beat DeSaussure* 160 votes. On the 8th and
9th we were defeated again; the whole Nullification ticket suc
ceeded by an average majority of 130. The governor's procla
mation, like one of Napoleon's bulletins, was ready in anticipa
tion of the victory, and was read in all the districts the day after
the election, convening the legislature on the 22d. You know
it was always a doubt which was the legislature between October
and November, but, as Clayton says, he that doubts is damned
nowadays. The convention bUl was dispatched as soon as it
could be read, and the legislature adjourned on Friday, and the
convention is to be elected and convene between this and the
*Henry A. DeSaussure, a lawyer of Charleston.

James Louis Petigru 103
third Monday of November (19th). Thus you see that we are
on the gallop and how long our demagogues will keep the saddle
no one knows. The spread of Jacobinical opinions has been
terrible. We have only twenty-six members in the House and fourteen
in the Senate. The Union vote throughout the State is about
16,000, and the Nullification 23,000. Our country friends were
terribly taken in. In Richardson's district, Claremont, they
were beaten 300 and in Barnwell by 500. In Abbeville by 700.
Charleston, Georgetown, WlUiamsburg and York were the dis
tricts where they ran an equal race. In Georgetown — two
Union men to one NuUifier — the vote being 188 to 186. In
Williamsburg a tie between the first Union and the first NuUi
fier, and in York we were beaten by twenty-five votes. I'on is
turned out in Christ Church and Deas in Camden. We had
our Union convention in September and put forth our southern
convention prospectus, but all would not do. Nothing could
supplant nullification but something that would go ahead of it,
and as far as South Carolina has a voice her fate is sealed. Now
the question comes whether our Constitution is anything better
than other ware of that kind that has been hawked about
since 1789. What a pity that Lafayette to the other republican
institutions to which he was making Louis Philippe a convert was
not able to add State rights. The Union party here have deter
mined not to support any ticket for the convention. Our friends
in the legislature who come from districts where they have the
upper hand think differently. We mean to reserve ourselves
for the ebb tide. How long we shall wait is a very serious ques
tion. If we had anybody at the head of affairs that could be
depended on it would be a fair chance yet, but the old man* seems
to be more than half a NuUifier himself, and we are compelled to
rely for the best of our hopes on the doubtful allegiance of Geor
gia. Wayne received the greatest vote any man has received in
Georgia for a long time, 9,000 more than Clayton, but Jones is
elected, as well as Clayton, Foster and Gamble. The Troup
men seem to have voted together, and to have supported their
NuUifiers most strongly, for the only candidates on their ticket
who were left out (Haynes and Branham) are Union men. But
the Georgia convention assembles next Monday night and the
proceedings will throw some Ught on the poUtics of that State.
Cummings is a host himself. If the South ever gives a Presi
dent I hope it will be he. He is fit for the very highest place and
the mighty improbability that he ever will receive it is a beauti
ful commentary on the superiority of our elective monarchy.
The turbulence of the late election far outdid anything you
ever saw here. We were beset at Seyle's night after night by a

*General Jackson, who had not yet pronounced himself against the Nullifiers.

104 Life, Letters and Speeches
disorderly mob and obliged to arm ourselves with bludgeons
and march out in files. The mob crowded on us with every
species of insult. Their leaders entreated us to retire, as their
men were perfectly disorderly and would listen to nothing. It
was with great difficulty we could persuade our men to do so.
Many blows were aimed at me; Drayton and Poinsett were both
struck and we drew off our people amidst every species of insult
and abuse. We could have cleared the street, and it would have
been policy to do so, but doubtless the parties would have met
the next time with muskets.
After the city election a treaty took place between the parties
to prevent bribery. The Nullifiers construed this compact as
they do the Constitution — they gave men money to prevent
them from selling their votes. And as soon as we complained
and said the compact was broken, they took us at our word and
dropped the disguise, but what is more, stuck up great placards
headed, "Compact abandoned by the Union party." Frank
Wood was never in such glory and it is scarcely possible to con
ceive of any abuse that was not openly practiced. As an
example the paupers were discharged by Tom Gantt on the day
of election, and they voted by the unanimous consent of his
brother managers, backed by old TurnbuU, who insisted roundly
that as they were discharged from the Poor House they had a
right, and that they ought always to be discharged in order that
they might enjoy their privilege. There_ap2ears to me a_great
increase _of_ that contempt-fotL just ice _that seems to-.gojiandjn
harid' with exery jrevplutiqn. For our i:oLn.soTa"fion, however,
religion lieyerja^as more flourishing. In Beaufort and Walter-
boro its triumpKs~irave~beeft--^very signal. Robert Barnwell
and BarnweU Smith* have given in their adhesion. It is Uke
Mahomet's faith, however. They combine war and devotion,
and, in^act,Jt--seems-tQjii£jtha£Jknaticism of every kindison
theJiiicrease. I am in a complete stateofrnrLei'taiiuynrnyselfr
Uncertain as to what the NuUifiers will do; what Congress will
do; what the States will do. Sometimes I think it will all pass
off in smoke and noise, but these are rather my hopes than my
opinions. If a revolution is effected I am doubtful of my own
course. Should it come to an affair of force in the State I must
\ \ take my share, and if proscription and penal laws are enforced I
i must emigrate. But in fact if the Union is severed my mind is
I made up to quit the negro country. But where to go? aye,
there's the rub.
I I ought to mention that Alfred Huger has absolutely quit the
Nullifiers; refused to vote for a convention and refused to resign.
You may judge, therefore, in what sort of odor he is. Cheves,

*Both former pupils of Mr. Petigru, and Members of Congress and Senators
from South Carolina.

James Louis Petigru 105
too, has made a wise movement of the same kind. He has writ
ten three books and a supplement against the Nullifiers; against
the 40-bag; against the convention, and against the call of the
legislature, but they both quit their party just at the time when
they could spare them without any inconvenience, and they have
done us about as much good as they have done harm to the
others. Your mother is quite well. Your sister has not yet returned.
We had frost last night for the first time. Your kindness to
Charles is such as places me under great obligations. Whether
he will get a furlough I don't know. He wishes to resign,- but
the idea of coming to Charleston in the present circumstances
is so preposterous that I rejected it altogether. Your letter was
a great boon to me. Almost the first thing that has happened
for a long time to please and gratify me. Pray don't forget me.
I'll try and keep you informed of what passes here even if it is
but Uttle, and it does seem to me that our revolution has less
dignity than the rest. Adieu. Yours faithfully.
The St. Simoniens are excellent, but Figaro is full of wit.
The absence of all wit from our politics is another proof, I sup
pose, of our superiority.
J. S. Clayton of Georgia, alluded to in this letter, was a can
didate for President in 1824. He was the judge, in Georgia, who
sentenced the two missionaries, to the Cherokee Indians, to
hard labor. This decision was reversed by the Supreme Court
in 1828. In 1832 he was in the United States Senate, opposed
to the tariff and nullification. He was said to be a great stump
speaker. Mr. Petigru with great humor often reported a peror
ation of one of his speeches as follows:
"Who doubts is damned; who denies is a dastard, and the
very commonest hangman would consider his office degraded to
nail his ears to a door post."
Mr. Petigru evidently expected armed coercion by the national
Government in case nuUification was put into full effect, and
the following letter to Mr. Elliott as to the coUector of the port
of Beaufort is significant: TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Beaufort Creek, S. B. Margin, November 18, 1832.
My dear EUiott:
Lest I should not see you, I write beforehand to tell you, that
I am very desirous of seeing you and wish to converse with you

106 Life, Letters and Speeches
on a matter of consequence. The Government is wide awake
to the plot of our demagogues and there will be a scene before a
great while, for I understand that it was decided before the call
of the convention, that the State shall secede if coercion is
attempted. That coercion, very vigorous and effective, as far
as the old man is concerned, will be employed, there is no room
to doubt. If it was not for the antipathy of the National Repub
licans to the administration, there would be no doubt at all.
What with their want of all confidence in the General and their
high federal principles, it is difficult to say which course they
will pursue. As hard as it is to predict what Georgia, between
the love of sedition and hate of Calhoun, will decide on. It is
probable they will be obliged to make arrangements concerning
the port of Beaufort. Who is your coUector at present and, in
case of the office being vacant, whom would you recommend,
that is, whom would you secretly and privately prefer? The
patronage of the Government can not, of course, pass through
Barnwell's hands,* and these questions the administration must
ask of you. Your postmaster is sound? If he were otherwise
employed, who would be fit for his place? Do write me to
Savannah, as soon as you receive this. I hope I may see you
and if I am to leave the letter for you, I shall leave a great deal
unsaid. Recollect, officers of vigilance and firmness as well as
integrity are necessary. Yours truly.
After the election nullification moved rapidly forward with
the precision of weU adjusted mechanism. Governor Hamil
ton, the next day, by proclamation convened the legislature for
the 22d of October. They met and on the 26th passed an act
ordering a convention to be held on the third Monday, the 19th
of November, 1832. The convention accordingly assembled.
Governor Hamilton presided as president. The convention was
composed of 162 members, of whom 136 were NuUifiers. It
immediately adopted an ordinance that the acts of Congress of
May 19, 1828, and July 14, 1832, were null and void, and no law
in South Carolina, and not binding upon the State, its officers
or its citizens; that no duties enjoined by that law or its amend
ments should be paid or permitted to be paid in the State after
the 1st day of February, 1833. The ordinance provided that
no appeal from South Carolina courts to a federal court should
be allowed, such an appeal to be considered contempt of court,
and all officers and jurors were to take the oath of allegiance;
*Robert Woodman Barnwell, then member of Congress from the district.

James Louis Petigru 107
South Carolina would secede if the United States proceeded to
eriforce anything contrary to the ordinance.
The legislature met again at its usual time, the 4th Monday of
November, and passed laws requisite to put the ordinance in
operation. Goods seized by the custom house officers might be
replevined; the militia and volunteers might be caUed out and
10,000 stands of arms were to be purchased.
Robert Y. Hayne resigned from the United States Senate, and
on the 13th of December, 1832, was elected governor of South
Carohna without opposition. He had just attained his 41st
year, and had served ten years as Senator. The day following
the election of the governor, Calhoun was elected to the vacancy
in the Senate; for this purpose he resigned the office of Vice
President on December 28th, having been Vice President for
eight years. Hayne immediately issued a proclamation to the
legislature as follows:
After ten years of unavailing remonstrance in common with
other southern States, South Carolina has in the face of sisters
of the federation and the world, put herself upon her sovereignty.
* * * She was compelled to assert her just rights or sink
into a state of colonial vassalage. If South Carolina is not re
lieved by a satisfactory adjustment of the tariff or by general
convention of all the States, she has declared before God and
man that she will maintain the position that she has assumed.
* * * She is anxiously desirous of peace. She has no wish
to sever the political bond which connects her with the other
States; but, with Thomas Jefferson, she does not regard the dis
solution of the Union as the greatest of evils; she regards one as
greater, viz., submission to a Government of unlimited power.
* * * I recognize no allegiance paramount to that which
the citizens of South Carolina owe to the State of their birth or
adoption. If the sacred soil of South Carolina should be pol
luted by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood
of her citizens, shed in her defense, 1 trust in Almighty God that
no son of hers, native or adopted, who has been nourished at her
bosom, or been cherished by her bounty, will be found raising a
paricidal arm against our common mother.
This inaugural was spoken of as "the most successful display
of eloquence ever heard. "
On the 10th of December the Union convention met in Colum
bia, and on the 14th presented to the legislature the following
remonstrance and protest, and adjourned. Referring to this

108 Life, Letters and Speeches
paper, Mr. Petigru, in a letter to Mr. Legare, says: "The first
is the work of your poor friend, and the last was concocted
between Poinsett and Memminger."
Remonstrance and Protest
of the Union and States Rights party.
The Union and States Rights party of South CaroUna, assem
bled in convention, do remonstrate and solemnly protest against
the ordinance passed by the State convention on the 24th day of
November, last.
1st. Because the people of South Carolina elected delegates
to the said convention under the solemn assurance that these
delegates would do no more than devise a preamble and consti
tutional remedy for the evils of the protective tariff without
endangering the union of these States. Instead of which that
convention has passed an ordinance in direct violation of all
pledges. 2d Because the said ordinance has insidiously assailed one of
the inalienable rights of man, by endeavoring to enslave all free
dom of conscience, by that tyrannical engine of power, — ^ test
oath. 3rd Because it has disfranchised and prescribed nearly one-
half of the freemen of South Carolina, for an honest difference of
opinion, by declaring that those whose conscience will not permit
them to take the test oath shall be deprived of every office, civil
and military.
4th Because it has trampled under foot the great principles of
liberty secured to the citizens by the constitution of this State in
depriving the freemen of this country of the right of trial by jury,
thereby violating that clause of the Constitution intended to be
perpetual which declares that "the trial by jury as heretofore
used in this State and the liberty of the press shaU be forever
inviolably preserved."
5th Because it has violated the independence guaranteed to
the judiciary, by enacting that the judges shall take a revolting
test oath, or be arbitrarily removed from office, thereby depriv
ing them of the right of trial by impeachment, which by the
Constitution of the State is intended to be secured to every civil
officer. 6th Because the ordinance has directly violated the Consti
tution of the United States, which gives authority to Congress to
collect revenue, in forbidding the collection of any revenue
within the limits of South Carolina.
7th Because it has violated the same constitution, in that

James Louis Petigru 109
provision of it which declares that no preference shaU be given
to one port over any other in the United States, by enacting that
goods shall be imported into the ports of South Carolina without
paying duties.
8th Because it violates the same Constitution, and tramples
upon the rights of the citizen by denying him the privilege of
appeal in cases in law and equity arising under the Constitution
and laws of the Union.
9th Because it has virtually destroyed the Union, by care
fully preventing the general Government from enforcing their
laws through the civil tribunals of the country, and then enact
ing that if that Government should pursue any other mode to
enforce them, then this State shall be no longer a member of the
Union. 10th Because the tyranny and oppression inflicted by this
ordinance are of a character so revolting and the effects antici
pated from it so ruinous that the commerce and credit of the
State are already sensibly affected and will soon be prostrated,
and its peaceable and industrious citizens are driven from their
homes to seek tranquility in some other State.
The Union party of South CaroUna in convention, do further
remonstrate and solemnly protest against the project of a stand
ing army, proposed by a party in power, as dangerous to the
liberties of the people. They would respectfully ask their fellow
citizens, whether such an army must not be confessedly inade
quate to protect the NuUification party against the people of the
rest of the United States should they resolve to coerce them.
What other object therefore can such a force accomplish than to
serve as an instrument of tyranny over their fellow citizens ?
This convention doth further protest against any effort by a
system of conscription to force the citizens of the State from
their firesides and their homes, to take up arms and incur the
pains and penalties of treason, in support of a doctrine which the
people were assured was pacific in its nature and utterly incon
sistent with any danger to the Constitution of the Union.
Solemnly remonstrating as they hereby do against the above
mentioned grievances, the Union party would further express
their firm determination to maintain the principles which have
ever been the rule of their conduct; and while on the one hand,
they continue their unfaltering opposition to the tariffs; on the
other they will not be driven from the enjoyment of those inalien
able rights which by inheritance belong to every American citi
zen. Disclaiming, therefore, all intention of lawless or insur
rectionary violence they hereby proclaim their determination to
protect their rights by all legal and constitutional means and
that in doing so they will continue to maintain the character of

1 10 Life, Letters and Speeches
peaceable citizens, unless compelled to throw it aside by intol
erable oppression. Thomas Taylor, President.
Henry Middleton "|
T>-X. J T A/r ¦ \ Vice-Presidents.
Richard 1. Manning [
Starling Tucker J
[Then follows the names of the members of the convention.]
Done at Columbia, South Carolina, on Friday, 14th Decem
ber, 1832, and in the 57th year of the independence ofthe United
States of America.
Attest: Franklin J. Moses. James Edward Henry,
Secretary of Convention.*
President Jackson immediately took up the defiance which
South Carolina threw down to the Federal Government. Gen
eral Winfield Scott was quietly ordered to Charleston for the
purpose, as the President confidentially informed the collector,
" to superintend the safety of the ports of the United States in
that vicinity." Troops were ordered to collect within conveni
ent distance so as to act with efficiency should the occasion re
quire. Naval vessels were also sent.
On December 10, 1832, the President issued a proclamation
to the people of South Carohna. It began by refuting one by
one the leading propositions of the NuUifiers. The right to
annul and the right to secede as claimed by them was shown to
be incompatible with the main idea and object of the Constitu
tion, which was "to form a more perfect Union." The right
of the State to secede was strongly denied. The proclamation
concluded in the following words: "FeUow citizens of my
native State, let me not only admonish you as the first magis
trate of our common country not to incur the penalty of its laws,
but to use the influence that the fond father would over his chil
dren whom he saw rushing to certain ruin. In that paternal
language and with that paternal feeling let me tell you, my
countrymen, you are deluded by men who are deceived them
selves or wish to deceive you."
The people of South Carolina were astonished and thrown
into consternation by the proclamation. To them it seemed
*City Gazette, Friday, December 21, 1832.

James Louis Petigru 111
inconsistent and not in accordance with the theories that Jackson
had been understood to hold. They ascribed his attitude on
this question to his hatred of Calhoun.
The proclamation of Jackson was received in South Carolina
on the 16th of December. The legislature immediately issued
the foUowing resolution : ' ' Whereas, the President of the United
States has issued his proclamation, resolved, that his excellency,
the governor, be requested to issue forthwith his proclamation
warning the good people of the State against the attempts of the
President of the United States to seduce them from their allegi
ance, exhorting them to disregard his vain menace, and to be
prepared to sustain the dignity and protect the liberty of the
State against the arbitrary measures proposed by the Presi
dent." Hayne immediately set to work and on the 20th of December
issued his counter-proclamation. It was a most ardent docu
ment; by some people called pugnacious; and was considered
the most perfect for the occasion.
In the counter-proclamation, in addition to the usual diffi
culties, he also was embarrassed by the protest and remonstrance
of the Union and States Rights party, which could not be lightly
disregarded. The proclamation was received by his adherents
with applause, and by his adversaries with ridicule.
Arms and supplies had been procured by the State govern
ment; it was decided to garrison the citadel. Men and women
wore the blue cockade, and the State was ready for civil war.
A spark at any moment would cause an explosion. General
Scott with the United States forces and two gun boats were on
hand to "pacify" the people. It is rather interesting to note
that 2d Lt. Joseph E. Johnston, 4th ArtiUery, was at this time
stationed at Fort Moultrie.
Petigru graphically describes the situation in the following
letter: TO HUGH S. LEGARE, BRUSSELS
Charleston, December 21, 1832.
My Dear Legare:
Though I am staying at home and you are seeing far and
strange countries, yetjvrnhahly T am reaUy in the midai:-Q£-a
sgene more curious tKanTHose^^^^Jiavc_a£ijopporti^ of_ob-
servingl 1 wrote you I forgeFthe date anH toTdyou oftSegreat

112 Life, Letters and Speeches
and overwhelming success of the Nullification ticket. The
election was hardly declared before Jack Irving got upon a
table at the door of the State House and read the governor's
proclamation caUing the legislature, that is, the new members,
on the 16th October. The proclamation had been prepared
beforehand in anticipation of the victory. The legislature met
and by two-thirds of both branches called a convention. The
convention election went subsilentio. We.r.an_na.ticket_ui4jie
low. coyntry.,-nar in any of the districts above but tliose where
¦we had a^decided niajority. The consequence was^hey~pu^ on
their ticket those aspirants for distinction that had never been
blessed with such a testimony of confidence before. And the
convention was in fact the plain tool of McDuffie and Hamilton.
They passed without debate an ordinance which has gone far
beyond what they had promised; nullifies everything and offers
to the general Government no alternative except between sub
mission and secession. The legislature, which had adjourned
after the convention bill, re-assembled on the fourth Monday
of November and have been in session ever since. Our Union
convention met on the 10th instant. We mustered very strong
and the great majority of them were disposed for strong meas
ures. But Johnson, O'Neall and Manning were placed in a
situation of great embarrassment. They had been coaxed and
flattered as far as they could be coaxed and flattered and they
were committed by speeches, declaring they would go with the
State, etc. It had been confidently asserted that Johnson and
O'Neall would not take the test oath. But I soon found this
was a mistake. Yet they were exceedingly averse to affirm
their allegiance to the United States, and urged the pohcy of
making no pledge against obedience to nullification. They
gave up in the end the first, and we conceded the last, leaving
the inference that we would not take the oath nor bear arms
against the Government to be drawn from what we avowed
rather than from what we promised. You will read the report
and the protest. The first is the work of your poor friend and
the last was concocted between Poinsett and Memminger. It
was understood that if we would not resolve to disobey the ordi
nance, but confine ourselves to the impeachment of it, the legis
lature would not enforce the test oath nor levy the 10,000 men
which are to form the standing army of Carolina, and so far it
seems probable that they will blink the ordinance. We re
mained in session from Monday to Friday and then adjourned.
And the foUowing Monday came the President's proclamation
which you may well suppose created a monstrous sensation.
They were going here to burn the old man in effigy, but the cer
tainty of raising a mob and Ben Hunt, in the absence of Hayne
and Hamilton, being in command of the militia, they wisely
receded from their intent. In the legislature, however, it has

James Louis Petigru 113
put the Nullifiers into a roasting ferment and what they may
do is uncertain. In the meanwhile the forces of the general
Government are concentrating at this place. General Scott
is at Sullivan's Island, more men are daily expected and the
revenue cutters in the harbor are on the lookout. What effect
will these things have on the community? I believe a great
many are amazed as in waking from a dream to find that which
they considered one of the simplest things in the world is going
to turn out the parent of war, prostration of commerce and a
military government.
I had a conversation with Carew to-day. He spoke guardedly
but is evidently alarmed. Many of them say they have been
deceived. That they were for constitutional nullification (Cal
houn nullification), and had no idea of what has come to pass,
which is just what the Union men foretold. Yet whether they
wiU be able to break the chains is doubtful. It is one of the
most beautiful jessons of history and wiU^tave~very~edifying
rio^oubFto those"who read ifHere after. The warjind revolu-
tjon party are a decidedjiunoritv. but theyjKave_gc)j:_an_ascen-
dancywMclTgives them an absolute controLoyerjhejveajciJiinds
oTjhatjiumerous 7iTassIwBaIgfe^"fHiH~or ashamed to think_fbr
themselves. The idea of "going foiTny'owrf State""'ts'a stum-
'Bling block. And the demagogue is in effect the State. The
President's proclamation is a singular paper to be sure. It con
tains some high federal doctrine, which seems to come from Jack
son most oracularly, as if the priest was giving utterance to what
the Deity forces from him, without any volition on his part.
You will ask how we all feel? Like men in a revolution, care
less, heedless; eat, drink and be merry, for to-morrow we die.
It will be hardly possible to come off without a sedition and the
shedding of blood. If it was left to Governor Hayne it might
be, but Hamilton don't trust him twenty-four hours to himself.
The general opinion, I believe, of their own party is that Hamil
ton is as much governor as ever, except in name. And when
McDuffie is present he is protector over them both. There is,
however, an opposite in the House and another in the Senate.
Frost, Ball, Noble in the House; in the Senate, Campbell, and I
believe Patterson, relent against war and proscription — in fact
against the letter and spirit of the ordinance.
Martin, Earle and Evans don't wish to take the oath. And,
strange to tell, old Gantt is a non-juror. DeSaussure and Rich
ardson are firm as a rock. Henry A. surprised us all by his
intrepidity; he and Toomer were against the negative pregnant
in the report, which, by professing obedience to what is lawful,
implied the not distant probability of open resistance o meas
ures pronounced unlawful. They were for speaking plain. The
people of Horry are perfectly willing to take arms They don't
philosophize at all. The Spartanburg, Greenville and Lancaster

114 Life, Letters and Speeches
men are of the same way of thinking — they sympathize fully
with the old man that disunion is treason. Your reflections on
the "limitary cherub," who sets the march of mind at scorn and
keeps men in the beaten track, are perfectly just. All our
republican tricks, so keenly described by Mrs. Trollope, will
hardly save us from the catastrophe of more polished States.
The discipline of liberty is too severe. It is like temperance at
a feast — a happy state of self-denial.
I ought to include in this imperfect abstract something about
religion. It flourishes more and more — fanaticism of all kinds
spreads. Cooper is acquitted and extolled. Barnwell Smith
and Robert Barnwell are full of the Holy Ghost, and it is an
nounced that Henry L. Pinckney will oppose Dr. Palmer for
the church, if he does not oppose Colonel Drayton for Congress.
I say nothing of European affairs, for I want you to tell me of
them. I wish Charles could go, but am afraid he can't. Adieu,
my dear Legare. Your friend tiU death.

James Louis Petigru 115

CHAPTER XVI
1833
Repeal of Nullification
One of the first acts of Governor Hayne was to appoint Ex-
Governor Hamilton brigadier-general, and assign him to the
command of the State troops which had been called out. Gen
eral James Hamilton, Jr., as he is hereafter known, immediately
proceeded with his usual enthusiasm and energy to organize and
equip the army of South Carolina.
Both sides were ready for action. Calhoun had directed that
no overt act should be committed, and with no small difficulty
the leaders managed to restrain their excited followers.
On the 21st of January, 1833, the Nullifiers held a rneeting
at the " Circus." Hamilton made a very fiery speech and was
quite ready to precipitate the conflict. However, it was finaUy
decided to defer putting into effect the ordinance of nullification
from the first of February to the first of March.
Many of the State legislatures had met; but none of them en
dorsed the action of South Carolina. On the 26th of January
the legislature of Virginia passed an act offering to mediate be
tween the United States and South Carolina. Accordingly, the
honorable Benjamin Watkins Leigh was appointed commis
sioner for that purpose, and arrived at Charleston on the 4th of
February. He immediately requested Governor Hayne to
communicate to the convention the resolution of the legislature
of Virginia, and asked that the ordinance of nuUification be
suspended until the close of the session of Congress. He was
assured, that from information they had of the bills before Con
gress, this would be done.
On February 13, 1833, the president ofthe convention ordered
it to convene on the llth of March.
On the 16th of January Jackson sent a message in which he
informed Congress of conditions in South Carolina, and asked
for the passage of an act known as the "Force Bill." He also
referred in his message to the Supreme Court as the proper

116 Life, Letters and Speeches
authority to decide the constitutionality of the tariff. Calhoun,
in reply to this message, declared that South Carolina was not
hostile to the Union; and he made the point that the NuUifiers
had always wished to get the tariff before the Supreme Court,
but there was no way of doing so.
On the 12th of February Clay introduced in the Senate his
compromise bill to supersede all other propositions. This pro
vided that all duties over 20% were to be reduced one-tenth
every other year for ten years, and then to be a general horizontal
reduction of 20%. By an agreement with Calhoun this was
carried out.
The "Force BiU" was passed on the 26th of February, and
the compromise bill on the 27th, and became a law on the 3d of
March, the same day that the tariff of July 14, 1832, went into
effect. On March 11, 1833, the convention in South Carolina assem
bled. They immediately repealed the ordinance of nullification,
and passed another ordinance nullifying the "Enforcement
Act," and adjourned. It is not quite clear whether the last act
was a joke, or was seriously meant.
Everybody was satisfied except the extremists, who would
have been glad to have had things pushed to the worst. Both
sides claimed the victory, one party because the duties were
paid; the other because the tariff was reduced; and the pride
of both was satisfied. During the period of nuUification
Petigru was undoubtedly the head of the Union party, but after
doing most of the work, with his accustomed modesty, he put
forward his friends into the most prominent places; hence some
historians claim the post for Poinsett,* who had occupied posi
tions of honor under the Government and was prominent on
account of his scientific and social attainments.
Petigru's letters of this period are humorous but earnest de
scriptions of events. TO HUGH S. LEGAR^
Charleston, February 5, 1833.
If you knew, my dear Legare, how happy one of your letters
makes me you would think it unjust to feel or express any doubt
of my zeal. As your letters come regularly, though at long
*Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Vol. XU, No. 3.

James Louis Petigru 117
intervals after posting, I hope all mine will arrive in time. I
received yours of the 6th December on the 4th instant. I had
previously received those of 16th and 23d October and 20th
November. Our two-penny resolution is smoking still, but the
blaze has not yet broken out. The bold hand with which Mc
Duffie raised the veil and showed the people constitutional nuUi
fication in the ordinance staggered the folks a Uttle. They were
not prepared for secession; they were not prepared for the test
oath, but the chain of party is nearly as strong as the yoke of
power. Few changes have taken place and those who were^
Nullifiers are Nullifiers still, and the catch word, "I go for my
State," is an answer to all objections. Yet the legislature did
not venture to follow the ordinance with equal steps. They
gave ground on the test oath and the law which they passed to
carry this part of the ordinance into effect requires all officers
hereafter to be elected to take that oath upon entering into
office; but those already in are to take it whenever they are
called on officially to bear a hand in the execution of the ordi
nance. If they had pressed that oath upon the incumbents
five judges would have walked, Johnson, O'Neall, DeSaussure,
Richardson and (would you believe it?) Gantt. Our Union
convention assembled on the 10th December; we mustered
strong. I have already written to you about that and the
President's proclamation, which came the day after we ad
journed. Like spoiled children the Nullifiers wailed aloud and
screamed out that the President was coming to butcher us and
all that sort of thing. The bills for carrying the ordinance into
effect were passed. Hayne was made governor, Calhoun sena
tor, Barnwell Smith, attorney-general, and a law was passed to
garrison the citadel in Charleston with sixty men. They find
it difficult to raise this small force — only twenty-four are en
listed yet. Meetings, however, have been held and harangues
made to induce the citizens to volunteer to mount the blue
cockade and offer their services to the State. In this thing they
are successful enough; nor perhaps is it to be wondered at, for
they are careful to tell them that there is no danger; that the
Constitution is a shield and the President can't touch them.
They sent Philip Cohen and Rutledge Holmes to the North to
make purchases of arms, and have, it is said, laid in a great quan
tity. This is done openly. Secretly they have made arrange
ments on the great roads to Columbia and from Columbia to
Charleston for provisions and subsistence. On the 21st of Janu
ary the association met in Charleston. They had Preston in
addition to their city oratory and Governor Hamilton told
them the chiefs had agreed to wait till 4th March to see if Ver-
plank's bill would pass. That he had shipped a cargo of rice to
Havana for a return of sugars; that he intended to let his sugars
go into the custom house stores, but when the 4th March comes

118 Life, Letters and Speeches
if the tariff was not repealed he expected them to go to their
deaths with him for his sugars, which was received with great
applause.* The President afterwards sent a message to Congress
on South Carolina affairs, which has given rise to a bill reported
in the Senate to empower the President to coUect the revenue.
The first section authorizes him to remove the custom house in
case of danger to the fort. The rest is copied nearly from the
law of 1792 for suppressing the whiskey insurrection and the
embargo act of St. Thomas of Canterbury. This biU is now
before the Senate and Webster appears as the supporter of the
Constitution and the antagonist of Calhoun. Expectation is
big with the approaching conflict between these champions.
The first sound was only a prehminary, but it is plain Webster
took the upper hand and Calhoun betrayed a most feverish
excitement. In the meantime the eyes of men have been turned to Virginia.
They were for weeks engaged on federal relations, nullification
and the President's proclamation. At last they adopted reso
lutions condemning nuUification; condemning the tariff and re
questing South Carolina to suspend the ordinance. Benjamin
Watkins Leigh was elected to come to South Carolina and en
force this appeal. He is come; he arrived here on Sunday. I
called, but he was out. On Tuesday the city council resolved
that he be requested to consider himself the guest of the city
and to dine with the worshipful councU on Friday. My im
pression is from all this fuss that they mean to accept his medi
ation. I don't know whether to wish it or not. I am afraid
it will only prolong the despotism that now prevails. For the
power of the chiefs is complete tyranny, and while they can
keep the minds of their followers up to fever heat they can do
what they please with them. And if they suspend their action
now the interval will be employed in agitation, and they will
make it appear that Virginia is an ally. They have no other.
Forsyth and Cumming have beaten them in Georgia. Their

*Miss Maria H. Pinckney, eldest daughter of General C. C. Pinckney and Gen
eral Hamilton, imported a cargo of sugar in order to have a practical test of the
working of the tarifi^ law. It is said that General Hamilton demanded the sugar
of the collector, Mr. James R. Pringle, stating that he "did not care a d — as to
the amount of the tax, but declined to pay it on principle." The collector
replied that neither did he "care a d — for the amount of the duty but would
hold the sugar according to law. '' No soldiers, with drums and banners, were
ordered out to capture the sugar, but General Hamilton published a rather sar
castic article in the paper concerning the collector. The collector, with blood
in his eye, sought the editor and insisted upon knowing the author of the article.
A duel was expected; however, wiser counsel prevailed and the matter was ami
cably adjusted and so ended this opera bouffe performance. Tradition does not
record what finally became of the sugar.

James Louis Petigru 119
Milledgeville convention has proved an abortion. You know
they recommend a convention of Southern States, or as many as
would join, and books were to be opened in all counties to take
the votes of the people on the point. No books have been
opened at all, except in one or two counties, and there the
proposition was voted down. Troup has published a letter
telling them to beware of conventions of all sorts and that there
is no such constitutional remedy as they are in search of.
In all the other States it has been the same way. Virginia
is the only one that offers help and she offers only her advice to
get out of the scrape.
Yet there is a vague feeling of discontent and a tendency to
embrace the new superstition in a considerable party in all the
Southern States, and while South Carolina is in open sedition,
with the elements of discord all around, we have too much rea
son to be alarmed about that explosion which a spark may
produce. As a matter of precaution the old man directed Mr. Pringle
to cause the vessels entering the harbor to anchor under the
guns of Castle Pinckney, and on the 1st of February the new
regulation went into operation. Ogilvy seemed disposed to
make some fuss about an Englishman that was stopped, but it
went no further. The Mercury, now edited by Stuart,* mouths
about it, of course, and considers it a gross insult to take no
notice of the proceedings at the Circus on the 21st of January,
which were an authentic declaration that they would not nullify-
in effect till March. It is, therefore, highly improper in the
President to begin in February to prevent them.
I approve highly of your notion of inditing a public epistle,
address it to Cumming. It will take the attention of the
Georgians, who are more likely to be influenced by reasons.
You express with more force than any other man the feelings
which are excited by a contemplation of the overthrow of our
institutions, and I think you can do great good by such a letter
among the people that are not totally perverted. Cheves did
nothing by his essay and Alfred Huger did not even carry St.
Thomas. It is very dangerous to tamper with the devil. They
had given countenance to most mischievous errors, and when
they would repair the error it was too late.
We have in the harbor the Natchez and several cutters.
Bankhead is on the island. Tantzinger commands the Natchez
and Elliott is port admiral. I have been to Savannah, was re
tained by Dr. Minis, who was tried for murder. He was ac
quitted. It was a worse case than that of the poor fellow whom
you prosecuted last May. The citizens of^ Savannah were
desperately against him. They made up a purse of eight hun-

*John Alexander Stuart of Beaufort, a brother-in-law of Robert Barnwell Rhett.

120 Life, Letters and Speeches
dred dollars for Seaborn Jones, who came from Columbus to
prosecute. At a meeting of the people in Beaufort district All
ston* took the floor and poured a voUey among the Nullifiers
that shook them terribly. Young Hayne flew into a violent
passion and used words that brought on a chaUenge and they
were only prevented from fighting by the accidental arrival of
Judge Huger in the neighborhood, who repaired to the ground
and reconciled the dispute.f
My wife receives your kind messages with great pleasure and
requests to be remembered. Tom is in the Mediterranean, safe
and sound when we heard from him last. Your mother and
sister are well. Adieu. Yours ever,
TO HUGH S. LEGARE
Charleston, March 5, 1833. ,
I received on Saturday your letter of the 26th. December^
which was the greatest treat in that way that ever happened to
me. Ij^ea4aLP.X£iLaad^fdt_jny_face-burM--wi-t-^h--angei^and-wi^
shame. On Sunday I read it to Judge Huger, Mr. Pringle and
Mr." Wm. Heyward and Commodore Elliott and the Judge in
sisted on its being printed. I doubted my authority, for the
publication of such a letter is drawing the sword. The Judge
proposed the suppression of the very strong passages, but I
knew you would have a horror of the emasculating process; yet,
in fact, I rose on Monday (that was yesterday), intending to
print, when, to the astonishment of my weak mind, and, take
care you are not astonished yourself, the morning papers con
tained the news received by the Journal express in New York
and forwarded here by a vessel (in advance of the mail) that a
compromise, a coalition between Clay and Calhoun has hushed
the din of war. Thus it is stiU delirant reges, etc., and our great
vulgar and Uttle vulgar are too happy to bear all the expense
for the privilege of taking sides. You will ask if any joyful
bonfires have been kindled? If enemies have embraced? and
the news of peace been hailed with enthusiasm? I have seen
nothing like it. Strange to say I had been invited some days;
before to dine at Colonel Pinckney's that same day, and except
Captain Martin, of R. N., there was nobody for me to talk to,
and I never saw, certainly in that house, so much constraint.
The enforcing bill is stiU before the House, and McDuffie has
(just like him) given notice of his intention to prevent its pass-

*The Allston referred to in the above letter was Ben Allston, of St. Luke's, who,
unlike his cousins Joseph W. Allston and R. F. W. Allston, of Georgetown, was
a strong Union man.
•(A duel afterwards took place between them and Allston was shot in the leg.

James Louis Petigru 121
ing, by calling the yeas and nays, and moving adjournments till
the end. It is probable that it wiU pass. But as the tariff is
now put on the ground that they require, I suppose the conven
tion will repeal their ordinance and there will be no occasion for
the powers which this bill gives the President. I can not sup
pose that Hamilton will be so crazy as to attack Fort Moultrie,
for his sugar (twenty boxes) there, which has been imported,
to play Hampden with.
As I shall send this letter by Washington, it is certain you
will see the papers as soon, which will give you information of
all the President has done, and I think his proclamation and his
message will astonish you. They are very extraordinary papers
and remarkable for containing a great deal of that sort of truth
which has become very scarce. You will see, too, the bill of
Mr. Clay, as it passed. I can not for my soul tell whether it
does or does not give up the principle of protection; and it seems
to me, that it does not. But will this tranquillize the country?
No doubt till another Presidential election. I think that the
present order of march is that Calhoun is to ride behind Clay.
He is so false, however, and so eager that he will come out for
himself if anybody asks him. And I think Clay had better look
to his hostages. But is it not very strange to think of Webster
and Jackson? It has been hinted, and I think not improbable,
that Webster wiU be chief justice. The great debate between
him and Calhoun on sovereignty. Constitution, etc., has not
been printed yet. Everybody but Duff Green says that Cal
houn comes off but second best. The election of Duff Green
as printed to the Senate is the most conclusive proof of a bargain
between Calhoun and Clay that could be given. A wretch so
odious could only have received a majority of votes by contract.
Benjamin Watkins Leigh, the delegate from Virginia to their
high mightinesses, Hayne and Hamilton, left town last Satur
day. I saw something of him. He is a very amiable man; not
ambitious nor briUiant in conversation and what would endear
him to me is that he is an original; one of those old fellows that
seem instinctively to get upon the weaker side. Yet what is
this but honesty of purpose, which prevents them from adopt
ing opinions according to policy? With all this, however, I
think Mr. Leigh looked on us Union men as no great politicians;
in one word as men who can not be conservative without being
federal. Now Virginia can make sure of the utile dulci. Mr.
Rives votes for the enforcing bill and makes an exceUent speech;
in fact, one of the best if not the very best which the grand de
bate has called out, wherein, without cutting Jefferson, he fin
ishes Col. Calhoun. Leigh, I believe, could do that too. He
evidently did not approve of poor Tyler's abortive attempt to
sustain Calhoun's doctrine, but I could not ascertain the minute
shades by which his opinions were separated from the heretics

122 Life^ Letters and Speeches
on the side of consolidation and the heretics on the side of
State's rights. Leigh left us with a heavy heart. He thought
the devil was coming. He was afraid McDuffie would balk aU
his plans for keeping peace. But he did not then anticipate
the new turn which affairs have taken at Washington.
Several of my nullifying acquaintances and quondam friends
have asked me if I was not delighted? I teU them and tell them
sincerely that though I am glad the evil day is put off, I am not
sensible of any^gfeat happiness in jthinki^g-thatingteadoniap-
pening to rne.it is reserved .to, my children,. and-a-devilislLeyU
day it wiU be.
I serit off your letter to your mother yesterday by an express.
I have not seen the boy yet nor do I know of his return, but he
will no doubt bring a letter to be sent to the postoffice for you.
They are in the country though. I saw your sister in town a
month ago.
Our races have been dull. Richardson has beat the whole
world. Drove Johnson back discomfited to Virginia and broke
Singleton down by distancing his best horse. In any circum
stances I would not have advised you to return; now there is
no cause. Adieu. Yours faithfully.
The following letter will be of interest if only for its mention
of a possible "Southern Confederacy."
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charieston, 15 April, 1833.
My dear EUiott:
* * * What have you been doing this great while? On
the plantation I suppose. Do you hear much from the revolu-
tioners lately? I believe they intend to open for a Southern
Confederacy soon. Your quondam townsman is certainly point
ing that way in the Mercury and if it meets with favor I think
the chiefs will support it. But they wiU not commit themselves
just now. The people, I fain think, are settling down to a more
composed and moderate tone. They are not so much inflamed
about politics, it seems to me, and more inclined to mind their
own business. These are good symptoms so far; they may be
delusive however. It is your misfortune to be among the most
excited people in the State, and I fear they will not cool till after
the thing is abandoned by their leaders, which it will be, as soon
as they are thrown upon the resources of the doughty islanders
and the warlike pinewoodsmen. We who have got the chivalry
against us must carefuUy cultivate the good will of our neighbors.
Adieu.

James Louis Petigru 123
TO HUGH S. LEGAr£ Washington, July 15, 1833.
My dear Legar^:
You are surprised to see the date of this letter, or ought to be,
for when one has lived the better part of his life at home nobody
expects him to ramble abroad. But I have been very sick,
growing weaker and losing ground, until at last, in making a very
vehement speech for Dr. Schmidt,* about that old scandal of
the base blood of his wife, in an action against Dr. Le Seigneur,
I fairly broke down, and by a little fever and great deal of pain,
hemorrhoids, inflammation of the bladder, etc., was kept within
doors a fortnight. During that time poor "Brutus" [R. J.
TurnbuU] died and the benevolent public were rather disap
pointed that there was one funeral only, for it was such an open
ing for a coincidence that they could hardly reconcile themselves
to the prosaic matter of fact when I got well. All my friends
insisted so much on my travelling as soon as I was able that I
yielded to their persuasions and left home on the 6th in one of
the packets to idle away the summer at the North. Alfred
Huger and I landed at Old Point Comfort. He wished to see
Ben Huger and I took this route to see Charles Alfred, who is
worse off than I am, for he is sick and hypped or hipt, whichever
it should be, and I am not. He damns the Nullifiers more than
any man I, know. He quit their party after their success, to
which he had himself greatly contributed, was settled, and has,
in fact, a great deal to regret. He is gone forward to Phila
delphia. I came here on the 12th and go off this morning.
Yesterday I waited on the President; was introduced by Mr.
St. Clair Clarke. The old gentleman looked better than I ex
pected; gave me a very gracious reception; inquired about Poin
sett and Drayton, and regretted I was going to stay so short a
time. T jiiygnmp ynn knnw Cn1^ni;^ayjnji jgjPTiiing tn expa^triatf'
himself. Hejeaves Charlestoii_.in-jJiisutiycSEl£o£!SQaar' as
we say, and'wUl settle in Philadelphia. He told me Hamilton
had written him a very friendly letter. What do you call that ?
After driving his first friend and patron into exile, to write him
a letter full of sentiment on the subject of his change of domicUe.
'The last thing I see of him (Hamilton) is that he is to deliver a
eulogy on the character of TurnbuU.
I can tell you nothing about the coming election. Pinckney
is the candidate. Whether he is the free choice of the Jacobins'
is sometimes doubted, and it is whispered that his friends
crammed him on the party. But he will no doubt be the regu
lar candidate. There is only one way to defeat them, that is
by dividing the Nullifiers; but I fear we have not management
to do it. The thing to be effected requires only to get a half
*Seepo.r/, p. 125.

124 Life, Letters and Speeches
dozen of them to nominate old Warren, who would jump at it,
but I am afraid it can't be done. In the district now repre
sented by New Rolls, Tom Williams and Clowney are in the
field and we have great hope of Williams's success. In Pen
dleton Gisberne runs against Davis, with doubtful hopes. Pres
ton, strange to say, is so squeamish he wiU not have Felder's
seat. Is not this a commentary on life? The very thing he
has been after aU his life is now thrown in his way without any
trouble and he turns away from it. I had a talk with him at
Columbia in May. I'm afraid the secret is in his deranged
finances, but it may be mere caprice, though from his conversa
tion I did not think so.
Martin stayed with me when he held the court in Charleston.
I read your letter of 5th March to him, with which he was quite
entertained and showed little sympathy for his party, but com
plained that you did not write to him and made me promise that
I would tell you so. Martin's adhesion to the Nullifiers (and
it was no more) is one of the unaccountable things that make
me regard the republic with despair. By the wayJLmustjteU
you that I haveieard. since I cam,e here, that you nave~uttefed
sueh-sentim^ntSi.I.mean doubts, of_ the success of the NiillifierSV
in^Belgium and that our great men. here dou't Jike.it. Ibeheve
they, one and aU, undervalue the danger, and that we (who
'think the Constitution has but an indifferent chance for length
of days) are the only persons who see the truth; but as a diplomat
you ought to say very frequently much less than you think.
Your letters are positively the greatest treat to me that comes
from any quarter and in our little set they are read with a most
lively attention more than once. Great heavens, I wish you
had had the reply to Calhoun. The turn you have given to his
example from Jewish history is infinitely beyond anything he
got. If Webster had called him Jeroboam it would have been
worth more than his whole speech. YgtJLdo not think it ad-
visabl£farj;ouJocomeout m a review of the]debate under your
own name^.J_jthiiak_in ^quJE^Carbhria 3£^CQind.-dp~no]|^Dd.
The majority of our folks~are such citizens as Rome hadTn Her
worst days. No republic ever had worse as far as their duty
to the United States is concerned. Here is one of the anomalies
produced by our strange system: As citizens of the United
States they are traitors, but as citizens of the State they are true
men. In his immortal satire, "Absolom vs. Achitophel," Dry
den says of Sir WiUiam Jones, he
"Could statutes draw
To mean rebeUions; make treason law."
But law and treason are inseparably connected by our Consti
tution as it seems and the public spirit of the citizen is as fatal

James Louis Petigru 125
as his corruption. In South Carolina nothing seems to be hoped
for from reason, but Georgia and Virginia are the important
points to be guarded now. It is cleat-that-omiJNiilUfier.'; mpan
to picka_c[uatrel-with the Nortb-about-JiegrQea. It will take
some time and many things may turn up in the meanwhile that
we can't foresee either to favor or to destroy their hopes. But
Nullification has done its work; it has prepared the minds of
merLJQrIliZISEpsration--of-the--Sia LeSi_aiid;;^hen__the_q.u£Stioii- is
looted againit wiIT^ ^isjinctly union or ,dLsuniQ,n. I regret
I Hid not see "yoiir mother and sister before I left Charleston. I
called but did not find them at home. * * *
Henry Cruger is married to Miss Douglas. It was so cun
ningly arranged that people assembled, as they supposed, to a
christening of her sister's child and were surprised into a par
ticipation' of the plot. I send you some newspapers, chiefly
about Georgia, which will, I think, amuse you. I will not be
home till October. Adieu. Yours faithfuUy,
P. S. — Thank you for the newspapers; Gen. Bergeaud on
property and the essay on the divisions in the ranks of the re
formers. Louis Philippe has shown more vigor than was ex
pected of him and will be obliged to do more before he is let
alone. The other newspapers which you mention did not come
to hand. I send you also the Journal of the convention.
This case of Schmidt against Le Seigneur referred to in this
letter is often referred to as an illustration of Mr. Petigru's
remarkable skiU in cross-examination: John Schmidt married
MUe. De Rosignol, a lady born at Martinique. Their son was edu
cated at the North as a physician; on his return to Charleston he
was unable to practice his profession because he was denied ad
mission into the medical society on the ground that he was guilty
of the unpardonable sin of having negro blood in his veins. John
Schmidt, who was a Vnion man, of course had command of Mr.
Petigru's services. A suit for slander was immediately insti
tuted. Le Seigneur testified most positively that he knew the
two mesdemoiselles De Rosignol at Martinique; they were very
handsome and all the young men knew that they were colored.
His testimony was most positive. Mr. Petigru produced some
papers; Le Seigneur acknowledged the writing to be his; they
were verses in French; he then with the permission of the court
proceeded to translate them with the greatest seriousness, much
to the amusement of the audience. He then asked Le Seigneur

126 Life, Letters and Speeches
was it "the habit in Martinique for young gentlemen to write
ditties to mulatto girls?" to which he replied, "Yes, sir; just the
same as they do everywhere else." Another witness, a fellow-
countryman, was called on to give evidence in the case and con
firm the charge. His behef was fixed, but it was founded on
rumors, not on personal knowledge. The witness was none the
less positive on that account. He had no doubt on the subject.
Even in the church frequented by the lady she was said to be
of doubtful blood, and was not permitted to sit in pews occupied
by whites, but was restricted to the space set apart for other
classes. How could a jury doubt after that? But, before the
inference is accepted, the fact, as asserted by the witness, must
be proved to be true. Was he stating what he knew? Had he
repeated a report, not described a scene he had witnessed? It
was soon determined by the counsel when cross-examination
began. Mr. Petigru stood for a moment with a serious air, and
his left hand stroking his chin, when suddenly he said to the wit
ness: "Mr. Chupein, have you ever been at church?" The
witness was astonished and uneasy. "Sir," he replied, "that
is not a proper question." But it was urged that he should
answer and an appeal was made to the bench. The judge very
blandly but decidedly determined that the question was a proper
one and must be answered. The witness resisted still. He
threw himself on the judge's favorable consideration. He said
he was in a serious dilemma, for if he replied to the question that
he had never been at church he would become odious in the eyes
of his countrymen as an atheist and despiser of religious rites.
"But if," he replied, "I answer that I have been at church, then,
on the other hand, I shaU tell one leetle dam lie." His examiner
assured him that no further reply was necessary.
Mr. Petigru also refers in this letter to Col. Drayton being
"about to expatriate himself."
At the dinner on the 30th of May, 1830, previously referred
to. Colonel Drayton was violently assailed by McDuffie. At
that time the Unes between the parties had not been distinctly
drawn, and Colonel Drayton, not proposing to be dictated to,
joined the Union camp. He had succeeded J. R. Poinsett as
member of Congress in 1825, and he knew that he could not be
nominated at the ensuing election. He considered this injustice
and ingratitude and decided to go among more congenial people.

James Louis Petigru 127
and moved to Philadelphia, much to the advantage of his family
and his descendants.
It will be noted that in a letter to Mr. Legar6 the year before
Mr. Petigru said: "If a revolution is effected I am doubtful
of my course. Should it come to an affair of force in the State, ^
I must take my share; and if proscription and penal laws are
enforced, I must emigrate. But in fact if the Union is severed
my mind is made up to quit the negro country. But where to
go? Aye, there is the rub."
In after days he often regretted that he had not at that time
gone somewhere north of the Potomac. But he said, "I would
not part from my sisters, my friends, and aU who depend upon
me." TO HUGH S. LEGARE
Charleston, November 20, 1833.
My dear Legare:
* * * Calhoun is incessantly agitating. He lectures now
on the necessity of a test oath. It is believed that the legisla
ture will pass a law imposing one. It is hard to say what we
are to do. If they do not infringe the Constitution of the
United States we have no remedy. And if they do it is ques
tionable whether we have any. How is such an act to be re
sisted? It is disfranchisement, but in what way can the mi
nority help themselves against two-thirds? I wish that I could
see some way better than waiting for the ebb of popular infatua
tion; but I really see none. There is a hope in the compunctious
feeling of the better part of the Nullifiers. Isaac Holmes, for
instance, is resolutely against it; but he is almost the only man,
now poor Martin is gone, that has intrepidity to resist, even if
they have sense to see, the enormity of the demagogues. The
popularity of Martin gave him more authority than any other
moderate man, and I fear that in this, as in so many instances
already, men will profess their respect for liberty and freedom
of opinion till they have done everything they can to destroy
them. I have received your letters of 9th and 10th September, and
many newspapers. You complain of hearing seldom from me.
Considering how unequal the exchange is, you may complain
with justice. But consider, my dear soul, that it is not every
one that, like you, can learn German in idle hours, and write
letters like Phny, for the entertainment of his friends. The
high value I place on all you write induces me to send you letters
in the hope of answers, but the want of novelty and the want

128 Life, Letters and Speeches
of interest in the things that I have to say make me often pro
crastinate the time of writing.
You arp rigbfc-in a si'ri hi n£_(-njr»nrj>pr>]Tlp ? rid'C"!""" gplf-fQn-^
ceit that makes them, like Sir Balaam, ascribe all to their own
wif and make fto'attoW|:fice~for the great .odd.s_. inTReirTavor.
It would be riiore to the purpose if we were to wonder thaFthere
is so Uttle done, instead of so much in the progress of improve
ment. The Union party, for the present, have the ascendancy
in Georgia. Whether they will keep it is another affair. As
I apprehend the Troup men have very generally come out Nulli
fiers. But the Clark party, with such portion of the Troup as
would not swallow the test, are enough at present to control
the State and I see that they begin to settle down upon the same
nomenclature as in South Carolina, and talk of discarding the
old names. It is very surprising that in this state of things it
seems quite doubtful whether Troup himself is a Troup man.
He has resigned his seat in the Senate. The step at this junc
ture, while the Union men are in the ascendant in the legislature,
is justly regarded by the Nullifiers as a cold response, indeed,
to their thousand invocations of the "Gallant Troup." I arh
very much gratified to learn that Cumming is likely to be his
successor. I hope it is so. But is it to be supposed that in the
pitiful combinations of such parties as Clark men and Troup
men and Cherokeeland men such a person as Cumming can be
appreciated ? Whether he goes to the Senate or not if even the
demagogues succeed in bringing on a dissolution of the Union
he, and not Calhoun nor Hamilton, will have the first part in
the South.
There is some disturbance among the Nullifiers in relation
to Cooper. You know there has been a great revival. Robert
BarnweU, Barnwell Smith, Stephen Elliott, Wm. Grayson,
Pinckney and many more than I can name are converts. They
wish to purify their party of poor old Cooper. Another set are
bent on maintaining him. Barnwell Smith broke ground on the
circus on Monday night. It was a meeting of the party pre
paratory to the great meeting next Friday, when "his body is
to come mourned by Mark Anthony" — and Smith announced
the death of poor Martin and, after a warm eulogium on his
merits, told them that if they venerated his memory they would
respect his last words, and that only a few days before his end
they had conversed fully and freely about the necessity of remov
ing Cooper, and that he (M.) had assured him that he would go
to Columbia and move the trustees to do so. And upon this
S. called on them to wipe off the aspersion from the party and
from the State of being governed by infidel principles. There
was little said there, and people seemed taken by surprise; yet
I am greatly mistaken if it does not bring the Evening Post and
Mercury into collision. If anything can break down the disci-

James Louis Petigru 129
pline of the party it is the opposition between the Revival and
the Atheist party. If the latter sacrifice Cooper they may do
with the State as they please, for very few of our religionists
have any charity for those who are blind to the light of Calhoun's
and McDuffie's revelations.
The TurnbuU monument is to be laid the day after to-morrow,
the same day the oration over his dead body is to be delivered.
Great preparations are making. Calhoun is to be received by
all the volunteer companies, etc. I am sick and weary of all
this flummery; I long for a little common sense. I must get me
a taste for money. Avarice is the most innocent kind of excite
ment for a man who has reached " the middle ages."

130 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XVII
March-August, 1834
Argument Against the Test Oath; Political Situation
to WILLIAM DRAYTON
Charleston, 26 March, 1834.
My dear Sir:
* * * South Carolina is under an evil star — that in this
late age men should have the obliquity of mind to fall upon the
very errors ofthe worst times is very extraordinary — and besides
it is excessively disgraceful. The consequences that might have
been foreseen have ensued. The mountaineers who are gen
erally on our side, received the test oath and Military Bill with
a yell of passion. Here in the city people are so worn out and
tired that the blow excited very little feeling. But the moun
taineers have taken the thing as violently as Nullification was
taken. In fact the disorderly principles that Hamilton and
McDuffie have preached are about to react. The Union men
are anxious to show that they have no undue reverence for the
law and order. It is rather surprising that the Nullifiers are
not on the alert — they seem to be perfectly supine. In the mean
time the whole mountain region is in a flame. A convention
met at Greenville last Monday. We were obliged to send dele
gates, but you may depend on it the most violent counsels will
prevail, and unless the Court of Appeals declare the law uncon
stitutional or Hayne gives way, there will be a border war.
The objections to this act are so strong that I should have the
highest expectations of success, in the case which we have made,
and which comes on next Monday, but unfortunately Judge
O'Neill has been called home to his dying children and we have
only Johnson and Harper — and those nullifiers have deceived
me so often that I have no trust in any of them when a party
question is at issue. Do you recollect that we spoke of the
opportunities of female education in Philadelphia? Will you
tell me what you think of the schools there and which of them
you think the best — and do you give them any preference to
the New York schools ?* Yours truly,
"I do solemnly swear that I wiU support and maintain to the

'Original letter in the Pennsylvania Historical Society.

James Louis Petigru 131
utmost of my ability the laws and Constitution of this State
and of the United States, and that I will well and truly obey,
execute and enforce the ordinance to nullify certain acts of the
Congress ofthe United States purporting to be laws laying duties
and imposts upon the importation of foreign commodities,
passed in convention of the State at Columbia the 24th day of
November, in the year of our Lord 1832, and aU such acts or
act of the legislature as may be passed in pursuance thereof,
according to the true intent and meaning of the same."
This oath may be looked upon with derision to-day, but at
that time it excited bitter discussion and complications even
after the ordinance of nullification was repealed. To Mr. Peti
gru it was peculiarly abhorrent because it was unconstitutional
and restricted the freedom of the citizen.
In the struggle for the rights of the citizen he boldly attacked
the constitutionality of this oath in the courts.
The Argument of Mr. Petigru in the Case of Mr. Mc-
Crady vs. B! F. Hunt, and Mr. Daniel vs. Mr. Meekin
in the Court of Appeals of South Carolina, at Charles
ton ON the 31st Day of March, 1834.
1st Hill South Carolina Reports
A case that has excited so deeply the attention of the com
munity will no doubt receive the most serious attention of the
court. To say that this is a constitutional question is enough
to make it understood that the subject is one of the highest
concern and interest; for a question of constitutional law exceeds
in importance the discussion of a private right, as much as a
general rule is of more importance than a particular decision.
And if there is anything of which we may be justly proud, as
an improvement in the science of government, it is that American
innovation by which the judiciary is made coordinate with the
legislative and the injured are authorized to appeal from the
law to the Constitution. Nor can any case be imagined more
worthy of the exercise of this high and solemn duty of the judi
ciary, than this in which the decision must effect, not merely
the freedom of an individual, but the rights of many thousands
of the people of this country to be accounted free; in which not
the inheritance of a few acres only, but the birthright and por
tion of every man who does not subscribe to the prevailing creed,
are at stake.
The parties to the record are Mr. McCrady and Col. Hunt; and
the office about which the dispute arises, is one of minor im
portance; an office, not only of smaU account in itself but in the

132 Life, Letters and Speeches
eyes of the parties perfectly insignificant in comparison with
the principles which are involved. Between the parties to the
record there is, in fact, no dispute. Col. Hunt consents to
make the question for the sake of all who have an interest in
common with the plaintiff; and Mr. McCrady pursues his right
in behalf of thousands of his fellow-citizens, for the purpose of
testing the validity of a law which incapacitates them from
office. This civil incapacity with which we are menaced, ex
tends not merely to affairs in the militia, but to all places of
power and trust under the authority of the State; and not to
the right of holding office merely, but to every constitutional
and civU privilege. For by the Ordinance of 1833 the principle
of disfranchisement is adopted in the broadest terms of tyranny;
and though the disabiUty in question applies, in this instance,
to mUitary office only, there is nothing to prevent the extension
of the principle to all civil rights and immunities whatever.
The oath which Mr. McCrady is required to take is in the
following terms: "I swear that I wiU be faithful, and true
allegiance bear to the State of South Carolina."
And he refuses to take it, because he acknowledges allegiance
to the United States as well as to the State of South CaroUna,
and the authors of this oath, by their authoritative construc
tion, have declared that allegiance to the State is and shall be
equivalent to abjuration of allegiance to the United States.
The terms of the oath itself may not suggest the objection.
The text may be ambiguous, but the commentary removes all
doubt. Behold then" the alternative of disfranchisement, which
is submitted to the citizen to subscribe to a party test, or to
swallow an ambiguous oath.
Allegiance is derived from the barbarous Latin word ligeantia
— it is peculiar to the English law, and there we must look for
its proper signification. Fortunately we are at no loss for the
most ample information concerning the character of allegiance
in the monarchy which is its native soil. In Calvin's case, 7
Co. 1, it forms the subject of one of the most curious and elabor
ate arguments among the judicial discussions of that period.
It is called the bond of subjection between the prince and his
subject — the tie by which the monarch holds his vassal, and by
which he draws from the remotest corner to which he can re
treat. A claim which none but the royal hand can hold, and
which the subject can never shake off. It is the same in effect
with liege homage, an abject ceremony which furnishes a strik
ing illustration of the feudal origin of allegiance, and the pro
found subjection which it implies: "For when the tenant shaU
make homage to his lord, he shall be ungirt and his head uncov
ered, and his lord shall sit, and the tenant shall kneel before him
on both his knees, and hold his hands jointly together between
the hands of his lord and shall say thus: — 'I become your man

James Louis Petigru 133
from this day forward of life and Umb, and of earthly worship,
and unto you shall be true and faithful.' And then the lord so
sitting shall kiss him." In simple homage there is a reserva
tion; as thus: — "Saving the faith I owe our sovereign lord, the
king." But in liege homage, which differs only in this, that it
is performed to none but the sovereign, there is no such saving
(Co. Lit., 64, B.-l, H. H. 65). From Calvin's case and the com
mon law authorities, we learn that the qualities of allegiance are,
that it is natural, universal and perpetual, and due exclusively
to the king in natural person. So intimately is the original idea
of allegiance connected with royalty, that it is said by Lord Coke
to belong to the king, as an attribute proprium quarto modo —
that is to the king and to the king always, to every king, and
none but the king; omni solo semper. 7 Co. 12 A.
In strict propriety of language, allegiance to the State, like
citizen-king, is nothing more than misnomer. No phrase can
be less apt to express the duty of a citizen, whose obedience be
longs to the law, than a word which implies most strongly and
emphatically reverence to the person of the sovereign. We can
easily see why our ancestors excluded from the Constitution of
the United States as well as from that of South Carolina, a word
connected with so many heterogeneous associations as aUegiance.
"The wonder is that the noble example of plain dealing and sim
plicity which they have left us should be lost on their successors;
and that we should see at the present day such an anxiety on
the part of some people to put on the cast-off finery of the royal
livery. There is no doubt, however, that when terms, which express
the relation between king and subject, are adopted into laws of
a republic, they must be received in a new sense, with a modifi
cation of meaning corresponding to the altered character of the
government; and so, in fact, we find the term aUegiance used
in some of the States. Neither do we deny that the State may
require an oath of allegiance from the citizens. At least there
is as much propriety in speaking of allegiance to the State as
of allegiance to the United States. No one supposes that the
government of the United States is supreme beyond the sphere
plainly defined by the Constitution; neither does any one deny
that the State is supreme within its proper sphere of action.
As to the boundaries of power between the federal authorities
and the State authorities, men have disputed from the dawn of
the Constitution to the present day. And from the assumption
of State debts in 1790 to the last debate on the incorporation
of the Bank of the United States, the acts of the general govern
ment have been assailed, and defended on the same grounds;
and truth requires us to add that South Carolina has been on
every side of the question. But that the States, in the lan
guage of Mr. Madison, retain a residuary and inviolable sover-

134 Life, Letters and Speeches
eignty over all objects not embraced within the powers of the
federal government, has never been denied, amidst all the
changes and contentions of party, — at least not by any men, or
set of men considerable enough to obtain for their opinions any
general attention.
If the oath in question, therefore, stood alone, or upon the
words of a mihtary bill only, we should, without hesitation con
strue the obligation which it imposes, as an oath of fidelity to
the State, commensurate with its reserved sovereignty and
consistent with an equal fidehty to the United States within
the sphere of the Constitution. But if the State authorities
have set their own definition on this term "allegiance" we are
not at Uberty in the oath under consideration to construe it any
other way; and no honest man can take the oath in any other
sense than that which it would bear if this word were omitted,
and the corresponding terms of the definition inserted in its
place. - Now the fact is that the authors of this measure have
set a definition on the word "allegiance" which makes it, to all
intents and purposes, a term of art, to express certain contro
verted opinions concerning the nature of the Constitution of
the United States, and renders the oath in question a complete
criterion of party — in one word, a test oath. There is, I appre
hend, a mistake that some people are liable to fall into in speak
ing on the subject, by confounding test oaths with religious
persecution. For many people seem to imagine that the new
oath is not a test oath, because it does not interfere with religi
ous Uberty. But in fact all test oaths are political, not religious,
in their objects; and if the test acts do sometimes put the prin
ciple of exclusion on religious opinions it is not against such
opinions, as offensive to Heaven, but as dangerous to the State,
that they are directed. In the age of persecution a sincere but
misguided zeal for the honor of God, led to the punishment of
the heretic, whether he outwardly conformed or openly dis
sented. But test oaths were the growth of a later age; they were not
exacted pro salute animi — for the spiritual welfare of people in
office; but had their rise, as weU as whatever justification was
attempted of them, in considerations of public safety. The
Union of Church and State, and the king's supremacy, suffi
ciently account for the connection, real or supposed, between
the security of the State and the exclusion from office of those
whose rehgious opinions were at variance with the majority.
The Dissenter and the Catholic were against the Church, and
the Church was part of the State. It was in vain that they
were wiUing to give any and every assurance of their fidelity to
the State, as distinguished from the Church; for their interests
were inseparably connected, and the distinction could not be
admitted. In like manner the Union party are willing to give

James Louis Petigru 135
any satisfaction of their devotion to the State within its Con
stitutional sphere; but the difficulty lies in acknowledging an
absolute supremacy; in subscribing to a declaration that Gov
ernor Hayne is supreme head of the Church upon earth.
In Locke's works we find an account of the test oath of 1775
by a masterly hand. It runs thus:
"I do declare that it is not lawful, under any pretense what
ever, to take up arms against the king; and that I do abhor the
traitorous position of taking up arms against his person, or
against those who are commissioned by him, in pursuance of
such commission; and I do swear that I will not at any time
endeavor the alteration of the government, in Church or State."
This oath would suit the present times, without any altera
tion besides that of putting State for king; and the authors of
our test oath only repeat what the courtiers of Charles II said
before them: that the pubhc safety requires the oath, and that
no one should complain of being excluded by it; because no one
is fit to be trusted, that is not willing to swear to truths so plain,
and to principles so clear. Yet the verdict of posterity has
stamped the age of Charles II with its lasting reprobation; and
those who upon a small scale are now making a similar use of
power, may do well to bear in mind that they are copying an
example from the worst of men and the worst of times.
In looking over the ordinance of 1833 we find that allegiance
to the State is expressly declared to be inconsistent with allegi
ance to theUnited States. The obedience due to the Constitu
tion of the United States is declared to be a subordinate duty,
subject to the regulation of the Legislature, so that a citizen
may actually incur punishment as a criminal for acting in obedi
ence to the Constitution of the United States; and to cover the
whole ample provision is made, by an unlimited power of punish
ing offences against allegiance, for opening those detested
sources of oppression, the laws against treason, and reenacting
here the bloody tragedies of Scroggs and Jeffries.
It is not wonderful that a new oath, speaking a language un
known to our Constitution should excite enquiry. Men are not
to be blamed for asking what it is they are i:equired to swear to.
But where shall they search for the meaning of allegiance as
used in this oath? Not in the common law, nor in the Consti
tution, but in the ordinance of 1833; and there they will find
allegiance explained in a sense which renders it the symbol of
a party — a sense in which it never was defined before, and which
nothing but the necessity of having a conventional term to
designate certain peculiar views of the Constitution, could ever
have suggested. Allegiance which is absolute without being
perpetual, is a perfect anomaly. Yet the ordinance, while it
makes allegiance to the State paramount to aU other obliga
tions, confines its existence to actual residence: for I know not

136 Life, Letters and Speeches
what else can be made of the words "so long as they continue
citizens thereof," unless they mean that allegiance begins when
ever any citizen of the United States enters CaroUna and ends
when he crosses the line. And what can be made of those words
that speak of "obedience to any power to whom a control over
the citizens of this State has been or may be delegated," unless
they mean that the laws of the United States are binding until
the State interferes and sets them aside. In one word, allegi
ance, as used in the ordinance, is only another word for the
right to nullify, and that such is the real intent and meaning
of it, no one having a regard for his reputation out of his own
set or party, should venture to deny; much less can any one
who values his character take this oath unless his mind be
clearly satisfied of the creed which it is intended to enforce.
The ordinance having thus established a party test and au
thorized the legislature to carry it into effect by suitable oaths,
the next legislature passed an act to organize the militia of this
State; the 10th section of which provides that every officer
hereafter elected, before entering on the duty of his office, shall
take a certain oath; and in order to determine upon the vahdity
of that oath it is necessary to consider the subject in reference
to the State constitution as well as to the ordinance. But the
constitution has fixed the oath of office and the legislature have
no right under the constitution to legislate on the subject.
Their authority then must be derived from the ordinance or
the oath is void. The supporters of the bill are placed in this
dilemma, that if the oath is passed in pursuance of the ordinance,
it is a test oath; and if not passed in pursuance of the ordinance
it is unconstitutional. It is indifferent to us which alternative
is adopted, for either way the oath is bad; but the objection
to the oath, as being contrary to the constitution, is palpable
***** If the oath in the military bill is not a
test oath, it amounts to the same thing as the oath prescribed
by the Constitution to protect and defend the constitution of
this State and of the United States, and it is just as far from
reason to call it the oath of the Constitution as the oath of the
ordinance. But in fact this oath is doubly objectionable, for the very
cause that it is ambiguous. Is it to be endured that a man is
to be called on to swear to an ambiguous declaration ?
Among all the abuses of power, a certain pre-eminence is
due to the singular wickedness and enormity of the wretch who
caused the laws to be promulgated in such a way as to be pur
posely uninteUigible. And if there was no other objection
against the oath which our present rulers have prescribed to
be taken by honorable men, under pain of disfranchisement,
the ambiguity and equivocation which lurk in its meaning are
sufficient to entitle it to the condemnation of all mankind.

James Louis Petigru 137
In these circumstances the duty of the court is plain. The
free and generous principles of the law which the court is sworn
to administer favor liberty. The warrant which deprives the
humblest citizen of his hberty must be clear — much less can it
be endured, that such a sweeping disfranchisement should be
sustained by a doubtful interpretation. And as the legisla
ture has not thought fit to refer to the ordinance, the court will
take the law as they find it, and if it does not conform to the
Constitution declare it null and void.

TO HUGH S. legare Charieston, April 24, 1834.
My dear Legare:
We have had our argument of the test oath, but no decision.
The convention at Greenville took place on the 24th March.
By Mr. Poinsett's influence moderate resolutions were adopted,
in unison with the course we had adopted here, to wait for the
result of an appeal to the judiciary, with an implication strong,
however, that if redress is not obtainable in that quarter they
know where they will find it. Our friend Pepoon offered a
resolution, which has obtained him much notoriety, viz: to call
on Gen. Jackson to redeem the guaranty of a republican form
of government. This is unlucky, for it gives rise to a great
deal of quizzing. Now, in fact, the excitement among the
Union men in those districts is no joke. Our friend, the Gen
eral (Huger), feels some comfort when he is among those moun
taineers, for they partake of those strong feelings which carry
him far ahead of the rest of us here. In fact, I believe he would
rather lose his life in any effort between the Union men and Nulli
fiers than to accept peace with their consent, or, as he would
say, of their condescension. The mountaineers respond to this
sentiment and say they don't Uke to turn the quarrel into a law
suit. However, Mr. Poinsett's resolutions were accepted, and
I believe they have been acquiesced in everywhere but in York,
where the Unionists voted them too moderate. The great case
of McCrady vs. Hunt, which, Uke that of Sir Edward Hales and
his coachman, is to try the Test Act, was to have come on the
same day the convention met. But it was postponed tiU the
31st. We met with a great discouragement when Judge O'Neall
was called home to attend the last hours and funeral rites of two
of his children. Out of six he has now but one. The court,
therefore, consisted of only Johnson and Harper. I send you
a copy of my speech, and in the newspapers you will find all of
Grimke's that has been yet published. He spoke seven hours
and bore away the palm from all competitors. The attorney-
General and P. Finley argued on the other side. Their speeches
are not yet out. I deeply regret that Grimke has taken occasion

138 Life, Letters and Speeches
in the publication of his speech to introduce a new fashion of
speUing and to make it perfectly ridiculous; puts it on the ground
of conscience, and is willing to suffer martyrdom for the truth's
sake. In the controversy we are waging with the Nullifiers we
labor under the disadvantage of being obliged to explain.
When people hear that we are in a sedition on account of dire
oppression, and that all the oppression we have to allege is an
oath of allegiance to the State, they are very apt to think such
complaints not worth listening to. At this time, too, the
National Republicans are counting the NuUifiers and too much
inclined to discourage any opposition to them. In such cir
cumstances, when we need it the best apology to overcome
hasty prejudice and to induce the public to think a second time
about a most pernicious precedent, as well as a most profligate
evasion of the Constitution, it is deplorable that anything should
be done to turn our case to ridicule. I am afraid we shall be
thought to be at war with the alphabet and that many persons
will take sides against us, less on account of Calhoun than Dil-
worth. We have had no intimation of the opinion of the judges,
except that they inquired if Hayne would enforce the Act pro
vided they kept the case under advisement, and on his assur
ance that he would not they adjourned on the 14th inst. and
directed it to be argued again at Columbia on the first Monday
in May. It is agreed to leave it now to the up-country, and
Blanding and Tom Williams will be matched against Waddy
Thompson and Franklin Elmore. Poor Blair, about the very
time that you were pitying him for the office he had lost he was
making a most public and lamentable spectacle of suicide in
Washington. At first it was reported that he blew out his brains
in the hall, but it appears that he did not heighten the interest
of the tragedy in the EngUsh fashion by having the murder com
mitted on the stage. It was in his own chamber at his lodging,
with nobody in the room but our old friend Murphy, sometime
clerk of the Senate, now member of Congress from Alabama;
that he went quietly to his dressing table, took out a pistol and
in an instant was launched into eternity. He had said that he
would do as much if he did not leave off drinking, and it seems
he had satisfied himself that the effort was vain. The feeling
was not without some greatness of mind, but showing a mind
lamentably deficient in proportion. It is doubtful who will
succeed him, probably Manning.
As the judges left the test oath undecided and the 1 1 th was
the day on which all the militia were to be officered anew, the
election went on in the dark. Hunt declined, and after beating
about for a candidate in his place without success, Gilchrist
consented to oppose T. O. EUiott and James Smith was set up
against Jerry Yates for major. The result was announced in
the afternoon. We had lost all the field officers but Smith, and

James Louis Petigru 139
I was obliged to hear from everybody I met the same complaint,
that our party were good for nothing; would not turn out, etc.
Strange to tell, however, the next day, when the managers met
to sign their return they found an error in addition and Gil
christ was actually elected. The test oath meantime is sus
pended and no officers have qualified at all. Governor Hayne
has in readiness a store of commissions in a new form for forty
years (since 1794). They say "the reposing confidence in your
fidelity to the United States." He has put the State of South
Carolina in place of the United States, and has a rigmarole oath
on the back into which he has worked up the staples of all the
oaths in being with the ordinance for a ground work.
I hardly entertain a doubt that the court will cast the new
oath overboard. But they have passed a bill for altering the
Constitution, and if they carry the bill through the next legis
lature we shall have the same thing back on us next year. Our
only hope is in the resistance of the mountaineers. The fear
of civil blood, which would ruin the character of Nullification,
may induce them to pause. Indeed, there appears to me great
supineness among them. Hayne does not play his part with
any life or animation. He is set down or never seen and I'm
told he never entertains. Hamilton does not give the people
half as many proofs of his care as he used to do, and the defence
of Nullification seems to be left to the town bands of editors and
pot house politicians and patriots in search of office. McDuffie,
breaking down with dyspepsia, is to be governor next year, and
Hayne is to be a judge as soon as a vacancy is found or made
for him.
One strange result of the unsettled state of things here relates
to myself. I have sent my daughter Caroline to New York to
school, and, singular, Mrs. Hamilton has sent her daughter.
Without any concert we found that we were both in the same
disposition and sent our children under the care of Mrs. Douglass
Cruger. Adieu. Yours ever,
Ratin vs. Bertrand is not arrived yet. Your two letters, 10th
of February and 4th of March, I received together with some
newspapers. It is very true Europeans are more sparing of
words than we. It would take many great debates in Paris to
one great speech. The only eloquent thing this winter from
Washington is Clay's apostrophe to Van Buren, telling him to
go to the President and ad- [the rest of the letter is lost].

140 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO WILLIAM DRAYTON Charieston, 23 May, 1834.
My dear Sir:
* * * We have just heard authentically (that is. Major
Hamilton says the news from Columbia is) that the judges have
unanimously decided and ruled the test oath to be contrary to
the Constitution. Well done good and faithful servants: Long
life to the free and governing principles of the common law.
I thank you for the kind interest you took in making inquiries
about the schools in Philadelphia. Circumstances have de
termined me in favor of New York. Henry Cruger was going
there: and he and his wife offered to take charge of our child,
and Mrs. Hamilton determined to send her daughter there, so
we made it a joint enterprise, and the children are gone to Mad.
Bensse's. I hope you are enjoying the recreation of spring weather after
this tedious winter we have had. It has been cold and dis
agreeable here. And the rice crops are blackened by the late
frosts; and the cotton planters have been obliged to plant over
several times; appearances are much against them.
I have some hope that peace will not be restored to the State.
There is no doubt of it unless the Nullifiers push the alteration
of the Constitution. Whether they will do so, whether they
will succeed if they do, what will be the consequence if they suc
ceed, are aU uncertain. They had just two-thirds last year in
Senate. We gain a senator in Chesterfield. Lose one probably
in St. Thomas and in Laurens. But what effect this decision
of the court may have on our people I do not know. Perhaps
the desire of peace may prevail over the spirit of party. The
Nullifiers certainly have not made friends by their test oath.
They are not as strong as they were in the Union districts.
Whether they have lost their majority in any district is another
thing. Yours truly,
P. S. — The old man at Washington is certainly getting into
trouble daily. It seems to me that the only people in the world
that his principles suit at present are the NuUifiers, and as they
have no principle at all he loses even what he is entitled to.
TO WILLIAM DRAYTON Charleston, 11 June, 1834.
My dear Sir:
I ought to have taken an earlier opportunity to answer your
letter of the 1st, but hope you will be willing to receive my ex
cuse. The Court of Common Pleas adjourned on Saturday,
until that was over I had a good deal to do. Besides I have

James Louis Petigru 141
contracted an exceeding bad habit, that of disUking the pen. It
grows so much upon me that in self defense I believe I shall have
to make a point of writing a certain quantity every day. If
.something of that sort is not done it seems to me I shall soon
be in as bad a condition as those who never had a writing master
at all.
Unfortunately the first rumour which we received of the de
cision on the test oath went beyond the reality. The judgement
is by a majority only; Harper dissents and thereby gives the
sanction of his name to the discontents excited by the decision.
The first explosion was at Columbia and the temper and spirit
of their resolutions were perfectly Jacobinical. The rage to
which they gave way in Charleston far exceeded what I had
supposed would take place and up to the time of the meeting
at the Circus I was very anxious about the result. The ex-
governor had a conversation with me and I really thought that
when he began to raise his voice and speak of the future action
of the party his eyes were lighted up with an expression of mis
chievous purport. The meeting at the Circus took place and
there was less excitement than I expected. It was surmised
that the legislature would be convened and a convention called.
The Circus meeting did not allude to a convention and left it
to the wisdom of the governor to call the legislature. The next
day the governor responded to the call of the Circus by announc
ing that he should not call the legislature. The Circus resolved
that the associations should be reestablished, but I am not sure
that they will be able to rally the same numbers again. In fact
the exhibitions of the last few days induce me to think the Nulli
fiers in the Circus have rather gone beyond the feeling of their
men, and that the agitation will languish. Yet they will proba
bly have the same majority which they had last year and alter
the 4th article of the Constitution by incorporating the word
allegiance in the constitutional oath. In fact the word allegi
ance is not such a mighty terror, and as we have got rid of the
supposition that the ordinance is to regulate the meaning of the
oath, I suppose our people will take it. It is surmised that Mr.
Dunkin will be added to the Court of Appeals. * * *
Yours truly.

142 Life, Letters and Speeches
An
Oration
delivered before the Washington Society
on the
Fourth July, 1834
By James Louis Petigru

Published by request
Oration
This day, fellow citizens, which recalls the Declaration of
American Independence, brings with it the associations of a train
of great events. We are irresistibly carried back to the con
templation of the colonies in a state of peaceful dependence on
the mother country, and to a review of their subsequent progress
through the risks and hardships of the Revolution, and the dis
orders of an unsettled and feeble polity, to the attainment of a
free and stable government, in the adoption of the federal Con
stitution. If we could raise our minds to a just and lively con
ception of all that was done and suffered to make this memorable
day a national jubilee — could we realize the scenes of this great
drama — no lesson could be more instructive; no representation
could be more powerful, to purify the feelings and amend the
heart. The settlement of the colonies was coeval with that struggle
between liberty and prerogative, which in its progress kindled
a civil war in England, and led to the expulsion of the reigning
family. The early settlers were deeply imbued with sentiments
favorable to a popular form of government, and this disposition
was fostered by the circumstances in which they were placed.
The territorial divisions were fixed by grants which the crown
from time to time had made to individuals or companies. These
grants were also charters of incorporation on a great scale, mak
ing the inhabitants a corporate body, with ample jurisdiction
over subjects of a local nature. The colonies therefore were
separate communities after the example of free cities, that have
a particular government and a domestic jurisdiction. These
political societies had no interference in the affairs of one another
but they were all fellow-subjects. They acknowledged one
sovereign, and the tie of aUegiance was the common bond of
Union. The legislative power of Parliament, never distinctly
defined, was in practice limited in a great measure to the regu
lation of commerce, and the people claimed, and generally en
joyed the privileges of the British constitution. Under a system
thus mild and rational, the growth of the colonies was no less a
subject of wonder and admiration than a source of unexampled
prosperity to the mother country.

James Louis Petigru 143
But in the course of time the natural hostility between sover
eignty and liberty began to appear. The legislative authority
which Parliament had always to a certain extent exercised in
America, was made the foundation for the claim of absolute
power, and the duty of the people of the colonies was perverted
into the idea of an unconditional subjection to the will of ParUa
ment. The promulgation of such doctrines alarmed the jealousy
of liberty, and the pretensions of Parliament were met in the
spirit of determined resistance. At length an act of Parliament
for raising a revenue in America brought the controversy to a
point from which there was no receding. The common danger
and the community of their rights as British subjects united the
provinces at first in remonstrance and finally in arms. In vain
did the advocates ofthe ministry endeavor to justify their meas
ures. In vain did they urge " that there must be in every State
a supreme, absolute, uncontrolled authority in which the jura
summi imperii, or right of sovereignty reside." Our forefathers
had not learned that allegiance was due to any but lawful au
thority. Still less incUned were they to entertain the monstrous
proposition that despotism is of the essence of government. No
sophistry could impose upon them to admit that sovereignty is in
its nature unlimited. They rejected as mere verbal criticism
assumptions of power founded on the definitions of sovereignty
and allegiance, and regarded as "vain wrangling all, and false
philosophy," arguments designed to prove their allegiance in
volved the obligations of unconditional obedience. The phil
osophy which proceeds by experiment and induction is not more
different from the learning that attempted to find out nature
by reasoning from first principles than the views of the authors
of American Independence, from all systems of government
built upon shadowy abstractions. The American people went
to war with the mother country for their inherited rights and
privileges. The right of resistance belongs by the law of nature
to every oppressed people, but our forefathers fought to retain
the freedom in which they were born. The exemption which
they claimed from all taxation, except by their own representa
tives, was in strict conformity with the British constitution,
and with immemorial usage. When all measures of reconciU-
ation had been exhausted; when the sword was drawn, and there
was no alternative but revolution or treason, they took their
ground with the intrepidity of men that could look danger in the
face, and proclaimed the independence of the United States.
Such were the causes and origin of the War of the Revolution.
For seven long years did the American people wage a doubtful
contest with an enemy that had attained the very highest emi
nence in national greatness; rendered implacable by wounded
pride, and stimulated to incredible exertions, by the confidence
of fancied superiority. Cold must be the heart that does not

144 Life, Letters and Speeches
warm with the contemplation of this picture, and acknowledge
with pious gratitude our obligations to the Almighty, that
blessed the cause of our forefathers, and supported them through
the dark days of their almost hopeless conflict. The strong
holds of the country were subdued, and many a disastrous battle
dimmed the hopes of liberty. On many a field the blood that
was poured out in defense of freedom lay unavenged; and many
a mother wept for her fallen sons with bitter anticipations of
her country's fate. But the spirit of the people was unsubdued,
and the indissoluble Union of the States, which no jealousy
could undermine, were the best assurances of ultimate success.
Neither the want of arms, of money, nor of the necessities of
life could shake the firmness of Congress, nor seduce the fidelity
of the patriot army. The steady resolution displayed in the
counsels of America, and the magnanimous sacrifices of her sons
in arms, commanded the respect of the nations, and secured the
alliance of powerful friends. The foe was broken by the energy
of a resistance that would not yield; victory at length rested on
the arms of America; and miUions hailed with delight the star
of peace once more resplendent over the land of freedom.
The independence of^the United States was acknowledged by
the treaty of 1783, and a just cause was crowned with the most
glorious success. A great revolution was effected and a people
of British name and origin were irrevocably separated from the
parent stock.
But the glory of this day consists not in the downfall of power
but in the establishment of a new and more beautiful order of
things. Revolutions have been common, but it was reserved
for the sages of America to bring back again the times of the
Republic; to restore a name that had almost been forgotten by
the nations — and to exhibit in these late ages the example of a
Free Commonwealth. Here is the source of the joy and gratu-
lation with which the return of this day is welcomed. This it
is which has rendered the American Revolution a great event
in the eyes of the world, and made it a resting place in the prog
ress of history. But the first difficulties only had been yet over
come; the consummation was still deferred and the United States
was to pass through many trials after their independence was
acknowledged before the promise could be fulfilled, and the
people could repose "every man under his own vine and fig
tree," in the conscious security of a just and stable government.
Nor did it require less virtue to establish the Constitution
than to overcome the arms of Britain.
When the rupture between the mother country and the colo
nies took place. State governments were naturally and easily
organized, because they were built on the basis of the Colonial
governments But to establish a common jurisdiction in the
place of that which had been swept away, was an undertaking

James Louis Petigru 145
in which it was necessary to build anew. Neither the same
powers which the several colonies had recognized in the general
superintendence of the mother country, nor the same forms
were any longer applicable. The adjustment of the common
duties which the war had imposed on the States and the regu
lation of their common interests required a superintending and
controUing power. But to organize such a power required a
new system for which the times afforded neither leisure nor
experience. A union of the heart and hand was created by
necessity; afterwards by the articles of confederation — such
powers and such only as the exigencies of the times demanded
were vested in Congress.' Self preservation made the States
cooperate in the common defense and preserved the Union in
despite of the defects of the Confederacy. But the return of
peace brought new duties for the discharge of which something
more than the independent action of the States was necessary —
a great public debt had been contracted, the channels of trade
were obstructed, and industry was at a stand. To discharge
this debt — to superintend the relations of peace and war — and to
open a commercial intercourse with foreign countries were the
duties of Congress; but the power of effecting these objects was
everywhere wanting. The State governments were essentially
local in their character. By the articles of the Confederacy the
States were sovereign, but they were sovereign in a condition
of perpetual minority; and the gratifications of State pride re
sulted in the dishonorable privileges of a legal disability. In
separating from Great Britain the colonies had no design of
separating from one another. On the contrary, a strict Union
among themselves was indispensable to the freedom and inde
pendence to which they were heart and soul devoted. The
general interests were intrusted to Congress; but in their feeble
hands the public prosperity was withering away. The general
confusion was increased by a disputed boundary with Spain,
the hostiUty of the Indian tribes and the occupation of the west
ern country by British garrisons. The public creditor called
in vain for justice, and private distress went hand in hand with
national bankruptcy.
Five years of embarrassment, weakness and confusion, suc
ceeded to seven years of glorious but desolating war — and a new
revolution was approaching. The people of the United States
were really fellow-citizens by birth: the several States were in
fact but members of one body. The interests which the States
could not regulate were essentially interwoven with the whole
structure of Society, and for the want of a common jurisdiction
the people were to a considerable degree deprived of the pro
tection of any government. The dissolution of the confed
eracy appeared to be inevitable — and the only way of safety lay
in the concession of high, important and sovereign powers by

146 Life, Letters and Speeches
the States. Such sacrifices, however, could only be expected
from the most generous and enlightened patriotism. The love
of sway is so natural to the human mind that the voluntary
resignation of power will always constitute an exception to the
ordinary conduct of men. The establishment of a national
government, therefore, encountered all manner of opposition
as well from the interested ambition of some, as from the honest
fears of others. But sentiments more worthy of the virtuous
days of the Republic, a sense of justice, a high feeling of national
honor, a generous love of country at length prevailed; and the
States adopted the decided measure of appointing delegates
to the Convention of 1787. To this memorable councU every
thing most venerable in character, most distinguished in service,
and eminent in abilities, was seen repairing from all parts of
America. Their duties were equally novel and arduous, and
the difficulties which surrounded them almost insurmountable.
During the whole summer, from May to September, they dis
cussed the nice and difficult balance between the States and
the General Government, and the distribution of the powers
with which the General Government should be invested. Nor
did they close their deUberations till they had devised and com
pleted a system which, for comprehensiveness of plan, the ac
curacy of the method, and the harmonious adaption of the
parts, easily surpasses the work of all former law-givers, and
justly challenges the character of a masterpiece of wisdom.
The unanimity of the Convention was a great source of joy.
But the battle was not yet won — the Constitution was still to
undergo the severe scrutiny of the States in Convention. There
the debate was renewed with zeal, caught from the passions
which most powerfully excite the mind.
Every objection was urged which ingenuity could form, and
every point was defended with all the skill of argument, and force
of intellect. For a whole year the decision was suspended. In
many a stormy debate the cause appeared to be lost, and in
many a narrow division the Constitution was saved by a few
votes. But at length reason triumphed over prejudice; the
accession of 1 1 States terminated the struggle which the powers
of chaos had maintained with the principles of order, and the
long period of doubt was closed by the adoption of the Federal
Constitution. Such were the trials through which our fathers
passed, and such the difficulties of founding the seat of Liberty
in this Western world. History affords no parallel of a people
taking up arms in defence of their liberty, prosecuting the war
with the highest fortitude and courage, to a successful termina
tion; and afterwards in time of profound peace, calmly discuss
ing, and deliberately adopting a free Constitution for the gov
ernment of themselves and their posterity. Nor were the actors
in these great scenes unworthy of the parts they were called to

James Louis Petigru 147
perform. And as in the representation of Genius the plot is not
considered perfect, without some preeminent personage who
fills the highest part, and is distinguished as the hero of the
scene; so the moral sublimity of this grand national exhibition
is raised to the highest degree and perfected in the character of
Washington. In him we behold a model of virtue and great
ness, to rescue the human name from obloquy, to teach men the
truth of their celestial origin, and to revere in their common
nature the presence of something noble and divine. Let the
grateful task of commemorating the fame of Washington and
his companions be committed to an eloquence more worthy of
the theme. Their names are recorded in history, and there may
every one who feels for the honor of Carolina read with exulta
tion that Rutledge, the pride of the South, and his corripatriots
were equally distinguished as the defenders of liberty, and the
zealous champions of the Union.
Thus was the settlement of things in the United States ef
fected; and those who, by their own good swords, had made the
States sovereign, animated by a disinterested zeal for the public
good, retrenched the prerogatives of the State to make the national
government supreme within its proper jurisdiction. To estab
lish justice, ensure tranquility, and secure the blessings of
liberty, were the high and noble motives of the authors of the
Constitution. Does any one regret their choice? To appre
ciate their political wisdom, look around. The gloom which
hung over America has been dissipated. No hostile tribes any
longer disturb the peace of the frontiers. The Mississippi, no
more a Spanish river, bears on its bosom a vast commerce, the
produce of the Western country now converted into the seat
of new and flourishing States: Commerce no longer languishes
in our bays and rivers, but spreads its sails in every sea, and
rides in proud security beneath the starry banner: The credi
tor no longer complains of violated faith; the public debt is paid,
and justice waves her peaceful scepter over a land that smiles
with plenty. But shall it be said that the necessity of the Union
no longer exists? that the Constitution has served its day, and
may now be consigned to its place among the trumpery of a
by-gone age? God forbid — too often have the best hopes of
men been blasted by the presumption of success; too often have
the wholesome lessons of experience been supplanted by the
flattery of those false friends with whom the summer of pros
perity abounds. Union and Liberty are essentially connected.
Let presumption forbear and learn that those whom God has
joined shall never be separated without incurring the doom of
a heavy retribution.
There are two dangers against which a free State must always
provide, domestic faction and foreign conquest. The Federal
Constitution is the only effectual safe-guard against both. It

148 Life, Letters and Speeches
provides ample means against foreign aggression, and is the
very best security against the tyranny of faction. Without the
Union South Carolina would be a simple consolidated govern
ment; but in such a state, when a combination exists powerful
enough to ensure a majority, laws afford to the proscribed mi
nority but a feeble security. That such combinations will take
place is certain, for the tendency to party is inherent in the
human mind; and they wiU be most prevalent in small States,
because in them the intimate association of all the members of
the community creates a more lively interest in the individual
fortunes of every leader — brings the excitement of controversy
into every house, and kindles the minds of all by the passions
of a few. But the Federal Constitution keeps party within
bounds by hmiting the amount of power and patronage that can
be obtained by getting possession of the States. To lay hold
of supreme power it is necessary to surmount the barriers of the
Federal Constitution, as well as those of the State Constitution.
If the Union was abolished any party that gained the complete
ascendancy in the State, would have all things at their com
mand — the appointment of Ambassadors, Generals, and Naval
Commanders, with the direction of military forces, in addition
to all the appendages of the present civil list. Such patronage
could not fail to excite the cupidity of that class numerous in all
countries, that desire to live on the pubhc burdens; and the
possession of supreme power would present to ambitious minds
an object of the highest attraction. The contention for public
favor would be carried on with inextinguishable zeal, where the
prizes of success were so brilliant. The dominant party would
be above aU law, and the identity of State sovereignty and des
potism would be verified in fact. Nothing could be more falla
cious than the opinion that interest is the only ground of party,
or that no parties are dangerous but those which are separated
by a difference of interest. The truth is the other way. Such
an opinion could only be suggested by a narrow view of that
comparative exemption from domestic faction for which we
are, in fact, indebted to the Constitution of the United States.
The distinction between two governments. State and Federal,
has a great tendency to unite the people of each State among
themselves. But parties founded on difference of principle and
opinion, aggravated by foreign influence, naturally the bane of
Republics, would spring up in rank luxuriance among the people
of the same State as soon as the barriers of the Federal Consti
tution were removed. Whatever therefore tends to destroy
the Federal Constitution, instead of increasing liberty, strength
ens power; divides the people of the State, instead of uniting
them; and opens the door to the excess of faction. But do not
our own times furnish a new and instructive lesson on this sub
ject? The Union Party and the Nullifiers are divided by a dif-

James Louis Petigru 149
ference of opinion as to State Rights. And can there be a
stronger illustration of the violence of party than is found in
the fact that now, in the complete ascendency of party, the
same arguments are actually employed against the minority,
which the British Ministry in 1776 relied on against America
to show that sovereign power can not be limited? Private
rights must give way to Imperial Sovereignty of the State, and
party zeal is not satisfied till it has been carefully and exactly
demonstrated that a majority of two-thirds may well do what
ever any despot can inflict on his unhappy subjects. Kings
would trample upon law by virtue of divine right — party leaders
claim to do the same thing by virtue of the sovereignty of the
people. That Constitution which sets some limits to the State
Sovereignty needs no higher eulogy than the alliance thus
avowed between sovereignty and despotism. /
The deplorable defects of party in the Republics of Greece
and Italy are written in every page of their history. But why
seek for foreign examples ? if there be any abuse of power par
ticularly odious and revolting, it is the presumption of atteriipt-
ing to bind the human mind in chains, and to make opinion the
subject of penalty. And of all the people under Heaven, our
fellow citizens of South Carolina, where a majority has so re
cently seen fit to change their principles, ought to be incapable
of aiming such a blow against freedom of opinion. Yet even
here no sooner was party ascendency complete than the reign
of proscription began — by test oaths and pretentious threats of
laws against treason. In March, 1833, a Convention claiming
supreme imperial power, thejwra summi imperrii, ordained that
it should be lawful for the Legislature in their discretion to exact
an acknowledgment of such supreme authority, by a suitable
oath of allegiance, as a test of qualification for office; and to se
cure State Sovereignty by giving a free scope to the laws of
treason. And in December of the same year the Legislature
responded by vacating all offices in the militia, and requiring all
the new officers to make upon oath that profession of allegiance,
which the Ordinance required. A judiciary, of whom any coun
try might be proud, are now denounced for vindicating the
Constitution from this assault. We still trust that the people
will not consent to see the faithful guards of the temple of
Liberty overpowered in the defense of their post. But if man
kind must have a new proof how surely justice is trampled under
foot by party, and the judges who have defended the Constitu
tion from the first inroad of lawless power must be sacrificed
to its rage, their decision will at least be an enduring record of
the freedom that was enjoyed before the Test Oaths began, and
an imperishable monument of moral firmness and judiciaf in
tegrity. ,
The sovereignty of the people is an axiom of Liberty. But J

150 Life, Letters and Speeches
that sovereignty is a shield to defend, not a sword to destroy the
private citizen. It lives and moves and has its being in the
supremacy of the Constitution. Apart from the attributes of
constituted authority, it becomes undistinguishable from wild
force and lawless power. It is not the natural right of man to
overturn existing establishments, and to construct new govern
ments: for this is a right to which all men are entitled. But the
sovereignty of the people is the characteristic of constitutional
government; and the meaning of it is that all power is held in
trust for the people, and all pubUc authority exercised for their
benefit. The rights and jurisdiction of an independent nation,
whether under the form of monarchy, despotism, or a common
wealth, are called sovereign powers, and under our complex
system those rights belong, some to the State and some to the
United States. There is no place in the nature of things for
any other sort of sovereignty. Why should we lose sight of the
realities to wander in a field of barren abstractions? The Con
stitution of the United States is not a mere system drawn up
from first principles, but a primary law, adapted to the existing
state of things. If it makes distinctions which are inconsistent
with the definition of sovereignty it is not on that account less
obUgatory. But even if there had been no necessity for it in the
actual circumstances of the country, the wit of man could have
devised no happier invention for the security of freedom than
the partition of Sovereignty between the States as members of
the Confederacy, and the Union as the superintending and con
trolling authority — a distribution which abridges the reach of
power and shortens the arm of Government.
These considerations would justify our zeal for the Union.
But when it is remembered that war between the States must
inevitably follow their separation; that schemes of conquest or
of defense would lead infaUibly to large miUtary estabUshments:
we are astonished at the blindness of those who willjiot see the
necessary connection between Union and Liberty. From the
day that the Federal Constitution is abolished the sword will
never be laid aside till the avenger comes and the tumult of fac
tion is hushed in the tranquiUty of despotism. The fate of
unhappy Poland is before our eyes : and what a warning do the
calamities of that country of many sovereigns, hold out to the
people of these States. Brute force and superiority of numbers
have triumphed over valor and justice, and swords drawn in the
most righteous cause to which a gallant people ever invoked the
favor of Heaven, are shivered in the dust. United among them
selves, the Poles might have defied the world and sent the bar
barian howling to his own deserts. But neither valor that mocks
at fear nor the sympathies of aU hearts in which the sense of
justice is not dead, could save that devoted people from the
fatal catastrophe of internal divisions. Let him who derides

James Louis Petigru 151
the Federal Constitution; who thinks there is nothing sacred in
the bond of Union, enjoy the shortrlived applause of ephemeral
popularity; but the profound wisdom and exalted public virtue
of the founders of the Constitution will command the lasting
veneration of mankind; and the meed of praise and honor shall
be awarded to him whose name descends to posterity- connected
with the noble sentiment — " The Federal Union — It Must be
Preserved." To preserve that Union should be considered now, as in the
time of Washington, "the greatest interest of every true Ameri
can." Nor is it to be denied that the times are portentous of
change. New theories concerning sovereignty and the binding
force of the Constitution are abroad. Let us pass by the con
sideration of the effects that must ensue from principles that
put the Constitution under the feet of a majority of two-thirds
in any State, if those principles be carried out in practice; we
need not dwell on the consequences of exclusive allegiance when
disputes arise concerning the boundary of jurisdiction between
the public authorities; we will say nothing of the lawfulness of
establishing the creed of a party as the standard of orthodoxy,
upon a subject so interesting to every freeman, so complicated,
and necessarily giving rise to so great a diversity of opinion as
the true balance of power under the Constitution. We take
for granted that the new theory is not infidelity to the Constitu
tion, and the foUowers of this sect are reaUy wilhng to remain
within the pale of the Union. But let us consider for a moment
the moral influence of the theory in weakening the sense of pub
lic duty.
There is in morals a distinction between duties that are
merely positive and those that are founded on the great princi
ples of justice. The distinction between allegiance to the State
and obedience to the United States, implies that the one is
natural and the other merely conventional; and that the duty
of the citizen to obey the laws of the United States has no sanc
tion beyond that of a rule making a difference between two things
in themselves indifferent. No one would pretend to make a
merit of such obedience or to dignify it with the name of virtue.
Patriotism is the sentiment which makes obedience honorable.
But if the citizen owes no allegiance to the United States it is
not his country and his obedience is at best but a mercenary
service. If the Federal Constitution does not make us fellow-
citizens it can be regarded in no other light than a foreign yoke,
and every feeling of patriotism must be enhsted against it. The
theory which makes selfishness the only spring of action may be
compatible with the exercise of generous virtues, and the heart
correct the errors of understanding. Opinions which are de
grading to the obligations of the Constitution may perhaps be
harmless in practice; but it is difficult to conceive how these

152 Life, Letters and Speeches
opinions can be enacted into law without becoming in some
measure a rule of conduct; and when those who call themselves
citizens of the United States are marked as enemies of the State
it is impossible not to feel that the foundations are in danger.
Force secures obedience in countries that are not free, but the
Republic requires a more perfect service, the free will offering of
the heart, the spontaneous affection of the people. Deprived
of the support of patriotism, all constitutions are but dross.
Though Washington sleeps with the mighty dead, we have his
testimony in the solemn warning he has left us, that without
a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to that National
Union, which makes us one people, our faith in the Constitution
is in vain.
Another venerable name, now numbered with the dead, calls
to us from the grave to stand by the Union as the PaUadium of
Liberty. LaFayette, the early friend of America, whose gen
erous life was one long struggle against tyranny, has terminated
his earthly career. Many are the names in the honored roll of
patriotism to fire the mind with the love of virtuous fame. But
this distinguished son of France gained for himself a peculiar
claim to our gratitude — we love to dwell on the youthful en
thusiasm, the high spirit of adventure that brought this young
disciple of liberty from the Court of France to become the par
taker of the hardships of an American camp. It was not mili
tary glory but a noble passion, a zeal for liberty, a generous
sympathy with a people struggling to be free, that made him
prefer the rude tents of America to the palaces of kings. His
profound veneration for the character of Washington was the
ingenuous homage of a mind uncorrupted by factitious distinc
tions to true dignity and greatness. The same principles gov
erned his conduct through the whole of a long and arduous life.
He saw with delight the day-spring of liberty in his native coun
try, and watched its progress with eyes of longing devotion. He
was doomed to behold the cruel reverse of all his hopes; and to
see again and again abortive efforts to establish a free constitu
tion overwhelmed by the blind rage of the multitude; destroyed
by the base ascendency of demagogues, or crushed by the iron
hand of military despotism. But to his latest days he preserved
the same generous sentiments that had animated his youthful
mind, and midst the wreck of European liberty still regarded
the Constitution ofthe United States as the Beacon Light in the
darkness of the storm. Yes, generous shade! thy pilgrimage
is closed — thine eyes are spared the anguish which the extinction
of /A«/ light would cause to all who venerate the name of Liberty.
Long shalt thou be remembered for unshaken fidelity to the
cause of freedom. Faithful found
Among innumerable false; unmoved.
Unshaken, unseduced, unterrified.

James Louis Petigru 153
And long may that Constitution, which claimed thy love and
admiration, defy the rage of faction and perpetuate the Liberties
of the Great Republic which owns thee for a citizen, and now
surrounds thy tomb with the memorials of a Nation's Gratitude.
TO WILLIAM DRAYTON Charleston, 11 July, 1834.
My dear Sir:
The decision on the Test oath was by no means so satisfactory
as our first hopes. Only a majority condemned the detestable
principle of a political creed, and the NuUifiers raised a yell
when the decision first came out, that was proof of the most
savage intentions. The fury of passion, however, has subsided
in some degree. The 'part which Hayne took was much more
moderate than was consistent with the temper shown in the
meetings where resolutions had been passed on the subject. The
Union officers receive their commissions and the object of poUti
cal agitation seems to be to effect the alteration of the Constitu
tion according to the Bill that was brought in last winter. It
seems that they will succeed for Warren who voted against it
last year, has promised to vote for it under instructions of his
parish — and A. Huger 'tis supposed will lose his election which
gives them two votes — and will make their majority in the Sen
ate greater than it was. My opinion is that there is nothing in
the alteration of the Constitution in this particular that can be
brought into conflict with the Federal Constitution. The oath
in the Military Bill was a Test oath, because it was in affirmance
of the ordinance of 1833. The Ordinance establishes the dis
tinction between allegiance to the State and obedience to
the U. S., and it was impossible that any of us should sanc
tion that distinction. But the alteration of the Constitution
does not derive its authority from the ordinance, and the mere
declaration of "allegiance to the State" without any words of
exclusion or aggravation can hardly be regarded as unconstitu
tional. We shall oppose the alteration, however, — as unwise
and unjust — for in fact they mean an unconstitutional thing but
have not the hardihood to speak out. Should they do no more
however than carry this amendment we shall acquiesce in it.
Whether they will do more is vastly uncertain. Many of them
are for punishing the judges and the best of them are not too
good to do it if they were assured of immunity. But motives
of policy will operate strongly against such schemes — and I am
in hopes that in this case they will consent to behave honestly —
from reasons of policy.
I am, dear Sir, Yours truly,

154 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO HUGH S. LEGAR^
Charleston, August 1, 1834.
I received your letter of llth of June, my dear Legare, yester
day, and one of 27th of May a week before. I see with pain
that your mind is not as much at ease as it was while your curi
osity was more excited. But it is only a passing cloud. He
that can learn German to amuse him has resources that make
it even criminal to be unhappy. It is as unreasonable as our
friend Harper, who can take a quart with impunity, making
shipwreck for the sake of one pint more. This reminds one of
his opinion on the test oath, which came out long after the time
all on account, his friends say, of his " forswearing their pota
tions." I sent the arguments of O'Neall vs. Johnson, (as that
model for an apprentice in the law. Master Plowden always
calls them) and hope you got them, and before I commit this
letter to the post I will rummage for a copy of Harper's, which
is very well done for a thing of the kind, I suppose- But, posi
tively, all Nullification seems to me equally good, and I am
serious in thinking Lewis Cruger one of the ablest writers on
their side. There is something in this notion of turning the
most important pursuits of men into an exercise of ontology
that looks marveUously like setting bedlam loose and locking up
the rest of the world. The eloquence and power of reason
which I see everywhere arrayed in defence of Nullification,
State sovereignty, etc., fill me with such a feeling of despair as
we may suppose would operate upon those that would have to
listen to the first outbreak of imprisoned reason exulting in the
overthrow of the doctor versus the straight jacket.
The first motions of the party after the decision were so vio
lent that I expected an immediate caU of the Legislature and a
new convention. Poor Gregg took that occasion to prostrate
himself before Dagon. He attended the meeting which the set
called in Columbia and distinguished himself by heroic abuse
of the men who were assailed by popular clamor. Never tell
that story any more about truth being somewhere. He has
gone where it never was found yet. The party in Charleston
followed in the wake of the choice spirits of Columbia, and deter
mined upon raiding the association and uttered many violent
things. Hayne responded by a proclamation, thanking them
for their sweet voices, but declining to call the Legislature. For
this he has been greatly praised. I believe it was mere policy
and nothing else. If they had gone to Columbia there would
have been some strange doings and, perhaps, our friend, Pepoon,
with his application for the "guaranty," would have been
looked on with something of the feeling with which many a
prophet has been regarded, after being laughed at. The 4th
of July has now passed and it is evident that the party is con-

James Louis Petigru 155
solidated for the alteration of the Constitution. The toasts
are distinguished for violence and -^mlgarity; and some slang-
wanger says that Mr. Jefferson always went a great deal by the
July toasts. The only man of the NuUifiers in Charleston that
I have heard express a disapprobation of the test is Magrath.
He would not attend the circus and has not, I believe, taken any
part in what is since plotted. But he is, you know, so strange
that it does not follow that he would not go as far as any of them
for the oath when he is set agoing; for as far as I can understand
him he has always been against everything in his party, but some
abstract principle that few, I take it, could comprehend but
himself. They have offered Holmes honorable retirement,
which I advise him to accept. I don't wish any man like Holmes
to join our party, I have seen too much of the company of gen
tlemen that can't sit, as Lord Brougham says, on the cold sack
of opposition, to desire any more of them with us. In fact, it
is childish to quit a party that is in the ascendent in order to
leave the power without check or control in the hands of the
worst men. Holmes is one of the i&vi men whose heart has not
been corrupted nor his understanding altogether enslaved by
the drill of the association, and I think he can be more useful to
the country in that party than out of it.
There is some secession from the Nullifiers on the part of
certain office-seekers. I believe Burrell is the leader of that
respectable interest in the Commonwealth, but as yet their
members are too few to promise any great help in the election.
If any schism arises among them it will come from the Irish.
In their anxiety to keep up the opinion that the Northern people
wish to get their negroes away from them they have been pub
lishing in the Mercury that these late riots in New York were no
test of public opinion, but were got up by the low Irish, who
were the natural rivals of the negroes. Two or three more such
pieces in the Mercury would tell more than a ream of Grimke's
new orthography. These incautious expressions, however,
will be glossed over, I suppose, and the growing ill-humor of Pat
pacified before it breaks out at the election. In St. Thomas I
believe Alfred [Huger] has no chance. His health is bad, and
he has no more conduct for the management of a parish than if
he had never heard of such a thing as policy. He was at home
all the winter and spring, and in the course of that time never
said or did anything to gain a friend or soften an adversary, but
just the reverse. He has gone to Virginia again, to which place
I ought to have forwarded your letter to him, but I sent it to
Pendleton, believing he was there. I am sorry to say he is in a
very bad way. His health probably is nearly as bad as he thinks
it, and his spirits quite desperate. Nor is the Judge [Huger] any
better. The ordinance has unsettled him. He was against
going to law about the test oath, but for fighting. You may

156 Life, Letters and Speeches
well ask how, where, on what ground? Nor has anything hap
pened to me that I have felt more severely for a long time than
the loss of his confidence; for to such a length did he carry his
zeal that he has never forgotten our opposition, particularly
mine. With every prospect of the Constitution being altered
the question now occurs, what shall we citizens of the United
States, resident in South Carolina, do? Can we take the oath?
You will see it in one of the newspapers I send you. You will
have observed that Judge Johnson has decided this question
and I agree with him. But Judge Richardson will not hear of
such a thing. He is for giving out, at least, that we will never
submit, and he says that there will be a general emigration from
the back country if the Constitution is altered. This puts one
in mind of your colony. But, my dear soul, we are not the
men to colonize. Your frontier folk are very unamiable and,
as to poUtical rights, we should, in such circumstances, hardly
feel disposed to exercise them. No, if you return home go to
New York if you don't go on the bench; with your advantages
and talents I should not hesitate. And there is one thing pe
culiar to that city, there is no jealousy of strangers. Their
first places are as free for Virginians as Yankees, as for the
descendants of the Dutch. This comes I suppose of people
feeling strong. Jealousy seems as natural to weak States as
to feeble men. Now, I don't suppose any qualifications or merit
would excuse the presumption of a stranger intruding into Dela
ware to compete with the natives. You know they have an
executor's law there giving priority to Delaware debts, as being
all specialties in comparison with the rest of the world.
Judge how gaily time must pass from what I have told you.
It is an undoubted fact that though that box — that valued
box — has been in my cellar a month, I never have been able to
find a friend to taste it with me, and considering it a sacrilege
to drink such wine alone, it remains like something sacred with
the seal unbroken. I send you my Fourth of July speech.
Pray, don't laugh at the pious defence of our planetary system,
which custom has made so reverend. Think of your own case
and be careful of quizzing people that may have things to tell.
I send you Berrien's too. I could not help laughing to see that
we both ended with LaFayette, and I dare swear that the same
peroration, or something like it, has gone the rounds from
Georgia to Passamaquoddy. Your mother is at present on the
Island. The heats have been excessive. Thermometer at 92
— now the city is flowing with rain. If Cruger comes your way
make me remembered to him and let him know his sister, Mrs.
Hamilton, is on the Island and very weU. Adieu, my dear
Legare, and believe me always and altogether yours.
The national politics are all embroiled to that degree that
they are scarcely interesting. Mr. Chevalier had some good
ideas. I had him printed in the Courier.

James Louis Petigru 157

CHAPTER XVIII
August-December, 1834
Closing Scenes in the Drama of Nullification; Pacifica
tion between Nullifiers and Whigs Brought About by
Hamilton and Petigru to william drayton Charleston, 12 Aug., 1834.
My dear Sir.
I received your letter of the 22d ult. which I read with the
pleasure and attention that your advice is always received with.
Your views respecting the Test oath and the alteration of the
Constitution are so entirely the pattern of my own thoughts
on the subject that there can be no doubt as far as my influence
goes of the course of the Union party in relation to those sub
jects, and at first I was of the opinion there would be no diffi
culty in moderating the zeal of our friends to that standard.
But I am sorry to find a great tendency on the part of some of
them to carry their opposition to the alteration of the Constitu
tion as far as to the Test oath. Judge Richardson is the most
conspicuous that I have had an opportunity of conferring with
from the back country, and he is very disinclined to construe
the amendment of the Constitution innocently. We have had
several interviews about it and I have promised not to promul
gate my notions till the election is over, and he has promised to
consider the subject. I saw a letter from Blanding which was
very strong in the same view of things, that Judge R. takes and
I am afraid that it is the prevalent way of thinking in the back
country among the Union men. Yet I hope they may be tran
quillized between this and the close of the Legislature. There
seems to be no chance of defeating the alteration of the Con
stitution. Our friend Holmes who is the only gentleman in
their party that has broken ground against the oath is likely to
be put out of the pale. Your surprise at the part that Hamil
ton has enacted was not greater than mine. I confess I was
most painfully sensible of those quaUties, which enter into our
ideas of an agitator, a man born to disturb the peace of society,
when I conversed with him after the decision of the Judges,
when he was about to rally his men again and reestablish the
States Rights associations. The Mercury of this morning con
tains an editorial which I do not think came from Stuart and is

158 Life, Letters and Speeches
marked by a greater degree of moderation than anything that
has appeared in that print for years. I am sensible that we
must be confounded with the indiscriminate supporters of the
President. Indeed many of the party in the back country are
such. But considering the grounds we occupy in the contro
versy with the nuUifiers it seems to me inevitable that we must
support the President generaUy. We have just heard this
morning of the death of Judge [William] Johnson and of course
people are speculating about his successor.* Some of the law
yers would fain make me believe that I am likely to attract the
attention of the President: of this however I have no notion —
but if you are willing to return to CaroUna I think that aU par
ties would unite in wishing you to do so, and accept the office.
You or Mr. Legare, if you are out of the way, ought to be the
choice of Carolina as I think. What may be in agitation in
Georgia I do not know — but it is presumable the appointment
will be made there unless you are the Judge.
The general opinion in the City is that the Judges ofthe Court
of Appeals O'Neil and Johnson will not be molested. That
Hayne will be placed on the Bench with a fifth Judge, who is to
be Dunkin. We have resolved on running a ticket for Inten
dant and Wardens. There is some sedition in their ranks.
And the mercenaries are making us offers every day — but our
party has resolved not to buy votes — and in so doing we resolve
of course to give up the best, perhaps only chance, of carrying
the election. The dissidents are such men as Prendergrass —
Bunell the Shoemaker, Robinson who was an auctioneer, Dursee
who was formerly on the guard. The only thing I can observe
in it is that there is less fanaticism among the mob about State
rights. These men are perfectly rational and put the contro
versy on grounds that satisfy any utilitarian of willingness to
make interest their polar stars. The practice of bribery is very
tempting to those who give as well as to the recipients. If it
was not so expensive I have no doubt it would become universal.
I hope you got the copy of my oration which I sent you.
Yours truly,
TO HUGH S. legare
Charleston, September 16, 1834.
My dear Legare:
I received yesterday your letter of 12th July, and read it with
intense interest. I begin to think, after the third reading, that
I know more about St. Stephen's chapel than if I had seen it
with my own eyes, and congratulate myself more than once of

*Judge Johnson of the U. S. Supreme Court, a staunch Union man, died in
Brooklyn.

James Louis Petigru 159
my good fortune that enables me to look at objects of so much
curiosity which your letters, like magnifying glass, represent as
clearly as if they were close at hand. Only one thing, my dear
Legare, discredits your judgment, and that is the over-estimate
you put on your poor friend's parts. Heaven has given me no
more wit than just enough to feel and appreciate the works of
genius without any capacity for execution. I read somewhere
the other day a remark that coincides with your account of the
House of Commons, that it is an assembly not very strong in
orators, but vastly formidable as an audience. I admire your
discrimination between the speeches in the House and the
boasted reports in the newspaper. But it is not that part of
the orator's art as separate from the writer's. The printed
drama does not inform you what sort of an actor it was that
played the part. If it could there would be no use in seeing the
play. The difference between Parliament and Congress, which
seems to be in the audience more than in the speakers, is, never
theless, a most important one. And I fear that in America we
shall find it a great desideratum, the absence of silent members
which, like the sturdy yeomanry, are a class that neither Kings
nor schoolmasters can supply and without whom the tinsel of
rank or rhetoric is equally useless. But I am sorry to see that
the tone of your last letters is decidedly less cheerful than for
merly. I hope the re infecta has not brought you to Solomon's
conviction that aU is vanity; and that the restoration of your
health will be attended with better spirits than the royal Jew,
with all his means for enduring the burden of life, could boast of.
As to your coming home, I've told you already in a letter I wrote
in July (for, sluggard that I am I passed the month of August in
such a drowsy condition that I wrote nothing and did nothing,
and so my July letter is my last,) I say I wrote you in July that
as Judge Johnson was gone and you were the only one I knew
that was fit to fill the place, for which God knows how little he
was fit, I wished you were at home or had some friend near the
old man to nominate you. Mr. Pringle and Mr. Poinsett, with
out consulting me any further than to inquire in a roundabout
way what I thought of such a Jydgeship, have written to some
one, I believe to the President himself, to let him know that they
think me cut out (as they say) for a Judge. Wayne, of Georgia,
as I have heard from Mr. Bullock, has written a letter to recom
mend Col. Drayton.* I wrote to Col. Drayton also and told
him, what is really true, that if he were nominated it would give
everybody pleasure and me particularly. I would rather you
or he were appointed than myself, and after you two I would
have very great objections to anybody else.
As to me, it is out of the question. I don't think it is the will

*Wayne, of Georgia, was appointed.

160 Life, Letters and Speeches
of God, and have certain information that it is not Van Buren's.
For he told Tom Condy, or somebody in Tom's hearing, that I
made a very unfavorable impression upon the people at the
North last summer, which, to give the devil his due, was very
plain spoken of Master Van, and makes me think him a much
more open fellow than he has credit for being. My practice
brings me about six thousand dollars a year in these bad times,
and after all the dignity of the Bench is not equal to one thou
sand five hundred dollars a year, which is the difference between
income and honor. One who could write like Sir William Scott,
or draw conclusions like Chief Justice Marshall, and only such a
one, would in fact, after the first congratulations were over, find
that he had any accession of credit or influence by holding Uncle
Sam's commission. So that you see, my dear Legar^, that in
giving way to you I am not enacting a great part; like the friend
who resigns a mistress that he loves, and if you would ever
return to Charleston, this is, I think, the only way it would suit
you to return. I'm afraid you would find the Bar as disgusting
as Cheves and Drayton found it when they revisited the haunts
of their youth, and the fury of party is such that you would be
in all probability excluded effectually from everything else
except the Bible Society.
We made a rally at the last election for intendant and wardens,
and showed a front of so imposing a kind that the NuUifiers
laid out about fifteen hundred dollars on the election, and beat
us 240 votes. We are now concocting a ticket for member of
Congress, members of the House and Senate. It is not so easy
to find candidates when there is no chance of winning, and I fear
we shall be sadly put to it for a Congressman. The others we
can impress into the service, as it is a parish business, which,
like riding patrol, must be taken in turn. Poor Pinckney, the
present incumbent, has totally exploded. * * *
There seems to be no sort of chance of rousing the dormant
sense of justice among our people and the elections, which will
turn on the alteration of the Constitution, will no doubt show
an overwhelming majority in favor of the test oath. For though
the alteration of the Constitution reaUy amounts to nothing
but an insult on us, it is voted for and supported by those, and
I believe those only, who go the whole length of justifying the
exclusion of every man from civil priviliges that will not swear
"that NuUification is the rightful remedy." The equivocation
to which the word "aUegiance" helps them is agreeable to cer
tain leaders only, viz: Hamilton and Hayne. I have reason to
believe that Hayne gives himself credit for this stroke of policy.
The rabble of gentlemen and fools were intent on going forward;
something was to be done to satisfy the spirit of reform and this
was Hayne's scheme to keep on the windy side of the law and on
the bUnd side of Demos.

James Louis Petigru 161
Against their wishes the House stuck the new oath into the
military bill, for they were so delighted with it as a test oath that
they could not wait, but would swallow it raw. That gave us
a fair opportunity of bringing their ordinance to a judicial scru
tiny. But when the Constitution shall have been altered we
can not make it appear judicially that it is unlawful to swear
allegiance to the State, merely because among the Acts of the
NuUifiers there is a chapter about it which contains falsehoods
and errors. However plain this may be, certain it is that on one
side they vote for the amendment of the Constitution because
they mean by doing so to declare their faith in the spurious
chapter, and it is opposed on the other side as if they were voting
upon the ordinance itself. I understand that Calhoun is with
the mob thoroughly on this question, and wished to have his
last revelation incorporated in the Constitution, which is a new
instance ofthe close connection between imposture and delusion.
I do not know any but two instances of decided opposition to the
oath by Nullifiers — Holmes and Magrath. By the way, the
latter has just left me, having come in and kept me back on this
letter at least one hour. It is to be seen how far this opposition
may grow into a schism, but there is not at present any immedi
ate prospect of hope to our party. Ah! if we had a really elo
quent man to state our case it might make a difference.
But we have other griefs. The cholera has broken out with
great violence in Savannah River — 250 negroes have died
already. It began at Wightman's twelve miles above the town.
There was no infection nearer than New York when the fiend at
one bound lighted on the premises of our reservoir agriculturist.
(It is the place that was Gen. Read's, and which was swallowed
up by the old Mammon in double bank discounts and accommo
dations.) It appeared on my plantation last Friday, the 12th,
and I have lost one negro certainly, how many more I can't say,
as I have not heard since. It is making great havoc on all the
plantations. Hamilton, who has gone there, writes me that the
negroes are sometimes brought in without any premonitory
symptoms in the first stage of spasm, and then there is scarce
one cure in ten. But hitherto the deaths have generally been
one in three. It is highly probable it will ruin me; that is, com
pel me to sell the plantation and what is left ofthe negroes to pay
for the residue of the purchase. As yet it is confined to the
negroes, as if, like the yaws, it was an African disease and it has
not got northward of Savannah River, but it has spread to Ogee
chee. There is said to be yellow fever in the city, but all our
cares are absorbed by the cholera so much that even the exis
tence of yellow fever is left doubtful. I must leave off to save
the mail, for it is more expeditious to write by the Havre packet.
Mrs. Pringle was so much delighted * * * [Rest of letter lost.]

162 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO HUGH S. legare
Charleston, October 26, 1834.
My dear Legare:
We have lost poor Grimke.* The news of his death reached
us last Thursday. He died near Columbus, in the State of
Ohio. He had gone there to deliver a temperance oration and
died of cholera after twelve hours' illness. There has not been
in my time so general an expression of sorrow for the death of an
individual. Every one seems to feel that such as he was our
society contains no other like him. Was not his death in perfect
character with his life? To go all the way to Ohio to die of
cholera in the recommendation of temperance. The moist eyes
and the sobs of the speakers at the meeting of the Bar yesterday
were the most affecting testimony of his worth.
We have had other causes to grieve. The elections have
given the Nullifiers two-thirds in both houses and the alteration
of the Constitution may be considered cetain. We made great
efforts and raUied the whole of our party, but the majority
retained an unbroken phalanx. The only considerable men
who openly dissented were Holmes and Magrath, and they were
neutral. It is to that neutrality that I was indebted for so large
a vote— within 60 of elected. The Irish nation have never for
gotten that you and I backed them some seven years ago against
the Corporation and Test Acts, and it is only wonderful that
they did not openly rebel at this time. I believe they wait till
the test oath is reaUy established and reserve their aUiance for
the time when we are to have the law against us; then their
fellow feeling, I suppose, will show itself distinctly. The major
ity is diminished everywhere, except in the rotten burroughs,
and Rogers, of York, has beat Clowney, the sitting member, in
the House of Representatives. In the next Congress we have
two. Manning and Rogers. But Perry has failed in the contest
with Davis by seventy votes. The Union party have also
carried York in the election of members of the House, but the
Senator, Sitgreaves, holds his seat for two years to come.
There was a sort of explosion here on the first night of the elec
tion, which was near bringing on a crisis. The Nullifiers went
in a body of three or four hundred to attack our quarters on the
Neck. They had the night before broken into a house of ours
in Queen street, demolished the windows and beat some of the
people. The Union men were smarting under this insult, when
the NuUies were instigated by their arrogance to repeat it; and
the consequence was they were fired on and six of them wounded
with duck shot. Upon this they fled pell mell and crowded to
the Citadel to demand arms. Luckily, Parker refused them.
Hayne and Hamilton came, and as members of the party excused
*Thomas S. Grimk6 died while on a visit to his brother in Ohio.

James Louis Petigru 163
themselves from leading them to the attack. Hayne, to amuse
them, moved that a subscription should be opened for the fami
lies of the wounded; told them if they doubted his courage to ask
Hamilton, whom no one could doubt, and Hamilton persuaded
them to wait till he had got the law on their side; with the prom
ise of leading them to victory and revenge. He sent a flag to
Dr. Dickson, who was the most prominent gentleman in our
garrison, and concluded a treaty. Dickson agreed to give bail
in two hundred dollars for shooting into the people and both
parties dispersed. I did not get there tiU the cartel was received
and Dickson had gone to treat. The house stands near the Unes,
and was indeed a very defensible piece, and I assure you I found
there about fifty of our men in excellent stomach for a fight.
Had the Nullifiers renewed the attack there would have been a
great deal of bloodshed.
It is my impression that the Union men are now more excited
than the Nullifiers. These are now disposed to moderate their
tone, and it is doubtful whether they will do anything more than
alter the Constitution. But I apprehend great difficulty in
satisfying the Union party with so much. Any one that advised
them to take the oath will be considered no longer a true man.
You know my notions about this and that I don't think the alter
ation of the Constitution, per se, a cause for extremities. But I
find it very difficult to induce even my friends to think so. I
am afraid we shall have to call our Union Conventiori again and
afraid of what the Convention may do.
On the other hand, the Union party in Georgia has gained a
most decisive victory. Every man on the Nullification ticket
for Congress, even Wilde and Gilmer, who eschew the obnoxious
title, and content themselves with being called States' rights
men, left out, and in the Legislature a majority of nearly two-
thirds of Union men.
This cUps the wings of Calhoun's ambition and is a bitter pill
to our gentry. In fact the Georgia election turned on Carolina
politics altogether, and the test oath was a leading topic in the
controversy. They have managed very warily to keep clear of
the law, but they have certainly been put to disgrace, first, in
the judgment of the Court against them on the ordinance, and
secondly, in the odium which their equivocating conduct has
brought upon them in Georgia. The name of test oath will
stick by them even if they pare away the amendment of the
Constitution to nothing.
Mr. Bacot is dead. It is supposed that Alfred Huger will
succeed him, and I hope he may. He has been in Virginia all
the summer and recovered his health. We put him up for Con
gress, and Pinckney has beaten him not more than 200 votes.
It appears that the elections do not very materially affect the con
stitution of the two houses of Congress. But the change in the

164 Life, Letters and Speeches
Senate wiU be in the old man's favor. We have heard nothing
yet of the successor of Judge Johnson. I wish you were here,
for I really would rather you were in the place than any one else.
If it is offered to me I ought to refuse it for reasons too many to
need mentioning, but I should not probably have the wit to do
so. In fact, however, there is no probability of it. People who
have been to the North say that Taney will be the man, and in
good earnest if I were the President I should appoint him, in
spite of the Senate. The circumstance that he hves out of the
circuit is not in fact a reason that is not conclusive, but it would
be a plausible topic for the Whigs and Nullifiers. If he is not
appointed either Wayne or Schley or some other Georgian is
likely to be selected. Our friend. Col. Drayton, would like it,
but he has been so condemnatory in his language respecting the
President's removals of the deposits that he is probably as much
out of the question as Berrien or WUde.
We have had a long and dull summer, and have got a poor
cotton crop and a rice crop abridged most sadly by storm and
cholera. This baleful visitation has disappeared for the present.
There are probably near 1,000 negroes less on Savannah and
Ogeechee since the 1st of September, when it showed itself at
Wightman's plantation. It is singular that it did not ascend
the river at all. It broke out at Wightman's and took all the
plantations below, and spread to the south, as far as Ogeechee,
but it touched none of those above. Though it went through
my people, and we had no work done from the 12th September
to 1st October, and generally ten to twelve down of a day, I lost
but three, which was about lyi per cent. The loss on the other
plantations where it prevailed was generally from 16 to 20 per
cent. Though I have great reason to rejoice in getting off so
well, still I am a great loser. Everything backward, and much
further expense.
Our friend Henry North has written a book, and been at the
North all the summer pubUshing it. I understand it is a collec
tion of tales, and judging of our friend's view of narrative, by
what he does in conversation, I have no doubt it will be charac
teristic and sprightly. Adieu. Yours in all time.
Your last letter was 12th July and I received it in September.
TO WILLIAM DRAYTON
Charieston, 28 November, 1834.
My dear Col. Drayton:
The elections have passed and the cooling time between the
electioneering and the meeting of the Legislature and I suppose
you know all that was done and suffered by us. The nuUifiers

James Louis Petigru 165
have an overwhelming majority in both branches, tho' the vote
of the Union party is stronger than it was in the Districts where
they were considerable enough to contend. I wish it was as easy
to do, as to find out what is right — or what one thinks right.
My sentiments respecting the oath are precisely yours. The
MUitary Bill I could not compromise with, because it seemed to
me not to admit a doubt that the oath in that bill was passed in
pursuance of the ordinance — and believing the ordinance void I
could not but hold the oath unlawful. Now I would take the
view you do of the amendment of the Constitution. But I can
find nobody to agree with me scarcely. The leading members
of our party except Mr. Poinsett, will hear no explanation. On
the other hand, the fanatical and hypocritical parties among our
adversaries, are equally bent on the amendment — and frbm the
temper of the times it seems impossible to foresee the issue.
The Mountaineers are certainly as violent against the Nullifiers,
as the Nullifiers are against them. I'm going to Columbia with
the hope of making peace if I can — or preserving it. There are,
however, many causes of irritation increasing daily. It is said
that Mr. McCord takes the lead — and urges the abolition of the
Court of Appeals. If he was really leading there would be some
hope, for as he is a feeble man, his violence would soon bring on
what they call indirect debility. But I am afraid, that Hayne
or Hamilton are only in the rear of him because they have more
sense; and know how to satisfy their moderate friends with words
and their violent ones with assurances more to the purpose.
I am aware that we have no chance of standing well with the
large and respectable class that honor Gen. Jackson "Short of
idolatry. " But it is impossible for us to break ground on Presi
dential topics. The Gen. is against the Nullifiers who are ene
mies that we regard as the worst and hatefuUest of their kind.
Unless we can act with the Nullifiers we must support the Presi
dent — negatively at least. The attraction 'between ourselves
and the Union party of Georgia also is very strong and they are
thorough Jacksonians. The Union party here have certainly
exhibited no subserviency to the President, for there has been
very little said or written by us in his praise — since the era of the
proclamation was at an end, and that of the Despots began.
In fact we do not stand very high at Court, and it seems ques
tionable whether A. Huger whom we recommended will get the
Charleston Post office. Yours truly.
In regard to the Supreme Court, the rumor and pretty confi
dent opinion is that Mr. Wayne is to have the place.

166 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO HUGH S. LEGAR]^
Charleston, November 29, 1834.
My dear Legare:
Here we are in hot water knee deep; God grant we may not be
knee deep in blood before long. The Legislature met on Mon
day and it is probable that the amendment of the Constitution
is already passed through the House by an extraordinary dis
patch. They have written and sent for me to go to Columbia
to consult with our Union friends, who are running wild. I fear
me, there is no chance to persuade them to take the oath. If
they will not, agitation ensues, but they don't know how to
agitate. Agitation consists in opposing governments and keep
ing within the law. Now, from all I can gather of public senti
ment, our friends intend to transcend the law. I beUeve I will
go, but I don't believe I'll do any good, and what will be done is
hard to foresee. If the Legislature would adopt a resolution
declaring as the sense of the Legislature that the Constitution
as amended leaves the question of dividing allegiance to the
judgment and conscience of every man who may be called on to
take the oath that I think I could persuade a great majority of
our people to take it. But of this I have no hope, for in fact a
great number of the NuUifiers, much the greater part of them,
desire to make it stronger, and the omission of words that would
give it meaning arises not from a respect to the Federal Consti
tution, but from policy. On the other hand, the opposition of
the Union party proceeds more from passion than reason. It
is because the cup is tendered by an enemy that they swear it
contains poison. Is it not a painful dilemma for the lovers of
peace, the friends of order, to be placed in ? There is no man
among the Nullifiers that I have the least influence with. Gregg
has humbled himself to crawl into place; a pitiful place when
held by such a sacrifice of personal independence. Edmund
Martin is too stupid to see clearly the objection to the amend
ment, and I don't know anybody else in the Senate that is worth
thinking of.
The influence of [WiUiam C] Preston has been exerted to pre
vent any assault on the judiciary. How far he has succeeded
God only knows. Arthur Hayne has returned. I'm afraid he
can be of no use, if he is wiUing. Whether he is willing I don't
know, having seen him only once. Congress meets on Monday.
The old man has received an accession of strength by the recent
elections. His friends were lately sanguine of a majority in the
Senate. They are probably mistaken. The election of an
Anti-Jackson Governor in North Carolina is ominous of the
loss of a Senator there. But in Mississippi, New Hampshire,
New Jersey, he has defeated his Senatorial adversaries. No
appointment yet of postmaster in Charleston, and none of a

James Louis Petigru 167
Judge to fill poor Johnson's seat. But everyone thinks Wayne
will be the man, which is as good an appointment as Baldwin.
I write short because I am hurried. You will receive a news
paper with Wilde's letter to a party who asked him to dinner,
which will, I hope, put you in a better humor after this lugubrious
epistle. Adieu. God bless and keep you.
Yours,
TO HUGH S. LEGAR^
Savannah, December 15, 1834.
My dear Legare:
All hail to the dawn of a brighter day. The spell of party is
broken and Nullification in Carolina is no more than a recollec
tion. We have compromised and buried the tomahawk. Let me
run over the history of those few days since I wrote, to prepare
you for my journey to Columbia to join in a consultation with
our few Union members about what was to be done. Before
going I asked the leading members of our party to meet and talk
the subject over. This was done at DeSaussure's and I had
besides many outdoor conversations, the result of all of them the
same — resistance to the oath and a Union Convention to pre
scribe the manner and means. As usual, my zeal was a great
way in arrear compared with the general temper, for the young
men and many of the old were all for the epic style, beginning by
a plunge in medias res. I went to Columbia. Col. Chesnut
took the chair and I was called on to make them a long speech.
Professing, as I cordially did, that the oath should be an unlaw
ful thing to me as long as it offended the conscience of my friends;
that for our people to take it would be breaking down the moral
sense and feeling, not only of the party, but of the country, and
that resistance to the oath was to be considered a settled thing;
that there were three ways to resist: by the judiciary, by arms
and by political agitation; that the first was inapplicable, for no
judicial consideration of the oath could lead to pronounce it
illegal, is repugnant to the United States Constitution, the intent
and maUce being cloaked under constitutional language; that
the second I deprecated as repugnant to patriotism, contrary to
Christian feeling and more than all, leading to defeat and dis
grace, and that my voice was for the third plan; that our simple
communication, that we never would take the oath would prove
of itself a tremendously strong measure; that they must either
admit our members to their seats without any oath, (which I
thought they would have a right to as the amendment applies
to officers only, and a seat is not an office, and there is nothing
requiring a member to be sworn at all except the Constitution
of the United States,) or a third of the State would be unrepre
sented, and that in this day the attempt to carry on government

168 Life, Letters and Speeches
without representation is absurd and abortive; that disaffection
would spread and the ruling party be overturned, with great
changes on aU sides; that the members ought not to secede, as
they talked of doing, but protest and call a Union Convention.
I excited myself to the utmost to render these views agreeable
and give them strength. There was a long silence, followed by
several speeches, complaining of the "humble tone" of this
exposition and breathing nothing but war. "My voice is still
for war." I thought it best not to reply, but let men expend
their bile and wait for cooling time. I learned at this meeting
that our memorials had been very respectfully received the same
day and referred, and, what was very significant, the bill referred
with them and made the order of the day for Saturday. They
put me on a committee to draw a protest and adjourned. This
was Tuesday night. Wednesday things looked pretty dark.
No interchange of visits or civilities among the members and a
resolution introduced in Senate to take up the bill next day,
instead of Saturday. On the next day the bill was taken up
and Hamilton made a conciUatory speech. Richardson (J. P.)
was our spokesman in the Senate, and acquitted himself very
handsomely. (This is ex relatione, for having some law business
and my protest to write, I kept in my chamber.) But on the
same afternoon, Thursday 4th, David McCord, of all the world,
made up to Richardson, and told him if he would say on what
terms or in what sense he would be willing to take the oath, they,
that is David and his friends, would meet them and try to bring
about a pacification. Richardson promised to consult his
friends. Our little Senate looked on it when he mentioned it in
caucus as intended to amuse, but appointed a committee to see
what could be done. Judge Lee, (he was holding the Court in
Columbia,) Tom WiUiams,* Phillips and, I think, WiUiam May-
rant and myself were appointed. I proposed to them this reso
lution as containing a consideration that was consistent with the
oath and with our duty. That the aUegiance required by the
proposed alteration of the Constitution is the allegiance which
every citizen owes to the State consistently with the Constitu
tion of the United States.
It was hard work to get T. W. to concur. Without Judge Lee
I should not have succeeded. We went back to the caucus and
reported it. To enforce it was left chiefly to me, and my best
argument was that it was very likely to be rejected by the other
side. I caUed on them to remark that the opening of a treaty
by the Nullifiers was the happiest thing for us in the world, for,
supposing that our terms were refused, we now had the whole
controversy in the smaUest compass, and could satisfy any man
in the country by simply showing that they required us to swear

"Thomas Williams emigrated to Alabama.

James Louis Petigru 169
to something not consistent with the Constitution of the United
States. The great difficulty was to induce them to agree that
the oath was capable of an innocent construction at all. So we
authorized R. to give McCord our ultimatum, viz: this resolu
tion, the abandonment of the treason bill and of aU assaults on
the judiciary. Next day (Friday, 5th) the sky changed again.
Burt — he is the new member from AbbeviUe — the successful
rival of Wardlaw at the Bar and in public favor, had reported
his bill against treason the day before; it was now printed.
McCord was very shy, evidently afraid to go so far as to advocate
the resolutiori, and as a substitute for it this was offered: "That
nothing in the alteration of the Constitution is intended to
affect the relations between the State and the United States."
And above all, the bill was in the same day here read through
and received its third reading in both houses, and Saturday was
fixed for its ratification. I then considered the accommodation
hopeless. But as you will observe, all this time nothing had
been said with anybody by anybody but Richardson and
McCord, and I was told when I came from my business to din
ner at Hart's, (where we all stayed,) that Hamilton, whom I had
not seen at all, had called twice in the course of the day. Phil
lips and Chesnut recommended me strongly to go and see him —
and immediately after dinner I set off for Clark's. There we
had one of the most characteristical interviews that ever occurred
to me.
I was under strong excitement and had determined in my own
mind not to say a word on the subject unless he introduced it.
So I began with saying, "I suppose you want to talk about Savan
nah River affairs." "Yes," said he, "and other affairs." I
told him we had come to the brink of the precipice and I believed
it impossible to avert the necessity. It quickly appeared to me
that he was up to the whole case, and saw the fuU extent of the
consequences if the Union party resisted, and, what was more
agreeable, in a few minutes I ceased to doubt his absolute and
unconditional desire of peace. He read me his report on Fed
eral relations, which he had intended as a peace-maker. I
told him what passed between McCord and Richardson, and
found McCord had from him the resolution, but he had mislaid
it, and when I repeated it he again became very doubtful if
McCord was sure. Our conversation was a very protracted one
and carried on, I assure you, with great anxiety. Finally he
expressed himself satisfied with the terms of the resolution as
free from the language of controversy, and not caUing on the
Nullifiers for a retraction and forming a consistent sequel to his
report, but the report itself, as he assured me, was xi\.& subject
of a vast deal of opposition, and if it should get out that the
sequel was adopted from the Union party a rebellion in the ranks
was almost inevitable. You may be sure it did not need much

170 L.ife, Letters and Speeches
to convince me of that, for nothing could be more at variance
with the promises of their gentry than to discard the ordinance;
admit almost in terms a divided allegiance and give up their
attack on those Judges that had struck down the authority of
their Convention. I saw that the rank and file was really in
pursuit of a test oath — and that no man but Hamilton could
possibly bring them to bear the dose which they were now to
swallow. All the leaders, however, as it seemed, were willing
to assist him, and McDuffie, from whom opposition might be
expected, was absent. After a very long talk I left him with the
assurance that he was going to work as hard now for peace as
ever he did for nuUification, at the risk of dividing his party
forever. And so he did. I made a report to the Unionists,
and you have no idea how much better they liked the resolution
now, when they saw that their adversaries disliked it and that
it required a real sacrifice on their part to adopt it. It was
agreed that the protest, (a most energetic paper,) should be kept
back to see the end of the negotiation. The same night I got
into the stage and left Columbia for Augusta, and did not get
home tiU Monday. Hamilton wrote me a letter every day.
At first his plan was to call a caucus of the party on Monday
morning, but on viewing the ground he discovered so many
difficulties that he changed his plan and thought it best to rely
on private interviews, and belaboring the members. But on
Monday he was compelled once more to change his plan, and to
resort to the extreme measure of party discipline by calling a
caucus for the extraordinary hour of 10 the next morning. This
was to avoid the disadvantage of contending with John Barley
corn, a most potent auxiliary to Nullifiers of an afternoon.
They remained in caucus, keeping the Legislature waiting till
2 p. M., when the people came to the wise resolution that if their
leaders turned a sharp corner they would even follow them and
ask no more questions.
As soon as the caucus adjourned the Speaker took the chair
and the report of the committee on Federal relations was immed
iately taken up. A man from Union, called Lancaster, moved
an amendment, to the effect that, whatever it was, the State
was sole judge of what was due to the United States by any
citizen of the State. To this resolution he rallied 32 votes,
besides three men who excused themselves for voting against a
resolution they concurred in, because the caucus had decided.
What an apt illustration of Lancaster's principle — the caucus
pro hac vice the State had determined. The report was then
put and adopted — 90 to 28 — and Phillips got up and withdrew
his notice of a protest, and the House resounded with applause.
Then followed shaking of hands, warm congratulation and won
derment and rejoicing. In the Senate the minority was only
four.

James Louis Petigru 171
The papers I send you and Hamilton's last note to me will
give you a livelier idea of the whole scene than if I was to write
on for an hour. I have no doubt that Calhoun was the adviser
of pacification.
If there be any more of this letter it is lost. It is a very im
portant one, as showing conclusively and in detail the part which
Hamilton and Petigru played in tempering the zeal of their
followers and restoring peace to the State. Fortunately there
existed between these two leaders the most intimate friendship,
and each, through his influence, could control the turbulent
members of his party, thus saving the country from civil war.
Mr. Petigru was always willing to join in a joke at his expense
and ever ready, by a clever stroke of wit, to do away with all
rancor of opposition; and without abating any of his own con
victions he retained through life the affectionate regard of many
of his most zealous political opponents.
Here his political career may be said to have ended; but he
always took an active interest in the political welfare of the
country. He served afterwards in the House of Representatives
at Columbia, but he was always in a hopeless minority through
out the State. This he would sometimes jokingly explain was
due to the fact that "his feelings were always with the under
dog." In reference to his being appointed to the Supreme Court,
his letters show that he preferred the advancement of Mr. Dray
ton or of Mr. Legare. Having no political following excluded
him from all prospects of holding office under the general Gov
ernment. Georgia at that time being in high favor with Jack
son, Judge Wayne, a popular member of Congress, was appoin
ted.

172 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XIX
1835
Tribute to Chief Justice Marshall; Visits New York;
Removes Daughter, Caroline, from School; Death of
HIS Brother, Charles; Genealogy; Administration of
PlantationAfter the death of Chief Justice MarshaU, at the meeting
of the Charieston Bar, in July, 1835, Mr. Petigru delivered a
most eloquent eulogy on the Chief Justice. This was included
in the minutes of the United States Supreme Court, January
term in 1836, and finaUy given a permanent place in 10th Peters'
United States Supreme Court Reports, and is as follows:
Death has removed from the sphere of his duties, John Mar
shall, the venerable Chief Justice of the United States, a magis
trate endeared to his countrymen by a pure and spotless charac
ter, distinguished by pre-eminent abilities, and illustrious by
his long and varied public services. The sympathy of a whole
people attends the funeral of a pubhc benefactor, whose life
conferred honour on his country. But the law and the legal
profession of which he was the head and ornament, are, more
than aU others, interested and affected by this solemn event.
His high judicial station was equally above envy and reproach;
and the honour of official dignity was enhanced and ennobled by
his intrinsic worth and personal merit. Though his authority
as Chief Justice of the United States was protracted far beyond
the ordinary term of public life, no man dared to covet his place,
or express a wish to see it filled by another. Even the spirit of
party respected the unsuUied purity of the judge, and the fame
of the Chief Justice has justified the wisdom of the Constitution,
and reconciled the jealousy of freedom to the independence of
the judiciary.
While we bow with humble resignation to the inevitable doom
of humanity, we may adore the goodness of Providence that
spared his life so long to establish, by the authority of his vir
tues and abihties, the character of that tribunal in which he
presided. His fame is indissolubly connected with the admin
istration of justice; nor can virtuous emulations of future judges
aspire to a higher distinction than to equal the wisdom and to
copy the example of Marshall.

James Louis Petigru 173
TO HUGH S. legare
Charleston, May 31, 1835.
My Dear Legare:
The last letter I received from you was that of 7th February.
Mr. Simon's pamphlet and the newspapers, French and English,
have come to hand since; but what can I say for myself, suffer
ing weeks and even months to pass obliviously as I have done?
Vile indolence and procrastination alone must answer for it.
Since the peace, or pacification, it seems as if we were really
" the world forgetting " as we are " by the world forgot. " It is,
I confess, a most ungracious repose. Make all the allowances
you can, but when you have done so the sum is that I am a vile
offender — and you can not reproach me too much.
What shall I say to soften the sternness of your pride ? Shall
I tell you of our petty politics and languid parties, public as well
as private? You had just heard of McDuffie's inaugural and
looked upon it as everybody, I think, did, as something more
like madness than mischief. I really fear for the soundness of
our Governor's intellect. He delivered that address after a
treaty of peace had been confirmed, which he had supported and
freely concurred in. But there is nothing Uke peace in that
speech and he has been ever since viewing the unfortunate
militia with strategy and the mimicry of military discipline.
He has encampments in every brigade and rails against those
spiritless citizens that think of ploughing instead of learning the
use of the sword. Their first essay was at Woodstock, I suppose
you know where that is, fifteen miles from town. Not one-half
of his captains and lieutenants attended, and it was nothing
more than a failure. The next gathering was to have been
on the Pee-Dee, but that they had to give up altogether. In
some other places (Barnwell, for instance,) they have done bet
ter. But, altogether, I don't think that he is doing much good,
or, much honor to any one but himself, and the militia will cease
to be Nullifiers before they come to be regulars.
The motion to reorganize the judiciary is the only speck now
on the surface of our state affairs. There is no doubt that it
had its origin in the profane test oath. But they pretended to
be governed only by public motives free from all party, and had
a great advantage in the folly or craft of Tom Williams, who
supported it because, forsooth, he was never satisfied of the
constitutionality of the Court as it now stands. This is [B. F.]
Hunt's ground, too, and Lide Wilson, who spoke and voted
for years in favor of an Appeal Court, has also discovered
that it is unconstitutional. Is it not strange that a written
constitution, so far from insuring certainty renders everything
more doubtful? I have written nothing and said little about it,
for my only hope of the safety of the Court is in leaving the

1 74 Life, Letters and Speeches
decision to the natural instabiUty of the Democracy free from
party. The heads are anxious, I think, to get out of the diffi
culty without any overt act. But, if it should be a question
between Union and Nullification, the majority would unques
tionably raUy to the party cry. We want a tub for the whale,
and if nothing else is at hand the leaders will have to toss the
judiciary overboard or amuse the monster with some new lie.
But can we expect in such a state as this to maintain a respec
table judiciary? There is a fatal defect — the want of a Bar —
and can there be any Bar in the Democracy? It has been found
impracticable all over America. They disguise the truth by
ambiguity and call the attorneys barristers, but they are attor
neys notwithstanding, and as long as the employments are not
kept distinct the profession must continue a trade, and there is
no order of men from whom fit Judges are to be selected and on
whom the Bench can rely for assistance in the decision of causes
or for support against popular clamor.
I have been to Columbia twice since I wrote last, and have
found nothing but kindness and civility from our late belliger
ents. Even Dr. Cooper and I have become quite scrumptious.
It has gone so far that we exchange visits and little Johnson, too,
is as civil as if we were the best friends. Do you know aU that
has been done concerning the coUege? In December, 1833,
they turned out all the faculty, that is, they invited them to
resign, and they did so. For Dr. Cooper they provided by
re-electing him professor of chemistry, and Henry was placed in
the chair. But the CoUege sunk lower and lower. Last winter
they virtually dismissed Henry and elected new professors with
out going into the election of president. Nott was continued
with, I know not what professorship, and, as all the new pro
fessors declined, he and poor Mr. Park and the two Gibbeses
have supported the weight of the College from that time. No
arduous duty if you look at the number of students, about five
and twenty, but truly herculean if the difficulty of reestablish
ing a fallen school be considered. In this second cast of charac
ters Dr. Cooper was removed from the College altogether, but
employed about a republication of the statute law of the State.
Henry was offered a professorship, which he indignantly refused.
He keeps his old quarters at the president's house, and has
leisure to ruminate on his brilliant career as a volunteer in
Hayne's army and a politician. An election was postponed in
December and promised in June. The day has been changed
several times, from the first to the second or third week, and
back again, but it is very questionable if any election will be
made. Nott is exceedingly odious to the religious public, and
he bravely declares he would rather quit the College than de
grade his freedom by going to church so much as once a day on
Sundays. (Here I had to throw down my pen and have never
been able to resume it till this morning, June 5, 1835.)

James Louis Petigru 175
There has been something new. The Bank of Charleston has
set our citizens all agog for stock. The speculations were most
extravagant and everybody gave into them till the subscription
has all the characters of a real Mississippi schemer.' The bubble
consists in this: Subscriptions were to be paid in checks on the
banks and for convenience it was agreed to let the money remain
in every bank on which the check might happen to be drawn. The
banks agreed to lend on condition the loans should be applied
to no other purpose but the subscription. They began by dis
counting notes for $10,000, but as everybody ran to them for
loans the sums swelled to more and more until on the last day
of subscription half a million became a very common operation,
the whole process consisting in the mere entry of so much credit
to A. B. or C. without paying out a cent. In consequence of
this the subscriptions ran up to eighty-one miUions instead of
two — this in the city alone. But the people in the country
towns, who were in the rear of the spirit of improvement, sub
scribed only eight or nine millions. So that the whole subscrip
tion does not exceed ninety million, and the subscribers get one
share for forty-five subscribed. If I had been blessed with a
ray of genius, and had got a loan of $500,000, I might have
subscribed $2,000,000, and got 440 shares and, as subscribers
are now offered $20 in advance on their share, might have
pocketed 8,000 dollars as easy as to call up in the mind so many
phantoms, but simple man that I was, I thought it very brave as
I had $7,000 in my hands as trustee to subscribe four times that
amount for my constituents; the consequence is that .they get
six shares. This is the State of South Carolina. To the honor
gained by NuUification they are going to add the riches of stock
jobbing and enjoy in imagination boundless treasures both in
fame and money. There is vast competition for the place of
president of this new bank. Hamilton goes for it and will get it.
He was one of the millionaires. Of course, you would not sup
pose he was in the lag of adventure. Close upon his heels,
with as much resolution, but inferior lights, is our friend, Ikey
Holmes, who tore his hair with vexation at the close of the play
to find he had been attending to the smaU game and gone in for
only four thousand shares instead of stocking boldly for the
whole 20,000. As the whole capital is only $2,000,000, no one
could subscribe for more than 20,000 shares.
The general politics of the country I know as little of as you .
Van Buren was unanimously nominated in Baltimore by a Con
vention fresh from the people, and Dick Johnson had more than
two to one over Mr. Pierce. Everybody gives it up that V. B.
will ride the great horse, but this nomination of Johnson, who
is aU sorts of a bank man, internal improvement and everything
Anti-Virginian, except general humbug, will fix Leigh probably
in his seat and prevent the dissolution of the opposition in the

1 76 Life, Letters and Speeches
Senate. The old man has very nearly put everything under him
and will retire with the honors of victory. There is a rumor in
the newspapers that Mr. Forsyth is going to resign. I don't
know what to make of it. They surely don't mean to separate
Georgia and the Administration. Everybody must concede
that the nomination of poor old White was a foolish thing of
itself. Whether there is any hidden meaning in it, as I should
have suspected and for a long time believed, seems every day
more doubtful, and it appears now as if the old man was no more
a dupe than his friends. Preston, it is supposed, was willing to
raise White's flag here, and Pinckney has afready done so. But
the mass of the Nullifiers took it very badly, and McDuffie and
Hamilton openly denounce it. Yet they will not be able long
to keep the people from interfering in general politics, and this
they know. For a while Daniel may enact the part they have
gravely assigned him of solitary dignity and lofty contempt,
but it is too dull a farce to entertain him long, and our poUtics
will revert to the old questions of the ministry and the opposi
tion. It would be next thing to blasphemy to deny that public
virtue is now in place; that is, the people do actually govern,
as they did in the days of Jefferson, and I shrewdly suspect that
our leading pohticians will give in their adhesion to Van Buren
within two years. If they do so you may make your own terms
with them. I know for a fact that they think so too. And if you
choose to come home in the fall I think you may very easily,
fairly and honorably play a great r6le by bringing back South
CaroUna to the communion of Holy Church. I don't say this
lightly, and if you are not promoted to St. James, or the Court
of the citizen King, I advise you by all means to return.
I must close this letter, though I have other things to say.
But it is 10 o'clock, and I will not risk the spirit of procrastina
tion again. Adieu. Yours as ever,
TO WILLIAM petigru
Charieston, 23 October, 1835.
Dear Father.
Mr. Porcher is the bearer of very heavy tidings for you as well
as the girls. In poor Charles we have lost what we can not
retrieve. As a man without any paternal partiality, he was
worthy of aU our esteem, for his noble disinterestedness and
generous frankness of character. Among strangers we may find
friends, and some who are his equal in character, many who sur
pass him in intellectual endowments. Of such a man however,
anyone would be proud as a friend — how much more as a brother!
But I submit. It is a recoUection that I will always cherish,
and tho' he is dead, I would not exchange the memory of what

/

y.

V/////;j -.Z. ^'///.J /,///-/?//¦

Book Plate

(.Facing IT 6)

James Louis Petigru 111
he was, for the long life of thousands that survive. It is my
wish that the girls should all come. None of us I am sure, are
disposed to desert you, but you enjoy the society of your children
more, when they visit you as they do now from time to time, than
you would have done if they had all vegetated at home without
ambition or improvement. I judge for you as I should judge for
myself, and it is not my wish that my children should linger
about me, when they can see the world and improve by better
society. Mary would be very solitary left without Harriette;
much more so than you without Mary, and Harriette is so much
a part of my family, that it would be not staying at home, but
going from home and neglecting the strongest domestic ties if
she were to leave us altogether. I am willing to make a fair
partition and let her stay with you in the summer, but can not
give her up altogether after having educated her with my child
ren and as one of them. These observations, dear Father, I
make not because I doubt your readiness to consult the good of
the children even at the expense of your inclinations, but to
show them how earnest I am, about their coming, for I know
that they have such a sense of duty, as makes them incline to
stay by you the more, because it is a sacrifice to give up the
world. And if your circumstances required it, I should certainly
think it their duty to do so. But I am sure you will pass the
winter as pleasantly, and even more so without them. I wish
you would let me know what you stand in need of, and it will
give me great pleasure to send everything up. If you have made
a short crop, don't let it trouble you, for you shall be supplied
with money to make up any deficiency.
I send you a letter that I have received from Jack; I suppose
he is doing very badly.
You will see a copy of a letter from Miss Pettigrew of Crilly,
who is the daughter of your first cousin Robert Pettigrew. In
addition to what she states, I can add from other information, that
her father was a Solicitor of great eminence, and died upwards
of 80 years old in the year 1816. And that the family have a
good estate in the County of Tyrone. I have also received a
communication from Thomas Joseph Pettigrew of London, a
fellow of the Royal Society and gentleman of distinction. He
is from the Scotch family and states that the tradition of their
stock is, that, there were two branches of the family, who came
from France at the same time; that, one settled in the West of
Scotland and the other in the North of Ireland. That the time
of their emigration from France is unknown, but, that it must
have been prior to the year 1496, in the reign of James the 4th,
as it appears from the Records that one Mathew Petigru then
held lands under the Archbishop of Glasgow. I intend to make
further investigation into the history of the Irish family, and
hope to be able to obtain more complete information on the sub-

178 Life, Letters and Speeches
ject by the aid of Sir WiUiam Beechy, the great antiquarian.
Our cousin Margaret's letter was addressed to a gentleman, who
had been requested to make the inquiries of her by the corres
pondents of 'a friend of mine,* to whom I wrote on the subject.
Her letter is copied by my daughter Carohne for your perusal.
I intend to write to her and will confess that I am glad to find
that we are so respectably descended, and that our Irish con
nexions are so creditable. I had anticipated the pleasure that
your poor Charles would feel in these details, but it was denied
to me. Adieu
Your Son.
The Charles mentioned in the above letter was the youngest
brother of Mr. Petigru. He was educated by his brother.
He entered West Point in 1825, and graduated in the famous
class of 1829, being number 19 in a class of 46. Among the mem
bers of this class it is interesting to note such names recorded as
the following: R. E. Lee, 2d; J. AUen (Smith) Izard, 4th; C. W.
Hackley (mathematician), 9th; O. M. MitcheU (astronomer),
15th; James Trapier of South Carolina; Theopolus Holmes, of
North Carolina, 44th, and Richard Screven, of South Carolina,
46th. In 1833 he was transferred to the Ordnance. There is a tra
dition that he exchanged with his friend Captain Ramsey, who
had been recently married, and went in his place to Florida
during the Seminole war. He died October 6, 1835, aged 29,
and was buried at Appilachicola.
TO Miss MARGARET PETIGRU
Charleston, 25th November, 1835.
Dear Madam:
* * * It is so long since aU communication had ceased between
us and the European stock and we are so apt to distrust any
remote tradition when the influence of self-love is likely to give
a coloring that I have very httle confidence in what I have heard
of our origin and was really very much gratified to ascertain
satisfactorily that we really come from a good family * * *
You will greatly add to the obligation under which you have
already laid me by the trouble you have taken if you will tell me
what you know of the coat of arms of the family. If you would
send me an impression or sketch on paper it would be preferable.
The arms which are assigned to the name are marked Scotch,
and I am informed that the French and Scotch families are

*Peter Trezevant, Esq., 31 Chester Terrace, Regent Park, London.

James Louis Petigru 179
branches of the same stock; it does not follow that they are
entitled to the same arms. My grandfather, who died before
my time, was too much occupied by more pressing cares to think
of his escutcheon, if he was entitled to any such distinction, or
leave any information on this subject to his family. * * *
I may as well mention that I am by profession a lawyer; that
my success has been at least equal to my desert; that I am up
wards of 40; a married man with three children. * * * And
to assure you of this feeling with which though I can not make
so free as to say "dear cousin,"
I am your humble servant and relative.
In the postscript of a letter written in 1837, he writes:
Cousin Margaret has sent me the coat of arms : Gules, three
stars, and a crescent, argent. I will have it engraved when I
go north, and you will see it.
TO JOHN G. NORTH
Charleston, 12th December, 1835.
My dear North:
* * * The Bill to abolish the Court of Appeals will probably
almost certainly pass the Legislature, but, strange as it may seem,
the old Judges will probably be reelected. The reason is, first,
that it is a very weak Legislature governed by party, and the
party under the leading of men who are governed by a small vanity
to do as much mischief as they can, even when they are to get
nothing by it. And, secondly, that McCord, Caldwell and Dun
kin could not get a vote of the party to elect them, as they can
get one to turn out the present incumbents; and lastly, because
the influence of the party is so much diriiinished, that it can not
prevent men from being kind, though it is sufficient to prevent
them from being just. There was no speaking except on one
side, till they came to the second section, which means, though
obscurely worded, that Johnston, O'Neale and Harper are
deprived of their commissions; and for a good while there was
nothing about that except a few scattering shots, except the
onesided speeches from the friends of the bill. But Albert
Smith* at last came out like a house on fire, so unexpected and so
brilliant that it was a perfect surprise. It did no good, however,
directly, because when the vote was taken on Thursday 10th,
the amendment offered for the purpose of making the Act con
stitutional, was rejected by a very great majority. The speech
has had influence however and will establish Mr. Smith's repu
tation as the first man in the present House. Yet he was in

*Afterwards Albert Rhett.

180 Life, Letters and Speeches
favor of the Bill, and only opposed the leaving out of the judges
as unconstitutional. His speech has another effect: those who
will vote in favor of the Bill, will afterwards vote in favor of the
judges; many of them, because they have during this discussion,
said so to avoid the argument from the Constitution. Adieu.
Yours truly,
P. S. — The law against free negroes was rejected in the Senate
as soon as it was touched. There is likely to be very little done
but the unconstitutional business of turning out the Judges, and
the foolish one of changing a good judiciary for a worse one.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH 24 December, 1835.
My dear Jane:
All the compliments of the season to you and all the George
town coterie. I hope that you are all well, and that you are not,
any of you, too wise to be merry according to the simple fashion
of the old times. I came here last Saturday — found everything
well — have made 12,000 bushels from 200 acres, which is not
contemptible, and if I lived as a planter, on the plantation, and
of the plantation, would be a decent income for the like of us.
But what with buying corn, clothing against cholera as well as
against cold — and paying bills for all that is not done by the
negroes' owri hands, little is left of 8 or 9,000 dollars to lay up or
to spend. The only thing to flatter my vanity as a proprietor
is the evident and striking improvement in the moral and physi
cal condition of the negroes since they have been under my
administration. When I took them, they were naked and desti
tute; now there is hardly one that has not a pig at least, and with
few exceptions, they can kill their own poultry whenever they
please. * * *

Petigru's Seal
The crest, a little crane, petit grue, believed to have been a joke ol
Captain Thomas Petigru, U. S. N.

(Facing ISO)

James Louis Petigru 181

CHAPTER XX
1836
Advice to Legare; Death of his Brother-in-law; Mar
riages OF HIS Sisters; Cholera; Fire in City; Buying
Land to HUGH S. LEGAR^
Charleston, February 17, 1836.
My Dear Legare:
This is Ash Wednesday, the day of all days in the year that
our citizens take for a gala and merry-making. This is the day
when the races commence and Charleston is filled with old and
young intent on amusement, business and the turf. But for me
it is no day of rejoicing or festivity. My poor friend North died
last Saturday morning, leaving three small children, besides his
widow, whose destiny depends now a great deal on me. He
went off very rapidly in a dropsy.
Do you really think you will return in the summer? Great
things are on foot here. Pinckney bolted a week ago, and intro
duced resolutions counter to the proceedings of Hammond, in
the House, and Calhoun, in the Senate. They are vexed, but
don't denounce him. He was certainly right, and it astonished
me that they could persist in moving to reject the petitions of
the Abolitionists, which was putting the debate on the footing
most advantageous to the Abolitionists. I think that Pinckney
is not going to sit much longer on the cold rock of opposition.
Another change is likely to occur: Barnwell Smith has made a
fortune by an advantageous purchase from Col. Stapleton, and
begins to be anxious to play a part at Washington, or, as he says;
to retain his plantation. It is very likely that both places will
be vacant, Pinckney's and Smith's, and I think you might have
either. After all, it is questionable whether you could summon
resolution to quit Charleston for aye and transfer your domicile
to New York, though it is there you ought to be. Should you
come back to us it would be a satisfaction to find that there was
a place for you; not to have to wait for the second table or look
on. The turn which things have taken is pacific. The English
mediator has done the business, I suppose. I was very much
afraid of a French war and surprised to see how popular it was.
The only war on hand is with the poor Seminoles. They have
killed some and wounded a great many by burning houses, mills,
etc., and carrying off the negroes. Gen. Scott is there, and he

182 Life, Letters and Speeches
has called for such large levies of men that it is evident he will
pass over them without any fighting. Three volunteer com
panies, besides drafted men, have gone from Charleston.
Since you wrote your letter of the 10th December, which is
the last I have received, no doubt two of mine have come to
hand. The contents of those letters, however, are now State
news. They passed the bill to break down the Court of Appeals;
on the 1st January the eleven Judges were all here. Judges
De Saussure, president of the chamber — Harper held the Court
of Chancery — leaving nine for the common bench. They sat
only three weeks — had, fortunately, a light docket and got
through the law cases without touching the equity. They had
then to disperse for the circuits. The scheme works as badly as
the clumsy project might be supposed. I don't think it wiU
stand as long as the last did. In fact I beheve Judge Bay, who
has seen every successive Administration from 1783, will live
long enough to see another.
Adieu, my dear Legar^. Yours,
John G. North, his brother-in-law, died at Georgetown on the
13th of February, 1836. The duty of winding up the estate and
providing another home for the widow and infant children
devolved upon Mr. Petigru. They returned to the family nest
at Badwell, where Mr. Petigru stocked the farm, and here Mrs.
North pursued farming and remained all her life. Among the
various changes in Mr. Petigru's domestic relations we record
the following marriages:
On the 13th of October, 1829, Louise Petigru, his third sister,
was married at Badwell, to Philip Johnston Porcher. For a few
years they lived at his plantation, "Keithfield," on the Cooper
River, and then removed to Charleston, where they lived ever
afterwards. On 21st April, 1832, Adele Petigru, his fourth sister, was
married from his house to R. F. W. Allston. He graduated at
West Point in 1821, and was one of the most advanced cultiva
tors of rice in the Georgetown section. He was Governor of
South Carolina in 1856-58. He died on the 7th April, 1864;
age 63.
In April, 1836, Harriette Petigru, his sixth sister, married
Henry D. Lesesne, and for the first year lived at his house.
His brother Tom had married Miss La Bruce, a lady of con
siderable wealth.

James Louis Petigru 183
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Walterborough, AprU 4, 1836.
* * * I came here last night and took possession of SaUy
Ford's house. The tavern was never comfortable, and as I am
not in general practice here I was glad to be as retired as possible.
Memminger is with me and we are keeping house, and would
be comfortable if there were fewer rats; but true to the economy
of the family Sally has her  at her bed room, and before the
vermin retire, that is from 11 to 2 or 3 in the morning, it is like
a witches' Sabbath or horrid festival.
In June he writes: "I shall have to attend the Court of
Appeals at Columbia, and hope to extend my visit as far as Bad-
well. This will be in July or August. Harriette is still with us
and we all get on very quietly with her and Henry.
"I hope father is pleased to have you and the children about
him. But I daresay that when they are importunate he some
times regrets the solitude he enjoyed before you came. Pray
tell him that if he suffers the 4th October to pass before he
applies for his forty dollars they will require an additional affi
davit that he is the same individual." This referred to his
father's pension as a Revolutionary soldier.
TO HUGH S. LEGARE
Charleston, 23 August, 1836.
My dear Legare:
I rejoice that you are come and sincerely hope that you will
be a member of Congress in six weeks. But it is very probable
that we shall require you here at home to take a pull at the traces.
Pinckney has crept about our Union men and gained them over
to his purposes in some occasions. Holmes has no strength.
You need not be restrained by friendship for him — no one thinks
that he has any chance. I don't believe he thinks so himself.
Your letter by Boyer is dated the 14th, yet I got it only yes
terday, and must answer very succinctly for I am just returned
from an expedition partly of business and the boat is within 10
minutes of a start. Yours ever,
TO HUGH S. LEGARE
Charleston, 26 August, 1836.
My dear Legare:
The business is fixed so far as we can fix it, and in the Patriot
of this afternoon you will see your annunciation for Congress
and the same in the two morning papers to-morrow. There

184 Life, Letters and Speeches
has been great hesitation among a segment of our party and
after long consultation Bennett has adhered to you and signed
the nomination. His reluctance to play a bold game is habitual,
and he thinks you have no chance, but I know better. I offered
the nomination to Bennett himself, and coaxed him all sorts of
ways, not him only but a great many others. AU which I'U tell
you when I have more time. We have lost McDonald and all
his influence. Steedman probably will vote for you and we
shall be able to carry the bulk of the party. Our friend Holmes
is the best affected to you in the world and says if he could be
sure of you he would be wiUing to stand out of the way. The
contest gives us every advantage, for the Nullifiers by quarreling
are doing our work for us and in confidence, the Holmes party
would greatly prefer you to Pinckney, so much so that I should
not be surprised if late in the canvass H. should be withdrawn;
and the Nullifiers come to our camp as auxiliaries in mass.
Our friends think you ought to come home. I beg you will
do so as soon as you can. Write to Bennett also and thank him
and let him know that you are aware how much you owe him.
I have done by you, my dear fellow, what I know you would
do for me — used my best judgment and decided as I think it is
for your interests that I should. More, it is decidedly better
for you to be beat than not to come before the people. It would
do you no harm to be beat — but to be shelved — aye think ofthat
— to lie in cold obstruction, etc, etc. Adieu, thine,
TO HUGH S. LEGARE
Charleston, September 6, 1836.
My dear Legare:
I hope you don't mean to stay long in Boston nor in New
York either, but come home as soon as you can. I don't think
that you are under any obligation to Mr. Forsyth to wait for
his return to Washington before you visit it to pass your accounts
considering what weighty reasons you have at home to attend
you. You are right in saying that it is going to be a tough race
between you and Pinckney, and doubly right in your conclusion
that it would be just as bad, nay worse to turn back than to go
through. If it turns out badly throw aU the blame on me; I
admit that I am responsible for the advice and shaU maintain
to the last that the advice is good. I am beginning to feel sav
age towards Pinckney for supplanting me with our people, and
not only me but all the leaders of the party who stood up for the
Constitution and Union when he was foremost in the cry of
Nullification. The Courier is, in fact, all his own. Yeadon does
not help us, and King, the other editor, is a whiffling tool that
has no honor in him and is, in fact, so low in his estimates of

Caroline Petigru at Eighteen
1820-1893
BY THOMAS SULLY

(Facing 184)

James Louis Petigru 185
right and wrong as to think it no shame to give as a reason for
supporting Pinckney that it wUl mortify J. C. Calhoun. They
have drawn off a good deal of our Democracy in this way. The
Irish and the mechanics, the Methodists, Pinckney has them
from both sides. His lieutenants are Laval and Keith, Nulli
fiers, and McDonald, formerly a Union man. The recent ticket
— that is the members elected — show the division : L. P. Holmes,
Hamilton, Peronneau, Mordecai, Simons, Codgell, Henry In
gram, Ripley, Connor. Doubtful: Seymour, Ker, Howland.
To the doubtful perhaps Ripley ought to be added. The
Nullifiers are betting on your election and everything shows that
the contest will be narrowed down to you and Pinckney, and
that the friends of H. will ultimately rally on you if they see no
chance of carrying the election, and at all events we shall get as
many Nullification votes as Pinckney wiU take away. But I
think you should come as soon as you get this letter, Washington
or not. Zounds, it is an important thing when a gentleman has
been away four years and his friends are in strife at home to come
up to the scratch; and if you are elected they will be very glad
to see you at Washington at your own time.
Don't mind what you hear of Preston. Wait till you see him
for I think he is friendly to you, though with his usual arrogance
may undertake to pronounce on what can and what can not be.
It is mere waste of time to talk of me, if serious, and if in jest
it is not at this time to enjoy such. I do not believe I would
make half so good a figure in the House of Representatives as in
the Court House at Georgetown, and I could no more think of
going with my circumstances and ties than I would hesitate in
yours. Come home and let us do the thing neatly and weU.
Remember, however, no whiskers, no rings, no chain, no foppery,
nothing but civility and common sense tiU the election is over.
Yours,
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, 27 October, 1836.
My dear Jane:
It is a long time since I wrote to you last and by my promise
I ought to have seen you instead of writing. However, you
know the reason, my anxiety about Mr. Legare's election was
great, but it was a stronger feeling than that; a consciousness
that I had made myself in a great degree responsible for the
event by the part I had taken, which would not permit of my
leaving this place in September without an act of desertion. You
know, I suppose, how the election went and that Mr. Legare
succeeded by the aid of the country votes, and that on our
united ticket none but Mr. Frost and myself were elected. The
other 14 were the nominees of Pinckney's party. I wiU be

1 86 Life, Letters and Speeches
obliged to attend the legislature, which is to meet on the 28th
of next month. You may expect to see me about the 20th. I
shall go up to see you a week before the legislature meets. Shall
I bring Jim -with me? He is perfectly sound and well; has never
had a scratch during all the cholera, and looks almost as if he
had been on Badwell instead of this nursery of plagues, for
such it has been all summer. The doctors are sought after
more than other description of men. Those that never had a
patient before have the agreeable vexation of interruption and
importunities at all hours of the night and day. We have done
talking of alarm and bear the presence of the pestilence with the
equanimity of those strict predestinarians the Turks, who treat
all quarantine and sanitary regulations with contempt. Poor
Cross [Col. Cross] is an example of the mysterious power of the
disease. He died to-day at 12 o'clock hardly aware that he was
in any distress. Yesterday morning I saw him at the fire,
which burnt down the house at the corner of Broad and King
Streets. He was confined to his bed last evening, and thought
himself better this morning, and I believe neither he nor his
family were aware that he was worse till he breathed his last.
I am going in the morning to Savannah and will return next
week. Then to Georgetown and afterwards to Badwell. * * *
The fire I spoke of was very near making a sweep of Mr. Pringle's
house and aU those near there in Orange Street. The roof of
the tenement house where Mr. Keating Simons formerly lived,
was on fire and that of several others. But the firemen exerted
themselves well and happily succeeded in staying it, with com
paratively little loss. Only the mean wooden houses opposite
to where we used to live on Broad Street, and the two brick
houses at the corner; you may remember where Devillers used
to live. If the city should increase as it is supposed it will,
such fires will be a benefit to it. And we are all anticipating a
great deal from the Ohio railroad. I subscribed 5 shares for
you and 5 shares for May, and Tom subscribed one for each of
the children, and I hope they will one day be worth more than
they are now. * * *
Your affectionate Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, 11 November, 1836.
My dear Jane:
I am greatly concerned to hear that father's health is so poorly.
I will leave Charleston on the 17th, that is next Thursday and
will I hope be with you at Badwell on Saturday the 19th, stay
with you till Friday following and then leave you for Columbia.
I have got the claret, but though it was sent to the railroad, they
sent it back — had too much freight. I have tried the steam-

James Louis Petigru 187
boat, and if it don't go before I am off, it will be probably taken
as part of my baggage. * * * Do tell father that I am
making haste to see him, but that I hope and believe that I will
find him a great deal better than your letter expresses it. * * *
My love to Mary and the children, truly and affectionately.
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Columbia, 9 December, 1836.
My dear Jane:
The new Treasurer, Mr. Black, is so good as to take charge of
this letter with the enclosed bills, in which you will find 725
dollars for Mr. Carr. And before you pay it you will see that
his wife has released her dower before Mr. Collier, as was agreed
on. The fees of Mr. Collier are to be paid by you, not exceeding
2 dollars. Mr. Noble and I agreed to-day for the slip of land on
this side, for which I have paid him his own price supposing it to
be 12 acres, but it is to be measured, and if there is more than
12 acres, I am to pay more. In the meantime the land is ours
to the middle of the river.
Mr. Black can not take the garden seeds. I will send them
by Mr. Wardlaw except a few that I wiU get Mr. Black to take
as he has room in his trunk.
I have seen a good deal of Mr. Calhoun and had long talks
with him, but very little of the Governor.* His health appears
to me to be very poor and his spirits low. I dined with him
yesterday for the first time. The crowd was such, that it was
impossible to use one's arms, except from the elbow down, and
the knives so dull, that one might almost as well have partaken
with Governor Sancho of his uncomfortable meal, when he had
all the dainties of Barrataria before him and was not allowed to
touch them. I have been obliged to decline several invitations
for want of time. I understand that there is a great deal of
gaiety in Columbia and plenty of parties given in compliment
to the young married pair, Mr. Thomas Starke and Miss Raoul.
Adieu my dear Jane.
Your Brother.
P. S. — Tell Carr that I could not get United States notes at all,
and I was told that the Bank of the State are next in favor to
them in Alabama and pass currently there; that all the emigrants
take them.
*McDuffie.

188 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XXI
1837
The Britt Pension and Coolness with Poinsett; Death
OF His Father; Choctaw Country, Mississippi
Mr. Petigru's father died January 23, 1837, within a few weeks
of attaining his 80th year. "On the last of the month," Peti
gru writes, "I have received your account of our poor father's
last moments. I was by accident at the postoffice and took out
your letter, with some others, and was passing along when I
opened it the first and read your affecting account ofthe termin
ation of his long pilgrimage. * * * It was not without tears
that I went through your narrative of the last scene of this pro
tracted history. If Mr. Waddell had felt his subject strongly
he might have been very impressive in delineating the character
and vicissitudes of one that had been among the earUest inhabi
tants of a rude country and seemed almost contemporary with
the origin of the society in which he lived. "
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, 14 April, 1837.
My dear Jane:
I do not beUeve that I have written to you since the 16th
March which is the date of your last letter, at least of one that
I have not answered, and which you might therefore with reason
insist should be your last. I have been gratified to hear that the
trees arrived safe and hope that they will grow, and that the
seeds which we sent you will grow, and that Hanway will take
care that the grass does grow too fast. I almost think that I
can taste the nice well water which, thanks to Dickert's perse
verance, is now at your command. If it does not turn out to be
a good well, it will be a great improvement upon the old times;
for though I do not know how the spring answered in the winter,
I am sure that it was enough to poison anybody in the summer
when you say it was at its best. * * *
Judge O'Neale wrote to me that he had fixed Mr. Britt's
papers and sent them to Mr. Poinsett, but I have not heard
anything of them since; it is to be hoped that I will, or I shall

James Louis Petigru 189
really think that when Rochefoucauld says that in the misfor
tunes of our best friends there is something that does not dis
please us, he has at least come so near the truth as only to
mistake the disappointment felt in the good fortune of friends,
for a sweet pleasure in their adversities. If the mishaps of those
that we call friends could give pleasure, there is even too much
of it at present. The failures in this place are very numerous,
and one man (Mr. Stoney*) whose case excites universal sympa
thy. I hope and believe, however, that he is not ruined, but it
is a killing mortification for a merchant like him to confess that
he can not pay. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, 10th July, 1837.
* * * Well, I suppose you know that I am going on Friday a long
voyage all the way to Cincinnati. It is against the grain to go
at all, and doubly so to take this long circuit to get to New York,
but there is no help for it and go I must. I will write you the
next letter from the new capital of the West — a country that
when I was a boy I used to hear of like the Ultima-Thule or the
Miamies where old Steedman went soldiering under Gen. Wayne.
It has been awfully warm all this last week and dry as dust: the
4th July was a severe day to me. I had a dispute to settle with
Dan; it was a very severe one — he had offended Mr. Cotes by
an act of mutiny — cut up his rattan and given out that he would
resist the rod. It was all day in discussion. I felt sick and
could not believe I was not so till the dispute was made up and
Mr. Cotes gave him his hand. I went then to the Washington
Society. Mr. Poinsett was there. I would not sit beside him.
It was resentment of his turning his back upon his friends at the
time of his promotion, and I confess Mr. Britt's business stuck
in my throat. I thought he should have seen to the behaviour
of his subordinates better, as he knew from Judge O'Neale's
letter I took an interest in the appUcation. Mr. P. sent a
friend to me, but I told him plainly I considered our correspon
dence ended. Though I ate nothing nor drank, the noise, the
heat and excitement would not let me sleep. Last Saturday I
took a little holiday for the first time; I went to the Island and
dined with Col. I'on. In the evening there was a grand meeting
at the City HaU, called by Mr. Fisk, who unites or is desirous of
uniting the character of demagogue to that of Universalist.
Before I knew what I was about I was speaking or screaming
with passion. Poor Fisk was routed on every side. I suppose

*Mr. John Stoney was an active Union man during nullification; he was the
grandfather of Mr. Samuel G. Stoney, of Charleston.

190 Life, Letters and Speeches
his next essay will be as abolitionist, but of course he must go
elsewhere to enact that part.
You may teU Mr. Britt I have put his business into the hands
of Mr. Legare and have no doubt he will get his pension in Sep
tember. * * * It is a lamentable thing for me, this expedition.
Money scarce and I in debt. I wrote to Jack McLean and told
him to show the letter to brother Jack, to whom it was useless
to write, that if he came here, he needs expect nothing from me.
If he would stay where he is, I would help him next winter to the
extent of five hundred dollars. It is lamentable that he is so
lost to any sense of shame, as to be willing to burthen his family,
without giving them the consolation of doing any service to him,
by the drains he is about to make and will continue to make as
long as he lives upon their feelings. Adieu my dear Jane. My
love to Mary and the children and cousin Eliza.
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Washington, 17 September, 1837.
I received a letter from you and my dear Jane, which I can
not now refer to as I had the misfortune to lose it out of my
pocket with my pocketbook two evenings ago. It is unex
pected to you I suppose to get a letter from me at this place, but
you must know that I am here on my way to the Choctaw coun
try, where I am obliged to go on business. It was necessary for
me to come through this place for I had enquiries to make at the
offices here, respecting the title of lands in that country, and
those examinations have detained me longer than I expected.
I did not intend to stay more than two days and my stay will be
a week on the 19th when I am to set off. In the meantime one
good consequence of my detention here is that I have secured
bur worthy neighbor Mr. Britt, his pension. You have no idea
how hard it is to get anything through one of those offices. I
went in to the Commissioner of Pensions with Mr. Legar6, for
aU respect here is paid to official rank, and the word of a member
of Congress goes far to ensure a polite reception. The Commis
sioner heard our story and promised an answer on Saturday,
saying he would send the answer to Mr. Legare. On Saturday
I took care to call, but went alone. Mr. Commissioner seemed
to know nothing about it, but sent for the papers and we went
over them, and in half an hour he told me he was satisfied and
would pass the claim. Judge of my astonishment when I found
before I called, he had actually written to Mr. Legare rejecting
the claim. But I will take care to get the thing fixed before I
leave the ground and will actually enclose the paper to Mr. Britt
before I go away. To do this I will have to stay one day longer

James Louis Petigru 191
and by the same course I shall hear Mr. Calhoun in the Senate.
That gentleman has taken a most extraordinary turn and is
going to make a speech tomorrow, as it is given out, in favor of
the message. All the members from our State will be against
him except two: Mr. Pickens and Barnwell Smith now called
Mr. Rhett. Nothing can be more monstrous than to support
a scheme for doing away with bank paper and of course with
credit, and ruining all who are in debt. It is awful — it is so sud
den — and of Mr. Calhoun so unexpected. However, he is to be
heard tomorrow and we shall be better able to judge then what
his scheme is, as well as how he defends himself, but at present
it appears that there will be a fatal breach between him and his
friends in Carolina.
I left Jane and Carohne at Newport on the 8th instant. They
will stay there till October and then come to New York and
arrive in Charleston about the 1st November. I will probably
be there about the same time or a little after. From what I
have heard I am afraid that Tom has lost his crop or great part
of it. That will be worse than the loss of my pocketbook,
although the thief took off all the money I had. The shame was
as bad as the sense of destitution, and my friends Elmore and
Richardson lent me $300 each, which set me up again, but is in
these times a heavy loss and at all times a painful one. I was
kindly received by all our countrymen here as well as many
strangers, and by none with more goodness than Mrs. Poinsett,*
whose attentions were the more agreeable as she asked with
interest after you. * * *
Your Brother.
to thomas petigru
Washington, 18th September, 1837.
My dear Tom:
* * * I have just heard Mr. Calhoun on the Divorce of Bank
and State, but it is in reality a divorce of Calhoun from his little
party and the first step to a union between him and the Admin
istration. He made a speech unequal to his reputation; in fact
I think BarnweU Smith [Rhett] will make a better one on the same
side. I have now heard Webster and Calhoun; I shaU nothear Clay,
but I am going to dine with him, and if he were not so eminent a
man, that might be considered a great distinction. I have to
write several letters besides assisting at this dinner, and then I
must leave the city and drudge through a long journey. As I
have written all the news to Jane already and another letter to
Lesesne, I must e'en make short work with you and with love
to Anne and the children, bid you dear Tom, adieu.
Your Brother.
*Mrs. Poinsett was a Miss Izard who first married John Julius Pringle.

192 Life, Letters and Speeches
After nullification, and the removal of the funds from the
United States banks by Jackson, numerous banks were estab
lished; credit was given everywhere and a rage for speculation
in western land sprang up throughout the country. General
James HamUton, Jr., who was a born speculator, could not miss
this opportunity of making a fortune. Mr. Petigru was already
interested with him in a rice plantation on the Ogeechee River in
Georgia. Listeriing to his sanguine representations he joined
him, with some others, in a large speculation in Mississippi
which was known as the "Ossawichee Co." It was this busi
ness that brought about Petigru's financial failure. As they
were both occupied with the politics of South Carolina in 1834,
this enterprise was probably entered into after that date, and
it was on account of this business that he visited the Choctaw
country. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH [1837]
* * * I believe I did not write you since I was in Washington.
My journey thence was less unlucky, for I lost no more money
nor broke any bones, which consideringwhatroads from Louisville
to Columbus, that is good fortune. At Nashville I was most
hospitably entertained three days by Major Rutledge and his
excellent lady. It was the strongest evidence I ever had of the
feeling that binds Carolinians to their countrymen. They cer
tainly did receive me as if I was in some sort akin to them. I
traveled in Mississippi to the westward of the Tombigbee up
wards of one hundred miles on horseback. At first it was dread
fully fatiguing, but on the return I did not mind it. I saw much
of the beautiful Choctaw country, which, after all, is not much
better than our own. An old man from South Carolina ex
plained the difference admirably well: "This country," said he,
"is better than South Carolina now, but South Carohna was a
great deal better when it was new." * * * My concerns
in Western speculations wiU, I hope, be in the end a benefit, but
at present it is a great hindrance and clog upon me. The
occurrence of any one serious public embarrassment would infal
libly ruin me. You may judge then whether I am favorable to
any project like the sub-treasury, under which there is a great
risk of the total prostration of credit. Adieu.
Your Brother.
I ought to set out day after to-morrow for the Legislature,
but will not be able.

James Louis Petigru 193
TO HUGH S. LEGARE
Washington, December 17, 1837.
Your short letter, dear Hugh, I will answer by a shorter.
The unanimity of the Legislature and of the people is unnatural.
It is a forced and unsettled state of things. Mr. Calhoun's
triumph is complete and even too great, for he has crushed his
lieutenants. You will see Hamilton's resolutions on which he
was left the honor of standing alone. I told him that I thought
he was right. His local or State influence was gone and he must
look to his reputation abroad. It is only by the reflux that the
channels of his credit can be filled again — and it is his character
abroad that must give him consideration at home.
The House has no leaders but the Rhetts and they do not
lead except when they have the popular set strongly with them.
Texas is to be added to the subtreasury to-morrow. The major
ity will be nearly the same. McDuffie's name from being a
word of power is significant now of nothing but failure. I beUeve
the spirit of disunion is very general in the State, and if it suited
Calhoun to take that ground there would hardly be a rally.
Texas is disunion — they mean it so. Tired of New England,
they desire divorce and a second marriage. My consolation is
that South CaroUna has not the decision of anything in her hands
except her own character and the selection of who among her
sons shaU be accounted the worthiest, at least in the State House.
Adieu. We go home on Thursday. Yours,
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Columbia, 20th December, 1837.
I am sorry my dear Jane that I can't go to BadweU. * * *
I have been here almost three weeks and tired I am of it. My
position is that of a person in a dead minority. Everything has
gone for the new scheme that Mr. Calhoun patronizes. I say
ev&ry-thing not ^vtrj-body, for Preston, Hamilton, Hayne,
Legare and I, are somebody, I think, not to mention other names
as weU entitled to be considered, and they say that McDuffie is
very sullen though he concurs with his old leader. I made a
speech and have even printed it. I wiU send you a copy.
* * * I have got a few cuttings of the Hervemont grape and
some others, with a few seeds he also takes charge of. I have
received a letter from brother Jack — he has bought the farm
and I am to pay 540 dollars in January. * * * Poor Chan
cellor DeSaussure is quite broken in strength; he had no hope of
being able again to resume the discharge of his duties and resigned.
One of the handsomest things the Legislature did for a long time
was to give him a year's salary in advance, so he has ?3,500 to

194 Life, Letters and Speeches
pay the debts which he contracted in equipping poor Sarah and
her infatuated husband* for their wild goose chase to China
after the conversion of the heathen. You remember Fanny
Cooper, that was, married to Joe Lesesne. They are in Mobile,
and anxious to come back. I voted for Joe to fiU poor Nott's
place, but he had no chance. Strange to say, Joe has become,
if not devout, at least so sober in his way of thinking, as to be
strongly suspected of Christianity.
This letter is written in the Hall of the Representatives.
The clerk is reading a long rigmarole of names and the members
are making as much noise as the idle boys in a country school
when the Master is out. Do not be surprised therefore at my
mistakes, but whether quiet or hurried, believe me I am always
devotedly. Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Columbia, December 20, 1837.
I have paid Noble for his land and send the deed by Mrs.
Wardlaw to be recorded and handed to you, also some cuttings
and seeds. Our brother Tom's crop this year is very sorry,
indeed. It would have been so anyway, and the storm injured
it very much. On the contrary mine is rather the best I have
ever made yet, tho' it is no great thing. * * * ^ little
plantation is a sorry undertaking in the low-country.
I have just had Henry Lesesne appointed justice of the peace.
This is the second favor I have asked and received from this
House. They have been so obliging as to pass an Act to allow
Reid, tho' an alien, to be admitted to the Bar. This was very
considerate of them, as I have supported during the whole
session very unpopular opinions, and been on the greatest
questions in a very smaU minority. I hope that Reid wiU suc
ceed at the Bar, but while he gets $1,000 a year I think he had
better stay with me. I was Very sorry to vote against the
Speakerf for chancellor, but I hope he was satisfied from no
want of respect or esteem. In fact, I wished him to give way
to Dunkin, but he would not, and he was the only person I
tried to convert to that side.
Our low-country people are desirous of having a Judge below
and there were great reasons for it on the score of convenience.
I suppose there never was a man more relieved and gratified
than the new chancellor by his election.
*Boone, afterwards Bishop of China. He proved a very capable missionary.
tWardlaw.

James Louis Petigru 195

CHAPTER XXII
1838
Mrs. North to Teach School; Fire in Charleston; Gover
nor Gilmer of Georgia; Legare
Mrs. Jane Petigru North was a woman of briUiant intellect,
strong in character, and of commanding presence. She posses
sed many of the characteristics of her brother, but the basis of
her character was the absolute unselfishness and constant desire
to make other people happy. Well knowing the ease with which
burthens could be packed upon her brother, she was one of the
very few who ever tried to lighten his load.
With this end in view and encouraged by sincere friends in
Abbeville she desired to take charge of the district school. On
this question of schools and school teachers Mr. Petigru writes
her the foUowing characteristic and instructive letter:
TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
Charleston, January 29, 1838.
My dear Sister:
Bull came here on Saturday and delivered to me your letter
of the 18 th, which I have read several times, and given to Caro
line to read, and she has read it. And after all we still think the
contents of a very stirring and important nature. * * *
To be the governess of a respectable female school, the Madame
Campon of a village seminary, although not the very highest
prize in the lottery of life, nor even the most brilliant part which
a woman may play under the democracy, (when a very invidious
distinction is made by excluding them from the benefits of the
general suffrage,) is nevertheless after all depreciating consider
ations of that kind, still an honorable independency.
It stirs my heart toward your friend, Mrs. Wardlaw, and her
excellent husband to hear and read how warmly she embraces
the plan. My opinion is entirely in favor of it; my conscience
is satisfied, too, on the score of your qualifications and abilities.
The great point is to ascertain whether the patrons of the
school will heartily concur in it as an arrangement as advan
tageous to them as to you. For I would not, by any means,
have you accept the place or rather obtain it on the score of

196 Life, Letters and Speeches
favor or as an alms. If they are sensible to the advantage of
having at the head of the school a lady who has a just sense of
her dignity and who, though not brought up to teaching has
character and capacity to govern, they will prefer you to any
mere professional candidate. And I would answer for you as
soon as I would for myself that the scholars that are committed
to you will never suffer for the want of attention or from the
influence of a mercenary spirit that looks to the teacher's gains
as the chief object of teaching. I know from experience how
vexatious a thing it is, but you are older than I was when I had
to struggle with the indolence and stupidity of the young fry
that were gathered about my schoolhouse, and will succeed a
great deal better. Nor is there any doubt that a school at the
village would be on the whole a more pleasant and satisfactory
life than the out-of-the-way farm at Badwell. But a great deal
depends on the commencement and more still will depend of the
progress of the school. If you should get few scholars, or not
give satisfaction you would find the exchange uncomfortable.
But if you have a good school and escape contention or discon
tent among the parents, I reaUy think, my dear sister, that you
would be far happier and far more usefully employed than in
your present situation or any other within our reach.
These are my views and if the treaty should be entered into I
will feel for your friend, Mrs. Wardlaw, a livelier sentiment of
gratitude than any lady has awakened in my bosom for a long
time. Tom was here last week, but is now in Georgetown.
P. S. — If you take the school I must send you globes and
maps, and a teacher of music and all such things.
At the meeting of the board of trustees one of the members
made the remark that "Mrs. North would teach the children
fine manners and that was not what the people wanted."
Whereupon Judge Wardlaw instantly withdrew her name.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, 30th April, 1838.
My dear Jane:
The scene before us at this time beats everything in the way
of moralizing, that the pulpit or the tragic stage can do.
Charleston may be said to be no more. The desolation that
reigns in the busiest, Uveliest streets, the rude columns that once
were chimneys, standing as thick as trees in the forest, and the
piles of rubbish lying everywhere over the ground in most
unsightly disorder, are miserable memorials of our faUen state.
You wUl see in the papers which I send you, a detailed account
of the losses. Some particulars I may add that would interest

James Louis Petigru 197
you. The last house burnt in Meeting Street was my friend
Magrath's. Dr. Porcher's house is standing hke a sinner saved
— marks of fire on every board to the north — the kitchen blown
up. Thefire was finally stayed at 12 m. in Liberty Street, and a
blessing that it was, for despair began to paralyze the exertions
of men as much as fatigue. I was there of course, for its pro
gress would then have been to Miss Webb's, and worked away
till I was ready to break into a flame myself. In the night from
3 o'clock till daylight I was at Gen. Hamilton's. He and Mrs.
HamUton and all the family indeed but Miss Cruger and James,
away. We sat on the top of the house a long time, looking on
the ocean of fire that spread before us, and a more terrific scene
the imagination of bard or painter never suggested for the idea
of the infernal regions. The wind, which had been southwest
changed to west, and that change it was which saved the whole
of what is left of the north and east of King Street. The western
winds carried the flames down to the water, and by great efforts
they kept the fire from Laurens Street. Immense exertions
were made by individuals, but there was a want of combination,
a feebleness of action on the part of the public which was piti
able. I never saw Pinckney* till the next morning and when we
were struggling against theflames in Liberty street in a narrowgap
where seemed the last chance and where we did in fact succeed
finaUy in stopping it; he was looking on saying that it was use
less. There is no knowing what will be done — wise and vigor
ous counsels are necessary to keep this place from losing the
very name of town, and sinking into a village. We all think
it was a judgment but disagree for what it was sent. I think
it was the boastful, threatening, and insolent convention at
Augusta, where we were making such ridiculous promises of
what we were going to do.
Daniel goes on Thursday morning to Baltimore consigned to
Mr. Legare who is to take him to St. Mary 's College, Maryland,
a Catholic institution; but as Legare says, for the improvement
of his morals I am wUling to run some risk of his faith. He has
had some lessons since he left Mr. Cotes in February that will do
him good. * * *
Your Brother.
TO HUGH S. LEGAr£
Columbia, 1 June, 1838.
My dear Legar^:
I wrote you yesterday by Express mail — and now only add
unimportant details for the events that have since transpired.
But I desire that you should know that these proceedings tho
*The mayor.

198 Life, Letters and Speeches
most offensive in form to Preston are in reality most insulting
to you and Campbell. For they have been adopted under an
impression derived from letters received from Washington that
you two were to be operated on and might be made to succumb.
As the wildest supporters of the right of Instructions never tiU
now as I have heard, pretended that the Legislature could with
propriety instruct a member of the house of Representatives I
regard this step on the part of those gentlemen as a proof that
the State has fallen into the hands of people that have no sense
of propriety.
I do not conceal to you my opinion that your honor is con
cerned not only to vote but to speak, and with all your power
against the Sub-Treasury bill. Any compromise with these
people wiU be regarded by them as a triumph over your principles.
Rhett, who is certainly a clever man (not Jim but Albert)
delivered a speech fiUed with the most bitter feelings, and the
most insolent contempt of the common rules of civility, and
morals that I ever heard. Denouncing Hamilton, Hayne, etc.,
as deserters; and proclaiming the sub-treasury to be the test
question of the great party, — therefore there was to be no fool
ing or talking of moral scruples. And to these nefarious senti
ments nearly every Union man (that was) set his seal as well as
all the nulUfiers with a few scattering votes here and there.
This looks badly for our case. Now see what there is on the
other side.
At a dinner yesterday after these exhibitions at a private
table, therefore not to be published, McDuffie denounced the
sub-treasury in unmeasured terms of reprobation, and Hayne
who was present was equally bold. A few of us put Toomer up
to wait on Noble and invite him to be Governor, to which he gave
his gracious assent — greatly to the annoyance of Elmore — who
is equally anxious to be the great man for 2 years and who
doubtless expected to choke Noble off. There is good reason
to believe that a reaction has begun in Richland which will
make even Elmore's election doubtful.
If the sub-treasury fails in Congress the party that has been
hastily gathered under that cry, will as hastily disperse — and
the violence with which these men have begun will deprive them
of the power which they have shown so much inclination to
abuse. The Bill for the relief of Charleston passed easily, being
turned into a measure for the increase of the capital of the Bank,
and we are all going home after a week of great excitement with
a sincere wish on my part that we may never meet again. Show
this letter discreetly and to none but Preston and Thompson.
Yours truly.

James Louis Petigru 199
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Augusta, 19 August, 1838.
My dear Jane:
As I suppose Tom has left you for Greenville (anticipating
the time when you read what I am writing) this letter is for you
instead of him as I at first intended. Two disappointments
kept me in Milledgeville two days longer than I intended. On
Wednesday night the stage was full and I was obliged to return
to Gov. Gilmer's after packing up and waiting at the tavern an
hour. Again on Thursday night the stage came crowded from
the west, and it was not till Friday the 17th that I got a seat and
proceeded on my journey. I was quite indisposed that night
and the next day, but arrived in Augusta yesterday at 4 o'clock
and am now quite well. In the morning I will take the car and
hope to be at home the same evening. * * *
I suppose Tom has told you of our expedition and of the grand
crops we saw on the Chattahoochie. My old schoolfellow Gov.
Gilmer and cheerful little wife received us with the kindness of
former days. He is indeed a primitive sort of Governor and
exemplifies in his own practice the republicanism that he pro
fesses. No parade — no show — no silver forks — dinner at 1
o'clock — the afternoon at the office as well as the morning — the
evening reading the same newspapers as in the morning — home
at supper and early bedtime. Such is the day the Governor
passes, but the sincerity and honesty that characterize this
ruler of the people are better than the glare of a court, at least
for us, ^nd the heartiness with which his little wife welcomes
any one that has the good fortune to be her husband's friend, is
the best commentary upon the union that has made them one.
I went to church to-day, and have made out with less ennui than
I expected, the time that I have been forced to delay in this
place. I hope that you will agree with the Trustees of the
school, but if you do not, we will make out as well as we can.
My love to Tom and Anne and Mary if they are with you, and
to the children at all events, and always dear Jane,
Your affectionate Brother.
to hugh s. legar]^
Newport, 10 September, 1838.
My dear Legare:
I perceive by your letter that you have not got the one I wrote
just before I left Charleston. As you are so near us I do hope
you will come to Newport. I desire to talk over many things
with you and to hear many. I suppose you know for Ben Huger
could have told you that I have been in the Western Country —
and may easily conceive how much I am behind in my corres-

200 Life, Letters and Speeches
pondence. That last letter was written to be showed Alfred —
and to be taken therefore in a sort of middle sense, which may
explain the tone of it if it falls into your hands. With aU our
friends termed sub-treasury men, it is impossible to contend for
principles except indirectly. The place into which they have
put South Carohna is so mean and discreditable that it is impos
sible for me to feel any interest in her. I trust them as I would
a drunken man, with whom one does not talk on business at aU.
It is necessary to wait tiU they are sober. I have no doubt that
whenever that time comes we shall be commended for not flatter
ing her weakness. For your comfort I can tell you that the
whole difficulty which Stuart and his set have in turning you
out is to get a decent candidate. And the best symptom of
the times is that no sub-treasury man of respectable preten
sions is willing to oppose you. Of the old nullifiers there are
hardly ten that do not profess an extravagant admiration of the
sub-treasury in general, and of the specie clause in particular.
The Union men with a laudable zeal for the truth which renders
them doubly anxious not to be wrong a second time raise a still
louder cry for the same wise, safe and beautiful system, so
easily understood and so perfectly proof against objection.
Thus we are left in the city altogether to the commercial classes.
To be sure the majority of them are with us; but it is only a
majority. There is Perant the Fisherman, now you know, a
considerable man — a Bank director, etc. He told me in good
earnest that he was a strong sub-treasury man. For why?
Because he was determined if he could help it not to pay a prem
ium for specie and Treasury notes. He had been obliged to pay
by you — two — three — five per cent on the Treasury notes, and
the Specie, — which is a great shame — and he must have the
Sub- treasury.
My wife joins me in entreating you to come here. If you come
remember we stay at Miss Munford's — but it is full of women
and children. Whitfields or Potters perhaps would suit you
better, and they are aU near. Caroline too joins in requesting
you to come and in the regard with which we are always and truly
yours. J. L. P.
Strange that we can not hear who is the new Mayor. I
believe that I will bet on Pinckney.
TO HUGH S. LEGARE
Charleston, November 12, 1838.
My dear Legare:
Your letter of the 29th ult was here before me. We reached
home on the 9th and I am trying hard to work out the con-

Mrs. R. F. Allston
1810-1896
Nee Adele Theresa Petigru
BY THOMAS sully
1834

(Facing 200)

James Louis Petigru 201
fusion of papers, business and engagements that I have about me.
I have seen none of the enemy and conversed but little with our
friends, Huger, Pringle and Mrs. Kinloch and her mother.
With the rest not at all— having had no interview. But as
respects your resigning I can not conceive who it is that advised
you or intimated that you were expected to do so. I am bold
to say that you are expected to do no such thing and that it
would be a very fretful act on your part, which nothing could
justify but your interest or convenience, if you had the plea of
private interest to set against the claim of publiciduty. Tliere
is no fear of our speaking out on the subject if the enemy should
call on you to resign, but I scarcely think they carry their enter
prise so far.
I was told you were vexed with Holmes. It would be throw
ing away much good indignation to bestow it on Ikey. The
temptation of a seat in Congress was too great for his virtue;
nor is it to be wondered at. I am sure I would not, as his friend,
ever consent to expose his principles to such a trial, and can,
therefore, feel no surprise at his falling into the snare. The
more difficult case for charity is Poinsett, but he really is a man
so made up of deceit that when he deceives he is hardly con
scious of it. As a proof he could not comprehend the fuss that
Bennett and Huger made till he had a copy of his letter sent him.
He now coolly observes that he is at length sensible that his
early letters are susceptible of the construction that he was
favorable to your election. It is a long time since I have felt
any interest in that gentleman, and this trait only surprises me,
as it is a proof of the want of address or ingenuity. It would
have been easier to explain the whole thing according to what is
probably true, that the order to show you no quarter was a con
sequence of the final breach between the Democrats and the
Conservatives. And that the expulsion of the Conservatives
was now a cabinet question.
I do not see that it makes any difference whether you come
home before spring or not, except to your own feelings. All the
troops of Calhoun and Poinsett have assailed you without provo
cation, upon the order of their leader, their hatred wiU be in
proportion to the injury they have done you and upon the sight
of your wounds they would only be more ferocious. If you stay
away till next year they will have got something else to pursue
and may even be inclined to forgive you.
By this time you know the result of the New York election,
and there is great joy on one side and on the other lamentation.
There is no man that has more reason than you to wish the
Whigs success. They have my good wishes without reserve,
but I fear their rows are wasted on great Jove. Adieu.
Yours truly,

202 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Milledgville, 17th December, 1838.
It is four weeks, my dear Jane, that I have been here, and I
write now in the Senate Chamber, while they are discussing the
Sub-treasury. My residence here is in a kitchen and my busi
ness no better, for I am employed begging people to do justice,
and though it is not alms that I ask, still it is begging, and in
begging one feels as humble as in living in the kitchen. After
aU my pains I have made but little progress. Last Friday they
resolved to hear me in support of Trezevant and the next day
they changed their resolution and determined not to hear me.
All that I expect now is to get a Commission of Inquiry and to
begin again next winter with a Uttle vantage more than this
time. My old Friend the Governor* and his wife received me
with great hospitality, though the nature of my business pre
vented me from staying with them. I found here Pholoclea
Casey, who is no longer the wild young thing that I first knew
her. She has joined the Methodist Church and looks mature,
but rattles almost as much as ever. Then there is Mrs. Pepper,
a niece of Margaret Trezevant, that looks very much Uke her,
but loves admiration as much as any widow of them all, but as
she favors my claim and recommends it to her beaux, I have
great reason to be grateful to her. Here too I met many of my
WiUington contemporaries, whom I have never seen in 30 years,
and now see in them melancholy marks of change. * * * j
hope you have directed Mr. Ben to send his note to Charleston
for me to pay. By a letter I received from Mr. Reid, I have had
assurances that Mr. Ben Smith's debt will be paid this winter
by one Abbott who owes him money. If I can not pay the
money out of my own, I shall be able to pay it out of yours,
which is less agreeable to me, but better than being dunned.
I think that I will have to sell my plantation this winter. It
goes against me to do so, but there are many reasons for it and I
hope my wife will be reconciled to it, though she and Caroline
dislike it both very much. That is one reason why I felt so in
earnest about Trezevant's claim;! if I had succeeded in it,
there would have been no necessity for my selling. It is still
uncertain how long I shall be here, but probably I will be in
Savannah by the end of the week and stay there a week or ten
days. Adieu, my love to the children. Give Eliza joy of her
lawsuit.
Your Brother.

*Governor Gilmer.
fPeter Trezevant against the State of Georgia.

James Louis Petigru 203

CHAPTER XXIII
1839
Sells Plantation; Economizing; Feet in the Stocks
The apprehension of ruin expressed in Mr. Petigru's letter of
1837 was not without foundation. After bearing the burden
of financial embarrassment for several years he was forced to
sell his most available and most remunerative -property. On
25th of January, 1839, he writes to his sister Mrs. North:
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
As Tom is going in the morning I wish him to take this line
to put you in mind of me. I wrote to you when I was at Savan
nah and I suppose it is the last you will ever receive from me
from that place, for I have this day sold the place and half the
negroes for $55,000. It is a melancholy thing to sell from com
pulsion, which is in effect my case. But on the whole I am much
more satisfied since it is over, and though it has been rendered
necessary by my Western entanglements and the result of those
relations is yet very uncertain and may ruin me at last, yet for
the present we will hope for the best. Tom is going to take
possession of his new acquisitions, and I daresay he will buy
another pickpocket place before he comes back, but it is a great
thing to please one's fancy. Duvall sent your note to Miller &
Ripley and I would have paid it before if I had not been every
day and all day engaged in two Courts in very exciting law suits,
and all the evening in the office till 11 or 12 o'clock.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, 21st May, 1839.
My dear Sister:
If you think it a long time since you heard from me, I assure
it appears no less to myself. Since January I have been
very much hampered and of late showed some symptoms of
breaking down, but thank God, I am on my feet again strong.
Mary will be able I hope to give you a narrative of everything
about everybody, but unless I am mistaken, the very journey
that she is going upon tomorrow will furnish but too many topics
for conversation by the time she gets home. Our nautical

204 Life, Letters and Speeches
friend and brother is going off, without having written to apprize
you, and as it appears to me, without making any preparations.
I feel grieved to see him doing things which would be laughable
enough if done by a person one cared nothing for. He is at this
time in the greatest hurry, without having anything to do and
at least without knowing what he is going to do. I hope your
little farm begins to smile and that you have a garden with pulse
and greens and such things. Dear sister, if I can get my feet
out of the stocks, for such I may call the trammels that are on
me and about me, I will see you in July or August. But I don't
make sure of it, and if I do not come, you may be sure it is
because I am not able. I rendered your account to the Ordinary
in April, and have the pleasure of teUing you that I now have in
hand for to pay the Norths 3,200 dollars; by the time you hear
from me again, expect to hear that this grievous debt is dis
charged, and that you are clear of the world. When I can
announce that fact, we will take a new start — it will be another
beginning. I suppose my Caroline has written to you. I do
not know what others say, but she is a very good child. For
the first time for 14 years we have no carriage, and at no time in
20 years has our house been so gloomy as at the very time when
other people brush up and look as smart as they can to bring out
a daughter. But she never grumbles, takes everything quietly
and gains more upon my esteem by her habitual good humor
and cheerfulness, as she has more occasions and opportunities
of showing her wiUingness to submit to circumstances. I sup
pose you know that Dan has reformed — a very great reformation
it is, if I may judge from the language of the Professors, and
indeed his own letters show that his sentiments are changed very
much for the better. I count it decidedly the greatest happi
ness of my life.
Sue* I am afraid will after all of our pains turn out a wit. She
writes oftener than she did, and her French letters, though
French only in the words, show that she has made some im
provement. She affects to be very unhappy, but it appears
to me she is very unreasonable. She sees better society than she
would do at home, for Mrs. Drayton patronizes her and she
could not have a better model nor visit a house by which she
will improve so much. I did not think that I would write so
much, for I am tired with a long dispute between two widows —
of the same husband, mind — whose quarrel by some fatahty
has kept the court (Judge Lee) off and on for a month, and
with a set of pro.sy clients that have left me hardly life enough to
*His daughter Susan was sent, at the age of fifteen, to the fashionable ladies'
school of Madam Giyou of Philadelphia. One of her daughters, Acelie, married
Dr. John Togno. She became a great friend of Susan, and will be subsequently
mentioned.

James Louis Petigru 205
write now to you. I embrace the children and am dear Jane
as ever affectionately
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north September 30, 1839.
The death of General Hayne has cast a gloom upon the sit
uation of our affairs. His loss is as deeply felt as that of any
person in our community could have been, perhaps more gener
ally than that of any other man. He was not quite 48 years of
age and had had the most uninterrupted career of success which
any person in my time has enjoyed. He has left five children,
two of the last marriage,* three of the first.t

*Rebecca Mott Alston, daughter of William Alston.
tFrances Pinckney, daughter of Charles Pinckney.

206 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XXIV
1841
Marriage of His Daughter, Caroline, to William A.
Carson; Dean Hall Plantation, Cooper River
to william elliott
Charleston, 6th October, 1841.
My dear EUiott:
* * * You have seen that our friend, Legare, has got a
place in the commonwealth and I have given him my clerk who
is worth all the abstractions from the beginning of time. Cap
tain Tyler* is an oddity. He is like some weak man, justly
chargeable with superstition, because he looks for an infallible
guide in some book, that has no claim to inspiration. But,
what is so ridiculous is, that it is his own book that makes this
formidable authority and, like a fool, he is turning over the
leaves of his old speeches, to ascertain what he should say or
think, in circumstances which call for the exercise of all his
judgment, and of which he had no idea when his feeble speeches
were made. If he was not such an imbecility he would resign
or go over to the Democrats. Adieu. Yours truly.
Although Mr. Petigru at this time was overrun with work and
harassed by business cares, his attention was further distracted
by the marriage of his eldest daughter, which would cause a
serious change in his household.
Caroline Petigru during her early years went to school in
Charleston to Miss Susan Robertson. The cardinal principles
of this school were punctuality, demeanor, and English grammar.
On the recommendation of Mr. William Drayton she was sent,
in April, 1834, to the school of Madame Binsse in Varick Street,
opposite St. Johns Park, New York City. Miss Cruger had,
after Madame Binsse, the government of the child and devoted
herself to the little Hamilton and her.
While she was at school in New York she said that Miss

*John Tyler, President.

James Louis Petigru 1^1
Cruger taught her her fine manners and the finer points of
social tactics.
Petigru writes on the 4th of August, 1835, to Mrs. North:
"Caroline has been sick since the first of July and lost the
whole month to her school. She improves every day, and is as
amiable as ever, but not so pretty. Her improvement is equal
to what I expected. They say she has a little music; her draw
ing is very creditable, and her French is beyond what she would
have obtained at home, but not complete. Indeed sixteen is
not an age to finish one's education, and in taking her from
school I do wrong and do it knowingly; but she and her mother
are both against me and I yield. Perhaps the more easily
because I love the child so much, and that I can not but feel the
influence ofthe pleasure I expect in having her with me at home."
From her intelligence, character and good sense, — in a word,
her personality, Caroline Petigru made friends among all classes
of society, from statesmen, bishops, lawyers, doctors and
artists down to the humblest menial.
On her return home, under the direction of her father, — which
was a liberal education in itself, — she diligently continued her
studies. Being similar in capacity and taste, each took pride
and pleasure in the achievements and accompUshments of the
other, and in time there was developed between them a mutual
dependence. Much to his gratification she gradually reorganized the Broad
Street household with some consideration for his happiness and
comfort. Although without assuming official control, she was
by tacit consent ever recognized as the guiding hand of the
establishment. It can readily be imagined what a difference her marriage
would make in his Ufe.
In the Charleston Courier and Mercury is found the following
notice dated Friday, December 17th, 1841:
Married on Thursday, 16th inst., by the Rev. Paul Trapier,
William Augustus Carson to Caroline, eldest daughter of James
L. Petigru * * *
As to the origin of his son-in-law, William A. Carson, the
following are extracts from a letter of John Peter Richardson*
to Mr. Petigru:
?Governor of South Carolina 1840-1842.

208 Life, Letters and Speeches
Fulton P. Off., June 14th, 1855.
Dear Petigru:
* * * My informant is Mrs. Amarinthia Carson Nelson
— widow of Samuel E. Nelson — and first cousin of William A.
Carson's father.
It is supposed that Carson, like my grandfather, was an emi
grant from some of the thin settled portions of North Carolina
or Virginia. His manners, his virtues and inteUigence, must
have been of no ordinary character, to enable him to marry into
one of the oldest and most respectable families in the district —
and dying after a short sojourn among them, to leave a memory
which all delighted to cherish. * * *
Carson (the great-grandfather of your descendants) married
Jane Frierson — the daughter of James Frierson and of his wife
a Miss Gamble; then one ofthe wealthiest and oldest families in
this part of the State; the Gambles being no less so than the
Friersons. The only offspring of this marriage as I have under
stood, was the James Carson of our own recollection. Left an
orphan at an early age, by the death of both parents — and from
some cause or another with a patrimony much diminished below
the comparative affluence of the other members of the family —
he became the pet and protege of his maternal relations, and
among others of my grandmother — who assumed the control of
his education — and placed him at school in her own family under
a Mr. Mason with my father* and uncles. With them his inti
macy continued through life — although (from some cause or
another) with his other connections somewhat interrupted, in
the days of his after prosperity. Live stock being then the chief
staple commodity of this vicinity (many of our yeomanry hav
ing their thousand cattle upon a thousand hills) — his relatives
jointly contributed to make up a patrimony for him in this time
the relics of which but a few years since were still to be traced in
the neighborhood — and were highly esteemed as the most val
uable of cattle under the name of the Carson stock. * * *
Yours very truly and sincerely,
James Carson, the father of William A. Carson, was born in
1774. As a young man he moved to Charleston and became a
merchant. There is a notice in the S. C. Gazette, that the co
partnership of Charles Snowden and James Carson was dis
solved by mutual consent. He then continued as a merchant
until 1814, as is shown by French spoliation claims, when he
retired. He was succeeded by his clerks — Kershaw and Cun
ningham, who in turn were succeeded by Alexander Robertson
and John F. Blacklock.
*James E. Richardson, Governor of South Carolina, 1802-1804.

James Louis Petigru
by thomas sully
1842

(Facing 208)

James Louis Petigru 209
There are other notices that show that James Carson was
director of several banks, insurance companies, steward of the
dinner of the Charleston Light Dragoons, that he and T. Pinck
ney were managers ofthe Jockey Club Ball in 1809; aU of which
show that he took an active interest in the affairs of the city.
Mr. Petigru always spoke of him as one of the most courteous
and clever men that he ever knew; that he had the capacity
before he was forty years old to make a fortune and the good
sense to retire.
His tombstone, still in perfect preservation, is found in the
northwest corner of the old cemetery at Balston Spa, New York,
with the following meagre inscription: To
the
memory of
James Carson, Esq.,
Native of Charleston
South Carolina,
Who visited this place
for his health
Died on the 16th of Augt.
1816 aged
42 years.
On the 6th of May, 1796,* he married Elizabeth Neyle, born
1764; died 1848. She was the daughter of Samson Neyle, who in
1756 was a merchant in Charleston and also owned plantations
at Santee River. He had three sons and five daughters.f
Samson Neyle's eldest son PhUip, at the age of twenty-nine,
was killed by a cannon ball during the siege of Charleston, in
May, 1780. A tablet was erected to his memory on the wall of
St. Phihp's Church, which was destroyed by fire in 1835.
Mrs. Carson always preferred to employ a white coachman.
One day when he was drunk he allowed the horses to run off;
the carriage was overturned and she was killed in 1848, at the
age of eighty-four. In 1805 James Carson bought as a resi-

*South Carolina Gazette; 12th of May, 1796.
tElizabeth, married James Carson, 1796.
Caroline, married Frederick Sol6.
Harriet, married Herbemont, S. C.
Mary, married Howard Thomas, Ga.
Lydia, married Robert Habersham, Ga.

210 Life, Letters and Speeches
dence the house at 90 Tradd Street, corner of Orange, where Mrs.
Carson resided until her death.
James Carson and his wife had two children — Laura, 1798,
and WiUiam A. Carson 1800-1856. Laura Carson and Jane
Amelia Postell (afterwards Mrs. Petigru) attended the fashion
able ladies' school of MUe. Datie. In 1 8 1 6 Laura married Henry
Brevoort of New York, who like many other prosperous people
in New York had been a clerk of John Jacob Astor, upon whose
retirement Mr. Brevoort succeeded to the business. They had
three sons and five daughters who have left several descendants
fairly well-to-do, and some of them eminently proper citizens.
William Augustus Carson was a rice planter, good-looking,
well educated and entirely a man of the world; he was dignified
and modest in manners, genial, clever and entertaining in con
versation. He occasionally spoke of his aunts, Mrs. Haber
sham and Mrs. Thomas of Georgia; and Mrs. Herbemont of
Columbia, South Carolina, and of his cousins in Camden. But
as he could never find time to visit any of them, the connections
were not kept up.
Soon after the death of his father he left Harvard CoUege,
where he was a student, and returned to Charleston to look after
the interests of his mother. He was seized with the fascination
of rice-planting and in 1821 he and his mother bought Dean
Hall plantation on Cooper River. Previous to the Revolution
Dean Hall had been owned by two Scotch baronets, — Sir John
and Sir Alexander Nesbit. Here they probably led the life of
country gentlemen. In February, 1796, a race was run between
John Randolph of Virginia and Sir John Nesbit of Dean HaU.
Each rode his own horse; Randolph won. Many of the married
fair ones were heard to confess after the race was over that
" although Mr. Randolph had won the race. Sir John had won
their hearts and they much preferred him in a match to his more
successful competitor."*
The dwelling house of Sir John Nesbit, which was burnt down,
was on a hill three hundred yards north of the present house,
which, in a much inferior location, was built by William A. Car
son in 1827. This house is fifty feet square; three stories high;
with a piazza all around supported on brick arches, the roof being
of slate; the walls are 18 inches thick, made of old CaroUna grey
?History of Turf of South Carolina, page 18.

James Louis Petigru 211
brick, laid in shell lime mortar. The standard size of these
bricks is 9 by Al4 by 2^ inches, and each weighed six pounds.
They were made at the Medway Plantation of Back River.
The same kind of bricks were used in the construction of Fort
Sumter. General CuUum of the United States Engineers, who had
examined the masonry of the Phoenicians, Egyptians, Romans,
and Spaniards, said that he considered them the best brick that
he had seen in any part of the world. As Captain of Engineers
in charge of construction at Fort Sumter up to 1860, he often
visited the plantation.
The durability of the roads, floodgates, wells and other con
structions of William A. Carson show that he was a capable
engineer and in his ideas on sanitation and drainage consider
ably ahead of his time.
The following description gives a good picture of the rice
plantation of those days:
We have now reached the " T," forty miles from the city.
The main body of Cooper River here divides into two branches,
the eastern and the western. The boar takes the latter branch.
Immediately on turning into it, Dean Hall, the former residence
of Sir John Nesbit, a Scotch baronet, but now the estate of
Colonel Carson, — breaks upon our view. The site this planta
tion occupies is very favorable to a view of the river. It resem
bles a well-ordered village more than a single plantation. The
residence of the proprietor, the condition of the fields, — the
banks — the white and cleanly appearance of the negro houses,—
the mill and threshing machine in complete order, — all excite
a strong feeling of admiration and stamp at once the proprietor
as an experienced and skilful planter.
It is the place visited recently by a distinguished nobleman,
who, after scrutinizing, as was his wont, with an inquisitive eye,
all things appertaining to the habits, food, clothing and treat
ment of the slaves, voluntarily tendered this honest conviction
of his heart, — "It is impossible," he said, "for me, an English
man [Sir Charles Lyell] to say I am a convert to your institu
tions, but I candidly confess, from all Ihave seen, my prejudices
have been entirely eradicated.*

*"A Day on Cooper River," by J. B. Irving, 1842.

212 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XXV
1842
Financial Failure
The embarrassment of Petigru's affairs caused by the adoption
of specie payments precipitated his difficulties and the final
disaster came in 1842.
South Western Railroad Bank,
Charleston, S. C, January llth, 1842.
James L. Petigru, Esq.,
Charleston.
Dear Sir:
At a meeting of the Board of Directors of this Bank held this
day 1 was instructed "to inform you that at the maturity of
your note for $9,602.56 endorsed by Gen. James Hamilton and
falling due on the 17th inst., a reduction of the amount will be
required and also that some responsible names be substituted
for that of Gen. Jas. Hamilton.
I remain very respectfully your most obedient servant,
Edwin P. Starr,
Presdt. Pro Tern.
TO EDWIN p. STARR
Charleston, 15 January, 1842.
Dear Sir:
I have to acknowledge yours of the llth inst. communicating
a Resolution of the Board respecting my note falling due on the
17th. The indorser on that paper is really the principal, and tho'
this detracts nothing from my obUgation to pay, it may in some
measure account for my not having expected to be obliged to
provide for it. As my friend is expected in a few days and it is
not in my power to meet the heavy engagements which I am
under for him, I will ask the indulgence of the Board for time to
make a specific proposal at least for a few weeks. It is not
impossible that his arrival may place us in a situation to do more
justice to the kind and considerate indulgence we have received
from your institution than is unfortunately now in the power of,
dear sir. Your obedient servant, J. L. Petigru.

James Louis Petigru 213
A letter of the 26th of February, 1842:
* * * No doubt you have been advised of Sue's doings,
though I had not the consideration to tell you of it directly. It
is now a nine days' wonder that nobody wonders at any more.
I hope you like it, as we are all very well pleased here; but when
the knot is to be tied we do not know. * * * These are
times of great suffering, but I am told the race course was as
well frequented as ever.
"Among the calamities that have touched my feelings there
are few for whom I am more sorry than Mr. Bullock, of Savan
nah, who is totally ruined by the success, too, of his own policy
or that of his party, the hard money, no credit system. It
would not surprise me if a great many of our public men on the
same side should be reserved for the same distinction, and be
examples ofthe superiority of party to considerations of interest.
Everybody is pleased with Jim* Rhett's disgrace, who is beaten
more than 5 to 1 by Isaac Holmes, and I am pleased, too, with
Barnwell Rhett's election, who has succeeded, but with such
difficulties as will be a lesson to him.
TO SUSAN PETIGRU Charleston, April 1, 1842.
Dear Sue:
More than a week ago, I had the pleasure of hearing from you,
and then resolved that I would take the very earliest opportunity
of expressing the pleasure which your well formed and easily
legible character of writing gave me. I never could enter into
the refinement that sets no value on a fine hand. It is true that
no embellishments of penmanship confer dignity upon a mean
style; and if the thoughts are not liberal, the decoration of hand
some capitals and well turned stems and tails never procure for
one the praise of fine writing. But the same thing may be said
of good words; they will not of themselves make amends for
the want of good sense; yet without some command of diction,
some skill in the adaption of language to harmony as well as
variety of expression, wisdom itself would suffer under the re
proach of rudeness and rusticity. Be not ashamed therefore
of the merit of possessing a belle ecriture. It is well to aim at
the highest excellence, but not well to neglect the subordinate
and secondary virtues of neatness and external ornament.
Perhaps I am needlessly alarmed by the fear that you wiU be
carried away by an admiration of the surprising discovery of the
phonetic hieroglyphics, which the fame of ChampoUion has so
widely diffused; but I can not help expressing my hope that you

?Younger brother of R. B. Rhett; married Miss Haskell, sister of C. T. Haskell.

214 Life, Letters and Speeches
will never select this particular for the subject of a change. In
return, I will allow you an almost boundless latitude of inno
vation in other habits; such as reading — studying — I mean read
ing novels and studying amusements. Aunt Jane does not go
till Monday. * * * We got to town in good time on Wed
nesday, and were in our house at 7 o'clock. I packed off Nanny
this morning by Ma's directions. I know that it is commonly
impertinent to hope that Ma is better, but now I venture to do
so, and I think the extraordinary revival she experienced after
the faintness brought on by the voyage was over, will excuse me
for doing so. I would give almost the price of a monkey to see
her admiring Jack's tricks as he climbed the rope and displayed
his antics before her on the piazza. It was so new and so gratify
ing to see her amused again. By the mail I send a letter from
Dan, also one from Maria Murray, and if this is a short one, I
lay claim to some merit on account of the others, and think I
have a sort of right to be credited with three letters, tho' I
write but one. I don't know whether I shall be lonesome after
your aunt is gone, but you may be sure Sue (and of this you may
give your mother and sister a hint) that the recollections of the
party at Dean Hall will seldom be absent from the thoughts of
Your Father.
P. S. — I don't write to Ma, chiefly as having little to say and
secondly because she will get a letter from Dan, and it is fair
that the Post Office prizes should be distributed.
In the next letter Mr. Petigru speaks of Stephen Augustus
Hurlbut, son of the President of the College of Beaufort, who
studied law in Mr. Petigru's office. In 1845 Hurlbut went to
Springfield, Illinois, where he became an intimate friend of Lin
coln. During the war he was a Major General, and distin
guished himself at the battle of Shiloh. After the war he was a
member of Congress for several years from Illinois, and Minis
ter to Peru. In this letter Mr. Petigru describes the funeral of
Bishop England. Some years before he was engaged in impor
tant work for the Roman Catholic Church at Charleston. He
refused to receive any compensation, which was, indeed, a fre
quent practice of his towards those for whom he entertained
feelings of friendship. The dignitaries of the church presented
him with a massive and handsome silver goblet with the very
appropriate and appreciative inscription:
"James L. Petigru. Juris legumque peritus."

James Louis Petigru 215
TO SUSAN PETIGRU
Broad Street, 12 April, 1842.
My dear Sue:
If Henry Lesesne was not in Georgetown and the Court open
at the corner of Meeting and Queen Streets, I would go up in the
steamboat tomorrow myself. But it is not for him who has, in his
youth, read poor Richard's maxims about the value of diligence
and in his age, found the necessity of practising them, to leave
his shop a whole day with not even Hurlbut to keep it. For,
he is to muster tomorrow, and even Cogdell can hardly be spared
from the Governor's review; so, however reluctantly, the struggle
is over and this is all you will see of me for a week at least. It
was a grand funeral day this. The Court adjourned, the Gov
ernor put off his review, the bells were tolled and everybody
gathered at St. Finbar's to assist in the funeral obsequies of the
illustrious Prelate. Protestant curiosity carried it over protes
tant prejudice, and the seats near the chancel were filled by
people like myself without a breviary. The Rev. Mr. Post
borrowed one of one of the nuns and Mrs. Dana, the Rev's
better half, showed she knew Latin by keeping her eyes upon it.
They chanted a long service from the Psalter and then, a High
Mass for the Dead followed. It was more than two hours
before all was over. Then came forward a young ecclesiastic
and informed them that the interment would take place in the
afternoon, but the friends of the deceased wished to be alone and
politely requested the public to withdraw. But, although the
crowd and heat were so oppressive, they showed no hurry to
be gone. I thought that I would have had to walk over the
heads of some of them to get out by the same back way by which
we had entered.
Then again in the afternoon the I. O. O. F. or Odd Fellows
turned out to bury a brother, one of their order, and made a
grand display down Meeting Street with the ensigns of their
societies. At the Bishop's funeral, I saw none of our Episcopal clergy
but Charles Elliott. One of the most conspicuous of the stran
gers was the Jewish Rabbi; and Mr. Fuller* of Beaufort, who
had the long controversy with the Bishop, had a seat among the
Priests, and evinced by his tears the greatest degree of feeling.
The letter of Dan to his mother was sent by Agnes to the
office and coming without a word of explanation, I hardly knew
what to make of it. However obscure one's style may be on
other occasions, he wiU be sure to be intelligible when he wants
money; so says the Spectator ofthe correspondence of an Oxford
youth in his day, and our Princeton disciples have not changed

?Rev. Richard Fuller, a distinguished Baptist minister.

216 Life, Letters and Speeches
that part of a liberal education. So I packed off a Bill to Mr.
Tallmadge and requested him to give Dan money to come home.
The vacation begins on Thursday and he will get my letter
tomorrow; the vacation is five weeks, and we will probably see
him here by the end of the first. I very much admired your
spirited account of the picnic, and did not find the latter any less
agreeable from being so legible. Signor Ravina has indicted
an epistle for you, which (to avert, I suppose, any suspicion of
abusing the Master's privilege after the manner of Abelard) he
has sent open, and in the same way I enclose it to you. I would
fain hope that the famous account you have given of Ma's
revival will not need any qualification in your next. I don't
think the streets are any quieter and the Uttle Melvins no doubt
miss her extremely, for, they are deprived of the resource of
polite conversation which they used to have, by accosting me
every day to ask how Mrs. Petigru is. I have no doubt that
Louisa Ancrum was married to day, but I have seen nobody
that was at the wedding, and must refer that and all the impor
tant news of the day in the same line, to some other time. Mrs.
NeufviUe was very anxious to see your letter, but, as there was
not a word in it about herself, I wisely withheld it from her
curiosity. It is 10 o'clock; I had no notion of writing so much,
but wiU desist, not without love to Ma and sister and thanks to
our Familiar for taking such good care of you all, and hope of
hearing of you by the return ofthe boat, the good accounts which
will, of all things always form the greatest balm to the feelings
of
Your Father.
to mrs. jane petigru north 19th of May, 1842.
There is nothing like good habits as I feel from them that I
miss. But it is not habit, it is truth and sincerity with me when
I write to remind you of my affection. So much is it second
nature now to write only at the office and there to write but one
sort of letter that I began this mechanically, "My dear Sir."
* * * It is said by people from Washington that Mr. Cal
houn and Mr. Legare are becoming cronies. I have not heard
from my quondam Whig for a long rime, but in fact it is my
fault, not his, for he has written to me last and if I mistake not
more than once. I am sorry that we do not hear from the
Constellation, but will evidently have some advices of her by the
next Chinese arrivals. [His brother Thomas was on this ship.]
P.S. — I have come to no conclusion with my creditors, but
have had a conversation to-day with General Hamilton that will
remove any difficulty in my broaching the subject as soon as I
am in a condition to make a specific proposition.

James Louis Petigru 211
Among Petigru's papers was the foUowing note:
$2,516^^% Four months after date, I promise to pay to the order of J.
L. Petigru, Esq.,, Twenty-five hundred and sixteen ^^^^ Dollars
for value received at the Bank of Charleston, S. C.
J. Hamilton
This note was duly protested on October 15,1842, and on the
back of the protest is the following endorsement:
Note,  _..$2,516.79
Protest,   2.00
Nov. 7, 1842, interest, 23 da., .. 11.10
$2,529.89
Reed, payment from the endorser Nov. 8th, 1842.
C. McKinney.
The endorsement on the note reads as follows:
J. L. Petigru per Atty. Henry D. Lesesne.
J. Hamilton.
TO the PRESIDENT OF THE BANK OF CHARLESTON
Charieston, 30 June, 1842.
My dear Sir:
The enclosed is what I have been about for some time, and
now submit with a degree of resignation not unmixed with
anxiety. The question really is to the Bank what will the assets
realize ? To me what can I pay ? The mortgages on my house
and the two lots will of course make the rate of payment much
less than if they were free. On the other hand my proper debts
I must pay with future earnings, for the Oswitchie loan has
absorbed everything I had that produced income. In view of
these considerations I can not avoid the conclusion that even
the humble dividend of 10 per cent will rather exceed than fall
short of my means. Yours truly.

Any explanation will be gladly given.
TO JAMES HAMILTON, JR.

J. L. Petigru.

My dear Hamilton:
I wish you would have for me, either at the foot of this paper,
or any other way, a declaration of the fact that the note for
upwards of $9,000 in the Rail Road Bank, drawn by me and

218 Life, Letters and Speeches
endorsed by you, was made for your use, and that as between
ourselves you are the principal. Yours truly,
1 April, 1842. J. L. Petigru.
The note in the S Western Rail Road Bank for Nine thousand
dollars was discounted for my use, altho' drawn by Mr. Petigru.
Charleston, 1 April, 1842. J. Hamilton.
A schedule of liabilities totalling $105,544.36, with assets
amounting to $23,000.00, is given, and on the reverse side of the
sheet is written:
My means have been absorbed in the Oswitchie Company,
and the only property left besides what is on the other side was
50 negroes. These, in 1840, I mortgaged to Hope & Co. and
Hayne of Hamburgh with the property of the Company. To
all practical purposes they are gone.
I have not included in this statement the Oswitchie property
in which I am entitled to a fourth — because of the great amount
of the debt of the Company — and a further sum of $100,000
which is jointly owing to Mr. Coster by Gen. Hamilton and my
self, and forms a charge which exceeds the value of the subject.
This exception is made with a view to a composition of
security debts on the principle of a fair distribution pro rata.
If there was any probabihty that the debtor could do better, he
would not come down to such an offer.
30 June, 1842. J. L. Petigru.
A memorandum regarding the debts of the Oswitchie Company
shows that they amount to $225,000.
The Board of Directors of the Bank of Charleston and of the
Southwestern Railroad Bank, comprehending fully the circum
stances of his case as indorser for General James Hamilton,
unanimously agreed to accept his proposition to pay ten per
cent on the amount of his indebtedness and release him from
further responsibility. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, 19th July, 1842.
* * * The Charleston & Rail Road Bank have agreed to
release me from 40,000 dollars of security for 4,000 dollars paid
down. I have at this time but 400, but from this day I must
look about for some money wherever I can, and must get from
Tom this winter all he can spare. I am in hopes now that I

James Louis Petigru 219
shall clamber over this mountain in my path, though I can never
expect to rake and scrape enough to retire as I once hoped to do,
when too old for the stage. * * *
Your Brother.
To meet the losses of the oversanguine, or imprudent, Missis
sippi speculation he had to sacrifice his Savannah River planta
tion and various other resources. Still a large debt remained.
It was a terrible calamity for one 53 years old, with many
claimants on his generosity and love. Yet it was encountered
with manly energy, and after many years of exertion the debt
was paid.
In this hard trial of his fortunes steadfast friends were ready
to stand by him, — to pledge themselves and risk their fortunes
in his aid. One of these, an old neighbor in the city, prompt at
a moment's notice in venturing his whole property to stay the
impending ruin, thought it a duty first to consult with another
person — the partner of his household and life, and deeply inter
ested, like himself, in the risk and the result. Her reply was,
without an instant's hesitation, "Go on; sustain the man whom
you had taken to your bosom as a friend, and who is worthy to
be so; encounter any risk; I am ready to join you in meeting the
consequences, whatever they may be."*
Mrs. Petigru often delighted in telling the story that on the
occasion when Mr. Petigru sent his bond to Judge Huger, the
Judge immediately threw it into the fire, with the remark, "I
don't want any bond from Petigru. " Such was friendship with
these men.
It waa not uncommon for Mr. Petigru's friends and even for
members of his family to lay the blame of his ruin upon General
Hamilton. No such complaint ever escaped his lips. Hamil
ton was essentially of a speculative temperament, and in this
instance Mr. Petigru seems to have allowed himself to join in the
speculation. That it turned out disastrously only proved the
error of his friend's judgment and nothing more. It never
affected their relations, which continued to be cordial and inti
mate. His friendship for Hamilton suffered no diminution.
He always esteemed him an honest man and exerted himself to
advance his children.

?Grayson lyiemoir, page 141.

220 Life, Letters and Speeches
At the time of his failure. General Hamilton had a meeting
of his creditors, of whom Mr. Petigru was one ofthe most import
ant, and he was employed to unravel the tangle. After affairs
had been somewhat cleared up, Hamilton's friends wished to
raise a fund of $25,000 "to get Hamilton on his legs." They
consulted Mr. Petigru on the subject, but in answer to the appeal
he replied: "What? $25,000 to set HamUton on his legs?
Why it would not be enough to help him to sit up!"
The following letters show the conclusion of this unfortunate
matter and exhibit the high sense of honor which at all times
governed Mr. Petigru's actions:
CHARLES K. PRIOLEAU TO PETIGRU
My dear Sir:
About a year and a half ago (in Novem. 1851) my mother was
called upon to pay a debt of her brother. General Hamilton's,
arising out of a bond which my father had signed as security for
him; and in order to accomplish it she was compelled to sacri
fice the single small portion of real estate, which his manage
ment had left her: namely her house and lot in Bull street. In
the anxiety and distress which this naturaUy occasioned, none
of us thought of examining very closely into the matter; but
recently my attention has been attracted by the fact that you
were also a signer with my father, upon the bond, and it has
therefore occurred to me that you might be equally responsible
for the discharge of the debt; will you be good enough to inform
me if I am correct in thinking so? I enclose the bond herein
for your examination, accompanied by the lien on the house
which the General induced my mother to sign to secure pay
ment of the bond.
The amount paid you will perceive by the receipt annexed to
the bond dated Nov. 4, 1851, was $2,223.37.
I remain, dear sir, with great respect and esteem.
Your obedient servant,
July 11, 1853. Chs. K. Prioleau.*
CHARLES K. PRIOLEAU TO PETIGRU
Charleston, July 13, 1853.
My dear Sir:
I am just in receipt of your esteemed favor of this date and
hasten to offer you my thanks for the very kind manner in which
?Charles Kuhn Prioleau. His father was Judge Samuel Prioleau; his mother
was Elizabeth Lynch Hamilton, sister of James Hamilton, Jr. He later became
a member of the firm of Fraser, Trenholm & Co., Liverpool, the financial agents
of the Confederacy during the Civil War.

James Louis Petigru Tl\
you acknowledge your responsibility in the matter referred to,
and for your proposal to return to my mother half of the sum
which she paid out. It will be quite agreeable to mother to
receive the $1,111.68, whenever it suits your convenience best
to pay it.
I fear the General never would have paid this debt; and the
parties only waited until it was reduced low enough to be cov
ered by the value of the house, when they threatened foreclosure
and we had to sell. Reiterating my sense of your kindness, I
remain, my dear sir. Very respectfully and truly yours,
C. K. Prioleau.
When Mr. Petigru was over 60 Hamilton approached him
with some new visionary scheme for making a fortune and asked
him to become a party to it, to which he replied: "No, Jim, I
can not join you, but I will subscribe to it," and he handed him
a check for no inconsiderable amount.
General Hamilton was born May 8, 1786. He was drowned
November 15, 1857, in a steamboat coUision at Opelousas,
Texas, after a heroic effort to save the life of a woman.
TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
Charleston, 19 July, 1842.
* * * The last news from Washington is that Lord Ash-
burton's mission so far as Maine is concerned, is a failure, that
the Maine and Massachusetts men and Mr. Webster himself are
unanimous to reject his Lordship's proposals. At any other
time, such a state of things would make people uneasy about
war. It is believed too that Mr. Webster will soon leave office
and it is said that Mr. Legare is one of the greatest men at
Washington. * * * Two lawyers have within a week been
killed by drink. Oliver Smith, so notorious for a certain sort of
practice, was it seems equally fond of money and carousing.
He went out to drive in his gig and was so drunk as to be run
ning his horse up and down Meeting Street. T. Higham and
his wife were going home soberly in a buggy about ten o'clock at
night; poor Smith ran against them, struck the hub of the
buggy's hind wheel and was thrown out and killed on the spot.
Tom and his wife escaped with the fright. The other case is a
poor youth not more than 25, son of Josiah Taylor, who died in
his bed, having already drunk aU he could in a Ufetime. This
boy was a few years ago the pride of Mr. Coates' school. * * *
Love to the sisters three and am dear Jane for you and Tom
and children ever Your Brother.

222 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO THOMAS PETIGRU September 8, 1842.
I feel no little pride in thinking of the pleasure with which
I will have water drawn when I see Badwell again. * * *
Poor Colonel Pinckney is gone. * * *
Tyler's administration seems to be a sort of godsend for people
that never would have had promotion otherwise. I got some
letters from Legare. He does not write so frankly now he is a
Cabinet minister and knows how much importance is attached
to his sayings, but he had a large share in the negotiations in the
late treaty with G. B. on one point, namely, the Creole. I was
at Robertson's this morning and saw some of your marine curi
osities, which I was reaUy surprised at. But I have great fault
to find with you for one thing. You decUned Mr. Ravenel's*
request for some shells. Now my dear Tom when one brings
home shells if he is not a collector of a museum for himself he
naturally gives them to some one who is a naturalist and has a
collection. But Ravenel is a great conchologist and the very
best disposition of your sheUs is to give them to him. I do hope
that the work done on the well is not only neat but strong.
TO SUSAN PETIGRU
Milledgeville, 17 December, 1842.
My dear Sue:
The last night that I was at home, I went to Louisa Gladden's
wedding. The young man appears very respectable and I hope
she has made a good call. We were fellow passengers next day
to Columbia, tho' I saw very little of them. At Columbia I
found all the world agog about making a Senator in Mr. Cal
houn's place and very much puzzled about a Governor in Mr.
Richardson's. In the last affair I had httle expected to have
anything to do and had a great deal, for the opposition had
determined to vote for Robert Allston whether he would or not.
Your uncle behaved perfectly well: he did not like Mr. Ham
mond and his preference for a private station is not so strong as
to cause him absolutely to discard the office of Governor from
the list of desirable things. But he insisted with a manly spirit
that he would not be Governor by accident, nor give any ground
to suppose that he had availed himself of a momentary feeling
?Dr. Edmund Ravenel. Dr. John Holbrook, author of "Holbrook's Herpe
tology," and Dr. John Bachman, who in conjunction with Audubon wrote "The
Animals of North America," and Dr. Ravenel were the scientific representatives
of Charleston. Agassiz, on a visit to Dr. Ravenel at his plantation on the
Cooper River, wanted specimens of the fresh water fish. To procure them
Dr. Ravenel immediately had the water of his reserve drawn off. This en
tailed the entire loss of his rice crop, but he had the satisfaction of gratifying
a friend and showing his love of science.

James Louis Petigru 223
to carry an election by surprize, when his name had not been
openly placed before the people for consideration. Under the
influence of these sentiments, he rose in his place and disclaimed
the nomination and requested his friends not to vote for him.
Notwithstanding all this, he got 78 votes and Mr. Hammond had
only 84. The result made it certain that, if he had not made the
last public declaration, he would have been elected; for that
declaration was received by many as an intimation that he would
not serve. So he has the honor of refusing high office on a
scruple of delicacy. It is a virtue in a man like the innate sense
of pride and modesty that, in your sex, will not suffer a lady to
accept of an acceptable person, if the offer is carelessly made.
I hope that he wiU never regret the sacrifice he made, and 1
should be prouder of it than of a score of elections. Since I
came away from Columbia, Judge Huger has been elected Sen
ator in Congress, a place he has all his life aspired to as the sum
mit of his ambition; so that our friends seem to be quite in favor.
My operations here are not altogether unsuccessful, tho' I have
no hope of their being brought to a close at this time. It was
my desire to take Abbeville in the way home, but, sorry am I
that it can not be done. * * * j could have spent Christmas
more pleasantly at Badwell than anywhere. It is probable that
I will spend it on the road. I embrace the aunts and cousins
and am Dear Sue, affectionately.
Your Father.

224 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XXVI
1843
The Dowager; Case of Jewell & Jewell; Mr. Legar]^;
Marriage of his Daughter, Susan; Lecture to Susan;
The Schultz Case
to MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH January 6, 1843.
* * * I was going to say that I had to meet great changes.
A grandson is an epoch in one's life and seems to place him fairly
in the rank of people respectable for age. Well, although honor
is a fine thing and gray hair ought to be an ambition, I don't
know whether one is not happier for a little less of it. To be
sure, when it comes in the shape of preferment, as to our
friend Judge Huger, there is no mistake as to its tendency, at
least while the leaves of the civil chaplet are green, to increase
one's self-complacency. The little specimen of humanity that
has led to this digression is for certain a fine child, and Carohne
(Mrs. Carson) looks as well as ever she did in her life. * * *
My mission to Georgia was about as successful as I expected;
that is the committee appointed to investigate the subject repor
ted that Mr. Trezevant was a bona fide creditor and ought to
have principal and interest, and that is all was done. But at
Chattahoochee I had a great deal of trouble with the negroes;
at least thirty of them on the road in custody of the sheriff,
taken for an unjust demand. I felt very much like fighting and
turned them back, and succeeded, at least for the present, in
staying the ravages of the harpies of the law. Don't mention
these things when you write.
Mr. Petigru always spoke of Mrs. Carson, the mother-in-law,
as the "dowager." Mrs. Carson lived in a fine old three story
residence at the northwest corner of Orange and Tradd streets.
From the News and Courier, July 6, 1885, is extracted: It was
built of black cypress and one of the best houses in Charleston
more than a century ago. The lot occupied about half the
block on Tradd street. It was the property of John Stuart, the
Indian agent of his Majesty in the Southern provinces. Here
was born his son. General Sir John Stuart, who afterwards dis-

James Louis Petigru 'TIS
tinguished himself by defeating the French troops in Calabria,
and was knighted for his gallantry. The Beaufort family of
Stuarts are descended from a brother of John Stuart.
The house came into the possession of James Carson in 1805,
and years afterwards it was known as " the headquarters of the
Corner Club, " a coterie of old ladies who were mostly widows,
whist-players, tea-drinkers, and talkers.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charieston, 23d March, 1843.
My dear Jane:
Our poor friend Dr. North is to be buried at 5 this afternoon.
His death was surprisingly sudden. In my last interview with
him (which was at Gray's) he was more serious than usual, but
I attributed it to the business on which we met, which was the
sale of Gen. Hamilton's plantation, in which he was interested
to the extent of 20,000 dollars, Mrs. North's money, which the
Gen. borrowed. He has left no will. This is a hardship to
poor Emily, who is quite unprovided for. I had great doubts
after poor Thurston's death, whether we ought not to return to
Mrs. Thurston the 900 dollars, that he gave to the girls and
which is in my name as Trustee. But I did not propose it then,
on the ground that the Doctor would make it up to her. As
that expectation has failed, I do not doubt my sister, that you
will concur with me in thinking that the best thing I can do is to
transfer those shares which have never been touched and which
are the proceeds of this gift to his family. * * *
So is life checkered— today a funeral and this day week a
wedding.* It is time to go to the funeral and I will close this
after my return. The relations are to meet at the church.
There never was more sympathy evinced by the public than
they feel for the Doctor. The number of his patients assembled
in Archdale Street to pay the last tribute to his memory, was
beyond what I expected, and one would have thought that the
coloured people felt that they had lost a friend from the con
course that was there. Everybody speaks of his amenity, his
easy, agreeable manners and the freedom from the least dispo
sition to wound anybody's self love. In personal popularity, he
has probably not left his equal in the whole State. * * *
My new vow is to dine at the office, and it is a fact I make my
dinner on herring, some salad and rice. Sometimes (indeed
today) I break through the rules by spinage with egg,
and I have a bit of roast on Sunday. It is the first time I have

?Of his daughter Susan.

226 Life, Letters and Speeches
set about keeping Lent and I think I wiU hereafter adhere to it.
Love to Mary and little Louise and am dear Jane,
Your Brother.
On April 3d, 1843, the following notice appeared in the Charles
ton Courier:
Married on Thursday, 30th of March, by the Reverend Paul
Trapier — Henry C. King to Susan, youngest daughter of James
L. Petigru, Esq.
Henry C. King was the third son of Mr. Petigru's friend Judge
MitcheU King. After being educated in Germany he read law
in the office of Mr. Petigru and in 1851 was taken into the firm.
He was a man more noted for his manliness, kindness of heart
and geniality than for ambition to shine in his profession, being
overshadowed by the brilliancy of his partner. He was an
extremely good lawyer, but seldom appeared in court, and de
voted himself to the details of the office. Many of the students
used to say that they learned much more law from him than they
ever did from Mr. Petigru. He was killed while in command of
his company at the battle of Secessionville, on James Island.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH April 23, 1843.
I have had much trouble in Court. The great case of Jewell
& Jewell was to be tried and with a heavy heart I entered into a
cause in the justice of which I have full confidence and scarcely
a hope of success. Things went on worse and worse till I came
to the resolution to take a non-suit and commence again in the
State Court. But it made me sick and I believe I suffered for a
time more by losing the case than I did by losing all I was worth,
something over a year ago. * * * Mr. Legare is here on a
short visit, and if there is any change in him it is for the better.
He came into my office yesterday just as I had received a letter
from the new collector of Savannah, Colonel Myers, telling me
he would remove "John Postell because he was a Whig." I
showed the letter to him and he immediately wrote not only to
the collector, but to the Secretary of the Treasury in terms of
earnestness which I think wUl save poor John from the uplifted
axe. I think when Ma comes to hear of this trait she will find
Mr. Legare very much raised in her estimation.
TO SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Columbia, 11 May, 1843.
I believe you are in George Street dear Sue, because that was

James Louis Petigru Til
your intention and besides it is told me by Mr. King, and I hope
your good behaviour will be equal to the kind reception which
your allies have given you. I have often said that I should be
as much chagrined to turn a bad wife out of my nursery, as to
send a student from the office to be rejected. But it is not to be
supposed that my feelings are expressed by the comparison.
When I consider what a sweet child you were, so docile, so gentle
and so lively, as to get the imputation of being Pa's pet, I can
not doubt that your better feelings will resume the ascendant
and that you will place your love of distinction upon the doing
of what is right. If one is to be proud of any thing, it should be
of self control, and of acting well. Even if one had no instinc
tive love of excellence, and was to form one's behaviour with
reference only to the enjoyment of the greatest degree of satis
faction, it would be one's interest to consult in the first place the
happiness of those who are influenced by one's way of conduct
ing. The proof of this is seen in the effect, which politeness has
on those who are attentive to its rules. For politeness is nothing
more than habitual consideration for the feelings of those we
converse with and the making it a rule never to give ourselves the
preference. Yet every one may see that those persons, whose
good breeding leads them to consult the feelings of others, enjoy
far more consideration than if they showed by their manners
that their object was to gratify themselves. And that which is
true in the lesser morals, is also true in the great virtues. For, as
they that give themselves the preference, are most apt to be
slighted, so, those who do not cultivate the virtues of justice and
benevolence, can not enjoy their own minds in peace. The
things, which make one worthy of the esteem of others are the
same which secure to us our own esteem, without which life can
scarcely be tolerable. The instances which come under our own
eyes of per.sons who, after tormenting others, become like poor
Mrs. McRee, their own executioners and go mad from sheer ill
nature and peevishness, should speak a terrible warning to all
that are sensible of any infirmity of temper. I confess my dear
Sue, that I was grieved when I heard you some days ago, under
the influence of a slight vexation, express pleasure in the pros
pect of giving poor Anne Deas as much trouble as you could in
the alterations of the dress which displeased you. I had not the
opportunity then of letting you know the painful impression
this made on me, and tho' she is a humble individual and I dare
say you did not in fact use your power to annoy her, my affec
tion was wounded by a momentary display of a feeling that ren
dered you less worthy of esteem. Perhaps the homily is too
long, but I would rather say many words after the occasion of
offense is past, than run the risk of irritating the ebuUtion that
I regretted. I have just got a letter from your mother. And
oh, such a letter! SaUy Ford comes in for her full share, because

228 Life, Letters and Speeches
unfortunately, I wrote while she was in the house, that we would
miss her when she went away. I came here sick and was so a
week, but I am well now. It is rather an idle hfe that we are
leading here and unprofitable. The Dowager has just written
to me that she wiU be here on Saturday, and stay till Monday.
If green trees and trim gardens make town life agreeable, Colum
bia has a fair claim to the friendship of its visitors. Indeed, I
think it, in spite of all coUege associations, a very pretty place;
at the same time one must confess it is rather a dull one. Our
friend Nathan Davis is here a practitioner of the law, and as it
is said, an admirer of Miss Kate Hampton, but, from what I
heard at Mr. Hampton's, where I spent last Sunday, I am rather
of opinion that the Reciprocity is all on one side. Adieu dear
Sue, my parental salutations attend on you and Henry.
Your Father.
P. S. — Your watch has done marvelously well. Till yesterday
it went like a soldier on drill. At present it has taken a start and
is a full hour ahead of every watch in town. I don't think I wiU
be home for a week.
Oration at Fort Moultrie, Sullivan's Island, June 28, 1844
From the Charleston Courier, July 4, 1 844.
History is justly entitled to the first place in the Ust of human
sciences. The future is unknown, and the present bounded by
the very narrow circle of our senses; but the past is an immense
field, where every faculty finds employment, and from which
both old and young obtain the instruction by which reason is
invigorated and judgement is matured. Happy are they who
can profit by the experience of others — happy are the people
who can appeal to their own history for examples of virtue
and models of imitation. Nor is every people so distinguished.
For when we look back to the ' beginning of history, some
few ages stand out in bold relief; but far the greater part ofthe
past, undistinguished by the broad expanse, is hid from our
view by a veil as deep as that which hangs over futurity. It is
not everywhere, nor in every age that men have risen to the
distinction of furnishing to after times an incentive to virtue in
the honor connected with their names. But to a people who
possess a history illustrated by the virtues of their ancestors, no
duty can be more agreeable than the preservation of their ances
tral fame. In all ages pilgrims have repaired with pious zeal
to the cradle of religion and have felt their faith confirmed, and
their hearts warmed and purified by the contemplation of scenes
and objects connected with sacred history.
Nor is it less natural to mingle the sentiments of patriotism

James Louis Petigru 229
with those of reverence and admiration, and to recur with a
fond pride to the times and places rendered memorable by the
toils or the triumphs of our countrymen. Such is the sentiment
which leads the inhabitants of Sullivan's Island to celebrate this
day. Nor is the ground on which we stand devoid of the inter
est belonging to historical associations. For we tread the scene
where a great action passed away^and we breathe the air
where Moultrie, sixty-eight years ago, stood to meet the invader
on the threshold of his country. Even this barren Isle, scarcely
raised above the margin of the sea, with its shore washed by the
tides, and its heaps of sand driven by the wind, becomes an
object of interest from the associations of this day. And the
ground that we survey, little distinguished as it may seem to the
eye, crowned by no lofty forests, nor adorned with fields of wav
ing grain, when viewed by the glass of history has more charms
for the reflecting mind than many a fertile field. For here, as to
a solemn judgment, came the men of Carolina, to submit the
cause of freedom to the God of battles; and here, by indulgent
heaven, was granted to humanity that victory of native virtue
over mercenary discipline, which adds another glorious page to
the record of Salamis and Marathon.
Nor is it easy to overrate the importance of this action. It
was one of the earliest events of the struggle and had an immense
influence on the opinions of men concerning the issue of the con
troversy. This was, as far as America was concerned, essentially
a war of opinion, it was an issue between the people and their
rulers — it was a trial between the new world and the old — a
question between the natural privileges of men and the pre
scriptive rights of those who had long controlled their destinies.
The nationality of the United States was a new term, and the
establishment of a popular government was a work that had no
recent examples. Ages had passed away since any successful
opposition had been made by popular combination against the
discipline and resources of established governments. The name
of a republic had almost disappeared from the world, and the
pretentions of America to an equality with Europe were till then
unheard. The nations of the earth seemed to have settled upon
certain principles, embracing a gradation of ranks, as essential
to social order, and their governments, by modern improve
ments in the arts of peace and war, had increased beyond
all former example, their power of maintaining order and repres
sing opposition. The great powers of England, France and
Spain had divided the new world among them, and ruled over
America by the general acquiescence of mankind. To disturb
received opinions, to deny the throne, or to question the right of
European ascendency, seerried not only rash, but unnatural. It
was at such a time that a voice from America asserting the great
principles of justice, broke upon the drowsy ear of the world.

230 Life, Letters and Speeches
It is not within the scope of this occasion to enter into the con
troversy between England and the Colonies. And it is less
important to do so, as the cause of the quarrel may be easily
separated from the circumstances by which it was provoked.
There was an inevitable tendency to separation and probably it
was not in human prudence to avoid a catastrophe which the
progress of events conspired to bring about. England was then,
as now, the most vigorous, the most progressive, and the most
uniformly successful of the European powers. The spirit of her
freedom and enterprise was reflected on her colonies; and they
had advanced in prosperity and civilization beyond the example
of any dependent people. But these circumstances, however
calculated to mislead a superficial observer, as promising a last
ing connection between the metropolis and the colony, were in
fact so many causes of an approaching rupture. The prosperity
of the colonies, as it fitted them then for a separate nationality,
rendered their dependence on a transatlantic power every day
more and more inadequate to their wants. It may well be doubted
whether any regulations of policy could have reconciled the con
nection much longer with the true interests of either party. The
paraUel between the State and the individual, in this, as in so
many other cases, suggests an instructive lesson. The same law
by which the individual passes from youth to manhood, termin
ates the period of parental control. And the Colony, by the
development of the resources of a nation, is compeUed by the
law of self-defense to the assumption of national rights. It was
not merely that the arrogance or injustice of a government, at
the distance of three thousand miles, provoked or justified resis
tance, but that no connection could be maintained unless upon
terms of subordination; and that such subordination was no
longer in conformity with the true relations between the coun
tries. The division of the earth into separate independent
communities is essential to the plan of Providence in the consti
tution of human society. It is impossible for the world to be
united under one government, and every country must be
responsible for its own institutions. The subjection of any
country to the authority of strangers, is a yoke which none but
the weak will bear. It was a noble feeling which the people of
America partook with all generous minds, when they determined
to assume an independent station with full knowledge of all the
burthens and sacrifices that such a measure implies. And the
self devotion and gaUantry, with which the men of Carolina
lined the walls of Fort Moultrie were an earnest of the sincerity
of their professions, and a pledge of their fitness for freedom.
Like that of Bunker Hill, this action preceded the formal decla
ration of independence, and like it too in the result, the courage
and constancy of the sons of America were thereby proved by
the din of battle to be equal to their pretentions; and tne repulse

James Louis Petigru 231
of Sir Peter Parker's Squadron, by an inexperienced garrison,
before a feeble fort, united the men of Massachusetts and Caro
lina by the baptism of fire, in the holy name of country, men and
brothers. Of^the particulars that combined to render this tri
umph of our arms a just source of pride, it is unnecessary to
speak, for they are as familiar to us as the lessons of infancy.
Nor is there any fear that the heroic daring of the chief, who
scorned the cautious advice of abandoning a position deemed
untenable, and resolved to defend the fort or be buried in its
ruins, will be lost upon the youth of our country or that the
gallantry of the men who so nobly seconded his zeal will be
allowed to fade from their recollections.
Nor is it necessary to dwell on the long series of seven bloody
years, through which the country passed, before the consum
mation of the patriot's hope was crowned by independence. It
is not for lessons in the strategy of armies or the arts of war that
the history of this eventful period should be read. Other nations
have known how to set armies in the field, and by what means to
shake the defense of cities, or overwhelm the destined victim
with mingled storm of battle. But the history of the American
war furnishes other lessons, replete with knowledge more con
soling to mankind. From the records of that period humanity
may learn confidence, and patriots trust in the native virtue of
the people.
The trials through which the people of America had to pass
were sharp and painful. Of these trials her soldiers bore the
brunt. The hardships of war were aggravated by the want of
magazines, efforts, of ships, of regular commissariats, and all the
material which enters into the exercise of the soldier's calling.
Nor was it only of inadequate supplies that they had to com
plain, but all these defects were rendered more intolerable by a
civil organization too imperfect to direct efficiently the opera
tions of war. Scanty means were rendered still more inadequate
by the weakness of the civil government. Against these and
such evils they had one compensation in the Spirit of the
American people. Nor even did that element of power more
nobly vindicate its energy in asserting the superiority of mind
over matter. By public spirit the States were held together,
and the people suffered without despair. Huge armaments and
ponderous trains of artillery, with obedient hosts of mercenaries,
may overrun a country and spread desolation far and wide; and
like Xerxes, the master of myriads, glittering in the panoply of
war may deem his hosts invincible, but like all material agents
their sphere is limited; they feel the wear and tear of time, they
are exposed to the casualties of fortune, and by the ocean waves
or winter frosts they are scattered or dispersed. The armies of
England were numerous and well appointed, and fell upon the
several points of attack as easy prey. But the indomitable

232 Life, Letters and Speeches
spirit of the people was progressive and indestructible. New
recruits supphed the waste of war. Years rolled on and the
clang of arms that had roused the sire and called him from his
plow, still rang in the ears of a new generation, ready and willing
to swell the same martial din. Yorktown saw the pride of the
invader humbled, and the final triumph of the American arms
was followed by the acknowledgment of the Independence of
the United States.
But military fame constitutes the least part of the honor due
to the soldiers of America. War, after all, is the reign of vio
lence and violence is the scourge of the human race. But it
is the pecuUar glory of that army which bore the brunt of this
sharp contest, that when the war was over, they laid aside with
the sword the love of war — and with peace resumed the peaceful
arts in the retirement of private life. Honored in all times be
that Patriot soldiery who served a bleeding country in all its
privations, and bore the delay even of the modest recompense
due to their toils, with the fortitude of the soldier and the
modesty of the citizen. What are the boasted triumphs of those
who have dyed the earth in blood, compared with the fame of
that army, which after a successful war, laid down their arms
before their own claims were satisfied? That a stable govern
ment, with the resources arising from a perfect command of the
civil force, should raise and disband troops at their pleasure, is
the common privilege of a weU governed State. But this was a
Revolutionary army, enUsted, not in the name of obedience, but
of resistance to the established Authority. An army which had
made all the sacrifices of a hard service without the emoluments
of the camp — which had felt the steel of the enemy without
feeling the cares of a Government intent on the supply of their
wants. They had by their arms, set up the civil power that
now disposed of their claims to justice. Every selfish feeling
prompted them to take justice into their own hands, and the
most plausible arguments were at hand to excuse the step.
They were organized, and the weakness of the Government
required an infusion of energy. The State stood in need of
reformation and their wrongs cried aloud for justice. How
easy in such circumstances to cover ambitious designs under
the cloak of the public good. To their everlasting honor they
resisted the temptation and imposed on themselves a forbearance
without example. With arms in their hands, they submitted to
the civil authority, as men who had no weapons but persuasion.
So rare an instance of duty has deservedly raised the character
of military men and made them, in this country, objects, not of
jealousy, but of popular regard. But such moderation could
only be expected from men under the most enlightened influence,
and is accounted for by the preeminent character of their leader.
They trusted in Washington and set the seal to the gratitude of

James Louis Petigru 233
posterity, by yielding an implicit obedience to his counsel and
example. A nation may well be proud of miUtary fame; but the
character of Washington has added to the estimation of man
kind, and forms part of the inheritance of the human race. We
may boast of the valor of our troops, but submission to the law
and respect for the liberties of their country, are the crowning
glory x)f^ the patriot army that fought the battle of independence.
They laid no sacrilegious hand upon the arc of liberty, and
showed themselves formidable only to the enemies of their
country. The example of the army was well calculated to increase the
joy with which the return of peace was hailed, and to inspire a
hope that the reign of justice had commenced. But peace had
its dangers; the authority of the law was inadequate to the pres
ervation of the public defence; and the Government was neither
able to obtain nor to enforce justice. The task was still incom
plete, and many doubts and fears were still to be overcome
before the fair temple of beauty could be reared upon the soil of
Columbia. Hitherto, Liberty was resistance, and her cause was
the law of the strongest. But now Liberty was to be made an
institution, and freedom reconciled with power. And although,
to the generality of mankind, dazzled with show, and inattentive
to the silent causes, which, in the moral as in the natural world,
bring about the order and harmony of things, the organization of
a community may seem to be easy, yet to the reasoning mind no
enterprise is so arduous. Too long, indeed, have men been
accustomed to pay unbounded homage to those abilities that are
most conspicuous in the service of selfish ambition. But when
civilization shall have more widely diffused its benignant sway,
they will learn to reserve their highest praise for those whose
labors are most eminently conducive to the happiness of man
kind. Who will compare the bloody laurels of the conqueror
with the mild lustre that surrounds the brow of the magistrate,
who gives law to mankind or hesitate to postpone the boisterous
orator, or keen politician to the simple and modest student of
nature, who has so recently enriched the human family with the
present of the magnetic telegraph ? What does it signify that
men have fought and bled, and signalized the bloody arena of
their toils by great exhibitions of moral or physical strength, if
the result has been barren of any real good or solid benefit to
society? But they who have developed the resources of their
country, who have increased the amount of rational and innocent
enjoyment or diminished the evils of human life, are justly hailed
as the benefactors and fathers of mankind. And who so justly
entitled to this distinction as those who have bestowed on their
country by wise institutions, the permanent blessings of justice?
In this class the great men of America are entitled to distin
guished place, and we may celebrate this anniversary not merely

234 Life, Letters and Speeches
with the honors due to a briUiant feat of arms, but as the open
ing of a new and better state of things. For when the toils of
war were over, the American people dedicated the liberty which
they had won to the noble purpose of establishing among them
for generations the blessings of^ freedom, justice and equality of
rights. By this result the true value of liberty is known, and by
the success of the Federal Constitution the real amount of good
obtained by American Independence must in the end be esti
mated. For liberty is but a name, where the weak are not pro
tected against the strong, nor justice armed with the power of
defending the innocent, and punishing the guilty — and it is here
that experience warns us of the rocks on which men in pursuit of
liberty have so often split, and calls on us to admire and main
tain the work of the Authors of the Constitution. To reconcile
the greatest degree of freedom with the perfect security of pri
vate and natural rights, has baffled the skill ofthe wisest of man
kind. For who shall control where all are equal, or how shall
the people restrain the will of the people ?
To accomplish a work to which the wise might look ^with
despair; to give to the world an example of a Republic that might
recall the glories of that proud name in ancient times without
admitting the elements of discord which so often shook the frame
of those celebrated states; to emulate the vigor of those ancient
commonwealths without impairing the safety and sanctity of
private rights, so essential to modern civilization — these were
the generous aspirations of the men of the revolution, and the
consummation of that great struggle, to the memory of which
we dedicate this day.
To build up a system on the principles of natural justice might
seem to be an easy task — but like the imitation of nature, it
requires the highest degree of skill and most elaborate work
manship. To this task the fathers of American Liberty brought
the result of all their experience and long reflection upon the
eventful scenes through which they had passed. In the union
ofthe States they found a principle that answered to their wants.
On that principle they rested their plan. On the Union of the
States they laid the foundation of national defence and the
guards of civil liberty, making it at once the means of develop
ing 'all the resources ofthe nation and of restraining the exercise
of the civil force. They made a partition of Sovereignty, and
assigned limits to the competency of the several governments
between which it is divided. As to the best distribution of
power between -the States and the General Government — and
the degree in which control should be exercised by either, opin
ions may differ, and the distinction forms a line by which parties
will naturally divide. But that such a partition should take
place, and that the principle is admirably adapted to the main
tenance of that equilibrium, ever so essential in the State,

James Louis Petigru 235
between the power of government and the liberty of those who
, are governed, can be denied by no one who has comprehended
the subject. \ Nor should we cease to express our gratitude and
to adore the goodness of Providence, which placed in our hands
an instrument of peace and order, which human ingenuity could
not have devised. For unless the States had existed in fact, it
would have been impossible to create them for the purpose.
Had the Mother Country looked to the establishment of^empires
and kingdoms, and British America presented a unit of govern
ment like Canada or Mexico, no human power by artificial lines,
or positive rules, could have made communities with the attri
butes of sovereign and independent states where none rested.
And if the several states had retained their separate nationality
no constitution would have been an effectual guard against vio
lations of right. In such states there could be no barrier between
a dominant majority and the object which they mean to effect.
A constitution is in fact intended to restrain the majority; but
as the people are sovereign and equal, the will of the majority
must be paramount, and no constitution can transcend the
sovereign power from which it emanates: but under the control
of the Federal Constitution there is no absolute sovereignty, and
neither the whole people nor the people of any particular State
have more than a Umited dominion. By this union of the States
the independence of America was crowned with liberty and order
and long may it be impressed on the mind of every citizen that
the preservation of the union is the life of liberty. Nor can any
man give a test of his sentiments as a citizen and lover of free
dom better than this, that he who loves the union really loves his
country. But does that country deserve our love? Is there in the
result enough to justify the pains, the cares, the sacrifices made,
and the blood poured out for the prize of American independence ?
Let this question be answered not according to the dictates of an
idle vanity, but by a sober and dispassionate consideration of the
circumstances on which that answer should depend. That form
of government, which in the highest degree develops the virtues
and talents of society, and conduces most to the advancement of
its members as a people, in all that gives dignity and elevation of
character to the individual in knowledge, in morals, in the arts
of peace and the virtues that ensure success in war, best fulfils
the order and design of Providence in the organization of society.
And for a government that fulfils these conditions no sacrifice is
too great. May we not venture with a modest confidence to
submit to this test the pretensions of our country?
Far from us be the sordid and ignoble thought that self-indul
gence is the end and aim of liberty. It is in the generous pur
suit of all that is good and great, in improving the earth and in
converting nature to the service of man, in cherishing justice.

236 Life, Letters and Speeches
and respecting the laws, the human and divine, that a people
must, like the individual, employ their liberty to know its value.
Such was he, our countryman, who, alas, too early for us, but
not for his fame, closed, but a year ago this scene of mortal life.
No more shall we kindle in the glow which so often warmed the
heart, when some great theme was touched by his genius, in the
forum or the senate. And now on this solemn day when we
recall the iUustrious deeds of Moultrie, Pinckney and Marion,
let us not begrudge a tear to the memory of Legare, who illus
trated in his life, that the republic is the nurse of genius; who
loved his country with the ardor that republics only can inspire,
and who by his eloquence, could so well portray the immense
value of the gifts conferred upon us by the liberty and union of
America. to DANIEL PETIGRU Charleston, 10th July, 1843.
* * * The rumor, that I was offered the place of Attorney
General, is groundless. It would have been very improper, for
I am not of Mr. Tyler's party, and would not accept the place,
even if my friends were in power, as it is too late in the day to be
pleased with an office, that would be a proper subject of ambi
tion to a much younger man. Tho' it seems very wonderful
that Sue does not write to you, it is a wonder that will decrease
as you grow older, and when you have improved your under
standing with 30 years of study and reflexion, you will feel more
gratitude for being remembered sometimes, than surprise at
finding of how little importance an individual is. We have lost
Mr. Lowndes, who died on the 8th, after fulfilling his duties to
all the world, and having attained the age of 78. You did not
enclose the tailor's biU as you seemed to intend to do, and I don't
send the money by this mail, because it is not convenient, but
will do so in good time. I suppose his prices are adapted to a
little delay. Sue has been with us on the Island since we moved,
which was the 29th ult. * * *
When William C. Preston returned from Washington (after
his defeat for the United States Senate) the very small but highly
respectable Whig party in Charleston (of which Mr. Petigru and
Judge Bryan were the head) determined to receive him with
applause. Mr. Preston had been elected to the Senate as a
NuUifier and he returned as a Henry Clay Whig. The reception
given him was helped out by Democrats. Mr. Pope tells the
story of the occasion : The meeting was held at what was then
known as the old theatre in Broad Street. The speakers on the

James Louis Petigru 22>1
occasion were Mr. Petigru, Mr. Legare and Mr. Preston. It was
equivalent to a liberal education and an event in one's life. Mr.
Preston spoke first and his speech was an elegant indication of
his pohtical course.
" Mr. Legare, who was expecting to be called into Mr. Tyler's
cabinet, spoke second, and it goes without saying that this speech
was superbly elegant. Mr. Petigru spoke last and he beat them
both. His wit, humor and wealth of anecdotes bore off the
palm. I remember after more than forty years the glittering
shaft that he hurled at Mr. Calhoun, who on his way to Wash
ington a short time before had received a grand welcome and
ovation during his stay in the city. I remember his utterance
word for word: 'This dear old State of ours reminds me of a
refined, rich, fat, lazy old planter who took his wine at dinner
and his nap in the afternoon. He employed an overseer of un
surpassed abilities and turned over the management of the large
estates to him. One morning the planter woke up and found
the overseer master of the plantation.' Thus he proceeded to
the end amid uproars of laughter and rounds of applause."

238 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XXVII
1844
Ball in Honor of Mr. Clay; Election of Governor
Aiken; Mr. Hoar
to mrs. jane petigru north
St. Michael's Alley, 2d April, 1844.
My dear Jane:
* * * After we had a management agreed on for a ball at
Easter it turned out that Mr. Clay would be here this week,
and to my surprise they announced Thursday evening for the
festival. I endeavored on Saturday to change their determina
tion, but it reaUy put me in mind of the nuUifiers, when the popu
lar indignation exploded against the unjust and tyrannical impo
sition on their liberties was named. The clergy launched their
anathema against the entertainment on Sunday, and the Bishop
has addressed to his people an allocution on the occasion. As
usual, the opposition has inflamed the friends of the ball, Whigs
and Democrats, to the highest degree and no doubt it will be
the most popular ball ever given in the city since Gen. Lafayette.
The opposition is nearly as strong among the Episcopahans as
anybody else; so I judge from W. B. Pringle's conversation,
who tells me that he considers this only another attempt of the
clergy to tyrannize over the laity. I don't think so myself, and
tell them that there is a great difference between rigid obedience
and gross contempt. For there could be no greater contempt
of discipline of the Church than the converting of a day of mourn
ing into one of revelry and feasting. Robertson and Mills as
well as myself retired from the connexion with the ball, and no
others. * * * Your Brother.
P. S. — This is written with many interruptions as you may
see by the blots. Between friends a blotted letter is a mark of
confidence, so says one of the greatest masters of the epistolary
style in his journal to Stella.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH July 8, 1844.
* * * I suppose you have seen my oration in the Courier
— the first two impressions were badly printed — the last which

James Louis Petigru iy^
was in the paper of the 4th, is correctly done. They have paid
me a good many comphments about it here, but the highest was
that of my old frierid. Dr. Palmer,* who characterized it as a
judicious discourse, that with a Uttle alteration would make a
capital sermon. TO CAPTAIN THOMAS PETIGRU September 30, 1844.
* * * Mr. Calhoun is here. He came this morning. I
have not been to see him and don't intend. It is said he brings
encouragement to his friends and tells them Polk will be elected.
The contest in Georgia will be very close. I hope our friends
will succeed, but they will pass through a narrow place if they
do. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH November 10, 1844,
We are in the midst of the election. The most contradictory
reports come every day, and will do so probably for two or three
days more, concerning New York. Whigs and Democrats are
both dejected. It is said large sums are bet and the bettors will
enjoy all the excitement of suspense. * * * The excitement
is intense, and well it may be, for in the whole history of the
country the President's chair was never disputed in such a
regular stand-up fight before.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH December 3, 1844.
I told Mrs. Smithf that I understood her brother (Sully, the
artist) was going to Tennessee to take a likeness of Mrs. Polk.
She had not heard of it. He had written to her, she said, that
he was at least out of the turmoil of the election. She asked,
" He says he is a Whig. Do tell me what that is ? " I explained
as well as I could and she then declared that she believed that
she was one too. TO CAPTAIN THOMAS PETIGRU December 16, 1844.
I think we are out of luck for candidates. Our friend, Allston,
got but twenty-four votes, yet they stuck to him through four
ballots; Buchanan had thirty-one. His friends divided between

?Dr. Benjamin Morgan Palmer, a great divine of his day. Pastor of the Cir
cular or Congregational Church, Charleston, S. C, for twenty years.
tShe was the daughter of Sully the actor, and eloped with Middleton Smith.

240 Life, Letters and Speeches
Aiken and Seabrook* who were the highest candidates. But I
suppose you have seen the papers by this time. Seabrook is
excessively mortified. He came here breathing revenge; says
it was carried by corruption. That seems to be in some measure
believed. What is certain is that Aiken is making all sorts of
expense. He has emptied every ceUar in Columbia and sent to
town for more champagne * * * and it is supposed he wiU
make King street run with wine when he comes to town.
There is a capital story about Boyce, who was persuading
Haigler, the St. Matthew's member, to vote for Aiken. Haigler
thought he ought to support the agricultural interests and Sea
brook was the planters' candidate, but Boyce told him that true
Seabrook was a learned man and wrote a great deal about plant
ing and that it was aU very fine, but that he was a theatrical
planter. Everybody says that it was truth, and Seabrook
himself tells it and does not see that they laugh at Boyce and him
too. The proceedings in regard to Mr. Hoarf are very scandalous.
Nothing is so fatal as to make the plea of necessity too cheap.
Necessity has no law; therefore, against all law they drive the
old man out of the State. But when you ask for the evidence, of
necessity it is plain that it means nothing but popular clamour.
The idea that the questioning of the constitutionality of those
laws about negroes coming into the State is dangerous to public
tranquUity is a mere figment. Only last May I had one of the
provisions of that same law declared unconstitutional in Mrs.
Kohne's case. If the Association was to take it in dudgeon they
might have said it was necessary to have me deported, with as
much reason, and Calhoun's miserable homUies on the advan
tages of slavery have just about the same significance. Aiken's
proclamation of a Thanksgiving on the 9th is for the Jews,
whom Hammond omitted in his proclamation.
?Whitmarsh Benjamin Seabrook, Governor, 1848.
tOn account of the agitation of the abolitionists, the legislature of South Caro
lina early in 1844 passed the DeTreville resolution which forbid the entrance
of free negroes into South Carolina. A vessel from Boston arrived at Charles
ton; the steward and cook being free negroes were immediately put in prison; —
Mr. Sherman Hoar, a lawyer of Boston, was sent by the Government of Massa
chusetts to Charleston to protect their rights. A riot ensued which was quieted by
the interference of some of the more respectable citizens. — Charleston Courier,
Dec. S, 1844.

James Louis Petigru 241

CHAPTER XXVIII
1845
Mesmerism; Life Mask; White Sulphur Springs; Mr. Clay;
Philadelphia; New York
to mrs. jane petigru north January 27th, 1845.
* * * The case of the Rice Hope sale is to be argued
to-morrow. I do not engage in the argument, but have engaged
Mr. Preston to come down here for that purpose. I don't think
there is any doubt of the result.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH May 20th, 1845.
* * * I have told the Captain [his brother Tom] the great
news that the sale of Rice Hope is set aside, and I am relieved
of the oppressive burthen of paying, or rather of never paying,
those two bonds of Mrs. Timothy and Barbara Barquet, which
were to come upon me if the sale made in January, 1844, had
stood. It is strange that there should ever have been a doubt
on the subject, viz: That it was unlawful for Mr. Memminger
and Mr. Gourdin to agree not to bid against one another and to
divide the gain that might be made by that means among their
clients, to the injury of that part of the General's creditors that
were not in the secret. But after Chancellor Harper had affirmed
the sale and I had got Mr. Preston to argue the case and the
Court of Appeals had not only hesitated, but showed a strong
tendency to confirm the decree, it was time to be alarmed.
Thank God it is over and I breathe free again.
From the foregoing it is inferred that Mr. Petigru must have
indorsed bonds of Gen. Hamilton's to Mr. Barquet and that Rice
Hope was part of his assets.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH May 20, 1845.
Sister [his wife] is the eighth wonder of the world. She is
getting well. She walks up and down stairs, goes out every
afternoon to ride and does not talk of sickness. Yet, after all,

242 Life, Letters and Speeches
it seems to me that she is indebted to the force of imagination
for a great part of the virtue of mesmerism. When it comes to
be understood, and therefore no longer creates awe and wonder,
the number of cures effected by its agency, if I am right, will
very much diminish. * * * TeU the Captain that he ought
by no means to suffer these new sloops of war to be fitted
out and given to younger officers. I hope he will show a due
tenacity for his rights according to his rank in the navy. Though
it would sadden my visit to Abbeville if he is not there, yet
better forego pleasure than honor. * * * j have been sleepy
all day, and before you are done this letter you may find that it
is catching. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charieston, 27th May, 1845.
My dear Jane :
Yours of the 24th was very welcome, and I enjoyed again the
Eleasure of success in your lively feeUngs of gratulation. I
elieve the case has made no little noise. In the Greenville
Mountaineer an account of it is given in glowing terms by a
correspondent of the editor, which would have been read with
pleasure but for a singular typographical blunder: Lord Cowden
instead of Lord Camden. The Captain is right about the Ham-
iltons; they are quite delighted with the judgment, but he does
them injustice in supposing that it is on account of their design
to emigrate to Texas. On the contrary, they are still anxious to
own the place, but they could not hope to do so with any satis
faction, as long as it was connected with an act of injustice to
Mr. Arthur Middleton and me. Such injustice would have
partaken of the disgrace of treachery. Thus powerj while it
renders men callous to some reproaches of conscience, keeps them
alive to other moral impressions, when they involve the senti
ment of fidelity to a friend. Poor Barquet and Timothy might
have whistled for their money if they had had no other depen
dence than their debtor's sense of legal or moral obligation to
pay them. * * *
Sister continues an example of the maxim that while there is
life there is hope. She walks up and down the stairs like a kid;
the only drawback to this pleasure is that she has an uncontrol
lable passion to talk to everybody about mesmerism. I presume
that the shopkeepers in King Street must be edified by it, as she
takes her rides regularly in that direction.
Poor John Huger, son of John, died two days ago; he is the
greatest loss the family could have met with, being a man of
business and activity with good judgment. His poor old father
is broken up by it. Mr. Ogelby* is going to leave us after 15
?The British Consul.

James Louis Petigru 243
years' residence. I will write to our Irish cousin by him, but
I fear cousin Margaret has paid the debt of nature; it is 5 years
since we have heard from her. We will move to the Island in
about a fortnight. The weather still continues very dry and
Carson's crop is as good as lost. This is doubly unfortunate,
because our poor Caroline ought to go to somewhere besides the
Island: the glare of that place is the worst thing imaginable for
her eyes. Sue has been a constant and considerate friend in
these her protracted troubles, and Martha Kinloch is now in
town and devotes a great deal of her time to her.
Tell the Captain I have not seen the Commodore but will
write to him after I have. This letter is begun wrong, and of
course will be good for nothing; it is a pity, because it will be
charged with the high duties now paid on letters. After 1st
June it will make less difference, because a dull letter will cost
but little. I am glad to hear that you have a promise of a crop,
and I hope I shall be able to stroll with you over the same hills
and be interested again in the same small interests before the
summer has left us. The weather has been surprisingly cool
for a few days. We were expecting rain but the cold came in
place of it. I have heard nothing from Capt. Bowman yet of
our stone foundation. Adieu, my dear sister, I embrace Mary
and the girls and am. Your affectionate Brother.
TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH July 5, 1845.
I am ashamed that I send nothing by them [Guilfoyle and
Shannon] except this and a plaster cast of the head of a person
you know.* It was done by the same person who went up lately
to take Mr. Calhoun's and Mr. McDuffie's. It was engaged by
the young men of the bar, who have ordered a number of copies.
The one presented to me is what I send by Guilfoyle as an arti
cle of ornament in the furniture of Badwell.
On account of the illness of his daughter Caroline (Mrs.
Carson), Petigru threw aside aU his business and by the advice
of the doctors took her and her infant and nurse to the Springs
in Virginia. The route followed was by steam boat to Wilming
ton, North Carolina, then by railroad to CharlottesviUe and the
remainder of the journey by stage coach. The letters following
?The bust referred to is a very good likeness of him and continued to be
"an article of ornament in the furniture of Badwell." It was among the first
artistic eflForts of the plasterer Clarke Mills, who a few years later became
celebrated as the artist who designed the equestrian statue of General Jackson
at Washington.

244 Life, Letters and Speeches
describe the life at the Springs and the various people that he
met on the journey. TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
White Sulphur, 13 August, 1845.
My dear Sue:
True to our appointment, we took the coach on Monday;
having engaged the whole of it and stipulated for the liberty of
traveling as we pleased. It was with some feeling of sorrow,
that we quit the Warm Springs, where we had become a sort of
inmates; and a sort of dread of the journey accompanied us on
the road. But tho' Caroline sometimes confessed to a sense of
pain and was much fatigued the first day before we finished our
stage of 26 miles, we made out on the whole very weU. As the
coach was very large, she lay on the back seat, and contrary to
the ordinary rule, that passengers hurry the driver, we were
calling to him to drive gently and not go too fast. It was 10
o'clock yesterday when we arrived. The sight of this place is
brilliant on emerging from the Allegheny. The rows of cottages,
many very handsome, gravelled walks, green lawns and smooth
terraces, strike the eye with pleasure, enhanced by novelty and
surprize. Nearly all this is new to me, for almost everything
has been changed since 1833, when I was here before. The
chief superintendent received us at the door and learning who
we were, directed the driver to drive into the enclosure, to the
door of the cottage assigned to us. It is the same that Mr.
Jerome Bonaparte had vacated that morning, and there we
found at the steps Dr. Edward North and Mrs. Matt Singleton.
Caroline was soon ushered into her room, and before she was well
»n bed, Mrs. Bull Pringle and Mrs. Singleton had come to see her.
Martha remained with her till I went to dinner, and it was a
sight to see upwards of 500 people dining together. Of course
anything like a banquet is out of the question as well as any
sensible notion of comfort, in such a way of eating. Mrs.
Singleton had engaged a maid for Carohne according to
promise, and then the servants of the estabUshment, who are
assigned to their particular cottages or rooms, brought Caroline
her dinner. But Mrs. Singleton was not satisfied that she
had anything good enough and sent her a pheasant very
nicely dressed by her own cook. Then after dinner came
little Ashby and Mary McDuffie and Mrs. Gamage, and Mrs.
Governor Gilmer and Mattie again, so that I was afraid she
would talk too much and have her attention fatigued. I was
glad to take Mrs. Gamage off to tea as the bell rang; after
tea, I accompanied Mrs. Gamage to Mrs. Dupont's. You will
be glad to hear that your Godmother is stirring but sorry when
I tell you that she has been sick here, and looks very poorly still.
Your affectionate Father.

James Louis Petigru IAS
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
White Sulphur, 29 August, 1845.
My dear Sue:
It is Friday and a letter today is your due, and it is also due
to you to say that your despatch of the 15 th was by no means to
be confounded with those careless compositions, that fill the
page with words but give no distinct idea to the mind. Quite
the contrary; there is in it a detail and selection of circumstances
making it as entertaining as a newspaper, so well characterized
by Cowper as "a map of busy hfe." So you may imagine how
Caroline and I walk down to the Spring in the morning and
evening, she fortified with my walking stick and I carrying the
umbrella. You may conceive us attended by little Mary
McDuffie, who has taken a great fancy to Caroline and shows it
by trying to walk with the same stick. James, the young Adonis,
is not so much changed but that you may easily picture to your
self how he looks in the arms of the respectable Stewart, who
expects him to be admired and resents the want of admiration
as if she was to be the object of it. But I can not give you a
notion of Mr. [Andrew] Stevenson, who makes dialogue as if it
was for the stage; and of whom, it is enough to those who know
how rare it is, to say, that being a great lawyer and a great poli
tician, he never talks a word of law or politics. But he is so
kind to us, and encourages us so much by the liking he shows for
our conversation, that it is enough to increase one's self-esteem.
Mr. and Mrs. [Richard] Singleton appear here in the character
of persons giving tone to society. She is not ambitious, but
conscious of her duty to Society and fulfilling it well. Mr.
Singleton is here a different man entirely from what he is at home.
There he is an indefatigable planter and inveterate turfman.
Here he is the politest man of the age, scrupulously attentive to
his dress and marked in his civility to the ladies. We breakfast
and take tea with them every day. For at these occasions they
have their own table; the material found by the local govern
ment, and the only cause of hesitation is the injustice of monopo
lizing the seats, which might be filled by a more varied company,
and give them the opportunity of displaying a more diffusive
hospitaUty. I have written so much about Mr. [Henry] Clay,
that I have only to say that he enquired after the Doctor and
made many kind observations about him and aunt JuUa.
Capt. [John] Tyler and his dynasty moved yesterday to the
Sweet Springs.
Our duty to Ma; to the magnanimous youths salutation; I
embrace little Adele and am dear Sue, affectionately.
Your Father.

246 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Sweet Springs, 4th September, 1845.
My dear Sue:
You perceive that we are at the Sweet Springs, one of the
nicest places in the mountains, and if Ma was here, I think she
would enjoy it more than any other scene in our progress. If you
ever see my letters to Ma, you will have learned all the import
ant matters contained in our journal down to the beginning of
this month. Wednesday was the day for me to write to you in
course, but that was the day we had arranged to quit the Springs
and I supposed you would rather hear of us after our arrival than
before. So having taken a whole coach and appointed 9 o'clock
for it to be at the door, we went to spend Tuesday evening with
Mrs. Cabell, where Mr. Clay, General Mercer, Gov. [George R.]
Gilmer and many other names in Virginia well known, did at the
same time repair and were treated to watermelon (a present to
Mr. Clay, which came from some friend far off, that had sent
them by stage) and ice cream which are not so great a rarity in
the mountains. Mrs. CabeU is a very amiable woman, and her
cottage very much frequented by friends of herself and husband
[William H. Cabell], the President-Judge of Virginia, which is
what they would call in Pennsylvania the Chief-Justice. But
it is perhaps more on account of their fair daughter than for any
other cause, that Mrs. CabeU's cottage is the center of attraction.
That daughter is now two-and-thirty and still receives the hom
age of true Virginians and still consigns, every year, new lovers
to despair. Now you will applaud your ready wit because you
need no time to discover the reason, but pronounce at once that
she is beautiful. You are quite mistaken; she never was and
nobody, not even among the great rejected, would probably say
he thought she was. You now recollect yourself, feel satisfied
that your first judgment was precipitate; men don't think so
much of beauty when a proposal is in question, and you now are
satisfied that her long reign is owing to another and more
efficient cause, for she is very rich. Out again my dear, the poor
Judge has nothing but his salary $2750, and can't resign because
he would starve. Equally vain will be your supposition if you
suppose she is witty or has the graces of speech. In fact, she
is remarkable in no way; makes no effort to shine and does not
shine, but dresses, talks and sits like a staid, sedate, imper
turbable person. And no doubt in my mind that the secret of
her success is to be found in that principle that leads men to take
pleasure in a difficulty overcome. (Read Kame's criticism
through on Boileau's "L'art poetique," for a full account of it.)
It is because she is so hard to please, that all the world are
smitten with the desire of pleasing her. But to return to the
watermelons: Mrs. Wickham, a dowager with a good jointure.

James Louis Petigru 247
many years a belle and long at the head of Richmond society,
was one of the convives. She was coming to the Sweet Springs,
and Mr. Stevenson had advised her to join our party, so it was
agreed that the same coach should contain us. With Mary
McDuffie and the servant that Caroline had hired at the Springs
our party was five; Mrs. Wickham had a big boy, a son of hers,
one of that class of animated nature called cubs, and a fat atten
dant strongly marked with African features, of middle age,
called a maid. So that our extra had now a full load and as Mr.
Turner, a contemporary at West Point of your Uncle Charles,
wished a place, I thought it was as well to make a voyage of it and
took him aboard. And now we are fairly under way and have
cleared Mrs. Caldwell's gate, when Mrs. Wickham demanded
her umbrella. The maid very satisfactorily answered that
she put it in the coach, but presently, Mrs. Wickham bethought
her that seeing is believing, and.would see it. Then commenced
a scuffle. The umbrella could not be found and the dowager
declared the umbrella indispensible; Cub put in and said he
would make out on the outside seat with mine. But before we
got to the top of the hill the dowager was out upon the maid and
ordered her to get out and get the umbrella. Nobody opened
the door and the maid did not stir, but the passion was now at
its height and she accompanied her orders to get out with dig
ging at the back and sides of the domestic and amidst their cries
the coachman stopped. The dowager declared that it was all
the same thing as we had the whole day before us and only 16
miles to go, and the umbrella must supersede everything.
Luckily the umbrella, which was all the time under the front
seat at the bottom, was now produced by the indignant menial
and we got under way once more. Nor did we meet with any
accident further, but arrived here at }4 after one, where our
friends were very glad to see us, and all looking very well. Mat-
tie being a great deal better than she left the White Sulphur
Springs. Our friend the dowager, while our baggage was taken
off, changed her mind twice between the choice of rooms in the
Hotel or in a cottage; finally, the cottage, which was the first
idea, was adopted, and Mr. Stevenson gallantly took his seat
beside her, while the coach was driven to her new abode. But
he came back crestfallen for the dowager was shocked when
shown her room, that he hadn't it in comfortable order, while he
affects to consider it as no part of his duty to make up the beds
and put things to rights. Our interesting travelling companion
reminds me very much of my dear friend Mrs. NeufviUe, and I
am alarmed at the idea of superseding Mr. Stevenson in her good
opinion. She has talked of coming into the hotel and taking
rooms near us; in that case, I will take care that Caroline shall
find it impossible to live in the hotel so far from Mattie. She
(Caroline) made her appearance last night in the parlor, and this

248 Life, Letters and Speeches
morning James is amusing himself with a soda biscuit in his
hands, which he carries to his mouth in a business-like way; you
may conceive, therefore, that we are not falling back. Judge
Huger and Daniel arrived at dinner yesterday. The Judge is
marvelous improved and tho' Daniel has an eye tied up, he says
that his condition has changed a great deal for the better. * * *
Your affectionate Father.
to mrs. susan petigru king
Sweet Springs, 12 September, 1845.
My dear Sue:
My letter to Ma ofthe 9th which I did hope came safe to hand,
put you d. mime of our projected turning to the Red Spring, a
modest neighbour of this one. What we said we did, and paid
our bill and moved over to Mr. Sampson's by 2 o'clock that day,
where we found young Daniel EUiot Huger and Mr. Hutchin
son of Hamburgh and his pretty wife, and tho' we were not as
well lodged as at the Sweet, we were far better fed. But it was
not for a nice table that we had made that change, but in the
hope of an accelerated pace in the improvement of your sister's
looks and strength. But we endured the doom so often found
by people not content with doing well. The famous chalybeate
bath fed by the Red Spring, which gets its name from a deposit
of that colour so rapid as to turn everything in its power into
stone, proved inauspicious to us. The bath is not hmpid like
the Sweet; it is not so spacious, and does not affect the imagin
ation so agreeably. As I did not go into it, I can not speak of
its effect on the senses except from report, and in this case,
Caroline did not find in the reality any compensation for the
want of exterior attractions. That was set down however to
the disadvantage of the hour, 5 in the afternoon, when she first
went into it. Next morning, the 10th, it was worse and a cold
was the consequence, which put a stop to any more bathing
there. On Thursday we had been joined by Mr. and Mrs. Low-
den, and they proposed a walk to the Sweet Springs (a mile)
and Caroline seemed so anxious to join the party, that I could
not refuse tho' I thought it hardly right. But we got here very
easily and were made welcome by our friends, and I can hardly
say we were pressed to stay, for Caroline did not wait for press-:
ing, to declare her disinclination to return. It was soon
arranged: instead of the best quarters at the place, which we
gave up when we left it on Tuesday, we took very inferior ones
and 1 returned alone to the Red Springs to bring James and the
baggage. But the announcement was very disagreeable to the
respectable Stewart, who delighted in the improved table of Mr.
Sampson, and contemplated with great disgust a return to Mr
Massey s scanty supply of baked meat, and stiU more penurious

James Louis Petigru 249
allowance of milk and vegetables. However, cross looks have
no effect on James, who concerns himself very little with them
and smiles and laughs as usual, and Caroline having carried her
point, had no cause to distress herself at the unpopularity of the
measure with those who could not prevent it. This morning
she took the bath here with great success and repeated it today,
with so much comfort to herself, that the effect of the cold is now
not thought of. Saturday, the 13th.
We are to set off at 10 o'clock (it is now yi past 9) for the
White Sulphur again. We go this time with the Singletons.
They, to make their arrangements for leaving the mountains,
which they make easier at the White Sulphur where they are
most at home. We, to drink the waters for a week more. I
think Caroline is very much better. The bath here has acted as
a remedy for the cold she took at the Red, and if it was not for
the want of power of standing, I would almost think she was well
again, but, altho' she walks very well, she complains as soon as
she is still if there is no seat at hand. We have been taking
leave of our acquaintances, some of them very pleasant people,
of whom Caroline will talk to you some day. But nothing can
make amends for want of Mr. Stevenson. He went last Tuesday
and we shall not see him again unless we meet at Richmond.
But I am very uncertain where to go. It is my desire to con
sult some physician of eminence about Caroline's case and I find
in that wish a very strong reason for going to Philadelphia and
New York. A better reason than my own desire to see those
places again; a desire I felt more strongly when we left home than
I do now. Now I really feel more inclination for home than
curiosity for what is to be seen abroad. Should you write after
receiving this, direct to the White Sulphur, for if not there,
letters will be forwarded. Dear Sue I am glad you did not insult
Mr. Trapier, but sorry you came so near doing so. He is an
unpopular man, and it is not the part of a generous mind to be
merry at his expense, nor does it become us churchmen to give
an example of disrespect for the Church or its feeblest minister
in these times of schism. My duty to Ma; remember the mag
nanimous youths; I embrace little Adele and am dear Sue,
Your affectionate Father.
to mrs. james l. petigru
White Sulphur Springs, 16 Sept., 1845.
Your not writing, my dear Jane, is a proof that you are suf
fering every day, more or less, from those cruel pains, which
take away so much of your attention from every subject but
your own distressing situation. * * * We arrived here at
2 o'clock, and found that sort of change, which marks the tran-

250 Life, Letters and Speeches
sition from gaiety and noise to the silence of deserted halls.
There are still about 60 here; most of them persons like our
selves, desirous of testing the water by a full trial. It must be
confessed that ours now, is not so much a trial or experiment, as
a confirmed faith. The good effects desired from it heretofore,
induce us to repeat the application, with a strong assurance that
it will be still more efficacious. This, however, is our last week;
on Monday or Tuesday next, we will break ground on our
return. Should we not go to Philadelphia, we will probably see
the Natural Bridge, but I don't suppose that we will attempt to
gain a sight of any of the caves, which are the next greatest
curiosities to the Bridge. * * * j ^as much tempted to go
ahunting yesterday, for my reputation is much enhanced here,
by a shooting match, in which I carried off one of the prizes.
If I had gone they would have expected great execution from me,
but I preferred to stay at home and finish the last No. of Thiers'
" Consulate & Empire, " that Caroline brought with her. James
is so good a child, that he is almost enough to reconcile one to the
character of a grandfather. By the way, I have had my hair
cut since I was here, which has undeceived people on the subject
of the wig, in which they firmly believed. This was a great pity,
for the wig was considered so becoming, that it was in a fair way
of setting the fashion, and might have made me distinguished
as a leader. The greatest lawyer of the age is gone: Judge
Story. I hope the Bar of Charleston will pay so much respect
to genius and learning as to commemorate his death by some
act of respect. My love to Sue, and remembrance to the mag
nanimous Youth and I am. Dearest, ever Thine, Louis.
to mrs. susan petigru king
White Sulphur Springs, 21 Sept., 1845.
My dear Sue:
* * * These two letters therefore, are the balance of the
account which will be left in your hands at the close of our cor
respondence. We are going to leave this place in the morning
with Mr. and Mrs. Ingraham. Caroline is not well and strong
enough to travel in stages that keep pace with the mail, and I
have "chartered a coach," as they say here, to Winchester,
which means, that we have all the coach to ourselves and stop
when we please and pay double price; that is to say, I pay for
8 seats, of which Mr. Ingraham takes two and the other six are
for us and the maid, whom CaroUne will leave at the end of the
second day's journey. I believe we will leave these springs with
regret, for they have become quite natural to us. Mr. Caldwell,
the proprietor, is a polite old gentleman, who never was intended
for an innkeeper, as his white hair and small cue carefully tied

James Louis Petigru 251
with a black ribbon, would convince any one at a glance. He
distinguishes those persons that he considers deserving of his
attention, by asking them to take wine sometimes at his
house; and very good wine he has. But there is something in
the mountain air, and more especiaUy in the sulphur water, that
makes wine an expletive here and even renders people careless
to the attractions of toddy and juleps, tho' these last are greatly
preferred to any other drinks of the kind. Mr. Caldwell puts
us on the footing of his distinguished guests and not only his wine
is at my service, but his game is offered to Caroline who, in con
sequence, has sometimes a nice pheasant for breakfast. Of
Judge Cabell and his family, particularly his uncommon daugh
ter who, by the absence not only of all affectation but even, of the
show of any desire to please, has enslaved more hearts than any
coquette of her times, you know everything, except that they
go away tomorrow too. Indeed, I don't know who are going to
stay, except Mrs. Skinner, a Virginia woman that lives in New
Orleans and is waiting here for her husband. This lady, for
the extreme gracility to which her figure has been brought and
the ample outline of her tournure, appears here like a strange
bird in the farmyard. Mr. and Mrs. Gamage have been gone
since Tuesday. I advised Mr. Gamage strongly to go along with
his wife, till he saw her on board the Wilmington boat, and not
to trust to hooking on to other people but take care of his wife
himself. I hope they took my advice and that she has gone home
where her presence must be so much desired by her daughter.
I assure you Sue, I begin to feel very anxious to see home and my
friends, and this sentiment you will have the goodness to com
municate to the magnanimous youths, and assure Ma of my
love and duty. Receive my congratulations on the opening
virtues of little Adele who will, I hope, serve as a counterpart of
James' character, he the best of men; she the sweetest of her sex,
and be assured dear Sue, of the affectionate regard and constant
wishes for your happiness of
Your Father.
to mrs. jane petigru north
White Sulphur Springs, Va.,
21st September, 1845.
My dear Jane:
* * * Caroline's spirits are good and she walks about with
animation, but she complains of her knees and of much weak
ness besides. I am convinced that her health requires very
diligent and sensible attention. I am afraid that she is not
likely to learn how to manage it, and that there are none about
her from whom in this particular, she can expect much assistance.
However, we have great reason to congratulate ourselves that

252 Life, Letters and Speeches
our expedition to this place has been so favorable. If I had
known how much was ailing her before I left home, I would have
been more on my guard, and not run the risk I did in traveling
by the mail stage. Being now warned of that difficulty, I have
provided against it by chartering a coach, as they call it here,
or hiring an Extra, as they say further North. The consequence
of this is, we will travel as we please and not run the risk of
breaking down by excessive fatigue or by loss of sleep in riding
at night. We go from this place to Winchester, and from Win
chester there is a railroad to Harper's Ferry, and there a junction
with the Baltimore Rail Road; we wUl get to Baltimore in 5 days
if we do not stop on the way. I am not sure that we shall go
any farther north than that place. We shall probably see Wash
ington, return to Baltimore and take the way home by Chesa
peake Bay, or proceed from Washington to Richmond and so on
by the raUroad to Wilmington. But I am no means fixed in my
mind about visiting Philadelphia and New York, the latter of
which I should like very much to see. If we should extend our
journey northward, I will write to you again, otherwise you will
not hear from me till we see Charleston. * * * When we
came to this place, there were more than 600 people; now there
are hardly 30. We have not made many acquaintances, yet we
have met with some agreeable people that I would like to see
again. Such as Judge Cabell, and his wife and his uncommon
daughter, who has no remarkable beauty nor manners nor taste
in dress; neither shines nor tries to please, except by offending
nobody, and yet has enslaved more hearts than the greatest
coquette of her day,
"No conquest she but o'er herself desired.
No arts essayed but not to be admired. "
Mr. Clay was here a fortnight, the central point as long as he
staid, of all the attractions of the place. He behaved exceed
ingly well; is much more sedate than in 1844, and if not pious,
evidently more under the influence of devotional feelings than
he used to be. * * *
Your Brother.
to susan petigru
MilledgeviUe, 27 November, 1845.
My dear Sue:
As pure gold is but proved by the furnace, my affection as you
see, triumphs over all the temptations of Milledgeville and for
bids me to forget you or little Adele. And yet, this is what is
called in the Geographies a capital town and is now at a season,
like the Chrysanthemums of St. Michael's Alley, in fuU blow. All
the wisdom of the State, as far as the people are capable of find
ing it out, is here selected, so that Society is not to be deplored.

James Louis Petigru 253
We live at Mrs. Hayne's in a large brick house and I have a
whole room to myself, more than 20 feet square, and firewood
without stint. Certainly, in such circumstances, you would
not have thought it surprising that I should forget home. Well
dear, I do not mean to boast, but take for granted that you will
readily and at once acknowledge that it is a great proof of papa's
affections that he finds time in such a place to write. The time
is not snatched, to be sure, from pleasure but from weariness of
spirit. It is now 7 years that I have been pursuing the Legisla
ture with the complaint that they owe us money, which, in
common honesty, they should pay. They are now making a
great effort to be just; the height to which they aspire will ele
vate them greatly in the moral scale, but Virtue does require such
sacrifices, it is still questionable whether they will be able to
reconcile to human weakness the magnanimous resolution of
paying the principle without any interest after 50 years of dis
honest evasion. As to their paying any interest, that I beUeve
is a forlorn hope. On Tuesday next, however, the issue will be
tried and we will see what is to become of the claim for the pres
ent at least, as it is made the order of the day for that day. My
time is spent in reading a couple of reviews and a law book I
brought with me and occasionally a few chapters of Tacitus;
going to the State House; listening to proceedings of no interest,
regularly adjourned at the hour of dinner, which is here 1 o'clock.
Nothing on earth could induce them as it seems, to put off that
important business five minutes beyond the appropriate time.
In the afternoon there is the going to the Post Office, where one
sees everybody and then, after dawdling away an hour or two,
supper comes at sundown, and the interval between supper and
bedtime is spent just like the rest of the day. I came here with
a bad cold and have outlived it. The weather has been very
warm till the last 24 hours and now it is quite cold. I wish you
would write and let me know how Ma is, and when you are going
to move, and how Henry and George Street are. I may be home
in a week and may remain tiU near Christmas. Adieu.
Your Father.
to captain thomas petigru
Charleston, Sth December, 1846.
My dear Tom:
* * * There is going to be a great rise in property, so my
friend, Conner, tells me, and, of course, you will never find a
house so cheap again. Chisolm (John) has bought Howland's.
Carson wharf is advertised for the 22d and it is a very interest
ing question whether it will seU for $100,000. They gave
$120,000. I am afraid the loss wiU be very great. It would
not be so bad if the money were lost already, but as they bought

254 Life, Letters and Speeches
on credit, the money is lost before it is found, and I am afraid
the finding of it will be a very hard trial of some people's ability.
* * * I have concluded an arrangement with Mr. Coster's
executors, by which I am cut loose from the Oswitchie Company
forever. The deed was signed on the 4th, on a written promise
to release me, which is as good as the release itself. * * *
This day week I wiU go to Columbia to argue a case.
My love to Anne, and the sisterhood and childhood.
Your Brother.
to mrs. susan petigru king
Milledgeville, 10th December, 1845.
This is the beginning of the second month my dear Sue, since
I have seen you or any of you. It was not believed when I used
to say, perhaps I wiU be gone a month; it was not believed even
by myself, that it would be a month in reality that I would pass
in this hole. And it astonishes me even, that I remain here so
composedly. Nor is the period of our deliverance any more
certain than it has been all along. The expectation of getting
the amount of the debt is abandoned on all hands. It is only
the principal which is expected, 50 years of interest being re
garded as abolished. Our case was to be heard on Tuesday 2d inst.
and it was begun to be heard, when a man with a crooked nose,
caUed Sanford, moved to put off the further consideration of it,
till he could examine and satisfy his mind on the merits of the
case. One would suppose from this, that he had a design to
compare the evidence with the most approved ideas of justice
and to give an opinion like a moralist or, at least, like a jurist
when the discussion came on again. Quite the contrary; he
employed all the intermediate time in preparing his dull mind
to show in a speech that a debt which has been due upwards of
60 years must be an old debt and therefore suspicious, and if
suspicious, not perfectly clear. This pattern of reason and
argument was the work of the 5th inst. Mr. Harris, a very good
lawyer and a different sort of person, made an answer to this
suspicious specimen of Honesty, but unfortunately when he had
concluded, the hour of One had arrived; an hour in these regions
set apart with something like reUgious scrupulosity to the con
suming of bad victuals. Of course the House dispersed, prom
ising to return at 3, and at 3 many did come, but Judge Kenon,
a very intellectual personage, who is scarcely less than 7 feet
high and of corresponding proportions, and who as Judge was
chiefly famous for sustaining his judgements by his big looks,
now moved another adjournment of the question, which was
carried of course, the more readily because everybody supposed
the Judge was just the person to oppose the claim. But it so
happens the Judge is my fast friend; a friendship cemented by

James Louis Petigru 255
the contents of a small Dutch hquor case, which 5 or 6 years ago
was brought here filled with generous hquor not the worse for
the keeping. To cut short the story of this long delay, the case
was put off till Monday the 8th, and then at my request, con
tinued till Thursday the llth, which is tomorrow. But tomor
row will be occupied with the unfinished business of today and
if a vote is even taken on the case, it is likely to be some time
about Friday or Saturday next. As to the result, we have can
vassed the 130 members of the House and suppose that 73 of
them are in our favor. Yet strange things sometimes happen
when votes are actually counted,and the result iswide ofthe mark
which the best informed people had fixed on. If the Bill passes
the House, it has still to run the gauntlet of the senatorial wis
dom, which is scarcely less appalling than the representative
greatness of the other House. I saw today a very remarkable
family: a mother with three sons (you can not call them twins
when there are three) seven months old, all very fine hearty
children. She is a young person not ill-looking, and far from a
desponding expression of countenance. Indeed, she had no
reason to despair today, for of the crowd that gathered to see
the children, many contributed to their nurture and a sort of
rivalry having sprung up between my friend Judge Kenon and a
contemporary of his they went on outvying one another, till
the poor woman and her brats were 1 5 dollars in gold better off.
The father of the interesting family does not make any part of
the show. He is said to be laid up at home with rheumatism;
not unlikely, as they live in the mountains. One of our Mem
bers died on Monday and was buried yesterday. He died in the
same house I was staying in, and was a countryman of ours
originally from Edgefield. He was a poor sort of creature that
had no sort of idea of taking care of himself and could not be
kept out of the worst weather when able to leave the house, tho'
he was in a galloping consumption. Last night the Governor's
Levee, as it is called, took place. Apple toddy was furnished the
men, who did not abuse the privilege more than is sometimes
seen in places of more pretension; not more than Ma's company
in the times that you don't remember, but which you may if you
are clever to coax Ma some time to tell you of. Poor Mrs.
Crawford is the last person in the world that popularity seems
intended for. She is by no means without a due sense of her
merit, in fact, her conversation is rather ambitious, but she has
no turn for entertaining and does not try. They are very dull
things at best, but might have been improved by the dancing of
the young people; yet, altho' the music was there, nobody had
spirit enough to call out a dance. There was no resource there
fore, but to walk round and round the room or join some dismal
group seated against the wall. I am always delighted with
details of domestic life, when they relate to those I love, and read

256 Life, Letters and Speeches
with interest aU you wrote about the Aunts and George Street
and Ma. * * * I hope Ma continues to defend the virtues
of mesmerism by her example even more than by her tongue.
Make me remembered to Henry. I embrace little Adele and
am, dear Sue, Your affectionate Father.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, November 5, 1847.
* * * Wish me good luck at Milledgeville, for if! succeed
I will, in a year, be out of debt.

James Louis Petigru 257

CHAPTER XXIX
1846-1847
Hospitality; Dress Coat "Destituated"; A Mean Inn;
Daniel; Mexico
to captain thomas petigru December 29, 1846.
On Xmas day I had Butler (the Colonel) and B. T. Watts to
dine with me and William, and we had a very pleasant day,
though we were all vastly sober. My cold, which had been
very severe, would hardly allow me to show them an example of
doing justice to the wine. Governor Johnson is here, busy in
getting off the volunteers. The last of them moved this morn
ing for Hamburg. It is not known who will be the brigadier.
I have heard that it has been offered to Gadsden, and there is
an inclination to press Butler's claims for it. * * *
TO CAPTAIN THOMAS PETIGRU
Charleston, 25th November, 1846.
My dear Tom:
* * * Everything is in the same track. Prices are good.
Folks are saucy; news scarce. William Blanding's company is
not filled yet. To my surprise WiUiam GUUson, of Coosa
whatchie, a man that has a wife, probably children, good plan
tation, negroes to work it, has come down here and enrolled his
name as a full private. I think he must be a httle cracked.
* * * TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Savannah, 8th July, 1846.
My dear Sue:
* * * We did not work on Monday, but went to work on
Tuesday, when the Judges heard two speeches. Today they
hear Mr. McAlister; tomorrow they will hear Judge Berrien and
me probably on Friday. Then there remain two other causes,
which will be likely to consume much of next week. In packing
up, I made many mistakes: came away without a night-shirt
and put in my trunk for a dress coat, a thing thoroughly worn
out with a great rent under the arm. For this last mistake I
blame Ma, for, if she had not "destituated" the house (as poor

258 Life, Letters and Speeches
Dr. LeSeigneur said) this old rag would not have been in my
drawers nor found its way into my trunk. It was very fortunate
that I took a survey of the condition of the coat before I put it on
to attend a dinner party to which I went on Monday, otherwise,
I would have been acting the part of Diogenes without his Tub.
It has been awful hot; my opinion that this climate is better than
Charleston is undergoing a change. My love to Ma; to Aunt
Jane likewise, and I am, dear Sue, for you and Henry and Adele,
Your loving Pa & Grandpapa.
TO captain THOMAS PETIGRU
Charleston, June 28, 1847.
My dear Tom:
* * * Dan is not gone. Sitgreaves had only sixty-three
men and ordered Dan to remain for recruiting. I was sorry for
it, but could not prevent it, and the mUitary men say it is better
for him if he will fill up his company. But when that wiU be
I know not, for the complement is no less than forty. I
thought he had written to you for your advice whether he
should try AbbeviUe. In this place he picks up a recruit or
two in a week, perhaps more. Not one of the companies has
been filled up. Hamilton and Manigault, two of the new cap
tains, have not, I believe, more than fifty between them and
Sitgreaves got only five and twenty in York and the upper dis
tricts. On the other hand the North Carolina companies had
over their complements.
You will see by the newspapers (if they reach you) that dis
order seems to increase in Mexico, and that the guerillas have
had the impudence to attack Mcintosh and take away some of
his wagons. * * *
I will go as soon as I can get away from this place, of which I
am heartily tired, and will be happy when I join you in riding
over those poor fields of yours, where there is so little to see,
except always the attachment to the native soil so celebrated in
song and so little in fashion among our roving and adventurous
bands. Love to the sisters three and children all and our dear
captain. Affectionately, Your Brother.
Daniel was the only son of Mr. Petigru and was the favorite
child of his mother. He was now twenty-three years old, —
small, good-looking, clever at repartee, told a good story and
sang with a fine tenor voice. He had been a student at Prince
ton, had been admitted to the Bar in South Carolina, and on the
9th of April, 1847, was appointed first lieutenant of the United

James Louis Petigru 259
States Army and assigned to the Third Regiment of Dragoons.
According to the records of the War Department Dan joined
his Regiment in Mexico, October 26, 1847. In December of
that year he was made Captain and assigned commander of a
company tiU February, 1848; was then placed under arrest and
continued to have a succession of scrapes; he only escaped being
cashiered by the Regiment being disbanded in July, 1848.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
SuUivans Island, 9 October, 1847.
My dear Sue:
* * * Dan set off this day week with his men, 11 or 12.
They told me at the hotel in Augusta, that he had been there
the evening before I arrived and was disappointed in not meet
ing me. He would have done so if I had not been disappointed,
for that was the evening that I had intended to reach Augusta.
The grass in our plot is beautiful. The new gate to the church
is the greatest improvement on the Island, and the churchyard,
tho' not quite free from cockspurs, is a pleasant place to see.
At Columbia the rumor of Mr. Polk's death was firmly believed.
Mr. Elmore had had such an account of his situation as to make
the account of his near dissolution very probable, but the news
and the contradiction of it excited very Uttle interest. I am
grieved that Gen. Clinch has lost his election, tho' it is some
consolation that the Whigs have secured both branches of the
Legislature as seems probable. I embrace little Adele and
breathe a warm greeting to Henry and Mr. King and all his
famiUar circle. Your Father.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, October 18, 1847.
My dear Sister:
You have seen in the papers already the death of Judge
Harper. The Bar had called a meeting here in my absence,
for I arrived from Columbia yesterday in the car, and seeing the
notice this morning, I attended the meeting. It was a great
surprise to me to hear one of the resolutions, viz., that which
relates to the appointment of a committee to wait on Mr. Petigru
and make arrangement with him for delivering the eulogy. I
must undertake it though it is a duty to which I do not feel
equal. * * *
I think this is enough for an invalid to read at one time, and
with love to sister and children am, dearest Jane,
Your Brother.

260 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO SUSAN PETIGRU KING
MiUedgeville, 22 November, 1847.
My dear Sue:
I received your letter today and right glad I was of it, and
more obhged because you wrote first. It is 15 days that I have
been here and every day I have felt, more than I did at any of
my former visits, that I am out of place. The members of the
Georgia Legislature are mostly new men. Out of 167, there are
only 35 who were here two years ago. Then my petition was
lost by a vote of 63 to 59 in the House of Representatives, which
consists of 130 members. Now, of these 130, there are just 30
who are here, of whom, 20 voted against the claim and 9 for it,
and one was absent at the vote. Last Saturday we had a sort of
preliminary trial, on a motion to print the report of the Commit
tee, which report is as favorable as it could have been if I had
written it myself. Well, the vote stood for printing 57, against
it 62. And what is strange, with two exceptions, every man
who had formerly voted against the claim, voted against print
ing. Now the great question, whether they will pass the biU,
wiU come up early next week, and one, who voted for printing,
says he will vote against the biU and I am sure he will, so that
the vote wiU be, in all probabiUty, very close and the presump
tion very much against the passing of the biU in the House, and
if it passes in the House, it has to undergo the ordeal of a pas
sage in the Senate. There, of the 5 old members three are for
it and two against it. In all probabiUty the vote in the House
will decide the matter. You wiU judge whether I have any
reason to be in high spirits with such a prospect. But I bear
up bravely and try to make friends, and succeed in wearing a
cheerful countenance. I don't know how far I am indebted for
this success to the stock of phUosophy which I have laid in since
I came here, but under the impression that I had need of all the
aid of that sort that I could get, I have purchased four volumes
on the "Light of Nature," by Abraham Tucker. It is a very
good book, and if I do not get the case, I will have the book to
console me when I return home. Tom Thumb is the great
attraction of Milledgeville just now. He arrived this morning
or yesterday, I don't know which, and I have a mind to go to
see him tomorrow, tho' have but little inclination for seeing
people distinguished for inferiority, as I have opportunity
enough for such observations in the Georgia Legislature. My
success in the grand mission is supposed to depend on the vote of
Mr. Mosely, a baptist preacher of that sort denominated "hard
shells." He is a Whig and that seems favorable, but he voted
against the printing of the Report and that seems very ominous,
and he preserves on the subject of paying Peter Trezevant a
silence, which is weU calculated to make us dread his decision.

James Louis Petigru 261
If he pronounces the dreaded negative, I will probably be sooner
at home, but whether sooner or later, it will give me sincere
pleasure to embrace little Adele and. to receive, dear Sue, your
cordial welcome. * * * Your allusion to Mrs. Day is per
fectly unintelligible. Can it be possible that F. Day, the punc
tual tenant, the thrifty tradesman, the master of the most
fashionable shop in King Street, has failed? Why, there is
nothing in the downfall of Ministers of State, so significant of
the vanity of Fortune, for this would be the downfall of vanity
itself. My account of myself would be very deficient if I failed
to mention my having made the acquaintance of Mrs. Herschell
Johnson, wife of the distinguished Georgian, who wrote down
Gen. CUnch and wUl be one day a Governor, if he meets with
half of his deserts, as I am assured by Mrs. HerscheU herself,
who knows him better than anybody else. Nothing prevents
him from being acknowledged for one of the greatest lawyers in
America, so she says, but his aversion to study. Let our friend
Henry think of that. Even his great alliance with Mr. Polk's
cousin, for such Mrs. Herschell is, can not avail to make him the
equal of Judge Berrien at the bar, without submitting to the
trammels of plodding industry. Good night my dear Sue; I
have been interrupted too; it is after 12 o'clock.
Your Father.

TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Milledgeville, 24th Nov., 1847.
My dear Jane:
Your letters of the 4th and 15th insts. have made me doubly
your debtor, and you must not measure my feelings by the slow
ness of my pen. It will be just 3 weeks next Friday since I left
home. I came here on the 7th, which was Sunday morning and
attended church in the afternoon, where I saw Mrs. Thomas.
She plays the organ and her daughter (niece) sings in the small
choir, and Mr. Tinsley, the Secretary of State, who for a wonder
is a churchman, leads. Mr. Thomas shows a wonderful docility
in accommodating his religion to his wife; for, brought up as he
has been on the frontier, his own notions of the duty of worship
might be expected to partake of the Indian's more than those of
the inhabitants of cities. But Mrs. Thomas has not only a
church built, but has her husband and children regularly there
to make up a congregation. I have been to their house last
Sunday and the Sunday before and probably will go home with
them tomorrow, as it is a Thanksgiving day, and will take care
to make her acquainted with your remembrance. This place is
filled with new faces. Out of 130 members of the House of
Representatives, there are only 29 of those whom I met here

262 Life, Letters and Speeches
two years ago. Unfortunately out of them, there are just 19 of
the same men, 63 in number, who voted then against me, and
only 9 of those who voted for me. They had been a week in
session when I came here, and nothing had been done, for they
had been caucusing all the time, and the election of Senators,
which was the great interest of the Session, did not take place till
Friday, the 12th inst. Judge Berrien succeeded in the darling
object of his Ufe, and in spite of great opposition, got 89 of his
party to vote for him, which just elected him. He had not one
vote to spare; one Whig was sick and one voted a blank, and he
got all the rest. To think of a man of 70 canvassing for a six
years' seat in the Senate of the United States as keenly as if he
had a long life before him, and one must be satisfied that ambi
tion that will follow him to his grave. Dawson was then elected
to fill the place of Judge Colquit, whose term will expire on 3d
March, 1849. He was on the brink of betraying his party and
going over to the Democrats. To prevent his treachery, they
were obliged to postpone Crawford, the late Governor, who was
the choice of his party and his State, and who was sacrificed to
the policy of that party. These things being done, the members
began to think of business. My petition was presented and
referred to committees in both Houses, and they both reported
in favor of paying Mr. Trezevant, and the Bill for that purpose
has been read once in the House of Representatives. It will be
read a second time probably on Friday or Saturday next, and
the third reading, which is the great test, will probably take
place about the 4th or 5th December. If it should be rejected
by the vote of the House, as is but too likely, my business will
then be over. Should it pass, it will be by a very close vote, and
there seems very little doubt that if it passes the House, it will
go through the Senate, and in that case, I will soon be in a con
dition to pay off my debts; that is, my commission on this claim
will pay so much debt, that I will not have more than 6 or 7,000
dollars more to provide for. I do my best to conciliate the minds
of men by respectfully approaching as many as I can, and show
ing them the reasons which prove incontestibly that I am en
titled to what I am asking for. But it is a work that does not
suit a person, that all his life has been accustomed to demand
attention, and treat with scorn the knaves that are recreant to
the obligations of truth and justice.
I wrote to you that I heartily approve of your employment of
slave labour in the instance of Hanway's man, and am glad he
cuts his wood faithfully. * * *
Your affectionate Brother.

James Louis Petigru 263
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Milledgeville, December 27, 1847.
My dear Jane:
On the 6th of November I arrived here and returned to
Charleston on the 9th inst. and came back on the 15th, and
now I am going off in the morning with the bill for the relief of
Peter Trezevant in my pocket. Almost against hope it has at last
passed. It passed first on the 16th instant in the House by a
vote of 62 to 58. Next day that vote was set aside by a vote of
62 to 56, and on the following day, to the surprise of everybody,
it was passed again by the same vote as at first — 62 to 58. Two
years ago it was lost by the same majority — 63 to 59. We were
greatly relieved by this, but in a short time our fears were again
alarmed by apprehensions that the bill would be lost in the
Senate, but on Thursday, the 20th, it passed the Senate by 28
to 14. An attempt next day to set aside or reconsider this vote
failed by a vote of 31 to 11. Our fears were not yet allayed
entirely, for now there was a rumor that the Governor would
veto. But on the 25th he approved of the bill and put the matter
to rest. This bill gives Mr. Trezevant $22,222.22, for which
bonds of the State are to be issued. By this event I am relieved
of the heaviest burden of life. Hamilton's commission and mine
on the amount recovered will enable me to pay Mrs. Harriet
Porcher the money which I unwittingly made myself responsible
for, by lending it to him without security. It will also refund
me my expenses, which have been very heavy and altogether
it is a consummation in which we should all rejoice.
The weather is severe at present. I have just closed my
affairs and leave in the morning at 3 o'clock for home. I hope,
my dear, you are better and everybody well. I embrace Mary
and the girls, and am most devoutly your affectionate
Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, December 29, 1847.
My dear Jane:
I arrived to-day at 1 o'clock by way of Savannah. One of
the last things I did at Milledgeville was to write to you and to
the Captain, giving you an account of my long warfare and nar
row escape. After finishing these and other letters friends came
in, who had just left the State House, for the Legislature sat
till 1 1 o'clock. They carried me to supper and we did not sepa
rate till 2. I lay down in my clothes, and had slept upwards of
an hour, when I was aroused to be told the stage had come;
down I went in bitter cold and found a buggy, nothing more,
and in the bitter cold of Tuesday morning rode in that open

264 Life, Letters and Speeches
conveyance 17 miles, arriving at the depot on the Central Road
at daylight. The exposure gave me a cold. Otherwise I am
very well. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH January 5, 1848.
I hope you got my letter from Milledgeville, giving you a
detail of my adventures at that place. It appears now that the
dangers were greater than I was aware of, for on Wednesday,
the 29th, the Governor sent back to the House of Representa
tives the bill imposing taxes, with a message saying that he had
signed the railroad bill and Trezevant bill under the supposition
that they would provide money to pay the interest on the bonds,
which those bills direct him to issue, and that he never would
have signed them if he had not supposed that they would make
an adequate provision for the public credit. He therefore
vetoed the tax bill, and they passed it over his head by a vote
of two-thirds, and authorized him to borrow $40,000 in 1848 in
anticipation of the revenue of 1849.

James Louis Petigru 265

CHAPTER XXX
1848
Disgusted with Taylor Democratic Clubs; Stump Speech
IN Abbeville for General Taylor; Bernard Bee; Dines
WITH Mr. Calhoun; Flask and Silver Cup; Stump Speech
FOR Taylor in the "Range"
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
June 12, 1848.
I was up all night about my speech for to-morrow, of which
not a line was ready till yesterday. I returned after 4 in broad
daylight this morning with the satisfaction of having my work
in such a shape that I could go on with the speech as it is. You
will not expect in these circumstances, a letter.
In the autumn of this year Taylor ran against Cass for Presi
dent. Mr. Calhoun in a speech delivered at the old Theater,
on Meeting street in Charleston, had suggested that a Southern
Whig might be better than a Northern Democrat, and Taylor
Democratic clubs were organized. Speaking of these Mr. Peti
gru says:
I am not a candidate. They have sunk the Taylor party
here into a mere clique, the main object being to make Porter
Senator. I don't know that we wiU even vote for them.
Again:The election is in the greatest confusion. Of the thirty-nine
candidates before the people nobody knows who will be elected.
I am so disgusted with the Taylor Democrats that I am perfectly
willing to see them routed. I'll do nothing against them, but
certainly will not help them. I told John Cunningham I did not
believe they would stand at Columbia, that they wanted to
give in as soon as they found they were in the minority. But he
assures me that if any man attempts to bolt he will serve him
hke a deserter.

266 Life, Letters and Speeches

ORATION.
delivered BEFORE THE
Charleston Library Society
AT its
First Centennial Anniversary
June 13th, 1848.
By James L. Petigru, LL. D.
A MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY

CHARLESTON, S. C.
J. B. MixoN, Printer, No. 48 Broad Street
1848.
This goodly presence of the intelligence, beauty and numbers
of the City, shows that good actions, falling within the routine of
daily life, may, by their effects, be invested with a high degree
of public interest. We have assembled, not to celebrate an
anniversary known to history, but the foundation ofthe Charles
ton Library Society; an association that owes its origin to the
plain citizens of a small town, and has, for its object, the collec
tion of good books, and the encouragement of a taste for read
ing. No shout of victory hails the progress of these quiet bene
factors of Provincial Society. No trophies attest the success of
their labors, or the gratitude of their country. They gained no
glory by the destruction of mankind, and their arms were di
rected against no enemy but Ignorance. On the 13th June,
1748, Alexander McCauley, Patrick McKie, WilUam Logan,
James Gi indlay, Merton Stanford, Joseph Wragg, Jr., Samuel
Wragg, Jr., Robert Brisbane, Paul Douxsaint, Alexander Baron,
John Sinclair, John Cooper, Peter Timothy, Williams Bur
rows, Charles Stevenson, John NeufviUe, Jr., Thomas Sa-
cheverel, Samuel Brailsford, and Thomas Middleton, sub
scribed the roU, as the original members of the Society; and now,
at the distance of a century, we give thanks for the good which
they have done, and offer our congratulations on the benign
favor of Providenci;, which has given their work stability, and
allowed us to partake of the fruit of their labors.
It is but just that we should remember them whose generous
care was extended to posterity. They planted the tree which
invites our noon-day steps from the cares of business, to its cool,
refreshing shade. Gratitude demands the tribute at our hands;
nor let self-conceit or vanity contemn, too easily, the value of
such praise as belongs to the Founders of our Society. To such
men, the world is indebted for much of its knowledge, and nearly
all the material elements of comfort and happiness. It is not
to extraordinary services, or to great occasions, that the sum of

James Louis Petigru 267
human happiness belongs. Although we are dazzled by the
style and equipage of the rich, the mass of national wealth is
really in the hands of those who have but little. The treasury
of the State would be but poorly supplied by the contributions of
the opulent, if no assessments were laid on men 'of moderate
means. And, however briUiant the path of ambition may be,
with whatever honors the brow of genius may be crowned,
society, after all, is mainly indebted for refinement in manners,
and improvement in circumstances, to the modest and unpre
tending merit of those whose virtues are confined to the sphere
of private life. Great abiUties, even when best directed, avail
but little, unless seconded by the general sense of the community.
The honors of State, and the fame of learning, are bestowed on
few; but the success of those who attain such envied distinction,
in doing good to mankind, by correcting prejudice, or elevating
the standard of public morals, depends on the co-operation of
obscure and faithful agents. No age has been without its heroes;
those who would have saved their country, if it had been possible,
or rescued their fellow-men from guilt or ruin, if they had been
permitted. Si Pergamma dextra
Defendi possent, etiam hac defensa fuissent.
But when the public mind is engrossed by sluggish indifference,
or selfish cupidity, vain is the warning voice, and impotent the
valiant arm.
As in the order of nature, whatever bears the name of fruit,
grows and is developed from the ground; so in the order of
society, whatever is perfected in the form of a state, or commun
ity, grows and is developed out of the family. The virtues of
the family lay the foundation for all the energies of the state;
and according to the discipline and training of the family; such
is the condition of the Body Politic. All real improvement,
therefore, must commence in private life, and those who culti
vate the moral sentiments of individuals, and within the sphere
of their influence, promote humanity and the love of order and
industry are benefactors of their country, as well as of the
particular society to which their labors are confined. Their
merit is greater than their reward. They are more deserving
in the eyes of God than of man; and among men are honored
most by those, whose judgment is the most enlightened. It is
not, therefore, without cause, that we commemorate the names
of those who have laid the foundation of a public Library. Of
all the instruments of man's invention, for the improvement
of his strength, and the development of his skill, books are the
greatest. They are not merely an auxiliary of civilization, but
civilization lives in them. They are the inheritance of the Earth.
All that is contained on the surface of the globe, all the structures

268 Life, Letters and Speeches
that have been raised into the air, and aU the wealth that has
been dug out of the ground, are to the world, collectively, of far
less value, than the books which have been written. Without
letters, there would be an impassable gulf between the past and
the present; and each generation, uninformed by experience,
would be born into a world unknown; like aliens, wandering in a
land where a permanent settlement is denied, and the acquisi
tions made by the dead, are resumed by a higher power. But
books preserve the succession. By books, the present age enjoys
the intercourse of the past, and will live in the learning of the
future. Those who established this Library, therefore, pro
moted the interests of the community in the highest and noblest
sense; and the honor done to their memory, is a tribute paid to
virtue. Among those whom the Society has since enrolled as members,
are many names distinguished in the State. But particular
notice appears to be due to Thomas Bee; of whom it is men
tioned, that he was mainly instrumental in procuring the Charter
ofthe Society in 1755. This was an indulgence seldom granted by
the representatives of the Crown, and the measure was attended,
at that time, with no little difficulty. In him urbanity and
the love of letters tempered the severity of legal studies. His
life was protracted to old age, and spent in the bosom of his
native city, where he was esteemed and honored, and his home
was the seat of hospitality. He had served the state in many
situations of public trust, and was the first Judge of the Court
of Admiralty, in this place, under the authority of the United
States. His reports, published in 1810, confirm the reputation
which he enjoyed in his life, of an able and upright judge. Nor
can I pass, unheeded or unhonored, the name of Stephen Elliott;
to whom we are indebted for a catalogue, such as none but a
scholar could compile, and a memoir of the Society, of which he
was President for ten years. He was a scholar of profound and
various learning; and a man, endued with such beneficence of
nature, and kindly dispositions, that admiration of his genius
was subordinate to the feelings of affection and attachment,
which his virtues excited.
The Society consisted at first of nineteen members, among
whom we recognize some familiar names, and we hope that the
list will be perused with honest pride, by their descendants, at
the end of another century. But many of them are no longer
found on the census of our City. Their absence reminds us of
the changes which an hundred years have wrought, and it is not
uninstructive to consider the difference between the condition of
things at the present day, and at the commencement of the
century, which has elapsed since this Society came into exist
ence. Like the traveller, who climbs some hill, to gain the view
of a distant scene, let us, from the standpoint of 1748, survey the

James Louis Petigru 269
prospect which the face of Society in Europe and America, then
presented. The treaty of Aix la Chapelle, which was concluded
in March, 1748, had just put an end to the long and bloody war
of the Austrian succession. By the peace then concluded, the
house of Lorraine was seated on the throne of Germany; and the
restoration of the Stuarts to that of Great Britain, was finally
abandoned. This war, which had been kindled by the opposing
pretensions of the Queen of Hungary and the Elector of Bavaria,
to the Imperial throne, had extended to other parties, and been
inflamed by new causes of dispute. But the conflagration which
set the South of Europe in a blaze, was excited by a contest of
England with Spain, for the benefit of the slave-trade. The
attempt of the Spaniards to restrict the monopoly which the
English had enjoyed, of importing African slaves into Porto
BeUo, on the Spanish Main, was resented by an appeal to arms,
which covered the soil of Europe with a million of fighting men.
Europe was shaken to its centre, and the concussion extended to
every part of the globe. The House of Bourbon stood single-
handed against an European alliance. The alUes sought for
aid, even from the distant Russians; and the march of savage
hordes from the banks of the Volga and the Don, for the first
time threatened the sunny fields of France.
With grim delight the brood of winter view,
Serener skies, and fields of brighter hue.
Exhale the fragrance of the opening rose,
And quaff the pendent nectar as it grows.
Then was seen the consummate policy and vast military genius
of Frederick II. Unscrupulous and enterprising; annexing to
his dominions provinces wrung from reluctant weakness, by
the hand of conquest; and turning every incident of fortune to
the profit of his own ambition. Then was waged on the soU of
Flanders, the game of war, upon its mightiest scale, by the vic
torious Marshal Saxe. To this period belong the victories of
Hawke and Vernon; the marvellous voyage of Anson, and the
memorable fields of Dottingen and Fontenay; where the cruelty
of mutual slaughter was strangely relieved by acts of politeness
and courtesy. And in those days the romantic adventures of
Charles Edward and the deplorable fate of his devoted follow
ers enUsted the sympathies, if not the approbation, of mankind.
The treaty of Aix la ChapeUe staunched the bleeding wounds
of Europe; and like rivers which have overflowed their banks,
carrying devastation among the homes of the affrighted inhabi
tants, the nations returned to their accustomed limits. AU
but the indomitable Prussian who retained Silesia in his iron
grasp; a conquest, extorted in the day of misfortune, from the
Empress Queen. And for what purpose had so many lives been

270 Life, Letters and Speeches
sacrificed? For the pretensions of two rival candidates, to rule
over the German people, as if they were the property of a master,
Hke flocks and herds. And for an ignoble traffic, which the vic
torious party is now foremost to hold up to the scorn and exe
cration of mankind.
But personal ambition was veiled under the semblance of a
general principle; and the horrors of war were justified by a real
or pretended care for the independence of sovereign states, and
the preservation of the balance of power. But the events of
a century have shown how vain were the schemes for which
such sacrifices were exacted. In 1748 the Bourbons reigned in
France, in Spain, in the two SicUies, and the Duchies of Parma
and GustaUa. The French flag waved in Canada, and the King
of Spain stretched his sceptre from the river St. Mary to Pata
gonia. The confines of Germany obeyed an empress, and Bel
gium was a province; Sweden had not been despoiled of Finland
by the audacious hand of Russia; the union of Denmark and
Norway was undisturbed; Poland rejoiced in her independence,
nor was yet the victim of the foulest deed which stains the annals
of modern times.
On the eastern side of North America thirteen colonies owned
the British sway; and James Glen exercised executive authority
in the name of George II in South Carolina. His civil juris
diction was, in fact, confined to a narrow strip of territory on
the seaboard, reaching from the Waccamaw to the Savannah.
Beyond Nelson's ferry lay the primeval forest, stretching across
the continent, to the Pacific Ocean. Charles Town was a rival
of New York in population and commercial importance; but
Queen Street was the northern boundary, and the city scarcely
extended beyond King Street on the west.
The colonies exhibited great diversities in their forms, but
the essential characteristics were nearly the same in aU. "Their
life was obscure, they were occupied in laying the foundations
of society, in overcoming the obstructions of the swamp and
forest, in pursuing wherever the hope of gain might lead their
traffic upon the sea, and in subduing the wilderness to the do
minion of the plough. Great was the contrast between them
and the Spanish colonies. Here, rustic, or at least, industrious
life, frugality and severity of manners. There, precocious es
tablishments, spoil, and the pride of domination. The wonders of
Mexico and Peru dazzled the imagination, but the homely
farms and every-day appearance of the small towns in North
America, had no charms for the lovers of romance. For their
literature they looked exclusively to the emanations of European
genius. Jonathan Edwards was known only by his devotion
to the duties of a pastor in the village of Northampton, and it
was not until he published his Origin of Evil in 1754, that he was
discovered to be a profound metaphysician. Nor had the

James Louis Petigru 271
genius of Franklin yet emerged from obscurity. It was four
years later in 1752 that by his discoveries in electricity, he
advanced the boundaries of knowledge and gained the first rank
among the philosophers of the age.
That age was not conspicuous for its literature. Men spoke
of the time which the old still remembered, as the Augustan
Age of Louis XIV. Yet Voltaire sustained the reputation of
his country by the universahty, if not the depth, of his genius,
and in this very year Montesquieu presented to the world his
unrivalled work on the Spirit of the Laws. In England no great
poet had appeared since the succession ofthe House of Hanover.
The tuneful voice of Pope was hushed, and he had left no suc
cessor. Johnson was working his toilsome way to the first place
amongst the writers of his country, against all the discourage
ments to which men of genius were exposed, till literature was
made popular, and the people took them under their patronage.
His London had already been published; and though depressed
by neglect, he had given evidence of the ability that after
wards raised him to the highest rank, as a critic of singular
acumen, a profound teacher of moral wisdom, and the first of
lexicographers. None of the great English Historians had yet appeared; and
it was still literally true, that the best history of England was
written by a Frenchman. It was from Rapin that the English
youth continued to draw their information of the annals of their
country, until the advent, at a later period, of Hume and Robert
son. But in Eloquence, the age was illustrated by the genius
of Chatham, who was now in the prime of life, and culminating
to the meridian of his fame. Yet, how strange does it appear
that in a nation, studious of the models of antiquity, and cher
ishing an admiration .for eloquence and oratory, there should be
no speech of Bolingbroke on record; and that the oratory of
Chatham which swayed the destinies of England, during a bril
liant period, is known only by tradition, sustained by meagre
and unsatisfactory specimens! Nay, more, that in 1748, it
was deemed a high breach of privilege to publish a speech made
in Parliament. This absurd interdict of the publishing of pub
lic speeches was, in those days, practically enforced; and the
orders of the two Houses were evaded by publications, which
were ushered into the world as Debated in the Parliament of
Lilliput. It was not until 1774, that this mummery was laid
aside. But the rule has never been in form repealed, though the^
utmost latitude of publishing now prevails; being one of the
victories gained by the reason of the age, over inveterate error
and a blind attachment to exploded usage. Perhaps in another
age, inconsistencies as gross, may - be detected in our way of
thinking, and something now tolerated by the public, may appear
equally irrational a century hence, in the eyes of Posterity.

272 Life, Letters and Speeches
In another branch of knowledge, and one most important to
the general welfare, there was no declension. This was the
Golden Age of the Law. The British Themis never received
more unbounded homage, than when Hardwicke presided in the
Court of Chancery. Then was given to public admiration the
example of a Judge, eminent for wisdom and learning, command
ing by his reason, and indefatigable in the despatch of business.
If Justice be the queen of virtues, in what combination shaU true
greatness be more convincing than in the character of a magis
trate, whose comprehensive mind embraces all the knowledge
ofthe subject; whose reason is proof against the faUacies of error,
and whose integrity clothes his judgment with the approving
sanction of conscience. He was in the flower of his age in 1748,
and held the Seals eight years longer, \*hen he retired from the
bench, without a blot on his judicial character.
From this imperfect sketch of the state of things at the period
when the foundation of the Charleston Library was laid, we
would naturally pass in review the changes which have been
operated by the lapse of a hundred years. But to the volumes
of that Library, we must refer for the requisite information.
There you may follow the stream of history from 1748, to the
present day, and note the progress which has been made in
learning, the discoveries that have been added to the stock of
knowledge, and the alterations which have taken place in the
circumstances ofthe world. But this is a task for years of study,
and not within the scope of this occasion, not the abUities of the
speaker. Suffice it to know that it has been an age of progress;
and that, instead of the calm that in 1748 succeeded the peace
of Aix la Chapelle, and vainly promised stability to thrones,
and long years of repose to the people, the times are still ominous
of change, and the year 1848 opens with a lowering sky. But
there is no reason to doubt that the direction which has been
given to the human mind, and which probably will lead to great
events before the centennial anniversary of this Society is cele
brated again, will not be unfavorable to the diffusion of knowl
edge. In that persuasion, we may hope that humanity will be a
gainer, by the impending changes. For it is the well known
effect of learning, that it banishes ferocity, and prepares the mind
for impressions favorable to innocent and harmless enjoyment.
There is nothing in the political horizon to excite our fears for
the permanence of this Society. It is connected with no party,
and possesses no peculiar privUeges. It is maintained entirely
by the contributions of its members; levies no tax upon strangers,
and interferes with no rival. The Library being the offspring
of a popular association, is calculated to be useful to men of
business, and general readers, without challenging a comparison
with those great establishments, that have been endowed by the
munificence of States or Princes. We have never partaken of

James Louis Petigru 273
the pubhc money, and Mr. Benjamin Smith, who, in 1770,
bequeathed to the Library, six hundred dollars, figures as our
only Macaenas. Its collection of twenty-five thousand volumes,
though considerable, if compared with the contents of its shelves
sixty years ago, when three or four hundred volumes formed the
whole of its supply, is sufficient to place within the reach of its
members, a variety of entertaining and instructive reading. If
it has tended to elevate the taste of the city, and to diffuse the
elements of useful knowledge, the hope of its founders has been
realized. We may reflect with pleasure upon the evidences of
its claim to public favor and consideration, upon these grounds.
The charms of Literature have been celebrated by Cicero, in
strains that are themselves a treasure, which neither time, nor
change, nor loss of friends, nor even failing health, can destroy.
But even his eloquence does not transcend the attractions which
Literature confers on the intercourse of life. The love of read
ing is, by itself, better than a fortune, and the public library does
incalculable good, by cultivating that taste. The increasing
demand for the recreation of mental pleasures, will, in turn,
enrich the library with greater stores of reading, and render it
more and more worthy of the pride of the city. With hopes
founded on such assurances, we look forward to the next Cen
tennial Anniversary. May our beloved city then be hailed as
the Commercial Emporium of the South, and the Charleston
Library rank among its flourishing institutions.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
BadweU, 29 August, 1848.
My dear Sue:
It rained in Augusta from 8 till one o'clock; then the Captain's
buggy was put in requisition. As much of the baggage as it
would hold was stowed into the Break; the Break went ahead
with the blacksmith driving, three negroes following on foot
and the Captain's buggy with one horse came, after the rain was
over, in the rear. We had only to wait an hour at Dents Creek,
the place where Ma and I in 1824 were stayed, by the refusal of
our horse to proceed in harness. It was only a temporary flood;
at the end of an hour the brook had fallen so much, much assisted
by the Post-rider's horse and two of the neighbors, that had met
there, who carried the womenkind over on horseback; with the
nigs two on a horse, the Capt. and I having each a horse to him
self. We went only 16 miles that day. Two in a buggy is a
very nice way of travelling; when parched by thirst we had to
separate, one holding the horse while the other went to drink.
It was 4 very near, when we arrived here; they were looking for
us not very confidently. * * * .¦\dieu.
Your Father.

274 Life, Letters and Speeches
to MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
BadweU, llth September, 1848.
My dear Sue:
Your letter of the 2d inst. was received last Friday (Sth) and
this is the first mail since. I am delighted to hear that Ma has
been able to come to dinner every day but Sunday; for your
letter was a whole week after my departure. Would you guess
where I have been? To Pendleton; on business to Mrs. Martha
Calhoun. I left this place Monday the 4th, went to Abbeville
and was pressed for an orator. The Ordinary, with whom I had
something to do, called me off from the Will I was reading, to
close his office, because Mr. Burt was going to address his con
stituents. I listened to him a long time and he concluded
heavily against Gen. Taylor, and then they raised a cry "James
L. Petigru, Petigru, Petigru," tUl I was forced to ascend the
rostrum, and make a Taylor speech with a good deal of accepta
tion. Burt answered, and I was called again and replied good-
humoredly,and it being nownear 5 o'clock, we adjourned to Judge
Wardlaw's, where I dined and slept till midnight, when fhe stage
came along and I got into it. Next morning I had the pleasure
of seeing the thriving town of Anderson, which has been built
since I was in that country, and at 12 was set down at Old
Pendleton. The first person I saw was Mr. Bernard Bee, who
took possession of me and carried me to his house. After dinner
I moved to go back to the tavern and he accompany me, but on
inquiring for a conveyance to Mrs. Calhoun's, he told me he was
going with me in his buggy. We got there before sunset. The
next day we concluded our business, and I found he had engaged
me to dine with Mr. Calhoun, the great Carolinian. There was
nothing to do but obey, so I went and dined and heard Mr. C.
talk, tho' I fear I did not give him as much of the conversation
as he would have been pleased with; that is all. After dinner we
resumed our buggy and when we got to the village, I told him I
would leave him as I was going to Mrs. North's. "Oh," said
he, "I am going with you," and he did, spent an hour, returned
to his house and staid there. Next morning he would not let me
go without a basket and flask. He could not be persuaded that
I never wanted such a thing, as I never carried any with me, and
I submitted. But when he produced a silver cup, I said, " Bee,
you don't suppose I am going to take that cup. " " I tis necessary, "
said he, "no way to avoid it and the driver will bring it back from
Abbeville." Like the strong man well armed, when a stronger
man cometh, I gave in. That same evening I reached Abbeville,
staid at the Judge's and on Friday morning started with him,
Lucy, Rosa and Lucia for Badwell. They stayed till this morn
ing. This is the whole of my history, except another Taylor
speech in the Range, where the Captain carried me to hear a

James Louis Petigru 275
speech of Charles Pelot, and where I was obliged to mount the
wagon,* which is the rostrum here, and hold forth on the merits
of Gen. Taylor. This district goes for Cass for want of organ
ization. They have not a Taylor candidate in the field. Aunt
Jane is well and Cary is well and everybody is well except Judge
Wardlaw, who was sick all the time he was here. I will set off
on Saturday and be in Charleston on Monday. Love to Mama
and thank Henry for the papers he forwarded. Adieu.
Your Father.
Under date of December 14, 1848, he writes to Captain
Thomas Petigru: * * * "The gold speculation in California will
beat all the speculations of the age. It is a page of romance.
If I was young I would have a share in the show.
"Seabrook's election seems to be the winding up of the Nulli
fication drama. It is to be hoped that Carolina Chivalry has
now paid its debts. "
TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
Broad Street, December 22, 1S4S.
My dear Jane:
I received last night your letter and the Cap's, and I suppose
the purchase of the old fields is by this time settled. Well it is
what I have long desired. The two, nay three, great objects of
my thoughts were to pay Mrs. Porcher, to build a good office in
the alley and get Collier's place. For these purposes I have
$11,000, but Mrs. Porcher takes $6,000, the office $4,000, and
Collier's $2,000, which is one thousand dollars more than the
fund, and my affairs are not otherwise so bright as I could wish.
But we will do what was proposed; all three of these objects will
be accomplished, and great caution and redoubled exertions will
enable me, I hope, to pay the rest of my debts. And tho' the
old place will pay no rent, yet it will secure, I hope, sufficiency
of corn and grass to make BadweU something of a home; the old
place will pay no rent yet it wil! make my condition more com
fortable, and invigorate, I hope, my exertions.
?The "Range" is the southwestern corner of Abbeville County, adjoining
Edgefield; the inhabitants were small farmers called "Rangers"; the most suc
cessful industry was a still, that produced whiskey and peach brandy. On this
occasion Petigru delighted his audience by taking ofi" his coat, rolling up his
sleeves, saying, "You all know I am a Ranger, too," and continued to speak with
the greatest wit and humor. This celebrated speech was for years with pleasure
remembered by the Rangers.

276 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XXXI
1-849
James Johnston Pettigrew Arrived; The New Cabinet;
Keeping the Peace; Retirement of Mr. Lesesne from
THE Firm to MRS. jane petigru NORTH
Charleston, February 7, 1849.
My dear Jane:
* * * I never was more harassed than I have been this
month. I had to argue some very heavy causes and to attend
to a great deal of new business. Until the Courts adjourned on
Wednesday, 31st ult., I had no rest nor leisure. The Court of
Equity is sitting now, but I am much less harassed now than I
was. On 28th January Hamlet* disappeared, and has not been since
heard of. It is a very discouraging thing, and I would heartily
agree never to see a negro again. He had fallen into great
depravity and I am sorry to say had gone so far as to commit
palpable, thefts — taking money out of my purse and, at last,
taking the purse itself. * * * Though I had not had him
corrected, I intended to do so — and he anticipated my judgment
by expatriating himself. * * * James Johnston Pettigrew
arrived on Friday, 2d instant. Our house is fuU and he stays at
his hotel, but is often with us. All you have heard of him is
below his merits. Should his health be spared he will be one of
the most considerable men of his age. His turn, however, is
chiefly to science, but if he pursues his legal studies he will easily
take rank with the greatest lawyers in America. Withal he is a
youth of charming simplicity, and has gained the hearts not only
of sister, but of Caroline, who was very improperly bent on dis
liking him. * * *
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH March 13, 1849.
On Saturday Mr. Crawford, the Secretary, passed through
here. I intended to meet him at the railroad, in which I was
?Hamlet, under the training of "Daddy" Lunnon, became an expert cook; as
he did not like this occupation he obtained permission to become a carpenter,
at which trade he successfully worked. After a time he became a preacher and
a leader among his people.

James Louis Petigru 277
disappointed, but found him at the Pavilion, and carried him
home, where he partook of a beefsteak, and we (the Captain and
I) then saw him to the boat. On the way back the carriage
broke down. Very fortunate for our credit that it did not occur
while the Secretary was in it. * * * Mr. Polk has been here,
as the papers have told you. I called on Mr. Polk, but did not
go to his dinner, which was, on the whole, rather a slim thing.
Not but that there was company enough, but the speeches were
aU very flat and in extreme bad taste. Mr. Burt passed through
without stopping, and Judge Butler has not yet showed him
self. Everybody seems to be pleased with the new Cabinet,
and the more because it is very new, no old stagers in it. I
want to get a place for little Phil in the navy, and one in the rev
enue for William Ross, and it will be hard if 1 do not succeed.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH May 23, 1849.
* * * My dear child, I am writing in great pain. A
severe rheumatism has for days disabled my right hand. This
is the first time since Friday last that I have attempted to put
pen to paper, except to sign my name. I intended to write to
Mary and if I do not she will know that it is because I am dis
qualified. Perhaps after going to Broad street and taking a cup
of tea I may feel more equal to it. We moved into the new
office on the 7th and it is without doubt the admiration, if not
the envy, of the city. But I refer you to Carey for the auspi-
cation of the building, which took place on the 5th.
Our cousin, Johnston, will accompany Caroline and I think
you will be very much pleased with him. He is a remarkable
young man. I wish him to travel for two years, for he is quite
too good for the beaten track of education, to do justice to his
parts. Rare abilities should not suffer for want of development
and I would by no means have him pass for an unpohshed
diamond. I will give Carey dollars for old Tom and,
that he may retail it accurately, I send it in silver.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Winsborough, 12 July, 1849.
My dear Sue:
I had just sealed a letter to Ma, when the servant tapped
gently at the door and being told to come in, to my utter aston
ishment produced a letter from you. You will not think it
strange that I was thus surprized when you understand, that
before I wrote to Ma last evening, I had gone to the Post Office
as soon as the Court adjourned and asked for a letter, and was
assured by the inaccurate postmaster in person, that there was

278 Life, Letters and Speeches
no letter for me. This assurance he had given in the presence
of Mr. DeSaussure and was, therefore, bound in honor to main
tain that I had no correspondence in his office. And after this
public declaration, I think it is rather wonderful that he had the
candor to retract the story that he had told. Whatever may be
thought of the struggle, which pride and conscience carried on
in the worthy postmaster's mind between keeping his word and
doing his duty, the letter was most welcome and the pleasure was
enhanced, when, from the date I saw that you were at Sullivan's
Island. AU the consequences, which Caroline and Louise repre
sented, would certainly attend a public demonstration of the
want of cordiality or even of hospitable civility, between mem
bers of one family, who ought for so many reasons to be united
in one sentiment. It is enough for the rich and grand to instaU
Erinnys in their halls. Strife sits at the table of the great, just
as satiety and ennui do, but, for poor folks, such a connexion is
as distressing and as much out of place as low fare and want of
appetite. * * * j heartily wish that I had so much influence
over you as to effect that change which, I am sure, you must
desire as much as I. I mean the change that is implied in
acquiring such a mastery over oneself as to suppress the rising
of passion under what is at the moment offensive or disagreeable.
I asure you, my dear Sue, that until you effect such a reformation
in your temper, your Ufe will be "lost in quicksands and shal
lows." Time, that makes an end of our being here, makes
amends by many good offices and particularly by assisting those,
who conscienciously endeavor to check the sallies of a too suscep
tible temperament. But on the other hand, when there is not
a sincere and pious effort to overcome the infirmity of a quick
temper, age only aggravates the evil; and we too often see even
among persons not naturally of a malignant or even an unamiable
disposition, instances of old age under the influence of ungov
ernable temper, losing almost entirely the use of reason. Don't
be impatient under this lecture nor think I am unjust because I
am serious. I am not so unjust as to expect from a person
naturally of warm feelings, the same circumspection, that is
habitually easy to a mind differently constituted, or to disguise
the difficulties of the struggle by which the triumphs of Temper
are gained. But it is no reason for declining a duty, that it is
not easy. If no duties but such as come quite easy to us are to
be kept, there would be no great merit in doing well. I am
sensible dear child that you have inherited from me, much of
what I am anxious that you should correct and when I touch
this subject, I do it, as one that would extract the thorn from
his own flesh. There is no hope of my leaving this hot, weari
some place before Sunday. My love to Caroline and Louise;
remember me to Henry.
Your Parent.

James Louis Petigru 281
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING ''^'^" ^
he
Columbia, November 27, 1849."
* * * You will suppose that Henry's intention of retiring
[Henry D. Lesesne, his partner] is extremely embarrassing to me.
If I could make it agreeable to him to remain I would certainly
do so; but if he retires I do not know what I will do. * * *
The clients of the firm always desired Mr. Petigru to appear
for them in court. Such being the case Mr. Lesesne felt that he
was not doing his full share of the work, and desired to with
draw from the firm.

278
no lette'-
ofM
tai-

Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XXXII
1850
Calvary Church Riot; Compromise of 1850; Appointed
U. S. District Attorney; Philadelphia on Law Business;
South Carolina Legislature; Travels of J. J. Pettigrew.
The year before the Missouri Compromise and Petigru's
appointment as United States District Attorney was marked
by his active, courageous check to the Calvary Church riot.
The angry feelings produced by the efforts of both the Pres
byterian and Episcopalian churches to provide sound religious
instruction to the negroes, culminated in a riotous attempt to
destroy in December, 1849, the Episcopal Calvary Church, then
in the course of erection.
After prominent citizens had vainly appealed to the mob to
desist, they sent for Mr. Petigru; he rushed from his office and
from the steps of the City HaU indignantly remonstrated with
the crowd: "How can you be such damned fools, as to attempt
to destroy this Church, even if you have to set fire to the town.
Have you not seen enough of fire here to be afraid of it? It is
the only thing that decent men are afraid of ! Men, let us caU a
meeting; if you are right, I will go with you; if you are wrong,
you will carry out your purpose over my dead body." Hesita
tion ensued, debate arose, a committee of fifty was finaUy
appointed and the crowd dispersed. This committee after col
lecting information throughout the South, in April, 1850, at a
meeting held at the City Hall, reported that the movement for
the Christianization of the negroes was deserving of support.
All danger of further violence was at an end. At this meeting
the Honorable F. H. Elmore,* who had been appointed to fill the
unexpired term of Calhoun in the U. S. Senate, moved the adop
tion of the report in an eloquent speech. He was a member of
the Second Presbyterian Church and had always favored the
project; he was expected to speak but to the surprise of the
*He took his seat in the United States Senate on the 6th of May, 1850, and died
twenty-three days later.

James Louis Petigru 281
meeting, Mr. Petigru rose to second the motion. It was such a
speech as is not often heard; the Assembly was thrilled as he
poured forth his feelings; but when he said, "The liberty of
teaching was good and true to all men; why, sirs, that is what
brought many of our fathers here," the audience was carried
away with enthusiasm. Not many words were required to be
added, and the question for the separate church for the negroes
in Charleston was settled for all time.
By 1850 the slavery question had become such a burning issue'
that in South Carolina secession was openly talked of; people
became decidedly volcanic in their sentiments and Mr. Edward
McCrady, who in 1834 had declined to take the oath of allegi
ance to South Carolina, resigned the office of United States
District Attorney which he had held for ten years. In order
that the operations of the court should not become obstructed,
Daniel Webster, the Secretary of State, requested his friend Mr.
Petigru, then the most prominent member of the Whig party in
South Carolina, to recommend a man for the office. Not hav
ing been able to find a man wilUng to accept he was obliged to
assume it himself. He appointed his son Daniel his assistant.
He retained this office until 1854, when his successor, Mr. Thomas
Evans, was appointed by the next administration. President
Fillmore's recollection of this appointment was given in his letter
of April 4, 1863, to J. C. HamUton,* from which the foUowing is
an extract: Buffalo, April 4, 1863.
According to the best of my recollection the district attorney
of S. C. resigned about the time I came into office and knowing
Mr. Petigru by reputation, I tendered to him the office which he
declined, but recommended another man, whom I appointed
but he declined or resigned, and after considerable inquiry no
man was found who had the moral courage to accept the appoint
ment; so strong was public sentiment against my administra
tion and the union. I then made a personal appeal to Mr.
Petigru, insisting that I must have a district attorney, for in the
then feverish state of the country no one could tell how soon the
services of such an officer would be indispensible to the adminis
tration of justice and the maintenance of law and order, and I
urged him from patriotic motives to waive his objections, and
submit to the sacrifice for the good of the country, and as an

?The eldest surviving son of Alexander Hamilton, of New York. The Hamil-
tons of New York and South Carolina are not related.

282 Life, Letters and Speeches
act of personal friendship to me, and on this appeal he reluctantly
consented to take the office, and was appointed and held the
office during my administration.
I regarded it then and do now as an act of moral heroism such
as very few men are capable of performing, and which justly
entitled him to my thanks and the gratitude of his country.
He was indeed a truly noble man, and we shall scarcely look
upon his like again.
Petigru's letters concerning his appointment are in the
Bureau of Appointments, Department of State:
TO PRESIDENT FILLMORE
Charleston, 18 October, 1850.
My dear Sir:
I am unwilling to let the mail close without acknowledging
the honor you have done me by your letter of the 15. Tho' I
can not answer all the points that you refer to, till tomorrow,
because I have not yet been able to see Mr. Bryan. It is essen
tial to have a supporter of the administration in the place of
your law-officers here, and I really begin to fear that he will have
something to do. But Mr. Kimhardt will not answer. The
recommendations which he produced from Mr. Holmes must be
set down to the influence of the hope, then pending on the
Election. With great and sincere consideration I am Dear Sir
Yours, J. L. Petigru.
TO PRESIDENT FILLMORE
Charleston, 9 November, 1850.
My dear Sir:
The favor which you did me the honor of writing to me on the
4th was not received tiU last evening, owing to my absence. I
had already addressed a few lines to you expressive of my self
reproach in introducing Mr. Whaley to the notice of your admin
istration. His rejection of the office renders it more difficult
than ever to find a proper person for the place, and in these cir
cumstances I see no course for me to advise, better than to take
the appointment myself. You may therefore consider me as
retracting my first answer, and declaring my readiness to serve
in the place of District Attorney till a satisfactory choice can be
otherwise made. With the highest consideration.
Yours truly.

James Louis Petigru 283
This is endorsed:
Refd. to Secy, of State to make out a commission for Mr.
Petigru and send it to me and I will enclose it to him.
Nov. 12. M. F.
During the excitement of 1850 Mr. Petigru had occasion to
argue a case at Chester in the northern part of the State. Pass
ing through Columbia he took tea at the house of his friend, the
Hon. Wm. C. Preston, then President of the South Carolina
College. Chester was one of the most violent portions of the
State and Mr. Preston cautioned him not to express his senti
ments unnecessarily. "Preston," said he, "I wiU endeavor to
control the unruly member." Some days after he returned and
again took tea at his friend's house in the College campus.
After some conversation on other topics Mr. Preston asked if
he had been so prudent as to follow his advice. "Why, sir,"
rejoined Mr. Petigru, "I had reached the point of departure
and -gave myself credit for unusual reticence when our friend
Dunnovant proposed a drink and as we lifted our glasses said,
' Mr. Petigru, let us drink to the health of South Carolina. ' For
my life I could not avoid replying, ' With all my heart, and her
return to her senses.' "
Of the dissolution of his law firm Petigru wrote feelingly on
August 7, 1850:
I have said nothing of the dissolution of Petigru & Lesesne.
It really was next thing in my feeUngs to a dissolution of the
Union. I put it off in every way, and it never would have been
done if Henry had not written the advertisement and brought
it to me to sign. Henry King so far behaves as well as any one
could do. Henry Lesesne is still in possession of his apartment
and I wish him to stay as long as it is agreeable.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
PhUadelphia, 12 Septr., 1850.
Dear Children:
Tho' it has been said of old times, that wonders will never
cease, they can not fail to excite a strong emotion whenever they
do happen; and no doubt everybody will be astonished and none
more than Sue and Carey to see the Governor* outside of his own

?W. A. Carson.

284 Life, Letters and Speeches
Island. Yet, he is to be the bearer of this identical letter and
the letter therefore, will be a test to show that you may believe
your senses when you see him. I wish that we could return
together, but I do not know the most eligible way of doing that.
The Osprey will sail, I suppose, about a fortnight hence, but she is
a dull thing as Carey knows, and a sailing packet, if we had such
an one as the South Carolina with Capt. Hamilton, would be a
better choice. But don't you all want to see Philadelphia again
and will you not be drawn this way in spite of the dullness of the
Osprey} * * * Ggn. Hamilton is here and in very good
spirits, as well he may be, for the Texan Boundary Bill will put
money in his pocket,* to which, the said pocket is little accus
tomed. I rejoice myself in the settlement of the distracting
questions, that have been before the country. Internal peace
is now secured for my lifetime, as I believe, and I wish to leave
the world without more broils, happy that those I am to see are
no more. Adieu my dear children and write to
Your Father.
to mrs. jane petigru north December 19, 1850.
The difficulty of answering your letter of 26th November was
not so much want of time or want of something to say as want
of decision, for I could not make up my mind to say that I was
not coming to BadweU this year. But the dreadful time has
come when I can hesitate no longer. I came home on Wednes
day, which was yesterday, and found more business than I can
do before Christmas and after Christmas I have not a day to
spare to prepare for the Court of Appeals. So good-bye to
BadweU for the year 1850. "Farewell to Lochaber," but not,
I trust, to the burthen of the same sad song, "We return to
Lochaber no more. " No, I would be miserable if I thought so.
I shall only think of you the more because I can not be with you,
and don't think that my solemn settled purpose to see Badwell
every year is not to be depended on any more. Consider how
many exceptions there are in this case — my trips to Philadel
phia and my unexpected detention in Columbiaf three weeks.
There had been on the General's [Adams] part much foul play
and he carried the day by eleven votes. It was easy to set aside
the election, but Black claimed the seat and really proved him
self entitled to it, because he had a majority of the legal votes.

?On the admission of Texas as a State its scrip rose from 17 cents on the dollar to
par. fThe Columbia expedition was to conduct before the committee on privileges
and elections, in the Senate, a contest for the seat of the Richland Senator.
The parties were Jo. Black, a native of Long Cane, and Gen. Adams of the Fork,
as it is called — a peninsula between the two rivers Congaree and Wateree.

James Louis Petigru 285
But the practice of voting in writing by closed papers gives rise
to many difficulties in getting at the truth in such cases and
makes the Judges very unwilling to give the seat to one that did
not show the majority of the ballots at the count. So, after
examining more than one hundred witnesses the committee
ended by setting aside the election and sending them both to
the people to try a second ballot.
Although I was there so long I never was in a house except at
the college and the hotel and the State House. I saw Mr.
Preston, who was greatly improved and thinks that he can go
on with the administration of the college. He withdrew his
letter of resignation and the trustees expressed their satisfaction
in his doing so. Our friend J  ^ A  is in college and a com
petitor for the first honor. He is another sort of person since
last summer. He wished to visit you at Badwell and * * *
I backed his request. But J  suffers for the transgressions
of his class. When they were all suspended last May it was a
question among the trustees whether the faculty or the boys
should suffer. Many wanted to acquit the boys and as a meas
ure of policy looked out for some good ground to censure the
faculty. They hit upon the practice of allowing them to visit
home at the Christmas holidays. It was an indulgence Mr.
Preston was accustomed to grant without having the sanction of
the rules which the trustees had made. They carried a resolu
tion, therefore, that the rules should be strictly adhered to about
holidays and the consequence is the college at this Christmas
will present a scene — I fear a bad one. J  has promised to
keep his room and read I.,ivy instead of joining in any sport.
The college is no place for merry Christmas and those who wiU
make it a solemn day will conform best to the spirit of the time
in such a place.
As to the Legislature I saw nothing of them till Tuesday night,
when my labors were over. I sat by Ben Martin watching their
motions, which were as interesting as a wild flock or a flight of
birds newly alighted in a ploughed field. They voted over and
over again on the same thing — a State convention, and, though
it was rejected several times, it was carried the next day, as I
see by the papers. Mr. [B. F.] Perry told me there were not
more than four or five Union men in the house. I am sorry to
see that our friend, Henry Lesesne, is one of them. For why
should aU the thankless, unremunerating virtue faU to our side?
I never spoke to Henry on the subject, and reaUy supposed that
he had taken the infection of the popular madness, when I was
sadly undeceived by his votes. But harder even than that of
the honest men is the fate of our friend, Memminger, who has
said and done enough to lose himself with one sort, and is sus
pected by the other of being more conservative than he pre
tends to be. In one word they wiU not believe that he is a

286 Life, Letters and Speeches
traitor, as Barnwell Rhett proclaimed that he was. This last
gentleman, too, has his cup dashed with a bitter taste even in
the act of raising it to his lips. There were but two candidates,
Rhett and Hammond, and yet it required four ballotings to get
an election. This could not have happened if so many people
— about one-third of the whole body — had not thought that
neither was fit for the place. Nothing is more calculated to
inspire confidence in them that look for a reaction than this
very circumstance. The whole Legislature, with very few
exceptions, are declared disunionists, yet they object to Barn
well Rhett because he was so violent. I infer from this that they
are not so mad as they affect to be, and that with a great deal of
real mahce there is also a good deal of acting^',
I have had a letter from Johnston,* who has returned to Berlin
from a long excursion into Hungary. He gives me an account
of his journey, but I must say that Johnston wiU have to pay a
great deal of attention to style before he learns to write a good
letter, and before he becomes an agreeable correspondent he
must be more legible. In some parts he is as hard to construe
as Barnwell Rhett, whose hand, you know, is no more accessible
to common readers than Egyptian hieroglyphics. * * *
?J. Johnston Pettigrew.

James Louis Petigru 287

CHAPTER XXXIII
1851
Murder Case at Camden; His Nephew; Phil Porcher
to mrs. jane petigru north
[Camden] AprU 5, 1851.
This is the second day of the Court and the Grand Jury has
found a bill for murder against the person I have come to defend.
We go into the trial in the morning and when you receive this
letter you may suppose me surrounded by the dense crowd,
whom business and curiosity have collected to hear this case —
with Judge Wardlaw on the bench, and lawyers wrangling and
witnesses swearing, and the prisoner, a young man, upwards of
six feet high, sitting in the dock waiting for his fate. It is
probable that the case will take two days, and I hope it will not
take more, and if so I may get home on Friday, but Saturday is
more probable. I never was here before. It is a stationary
place. Some planters have good houses and there are 3,000 or
4,000 inhabitants, and there is DeKalb's monument and the
house that CornwaUis occupied, which is still called after his
name. I found very good lodgings at the inn, which bears the
name ofthe Wateree Hotel, and my old student, James Chesnut*
is very obliging and attentive. But you must not confound him
with the inn-keeper, for he belongs to the aristocracy, is one of
the lawyers engaged in the case, a man of consequence here and
in Columbia. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH April 22, 1851.
* * * Our plans seem to be settling on an island residence
again. I think sister has given up Virginia for a family that I
have bought. A woman of very good qualities and five children.
It has been a long discussion. I was much averse to it, but
sister's perseverance and the poor woman's anxiety have carried
the day. After she got into the house we could hardly do other
wise than purchase, though the price is like money thrown away,
for an increase of servaiits is only an increase of expense. But

?A United States Senator, 1860; and during the war Brigadier General and aide
to Jefferson Da-vis.

288 Life, Letters and Speeches
I doubt if one thousand nine hundred dollars worth of medicine
would have done sister as much good. * * *
I have forgot my taxes. You may pay aU in your name, or
pay for each distinctly, but let me request you to make the pay
ment. I can not pay here and do not wish to cheat the State;
it is enough for the Secessionists to do that.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH May 14, 1851.
My dear Sister:
I have just returned from Washington, where I spent Thurs
day, Friday, and Saturday last. The first person I saw was
Mr. Webster and the last was Gen. Scott. The very evening I
arrived I called on the President and spent three hours with
him, which he had the politeness to say that he could not have
spent more agreeably. Our conversation was all about the
State, however, and I made no interest with him for anybody.
* * * Mr. Webster looks like a person who is breaking, and
if he does not meet with rest I am afraid his strength wiU give
way. * * *
Gen. Scott arrived in Washington from a journey of forty days
on Saturday and came immediately to see me. I was dining
with Mr. Webster, but as soon as I came to my lodgings and
heard it I posted off and found him at home and stayed with
him a couple of hours. I did not beg for Phil, though I had it
always in my mind and only wanted to make sure of my aim
before I said anything. * * *
I have said nothing of pohtics, but the general opinion here is
decidedly against the late Convention, and there is no doubt
that the public mind is cooUng. * * *
TO PHILIP PORCHER* Charleston, 16 June, 1851.
My dear Phil:
By this mail you receive a communication fraught with the
most important consequences, whether for weal or for woe, and
which must seriously affect the future course of your life. It is
nothing less than a notification from the Hon. Mr. Graham that
you are to be admitted to the honor of standing an examination
for the place of a midshipman in the U. S. Navy. I hope the
examination will be no trial of your depth in letters, for they do

?Philip Porcher graduated first in the class of 1855, of which T. O. Selfridge and
E. P. Lull were members. He was lost in September, 1863, by the foundering
of the Confederate blockade runner Juno, on the voyage between Charleston
and Nassau. His classmates, after the war, always spoke of him with the
greatest respect and regard.

James Louis Petigru 289
not seem to think that much learning is requisite as a passport
to the Steerage. Nevertheless, my dear Phil, as you have no
time but what remains between this and October, to finish your
grammar school education, you ought to redouble your exer
tions now, and lay in all the Latin and philosophy that you can
master, before you go to sea. You will have an opportunity
after you are admitted into the service, of learning geometry
and something of astronomy. But, all that is taught in the
naval school, has reference to science, as contradistinguished
from literature. Now, the things which you will be taught with
reference to your profession, are necessary and you will have to
learn them, and they confer no distinction among nautical men,
because they all know them, of course. But, the things, which
are learnt at grammar school, Latin and Rhetoric and History
and Geography and Logic are the marks of a polite education,
and confer distinction on an officer that possesses them, which
is very soothing to the natural feelings of men. Therefore, you
should work now, as the farmer does, who has only a few hours
of daylight, and must finish his task before the night closes in.
From your conduct now, I shall draw an augury of what your
future life will be. If you throw dowii your books and conceive
that you are emancipated from the toil of thinking and have
scope for enjoyment, without the fear of the schoolmaster, I
will be sadly prepared to see you turn out a drone and a hanger-
on upon the service. But I trust that very different feelings
will occupy your mind, and that you will look upon the good
fortune of gaining admission into an honorable career, as only
valuable because it will enable you to rise to eminence and dis
tinction. It is true that all can not expect brilliant opportuni
ties. You may never have the good fortune to enter the harbor
of Charleston with the wreath of victory suspended from your
prow, but it is the spirit of emulation, the love of honor and a
generous ardor for distinction, that makes a man's character
and stamps him with superiority. We are not all equally fit
for all things. You have hitherto discovered traits that imply
an inclination for an active, rather than a studious life, and we
have consulted the bent of your inclinations, by getting you a
place in the navy where the love of action will have full room for
development. But you must not suppose that an active life
is the same thing as a life of enjoyment, much less of pleasure.
No, far from it. The severest study is not more at variance
with a life of idleness, than an active life with the pursuit of
pleasure. You have chosen a profession, in fact, that is full of
hardship, and the first steps are very slow and very heavy. It
will require all your fortitude to keep from repenting of your
choice, and to bear up under privation and weariness of spirit.
But, honor is not honor for nothing, and if you can not suffer
with patience, you will never know what it is to earn praise, and

290 Life, Letters and Speeches
enjoy success. I hope, dear Phil, that our expectations of you
will not be disappointed, and, as we have received this mark of
Mr. Graham's kindness, at a time when our hopes were almost
extinct, we may hereafter bless the day that brought his warrant,
as the commencement of your rise and progress in the navy.
Study history and rhetoric, and improve yourself as if you never
forgot that life is a duty, and that there is no sure road to happi
ness, but by the path of duty. You must take care to write to
Mr. Graham immediately. You must address it to the "Honbl.
W. A. Graham;" begin, "Sir" or "Honored Sir," and say, "I
feel highly honored by your official note of the 10th inst., con
veying a notice of the great favor done me, by allowing me to be
examined for admission into the Navy of the United States as a
Midshipman. I beg you to receive, with my sincere thanks, the
assurance, that I wUl accept with pride of the offer, and not fail
to appear at the examination," and sign yourself "Your Obt.
Servt." Having filled the sheet, I have nothing more to say
than that, I am, dear PhU, Your affectionate uncle,
J. L. Petigru.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH December 9, 1851.
They are going to call a Convention. I always thought they
would; and the Convention can only do mischief. How much,
no one can tell. We ought to give thanks, with grateful hearts,
that the rest of the country is imbued with more sense and a
higher notion of social duty than South Carolina.

James Louis Petigru 291

CHAPTER XXXIV
1852
Crying Speech; White Sulphur Springs; Death of Mr.
Webster; Calhoun Monument
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, January 8, 1852.
* * * U  has abandoned his appeal and I have not
to repeat my crying speech, and Mrs. W  , relieved from
suspense a fortnight sooner than we expected, embarked on
Thursday for Philadelphia, with her children. You can not
conceive how great the relief was to me, who was in terror about
speaking again, when my first speech had been praised so ridicu
lously beyond its merits. * * * j embrace the sisterhood
and girlhood, embracing Mary Blount with the other Marys and
remembering Cedar Hill, while commemorating Badwell; and
including Louis in the parental sentiment, with which I am,
dear Jane,
Your Brother.
Mr. Petigru was never commonplace. In listening to him
even upon ordinary occasions one felt the power of a high moral
nature and of a superior mind. At times he rose to greatness.
One of these efforts the writer enjoyed the privilege of hearing,
his speech in the case of Mrs. W  , mentioned in the above
letter. Driven to desperation by cruel treatment she had fled
with her children from her husband's roof under the protection
of two gentlemen of the vicinity and taken refuge in the city of
Charleston. The husband followed and took out a warrant
to keep the peace against the gentlemen who protected her,
under color of which the constable possessed himself of the chil
dren. She at once came to Mr. Petigru, who sued out for her a
writ of habeas corpus. The case was heard at Chambers before
Judge Whitner. There was no crowd who could be roused to
madness and carried off their feet by contagious sympathy.
Besides the parties interested, a few lawyers and students con
stituted the audience. In view of the notorious unfitness of the
husband in this instance Mr. Petigru contended that the Court

292 Life, Letters and Speeches
would at least replace the parties in the position in which they
were before the illegal act of the constable. When he rose it was
evident from the convulsive movements of his lips how intensely
he felt; and when, after enumerating simply and evidently with
suppressed emotions, the various acts of brutality to which his
client had been subjected, he pointed to her as she sat beside him,
soon to become again a mother, and asked whether the child
unborn should be seized by such a father? Judge Whitner,
who was of a very tender heart, wept until the tears streamed
down his cheeks and there was scarcely a dry eye among the
audience. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Broad Street, July 17, 1852.
* * * The Gen. Pierce who is the Democratic nominee is as
obscure a man as any person in the United States that ever was
a Senator or general. He was, years ago, a Senator from New
Hampshire, where he lives. Since that time he has been a
general in Mexico. He is a drinking gaming sort of person,
opposed to the religious tendencies of his age and country, and
as in Catholic countries Atheists pass for or shelter under the
name of Protestants, Pierce is covered by the mantle ofthe Con
stitution and by opposition to abolition and free soil. It will be
a singular thing if the Whigs carry two elections in succession,
and very singular if both candidates are from New Hampshire.
But I predict that Gen. Scott will be our candidate; and Mr.
Webster will not be nominated by the South, because he can not
get the North. There again is a strange display of the want of
reason in reasonable beings. The North are prouder of Mr.
Webster than of any other man among them, yet in the distribu
tion of honors both parties give him the go-by and pitch upon
common men. We have heard nothing yet from the Whig Con
vention, but I predict that the news will be carried up by Har
riet, if she stays a night in Augusta, for I think they will get
through their nomination today. It is my fate to go to Virginia,
and I presume Sue will go with us. My love to the sisterhood
and childhood all round.
Your Brother.
to alfred huger
White Sulphur Springs, 8 Sept., 1852.
My dear Huger:
* * * Singleton has been aiUng since Sunday last. We
can not get him to see a doctor, and he has only just consented

James Louis Petigru 293
to take a blue pill of my wife's prescription. When urged about
a doctor, he repeats John Randolph's sentence, who consoled
himself on the death of a valuable overseer on hearing that he
had not seen a doctor, saying, that he must submit since the
man had a fair chance. The company is dwindled down to 150
or 200. We will stay a week longer at least, and then, probably
to the Warm Springs for as long. * * *
There has been more than one fuss out here, and our country
men each time, had a hand in it. Indeed there are more South
Carolinians here than any others; many more than I know.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, October 27, 1852.
My dear Jane:
I am ashamed of being at home four days without writing.
We arrived on Friday night (22d). There was a great deal to
hear and see, and on Monday came the news of Mr. Webster's
death, which I confess weighed me down under the influence of
many conflicting emotions. I could not but think how great a
man he was, how true to the great interests of his country, and
how little justice he had received, at least from our countrymen.
He had given a proof of disinterestedness which no man from this
State ever gave. He had offended his friends in maintaining
an unpopular cause. And what is truly discouraging, as far as
reputation in this latitude constitutes fame, he was not so well
off as even to be neglected, but was actually represented by
those, who had never given an instance of disinterestedness in
their lives, as a selfish politician. Pondering on his life, and the
close of his career so soon after that of Mr. Clay, was enough, I
think, to justify a feeling of discouragement. * * *
Mr. Petigru's manners were warm and hearty; often impul
sive, and sometimes bordering even upon the hilarious; and yet
no man stood more upon social form and ceremony than he did.
I remember on one occasion a young gentleman in the office
announced to him that "Colonel" Grayson had called. In
stantly, with an expression of assumed distress upon his face, he
said to him: "Augustus, spare him. I am sure he never held a
commission in his life and would feel like a dove in epaulettes. "
On another occasion a student in the office* had nursed a virgin
beard into a hopeful growth. One day Mr. Petigru stopped,
looked at him with a twinkle in his eyes and said to him:
"Julius, shave; were you a young cornet of horse I should say
*J. B. Allston.

294 Life, Letters and Speeches
nothing, but for one following a civic profession to carry a
bearded face is not good form. "
During the winter of 1852 there was great rivalry among the
schoolboys in the coUection of funds for the Calhoun monument.
Mr. Petigru disapproved of giving tips to children, and as he
generally spoke to them in an ironical manner, they invariably
stood in great awe of him with the exception of his elder grand
son, William, who was somewhat devoid of veneration. Wil
liam boldly asked him for some money for the monument.
Taking from his pocket two old coins worth twelve-and-a-half
cents (called a sevenpence) he gave one to each of the boys, and
said," Willie, I hereby authorize you and James to contribute
six and a quarter cents apiece to the fund for the monument of
John C. Calhoun, and the six-and-a-quarter cents remaining
are left to your own ingenuity; you can put them in your
pockets. "

James Louis Petigru 295

CHAPTER XXXV
1853
Visit to Governor David Johnson; the Kohne Case;
"The Busy Moments of an Idle Woman"
TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
Charleston, 10th September, 1853.
You see, my dear, that my peregrinations are over at last and
I may add that I landed safely on the Island in the 3 o'clock
boat yesterday. The course of things after Louis and I parted
was generaUy smooth, though we found the Pacelot River rough
and crossed by the exposure of the horses to risks that I would
not have exposed mine to, and by sending over the baggage in a
canoe, and following ourselves in a second trip, crouching in
bottom of the frail bark and looking with fearful eyes at the
rapid current that could have swallowed us up in a twinkling.
The good old Governor* was rejoiced to see me, and I stayed
with him two days, and in a great measure persuaded him to
come and spend the next winter in Charleston. In this respect
I think my visit was of some value to him in increasing his con
fidence in the friendship of the people here. There was nobody
with him but Mrs. David Johnson, his son's wife, and her sister,
Miss W  , a young lady that has been to Washington, and
learned to talk like a book. * * *
I embrace the girls, and, commending myself to the Cap
tain's recollections, am, my dear sister, as ever, affectionately.
Your Brother.
Instead of setting down our case for the first Monday it stands
for the third Monday of October. Therefore I shall not leave
home as soon as I expected.
On the 12th of September, two days after the date of this
letter, James Louis Petigru, Jr., was accidentally drowned in
Little River, on his father's farm of Cedar Hill, age 21.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
St. Michael's Alley, November 8, 1853.
* * * You will hear that I argued the questions growing

?David Johnson, Dec. 1846-Dec. 1848.

296 Life, Letters and Speeches
out of Mr. Kohne's wiU, on the issue of which a good deal
depends, and that we carried our point and had the bill dis
missed. But the Judge did not pronounce a masterly decree
and show the adversaries how untenable their position is.
Therefore, it is probable that they will appeal and carry the
case to Washington, where it wiU not be heard until 1855, if
then. In the arbitration case I had the satisfaction to find that Mr.
Cuyler was^ight and the award was unanimous. It disposed of
$40,000. I was very sorry that Mr. Morse, the inventor of the
telegraph, was a loser, perhaps the heaviest loser, by it, though
the management of the matter and much of the interest belonged
to the famous Amos Kendall and the award condemned his acts
as illegal. * * *
The case was heard in Philadelphia. Mr. Eli K. Price, of
Philadelphia, as attorney of some relative of the testatrix,
opposed the acts of the executors, who employed as their attor
neys in Philadelphia Mr. Guerard, and in Charleston Mr. James
Louis Petigru. FinaUy, Mr. Price succeeded in getting his
contest before the United States Supreme Court in Washington.
Mr. Guerard informed the executors that he could not go to
Washington, as Mr. Petigrq was the man for the occasion. Mr.
Ravenel called on Mr: Petigru and told him of the necessity of
his arguing the case before the Supreme Court. Mr. Petigru
promptly refused to do so, Mr. Ravenel urged him. "-Why,
Ravenel," said Mr. Petigru, "shaU I go and risk my little repu
tation agaifest those giants in Washington?" After a pause Mr.
Ravenel said: "Mr. Petigru, if you go to Washington a fee of
$10,000 is youfs." Mr. Petigru was seated; he was still for a
few riioments in deep thought. He arose and paced the room
for a few minutes in silence, and then said: "The viUage lawyer
can not resist a fee of $10,000. Ravenel, I believe you are try
ing to rob the church, but I will go." He went, and won the
case.' Mr. J. Prioleau Ravenel kindly furnishes two incidents con
nected with this case.
Mrs. Kohne left as her executory Dr. Meigs, >of Philadelphia,
and Mr. WiUiam Ravenel, of Charleston. Dr. Meigs said that
all of the wine of the estate, which should have been a large
quantity, was by Mrs. Kohne's will to be divided between her
two executors. Mrs. Kohne was in the habit of leaving Phila-

James Louis Petigru 297
delphia frequently and for months at a time. Her colored ser
vants, in her absehce, used to occupy the whole house and keep
high carnival. ,
When the wine was to be divided, it was found that every
bottle had been emptied of its rich contents and filled with water,
excepfone. The Doctor also said that Mr. Ravenel, with great
self-denial and cotfrtesy, had insisted upon his accepting the
only evidence that the estate was in possession of wine, the one
bottie found. TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
St. Michael's AUey, 18 November, 1853.
My dear Sue:
* * * , You have burst upon me as an author* almost as
surprisingly as Miss Burney did on her unsuspicious parent. So
little was I anticipating such a thing, that, if Caroline had cared
to, preserve the incognito, I don't know but what I may have
gone through' it as innocently as Ma, who thinks it very good,
but has ntver asked a question about the authorship, consider
ing that the name-wQuld be to her a sound without meaning,
just the same as the information that the book was the work of
somebody. I haye no doubt you will receive a great deal of
praise, fbr the dialogue is witty and sparkling, and the descrip
tions circumstantial and striking. I dare say that if you were
to take to study, you might, in time, attain to the delineation
of the passions and rise to the walk in which Miss. Austen is
admired. But, it is something to do as much, though in a lower
style of art, and tho' your performance is indebted for its success
to the initiation of temporary evanescent modes of behaviour
and can hardly be expected to survive the present fashion, it will
be remembered longer, than anything that- any of the rest of us
have done. And that is something that lays your kin under an
obligation and is felt with pleasure mix^d with pride by
Your Father.
P. S. — I believe that the interest would be better kept up by
standing in the reser-v^e and making the authorship a sort of
secret. It can't be more, considering how many are in the plot.

?"The Busy Moments of an Idle Woman," Harpers. The name vas suggested
by her sister, Mrs. Carson.

298 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XXXVI
1854
Borrowing Money for Client; Case at Walterboro;
Speech at Semi-Centennial of South Carolina College;
Dinner with Governor Manning; Preventing a Duel;
The Genus "Rice Planter"; Grayson's Poem
to MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, January 28, 1854.
* * * I had just been reading your letter, and recollecting
what you said of Charles only needing more negroes to make as
much money as he pleased, was inclined to wish that Dick's
thirty-six negroes were on the lake. But when I reflected that
negroes are now six hundred dollars a head, I thought that I
would always rather see a stranger buying at that price than a
friend. Our friend Phil has been buying out his neighbor,
Hedley — $8,000 for the whole subject. I suppose it is a saving
purchase, because he can sell the negroes and keep the land at a
low figure. * * *
I was in Savannah a month ago to-day. It was to give CUffy
Postell* away and give the ceremony all due honor that I yielded
to their wishes and went on Monday and returned on Wednes
day night's boat. They are now all here. Mr. and Mrs. King have
behaved very handsomely by the young lady. They have
received her with warmth and all her family with attention.
* * * You seem to think I am bound for Washington, which
is not so. I have no design to see it before next January, when
Mrs. Kohne's case is to be argued. * * *
Your affectionate Brother, J. L. P.
It was about this time in his practice that an incident occurred
which illustrates the felicitous manner in which he disarmed
opposition by a happy remark. J. Harleston Read, Jr., was for
years a member of the Legislature from the parish of Prince
George Winyah. Colonel Commander was a prominent local
politician in that section, and Mr. Read had gone on his bond.
There was default in the payment, and Mr. Petigru was em-
*Mrs. Petigru's niece. Miss Clifford Postelle, married Mr. J. Gadsden King.
Their son, Alexander C. King, is a distinguished lawyer of Atlanta, Ga.

James Louis Petigru 299
ployed to sue the bond. So busy was he in Charleston that he
very nearly forgot all about the Georgetown Court. Late on Sat
urday he remembered the engagement for Monday, and taking a
carriage drove to the Thirty-two-mile House and thence, early
on Monday morning, reached Georgetown in time for Court.
The first person he met as he descended from the vehicle was
J. Harleston Read, Sr., who advanced toward him with out
stretched hand, saying: "Why Mr. Petigru, what has brought
you to Georgetown?" "I have come," said Mr. Petigru, cor
dially grasping his proffered hand, "I have come to help our
friend Harleston to pay his debts."
to MRS. jane PETIGRU NORTH
St. Michael's AUey, July 29, 1854.
* * * I have been preparing to leave and have got nearly
everything ready — even to summer reading. I bought this
morning "Dr. Kane's Expedition to the North Pole in Search
of Sir John Franklin, " which I thought would be an agreeable
solace of the dog days. * * *
I hope, dear Jane, to embrace you all in a little more than a
week, and in the meantime let sisterhood and girlhood and every
thing that has a hood, down to little Scuppernong, be assured of
the sympathy and love of, -dear Jane,
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, November 13, 1854.
* * * My dear sister, I am in great trouble; my speech for
the 4th December is not yet written,* and my mind is not
warmed with the subject. I am in dread about it. But I must
shake off the incubus of irresolution and set to work.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Columbia, December 2, 1854.
My dear Jane:
* * * I completed the draft of my speech before I left
town. I am to deliver it on Monday, after all the boys have
spoken. It will not be long and if it was, it would have been
shortened; for, after seven speeches from those in whom the
?This was the address he had been asked to deliver on the occasion of the
fiftieth anniversary of the South Carolina College.

300 Life, Letters and Speeches
audience take a great interest, it will be rather difficult to
bespeak attention for one that they care nothing about.
So, Mary, like one of those wise virgins, had oil in her lamp to
burn a whole week, under Mr. Baker's preaching. I do not
wonder that you found him impressive. He is a great orator.
It is a gift. In my speech I shall celebrate just such another —
George Davis — who died very young.
It is hardly worth mentioning that I came here with a violent
cold. My speech in the Federal Court was more exhausting
for that reason. But I went, after court adjourned, to the
Governor's* to dine, and whether it was the wine or the compli
ments, both of them being what I was not used to, at least for
ten days before, I came away a great deal better, and am stiU
improving. Judge Butler was one of the party. He left this
morning. He is still as good company as ever, tho' he looks a
good deal older every time I see him. As soon as my exercise at
the College is over I am going home and expect very soon to be
called off to Washington. Johnston, in the absence of his
partners, carries on the business of the office with success. It
is a matter of doubt whether Dr. Thornwell will be allowed to
quit the College under a year, as he is bound to give a year's
notice. We are very unwilling to part from him, not knowing
where to turn when he leaves us. It is to be decided tonight.
Adieu; love to Mary and the children, and, dear Jane, the
affection is yours of
Your Brother.
to william elliott
St. Michael's Alley, 9 Deer., 1854.
My dear EUiott:
There is a blind quarrel, growing out of a dispute about a
bridge, between Dr. DeSaussure and our friend, William Hey-
wardt of Pocotaligo, a neighbor and friend of your son. A
young gentleman of the name of Hutson is likely to come in as a
combatant and he and Heyward wiU be Ukely to fight, if friends
do not intervene. The only way to do it is, to apply to the
Seconds, making a caU on them to submit the matter in debate
to a board of honor. Heyward's friend is George B. Cuthbert.
Who is likely to be Hutson's, I don't know. If you would get
some of the gentry thinking like you, to interfere with you and
call on the Seconds strongly, they would be sure to obtemperate
to your views and save the effusion of blood. But such things
can only be done by men of weight and I don't know anybody
but you, who could in that region assume to lead in such a

?Gov. John L. Manning, 1852-1854.
-fOn account of his irascibility he was known as "Tiger Bill. "

James Louis Petigru 301
course. The whole quarrel is ridiculous. Dr. deSaussure sued
Heyward for his horse, which shied at the. bridge and ruined
some of his legs. Heyward says the bridge is a capital bridge
and the horse notoriously scary. He, planter Uke, took no notice
of the Writ and the case was tried without a defence. Such a
thing always breeds ill will; taking a judgment on ex parte evi
dence is sure to create fresh quarrels, unless the defendant meant
to submit to the very thing which the plaintiff wanted. Hey
ward, in consequence, is so morbid, that, not content with
talking of what he considered a mean thing, he stuck up pla
cards about deSaussure and Hutson, hi.s witness. Hence the
trouble. I know that I am taking a very strange step, to invite
you to so troublesome a part, without even knowing whether
your opinion of Mr. H. is in agreement with my own. But in
the cause of benevolence, some risk must be run, if a body would
do any good and I am very sure you will make all allowance for
my precipitancy. The standing of the quarrel between Hey
ward and Hutson would necessitate a settlement all round and
prevent what is even worse than a duel — an action for defam
ation of character. I hope that you are at home and enjoying
this fine weather. Yours truly,
TO WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, 14 December, 1854.
My dear EUiott:
I can not sufficiently express the thankfulness that I feel, in
reading your letter of yesterday, to think there is, at least, one
man of heart, to interest himself about what concerns a fellow
mortal, though it concerns him in no other way. I have no
doubt that your intervention will be efficient. I don't wonder
that you had received no answer yesterday, for, the cartel
had not been exchanged. You understand, my friend, W. H.,
as well as if you had studied his life. He is, in fact, a live speci
men of the genus Planter, with many robust and sterling quali
ties, which have been kept obscured by the solitary life of people
that live in the forest. There is no doubt he is wrong in the
invectives, for I can call them nothing else, into which, he has
been provoked by losing the game at law in consequence of very
close play. But, I sincerely hope that you will bring Dr.
deSaussure's case under the same pacification with the rest ofthe
quarrel and without opening the Verdict, for tho' he wants the
Verdict opened, that would be to stir the embers of the quarrel
anew. * * * By the way, my Address or Essay, before the Col
lege, will be printed and you will see a great deal about solidarity

302 Life, Letters and Speeches
in it. Have you heard of our friend Grayson's poem?* It is
truly something surprising. The easy flow of his verses would
imply a long proficiency in the art and his sylvan and aquatic
scenes are truly worthy of the pastoral wreath. We both figure
in it and there are some lines which will, probably, be put to the
credit of some of his quondam nullifying friends. I would be
too happy to spend Christmas or any hoUday with you, but, on
Saturday morning, I take the cars for Washington, to argue a
case in the Supreme Court. Wish me luck, for, much depends
on it for the future of Your friend,
"Semi-Centennial Celebration
OF THE
South Carolina College."
ORATION
delivered by
Hon. James L. Petigru.
charleston, s. c.
Walker & Evans, Stationers & Printers
1855
When Alexander the Great complained of his illustrious mas
ter, for having exposed philosophy to the knowledge of the vul
gar, he uttered a sentiment familiar to antiquity, and in com
plete unison with the spirit of the age. The principle of exclus
ion pervaded aU early societies; hence distinctions of caste — of
classes — of orders and sects. Even superstition had erected no
bar against common right; opinion in some degree, supplied the
place of laws, and the learned who considered themselves a class,
were little disposed to share with the multitude the accomplish
ments by which they were honorably distinguished. Such was
the spirit of antiquity, and such the way of thinking in the
Middle Ages. But since the revival of letters, there has been a
steady and progressive tendency, to a more liberal view of
social duty. Society is thought to owe more to its members,
and individuals are taught their soUdarity in the duties which
unite society. Government is held responsible for the evils
which it has the power to remove, but suffers to exist; and the
duty of government is the exponent of that obligation by which
aU the members of society are bound to one another.
It is consoling to reflect on the changes which have been oper
ated in a long course of years by the influence of this principle.
The debtor, the lunatic, and the criminal have felt the frequent
influence of the change.

?"The Hireling and Slave," John Russell, 1854.

James Louis Petigru 303
Misfortune is no longer confounded with crime; the barbar
ous laws that submitted the debtor to the cruelty of his creditor,
after having long excited the abhorrence of mankind, are by
general consent laid aside. The sphere of charity is extended
to the inmates of the asylum; and force is restrained even against
those who are bereft of reason. Nor is crime itself excluded from
the pale of humanity. For ages no voice was raised in favor of
the vanquished and the weak, except in Schools or Churches;
but now, statesmen have learned to venerate Humanity, and the
people to fee! for the rights of their common nature. But
nowhere is the triumph of Humanity more signal than in this,
that the obligation of educating the people is now freely acknowl
edged. It was no proof of narrow bigotry then on the part of the
magnanimous Conqueror and Builder of cities, to consider
philosophy the privilege of greatness; and ignorance the proper
lot of all who were not raised by fortune above the reach of
sordid cares. Such was the sentiment of the age in his time;
and if a more liberal and generous way of thinking characterizes
the opinions of rulers in the present day, we are indebted for the
change to the spirit of the age in which we live. But the spirit
of the age itself depends no little on the state of education.
Public opinion does not represent the ideas of the majority; for
the majority is made up of individuals who do not think alike.
The diversity of private sentiment is endless and proverbial;
but pubUc opinion is something definite and intelligible, not a
mere aggregation of inconsistent things. It is a motion pro
duced by the collision of opposing forces — a spirit distilled from
the fermentation of various elements but differing from them all.
And the spirit of the age represents not the opinions of any par
ticular portion of the civilized world; but the general tendency
of the human mind at a particular era. But education is the
external power that gives activity to the intellect, which pro
duces that fermentation of the mind out of which opinion pro
ceeds. Therefore the spirit of the age is modified by education
and an improvement in education is not only a positive gain, but
an evidence of general progress — for as education improves, the
spirit of the age will partake of that improvement.
But of all social improvements, the greatest is the diffusion of
light — the increase of the educated class. To educate is to
civilize — and to add to the number of educated persons, is to
advance the boundaries of civilization. To educate is to develop
the faculties of the human understanding; and to extend the
blessings of education, by making it universal, is to raise the
people in the scale of being. Who, then, can doubt that it is a
duty to educate the peopley or deny that the obligation which
this duty imposes is binding on the high and low, the governors
and the governed? This is solidarity. It is the bright side of

304 Life, Letters and Speeches
Democracy, and if Egotism and Envy could be chained below,
there would be but one opinion of it.
It was in the year of 1801 that the initiative was taken in the
first Legislative Act for founding this College. The period is
remarkable as corresponding with a transfer of civil power —
with a revolution that changed the relations of the parties which
then divided — perhaps to some small degree may stUl divide the
opinions of men — if not in this, at least in other States. It was
in a House of Assembly, where the victorious party held yet only
a divided rule; and their adversaries, though vanquished, still
kept the field; that this great measure was originated. It came
like the last wiU and testament of the expiring party; and
sounded like a proclamation of the conquerors, announcing the
terms granted in the hour of victory. It is fortunate to find
hostile parties agreeing in a great principle. Indeed it is a proud
reflection that whatever may be the extravagance or madness of
party, opposition to learning is no instrument of popularity in
America. But though the spirit of our countrymen is too high for an
alliance with ignorance, there were not wanting objections,
both popular and specious, to the endowment of this College out
of the public Treasury. The immediate benefits of a college are
received by those only who are educated in it; the number of
these must necessarily be few; and the assistance which they
derive from the State, is a species of Protection, rendered still
more invidious by the fact, that it is in a great measure confined
to those who are already in a more eligible situation than the
generality. In such circumstances the opportunity for appeal
ing to prejudice was too favorable to be neglected. The pittance
wrung from the hard hand of reluctant poverty it was said, was
to be lavished on the education of the rich. Those who were in
possession of the advantages of education were to levy a tax on
the poor, to perpetuate those advantages by educating their
sons at the public expense. The majority were to bear their
full proportion of the Burthen, but the recompense was most
unequally distributed. And these topics might be urged with
more show of reason, because there was then no provision for
common education by means of Free Schools. It was hard
that the rich should be assisted by the public treasury in giving
their sons an education suitable to their situation in life; while
the children of the poor were taught at their own expense. It
was strange, that the State should come to the aid of the rich;
and leave the poor unassisted to struggle with their difficulties.
With that class of pohticians who think that the public welfare
is best promoted by leaving every man to take care of himself;
and with aU those who disclaim a Solidarity in the obligation of
the State to its members, these objections might have had great

James Louis Petigru 305
weight. Let us do justice to the wisdom and foresight of the
men of 1801, who rejected such ungenerous counsels.
It is our grateful task to commemorate the virtues of our
Founders — to celebrate the triumph of liberal principles over a
narrow, egotistic policy and to mingle our congratulations over
the fiftieth anniversary of the day when South Carolina CoUege
welcomed the first student to its hospitable haUs. If any doubts
were entertained of the expediency of establishing this seat of
learning at the public expense they have long since disappeared.
No one now doubts that it is the duty ofthe State to make liberal
provision for the higher branches of education. Such provision
must be made by the State, because such establishments are too
costly for individual enterprise. The enterprise of individuals,
sustained by the prospect of commercial profits, may scale the
mountain barriers that vainly interpose their heights to the
invasion of the Engineer and the progress of the Railroad. But
the hills of Parnassus are proverbially barren and literature
tempts no capitalist with the hope of dividends. Without the
patronage of the State it would be impossible to erect the costly
buildings, to collect the learned men and supply all the materials
requisite for a seat of learning adapted to a high and compre
hensive seat of study. And if it be asked for what use such a
college is wanted the answer is that such an establishment is
necessary to the progress of improvement. Curiosity is the
spring of literary and scientific research. It is excited by the
knowledge of what has been discovered — by acquaintance with
the methods of investigation — by emulation and the inter
course of kindred minds. It is in colleges that these causes are
in full operation. They stimulate activity, keep pace with the
improvements of the age and furnish inquiring minds with the
means of further progress. It is a law of our nature that, if
society be not progressive, it will decline. Colleges, therefore,
are institutions of necessity, and where they answer the purposes
for which they are founded amply repay the generous patronage
of the public, although they add nothing to the stock of material
wealth. Fifty years have passed and we have crossed, for the first time,
the threshold of the new Hall, where the future anniversaries
of this College are to be celebrated. The old chapel and the
early days of this institution will henceforth be invested with a
sort of historical interest. When we survey the flowing river we
are prompted by a natural curiosity to know from what distant
springs it takes its source, and I revert from this splendid dome
to the Incunabula of our College with more pleasure, because it
affords the opportunity of rendering the poor tribute of posthum
ous applause to the memory of its first president, my revered
master. Jonathan Maxey exerted no little influence on the character

306 Life, Letters and Speeches
of the youth of his day and his name is never to be mentioned
by his disciples without reverence. He had many eminent
qualifications for his office. His genius was aesthetic; per
suasion flowed from his lips and his eloquence diffused over
every subject the bright hues of a warm imagination. He was
deeply imbued with classical learning and the human mind
divided his heart with the love of polite literature. With pro
found piety, he was free from the slightest taint of bigotry or
narrowness. Early in Ufe he had entered into the ministry,
under sectarian banners, but though he never resiled from the
creed which he had adopted — so catholic was his spirit — so
genial his soul to the inspirations of faith, hope and charity —
that, whether in the chair or the pulpit, he never seemed to us
less than an apostolic teacher. Never will the charm of his
eloquence be erased from the memory on which its impression
has once been made. His elocution was equaUy winning and
peculiar. He spoke in the most deliberate manner; his voice
was clear and gentle; his action composed and quiet; yet no man
had such command over the noisy sallies of youth. His pres
ence queUed every disorder. The most riotous offender shrunk
from the reproof of that pale brow and intellectual eye. The
reverence that attended him stilled the progress of disaffection,
and to him belonged the rare power — exercised in the face of
wondering Europe by Lamartine — of quelling by persuasion the
spirit of revolt.
The bachelor's degree was conferred, for the first time, in
1806 — and then upon one student, Anderson Crenshaw, the
Protagonist of this school. He made his sohtary curriculum
without an associate, and thereby gave an example of indepen
dence which accorded well with the integrity of his mind.
May it ever be characteristic of our school to pursue the path
of honor, even if it be solitary. May the man whom this College
enrolls among her sons ever retain the firmness to stand alone
when duty and conscience are on his side. Nor was our pro
tagonist unworthy of these anticipations. He was elevated to
the Chancery Bench in Alabama, and when he occupied the
judgment seat we may be sure that the balance of Justice was
never disturbed by a sinister influence.
The list of graduates rose the next year to four, and in 1808
a numerous class increased the reputation of the College, more
by their abilities than by their numbers. In that constellation
was one bright star which was only shown to the earth and then
set prematurely, but which ought not to be forgotten if the
memory of virtue is entitled to live. When I look on the place
once familiar to his voice Imagination invests the scene with the
presence of George Davis, such as he was in youth — in health
— the pride of the Faculty, the Monitor and Example of the
school. When he was to speak no tablets were needed to record

James Louis Petigru 307
the absent — every student was in his place. It is a traditionary
opinion that the orator is the creature of art. Poeta nascitur,
orator fit. But those who heard the youthful Davis would go
away with a different impression. The maxim, indeed, does not
deserve assent further than this, that when the Orator has to
deal with the actual affairs of life he must, to persuade and con
vince, be master of all the details of his subject, often requiring
great minuteness and variety of knowledge, the fruit of sedulous
labor and attentive study, whereas, the poet addresses himself
to those sentiments and emotions characteristic of our common
nature which are revealed by the faculty of consciousness and
self-examination. But Davis was already an Orator. Before
he began to speak, his audience was rendered attentive by his
noble countenance, in which the feelings of his soul were expres
sively portrayed. In language pure and flowing, equally free
from rant or meanness, he poured out generous sentiments or
pursued the line of clear and methodical argument. To gifts
so rare was joined the utmost sweetness of temper, and his man
ners were as amiable and his conduct as free from eccentricity
as if he had been a stranger to the inspirations of genius. Early
in his senior year he withdrew from College, and before the
wheels of time had ushered in the day for conferring degrees the
news that George Davis was no more fell like a chill on the
hearts of his fellow-students. They thought of the legends of
Cleobis and Biton, as embodying a sentiment- true to the feelings
of nature, and owned that the grave of one so bright, so blame
less and so young, must have often suggested the thought that
it is not to the favorites of Heaven that long life is granted.
Nearly fifty years have passed since the grave closed on all that
was mortal of George Davis, and few now remain that ever felt the
grasp of his cordial hand, but many long years may pass before
tears will flow for one so bountifully endowed or society sustain
an equal loss.
In strong contrast, within the same group — to memory's
view — stands the robust frame of Nathaniel Alcock Ware.
His intellect was like a fortress built upon a rock; the flowers of
fancy grew not in the shade of its battlements. The pursuits of
literature did not satisfy the cravings of a mind like his, which
loved to grapple with subjects that required the strength of his
herculean arm. His memory was capacious of the most multi
farious nomenclature and science was congenial to his taste. In
college exercises he uniformly outran the professor, and when
the class was entering on a new study he was preparing to quit
it, or was already engaged in exploring some more distant field.
Nor was his mind less discriminating than apprehensive, and
the mass of information with which his memory was stored was
readily reduced to order and method by the strength of his
judgment. Neither did he lack the kindlier affections, and

308 Life, Letters and Speeches
though he scorned the flowers of fancy his heart was susceptible
to friendship. Whether from the neglect of those studies which
are most proper to secure for one's sense a favorable reception
" delectatione aliqua allicere lectorem" or from indifference
to popular arts, he did not make on the public an impression in
proportion to his power or the judgment of his fellow students.
And he that would have guided with a steady hand the helm of
State was confined, with a solitary exception, to a private sta
tion. And those powers that would have regulated the finances
of an empire or organized the march of Armies were limited in
their operation to the acquisition and management of a colossal
fortune. Among those now no more, but then the pride of the College,
who would fail to recognize the large figure of Charles Dewitt,
radiant with youth, and sedate with reflection? The dignity of
manhood marked his steps and the warmth of youth animated
his conversation. By his fortune placed above the care of
money, by the elevation of his mind above the allurements of
idleness or dissipation, he seemed a youthful sage, neither ascetic
nor devoted to pleasure, cultivating knowledge for its own sake
and cherishing virtue as its own reward. In his case imagination
could easily anticipate the work of time and conceive of the
youth already grave beyond his years, as surrounded with the
honors of mature age, and then the image would suggest the
principal figure in the glowing lines of the poet:
"Ac, veluti, magno in populo quum saepe coorta est
Seditio, saevitque animis ignobile vulgus;
Jamque faces et saxa volant; furer arma ministrat;
Tum pietate gravem ac meritis, si forte virum quem
Conspexere, silent; arrectisque auribus adstant;
Ille regit dictis animos, et pectora mulcet;"
But he was not destined to see that day and an early death
deprived the State of one that seemed to be born for a part so
noble and not unfrequently needed.
Nor in this retrospective view would it be possible to omit the
most careless of students, the most ingenious of men — Charles
Stevens — absent-minded, forgetful of College bell or College
exercise, but never at fault in detecting a sophism or weaving
the chain of argument. In after times, when he would rise in
the Legislature, on some knotty point of parliamentary or con
stitutional law, the absence of all ornament of speech or gesture
and of all attempts at the arts by which an audience is flattered,
could not prevent him from being listened to with profound
attention. No man wielded a keener dialectic; the blade
glittered to the eye, but the weapon was held in a harmless hand.
Had he been bent on cutting his way to distinction by subvert
ing the existing order of things the social fabric would have had

James Louis Petigru 309
no more formidable adversary. His dialectic would have
hardly been resisted by any establishment, because all things
mortal contain some error, and to the keen logician every weak
place furnishes a point of assault and an opening to the enemy.
But Stevens was conservative — the severity of his logic was
tempered by the mildness of his disposition. He lived in peace,
which he loved, and died surrounded by affectionate friends,
who admired his genius but valued more the qualities of his
heart. Nor should Waring be forgotten, already skilled in the
knowledge of human character. His observant spirit naturaUy
led him to the study of medicine, in which he rose to high and
merited distinction in Savannah. Nor the noble-minded
DuPont, of kindred race, but of warmer temperament, who also
chose the path of medicine, but was too soon removed to reap
the honors, civil and professional, which he was so well qualified
to win. Nor Miller, even then remarkable for the talent which
afterwards raised him to the highest distinctions in the State.
Nor Gill, whose early death deprived society of all that might
be expected from his hardy sense and constant application.
Nor must we forget the leaders of the class — the bland Murphy
and the inflexible Gregg. They were the real students, who,
like true soldiers, never forgot the rules of discipline, but studied
for the first honors and won them gallantly.
And could I forget thee, the soul of honor and the joy of friend
ship, George Butler — the most gallant of men, the most genial
of spirits! The profession of arms well accorded with his
martial character, and though his plume was not destined to
wave in the battle's storm and the fortune of war confined his
service to a barren field, yet no more devoted son rallied to the
flag, under which he would have been proud to die for his country.
Nor does the trump of Fame bear to the winds the echoes of a
name where the soldier's Zeal was more gracefully blended with
the tenderness of a gentle heart.
But the youth instinct with great ideas, the Scholar, the Bard,
the Genius of the school, remains. How shall I describe thee,
William Harper? Careless, simple and negligent, he lived
apart in the world of his own genius — his imagination brought
all things human and divine within the scope of his intellectual
vision. For him it was equally easy to learn or to produce. It
was not to be expected that such a mind could find occupation
in any enforced routine. He was no candidate for the honors in
College, though he received a distinguished appointment, in
fulfilling which he delivered a poem, almost an improvisation,
on the death of Montgomery. It is very common to underrate
the imagination as an element of power. It is imparted in a
high degree to but few, and the opinion of the majority proceeds
from imperfect and superficial knowledge of the subject. Works

310 Life, Letters and Speeches
of the imagination are measured by the standard of utility and
condemned by common minds as frivolous. The character of
genius suffers in the same way when tried by the estimate of
prudence. Nor can it be denied that, for common affairs
originality and invention are of Uttle value, nor that the finest
parts must yield the palm to the intrinsic value of good sense.
Fancy, Imagination, Memory — nay. Reason itself — are of little
avail without the presence and moderation of that sober guard
ian. But the great mistake of the common judgment is to
suppose that between genius and good sense there is some
principle of opposition. The very reverse is true; good sense is
essential to genius, and the example of William Harper is a
striking corroboration of the truth. He was a true poet; of
imagination all compact, and if he had given the reins to his
genius would certainly have devoted himself to the Lyric Muse.
But "dura res et — novitas" — the exigencies of common life and
the little encouragement bestowed on Uterature determined
otherwise, and he embraced the legal profession. How com
pletely he refuted the idea that an imaginative or aesthetic mind
is ill adapted to the severest legal studies is known to all South
Carolina. His judgments contained in Bailey, Hill and the
later reporters, from 1830 to 1847, are an enduring monument
of his judicial fame, and his defence ofthe South on the relations
existing between two races is so profound in conception, so
masterly in execution, as to cause a wide-spread regret that his
pen was not more frequently employed in philosophical investi
gation. The distinguished men that have proceeded from this place
furnish the best evidence of the successful cultivation of learn
ing in this College. If we were to follow the stream of time we
should meet with many a name to prompt the eulogy of departed
worth, but I forbear. Though the ornaments of succeeding
years might claim the tribute of friendship or challenge the
praise of a more eloquent tongue, those contemporary portraits
are reflected in the glass of memory, and later years come not
within the field of its vision. Rather is it within the purpose
of this celebration to inquire how far the results have corres
ponded with the expectations of the friends of the College and
what hopes may reasonably be entertained of the future.
As to the past, there is much ground for gratulation in the
effect which this College has had in harmonizing and uniting
the State. In 1804 sectional jealousies were sharpened to bit
terness and there was as little unity of feeling between the upper
and lower-country as between any rival States of the Union.
Although the suppression of such jealousies is in part attribu
table to the removal of some anomalies in the Constitution,
much the largest share in the same good work is due to the
attractive force of a common education. To the insensible

James Louis Petigru 311
operations of the same influence must also be referred the liberal
provision that has been made for general education by the estab
lishment of free schools. And if the benefits of such schools
have not yet equalled the full measure of usefulness expected
from the system the failure arises from peculiar circumstances,
and affords no just cause for discouragement. Wherever there
is a resident Proprietary equal to the duty of their position these
schools have not failed to answer the purpose of diffusing the
elements of learning. Nor let the limited education of the poor
be contemned. It is much more the spirit of instruction than
the amount which is imparted that interests the State. By
the instruction received in the most backward school the learner
is put in communication with a higher degree of learning. It is
the natural order of things to proceed by steps, and if this
gradation do not exist in the social fabric it is a serious defect.
The influence of the college, like the ambient air, should extend
on all sides — upwards to the regions of discovery and downwards
to the smallest tenement of rudimental instruction. In this
way the blessings of civilization are extended by a sound and
healthy state of public opinion, and if we compare the progress
which the State has made since 1804 we shall have no reason to
withhold our assent from the conclusion that the hopes with
which the College was inaugurated have not been disappointed.
As to the future, we trust that the College will be true to its
mission as the nurse of an enlightened public opinion. From
this source should issue not only the rays of knowledge, but the
light which disperses the mists of prejudice. Knowledge is a
step in the improvement of society, but it is not the only desid
eratum. Very pernicious errors may prevail in the midst of
much intellectual activity and opinions long discarded by culti
vated minds may still exert a widespread and pernicious influ
ence. In eradicating such weeds from the minds of the young
the public Instructor has an arduous duty in which every
encouragement is to be given to his efforts. It is in the college
that the reformation of popular errors should begin.
Education is the hand-maid of civilization, which includes
morals and manners as well as learning. But if opinions which
reason condemns, find shelter in colleges, where shall we look
for improvement to begin ? Education is valuable, to society,
because it improves the moral sense and develops the energies
of the mind. The fruit of such culture should be shown by an
exemption from popular error or local prejudice. When the
College is but the echo of the popular voice, there is room to
surmise that the culture has been neglected, or that the Pro
fessor has labored upon an ungrateful soil. A liberal education
implies a superiority to common errors; and deep regret must
follow the disappointment of that expectation. But it is stiU
more deplorable when the college becomes a place of refuge for

312 Life, Letters and Speeches
exploded fallacies, among which none can be more pernicious
than that false sentiment that resistance to authority is an
honorable impulse. Now Fidelity is the very bond of Honor
and lends its sanction to all the demands to lawful authority.
To promise and fail to perform, is always a reproach; and if the
default be wilful, it entails the heavier penalty of disgrace. But
lawful authority imposes obligations of equal weight with those
which are clothed with a promise. To set against such obli
gations, considerations of personal will, interest, or opinion, is
characteristic of sordid egotism and inconsistent with the first
principles of Honor. A liberal education implies a keen sensi
bility to every duty which Fidelity enjoins; and over the portal
of every College should be inscribed in letters of gold, Obedi
ence is Honorable.
And now considering the feeble beginnings of 1804, when the
course of the Senior year would hardly be considered in these
days a qualification for the Sophomore — when the whole array
of Faculty consisted of three Professors, and the Philosophical
apparatus of one telescope — and comparing that state of things
with the present numerous and learned Staff — with the well
stored library, copious InstrumentaUty and convenient Halls
of the present day — it is equally just — to applaud the generous
policy of the State; and to utter the heartfelt vow — that the
hundredth anniversary of this institution may confirm the exam
ple of past usefulness, and justify the hopes of future progress.

James Louis Petigru 313

CHAPTER XXXVII
1855
Argument Before the Supreme Court at Washington;
Has a Mind to Take up Lecturing; Marriage of Mr.
Dorn; Captain Thomas Petigru and the Retiring
Board to MRS. JANE petigru NORTH
Charleston, January 17, 1855.
* * * I was so much indisposed in Washington that I had
barely health to go through my argument, and did not acquit
myself near as well as I ought to have done. * * *
Adieu,
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north February 27, 1855.
* * * Chancellor Wardlaw holds Court every day. I
confess the practice is becoming less and less to my liking. I
have a mind to take to lecturing. I would rather undertake to
teach the boys than the Judges.
Johnston [Pettigrew] continues to maintain his reputation.
His last feat was by astonishing Mr. Memminger and Mr.
Tupper with a mathematical solution in five minutes of a sum
that they thought would take a week.
Adieu. Love to Mary and Minnie.
Your Brother.
to mrs. susan petigru king
BadweU, 20 August, 1855.
My dear Sue:
* * * The great subject of conversation in the Range is
the marriage of Mr. Dorn. The "Enfau" was worthy of the
master of a gold mine. Tables of fabulous extent groaning
under loads of food, such as rejoiced the guests in heroic times,
were surrounded by an admiring throng. They strained their
eyes to catch a glimpse of the generous host and his fair bride,
and when she unveiled and entered the festal bower on the arm
of her spouse, Billy Patterson, the master of ceremonies, cried:

314 Life, Letters and Speeches
"The show is over folks, fall to," and the destruction of viands
commenced. Fame speaks of 20 bullocks and 80 sheep slaugh
tered for the feast, but is silent as to ale or generous drink,
though I can not suppose that the Maine Law governed on the
joyful occasion. Nothing has happened equal to it since the
wedding of Robin Hood, celebrated in an English ballad, which
your Mamma has often heard and if you could prevail on her
to sing it, you would then have the opportunity of comparing
the exploits of the old time and those of the Range. With this
disadvantage however, against the Moderns, that the ballad was
no doubt composed by a witness who was inspired by the scene
in which he played a part, whereas, my description is drawn from
hearsay. WiUie divides his time between outdoor amusements
and the Waverly Novels, of which he is a diligent reader. I
suppose you are preparing for your Buncombe expedition. The
next time I hope you will take Badwell on your way, for they
have actually commenced work on the Valley Railroad, and as
it is true to a proverb, that ce n'est que le premier pas qui coUte,
I hope that we shaU see the locomotive before long, within a mile
of us. Make my dutiful salutations to Ma and Grandmother
and to aU the family circle, not omitting Henry and believe me
dear Sue, affectionately
Your Father.
On hearing that his brother was dropped from the service by
the naval board then sitting in Washington, Petigru wrote as
follows : TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
Charleston, September 27, 1855.
My dear Jane:
Little did I think when I left you last Friday morning what
a storm was going to burst on our heads — our devoted heads.
The suddenness of the attack and the mortal violence of the
blow are more than human patience can bear. It is the only
thing that I can think of. It is before me every moment, and
I feel sometimes like the person in the play, who is shocked to
think how patiently he endures the wrongs that are heaped upon
him with impunity. But it is impossible to stand still; we
must bring the thing before Congress and expose the fraud and
duplicity of the board, who against their own sense and judg
ment, have pronounced him inefficient because they do not like
him. Mr. Shubrick would not like to sail with him and, there
fore, he is inefficient. I have written to him once only. I
suppose you have? I almost reproach myself for not having
set off, or rather kept on, to Washington as soon as I heard it,

James Louis Petigru 315
for the horrid fact came to my knowledge on the car on Friday
night by a paper that had been lent me in Augusta. * * *
Your Brother.
Many of the older officers. Captain Petigru among them, had
served in the war of 1812, and it was shameful to drop them in
their old age without even giving them an opportunity to answer
to any charges that might be made against them.
Mr. Petigru felt the injustice keenly and made every effort
in his power to have his brother reinstated, but it was all with
out avail. He probably would have succeeded, but, as will be
shown later. Captain Petigru died before the wrong was righted.
TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
St. Michael's Alley, October 5, 1855.
* * * If I could get the printers to publish Spratt's com
ments on the conduct of the board it would open the eyes of the
community so far as they are able to understand what they
read. The Evening News (Cunningham's paper) has dis
cussed the case by name and our friend Grayson has sounded the
alarm in a piece exposing the unconstitutional and illegal acts
of the board without reserve. It is to come out in all our papers
tomorrow, so probably you may see it. I have written to Orr
and intend to do the same by Keitt and James Jones, of Ten
nessee, the Senator. It seems to me that Congress will be
obliged to restore every man that has been, in the choice lan
guage of the board, dropped, and that they will be obliged to
own that towards the Captain they are inexcusable. * * *
Speaking of happiness, a thing rare in our family, what do you
say to Marshal Pellessier and the allies and the fall of Sebasta-
pool ? I sympathize with the Marshal and his friends entirely,
and am very glad the fortress has fallen and hope the Russians
will be made to respect the rights of a weak neighbor.
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, December 27, 1855.
I feel undeserving of your kind letter, written as long ago as
the 12th, in which you tell me of everything except your little
woodpecker of a granddaughter; but of her and her red head I
hear from everybody. You were right to call her Jane, but
with this trait of resemblance she ought to be not only Jane, but
Jane Caroline, after her dear, dear great grandmother. I hope
she will have as much spirit and a happier temperament.

316 Life, Letters and Speeches
* * * I went to Columbia and worked hard and helped John
A. Calhoun to work for the railroad — our railroad — and we
carried our point so far as to get the charter amended for the
benefit of our Augusta connection, and now we begin to have
hopes of getting so strong a subscription in Georgia as to start
the road in earnest. [The Savannah Valley Railroad.]
I went to Washington from Columbia and met Tom there
and stayed a whole week, consulting, inquiring, and stirring up
friends. It certainly was not in my way to see the friends of
the navy board, and I may have found none because I did not
look for them, but I can safely say that no person that conversed
with me undertook to justify that junta or celebrate their dark
deeds. I was greatly pleased with Lieutenant [Matthew Fon
taine] Maury, a man of high and generous spirit, who sees the
question from the true point of view and is able to show to the
members of that board, one and all, that he is not their superior
in mathematics only. The wretched creatures reduced him
because, being a scholar, he could not be a sailor, so they pre
tend, but they will be very sick of the argument before he is done
with them. It was deemed most prudent by our Senatorial
friends and others to wait for the President's message. For
there is a rumor that the President intends to recommend mod
ifications, viz., that he means to reinstate such as he thinks ought
to be reinstated by nominating them to their own places. It
seems very foolish to dismiss or disrate officers for the mere
purpose and with the intent of restoring them, but there is no
telling before the event what some people can do. Therefore,
1 acquiesced in this suggestion and left the Captain there. He
came home on Saturday and brings no additional news besides
what the papers show, that memorials begin to flow in, not
withstanding the idea that the President ought to be heard from
first. * * *
Your Brother.

James Louis Petigru 317

CHAPTER XXXVIII
1856
Marriage of Miss Elliott; Oration at Erskine College,
Due West, S. C; Mrs. Petigru at Flat Rock; First
President of S. C. Historical Society; Magrath-
Taber Duel to WILLIAM ELLIOTT
Charleston, 15 April, 1856.
My dear Elliott:
If I was not tied down to the routine of the Law, I would
certainly make one in the happy group that the altar of Hymen
will attract to your hospitable roof on Thursday.* But it is as
vain to struggle against professional ties as against those of
Hymen, himself, and I must content myself with "the bare
imagination of a feast," instead of offering you, in person, my
congratulations or sympathy. In fact, I was away in George
town last week, and this week am devoted to Judge O'Neale and
the Docket. It is a great pleasure to meet a congenial spirit,
but I do not like your doubts, when you question whether I am
sensible of the affinity that brings us together in feeling and
temperament, tho' divided so far by the difference between a
landed Gentleman and a plodding practitioner. Let me impose
on you the duty of making my congratulations to the happy
gentleman, and my vows for the happy future of your daughter,
as well as my acknowledgements to Mrs. Elliott of the great
honor done me by her invitation. It would have been a great
source of pleasure to my young friend Johnston Pettigrew, if
he had been able to avail himself of your kind invitation. Hop
ing that the great event may be the theme of many agreeable
and happy recollections, I am, my dear Elliott,
Yours truly,
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Flat Rock,. 18 August, 1856.
My dear Sue:
This is the first letter I have written since 12th, which was
the day I left Badwell for Due West. We set out with mules
and horses. The girls Minnie, Louise and Little Lou staid that
?The marriage of Colonel A. E. Gonzales to Miss Harriette Elliott. He is the
father of Mr. W. E. Gonzales of the State, Columbia, S. C.

318 Life, Letters and Speeches
night at Judge Wardlaw's. Charles and I went on and found
Due West alive with people from the whole country round.
The house was so crowded, that, but for my public character,
we would have been obliged to sleep three in a bed, but thanks
to that distinction, Charles and I had a bed to ourselves. There
was a gathering in the chapel at night, and many speeches from
the members of the twin societies, Philomathean and Euphem-
ean. The business was renewed in the morning at 10, by the
graduates and kept up till one. True to the pristine manners
of the country, they adjourned to dinner for an hour, and then
were to meet to hear the anniversary. They came in pretty
punctuaUy, but then had to wait for the musicians, who were
refreshing, and made the people feel their importance by keep
ing them in expectation of their coming till they, who had not
wearied under the infliction of 10 schoolboy declamations, were
tired with waiting in silence. But all things at last were ready
and the anniversary began. But here a great disappointment
awaited the assembled host when they found, that instead of
preaching, they were to listen to a mere reader. Added to this,
the clouds, which had been during the recess gathering, now
began to throw a veil over the face -of day, and before we had
got over the first part of the discourse, rain, which had not been
seen for months, began to fall and every man in the house, that
had dismounted at the college gate, began to run out after his saddle
or blanket or beast, and the ladies moved to the windows and the
children began to cry and except the Trustees and a few members
of the society, they did not hear a word, and even the quotation
from the Anti Lucretius failed to make an impression. The
reading ended before the rain, which was in fact far the more
interesting of the two, and the mass slowly dispersed. We
returned to the Judge's that evening, and the next morning
Charles set out for Badwell at 2 o'clock; I took the car for
Greenville and the girls staid to make a morning start. * * *
Adieu.
Your Parent.
The first meeting of the South Carolina Historical Society
was held October 28, 1856, and Mr. Petigru was elected its first
President. The petition for a charter for the Society, signed by
J. L. Petigru, F. A. Porcher and others, was submitted to the
State Legislature, December 1, 1856.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Columbia, 28 November, 1856.
My dear Sue:
You know how much regard I have always had for Mr. Barn
well Rhett, and my high esteem of Edmund's abiUties. Col.

James Louis Petigru 319
Jack too, the son of an old ally, has claims on my good feelings,
which I am no ways disposed to lessen. While on the other
hand, Mr. Conner's son and Johnston too are placed in relations
to all these, that are not of an inviting tendency. Your learned
physician in these circumstances puts forth an address to the
public, calUng their attention to Cunningham and the Rhetts,
certainly not for the most charitable ends. Now, what I want
to say to you is, that I would deprecate exceedingly if any of us
should take a side in the affray. I deplore poor Taber's death
most sincerely and would have spared no pains to avert his fate.
It was a disastrous event; the end disappointed everybody.
If he had kiUed Magrath, all would have been well. It would
have swelled the public sympathy into an immense vote for his
brother, who would have gone to Congress, and Taber, poor
fellow, would have been a sadder and a wiser man for the rest
of his life. But the catastrophe did not wait for the proprieties
of the drama, and made everything wrong. That is the entang
lement; not that the difficulties of the plot were so great as wise
acre Bellinger makes them, or that there was any necessity that
one man should die, or that poor Taber should owe his life to a
concession, which he did not love his life enough to make; but
that, they none of them took into consideration the great risk
of the wrong man being killed, and in the negotiation on the
ground, they passed over on both sides, the only practical
solution, viz: to consider the point of honor as being the only
thing in issue and satisfied by the exchange of shots. Now, as
you are a great writer and sometimes a great talker, I wish to
impress on you my fear that Bellinger's piece will open the strife,
and to beg you to take no side, and the only way to take no side
is to say nothing. It is what I do. I persuaded, as far as I
could, Conner and Johnston to say nothing to Cunningham's
unnecessary vindication, because it was only a vindication, tho'
as far as I can see, needless. But Bellinger's piece is more an
attack than a vindication, and will be Ukely to bring on a
renewal of war, in which war, I beg you my child to be quiet.
Your Uncle Allston is going to be Governor without opposition;
tell your Aunt so.
Your Parent.
The duel between Edward Magrath and W. R. Taber, Jr.,
grew out of an acrimonius political newspaper correspondence.
The affair was badly managed and as a result the excitement
continued untU it bid fair to occasion another duel in which
Col. John Cunningham, Taber's second, was involved. Mr.
Petigru interfered and threatened the publisher of the Courier,
in which paper the letter writing war was carried on, with prose
cution for libel if any further communications concerning the

320 Life, Letters and Speeches
duel were published in his paper. The controversy suddenly
ceased. A few days afterwards Dr. Francis Y. Porcher made one
of his accustomed Sunday morning visits to Mr. Petigru while
he was at breakfast. He told him that he " came to him as the
fountainhead to get the facts. " Mr. Petigru suddenly wheeled
in his chair and with some impatience exclaimed, " Porcher,
'fountainhead' be d  d!" He then gave his reasons for what
he had done and delivered quite a lecture on the law of libel.
In compUment of Mr. Petigru's intervention. Colonel John
Cunningham presented him with a very handsome gold snuff
box which is still in the possession of a member of his family.
It bears the following inscription:
John Cunningham
To his friend
James L. Petigru A. D. 1858.

James Louis Petigru 321

CHAPTER XXXIX
1857
Defeat in Law Case; Death of Captain Thomas Petigru;
Completion of Memphis & Charleston Railroad;
Failure of Banks to mrs. susan petigru king
TaUahassee, 5 March, 1857.
Dear Sue:
Since Tuesday week I have heard nothing of Charleston but
through an occasional Courier, but I hope that you Sue and
Addy are well and lively, and that you are not without some
curiosity to know how we are getting on in this place. Know
then, that it is now raining hard and the heights about Talla
hassee are hid in mist. Three Judges are sitting opposite on a
bench raised above the common level, listening to an apprentice
of the Law, who is reading in monotonous tone page after page
of what witnesses say about the life and history of Hardy Bryan
Croom. On chairs at a table below the bench are seated that
reader, besides Mr. Archer and your paternal ancestor and at
the fireplace at either end of the HaU are seated various persons,
induced by business or want of business to while away the morn
ing here. Among these groups are Allen McFarland and Mr.
Sappington, that you know, and Mr. Croom, that you have
heard of, and Judge Law and some half dozen more. It is now
yi, after 12, and we have had a real Gulf storm. It was so dark
that we had to suspend the sitting for half an hour, while wind,
rain and haU filled the air, and tho' it is now comparatively
clear, we have to introduce candles. This is the third day that
we have been battling in Court and it will be night before we
will be through with the evidence, and there is little reason to
believe that I shall be heard before Monday. Judge Law
will take up more than a day, so that you may take for granted
that I have business on hand tiU the 10th. * * * My
hostess, Mrs. Croom, is so kind, that she never thinks I
have enough. This morning I told her that if she could get
Judge Law, who is on the other side, to her table, I would have
no objection to cramming him, but it would not be good policy
for her to give me so many good things before her case was
decided. I hope there is no danger, but, if the decision should
go against them, it would make a sad change. I don't think I

322 Life, Letters and Speeches
would have the courage to break the news to them. But I
intend to run the risk of the judgment, by hearing it delivered
before I go, for I propose to make a trip to the Wakulla Spring
after the argument is over. Adieu, dear Sue.
Your Parent.
The Croom-Sappington will case involved a large amount of
money in Florida. So confident was Mr. Petigru of gaining the
suit that, upon his opinion, his clients refused a very handsome
compromise that was offered by the other side. The case was
decided against him. This miscarriage of justice nearly set
him crazy. Students at his office said that he passed his time
between his room and walking in his garden muttering to him
self and it was worth as much as a man's life to approach him.
At his home he passed the nights walking up and down repeating
the various points of his argument. It was several weeks before
he recovered from the shock.
While engaged in this case he received the announcement of
the death of his brother. Captain Thomas Petigru, at Washing
ton, March 6, 1857. His remains were removed to the family
cemetery at Badwell, where a suitable monument marks his
last resting place. The generous and unselfish character of Mr.
Petigru is well shown by the following letter to his brother's
widow. TO MRS. MARY ANNE PETIGRU
Goodwood, Florida, March 11, 1857.
My dear Sister Anne:
When the first shock of the heavy news which has just reached
me was over my thoughts immediately reverted to you. And
when I lifted up my heart in silent supplication for the Divine
mercy on my poor brother's soul my next feeling was in reference
to you: that you might have the aid ofthe same mercy to support
this trial as you have supported so many others. There is no one
but yourself who wiU be so deeply affected by his loss as I. He
was my nearest friend and his removal leaves a blank in my
existence only to be equalled by the one it must make in your
life. To supply, by my zeal, the want of that arm, on which
you have leaned so long, wiU, to the limited extent of my ability,
be a duty never to be forgotten by me. The requirements of
my connection with the Court now sitting at this place, will
detain me at least two days more and no other cause would keep
me from waiting on you in person to assume every care and

James Louis Petigru 323
trouble that you would allow me to undertake for you and assure
you of the depth of my sympathy in all your griefs. And I beg
you to believe that in this mind I shall ever be, my dear Anne,
your friend and brother, J. L. Petigru.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
St. Michael's AUey, May 9, 1857.
Dear Sue:
Your Grandmama has accomplished this morning an extra
ordinary work, and something almost as wonderful is likely to
happen in a few hours, in which your papa is principally con
cerned. In a word. Grandma this day completes her 80th year,
and the number 78 — no, 68 will be sounded by the clock in your
father's Hall tomorrow. Don't you think we had better
lengthen the table, so as to take in Aunt Jane and the others?
And if you agree with me that Sarah is hardly adequate to a
ragout, will you decide between Jake and Lizzie, which is
deserving of most confidence.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Broad Street, May 26, 1857.
* * * The Memphis people are coming in shoals. They
say the entertainment will cost the city $20,000. They wanted
me to act as one of the vice presidents on Thursday, but it is
out of the question. I consented to let my name stand as a
manager of the ball among the seniors, for that involves no
necessity for attending; but to partake in the festivities is another
thing, for which I have no heart. * * *
The citizens were jubilant over the completion ofthe Memphis
and Charleston Railroad, and the inauguration of the Blue
Ridge. Great hopes were entertained of increased commercial
advantages and a more profitable trade. The citizens of Mem
phis were invited to visit Charleston and mingle the waters of
the Mississippi with those of the Atlantic.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, October 13, 1857.
* * * I hope Ned got through his journey without any
accident and delivered my letter, as well as the small parcels
delivered to him, with fidehty. That is a virtue that ought to
be at a premium in these days. The instances of gross betrayals
of trust have been, unfortunately, common of late and even in
this hum-drum place, where people console themselves for being

324 Life, Letters and Speeches
dull with the notion that they are very honest, there are many
recent defalcations. * * *
The few cases [of yellow fever] that have appeared do not
amount to an epidemic and are not on the increase. It is very
different as to the disaster that affects the money market.
There the disease is on the increase. Two more banks failed
yesterday, the S. W. Railroad Bank and the South Carolina,
and today the People's Bank (the same that McKay ran away
from) has followed the example; nor should I be surprised if one
or two go in the course of the afternoon. The generality of the
people would be glad if they would aU suspend, as it would allay
the struggle which it costs to maintain the contest. * * *

James Louis Petigru 325

CHAPTER XL
1858
Appeal to Susan; Death of Colonel Hampton and Doctor
Oilman; Visit of Mr. Edward Everett; His Letters;
Trenholm; Marietta, Ga., Defends Blue Ridge Rail
road; Opposed by Toombs and Cobb
to MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, February 18, 1858.
My dear Sister:
* * * How much I was shocked by Colonel Hampton's
death ! and Mr. Oilman's was made known the same day. Many
of his friends went to Columbia to attend the Colonel's funeral.
Had I been there I would probably have gone, too. The
funeral of Mr. Oilman* was like that of a great minister
of State. It was the best evidence of the high estimation
in which he was held, that the church, long before the hour
of the service, was filled to overflowing and crowds remained
outside till sundown. Adieu. Love to Louise.
Your Brother.
to edward everett
Charleston, S. C, 22 March, 1858.
My dear Sir:
I have felt quite proud of my daughter's good fortune in
securing you as our guest for a part at least of your time when
you visit this place. And as Mr. Yeadon is bound upon a
forensic expedition next week I am rejoiced to think that we
shall come in for the first instead of the second place. So that
even if you do not, as we wish you would, take up your abode
with us altogether, you will still as I trust come at once to us,
and nowhere else on your arrival.
As to the time of your coming the choice of course is with you
and a hearty welcome awaits you whenever it is; but as to the
public, the season makes some difference. In Passion week it
is impossible in this place to inaugurate any festive or secular
demonstration with success, and even the Oration on Washing
ton would by a large and influential class be considered an
?Samuel Oilman, D. D., rector of the Unitarian church for 28 years.

326 Life, Letters and Speeches
unseasonable display. If, therefore, we have the pleasure of
seeing you before Easter, we would propose that the interim be
passed in domestic tranquility. After Easter the public will be
in a fitting state to enjoy the charm of eloquence, and when your
labours are over, we have in prospect for you an excursion into
the neighborhood which wiU give our friends an opportunity
much desired by them, of welcoming you to those Country Seats,
which are now beginning to be particularly pleasant.
If you will advise us of your progress we will be happy to
receive your despatches, and your arrival among us will be hailed
with greater pleasure by none than by, dear sir.
Yours sincerely, J. L. Petigru.
Mr. Everett arrived April 9 and was a guest at Mr. Petigru's
house for more than a week. Mr. Yeadon then carried him to
his home in order, as he said, that he might "have a free swing."
Every one knew Mr. Everett as the type of reserve, neatness
and precision, and Mr. Yeadon was always known to be just
the reverse. It was a source of great curiosity to know how
Mr. Everett must have appeared in "a free swing."
ORATION
delivered on the
Third Anniversary
OF THE
South Carolina Historical Society
AT
Hibernian Hall, in Charleston
on Thursday Evening, May 27, 1858,
BY
James Louis Petigru,
president of the so. ca. historical society..
It is the province of Reason to distinguish between right and
wrong, and to deduce from that distinction rules for the con
duct of life.
But Reason itself is not exempt from error. Theory and
speculation often fail in doctrine as well as in practice, and there
are no errors so dangerous as the mistakes of men in whom the
faculty of reason is predominant, because they have the power,
by persuasion and argument, of making those mistakes the
source of pernicious opinions. Not to mention the disturbing
influence of interest and passion, the seeds of error are so
thickly sown, that Reason itself must lean on the authority of
Experience. Many trains of thought, like streams that have no outlet,

James Louis Petigru 327
terminate in uncertainty: and there are problems in moral
philosophy on which reason disputes in vain.
Not individuals merely, but whole communities, are divided
by opinions in which both parties are equally clear. There is
many a debate, where there is no decision; and the judgment of
one age is often reversed by the next. Thus the adherents of
antiquity, under the name of Conservatives, and the partisans
of progress, under the banner of Reform, wage an endless war.
While by one party the clouds that obscure the sky are hailed
with gladness, as harbingers of refreshing rain; to other minds
the troubled atmosphere is filled with direful portents of the
coming storm. On the other side, whatever is new is welcome;
while with others, truth itself would be rejected, if it have not
the stamp of antiquity.
Though opinion assumes such various shapes, and whole
armies are recruited for the defence of every sort of doctrine,
they all equally appeal to the authority of Reason; nor does
Reason spurn the appeal — for they all draw their weapons from
her armory; and neither intellect nor acuteness in debate, can
be denied even of the most dangerous fanatics, or the wildest
enthusiasts. It is History that comes to the relief of conscience when per
plexed by the conflict of opinion; and furnishes a guide for con
duct and judgment, when reason is at fault. It is to the human
family what experience is to the individual. Precedent and
example furnish a clue for arriving at a decision when the mind is
bewildered by doubt. They show the difference between the
line to be pursued, and that to be avoided; between the way that
leads to ruin, and that which conducts to safety; and questions
which Reason could not solve, are silently settled by Time.
Time, which is the destroyer of the works of men, gives them
History in return for what it takes away. The legacy is of
inestimable value, but it has not always been transmitted
through faithful hands. The truth which it is the duty of
history to reveal, is often clouded with fable. Yet it is to the
study of history chiefly that we are indebted for the skill that is
necessary to separate the ore from the dross; to discriminate
between the true and the false; between the tales of fiction and
the phenomena of real life. In early times this operation was
but very imperfectly understood; and in the narratives that
have come down from a remote antiquity, truth and fiction are
so intimately blended as to defy separation. The credulity
with which things contrary to nature and experience are received
even by able and observing men, becomes a marvel and problem
for succeeding ages; that cherish, perhaps, on other subjects,
opinions equally at variance with truth; destined in their turn,
to be rejected with amazement as the exploded fallacies of an
unquestioning period. As in the external world the senses are

328 Life, Letters and Speeches
often unconscious of surrounding objects; so in the interior life
of man, the mind may, for want of attention, be insensible to
ideas that would otherwise be obvious. The jurists say, with
justice, that nothing is certain which has not been questioned —
for tiU the question is made, there is no comparison, and of course
no judgment; so that, without an actual examination, it is
impossible to tell whether anything received for true wiU stand
the test of investigation; for it may have been admitted at first
by indolence or inattention, become fixed by habit, and gradually
acquired the character of public opinion.
Although the difference between truth and falsehood is a
distinction perceptible to the understanding of all rational beings;
yet to discriminate between them in a complex proposition,
where there is a necessity for comparison and reflection, requires
the use of rules that are the later productions of a cultivated
Reason. As long as History depended on tradition, and no
contemporary memorials preserved its integrity against the
defects of memory, or the interpolations of partiaUty or hatred,
the line between fable and veracious narrative was scarcely
perceptible. The account of what happened in former times, was not only
imperfect for the want of accurate information, but the narra
tive was varied by prejudice or vanity; by the desire of incul
cating the opinions, or gratifying the ambition of the writer.
But when public registers of some sort began to be kept, con
temporary evidence checked the license of the imagination, and
history assumes more and more the gravity of a moral teacher.
The critical judgment of Polybius, for instance, is in strong con
trast with the credulous avidity of Herodotus. For though the
Father of History, as he is called, is a lover of truth, and deserv
ing of confidence, when he speaks from his own knowledge; so
that succeeding investigations have tended more and more to
raise his character for fidelity; it must be acknowledged that he
seems to have been sadly deficient in weighing the credibility of
evidence. But there has ever been a wide difference between the tradit
ionary and the critical school in the appreciation of history.
The prevailing style has varied with the state of pubUc opinion.
Till the revival of letters, the traditionary school had clearly the
advantage in popularity, and it is not without wonder that we
see that even the daring genius of Milton was so far subdued by
the spirit of his age as to lend a sort of credence to the legend of
King Brute and his Trojan Colony.
With the revival of letters, as a more hberal way of thinking
prevailed, a more strict adherence to truth was exacted in every
branch of knowledge. But it is mainly owing to the study of
history, and the light which has been thrown on the records of

James Louis Petigru 329
the past; that the critical judgment, for which modern times are
distinguished, has been refined and improved.
Recovering as it were from the sleep of ages, the human mind
rejects the dreams that have been imposed on the world for
history; and renders to truth the homage of an exclusive wor
ship. That which is asserted without proof is deemed unworthy
of credence or even of refutation. Assertion is not enough with
out evidence, nor a witness without some voucher for his com
petency as well as his integrity.
Authentic history may be said to commence with the times
when historians began to avail themselves of contemporary
memorials of the events which they undertook to describe.
Our pride may be humbled by the reflection that after all we
know so little of the past; that even the dim light of tradition
throws no rays upon the beginning of the present order of things.
Moses alone takes up his theme with the morning of creation;
but his mission is not that of satisfying profane curiosity; nor
is the sacred narrative a fit subject for the critical tribunal.
But it may not be improper to remark of the two main features
of that narrative, that his chronology, which assigns a compara
tively recent date to the first appearance of man on this globe,
is corroborated by the investigations of science; and that the
unity of the human race, a dogma consecrated by his authority,
and dear to the sentiments of humanity, can not be disproved
by reason.
But the origin of nationalities, and the names of the great
benefactors of mankind, who colonized the fairest parts of the
earth, and made the greatest inventions, are buried in the dark
ness of oblivion. For great things were done before the historic
period began, and many great events, since that time have been
so transformed by fable, as to come down to us in the form of
Apologue and Mythology.
But since men began to keep records and to raise intelligible
monuments, new life is infused into the world by extending the
pleasures of memory to the bounds of history; and elevating
the enjoyments of hope to the height of an enduring fame.
And whereas truth was once so mixed with error as to lie undis
tinguished in the mass of fable, she now shines with her own
lustre; and though the path of hfe is beset with thorns, and the
ascent is steep and laborious, the light of history irracliates the
way; while the noble example of those who have gone before,
encourages the generous souls who are willing to climb the hill;
like the voice of companions calling from above to cheer and
animate their efforts.
Well may Cicero, great master of wisdom as of eloquence,
exclaim : History is the evidence of ages, the light of truth, the
life of memory, and the school of life.
The South Carolina Historical Society aims at promoting

330 Life, Letters and Speeches
historical studies, and preserving the materials of history that
are derived from cotemporary witnesses.
The public mind, in our country, is far more occupied with
the future than the past. It is a very general complaint that
our people are careless of records. The materials of history are
treated very much like the noble forest, not to be surpassed in
beauty, with which Carolina was once covered. It is dehvered,
without mercy, to the havoc of the axe or the ravages of the
devouring flame. The supply is supposed to be inexhaustible,
and the process goes on till the recklessness of waste is checked
by the alarm of approaching scarcity. We would interpose to
protect the remnant of that noble forest which is threatened
with extermination. We would be happy to lend our aid in
preserving the memory of things remarkable or interesting, in
our country, which are beginning to lose their hold on living
memory. The labors, the trials, and dangers that have proved
the endurance, or exercised the virtues of our countrymen, are
in our eyes of sufficient interest to be preserved from neglect.
We would inscribe with a name the battlefields of Indian and
British hostility; and would fain prevent the soil that has been
watered with blood poured out in behalf of the Commonwealth,
from being confounded with common earth. Our labors,
though unpretending, are accompanied by good intentions;
and I am happy to say, encouraged by a benefaction from the
State equal to our moderate desires.
But the annals of our State have not been entirely neglected.
The Colonial History has been written by Hewitt — a writer
rather pleasing from his style than instructive by the depth or
extent of his information. The subject has been treated by
Ramsay and Simms in narratives extending to our times.
Ramsay's History is the work of a man of liberal mind, engaged
in professional cares, and pursuing literature as a secondary
object. But he had been an actor in many of the later scenes
which he describes, and abounds in information, the result
rather of his own observation and intercourse with life, than of a
careful examination of books. Of the period antecedent to the
Revolution, a critical examination was not in his power, for the
records were beyond his reach. They lie disregarded in the
State paper office in London, and it is a favorite object of this
Society to make their contents known by copies obtained from
official sources.
The History of Simms is a work of which parental affection
may be proud, having been composed under its dictates, as we
are informed by the Preface; to provide for a want that was felt
in the education of the author's daughter. He deserves great
praise for his attempt to reform the vulgar nomenclature of
many places and natural features of the State, which are dis
graced by obscure or trivial names; and to restore the historical

James Louis Petigru 331
and oftentimes euphonious designations by which they were
characterized in the Indian tongue.
Valuable documentary materials belonging to the Revolution
ary period have been supplied by Drayton in his History, and
Johnson in his life of Greene, to which the volumes published
by Gibbs form a valuable addition; and the story of the war in
Carolina may be read with pleasure in the soldierly narrative of
Lee, and the lively pages of Weems, the biographer of Marion.
Without dwelUng on the laudable munificence of Mr. Watson,
who has invested some rare old memoirs of the colonial times
with all the splendors of Typography, we must not omit to
notice the Historical Collections of Carroll, and the work of
Rivers, on the Proprietary period; which is a foretaste of the
pleasure and instruction which we may hope to derive from the
progress of his labors in the same field.
Perhaps the opinion is tinged with the partiality of a native,
yet after making all allowance for the bias of patriotism, it may
be said, I think, with justice, that the annals of South Carolina
offer to the eye of the historian a field worthy of more than com
mon attention.
The first scene partakes of all the interest of romance. The
voyages of Ribault and Laudoniere carry the reader back to the
period of the civil wars of France; and are connected with the
great name of CoUgny.
France, by means of these voyages, impressed the country
with a name but nothing more. It was intended as an asylum
for French Dissent; and so, in fact, it became, but not under
French domination. The sad fate of the Protestant exiles — the
extinction of the hopes that had animated the great soul of
Coligny, and led his adventurous countrymen to encounter so
many sacrifices, is a gloomy picture; unredeemed by a single
incident of a more genial nature, unless it be admiration of the
noble DesGourges; who assumed the public cause when ne
glected by the State; and with a private hand avenged the
insulted honor of his country.
To the same shores, dark with the shade of the primeval
forest, after long years of undisturbed seclusion, came the
English Colony, under better auspices. It was an eventful
period between the Great Rebellion and the Revolution.
Society had been profoundly agitated, and the heaving billows
bore witness of the recent storm. It was a singular colony of
men who had fought in civil war on opposite sides, and were
ready to do so again. It was equally an asylum for the oppres
sor and the oppressed. There royalist and republican, church
man and dissenter, found alike a refuge from the storms of life.
Nor was it merely from the discordant elements of England or
the British Isles that the strange medley was gathered. The
rivalry of England and France, which has disturbed the peace

332 Life, Letters and Speeches
of the world for centuries, was then at its height. They regarded
each other as natural enemies, and on the continent of America
their meeting was the signal of hostilities. But as every variety
of Uving rhing found rehige in Noah's ark, so in Carohna there
was a strange meeting of the human race.
The Protestants of France, that had waged many a hard-
fought battle, and seen the downfall of hopes to which humanity
might cling as to a promise of blessing, now turned their eyes
again to the shores which, in the preceding century, had
attracted the attention of Coligny. To Carolina they came; but
no longer French — not as masters, but as suppliants for the rights
of hospitality. Bitter must have been the struggle with which
they had overcome the natural pride of the human heart, when
they sunk the proud name of Frenchman in that of Protestant;
and taught their children to speak an alien tongue. They came
with smaU assurance of welcome to join a discordant throng.
Though the Huguenots have been scattered far and wide, and
given proof in every chme of the power that abides with sincere
religious faith; nowhere, is it believed, have they been more con
spicuous — and nowhere has the sentiment of honor, so charac
teristic of their race, been cherished with more devotion — than
in South Carolina.
The heterogeneous colony received accessions from every side.
The Germans added no small share to the increasing stock.
The European exile and the African slave mixed in the throng,
and every shade of color and opinion had its representative in the
mass. Then there was, in the process of time, a contrast no less
striking between the Upper and Low country. The Upper
country was not peopled from the older part of the colony, but
by a different race; and its inhabitants maintained few relations
with the people of the Low country, from whom they differed in
manners as much as in origin; and with whom their sympathy
was as limited as their intercourse. So great was the difference
that sixty years ago it was noticed in books of geography that
these parts of the State differed among themselves more than the
other States differed from one another.
"If any city ever was in a state of inflammation, Rome at
first was, being composed of the most hardy and resolute men,
whom boldness and despair had driven thither from aU quarters;
nourished and matured to power by a series of wars, and
strengthened even by blows and conflicts, as piles fixed in the
ground becom= firmer under concussion."*
Though the fame of Rome throws that of aU other cities into
the shade, and exposes even the mention of a casual resemblance
to the suspicion of presumption; yet in one particular, we may,
without exaggeration, challenge comparison. For though the

?Plut. in vit. Numa.

James Louis Petigru 333
name of Numa, the Roman lawgiver, is renowned in history, it
is too much mixed with imposture to be the theme of genuine
admiration; but we had a lawgiver whose fame places him in the
front rank of real living men. The men of wit and fashion in
the Court of Charles II who asked and obtained the gift of
Carolina, selected a philosopher for the lawgiver of the nascent
-colony. And such a philosopher!
Locke was the friend of Shaftsbury, and he who shook the
world by his Ideas — who sounded the depths of the Human
Understanding, and walked undismayed to the brink of that
abyss where lie the absolute, the incomprehensible, the unknown
— he at the request of friendship compiled the first constitution
for Carolina.
No existing constitution can boast such an illustrious ancestry.
In reference to the mind from which it emanated, it is indeed an
interesting document. It possesses interest also as a sort of
sea-mark by which it may be seen how high the tide, that has
since swept away so many institutions, had risen in 1672.
On examination, it will be seen that on the subject of religious
liberty, the philosopher, though liberal, has many reservations;
and in matters of State, his ideas conform to the pattern of the
British Constitution rather than to any Utopian standard.
But some of his notions might well excite a smile, and others
might give countenance to the common opinion, that great men
are unfit for public affairs.
Shaftsbury, one of the Proprietors of Carolina, who with all
his faults enjoys the undying fame of being the author of the
Habeas Corpus Act, is the only person in modern history, neither
priest nor lawyer, who was clothed with the highest judicial
office; and took upon himself to be a Judge in the last resort,
without serving an apprenticeship to the Law. And though the
experiment was never repeated, the praise of a bitter enemy
forbids us to regard it as a total failure. Perhaps the author
of the Habeas Corpus Act will be more indebted for his fame in
these lines, than to all that has been written in his behalf:
"Yet fame deserved no enemy can grudge
The Statesman we abhor, but praise the Judge,
In Israel's courts ne'er sat an Abethdin
With more discerning eyes, or hands more clean;
Unbribed, unsought, the wretched to redress.
Swift of dispatch and easy of access. "
It was, perhaps, in deference to the example of his great
friend and patron, that the Philosopher admitted into his con
stitution this article on the value of professional learning:
" It shaU be a base and vile thing to plead for money; nor shall
anyone, except a near kinsman, not further than cousin-germain,
be permitted to plead another man's case, until he has taken an
oath that he does not plead for money. "

334 Life, Letters and Speeches
Another article will be read with surprise by some in the pres
ent day, and deserves notice for its historical value:
"Every free man shall have absolute power over his negro
slaves." Though we are justly proud of Locke as our first lawgiver, it
must be owned, to the disparagement of philosophy, that his
constitution had a very brief and limited sway. But this only
adds one instance more to the lesson of history, that a constitu
tion can not be manufactured. It must be so far a spontaneous
production as to proceed from and truly reflect the condition of
things for which it is intended. The institution of a provincial
noblesse, of seigniories, baronies and manors, new courts, and
new notions of administering justice, were inconsistent with the
real wants of the country, and hostile to the natural develop
ment of its resources. The constitution was quietly set aside,
without having given rise to revolutionary measures. But all
attempts to govern by a form of State which is not in keeping
with the condition of the various interests which go to form a
commonwealth, is a dangerous trial. The experiment was
innocuous here, because the fulminating material was so minute
in quantity. The Government was unarmed, and the people
were at ease. The same experiment on a great scale shook
the world with its explosions.
In a society constituted like Carolina, much harmony could
not be expected, nor is the judgment deceived by the event.
Fierce party contests prevailed from the beginning, but there
was no anarchy. The colony was preserved from that by the
ascendancy of party.
It is rather a discouraging fact for those who look forward
to the indefinite progress of society, that the sohdarity which
should complete the edifice — which is the perfection of the prin
ciple of association — the harmony which secures the individual
and the mass — is realized in the union of party, rather than in
the union of all. But party is held together by a combination
of those who have more than an equal share of power.
The history of Carohna is no exception. The elective fran
chise was liberaUy diffused, but the Test and Corporation acts
guarded with jealousy the steps of the Provincial Assembly,
as they did those of the Imperial Parliament; and the avenues
of office were closed to all but the dominant sect. This state
of things existed till 1778; a legislative fact, strangely ignored in
the voluminous collection of Cooper, under whose revision the
Statute Law of Carolina attained, in 1834, the bulk of ten
quarto volumes.
After fifty years of contention a revolution took place —
the proprietary government was subverted, and the colony
placed under the direct control of the crown. The spirit of
liberty which all these circumstances combined to foster, made

James Louis Petigru 335
it very natural for this colony to take fire at any encroachment
on their rights as British subjects, or to borrow the expression of
Drayton, one of the leaders of the revolution, "the imperial
people. " By such men the cause of independence was embraced
with great ardor. But where there is freedom there will be
many ways of thinking, and the question of independence was
not one of those propositions about which doubt is inconsistent
with integrity.
There was in South Carolina a numerous Population, bound
to the Government of the mother country, not only by the
general sentiment of loyalty, but by the ties of gratitude for
distinguished favors. They had received at the hands of the
crown valuable lands as a free donation, which, by their industry,
had been converted into thriving farms.
The government was known to them only by its beneficence,
and the very failings of the administration were calculated to
prevent collision — to preserve the kindly relations that sub
sisted between the people and their rulers. It was the duty
of the royal government to extend to all their subjects a regular
administration of justice and a due provision for the instruction
of the people. Both Church and State were justly chargeable
with the neglect of this duty. But it is not improbable that the
King was liked the better for not sending bishops and lawyers
into those settlements, where people lived in a primitive sim
plicity. Some irregularities were the consequence of disturb
ances connected with the rise of a set of men called Regulators.
But upon the whole, simplicity of faith suffered but little from
the want of ecclesiastical establishments, and manners supplied
the place of law. Upon an impartial retrospect, it is difficult to
condemn such people for being contented with their lot. The
evils which they suffered from the want of what might be called
a vigorous administration, had some compensations. Perhaps
they bore them patiently because they seemed to be the inevit
able concomitants of freedom and a frontier Ufe; an opinion that
derives no httle countenance from experience. For if^Uke causes
produce like effects, the want of justice that gave rise to the
Regulators is still a desideratum attested by the prevalence of
lynch law.
Whatever may be the cause, certain it is that the people of
South Carolina, were on this, as they had been on many other
occasions, greatly divided; and the war of independence in this
State, was marked with all the bitterness of civil strife. It is
for that very reason more interesting to the historian.
Zeal in behalf of our country and our country's friends is
commendable, and patriotism deservedly ranks among the
highest virtues. But even virtue may be pushed to excess, and
the narrow patriotism that fosters an overweening vanity and

336 Life, Letters and Speeches
is blind to all merit except its own, stands in need of the cor
rection of reason.
History is false to her trust when she betrays the cause of
truth, even under the influence of patriotic impulses. It is not
true that all the virtue of the country was in the Whig camp, or
that the Tories were a horde of ruffians. They were conserva
tives, and their error was in carrying to excess the sentiment of
loyalty, which is founded in virtue. Their constancy embit
tered the contest, but did not provoke it. Their cause deserved
to fail; but their sufferings are entitled to respect. Prejudice
has blackened their name, but history will speak of them as they
were, with their failings and their virtues, as more tenacious
than ambitious; rather weak than aspiring; and show towards
them the indulgence due to the unfortunate. And let it be
remembered for the benefit of those who are influenced by a
name, and pin their faith upon party; — for the instruction of
those writers who, like unskilful painters, daub their pictures
with glaring colors; that it was after the epithet of Tory had
become perfectly detestable that it was freely bestowed on the
Federalists, their most redoubted enemies.
South Carolina has been taunted with the division of parties
that marked the war of independence. It is the reproach of
ignorance. The division is a proof of sincerity, of freedom,
of manliness of character. It embittered the contest, it gave
occasion for the commission of many crimes, but it was also the
cause of opportunities for the display of the highest virtues.
Rutledge will ever stand in the ranks of fame with the great men
whose civil wisdom, courage, and fidelity were equal to every
emergency, and proof against every trial. Nor is it wonderful
that the name of Marion is inscribed on counties, towns and
villages far beyond the theatre of his actions. For his character
combines the virtues that appeal irresistibly to the instincts of
the human heart. His courage, gentleness, simplicity, and
superiority to interest or revenge, mark him as a fitting
character for the gallery of Plutarch; and such a portrait as
that great Limner delighted to draw.
It is not our intention to enter into details, far less to attempt
to do justice to all, or to even a part of the eminent men, to whom
as citizens of this State, we are bound by the debt of gratitude.
Let us leave to Bancroft, and the masters of the historic page,
the ample roll of fame; and the honored task of inscribing a
nation's gratitude on the tablets of memory. It is enough for
us to have shown that our State has furnished some historical
materials, and called attention to the objects of our Society.
And now after having observed at some length on the com
posite structure of society, and the strong tendency of the people
to fall into parties, the unanimity which for years has marked
the public counsels of the State deserves to be mentioned as

James Louis Petigru 337
the unexpected solution, or successful development of the long
continued drama. From the most heterogeneous we have
become the most united of all the political communities oh this
continent. May that union be consecrated to peace, and the
future history of the State contain the record of its steady
advance in all the arts of life, and all the virtues that dignify
humanity. The annual visit to Badwell this year was made in July.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
St. Michael's Alley, July 20, 1858.
* * * We will leave in the cars on Tuesday, the 27th, at
half after 8 in the evening. Major Welton and James and I,
Caroline, and Louise, besides servants. * * * And we will
take a carriage with us and harness. So send one carriage,
horses for another and a wagon for the rest. * * * \Ye will
expect the cattle at Newmarket on Wednesday, 28th inst., and
hope that we will not faU. If we do it will not be for want of
wiU. * * *
Your Brother.
edward everett to petigru Boston, 20 July, 1858.
My dear Sir:
I have received your favor of the 16th,* and am much grati
fied to find that you derive satisfaction from the volumes of
Carey; an uncomfortable man in his personality, I have heard,
while he lived, and particularly so to the South, and I must own
at one time not less so to the North, by his urgent recommenda
tions, in season and out of season, of a high tariff; but in his
book, — at least in this copy of it — affording a notable example of
" the right book in the right place. " I bought this copy many
years ago, on the joint recommendations of Mr. Senator John
ston of Louisiana, and Mr. Webster, who spoke of it as a
valuable repository of documents throwing light on the Consti
tution and the state of things out of which it grew; and such
indeed I found it. But the Constitution itself having been
found to be a poor trashy concern, and the men who made it a
set of ignoramuses, I have long since given up the study of their
work as a waste of time, and devoted myself to the investiga
tions of cuneiform inscriptions and the most probable route of
the Indo-Germanic emigration into Europe. On these really
important questions in the 19th century, Carey throws no light,
?Mr. Petigru's letter thanked him for Carey's Museum and sent him a copy of
his own Address.

338 Life, Letters and Speeches
and is to me, therefore, comparatively uninteresting, while to
you he is valuable in reviving the associations of youthful days,
and aiding you to Uve the past over again, and to this agreeable
result I am too happy to have contributed. With respect to
the Detroit trial, I was struck, with you, with the atrocity of
the of ence, but also with what I thought the atrocity of the de
fence; but perhaps I do not rightly estimate the duty of counsel
to Christ, whom he can not doubt to be guilty of the most
abominable crimes.
I am truly rejoiced to hear of the improvement of Mrs. Peti
gru's health, and trust she will get through the summer com
fortably in her rural retreat. I have even flattered myself that
one or two good laughs which we had together did her a great
deal of good. I am inclined to think that we do not now-a-days,
either in pharmacy, politics, morals or any of the other great
concerns of life, take pains enough to keep the diaphragm in a
gently excitable condition.
Caroline, as you justly observe, is a good correspondent, as
she is in everything else that is good. That she can find any
pleasure in writing to such a piece of the old world as myself can
only be explained from the unfathomed depths of woman's
benevolence. In charming me from some otherwise sad hours
and the doubtful aspect of the times, her letters do for me what
Carey does for you, — though I must think that my "Carrie" is
to be preferred to your " Carey. " But as you have them both
and ever at hand you are rich indeed.
With kindest remembrance to all at 103, I remain, my dear
sir, sincerely yours. Edward Everett.
The address which you mention having sent me has not yet
come to hand. You do not say whether you received the odd
volume of Carey by mail. Caroline can tell me, when she
writes again. Please have it bound to match the other volumes.
TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
Marietta, September 15, 1858.
My dear Sister:
* * * Now if you want to know why I did not write
yesterday I'll tell you why. I had never been to Chattanooga
and had heard so much about it that I took the opportunity on
Monday afternoon to run there, 120 miles; slept at the hotel,
went up the mountain next morning, had a view of a glorious
prospect of mountain, plain and river; came down to the common
ground and took the car returning to this place, where I arrived
last night again, and am now writing in Court, while Mr. Cobb
is speaking, and happy will I be when his speech and his case are

James Louis Petigru 339
at an end and I am seated again by the familiar hearth with you
and Caroline around me. Till then. Good-bye.
Your Brother,
to mrs. susan petigru king
BadweU, 28 September, 1858.
My dear Sue:
When I was at Marietta, I was hard pressed by the necessity
of listening to speeches 15 hours in the delivery, and the only
way was to write in Court, with an ear to the Speaker and an eye
to the paper. But, tho' I did scratch a few notes at intervals in
that way, to let Aunt Jane know when to send for me, or Ma
what I was doing, it is not an exercise for which I have a faculty
like Paulsen, the chess player, who can keep up a dozen games
at once. As Judge Frost came straight to the Island, I suppose
you will have heard from him of the adjournment of Judge
NicoU's Court. It was just a fortnight between my departure
and return to Badwell. In that interval, besides attending the
long case of Bangs & the Blue Ridge, I have one day's respite,
which I employed in an excursion to Chattanooga. I doubt if
your geography extends so far, but there are a great many
places in Morse or Make Brun less worthy of celebration, for,
in addition to mountain scenery and the various hues of luxuri
ant vegetation, it commands a beautiful water prospect of the
Tennessee River for miles. It is 120 miles from Marietta and
I did not begrudge the time or the money that it cost. The cause
that assembled six lawyers and led to a hearing of eight days has
greatly excited the minds of the parties interested, as you may
judge from the fact that though our adversaries are poor and
hungry as wolves, they sent Mr. [Robert] Toombs $1000 before
he left home. The debate was often conducted with warmth,
but we parted good friends, and as Mr. Toombs lives on the way,
I not only accompanied him to his house and spent a night under
his roof, but was prevailed on by his unaffected hospitality to
take his carriage and horses to Badwell. You can let Henry
and Johnston know that tho' I did not quote Pothier, I read
with great profit from Storey, who unfolds Pothier's sentiments,
and that the demonstrative audience frequently discovered
the leaning of their feelings in our favor. The general opinion
was that the Judge was with us, and Mr. Toombs, when I sat
down, said that I had damaged their case, which was a good
deal for people, who had begun in a very lofty tone. On my
way from Washington I dined with Mr. Simons and Miss
Fanny Mathewson, whom you probably remember, and who
inquired in a very friendly style after you. And now my dear
that I mention you, my thoughts are turned to what is a very
familiar subject: your situation in the midst ofthe yellow fever.

340 Life, Letters and Speeches
I hope you take aU reasonable precautions against the infection,
and I can not but think that you are fortified by so many years
fesidence in your birthplace, to be free from its attack; yet I am
not without much uneasiness with respect to you as well as
Johnston. He has intruded himself into the pestilence, and I
would calculate certainly on his having a struggle for life, if not
for a sort of analogy, which, tho' it has no real basis in reason,
has some influence on the imagination. It is often seen that an
enemy is quelled by meeting him half way and becoming the
assailant instead of avoiding him, and one is very apt to apply
the same remark to the destroyer that walks unseen. But with
all my heart I wish he had stayed in Virginia when he was there.
* * * I will not hurry like Johnston to meet the enemy, but
there would be less credit in doing so, because the risk would be
next to nothing to such a resident as I, and so old. Having
nothing to gain in point of reputation therefore, I am not in
haste, but having little or nothing to lose, I have no intention
of putting off my return a moment longer than the caUs of
business reach me. * * *

To those who did not know Mr. Petigru, or who knew him
only slightly, the course he pursued with the Blue Ridge Rail
road is a revelation. The corporation had fallen among thieves
and was sued in different States for sums which the claimants
had never earned. Mr. Petigru defended the road with zeal
and success. In payment of his great services the president of
the railroad company offered him a check for a large amount,
with an expression of regret that it was not larger. Mr. Petigru
returned the check, and .though it was pressed upon him, was
resolute in refusing to accept any fee. The defendants had been
wronged and that was enough to secure his sympathy and ser
vices. Installments on the shares of the railroad for which he
had subscribed were uncaUed for and unpaid. The company
proposed to give him credit for the whole amount. This propo
sition was likewise rejected and he handed to the company his
own check for the unpaid installments. It must be remembered,
too, that he was not rich. Nor was this the only case in which
he was resolute in refusing a fee, even from a corporation.
He was often employed and consulted by the British Govern
ment, especially in reference to colored British sailors in the
port of Charleston. On one occasion, when the British ministry
then in power had specially engaged his services, he sent in a
biU for £20. His daughters cried out upon him, declaring with

James Louis Petigru 341
great truth, that he could have as easily made out one for £100
and been more highly thought of for doing so. But he was
inexorable. Upon this or some similar occasion the British
consul* returned to the office an opinion with the complaint
that it was not punctuated. "TeU Mr.  ," said he, "that a
legal opinion should be written in such English as will express
its meaning clearly without the aid of punctuation, "t
TO ALFRED HUGER
BadweU, 22d October, 1858.
My dear Alfred:
Your congratulatory letter 9 days ago, just as the votes for
Senator were counted, gave me three days of unmitigated
respect for the Sovereign People. But when a stray newspaper
from the Village, anticipating our Post, brought the account of
the rout among our friends, it was like the news of defeat after
Te Deum for a victory. My friend Johnston has, by this time,
I suppose, digested the affront the best way he can. If misery
loves company, there is plenty of that, and if there is any con
solation in a stoical contempt for external fortune, there is every
opportunity to practice it for the benefit of our townsmen, who
have left out Nelson Mitchell, the leader, and very nearly
excluded Simons, the Speaker, from a seat in the House. On
comparing the names of the 18 with those of the rest, one can
not but feel that there is a great advantage in deciding by lot.
We shall, no doubt, see the time or other people will, when it
will be considered quite a privilege to be allowed to draw straws
for places of honor, and to throw "even or odd" for our head
man. Our chance, between Henry and Mordecai, would have
been as good, and for the House, ten times better. The leaves
are beginning to fall, and it is a pleasant sound to hear the acorns
as they come down to the ground with a clatter, renewed with
every gust of wind. But it all reminds me that I ought to be at
work, and I hope my friend Porcher is ready to lift the quaran
tine and bid me come home. Do tell him so for me. I long
to see you and talk over the things that we have seen, as seated
under your hospitable roof, or pacing up and down the pavement
in Broad Street. I hope Mrs. Huger is able to go through her
task of doing good day by day without failing in health; and in
resolution and spirit I know she never will fail. Adieu.
Yours, J. L. P.

?Robert Bunch.
fAnecdote from Joseph Blythe Allston.

342 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XLI
1859
Historical Investigations; James Late; Lecture to Willie;
South Carolina Railroad Bridge; Revival Stirs Abbe
ville Atmosphere to W. NOEL sainsbury, LONDON
Charleston, S. C, January 10, 1859.
Dear Sir:
I have seldom been more gratified than by your three letters
of the 4th, 6th & 9th of November, and so far from thinking
your BiU extravagant, I am sensible that you are entitled to
thanks from me, not only for your diligence in pursuing the
inquiries, but for the humane and moderate estimate you have
put upon your services. I am obliged to you too for the
Literary Gazette^ which I have read with more than common
interest on your account. Have the goodness to mark me as a
subscriber to your forthcoming publication on the life of Reubens
and send the book as well as the Bill to Fraser & Trenholm.
Your researches have brought to light many circumstances
respecting my worthy uncle E. Gibert with which I was unac
quainted. Should you be inclined to publish any account of
him and his works, you have my full consent, and indeed I
would be glad of it, and wish to see it. I have no idea of doing
anything of the kind myself. But if you do write, I would sug
gest a caution against receiving implicitly something said by
Mrs. Grut. I do not beUeve he was brought up among Roman
Catholics, for the family settled at Alais in Languedoc have
always been Protestants, having probably had their minds
imbued with sentiments adverse to Rome since the days of the
Albigenses. I have also great doubts of the account of his
having at one time leaned to Socinian principles; for such a
statement is at variance with all our traditions. I have con
versed with two persons that remembered E. Gibert and from
them have learned that he taught the French language in Lon
don at an early period after his emigration. How he came to be
Eatronized with the appointment of Chaplain I have never
eard. Nor did I ever hear till I received the information
from you of his being distinguished by the notice of Lord Auck
land. I am afraid that it is too late to gain any further advices
of my good Great-Uncle; and can not but regret that his corres-

James Louis Petigru 343
pondence where we would have been likely to get some insight
into his life and adventures, has perished.
Now I wish to engage you in another pursuit — the investi
gation of an obscure subject — the Life of Louis Dumesnil de
St. Pierre. Mr. Rivers tells me he has forwarded to you a copy
of our second volume, of the CoUections of our Society, made up
in great part of materials furnished by you. If he had not done
so already, I would. At page 194 Extract from Vol. XXV
under date 1771 Dec. 18, his name is found. He is connected
with out traditions, but I have no other account of him, except
of a duel, and of his fall in a battle with Indians. But there is
a book called " St Pierre on the Vine, " which I have a notion was
written by this man. It was in a Public Library in Columbia,
that I saw it, but in the lapse of time it has disappeared. You
can no doubt get at the book through the British Museum. I
request you to see whether it contains anything to identify the
writer with our St Pierre: and if there is anything to be learned
besides concerning the St Pierre whose name is connected with
New Bordeaux, it wUl be a very acceptable present. At all
events I will ask you to transcribe the memorial, which your
Extract refers to, and any other papers that seem to throw light
on the subject.
There is another inquiry more hopeless in which I would be
glad to enlist your services. It is to ascertain something of the
history of one Jean de la Howe, who was a conspicuous figure
among the people of New Bordeaux. He died in 1797. He
left a considerable property to found an agricultural school,
which exists in a flourishing condition; but those who enjoy the
bounty are ignorant of almost everything touching their bene
factor except his name. He was a native of Hanover, and served
long as a surgeon in the English Armies. If there are any
records, in which the names of the Medical Staff are preserved,
I would be glad to know what is said of him. He was French in
his character tho ' he spoke English with facUity and must have
been in South Carolina as early as 1760.
I will add only one more topic, which is to inquire whether
Joseph Samuel Pettigrew, Practitioner of Medicine, and as I
have understood a lecturer on Egyptian Antiquities, is Uving
and where.
My friends in Liverpool will honor your drafts, for what you
may draw on my account, which will be paid with thanks.
Dear Sir, of Yours truly,
Mr. Petigru regarded want of punctuality as a grievous
offence. One Sunday after church his grandson, James, not
feeling very well, retired to his room after taking the precaution

344 Life, Letters and Speeches
to tell Sandy, the head waiter, to caU him when the guests,
before dinner, assembled in the parlor. As was usual Sandy
told Sam, and Sam told Tat, the fly brush boy, and he was sent
out on an errand; each one doing his duty by shifting it to some
one else. When James was notified he hurried down. When he
reached the foot of the stairs expecting to enter the parlor on the
left, Sammy, with a flourish, opened the dining room door to the
right. Here to his horror were about a dozen people already
seated at the table. He did not have the presence of mind to
run, but feeling innocent of any delinquency politely went
around the table, shook hands, and took his seat.
That night when he was quietly reading at the dining room
table about nine o'clock, Mr. Petigru returned. He saluted him
as usual and resumed his book. Mr. Petigru walked up and
down two or three times and then sharply said, "My friend, I
want a word with you. " He then spoke of the want of respect
and rudeness towards his guests as well as himself, that had been
shown by one coming in late to dinner with a scowl on his face,
and disturbing the whole party. James meekly said, "Allow
me to explain, sir, that I certainly had no intention of showing
want of consideration or disrespect." He said, "There is no
explanation, sir. Your conduct speaks for itself, and as to
intention, do you suppose that when a man is hung from the
gallows, he started life with the intention of being hanged?"
When he paused James bolted from the room to the haU,
seized his hat and, in a fury, rushed out of the house, slamming
the street door with a tremendous bang. To let slam any door
in the Broad street house was an unpardonable crime. Mrs.
Petigru's bell was immediately heard to jingle violently; once,
twice, three times. This was to summon her various maids to
inquire about the outrage. James immediately made up his
mind to run away to sea. He went to the dock, but he did not
find there the usual "ship in the stream" awaiting him. How
ever, a shipkeeper told him to come back in the morning. Sud
denly he heard the last bell begin to ring, and he then remem
bered that he had promised to bring home his cousin, Adele
King. He soon told her his trouble. She laughed at him for
having come into the dining room, but immediately took up his
cause. It was a beautiful moonlight night and they walked
around the Battery. She soothed him, and, being a young

James Louis Petigru 345
woman with a deal of common sense, advised him to go home,
and to insist on telling the whole story to his grandfather in the
morning, and make his peace with his grandmother as best he
could. However, things had taken a lucky turn. Whenever
anything unusual was going on in the household there was always
sure to be someone hstening at the door. Nanny, the first maid
of Mrs. Petigru, was censor of the establishment. She had
reported that "Ole Massa holler at Mas' Jeams an' mak 'um
cry, an' he run outa de house an' dat mak de doah slam," con
sequently Mr. Petigru was the culprit and James the injured
party. To reach his room James had to pass the door of Mrs.
Petigru. To his surprise it was open, and she was on the watch
for him. She in a gentle voice hailed him, "Come here, my
son; come here, my son. " Everything had been smoothed over,
and with the greatest sympathy she listened to his story. Just
then Mr. Petigru, bedroom candle in hand, entirely uncon
scious of any storm, passed the door. She called to him, and
with a look of resignation he faced the coming tornado. Then
ensued a most comical as well as a most painful scene. She
insisted that James should explain why he was late for dinner,
which he did in a few words. Mr. Petigru listened with patience
and then said: "James, I find that I have done you a great
injustice, and I humbly ask your pardon and forgiveness. "
There are few men of seventy who would thus speak to a cub
of fourteen. This episode effected an immense change in the
boy; from having been inclined to be rebeUious he was com
pletely subdued by this magnanimity. It served to draw
grandfather and grandson closer together. Mr. Petigru ceased
to speak ironically of James as the " amiable misogynist. " The
boy overcame his awe and soon found him a most delightful
companion. Ever afterwards Mr. Petigru would ' request,"
or say "it would be most gratifying to me for you to" do so and
so, and his slightest wish was most cheerfuUy obeyed.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, June 17, 1859.
My dear Sister:
* * * No news could have pleased me more than that the
acorns have come up, for I was very dubious about them. The
notice was an augury of good fortune, for today we have an

346 Life, Letters and Speeches
intimation that the Bridge* case is reversed, which is $30,000
to the railroad and a great deal to me in credit. Though at
three-score and ten credit is not as joyful a it was fifty years
ago, yet even age has its sensibilities. I returned from Savan
nah on Wednesday morning. The rumor of Thursday may be
groundless, but it is something to have come so near success to
divide opinion, even if one has not succeeded.
Johnston has sailed. His man, Nat, desired me to say to his
master when I wrote that he was already counting the days till
he should see him again. Said I, "Nat, is that sincere, or does
it come from the teeth outwards?" "Sir," says he, "it comes
from my heart." With poor Nat's sentiment I will conclude
and not be ashamed to appropriate it to myself in relation to
you and Mary and BadweU.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
BadweU, 5 September, 1859.
My dear Sue:
* * * Our atmosphere has been stirred in an unusual
degree by a revival in our neighborhood, which has become a
perfect storm. It began on Friday, the 27th August, so this is
the 10th day of active preaching and praying. A prayer meet
ing in the morning, two sermons during the day and the inter
vals filled by psalms and hymns. And what is reaUy strange
to me, on Sunday last, Mr. HiU, the preacher, seemed as fresh as
if he was just beginning the campaign. I was rendered very
sorry by a letter on Saturday from one Clenkscales, who says
he has Sammy's wife, and rather than part them offers to buy
or sell. The wife would be of no use to me and I have no right
to sell Sammy, for he belongs to Ma, and I more than doubt
whether she wiU be as willing to make a sacrifice for the mar
riage union as I. * * *
Your Papa.
?The South Carolina Railroad bridge from Hamburg to Augusta. Mr. Petigru,
considering that he had only defended the railroad from an act of injustice,
declined to make any charge for his services. However, the railroad presented
him with six acre lots in Summerville.

James Louis Petigru 347

CHAPTER XLII
Slavery; Besselleu; George Broad; Passage to Liberia;
The Smalley Case; Old Tom; Return of a Miscreant;
Daddy Lunnon
As regards the institution of slavery, Mr. Petigru held the
same views as did Washington, Madison and other fathers of
the Constitution. In one of his letters he writes: "So much am
I a disciple of Locke and Montesquieu that my mind does not
balance between freedom and slavery."
He considered slavery in itself a great social and political
wrong and the ruin of the States of temperate climate. As he
lived in a community where slaves as property were recognized
by law, he did not think it a wrong inflicted by himself on
"Sandy" or "Nanny," but a wrong to humanity. He well
understood the capacity and limitations of all of those who came
under his hand. He, with the greatest forbearance and patience,
tried to improve their moral and physical condition and thus
raise them in the scale of civUization. In writing about his
plantation December 25, 1835, he says: "The only thing to
flatter my vanity as a proprietor is the evidence and striking
improvement in the moral and physical condition of the negroes
since they have been under my administration. When I took
them they were naked and destitute. Now there is hardly one
that has not a pig, at least, and with few exceptions they can
kill their own poultry when they please. "
"I have heard him say that in the condition of the negro in
this country the happiest lot for him was to belong to some
humane master whose interest it was to protect him as property
and thus secure to him the enjoyment of those itw rights which
the law allowed him."*
Although his ide^s of slavery were diametrically opposed to
the general view of the South he was no abolitionist. His
respect for law, justice, and established institutions caused him
?Lecture of J. D. Pope.

348 Life, Letters and Speeches
to deprecate any sudden change as being equally mischievous
and cruel to the black man as well as to his owner.
He was always a Freesoiler, was opposed to the extension of
slavery over one foot of free soil, and would have been glad to
see it shut in the States where it existed and die out a natural
death by competition. A few days after the. firing on the
Star of the West in Charleston harbor, he said,* " I never believed
that slavery would last a hundred years; now I know it won't
last five."
The rights of free negroes Mr. Petigru was always defending.
He was a champion to whom they flew as a sure refuge. The
following letters are grouped, regardless of their chronological
order, for the purpose of more clearly displaying Mr. Petigru's
attitude of mind toward slavery and the general condition of the
negro in the South. TO J. p. DEVEAUX
St. Michael's AUey, 18 July, 1853.
Dear Sir:
Toney is a man that has the confidence of his owner, and of
course a character among people of his degree, that he would
not hke to lose; and in that I think he is right. You are guar
dian, I understand, for a free man, or a man not free, belonging to
Mrs. Verdier, called Richard, a stable keeper in St. PhiUp street.
He has accused Toney of poisoning his horses. I have no doubt
that the accusation is nothing more than the expression of gen
eral ill will and that he does not believe it himself. But as I
have reason to suppose he has made you acquainted with his
story, and as I stand towards Miss Webb in the same sort of
relation that you do to Mrs. Verdier, I request your assistance to
quell this quarrel. I have forbid Toney going near Richard's
premises, or meddhng with him, and if you think it right I hope
you will do as much by your man, and am Dear Sir,
Yours truly,
P. S. — What I mean is that Richard keep clear of speaking of
Toney, and learn that even a negro's character is of some
account, and ought to be respected by another negro.
He did not stop to count the cost, when he, aided by Joseph
H. Dukes and Charles H. Simonton, the latter then a young
lawyer and afterwards judge ofthe United States District Court,
?Lecture of J. D. Pope.

James Louis Petigru 349
instituted proceedings in the nature of ravishment of ward to
establish the freedom of Archie and John, two colored pilots in
Charleston harbor, upon the ground that for very proper
reasons these quadroons with their mother had been emanci
pated under the humane provisions of the act of 1800. The suit
failed, but Mr. Petigru believed he was right. He believed that
they had been unjustly deprived of their liberty, and so believ
ing he struck in their behalf.*
He did not stop to balance the consequences when he took
up the cause of the illegitimate children of George Broad, a
foreigner by birth, and for many years an inhabitant of St.
John Berkley, who died at an advanced age, about the first day
of May, 1836, without ever being married; leaving an old slave,
an old woman and her eleven children and two grandchildren
who were acknowledged by him as his natural offspring. By
his will he gave the mother and children and all his estate to one
John R. Dangerfield in trust expressly for them without the
inter-meddling of Dangerfield, further than might be necessary
to secure to the slaves the full use and enjoyment of the said
estate. Dangerfield took possession of the old woman and her
chUdren and grandchildren, and the estate. He permitted the
slaves to have the use of their own time according to the will;
but sold three of them and sold the real estate and appropriated
the money to his own use. After his death his son affected to
treat the said slaves as the bona fide property of his father.
Petigru was of the opinion that policy as well as humanity
and justice forbade the attempt to reduce to servitude people
who had been practicaUy free people of colour all their lives.
He caused the property to be escheated to the State; and this
done he proceeded to procure by his own personal influence the
emancipation of these unfortunate persons by act of the legis
lature December 19, 1855. That the parties were poor and
friendless, and wronged, furnished a sufficient reason for his
action. His sense of right rebeUed at the injustice that those
who were intended to be practicaUy free should be reduced to
the condition of absolute servitude.*
*J. D. Pope.

350 Life, Letters and Speeches
W. MC LAIN TO PETIGRU
Colonization Rooms, Washington City,
28 February, 1854.
My dear Sir:
Your esteemed favor of the 24th inst. is ackd. and I am happy
to answer the inquiries which you have made. Those "able
bodied men and women," if of good character, could do well for
themselves in Liberia.
It will cost $60.00 each one, on a general average, to transport
them there, and support them six months, until they are accli
mated and can take care of themselves. They ought to be well
supplied with clothing, tools and implements of husbandry;
with cooking utensils and table furniture, and whatever is
necessary to the comfort of "new comers in a new country";
for they are expected to live in their own houses, on their own
land, and dependent on themselves. I hand you herewith
"Information about going to Liberia," which will be of much
advantage to the kind friends who have a care for these people.
I send you herewith a copy of our last Annual Report, and
remain Yours, dear sir, with true regard,
W. McLain.
The Smalley case was another that aroused the indignation
of Mr. Petigru. SmaUey was an unfortunate creature of no
means but Mr. Petigru compelled him to bring action for dam
ages. Without hope of fee or reward Mr. Petigru confronted
men of wealth and influence, some of them personal acquaint
ances if not friends. It was on this occasion he advised a friend
of the opposite side to absent himself from the trial, "for,"
said he, "I shall be compeUed to say some unpleasant things."
His speech was most eloquent and masterly, and his modest
account of his efforts, shown in the following letters, gives little
idea of the effect it produced on all who heard it.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Columbia, December 2, 1854.
My dear Jane:
* * * I made out pretty well on Thursday. Got a ver
dict for a low Yankee whom the gentry of St. Bartholomew's
had abused and treated like a dog merely because he was a poor
Yankee: not only got a verdict, but an exemplary one — $2,500.
The vigilance committee had determined that no Yankees
should come among them and, in pursuance of this determin
ation, seized this man, a wood chopper, tied him and carried him

James Louis Petigru 351
to jail, and under the ridiculous pretense that he had stolen a
piece of rope, whipped him publicly. General Martin and Mr.
Treville defended the action, and labored hard to involve my
client and me in the odium of abolitionism. But they signally
failed. This case has been the only thing in my head for the
last week. * * *
Your Brother.
to william elliott
Charleston, 14th December, 1854.
My dear EUiott:
* * * So you have heard of Smalley and are under the com
mon mistake of supposing that the Verdict was the result of a great
speech. I give you my word, that the speech did not satisfy
even myself, an indulgent sort of man at any time and certain
to be so in this case. It was, in fact, a mere improvisation.
Not one of the good things, that I had in my mind, was broached.
The gallant Ingraham, who covered the Austrian brig with his
guns, because Kosta said he claimed the rights of a citizen;
Calas, in whose behalf Voltaire roused all Europe; Verres and a
whole army of such instances, all disappeared. Treville made
such a downright appeal to party and prejudice and called for
a verdict; on grounds that confounded me" with my chent to
such a degree, I felt so much for my own wrongs, as to forget the
victims of historical wickedness and tyranny. The speech, if
it could be recalled, therefore, would not come up to your antici
pations or even those of less fastidious judges. I had said to
Tom Rhett, that I defended Smalley as I would defend him, if
he was in the hands of a fanatic crew, that were going to try him
as a kidnapper, on suspicion. Treville arraigned me for the
saying, as putting Rhett on the same footing with an abol
itionist, taking for granted that Smalley was one. I commenced
by reasserting what I had said and denying that, in doing so,
I had said anything inconsistent with Southern Honor. That
was my guard and the event showed the superiority of the
sentiments that are common to humanity, over temporary
excitement. The Legislature have really done all they could
to make the case their own. Farmer was made Master-in-Chan-
cery, avowedly to enable him to pay the verdict, and Treville
Lieut.-Governor, to console him for his defeat. I am afraid
poor Farmer will never get security, for, his friends are very shy
of that sort of soUdarity. * * *
Your friend,
Tom and Prince were inherited by Mr. Petigru's mother from
her brother Joseph Gibert. About four years after her death in

352 Life, Letters and Speeches
1830, Prince, the elder, whose wife belonged to a neighbor, came
to Mr. Petigru and said that as he had long been a faithful ser
vant of the family he thought he ought to be free, and he wished
to be so. His desire was immediately satisfied and he received
his papers of manumission. Then Tom was called and asked
if- he also desired to have his Uberty. He replied that he had
his wife and his children with him and was contented, and said,
"I shall remain as I am." Tom was always a privileged
character. At Badwell he had his house, his field, his pony, his
cows, pigs, chickens, and also his jug. At Christmas he received
a present of $20 in gold. During the winter he came to Charles
ton and paid visits to the various members of the family. At
the house of Mr. Petigru, in Broad street, he was treated as a
distinguished guest; but in the yard he was not looked upon with
much favor by the delinquents. The savage came out and it
was often with difficulty that he could be restrained from
straightening out the whole establishment. He maintained
that "Marse Jeems had more sassy, no-'count niggers in his
yard than anybody in the city. " Every afternoon after dinner
Tom was invited to the back piazza, a decanter was brought and
he had his dram of brandy. Mr. Petigru would seat himself on
the steps and he and Tom would tell old stories, and judging from
the laughter they must have been very amusing. At his death
he was buried in the family graveyard not far from the grave of
the old pastor. A tombstone with the foUowing inscription was
erected to his memory :
Daddy Tom
A faithful servant and honest
Departed this life
The 9th day of February 1857
Born, on the place before 1776
A kindly temper a cheerful
Obedience and wiUingness to work
Concilliated the regard of those
Who treated him in his
Life time, as a friend
And caused him when he died
To be buried like a Christian.

James Louis Petigru 353
Mr. James R. Pringle, Jr., used to tell with great gusto of an
occurrence in 1841 which greatly amused him and his fellow-
students in Mr. Petigru's office. It seems that one night when
he was returning home he came across a negro who had been
arrested by a "guardman" who asserted that the pass was
wrong. The negro, who knew Mr. Petigru, appealed to him.
The trouble was the guardman was a German who could not
read English. Mr. Petigru explained to him that the pass was
correct and that he had no right to arrest the man, hearing which
the negro immediately bolted. The guardman then attempted
to arrest Mr. Petigru for releasing his prisoner, at which Mr.
Petigru promptly knocked him down and quietly went home.
The next morning he received two summonses from Mayor
Mintzing's office which he poUtely dismissed. When the third
summons was sent he said to the messenger, "My friend, it is
most fortunate that I am an humble and peaceable man, and
you tell Mintzing that my advice to him is to go to h  and
teach his Dutch myrmidons to speak English and not molest
law-abiding citizens on their way home. "
While Mr. Petigru was always ready to aid all who had any
possible claim on him, he was intolerant of anything Uke a base
spirit. Out of regard for the family of a man who had been
convicted of whiskey seUing and sentenced to be whipped, Mr.
Petigru exerted himself to have the sentence commuted to
banishment from the State, with the condition that if the party
should return the original sentence should be executed. The
man left the State and stayed away a year or so, but the pressure
of want and perhaps the force of early associations induced him
at last to give up the struggle. He returned and took his whip
ping. Some time after he came unexpectedly upon Mr. Petigru.
"What brought you back to South Carolina?" cried the latter
in indignant tones, the danger signal on his forehead showing
forth in flaming scarlet.
"Please, sir, Mr. Petigru, I could not make a Uving any
where else."
With withering scorn Mr. Petigru retorted, "Wasn't heU
open? Mr. Petigru's cook was caUed Daddy Lunnon and was,
probably, the most celebrated artist in the city. Hamlet, a
younger negro, was handed over to him as an apprentice. One

354 Life, Letters and Speeches
afternoon Hamlet came to Mr. Petigru with his head tied up,
complaining that Daddy Lunnon had knocked him down with
a stick of wood. Lunnon was summoned and stated that Ham
let was the most "no-'count nigger" he ever had known.
Mr. Petigru remonstrated with Lunnon about his harshness
and proceeded to give him a lecture about the training of youth,
— that he must be gentle, that he must encourage them, that he
must strive to develop their moral nature.
Lunnon listened to him with a most pitiful look. When he
paused, Lunnon said, "You have me for cook, sir?" "Yes."
"Do I cook to suit you?" "Yes, Lunnon, no one can do bet
ter." "You sent Hamlet to me to learn to cook?" "Yes."
"Well, sir, I learned my trade from Davie Deas and the same
Davie Deas do for me, I do for Hamlet."
With an air of triumph he went to his dominions and|Mr.
Petigru, discomfited, retired. Hamlet eventuaUy learned to
cook, and, in turn, with his apprentices, continued the system of
Davie Deas.

James Louis Petigru 355

CHAPTER XLIII
1860
Edward Everett; White Sulphur Springs; Working on
Code; Political; Law about Guns; Miss Cunningham,
Mt. Vernon; Toney Drunk; Political; Secession of
South Carolina to edward everett
Charleston, 3 January, 1860.
My dear Mr. Everett:
I have a great deal to thank you for; and have been but slow
in acknowledging your various good offices, in the books you
have presented; rendered more valuable by your autographs.
But like the ungrateful race who are always more prone to ask
for new than to render thanks for past favors I am about to
make application for a still more signal exercise of your benevo
lence. For it is nothing less than a high degree of charity to
lend one's self to such a service as that of becoming a petitioner
for another. And it is just that, which I have the temerity now
to wish to impose upon you.
In the year 1858 at the sitting of the Supreme Court of Massa
chusetts in Boston was decided the case of Atlantic Bank vs.
Merchants Bank, which called forth from the Court a judgment
which Themis herself might have dictated. The facts are pub
lic; the decision has been made known, and the readers of the
Monthly Law Reporter are even advised of the names of the
distinguished counsel who were deemed worthy of being intrusted
with the argument of such a cause. But Little & Brown say
that Ch. J. Shaw has still reserved his opinion, and that 8 Gray,
in which it is to appear, still labours in the press. Nor do these
worthy bibliopolists seem to profess any influence over the publi
cation. It so happens that a case exactly similar (which is
rather breaking in on Lord Coke's authority "Nullum simile
currit quatum pedibris") is to come on before Chf. Justice
O'Neale and his assessors in a couple of weeks. The Bank of
Charleston occupy the very ground that the Atlantic Bank
stood upon, and they would think no price dear for a copy of
Chf. Justice Shaw's opinion. And if by influence or by money,
the Reporter could be induced to furnish a copy in MS. or in
print, or if the venerable Chief Justice would condescend to
allow a copy of his judgment to be taken in advance, as well as

356 Life, Letters and Speeches
that of the other members of the court, it would be a prize for
our friends greatly to rejoice.
My dear Mr. Everett you can judge whether it is practicable
to obtain in whole or in part our desire for a report of this case to
answer the present emergency, and to this end if you will lend
your aid the favor will never be forgotten by my friends or by
yours truly,
P. S. — My daughter has reached home after much suffering
at sea, but is greatly comforted just now by a spell of cold
weather. TO ALFRED HUGER
White Sulphur Springs, 5 September, 1860.
My dear Huger:
* * * The chief discourse, here, is about Lincoln, for the
election is only another name for the topic that involves the
many shades of opinion concerning the probable results of having
such a President. Of late, however, the notion of his being
elected does not prevail so exclusively. The company, here,
contains a great number of BeU & Everett men, and the fusion
of them and the Douglass men in New York, inspires the san
guine with some hope that New York may be rescued from him;
and without New York, it is very reasonably inferred that he
can not be elected. But, even if we are doomed to disappoint
ment, and he carries the day by the popular vote, I don't think
South Carolina wiU secede. If such a thing, however, shall take
place, we may spare our regrets, for it will prove that disruption
was inevitable. No possible issue could be more untenable than
to make his bare election a causus belli, without any overt act
against the Constitution or even, the Dred Scott decision. If
our planters were in debt, or cotton was at 5 cents, as I have
seen it, such a thing might be likely; but, our magnanimous
countrymen are too comfortable for such exercise. Therefore,
I don't believe they are going to set fire to the Union, though
there are members, no doubt, that would like it. Mr. Brecken
ridge is likely to fill a place among the folks that are remembered
as examples of the sport of fortune. The split in the Democratic
party comes in the nick of time to mar all his hopes. His
friends, who endorse his own declarations of his devotions to the
Union, say that it is impossible for him to bear the load of South
Carolina friendship with Yancey upon it. Douglass runs to
beat him, and if he is beaten, Douglass gains; but, he doesn't
run merely to beat Douglass, and the cup of disappointment will
have nothing in it to relieve the taste of the nauseous draft.
There is nobody here like Mr. Wirt, but, Mr. Morton, the chief
authority, is a very gentlemanly man, and I take great pleasure
in his company. We are going to the Sweet tomorrow, with

James Louis Petigru 357
very little inclination on my side. I hope Mrs. Huger has come
through the summer bravely, that Charlotte is well and the
children well, and that you my dear friend, are well enough to
take some interest in the otherwise dull effusion of
Your friend,
P. S. — Since closing the last page, I have seen Vanderhorst,
and when I told him I was writing to you, he desired me to make
him remembered, regretted you were not here and said he don't
write, because he had nothing to put to paper.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Greenwood, September 26, 1860.
Dear Sister:
* * * The indications from the papers are that a set of
Secessionists are to be run, and the chance of our friends does
not seem bright. * * *
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
SummervUle, October 3, 1860.
* * * Johnston was in North Carolina; whether he has
returned I don't know. His name is withdrawn as a candidate
and Henry's also, and we are likely to have a precious set of
members. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
SummervUle, October 16, 1860.
* * * I have been working away with might and main in
Schroeder's loft upon my task [the code] and have Lowndes &
Middleton now with me, who are docile and diligent auxiliaries.
I think we will not stay much more than a week longer in this
place if we can help it. Johnston comes sometimes to see us
and spends a night, but never more than one night at a time,
though he confesses that the pine land air is good for him and
even acknowledges that he likes it. I received one letter from
CaroUne and one from Sue, but it was just as I arrived. Since
that time, which you may not remember was the 27th September,
I have heard nothing, except by a letter of Caroline to her
mother. She was then in New York, and through Mr. Ban
croft's interest had received an invitation to the Prince's ball.
* * * But I will not defer to another time my love to all
and everybody that is — Mary and Louise and Carey and
Charles, and the boys at Wilmington and the children at Cherry
HiU, not forgetting my greeting to the poor nigs, and last, and
not by any means least, you, the first and eldest sister of
Your Brother.

358 Life^ Letters and Speeches
In the year 1859 the legislature passed an act providing for
"such a code of statute law as, if enacted, might, in connection
with the portions of the common law that would be left unaltered
constitute the whole body of law in this State. "
The work was entrusted to a single commissioner with the
aid of assistants of his own selection, and attaching a higher
salary to the office than that of any other State officer.
The importance as well as the difficulty of the work indicated
that a person of extraordinary abilities was contemplated for
the work. The choice of the legislature fell on Mr. Petigru,
whose talents, reputation as a jurist, general learning, high
character and indomitable industry was well known. The
salary of the commissioner was fixed at five thousand dollars
per annum, payable quarterly, with power to employ two or
more assistants to receive jointly four thousand dollars per
annum. He was also authorized to expend five hundred dollars
for the purchase of such books as were not in the public libraries
of the State.
The following year, according to law, he submitted a report
to the legislature; he stated that the general arrangement of the
work had been borrowed from Blackstone.
The tautology and verboseness of ParUamentary style inrespect
to gender, number, mode and tense, which add nothing to the
sense and greatly obscure the meaning to the mind of a reader
was inconsistent with the purpose of a code, and in this under
taking had been necessarily avoided.
He pointed out where the laws were confused, contradictory,
or absolutely deficient as to the title to land, the conduct of
criminal cases, breach of trust, or destruction of a will. The
dehcate power to suggest amendments, alterations and additions
to the existing laws was very sparingly used.
The war had come on, yet such was the force of his personal
reputation that in the very fury of secession he, an avowed
Union man, was chosen to codify the laws of the State, and the
appointment was annually renewed by the legislature, every
member of which was a sworn secessionist.
After three years of grinding labor with many disadvantages
the work was finished. He wished to present it with an address
to the legislature at that session; afterwards it was proposed

James Louis Petigru 359
that he should do so to the commissioners appointed to receive
it at his office.
They twice called on him for the purpose, but he was too ill to
receive them.
Nothing was done towards the adoption of the code until
after Mr. Petigru's death. The legislature in 1865, when things
were in a most chaotic condition, referred the matter to the
House Judiciary Committee, which reported adversely to its
adoption on the ground that the work embodied as law the views
of Mr. Petigru as to what the law should be. Reference to the
statute creating the office shows that that was exactly what the
legislature which authorized the work had intended should be
done. But of the committee of seven, of whom only five being
present, three of them voted to reject it.
During the Republican administration, Corbin, the Attorney-
General, modified this code in imitation of that of Vermont.
Subsequently a committee headed by Charles H. Simonton,
afterwards United States Judge, revised the code, adopting
Mr. Petigru's suggestions and recommendations as to new laws,
but instead of using his system of having it divided into chapters
in imitation of Blackstone, it was considered more convenient
to refer to the various acts by numbers.
TO EDWARD EVERETT
Summervihe, 28 October, 1860.
My dear Sir:
I am very much obliged by your "Life of Washington,"
which I have read with great interest, and think a valuable
addition to American Biography. The events of his life are
related concisely and clearly, and the interest of the narrative
is not overlaid by collateral history. Such a Biography is well
adapted to become a school book, and nobody could wish any
thing better for the rising generation than that their sentiments
and their style should show that they were familiar with the
Life of Washington. But I fear that our aspirations for the
future, must be referred rather to the generation that is to come
after the rising generation than to a less distant period. The
prevailing character of our public men is certainly copied after
anything rather than Washington. The most shameless egotism,
and the most sordid ambition, are so far from being in disgrace,
that they assume in the common mind the rank of popular virtues.
But the ensuing week may be fraught with events that would
go far to redeem the character of the people, which now suffers

360 Life, Letters and Speeches
awfuUy in the discredit that justly attaches to their favorites.
My own countrymen here in South Carolina are distempered to
a degree that makes them to a calm and impartial observer real
objects of pity. They believe anything that flatters their
delusion or their vanity; and at the same time they are credulous
to every whisper of suspicion about insurgents or incendiaries.
If Lincoln is elected it will give the Union a great strain; yet
still I don't think that this State will secede alone; because the
country is too prosperous for a revolution; and the same reason
is likely to keep Alabama and Georgia from taking the plunge.
If Lincoln fails and our ticket comes next, — two very doubtful
contingencies, I suppose, — there certainly will be reason to think
better of Demos, and to be doubly thankful to Providence.
Hoping while there is hope and thinking more and more of the
debt which society owes to those who imitate the virtues and
spread the influence of Washington, I am my dear sir.
Yours truly,
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Summerville, October 29, 1860.
* * * My task proceeds slowly. It is extremely tedious
to pick out the meaning of various Acts and weave them into
something like a consistent discourse. James Lowndes and
Middleton are very assiduous and perfectly willing, and if we
only had to copy the work would grow rapidly in bulk. I have
begun to print and go down tomorrow to examine the proof-
sheets. My days pass very monotonously and I see no one
because I have no time for conversation during the day and too
much fatigued to go out at night. * * * I am afraid Tol-
bert has the law on his side about the firearms.* It is not con
sidered neighborly to interfere in such a case. The law about
negroes is laid down with great rigor and if it was put in force
constantly, would greatly interfere with the comfort not only of
the poor nigs, but the poor buckra, too. The master would
be in a situation like that of the jailer, whose confinement is
almost as strict as that of his prisoner. But in the distempered
state of the public mind we must expect to meet with some
annoyance, and if our neighbors think fit to confiscate our guns,
we must take it as one of the penalties of society.

?J. P. Carson had lent his gun to Andrew to shoot squirrels, and it had been
seized.

James Louis Petigru 361
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Summerville, November 5, 1860.
* * * Miss Cunningham,* through one of her assistant
secretaries, writes me that Lincoln's election is likely to blow up
Mt. Vernon, for though the purchase money is paid there is
nothing to stock it, and contributions are almost at a stand.
Before we hear from one another the die will be cast, but I don't
thmk the hazard so great as many do, for it is not easy to undo
the complicated machinery of that great engine or government.
Adieu. Your Brother.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Charleston, 10 November, 1860.
My dear Sue:
* * * I am surprised that you are so indifferent about
returning, as not to have fixed any time yet. It is not a pleasant
place to return to; nearly the last hope of safety is cut off by the
last news from Georgia, implying the consent of the majority to
follow Carolina. We shall be envied by posterity for the privi
lege that we have enjoyed of living under the benign rule of the
United States. The Constitution is only two months older than
I. My Ufe will probably be prolonged till I am older than it is.
I must write briefly, and have actually just turned a gentleman
out of the office, because his business was not important enough
to justify interruption. I saw Uttle Addy Wednesday was a
week, when I snatched a brief interval with our Cherry HiU and
George Street friends in the car. Adieu.
Your Parent.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, 13 November, 1860.
My dear Jane:
You see how saving I am getting to be, as I will not waste a
sheet of paper because it is scratched. There is certainly reason
for it, and we have faUen on evil days. It is sorrowful to see
things that impair our respect for our countrymen, and nothing
can be more efficient to produce that feeling than the scenes that
are passing. It is barely possible that Georgia may recoil from
the [action] that the Secessionists are driving to. The South
Carolina men show by their precipitancy that they are afraid
to trust the second thought of even their own people, and if the
Georgians take time to reflect they will probably come to the
conclusion that there is no necessity for action. But that is
very uncertain.
?Miss Ann Pamela Cunningham, Regent of the Mount Vernon Association.
Mr. Petigru was always her legal advisor, and wrote the constitution of the
Mount Vernon Association in 1856.

362 Life, Letters and Speeches
* * * Last night the West Point MiU was burnt; the
Governor had $5,000 in it. I was commiserating him and Joe
under the load of debt that they are caught in this revolutionary
day, when this new addition to the Governor's troubles is upon
him. * * * Adieu.
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Broad Street, November 20, 1860.
My dear Sister:
Poor Beasley! Who would have thought that he would earn
a name in history as a secession victim. But these things all
are awful foreboding of what is to come when the passions of
the mob are let loose and the truth is our gentlemen are little
distinguished in a mob from the rabble. * * *
I am very busy with the code and still backward.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, November 27, 1860.
My dear Jane:
* * * The prospect does not improve. There is little
hope of reaction till too late. I am going to Columbia tomorrow,
with a portion of my report and John Middleton wiU bring up
the rest, I hope, on Saturday. I have no idea that they will
continue the commission, for they will have more to do than they
know how.
* * * One remarkable thing is the prevalence of fear
among them that are rushing into an unnecessary and untried
danger. It appears that Ben Huger is to leave the United States
service and take command of the South Carolina army. I've
no idea that there will be any fighting until war breaks out on
the frontier. Our friend Johnston is busy in the throng. He
is going to take command of the new rifle regiment here and is
full of fight.
The Governor [ex-Governor Allston] goes up to Columbia
with me. He is very serious and seems to appreciate the
trouble ahead. He comforts himself that the Yankees are to
blame for everything; but that is but a "flattering unction."
I am glad that the people show a good disposition and I hope
that they will disarm the suspicions of the sensitive Southerners
by attending strictly to their business and giving no offence.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Columbia, December 6, 1860.
My dear Sister:
* * * I am glad that James is with you and hkely to
acquire a love of the country, but God knows where our country

James Louis Petigru 363
may be. In this place there is unanimity and there is discord,
both in the highest degree. All are galloping down the same
road and every one striving to be ahead. More jealousy among
the members and more mutual distrust I have never seen. My
prediction is that from this seeming unanimity will proceed, in a
short time, bitter animosities and divisions. But, though
generally it may be a consolation to think of a reaction when
the public mind is distempered, it will probably come too late
for us. To think of a sober man like Allston avowing his readi
ness to sink the welfare of his country forever, if that be necessary
to carry out Secession, rather than submit to the rule of Abra
ham Lincoln, even if he were assured that Lincoln would prove
a constitutional and conservative ruler! My old friend. Dr.
Porcher, has not escaped the contagion; even he, the host of
Henry Clay, is ready to cut the tie of country between us and
all free States. Buchanan's message is out. You will see it in
Dr. Gibbes' paper. Like himself, it is a shuffling, insincere and
shabby performance. He has receded from one point to another
until he has given up all pretension to the respect of anybody.
The Secessionists will not be interfered with, at least by him, and
his pusillanimity will not conciliate the South, but will greatly
disgust those States that are attached to the Union, and lead,
perhaps, to a general repudiation of the Constitution as an
inefficient and inadequate scheme of government. It is still
somewhat doubtful what Georgia may do; and the fate of the
country hangs on her decision.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, December 24, 1860.
My dear Jane:
* * * Caroline is greatly inclined to take James north for
his education. The present state of things here may weU make
us all doubt whether it is such a habitation as promises security.
I do not undertake to advise upon it. ¦ I made a great mistake in
1832, when I might have quit the country myself, with the pros
pect of doing something. Here I have stayed till the active
period of life is over. I could not leave Badwell without a
struggle now; then it was comparatively indifferent. It would
have been easy to take you along then, but now you are ramified
into such a cluster of associations that I could hardly hope to do
so. But Mary would be easier to persuade if she was willing.
If she held back there is none out of my own house that I could
count upon to share my exile. So if they don't push me to a
decision, I suppose that without even deciding I will wait here
till it is all over.
The officers of the Army and Navy are much stirred ,by the
present commotion. Jack Hamilton has resigned. That was

364 Life, Letters and Speeches
to be expected, after the example of his brother, Dan. But I
have heard with astonishment that James North is considering
the question. It would be a great mistake. He is a Virginian;
Carolina gave him birth, but who is to give him bread if he comes
here? A Southern navy is a poor dependence. It could offer
to his ambition nothing better than a gunboat. And to look
to the new Republic for patronage would be a sore disappoint
ment. Great diversity already exhibits itself among our seces
sionists. Those who have contributed most to getting up the
excitement openly contemn all idea of forming a second associa
tion after the plan of the United States; and they are likely to
carry the day.
I am glad to find such an evidence of a respect for justice as
the example of a man Uke Jennings venturing so much trouble for
a free negro. I am much more surprised at the integrity of the
Alabama man than at the villainy of our Edgefield friends.
For, really, when the opening of the slave trade is making such
progress, it is not wonderful that men should apply the principles
to a case where the temptation is so great. * * * You may
see in the papers things to make you think that the poor fellows
in the fort here are likely to be killed or captured. You need
not grieve for them, but for the fools that make the attempt.
All Charleston and all the volunteers can not take Fort Moultrie
by assault. Yours in brotherhood and parentage.
On the 20th of December, 1860, the Ordinance of Secession
was passed. The Hon. J. D. Pope relates the following:
It will be remembered that the Convention adjourned from
Columbia to Charleston and sat in St. Andrew's Hall. On the
morning of the passage of the Ordinance of Secession I was
going down Broad Street and saw Mr. Petigru coming up
towards me. We approached each other at the City Hall, and
just at that moment the bells ofthe city pealed forth in gladsome
and general unison. Mr. Petigru rushed up and exclaimed:
"Where's the fire?" I said: "Mr. Petigru, there is no fire;
those are the joy bells ringing in honor of the passage of the
Ordinance of Secession." He turned instantly and said, "I
tell you there is a fire; they have this day set a blazing torch to
the temple of constitutional liberty and, please God, we shall
have no more peace forever."
In an instant he turned and was gone.

James Louis Petigru 365

CHAPTER XLIV
January-March, 1861
Edward Everett; Comments; Governor and Mrs. Pickens;
Shuffling Buchanan; Davis Becomes President; Elected
Honorary Member Massachusetts Historical Society;
Foreseen Defects in the Constitution of the U. S.;
No Near Solution of Fort Sumter Entanglement; Visit
of Lamon and Hurlbut
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, January 9, 1861.
My dear Jane:
I would be very glad to see you and Mary, but you will come
to a town where there is war. For they fired on the United
States flag this morning and beat off the unarmed steamer
Star of the West, with stores and men for Fort Sumter. Day
before yesterday they killed a man at Castle Pinckney, where
Johnston is. He was killed by a sentry by accident. He was
the first victim of the war and died by mistake, and the war
itself is a mistake. Henry is on duty, too, but where I know
not. My clerk is gone without notice, and but for a little chap
who came the other day to study law I would be altogether alone.
CaroUne, in a letter of December 30th, speaks of coming this
month. She wrote by the same mail to James and I forwarded
James's letter, so that I suppose he got it last Friday. I hope
that you and James will come together. But if you can not
come, or think that you ought not to come, James must come
alone, for his mama wUl be mortified if she does not meet him
here. * * *
This morning I saw by the Courier that James North's resig
nation was no such thing, and I immediately wrote him a letter
of warm congratulation. I would not offer advice to him no
more than to Phil. I am so far relieved that Phil has not rushed
in with his resignation Uke poor Tom Pelot; but I fear that the
pressure wUI be too great for him to resist. A commission in
the Southern Confederacy wiU be just the thing for Pelot, but
for our nephew I think it will be more respectable to take to some
new business than to spend his hfe skulking among the marshes
in a pitiful service.

366 Life, Letters and Speeches
* * * I have not advertised for a miner, but wrote to
Major Gwinne. The Major is drilling Pickens' army on Morris
Island. If you get the man from the Court House could he act
as law screener? * * * Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, 16th January, 1861.
My dear Jane:
* * * I am afraid that Pickens meditates an assault on
Fort Sumter. My fears are for Johnston. I've no doubt that
he will be exposed to the heaviest fire and — how dreadful his
loss would be! It is certainly bad policy to resort to active
hostilities while things are in such a state of confusion. No
understanding between South Carolina and the United States;
no understanding among the people of South Carolina itself,
whether they will negotiate for themselves or for the South.
No treaty exists between the State and any other Power, nor
is it understood whether the State would make any treaty at all,
or where the treaty would be. '
Johnston came up on Sunday and dined with us in a great
hurry. He intimated that he was going to Morris Island with
his command, but gave no clue to his orders or what he expected.
Henry is soldiering at the Arsenal. I have a clerk just now, but
last week I had not even so much. There is no business done
by the Appeal Court. Two of the Judges attended, but the
Legislature resolved that they should not call the docket.
* * * * Your Brother.
to edward everett
Charleston, 20 January, 1861.
My dear Mr. Everett:
If the value ofthe Chief Justice's opinion, alone, be considered
your favor of the 19th, received only yesterday, would deserve
great thanks; but the obligation is greatly increased by the
proof it affords of your attention and regard. Singular as it
may seem, it is still in time for the immediate purpose for which
it was wanted almost a year ago. But the causes which prevented
this much desired succour from being too late, are not them
selves subjects of gratulation. First I was sick; then Mr.
Mitchell on the other side was ailing, and lastly, the State
itself being in the throes of a Civil con-vulsion, suspended for
three months the sitting of the Supreme Court; and so the case
stands over till the first day of April next. The cases are so
much alike that I am tempted to send you a statement of the
Charleston case, with the brief prepared for the Court of Appeals

James Louis Petigru 367
for your comparison or Ch. Jus. Shaw's if you think it would
amuse him.
The events, which I suppose all good men that are not under
the spell of a popular delusion must deplore, are in full progress
here. And the bitterness of spirits with which I witness the
downfall of my country, is only qualified by wonder and aston
ishment, that the apathy and carelessness that mark the behav
ior of men otherwise respectable.
It seems to me that our minister, Mr. Faulkner, was singularly
unhappy in referring to the superior constancy of a free people
to the defence of their institutions. The Naples dynasty has
more friends in the very scene where their offences have shocked
mankind, than the Constitution in the Cotton Country. A
rising against authority upon pretexts as light as our Southern
wrongs would be put down anywhere else without ceremony.
Yet after all, if the Government is better than the people
deserve, what is to hinder them from abusing their privileges?
It is but poor comfort when one suffers to reflect that it is merit-
able, and yet that seems to be all that is left us.
Yours truly,
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
' Charleston, January 29, 1861.
My dear Jane:
* * * I saw Louise and Joe last night at the Governor's
[Pickens]. It was a tea to the Commander-in-chief and his
wife. And his wife is a very pretty woman and refined. Not
answering at all to preconceived ideas of a dashing Western
belle. As for the commander-in-chief he is as windy as ever.
* * * The Legislature were to have adjourned last night,
but did not. They have confirmed all the Governor's appoint
ments. Some of which give much satisfaction and some are
severely criticised.
I really believe they are going to attack Fort Sumter. There
is no sense in it. The attack will entail on them the reproach
of shedding the first blood — and if they succeed it will inspire a
great feeling of hostility in the populous regions, more embittered
because it will be laid to poor Buchanan's door on account of
his double-dealing and shuffling. Johnston is still on Morris
Island. I have not seen him for a fortnight, nor heard of him
except by common fame, which says he is busy. James has a
bad sore throat. I advised him yesterday to keep to his bed.
He spurned the advice, of course, as everybody does who has
the opportunity of showing how little he thinks of anything that
experience can say. * * *
I have received a letter from Caroline in much better spirits.
But she does not seem to think with complacency of coming

368 Life, Letters and Speeches
South. I thought if politics disturbed her she might seek
refuge with you. To my mortification she says she lives in fear
of insurrection. I had no idea that she was the victim of such
idle rumors. But every day discloses to us new proofs of human
weakness. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
St. Michael's Alley, February 4, 1861.
* * * The sky is still as dark as ever. This is the day the
border States are to meet at Washington and the cotton States
at Montgomery. There is nothing to be expected from the
last, and but little from the first, but division and discord. As
a sign of the times, I may mention that I just now met George
Ingraham showing, with exultation, his brother, the Captain's
letter, coming home with his wife and dozen children, leaving
the pay of him and his two midshipmen, equal to the interest on
$100,000. Now, considering what a screw George is, can any
body say less than that this is an epidemic; when a fellow hke
George is ready to open his purse to a whole family of beggars
for an idea. It is true that they expect South Carolina to pro
vide for them, but they must know the vast difference it will
make to live on the charity of the State instead of enjoying the
bounty of a nation, with its honors. But if George Ingraham is
ready to sacrifice everything to sentiment, it is plain there must
be something in the air. * * *
Chancellor Dunkin met the Bar this morning to try such cases
as both sides were willing to try. No persons will feel the change
of the times more than lawyers. If it was not for codification
I don't know what I should do for the coming year. Yesterday
we had the favor of the Governor and Mrs. Pickens to dine.
The Governor does not show off any great airs and Mrs. Pickens
is very amiable.
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
St. Michael's Alley, February 13, 1861.
My dear Jane:
* * * Things look more favorable since Jeff Davis has
superseded Pickens. I don't know that Pickens is more
bloody-minded than Jeff. But as the Southern Confederacy
has taken the subject under their jurisdiction common decency
will require that they negotiate with Washington. Heretofore,
in all questions between the United States and any State, it was
necessary for States' rights that the United States should sub
mit to any indignity and yield to the States the liberty of crow-

James Louis Petigru 369
ing. Probably the Southern Confederacy will be so far consid
erate of their dignity as to treat the United States as an equal
and enter on the question of ceding the forts with a diplomatic
intent. And in that case the business wiU end in a treaty. I
hope it will be so and that the garrison will be withdrawn. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, February 19, 1861.
My dear Jane:
As you say we prize opportunities more as they become rare.
No wonder then that letters are privileges, seeing that we have
but one mail per week, and don't know how long we will have
even that. In fact it is surprising that the United States are
still recognized at the Postoffice, the only place where Uncle
Sam is allowed to show himself; being turned out of every other
house. * * *
Johnston is in town again — was relieved yesterday. Col.
Gregg succeeded to the command on Morris Island. John
ston is not at all the worse for his turn of duty, and he has
earned a good deal of reputation. * * *
Your Brother.
Mr. Petigru had been elected president of the South Carolina
Historical Society some years before. He delivered the inaug
ural address — an able and eloquent paper — perhaps the most
able public oration he ever made.
In February of this year, 1861, he was elected an honorary
member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. He replied
to the notice of his election in a letter which has since been pub
lished among the papers of the American Historical Society.
It reads as follows: Charleston, February 25, 1861.
My dear Sir:
Nothing could exceed the kindness of your note, giving me
notice of the honor done me by the Massachusetts Historical
Society. To be chosen for a colleague and an associate by such
a society is a distinction of which anybody might be proud, but
it is rendered much more flattering by the way it is announced.
I remember with the greatest distinctness the hours which
I passed so many years ago in the house of your venerable
father, as weU as under your hospitable roof. * * * How
willingly I would make any sacrifice that might avert from our
common country the consequences of that miserable discord

370 Life, Letters and Speeches
that now prevails between communities that ought forever to
be united. I say miserable, for such we may cer tainly. deem a,
controversy odious to the best men on either side. History will
adjust hereafter a degree of reprobation due to each party, but
I venture to say that whatever may be thought of the motives
of the actors, their folly will be as much the subject of wonder as
of censure. We are here in such a disturbed condition that the
things that are going to happen in a week are as uncertain as if
they belonged to a distant future.
With great anxiety for a peaceful solution of the difficulties,
but with very little hope, I am. Dear Sir,
Very truly and sincerely yours,
J. L. Petigru.
The Honorable R. C. Winthrop.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
St. Michael's AUey, February 27, 1861.
My dear Jane:
* * * Our poor Caroline seems under a spell when home
is talked of. In her last (18th) she seems as far from deciding
on the day to return as H  was when B  's happiness was
at stake. I don't wonder that she shrinks from it, for there is
nothing here that will give her pleasure except a few friends.
The papers I send contain an account of Miss Tupper's flag
presented to Johnston's regiment and allusions to a conspiracy
against Lincoln's life. It is amusing to see the way the Courier
moralizes on it, to show that Lincoln must be a bad man because
people want to murder him. As if the murderers were the
examples and the murdered men the warning.
I saw James North this morning looking bright and cheerful.
Very different from poor Hartstene, who looks the image of
regret, nor does Ingraham or Tom Huger hang out the banner
of a wilUng mind. Johnston is gone to James Island with some
400 men. I saw him in full feather for the first time, issuing
from the Institute HaU with the flag. I felt proud of his
soldierly bearing. * * * Your Brother.
to william carson
Charleston, 2 March, 1861.
My dear Willie:
The course of time has been very productive of events since
you went away. A revolution has been inaugurated here, and
with the most surprising unanimity men and women, boys and
girls glorify the change, and are as proud of their apostasy as if
they were sure of the verdict of history. They have adopted as

James Louis Petigru 371
an article of faith the propagation of slavery and are as firm in
their new profession or calling as the Mormons or early Mahome
tans. None are so full of this new born zeal as the clergy,
including in this term the preachers of every denomination from
the Roman Catholics to the Baptists. Bands of volunteers
parade the streets daily, and rumors of an intended assault on
Fort Sumter succeed each other with such rapidity that they
have lost in a great measure their interest. Major Anderson
with 60 or 70 still holds that place. All the other forts are
garrisoned by State troops. Your cousin Johnston giving into
the general sentiment and being put the head of a regiment of
Volunteers is no longer a pale inmate of the obscure buUding in
St. Michael's Alley, where he used to pore over dusty books in a
foreign tongue; but bestrides a gallant steed, with gay trappings,
long spurs and bright shoulder knots.
Next Monday a new scene opens in the drama. Abraham
Lincoln is to assume the chair of State, and in a short time a
decision will be made on a most interesting question: no less
than this, whether the Gulf States with Georgia and South
Carolina are to be suffered to go in peace, or whether repressive
measures will be resorted to for the purpose of keeping them
under the control of the Union. My opinion, Willie, is that
they will be allowed to go. It seeins to me that such is the
true policy of the Government. The Government of the U. S.
has a marked and singular difference from all others in this;
that it has no other means of extending its authority over other
people but by annexation — and it can only annex by admitting
the conquered country as a Territory or a State. It could not
turn these seceding States into a Territory because the Consti
tution admits of no such thing, and it is only thfe Constitution
that binds the States together. Then as to the other mode of
dealing with people outside; by admitting them as a State:
that would be to reverse the condition of conqueror and con
quered by giving up all the kinds of victory and admitting the
enemy into their camp and councils.
This fatal defect in the Constitution was foreseen by Wash
ington and his enlightened compeers; but the prestige of his
name with the material interest so evident in adhering to the
Union has kept it out of sight till now. The States that are
true to the Union might very probably put down the military
force of the seceding States, but when they have done that,
what is to be the issue ? They would have to change the Consti
tution to meet the case. But to change the Constitution in its
essential character is a Revolution, and is no cure for the evil
in the eyes of those who are anxious to preserve it.
Therefore I think that the States that adhere to the Consti
tution will be compelled by the necessities of their situation to
let the Gulf States go without any way to prevent them. If any

372 Life, Letters and Speeches
way does grow immediately out of secession it will probably
arise out of the pretension of Louisiana to control the Mouth of
the Mississippi.
Nobody can tell what the end of all this is to be — but it can
not be for good. As to the Southern Confederacy, it is formed
on principles that are hollow, and rotten, on the shallow conceit
that aU nations wiU pay tribute to King Cotton; and that our
new reading of "The Whole Duty of Man" will be accepted by
Christendom. Nor is the prospect encouraging in the other point of view,
viz, the effect of the disruption on the remaining States. The
success of the project for going out of the Union at will, demon
strates the fallacy of attempting to combine the principle of
unity with that of separate independence of the States; and
makes the Constitution a mere cobweb. And when it comes to
be so considered, it will be despised and disowned and a general
disintegration must follow.
While these changes have been going on in the external I am
glad, Willie, to observe that a change has taken place in your
interior system; and from your letters I recognize the develop
ment of your ideas. Take your mother's advice. Go to Frey-
berg. Study metallurgy, prepare yourself to enter the arena as
a man, and a candidate not only for business, but for honor. If
you prefer the law I will not object, but do all for you that can
be effected by the efforts of your affectionate
Grandfather.
In Ulustration of Mr. Petigru's intense devotion to the Union,
on the Sunday when prayers were first offered for a president of
the Confederate States, the foUowing story has been told:*
" Mr. Petigru was present, occupying one of the most promi
nent pews, and hardly had the words been uttered when he
arose and left the church in emphatic disapproval of such doc
trine. All admired the tall old man as he strode down the main
aisle and forth from the sanctuary though few perhaps felt as he
did. If such there were they feared to follow his example for it
was commonly said that he was the only person in Charleston
who dared to do such a thing. "
It is rather ungracious to spoil a good story, but the facts are
as follows:
It is true that he left the church as stated. A few minutes
after, his friend Mr. X., who at that time was a strong Union
man, with great dignity solemnly marched out of the church.

* Atlantic Monthly, February, 1884.

James Louis Petigru 373
After the services he met Mr. Petigru in front of the church and
expressed his indignation at the new prayers. Mr. Petigru
laughingly replied, "Why, X., I was not disturbed by Jeff Davis,
but only wanted to cough, and rather than disturb the congre
gation by my noise I left the church." However intense may
have been Mr. Petigru's feelings, he always held himself under
perfect control, and was not given to making theatrical exhibi
tions. TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
St. Michael's Alley, 6th March, 1861.
I have received. Dear Sister, yours of the 4th. It shows how
great is the difference between those that are favorites of the
Government and those who are not. Nor is there any accommo
dation more to be prized than a well regulated Post. If the
Government had stopped the mails as a consequence of Seces
sion, it would have been very severely felt, and I don't know now
how we will do when that measure is adopted, as I suppose it
must be. The President's Inaugural is significant of measures
that will likely lead to the use of force. Johnston thought it a
prelude to arms; it was in his hands I saw it first on Monday
evening, and he left me for his post on James Island, with the
idea that when we met again he might be crowned with laurel;
while to me the thought that was uppermost was, that perhaps
it was our last interview. Yet things have not changed their
outward hue so far, and possibly the same small game may be
carried on until people lose sight of their first objects.
We all dined at the Governor's* yesterday. It did seem to me
odd to hear so many Secessionists giving vent to their impreca
tions on Black Republicans, etc.; for the children joined in with
as much glee as the parents. I have had a very severe cough;
it came on just as the seizure I had on the road from Virginia,
but I am a great deal better and hope to see you at the Depot,
* * * Your Brother.
to mrs. susan petigru king
St. Michael's Alley, 15 March, 1861.
Dear Sue:
I'm much inclined to think the figure in the chair is entitled
to the preference, but the stick is too long and the posture strad
dling, so I leave the choice to you. Let me have two dozen.

?R. F. W. Allston.

374 Life, Letters and Speeches
Aunt Jane is here. Aunt Mary too at Ann's. James with a very
bad throat in Broad Street; he looks very badly.
Your Parent.
TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
St. Michael's Alley, 7th March, 1861.
There seems to be increased excitement as next Monday ap
proaches. Johnston, who was dispatched on Tuesday to James
Island, returned last night under orders to assume command of
the brigade in the absence of General Dunnovant, and from his
talk I infer that he thinks an assault upon Fort Sumpter is at
hand. In that case we may as well be prepared to hear that his
sun is set. He is just in the vein to "seek the bubble reputa
tion," where he is more apt to find his grave than ever to teU
the story. And yet the fact that the resolutions of the peace
conference have received the sanction of the Senate and House
would lead one naturaUy to suppose that a collision was not
necessary. But there are a great many feUows outside the
fighting men that would feel less concern for the lives of thou
sands than for a scratch that would touch their offended vanity,
if the South did not possess themselves of the fort by force.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Broad Street, March 23, 1861.
My dear Jane:
* * * We seem no nearer the solution of the Fort Sumter
entanglement than we were a month ago. StiU the same pro
fessions and the same delays. It looks very bad and seems to
show that Mr. Lincoln has no fixed plan.
On the 21st of March President Lincoln sent his friends,
Stephen Augustus Hurlbut and Ward Lamon, lawyers of
Springfield, Illinois, to South Carolina where a strong Union
party was supposed to exist, to ascertain the facts.
The foUowing Sunday, the 24th of March, about 9 P. m., Mr.
Petigru and his grandson were reading in the dining room, when
there was a sharp ring at the door bell. The boy announced
"two gentlemen, Mr. Hubble and Mr. Lemons, want to see
Mr. Petigru." Repeating the names with a puzzled look he
waved his hand for his grandson to retire.
The gentlemen remained about an hour. On their departure
he joined Mrs. Carson in the parlor and told her that they had
been sent by Lincoln to ascertain the condition of the country.

James Louis Petigru "ilS
He then laughed and said, "Who would have thought thatof all
men Stephen Augustus would ever become an ambassador?"
The foUowing day at one o'clock Mr. Hurlbut saw Mr. Peti
gru; and in a report dated 27th of March, said:
* * * Our conversation was entirely free and confidential.
He is now the only man in Charleston who avowedly adheres
to the Union. * * * From these sources I have no hesita
tion in reporting as unquestionable that separate nationality is
fixed; that there is a unanimity of sentiment which to my mind
is astonishing, and that there is no attachment to the Union.
* * * There is no sentiment to appeal to. The sentiment
of national patriotism, always feeble in Carolina, has been
extinguished and overridden by the acknowledged doctrine of
paramount allegiance to the State.*
As has been mentioned before, Hurlbut was the son of Peti
gru's friend at Beaufort. He had been a student and managing
clerk of the office, and in 1845, from some unedifying froUc, had
left the town. He settled in Springfield, where he became a
friend of Lincoln. He was an able lawyer, a prominent poli
tician, and a Major General during the Civil War. He was a
man of most genial and engaging personality.

?"Abraham Lincoln. " A History by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, vol. 3, p. 391.

376 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XLV
April-June, 1861
Fort Sumter; Huguenot Records; Sadness at the Taking
OF Fort Sumter; Lincoln's Policy; Dinner to Dr. W. H.
Russell; Reverdy Johnson; Mrs. Carson Returns to
New York; Inhabitants of Summerville Shy of Him;
Rhett, Junior, Publishes Him as a Monarchist; Card
from j. j. Pettigrew to j. JOHNSTON PETTIGREW
St. Michael's AUey, 8 April, 1861.
My dear Johnston:
I am going to Sumter on the 1 1th to put an end if I can to the
delays of McR. v. Singleton. I wish you had come up last
Sunday, you would have met Gen. Beauregard; he speaks very
handsomely of you. My friend D. Huger has returned from
Montgomery and from what he tells me, as the talk there, I
infer, though he does not, that Jeff Davis expects to capture the
city of Washington this spring. I don't think he can do it, but
I think Major Anderson will be compelled by stress of circum
stances to come to terms very soon, and that Lincoln means to
make him a scapegoat, which in my opinion, is a low, not to say,
a base policy. Yours earnestly,
TO M. a. crottet, SWITZERLAND
Charleston, 11 April, 1861.
Dear Sir:
Your valuable and much valued letter of 15th January was
duly received, and the box of books and manuscripts, tho'
delayed much beyond our expectations, came to hand at length
in good order. I can not but praise the pains and care you have
taken to render the manuscripts, as well as the volumes that
have suffered from age, legible and capable of preservation.
You have fulfilled all that you engaged to do not only literally
but liberally. I might even find fault with you as overscrupu
lous in the performance of your part of the agreement by
including "Cook's Voyages," an English work, in your remit
tance, which surely you might have considered as forming no
part of our purchase.

James Louis Petigru
April, 1861

(Facing 576)

James Ij)uis Petigru 'ill
We have fitted up a small press for the safekeeping of your
collection, and until the Historical Society comes into possession
of its apartments in the new Court House, the books and manu
scripts will remain in the office of Petigru & King in St. Michael's
Alley, where they are sometimes visited with pious curiosity by
the descendants of the Huguenot Exiles.
For your memoir of the brothers Gibert I am particularly
obUged. I propose to pubUsh it, and only regret that instead
of its passing through the press under your supervision I will
have to send it to New York to be printed.
The 25 copies of your "History of the Churches of Pons,
Gemosac, and Montagne" are disposed of at 75. cents per copy.
The enclosed Bill of Exchange drawn by the Bank of Charleston
on Messrs. Quesnel Freres & Co. Havre, and payable in Paris for
300 francs, you will please accept in payment of those copies,
and in recompense for your care and study in the preparation of
the work so worthily commemorative of my venerated ancestor.*
Your "Protestant Chronicle" is a valuable appendage to the
collection, and is received as a personal donation.
Should you by chance obtain any additional notices of the
life and character of him [Gibert] or his brother, you will always
render a most acceptable service by communicating sUch infor
mation to me.
It would lay me under new obligations to your kindness if you
would interest yourself in making some inquiries after the family
of Pierre Boutiton, Pasteur, who was in the emigration of 1764.
He died early. His brothers also foUowed him to the grave
after a few years, leaving one daughter who never married, and
died at a great age last year.
I have no encouragement from the Mazycks or Manigaults
for inquiries into their family history but my communications
have not extended to all of them. I may say the same of the
Peurysburg people. Some of them have grown rich, but they
are little interested in any studies but how to make money.
One of the Winklers, however, is a Baptist preacher; and the
family of the Waldburgers are well educated people and perhaps
chance may throw in my way the opportunity to make them
acquainted with your suggestion.
Our country is beset with trouble. The spirit of discontent
has triumphed over traditions of our honored ancestry and the
bonds of unity between the northern and southern States have
been rudely separated. The result of this disruption is very
uncertain, and to a lover of freedom is very discouraging. Our
postal communications are likely to suffer very soon. I gladly
avail myself when these communications are still open, of the

?Grandfather, Jean Louis Gibert.

378 J^'if^i Letters and Speeches
opportunity of assuring you of the sentiments of esteem and
regard with which I am, dear sir. Your friend and ally,
M. A. Crottet,
Pasteur, Yverdun, Canton de Vaud,
Suisse. 15th AprU.
The evtni which I thought was still at some distance when I
was writing the foregoing is actually come, and the mail is
stopped. Address your reply under cover to Messrs. De Launey
Clarke & Co., New York.
Let the envelope contain nothing but the address of these
gentlemen. J. L. P.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
St. Michael's AUey, April 16, 1861.
That which was threatening a long time has come and the
sword is drawn. It is an odd feeling to be in the midst of joy
and gratulations that one does not feel. On the contrary it is a
feeling of deep sadness that settles on my mind. The universal
applause that waits on secessionists and secession has not the
slightest tendency to shake my conviction that we are on the
road to ruin. Nor could I entertain a doubt that the fiat of
history will consign the actors in these scenes to the same lot
with them who have ruined their country. Is it you, Carey, or
Mary Blount who is so keen a secessionist?
Lincoln's proclamation surprised me. It seems to me that
policy would dictate a different course, and that the course which
he has now taken ought to have been adopted earlier, if at all.
I felt for poor Anderson, deeply abandoned as he was to an
obscure fate, to serve as a sort of stepping stone to a conflict in
which he could reap no honor and left without a friend to stand
by him and his few followers while the fleet looked upon his
distress with careless eyes. The vessels are still here. What
they stay here for nobody can tell. I thought it was a blockade,
and vessels are, I know, unwilling to go out; yet it is announced
that the port is open this morning. In fact I am at my wits'
end. I never thought the administration were going to make
an attempt or show of relieving Anderson, but supposed their
fleet was intended for the Rio Grande, where there was a chance
of effecting something and making an impression on the public
mind. So, finding my calculations confuted, I now wait for
events. I hope you will find the papers that I send you are not
unwelcome. * * *
Your Brother.

James Louis Petigru 379
About ten days after the fall of Fort Sumter, WiUiam H.
Russell, of the London Times, afterwards known as "Bull Run"
Russell, and "Doctor" WiUiam H. Russell, came to Charleston.
He was accompanied by the ubiquitous Sam Ward as "bear
leader," and Brockholst Cutting of New York. Mr. Russell
brought letters of introduction to Mr. Petigru; the others were
old friends. On the 25th of April a large dinner party was
given in his honor, and this was the last social function ever
given in the Broad street house, as it was burned the following
December. Among the guests were Governor and Mrs. Pickens,
General Beauregard, Wm. Porcher Miles, John Manning, and
others, with of course Mr. Petigru's two daughters.
Mr. Petigru no doubt spoke of his respect for English laws and
justice, from which Mr. Russell inferred, as he wrote in his
letters, that he was a monarchist. This can be understood from
a note by Mrs. Carson about her father in which she says, "his
veneration for British laws was so great that it was long before
I learned that he had a respect more profound, and that was for
the Constitution of the United States."
In taking leave Mr. Russell expressed surprise at finding a man
of his attainments and views so different from his surroundings,
to which Mr. Petigru laughingly replied, "When a simUar
remark was made to my friend Plutarch he said: 'I Uve in a
small town and I choose to live there lest it should become still
smaller.'" TO REVERDY JOHNSON
Charleston, AprU 16th, 1861.
My dear Sir:
I came in with the Constitution which went into operation
only a few weeks before I saw the light, and I have ever devoutly
believed that Union is our greatest interest. Unfortunately for
me, my countrymen have in the course of the last 50 years,
taken up the idea that it was a mistake and that cotton is our
greatest interest. The universahty of the cotton doctrine by
which I am surrounded had no sort of influence over my way of
thinking, and I have the misfortune of witnessing day by day
manifestations of enthusiasm in which I have not the slightest
participation. You may be sure then, of my ready and hearty
concurrence in your able and lucid argument against the right
of secession; for the Union would be but a very precarious
possession, if it stood upon the mutable ground of the popular

380 Life, Letters and Speeches
opinion of expediency from day to day. In fact if it had been
authoritatively proclaimed at the time of its adoption that it was
only binding as long as it received the voluntary adhesion of the
several States, it never would have been adopted at all, for
people would have justly said that it was no improvement on the
Confederacy. For the Confederacy would have answered all
its purposes, if it could have been sure ofthe voluntary adherence
of the several States to the duties that were submitted to their
free arbitrament. There is no doubt that the men of 1787 did
undertake a new thing in attempting to divide the civil power
between the nation and the State, so as to leave each of^them
sovereign within their several spheres; but our secessionists
pretend that they did not mean it. You have shown to demon
stration that this pretence of the secessionist is groundless. I
hope that there is sufficient good sense in the Maryland people to
discern the right and follow it, and I might well envy you for
having such an audience to appeal to. What is to be the end of
all this, seems to me inscrutable. But even if the Gulf States
and South Carolina do flake off for ever, I will never cease to
witness with joy whatever increases the prosperity and honor
of the United States. Yours truly,
TO WILLIAM CARSON
Broad Street, 10 May, 1861.
My dear Willie:
* * * I wrote to you this spring, before your Mama
returned, and gave you a world of good advice which I am not
going to repeat. Indeed you have arrived at that time of life*
when all ingenuous youth feel the weight of responsibility so
strongly that their own thoughts are or ought to be their best
monitors. There is a choice soon to be made by you between
a profession and some other sort of business. For you will have
to make bread for yourself, and you are now old enough to judge
whether you are most fit for a profession and a studious X\iQ, or
for an active employment as a business man. Your Mama has
a great opinion of practical metallurgy as a branch of industry
likely to occupy a large space in American enterprise. But I
have not heard whether [you] have taken any steps in that
direction. In fact I do not know what studies have occupied
your attention for a long time. But I hope your time has been
so employed that we shall not blush for you when we see you.
The choice of a caUing is just now beset with new difficulties,
because we are divided by the keenest disputes between North
and South. The Southern Confederacy has indeed proclaimed
?Age eighteen.

James Louis Petigru 381
war, and the Northern States are not slow to take up the gage.
We are in fact at war, and don't know when we will be at peace
again. And those who are entering life are fairly entitled to
cast their lot either North or South as they please.
I was gratified with one of your last letters for the sentiment
of independence which it breathed. But remember if you would
share the spirit of independence you must share also its trials,
which consist to a great degree in preferring a larger future good
to a present inferior good: i. e. It is better to forego many
pleasant hours of sleep, than to sleep away the time devoted to
profitable study.
Your Mama will probably spend the summer in some obscure
spot in New England; Grandmother in Summerville; your aunts
in town. Jim is already at the Porchers and will devote the
present year to preparing for college.
Your Grandmother [and] your Mama salute you, and so does
Your Grandpapa.
to m. a. crottet
Charleston, 10 June, 1861.
Dear Sir:
No answer to the previous has yet reached me, and tho' this
does not necessarily imply that it was the state of our Post
Office, it would readily account for the failures of letters inten
ded for this place; yet if anything has happened to your answer
or to my letter, the duplicate inclosed will not be out of place,
nor the BiU of Exchange, being the first of the set, mentioned
within. The Revolution in the United States proceeds so far with
success, if indeed that which subverts a good government de
serves to be called success. Wishing you the blessings of peace,
I am, dear sir. Your obliged friend and servant.
This letter will be entmsted to a private hand to be forwarded
from New York, or from France.
M. A. Crottet,
Pasteur, Yverdun, Canton de Vaud,
Suisse.
About the middle of May, owing to the climate, the health of
Mrs. Carson began to break down, and on account of her politi
cal views even among her best friends she found that the super
ficial malevolence of women is always in an inverse ratio to their

382 Life, Letters and Speeches
integral excellence. The doctor advised that she go north, which,
with his usual self-sacrifice, Mr. Petigru strenuously urged. The
following is the passport furnished: Headquarters, Provisl. Army,
Charieston, S. C, May 23, 1861.
To aU whom it may concern, greeting:
Mrs. C. Carson, a lady of Charleston, So. Ca., is proceeding
to New York City for the benefit of her health. The civil and
miUtary authorities of the Confederate and of the United States
are invited to extend her such aid and protection as she may be
entitled to.
G. T. Beauregard,
Brig. Genl. Comdg.
In feeble condition she left Charleston, with some friends, on
Monday, 3d of June, and going by way of Nashville, LouisviUe
and Cincinnati she arrived in New York on the following Satur
day, in better condition than when she started.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Summerville, June 18, 1861.
My dear Jane:
It is about the hour I suppose of your arrival at your own
door, and I congratulate you on the end of your joutney and the
pleasant sights which meet you at home and the many glad faces
that surround you. I wish I was with you with all my heart,
for Summerville is a place that has few attractions. The inhab
itants are, for the most part, shy of me, and I don't know but I
like them better than if they were more sociable. * * *
19th — I came as expected. The only news not in the news
papers is that Johnston is going to Virginia as a private. He
does not enroll, but is going to give his countenance to Conner's
company. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
SummervUle, June 20, 1861.
* * * You will see that Rhett, junior, has pubUshed me
as a monarchist. If it is true he ought not to have done it, but
in fact he has no more reason to say so than this, that I am a
Union man, and he would prefer monarchy, even under foreign
rule, to the Union. Johnston's book creates a favorable impres
sion, and his defense of his kinsman is what might be expected of
him. I am working hard on the Code.

James Louis Petigru 383
The above allusion to Rhett, junior, publishing him as a
monarchist, has reference to an editorial that appeared in the
Mercury on the 19th of June. The next day J. Johnston Petti
grew addressed the editor and inquired if this editorial referred
to his relative James L. Petigru, and questioned the right of the
journalist in bringing before the public the supposed private
opinions of individuals. On the 21st of June Rhett replied,
saying, "The passage alluding to Mr. Petigru expresses what I
considered to be his opinion upon a political question of mon
archical rule and as widely known as himself. * * * It is
due to my own self-respect and my esteem for Mr. Petigru to
say that the relations of friendship and regard which have long
existed between the distinguished gentleman and my entire
family, exclude the supposition that I could have volunteered
to diminish him in the respect of the public. The consciousness
of offence or intention of it was certainly not present to my
mind.
"R. B. Rhett, Jr."
The contention is summarized in the following card:
Friday, 21st of June, 1861.
A Card
The Mercury of the 19th contained some editorial remarks
upon one of Mr. Russell's letters, in which he states that he met
here a very general expression of opinion in favor of the intro
duction of monarchical institutions and "of one of the Royal
race of England to rule over us," etc.
Contesting this as a misconception, the writer, in the course
of his remarks, makes the following reference:
"Monarchists are to be found here, as elsewhere. We have met
them at the North and in the Southwest. We know two in
South Carolina — ^one a certain distinguished lawyer of Charles
ton, and one a planter of eccentric views. We remember no
others, and these gentlemen have no political influence and no
aspirations, being universally regarded as Ishmaelites, and
together out of the latitude in politics."
The impression was very generally entertained that this
paragraph would be accepted as referring to my kinsman, Mr.
James L. Petigru; and upon inquiring of the editors, I am
informed that such was the case — the information being accom
panied, it is proper to say, with expressions of great respect and
consideration. Taking the whole editorial together, it is impos
sible to deny that the impression produced must be that the

384 Life, Letters and Speeches
opinion of the two gentlemen thus alluded to, affords only
countenance to be found for Mr. Russell's statements in this
particular; and, knowing that Mr. Petigru would not advert to
the matter himself, it is not consistent with my feelings towards
him to allow such a public reference to pass without comment.
A claim on the part of any journalist to comment publicly
on private opinions, particularly when the question is not at
issue, is one that, in my view, concerns any individual. I can
not admit a right on the part of an editor unnecessarily to drag
before the public for censure, in any odious connection, or even
for general remark, sentiments not publicly expressed. It seems
to me a wrongful invasion on the privacy of individual opinion,
too liable to become a source of oppression, to be conceded to
the press. I do not think in justification that the sentiments
objected to may really be so entertained. In the present instance,
moreover, I believe besides that the statement in question is
calculated to produce an entire misapprehension as to the
gentleman referred to, and to do him gross injustice.
For many years I have had abundant opportunity for know
ing his sentiments, and I was greatly surprised when I saw the
editorial in the Mercury. I do not believe that he has ever
entertained or expressed any opinion in favor of the introduction
of monarchical institutions among us, or that would warrant
such a reference to him in connection with the comments of Mr.
RusseU's letter. J. Johnston Pettigrew.
To this Mr. Rhett, being bound to have the last word, says:
Mercury Office, June 21, 1861.
* * * Again, I have not stated nor indicated that Mr.
Petigru ever advocated the introduction of a monarchy or a
monarch. The poUtical odium of a preference for the theory
of monarchical institutions Mr. Petigru had created for himself.
He had himself caused and encountered it. I had no intention
to either create or to add to it.
In the Mercury of Saturday, the 22d of June, appeared a
notice that J. J. Pettigrew would leave that night for Virginia
to join as a private, Conner's Company of the Hampton Legion.
TO J. JOHNSTON PETTIGREW
Summerville, 24 June, 1861.
My dear Johnston:
So you did not come on Sunday, and you did take the Mercury
to task. I value the latter incident, as it proves that you under-

J. Johnston Pettigrew

(Facing 384)

James Louis Petigru 385
stood me; which is one of the tests of a kindred mind. So far
from being a monarchist, I am for the very opposite — the semi-
sovereignty of the U. S. and the quasi-sovereignty of the State.
And Rhett, Jr., is fool enough to call me a monarchist because
I am a Union man, and he prefers monarchy, even under British
rule, to Union.
I really felt no resentment, because I did not think he meant
it as rudeness, and am perfectly sure that my attachment to
popular government would outlast that of a whole brigade of
Secessionists. Besides I am clear of ever having expressed a
E reference for monarchy over a republic, though, no doubt, I
ave said many things that would seem very paradoxical to
people that take their ideas upon trust, as mere partizans always
must. I might be offended at being put in the same category with a
crazy man, but I really think my character can stand the impu
tation, even if Col. Hayne should back the Mercury in their
classification. For I reckon that the public would hardly con
sent to being thought such asses as to support a man in a decent
style and pay him for advice, who had no more judgement than
a crazy Ishmaelite.
Your book improves upon me, and I find it not only a good,
but a readable book, tho' I think your Phoenecian and Celtic
etymologies are somewhat tedious. I want to beg a copy for a
friend, Mrs. Holbrook, unless you will take the hint and send
it in your name. I'll be in Charleston on Thursday. Will you
be gone before then, without seeing me?
Yours,

386 Life, Letters and Speeches
CHAPTER XLVI
July-October, 1861
Johnston as a Private; Hurlbut a State Prisoner in
Defiance of Magna Charta; Belief in General Scott;
Wishes He Were on the Other Side of the Potomac;
Fighting Will Dispose People to be More Civil to
One Another; Comments on the Battle of Manassas;
Afraid Defeat Would Have Cost General Scott His
Life; The Code; The Well; Doings of the Clergy;
Efforts on Behalf of Hurlbut
to mrs. caroline petigru carson
SummerviUe, July 5th, 1861.
My dear Daughter:
After some days of anxiety your letter of 16th June came like
a messenger of comfort to relieve our minds not only from fear
but from doubt. It reached us on the afternoon of 26th June,
and was devoured by Ma and self, as a welcome entertainment
after a long fast, and the next day was forwarded to Aunt Jane,
with a charge to send it on to James even at the expense of tak
ing a horse out of the plow. That you should meet kind friends
and a cordial welcome, did not surprise me, but that you felt
stronger when you arrived at Mr. Blatchford's than when you
left Charleston was good news as unexpected as gratifying.
* * * On Wednesday I was in town and saw Mr. Bunch
[the British consul] who gave me Gen. Scott's passports and Mr.
Schuyler's letter dated 4 June and only received by Mr. Bunch
the 2d of July. Gen. Scott's letter of safe conduct is highly
complimentary, all in his own hand, and countersigned by the
Assistant Adjutant General. Nor is Mr. Schuyler's less flatter
ing as it contains the offer of meeting you on the lines if he could
be appraised of the time to do so. By inverse of good luck
your parting letter of the 21st June from New York, arrived at
the same time by Adams Express. Gen. Scott's pass came in
Mr. Bunch's bag from Lord Lyons. How it was so much
retarded I don't know, but I suppose his lordship's correspon
dence with his subordinates is not as [frequent?] as theirs with
him. * * *
We moved on the 16th ult. I have Jack Middleton with me.

James Louis Petigru 387
and Trescot and Henry Young in Charleston. But the scheme
which I have adopted requires the laws to be almost entirely
written over, otherwise mere juxtaposition would go very little
way to introduce that method which it is the object of a code to
obtain. This makes slow work, and reduces the value of Tres
cot and Young's collaboration to a trifle comparatively. I am
afraid I shall have to abridge my trip to Badwell or postpone it
altogether. I paid to Henry Young on Wednesday 150 Dollars for James,*
and 100 for himself, for their services the last quarter. But
James gets no more. He is in Virginia, Lieut, of Conner's
Company which Johnston has joined as a private. He is not
under an engagement to serve during the war and may quit
when he pleases, but certain it is that he is now doing service in
the ranks. Johnston has something of the Roman and this
step is more in accordance with antiquity than modern times.
He went off a week ago. Poor Hurlbut the renegade has got into
big trouble. He came here to see his sister and be quiet. The
Charleston people were thrown into a panic. They do him more
honor perhaps than he deserves. They would not believe him
to be a renegade: and were going to mob him. He fled, was
caught and carried to Richmond where he is in durance vile, in
defiance of Magna Charta, a sort of State's prisoner accused of
nothing, but having a bad name, which unfortunately he has
put it out of the power of his friends to deny, and suspected
against all reason of being a spy, whom nobody wiU trust.
Congress met yesterday. In Charleston the day was partiaUy
kept; here it passed unheeded. The bells in town were rung and
shut. I have no news to tell you for there is nothing done. There
has been a brush at a place in Virginia called Bethel where the
U. S. men suffered more disgrace than actual loss. And it seems
to me that Jeff Davis has the smartest men about him. But for
General Scott I would not be surprised at anything.
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
St. Michael's Alley, 17 July, 1861.
My dear CaroUne:
* * * Every day has been fiUed with rumors of great
things being done of which as Milton says "aU HeU had rung."
But except some skirmishing nothing has transpired to enable
me to see when they are going to fight, or who is going to be
whipped. Johnston has come in from Richmond with a com
mission of Col. of a North Carolina Reginient. He came last
night and is going back this afternoon. His object in going to
?James Lowndes and Henry Young had assisted Petigru with the "Code."

388 Life, Letters and Speeches
Richmond was to join Conner's Company as a private. But it
seems that his fame had gone before him and a North Carolina
Regiment elected him without ever having seen him. I asked
him if he knew anything more than everybody knew; he said
nothing more except that Virginia was more pushed than people
supposed; that the federalists were strongest at every point.
However he seemed to have no doubt that the contest was in
favor of the South on account of the superiority of their metal
(mettle). Our friend Ben is a Major in Jeff Davis' Army, and is some
where about Winchester, which is in the neighborhood of danger.
And last Friday the Governor himself set off for Virginia to
tender his services.
William Ross* is cruising in the Jeff Davis privateer as Lieu
tenant and I expect every day to hear that he is captured with
his usual luck. The crew of the Savannah privateer are in New
York, and will be tried for piracy; they will very probably be
convicted and then a very interesting question it will be, —
whether they are to be hanged or not, and great things will
depend on it. I am convinced that a reconstruction of the Union
is impossible, and really wish that I were on the other side of the
Potomac. But as it is I see nothing to hope from the present
contest, but the probabUity that fighting will remedy somewhat
the vulgar prejudices that are so rife on both sides, and dispose
people to be civil to one another. I was in hope that we might
part without effusion of blood; but am satisfied now that such
a separation would be more disastrous than a war. * * *
I am proceeding slowly with the code, and don't think I'll
get off to Abbeville for near a month. Adieu. Your Parent.
William Henry Hurlbut, the brUliant journalist, on account
of his zigzag course in New York finally found himself tabooed
and laughed at even by the Bohemians. At the opening of the
war upon the invitation, as he said, of his friend Judah P.
Benjamin, who became Secretary of State of the Confederate
States, he came South to write up the Southern cause. Some
years previous to this he had written certain strong anti-slavery
articles in the Edinburgh Review. He arrived in Richmond on
the 19th of June. The Southern papers quoted the anti-slavery
articles, and violently assailed his record and moral character,
and asserted that he was a spy. On his way to Montgomery,
no definite charge having been made, he was arrested by the
?William Ross Postelle, his brother-in-law.

James Louis Petigru 389
civil authorities of Atlanta on the 24th of June, and transferred
to the military prison at Richmond.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Charleston, 24 July, 1861.
My dear Sue:
* * * I wrote to Col. Morton, Gov. Letcher's Aid, last
Wednesday, and requested him to let Mr. Letcher know what I
said and that I was responsible for the statement, and put as
strongly as I could the impropriety of keeping Hurlbut in jail,
if they ever meant that he should go out alive. I am out of
patience with the sneaking privilege of keeping a man in prison,
merely because they can do so with impunity in spite of his right.
The victories that are gained over humanity are not as creditable
as our victory at Manassas, tho' they give less trouble. But I
don't know what to say of our friend George W. WiUiams, whose
mind was so impressed with the fear of offending, as to go to
Legare Yates and tell him he had remitted money to New York
to pay a Spaniard, who held his bills payable at that place, and
when Oracle Yates made a fuss, made interest at the Post Office
to return him his bill, and let the Spaniard bewail his case as a
man destined to bear the misfortune of trusting a person, who
can not distinguish between what a man may do and what he
ought to do. Hurlbut wrote to me once. Perhaps I would be
borne out by the circumstances, if I said he had not, for it is only
part of his letter that I could quite understand; other parts I
guessed at and the rest was in an unknown character^might
as well have been in an unknown tongue. I hope and trust you
are not going to write to Toombs or anybody about this business.
Whether it could do him any good is more than doubtful; that
it would do you harm is certain, and it would certainly disentitle
my instances, in his behalf, to any weight. You can not but be
aware, my dear Sue, that Hurlbut's friendship is no recommen
dation; as the Count says in "Werner," "Men speak lightly of
him." When a man like him has lost character, it must be
presumed against him, for he has wit enough to take care to
make himself understood. In a word, a deserter can not be
respected, tho' he, as well as all men, is entitled to justice. The
South Carolinians, Georgians and Virginians have done him
wrong. In addition to the common sense of indignation against
wrong, I have a motive for acting in his behalf on account of his
father, who was my friend. Otherwise, my dear child, I should
think it no great matter if a deserter found himself deserted.
* * * Adieu.
Your Parent.

390 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH July 31, 1861.
The advantage gained by the Confederates on the 2ist really
seems to be a victory. It proves that as natural fighters we
really do beat the Yankees. It ought not, perhaps, to be won
dered at. The ferocity of our people has been whetted by the
practice of gouging first at the Colonial Government and of using
the Bowie knife at later times. It will be lucky for us if the
Yankees may take our word that they can't stand a hand with
us in fighting and come to terms, with the understanding that we
are the best men. We are all convinced of the superiority of
our mettle and those who are thoroughly imbued with Southern
ideas are especially clear that we have all the money; at least,
that we have more than anybody else. So that if the Yankees
are sharp they will soon give up the contest when they find that
we are so much better provided with the sinews of war.
Ma lost her horse, the ocular horse, that is the one that could
see. He died on Monday, and it is a great loss. AUston has
been gone to the wars for a fortnight. He made his way to
Manassas and met Ben on the road. The train on which Ben
was had broken down, which prevented him from joining in the
action. The Governor is staying to nurse the wounded that
were in the action. Charlie Axson was killed yesterday on the
road in a brawl by a Georgia soldier. Hampton's Legion, which
has gained so much honor, has a dark page also in its chronicle,
as two companies are in jail for mutinous conduct; which pre
vented them from sharing in the fight. * * *
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
BadweU, 22 August, 1861.
My dear Cary:
* * * Aunt Mary and Louise are great patriots while
Aunt Jane reconciles herself to her destiny; works for the
Southern Volunteers in the Virginia hospitals and would wiUingly
do as much for those whom she has hardly learned yet to call
"our enemies."
I really was afraid that the defeat of the U. S. at Manassas
would have cost Gen. Scott his life. But he has more vitality
in him and gives no sign of despair. It is to be seen what sort
of man he has for his views, in McLellan. But it is very plain
that hitherto the Southerners have had the preponderance in
military skill as well as hard fighting. But whether it portends
peace or a long war is very questionable. The Yankees are not
as full of indignation as our people; but whether their wrath will
cool sooner than ours is a different thing. Some few papers at
the North speak in favor of peace, but the prevailing idea

James Louis Petigru 391
evidently is to avenge the national honor. And how long the
passions of men will continue to add fuel to the flame is as little
understood as any points in the distant future. You have no
doubt seen an account of the battles and will easily forgive me
for passing the narratives. Indeed I could do no better if I
tried; for never have I been able to understand why the Yankees
behaved so ill that day. They disgraced themselves beyond
measure; their flight must be a deep mortification to all their
friends. It is surprising how well the Southern men work together, as
it is known that there is great spite and bickering among them.
For instance, Davis has a fight against our friend Ripley, and
neglected him, and evaded the earnest call for his promotion
raised by South Carolina. He at last, but with a bad grace, has
given in and Rip is now a General. Complaints are also made
that Gen. Beauregard has not had justice done him. Of this I
can not judge, but Beauregard, unless I am mistaken, is of the
same opinion. In the meantime Congress sits at Richmond and
does as it pleases, whether in public or private without anything
for authority except the undisputed will of the people. The
members were not elected by the people nor authorized to inaug
urate a Legislative Government; yet they have done so to the
perfect satisfaction of the same people that are abusing Lincoln
for a stretch of his authority. But in fact law is a drug now —
and heaven knows how long it will continue.
James intended to send his letter with mine, but it was not
ready last Saturday, and so I'll send this off to Mr. Sass, hoping
he wiU find some means to convey it to the hands of Mr. Detmold
who will be able, I hope, to put it in a way of reaching you, for
I don't know whether I ought to address you at Dresden or
elsewhere. I shall not remain more than a fortnight more here. The
reduction of the Statute Laws of the State claims my attention
peremptorily. Jack Middleton, Trescot and Henry Young are
retained, but I find it very difficult to transfer the discretionary
[powers] or rather they can not be transferred. This prevents me
from making as much out of their talents as I would desire to do.
Johnston is gone with his North Carolina Regiment. It is
rumored that he is to join Wise's army in western Virginia. I
am sorry for it. There is in my mind a discrepancy between the
functions of a General and the part of an orator like Wise who
speaks from Monday morning till Saturday night. But I have
not had a line from Johnston since he left Charleston. The love
we all bear you here is undiminished and so they bid me tell you,
making regard to the kind and charming young lady who bears
you company. You will gratify me if you will tell Willie that
I am somewhat surprised that he has not written to his Grand
mother nor to me. I have the more reason to regret, because I

392 Life, Letters and Speeches
was struck with the improvement in the letters which you
showed me; and have no doubt that his correspondence would
have been interesting and agreeable.
Receive dear child, the affectionate vows of your Parent.
to mrs. caroline petigru carson
BadweU, 5 September, 1861.
My dear Child:
* * * You will naturally look for news in a letter from
America. But we are here out of the way of newspapers, and
get all our news at second hand. It is announced that Adams
express no longer takes letters for the North; and as the port is
strictly blockaded no communication can be had with the out
side world but at the risk of running the blockade, which a few
succeed in doing. It is highly probable that when you receive
this you will know a great deal more about American news than
I do. The great actions have been to the advantage of the
Confederates; but the U. S. troops are in possession of the North
Carolina forts near Hatteras which have been captured. To
my vision the horizon is as dark as ever. The press on both
sides makes every exertion to cheat the partizans with signs of
fair weather, and there is no depending on anything you read
unless it comes officially. Then we have only the allowable
misrepresentations of exaggeration and suppression to appre
hend. The chance of having letters forwarded is so precarious,
that I am far from sure that this will ever reach you. If it does
it wiU only be valuable as a reward of the little interest I have in
public affairs, and my great interest I have in you and WiUie.
Make me remembered to him and receive, dearest Caroline, my
heartfelt vows for your well being of
Your Father.
to mrs. susan petigru king
SummerviUe, 30 September, 1861.
My dear Sue:
I have received both your letters; as to the last, I feel great
concern about Hurlbut. If I had any confidence in the effect of
a personal application, I would go to Richmond to get intro
duced to Gov. Letcher, but my known proclivities to the Union
forbid the supposition of accomplishing anything by that course.
I have in my mind a measure, which if I succeed in, may result
in obtaining his liberation through the agency of another person.
I am sorry that Mr. Mason is absent and that I could not see him
in Charleston, for I would certainly laboured with him to inter
fere. Hurlbut's case is a very hard one, but it must be con-

James Louis Petigru 393
fessed that all the stories he tells about his coming to Charleston
are very strange. Even to secessionists it must appear strange,
that a man attached to the Union should join them just at the
time when they had put themselves clearly in the wrong, and
that he should come to Charleston of all the places in the world,
where his former principles had gained him a painful notoriety,
and nothing was known of his recent change. If the unhappy
fellow had stood his ground, we might have done much to abate
public animosity, and it is not likely that our mob would have
asked anything more than his expulsion from the Confederacy,
which, now, would be the height of his wishes. But I repeat, I
will make a strong effort soon in his behalf, — as soon as I am
able. His unpopularity is so vast, that circumspection is neces
sary, not on my own account but on his, in every attempt to
mollify his keepers. It is a horrible instance of the horrors of
civil war; a state of things, which the clergy have done their
best to bring about, with the approving smiles of the gentle sex.
* * * I am, dear Sue, your affectionate, tho' oftentimes
discouraged Papa.
to mrs. jane petigru north
SummerviUe, October 1st, 1861.
No doubt the boys are very proud of the service as your body
guard at Cherry Hill. I hope they may never engage in any
service that is not equally meritorious. I suppose the flag for
the Willington Guards is ready. But why don't we hear of Mr.
Burt's speech?
Mr. Mason and Mr. SlideU are in Charleston. They are not
on their way to Tampico, as the papers pretend, but are going
to fight their way on to the steamer Nashville, which is much
faster than any blockading squadron, and can go in by the
Maffetts Channel, which is too shallow for the blockade ships.
* * *
Embrace the boys in my name and Louise. Sister sends love
and protestations, which is no more than that felt by
Your Brother.
Wednesday.
I am back in town. Back is better. I have seen Messrs
Mason and SlideU, and Henry read me a letter from Johnston,
who is at Dumfries, and his regiment comparatively healthy;
Ben is to join him. He censures the commissariat. Thinks the
general staff careless of the health of the men, but consoles him
self that our army is in better condition than the English, who
have sometimes gained victories, but refers it to the pluck of the
men. Adieu.

394 Life^ Letters and Speeches
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Charleston, 7 October, 1861.
My dear Sue:
It is really a treat to hear good news, and Mr. Lyon's entrance
on the stage is good news for Hurlbut as well as for you and me,
for I think Hurlbut's incarceration was becoming every day more
oppressive to him and his friends. I believe he is more indebted
to you than to me, for you put the Governor [Pickens] upon his
mettle, and he wrote a very significant letter to the Virginian,
which in all probability was the cause of his remitting the case
to Mr. Lyons. With Mr. Lyons my intercourse is compara
tively slight, but I had written to him before I received your
letter and I would not recall it. If it comes where it is not
needed, it will at least not render him less satisfied with what he
has done. I hope the next time our friend changes his coat, he
wiU step out of it more easily; or, what is better, I hope he wiU
never give his enemies such an opportunity of trampling on him
as Brown and Toombs have enjoyed. The letter was evidently a
contrivance, and I don't wonder that Cobb has never written to
me. If he could be taken in by such a bald trick, he might be
ashamed of himself. I'll present you duly to Ma and think of
you as well as I can.
Your Parent.
When Hurlbut was released on parole, one afternoon he hired
a buggy and promptly fled across the Potomac. He returned to
New York, where he resumed his occupation as a journalist, and
eventually became editor of the New York World.
On the 9th of August, 1884,-while in England, he married Miss
Tracy, of New York. He took to going to church and became a
well conducted citizen, but a lady of New York, describing him
as a married man, said that he reminded her of tame venison.
He died in Rome, in 1894. He was no doubt a genius — briUiant,
witty, genial, and capable of great kindness, but to the end of his
days there probably never existed a man with a greater pro
clivity for getting himself wound up in mysterious entanglements.

James Louis Petigru 395

CHAPTER XLVII
October, 1861
Mr. Petigru's Argument Against Sequestration Act
On October 7, 1861, the first term of the Confederate court for
the trial of criminal cases was held and Mr. Petigru read a writ
of Garnishment served upon him, and the interrogatories
attached in reference to aUen enemies' property. His objection
to these interrogatories was, he stated, that no human authority
had the right to put these questions to him or any one in the same
circumstances. He might recognize the authority of the State
of South Carolina to do as proposed by that Act, because in a
State like South Carolina a sufferer has no security or remedy
against those in power, unless from some guarantee in the Con
stitution of the State. For a State may do whatever it is not
forbidden to do by the fundamental law of the State. But the
Confederate States have no such claim to generaUty. Their
authority is confined to the constitution which confers it and the
powers delegated to them. And whereas, in the case of a sover
eign we must show a guarantee against the power; in the case of
the Confederacy they must show a warrant for their warrant.
There is no article in the Constitution of the Confederate
States which authorizes them to set up an inquisition, or to pro
ceed otherwise than according to the law of the land. In fact
the best authority for this proceeding is Hudson's treatise on the
Star Chamber, in Second Collectanea Juridica. It will be found
that the method prescribed in this Confiscation Act is precisely
that of the Star Chamber. They call this a writ of Garnishment.
Mr. Hudson calls it a subpoena. This calls upon me to disclose
all the cases, in my knowledge, of property held by an alien
enemy. Mr. Hudson's writ requires the party to appear before the
Star Chamber, and answer all questions that shall be put to him.
These are alike in being general. There is no plaintiff. It is a
general inquisition. So when the writ is returned, Mr.
Attorney's writ propounds certain questions to be answered.

396 Life, Letters and Speeches
and requires the party to answer every other question that may
be asked. So it was in the Star Chamber. Certain interroga
tories were put and then a personal examination was had, con
sisting sometimes of from fifty to two hundred questions. This
is a writ unknown to the common law. How does the Confed
erate States get the right to issue the writ? It is not only not
known to the common law, but it is condemned by common right,
and connected with the most odious usurpation of power and
tyranny. If this proceeding is sustained, Mr. Hudson's will
become a valuable book of practice. If no such power has been
granted, how can such a thing be legal? The Confederate
Government can appeal to no warrant for this proceeding except
the war-making power. It will be said that the power of making
war is granted; and that confiscation is the incident; and that the
right of the principle is the incident. That may be admitted.
What is incident to cases of the war power the grant of the war
power covers. But does the war power require the creation of a
Star Chamber, to worry and harass our people? These inter
rogatories are not for the enemies of the country, but for friends
and citizens of the country; those who have the right to stand
upon the Magna Charta, upon the Constitution of the State;
those who have never done anything to forfeit their right.
Where is the authority given? Where is the power to call upon
the citizen in a new and unheard of manner, to answer questions
upon oath for the purpose of forcing the confiscation law? ShaU
it be said that it is to furnish means for carrying on the war?
How can that be said to be, what is absolutely never known to
have been done before ? Was there never anybody that fought
before Gen. Beauregard? War, unfortunately, is not a new
thing. Its history is found on every page. Was there ever a
war measure like this, endured, practiced, or heard of? It cer
tainly is not found among the people from whom we derive the
common law. No English monarch or Parliament has ever
sanctioned or undertaken such a thing. It is utterly inconsis
tent with the common law to require an inquisitorial examin
ation of the subjects of the realm to support the laws of war. It
is no more a part of the law of war than it is a part of the law of
peace. The war-making power does not include the power of compel-
Ung innocent people to answer interrogatories in promotion of

James Louis Petigru 397
confiscation. That the power is exercised for a good and laud
able purpose is no answer. Good ends must be attained by
lawful means. AU that can be said in favor of the end and
object proposed, can be said in favor of the Star Chamber, and
the Spanish Inquisition.
Torquemada set on the latter institution from the best of
motives. It was to save men's souls. He labored most
earnestly in season and out of season, and when high necessity
commanded, he burnt their bodies to save their souls. He
burnt the bodies of Jews and Protestants.
We do not consider that the end justifies the means in these
days, but Torquemada might have burnt Jews and Protestants
without caUing upon their best friends to inform against them,
and making it penal not to do so. He referred and derived his
construction from the Sacred Word and it is not to be denied
that he was justified in referring to the Sacred Word, so far as he
proved that true faith is essential to salvation, and starting from
these premises, he could argue with great effect that any means
were lawful which would tend to an end so good. It is often
pretended that the war power includes the power of interrogat
ing every man in the community in aid of confiscation.
The war power includes as an incident everything that is
necessary or usual. It can not be pretended that this is neces
sary or usual, since it never was done before. This is not the
first war that ever was waged, and the laws of war are not the
subject of wild speculation. Now the means granted to obtain
this end are based upon the supposition that the end deserves all
commendation, that nothing in the world is more calculated to
advance the repute of the country, than to be keen in searching
out the property of enemies and proceeding against them when
they have no opportunity of being heard, and to impoverish
them by taking away the earnings of their industry and apply
ing it to other uses. Grant that it is desirable, is it to be attained
by unlawful means ? Let the confiscation law proceed with full
vigor, but why call upon me to give an opinion concerning con
fiscating property, any more than any other crime that I know
of? It would be the most intolerable hardship for me — for a citizen
— at every quarter session to be obliged to tell all he knows or
suspects against his neighbor. It is pretended that this is an

398 Life, Letters and Speeches
innocent proceeding. How can it be innocent which calls upon
one to commit a breach of trust? To break faith with a friend
is not only disreputable in a trustee, but base. How can that be
considered innocent, which compels a man to do what will make
him despised by all honorable men ? But if the case of a trustee
calls for relief, how much more the case of an attorney or person
charged with professional confidence.
The law protects every man in keeping silence when the
question is asked that involves professional confidence. There
can be no greater oppression than to compel a person to violate
a moral or legal duty. Something should be said about the
objects of this law, for there is a very common error in suppos
ing that it apphes to the estates of natives who are living abroad
in an enemy's country. The term alien enemy is the only one
used in the Act. It is a definite technical construction. An
alien enemy must be born out of the allegiance of the sovereign.
There can be no dispute about it. He is not an alien if he was
born within the domains of the sovereign. A sovereign has a
right to require a return. He may call on him to come home.
What it is in the sovereign's power to do and what he may law
fully do with his subject when he refuses to return is another
matter. But until he has been called on by his sovereign to
return, a man commits no breach of duty living in an enemy's
country according to law. It is impossible that the masters of
the law should not have been aware of this, and they seem to
have purposely left this open for the interposition of humanity.
Mr. Petigru denied that there was any precedent for this law;
a freeman could not be compeUed to aid in this confiscating law
by informing against both his friends and enemies. It was this
which caused those brave men to shake the piUar of monarchy
to its base and abolish the Star Chamber, but to do it with the
declaration that no such thing should ever be tolerated again.
Are we going in the heyday of our youth to set an example which
has been repudiated by every lover and friend of freedom from
the beginning of time to this day, which has never found an
advocate, shocks the conscience and invades the rights of the
private citizen ? Mr. Petigru dwelt for some time on the hard
ship and injustice of compeUing a trustee to betray his trusts,
to turn State's evidence against his bosom friends. Is it necessary
not only that the act of cruelty should be done, but that a friend

James Louis Petigru 399
to the parties should be made to take a part in the sacrificial
act? He admitted the common law does not spare the trustee,
that he is bound to give evidence in court to show what property
he has in trust, if it is claimed by one who claims or asserts a
better title to it. But this caUs upon every attorney to betray
his client and make an exposure of that which tends to ruin the
man who has placed entire confidence in his attorney. It is an
extraordinary stretch of power in an extraordinary time, when
we are endeavoring to make good before the world our right to
its respect as an enlightened people; a people capable of self-
government, and of governing themselves in a manner worthy
of the civilization and of the light of the age, and this Act,
borrowed from the darkest periods of tyranny, is dug up from the
very quarters of despotism and put forward as our sentiments.
They were not his sentiments, and sorry would he be, if in this
sentiment, he was solitary and alone.
Mr. Petigru contended that no definition had been given of
the alien. It is obvious that in this respect the law is lame and
does not, even if aided by all the terrors of the inquisition, affect
those who are natives. He could not account for this, except
upon the supposition that those who drew the law did not wish
it to operate farther than as a brutum fulmen and left a loop-hole
for escape. It is a wide door — a back door, but it is a wide
entrance into the haUs of justice.
So far as he was personally concerned with this writ, he could
answer every one of the questions in the negative. With regard
to that which requires the violation of personal confidence he
must be better instructed, before making up his mind to the
order of confiscating or not. There are cases when it is dishonor
or death, and death will certainly be chosen by every man who
deserves the name.
Mr. Miles, the District Attorney, moved that Mr. Petigru make
a return to the Court of Garnishment in which the questions
stated by him should be raised. He called the attention of the
audience, for whose benefit the remarks of the respondent seemed
to have been made, to the singular position which the eminent
repondent today for the first time occupied.
That it was not strange that one who had so often distin
guished himself by the undaunted boldness with which he threw
himself in opposition to the weight of public opinion, should be

400 Life, Letters and Speeches
the one who now invoked the aid of the Court to protect those
whom the law of Congress designates as alien enemies, but
whom he still prides himself in calUng his " feUow-citizens, "
from the tyranny of a government which attempts to make their
property subject to the rules of war. This was consistent with
his past position. But it was certainly a remarkable metamor
phosis, that the eminent jurist who had stood fearlessly and
almost alone in his opposition to the political sentiments of the
State, should now invoke the strictest and sternest construction
of States' Rights that had ever been contended for even in South
Carolina, in opposition to the power of the Confederate Govern
ment to pass a law in relation to a subject-matter expressly
intrusted to Congress by the Constitution.
It is true that the profession of submission to the authority of
the State in this matter was accompanied by the explanation
that such submission would be given only because there could be
no successful resistance to the tyranny. But, even with this
qualification, the acknowledgment of the authority of the State
was remarkable from such a quarter.
The next day Mr. Petigru received the following letter from
Alfred Huger, Postmaster of Charleston since 1839.
FROM ALFRED HUGER TO PETIGRU October 8, 1861.
My dear Petigru:
AU that concerns you enters into my mind as tho' the issue
was with myself, and whenever it is otherwise I shall have lost
what has sometimes made me acceptable to the virtuous and the
brave. I was, as you well know, born under the rule of impulse and of
instinct, and so, following my own nature, we have differed about
the "necessity" of this unhappy revolution, and it is impossible
for me to retrace those steps which developments of each suc
ceeding day seem to justify. I would gladly have died to save
the Union, but God has decreed that we were not worthy of a
great [end?] and I must say, I hold the North to be responsible,
as the instruments of its dissolution. Beyond this I am with
you, and will stand with you, or fall with you. The miserable
idea of suppressing truth in the name of public opinion is no less
Jacobinical on this side of the Atlantic than it has been on the
other; and Heaven has provided men like yourself to resist such
aggression wherever and whenever it appears; the defense of the

James Louis Petigru 401
weak and the absent is your peculiar province; mine is to look
on with admiration at the head; so quick to perceive what is
unjust; and at the heart which is so invincible in standing up
against it.
I thank God for the opportunity which has bound me to you
for more than fifty years; and I thank him more for the convic
tion that it will be brighter and brighter, as I shall become
capable of appreciating what is elevated and generous in this
world, causing a purer hopefulness of what awaits us in the
next. Faithfully and affectionately yours,
Alfred Huger.
Dinner will be at our house for you always. My wife is not
improved. On October 15 Mr. Petigru delivered his argument. His
clients were Major Rawlins Lowndes, William Lowndes, and
Mrs. Abraham Van Buren, of New York, who was the daughter
of Colonel John Singleton, of Wateree, S. C; the funds of the
Mount Vernon Association, in the hands of Miss A. Parmelee
Cunningham, and some colored people of Philadelphia who were
beneficiaries of the estate of Mrs. Kohn. The presiding judge
was the Hon. A. G. Magrath, who had been a law student under
Mr. Petigru, for whom he had the greatest regard.
Mr. Petigru opened his argument by stating that his demur
rer would be sustained by him upon two grounds:
First. The Writ of Garnishment, as it is called, is iUegai
and unwarranted. Secondly, that the purpose of the Writ,
which is the confiscation of enemies' debts, is not within the
competency of the Confederate Government.
No man has the right to put a free man upon his oath, — to
purge his conscience, by compelling a solemn appeal to Heaven
but according to law; and the law gives that authority only in a
judicial proceeding to testify as a witness; to answer to matters
charged against him; to obey the call ofthe Sovereign by taking
the oath of allegiance, or the oath of office. The oath of office,
the oath of allegiance, the obligation of testifying to the truth in
a Court of Justice between parties litigant are acknowledged.
We were never famous for opposition to authority. No person
was more ready to render to Caesar all that Caesar had a decent
pretext to demand. But obedience to this Writ which requires a
general discovery of alien enemies, and all the information in
the power of the party summoned for the purpose of discovering
what property of alien enemies may be come at, I deny and refuse
to answer. And the reason of this refusal is simple, although it

402 Life, Letters and Speeches
seems to surprise some, but as St. Paul says, I was born free and
will not forfeit that freedom which I inherit from my free mother.
I wiU not submit to be commanded where there is no right to
command. The Clerk of the District Court of the Confederate States has
issued a writ commanding the person to whom it is addressed
to appear in Court and answer all such questions as shaU be put
to him respecting alien enemies. He that does not cherish the
rights of a free man is unworthy of his birthright.
It is not a circular calling on the party to come forward with
money and information, nor an advertisement offering a reward
for discovery, but it is a command, an order from a superior
bidding the subject to do what is mentioned. It pre-supposes or
takes for granted that the superior from whom it emanates has
authority to compel the party to disclose all the information in
his power, at least, on a given subject. That subject is the con
fiscation of enemies' goods. To confiscate the property of ene
mies may be a rightful branch of sovereign power. While upon
this point the question is not whether the law of Nations allows
or favors confiscation. Nations have set the example of the
practice, and rulers that have been wiUing to adopt it, have never
wanted delators and traitors, spies and informers, to turn the
grindstone for sharpening the axe of power. In discussing this
point we leave undisturbed the complacency of them who look
with favor upon the scenes of confiscation which have grieved
and disgusted the wisest and best of men. Let them enjoy their
opinion. But the subject declines obedience to this order. He
acknowledges that it comes from a high power and the only
reason why he disobeys is that he is a free man, and has the same
right to withstand an inquisitorial examination that the poor
man has to close the door of his humble shed against the foot of
power. In the first place it will hardly be denied that the Government
of the Confederacy is a Government of special and limited
powers. Under the United States Sovereignty was the root of
bitterness. Federalists, (and anyone who thinks it will help his
argument may say that I was one) contended that the Federal
and State Governments were co-ordinate authorities, and that
they were both sovereign in their respective spheres. Perhaps
they were wrong; perhaps there is an incompatibility in nature as
there seems to be in language, between ideas of sovereignty and
disability — that the idea of a partial sovereignty is a solecism.
But that difficulty, so far as we are concerned, is set at rest by
the Constitution of the Confederate States, which positively,
plainly and without equivocation excludes any encroachment on
the full and entire sovereignty of the several States. Therefore,
what was once doubtful is now clear. Dr. Cooper's argument has
triumphed: his visions are realized. We have a Constitution

James Louis Petigru 403
which is free from ambiguity, and a government which is a mere
agency; and shame must be the portion of him that would deny
that the Confederate Government is confined to the powers
expressly delegated, and that beyond those limits its acts are
unwarranted. (See Cooper's Exposition of NuUification, 1
Stat, of South CaroUna, 218, 221.)
Now if this was a question between man and man — if a neigh
bor came to ask such a question on the part and behalf of another
person, one would naturally expect that he had express direc
tions to interrogate on the subject, or some subject leading to it.
We would expect here, if the Confederate States send such a
demand, to find that their principals — those for whom they
assume to act — had authorized them to examine all men upon
every subject on which they needed information, or at least on
that particular subject. How would it answer for the party to
produce instead of a warrant to purge the conscience of the party
a warrant to seize enemies' goods?
Let us forego the rigor of logic; let us concede that the grant
of the power to seize enemies' goods will authorize all that is
incident to that power. There is no more connection between
the power of proceeding against enemies' goods, and purging the
conscience, than between this inquisitorial Act, and the power
of collecting revenue, of levying imposts or punishing counter
feiting. In United States vs. Brown, 8 Cr. 110, Ch. J. Marshall
rules that the power over captures by land or water is not inci
dent to the war power, but is a separate substantive power.
Yet surely the power to make rules for captures by land or water,
is more like an incident to the war power than an inquisition
into the state of any man's conscience or knowledge to the
power of making rules concerning captures in time of war.
As to what is incident to a grant, the rule is well understood in
the law — cuicumque aliquis quid concedit concedere videtur et id
sinequo ipsa concessio esse non potuit. Whoever grants a thing
is supposed absolutely to grant that without which the grant
itself would be of no effect. (Brown's Maxims, 426.) So the
power to make by-laws is incident to a corporation. But under
this rule are comprehended only things directly necessary.
Legists of the highest reputation distinguish between things
which are of the essence of a grant; those which are of its nature,
and those which are accidental. Those which are of the essence
of a contract are such as without the contract can not exist.
Those which are of its nature are as if not expressly excluded,
follow the grant as a matter of course. Such is the power of a
corporation to make by-laws. Those which are accidental are
sucn as are not included in the grant unless expressly named.
(Evans' Pothier, 6-7.)
Debts are not usually confiscated except in war; but so far is
the power from being the natural consequence of war, that it is

404 Life, Letters and Speeches
most rarely resorted to among European nations. And in the
East where it finds a congenial soil, it is practiced equally in
peace and war.
But, disregarding all pedantry or grammatical strictness, I
will go the very furthest brink of concession, and notwithstand
ing Dr. Cooper admits that the Confederacy may exercise as
much constructive power as the United States could or ever did.
Such a concession will not authorize them to exercise in a
civil suit, a procedure unknown to common law, and in deroga
tion of the rights of the subject. Even if the people had given
to the Confederacy the power expressly to seize the property of
enemies that come here under the safeguard of peace and to
sequester all debts due to our creditors, the agent would be
bound in exercising that power to proceed by the law that the
principal is bound by. The Confederate Government may
arrest offenders against the Acts of Congress: but can they issue
a general warrant? Can they alter the law of evidence, or
change the procedure of the Courts? Nothing can be done
more inconsistent with the relation of principal and agent, than
that the agent should discard the law of^ the principal and
resort to means in the execution of his authority which are, by
the law of the principal, unlawful. Let him sequester debts,
but for God's sake, let him keep his hand from General Warrant
and the machinery of the Star Chamber!
All Courts must follow the established course of procedure.
If it be a common Law Court, the procedure ofthe common law;
if it be the Ecclesiastical Court, the Canon law; if a Prize Court,
the course of the civil law incorporated with the practice of those
Courts. (Bacon's Ab. Buller, N. P., 219.)
Now is this a common law proceeding or a proceeding in the
Prize Court? Is it a civil or criminal proceeding? Is it an
incident, a thing without which the judicial vigor of common
law, criminal law or prize law wiU be impaired?
The most inveterate dispute on the subject of constructive
fowers was the incorporation of the Bank of the United States.
t was defended on the ground that all civilized people of the
present age have a Government to aid in the collection, dis
bursement and safe keeping of the revenue. It was argued that
it was incidental to the power of raising and disbursing revenue,
because it was usual, and without it the thing could not be done
as well. That the creation of a corporation was an ordinary
exercise of legislative power in aid of some public purpose. That
it was not a substantive but an adjective branch of legislation,
and was therefore capable of fairly coming within the definition
of a law necessary and proper to the due discharge of the duty
and power of the Government.
What shall be said of the monstrous fallacy of making this a

James Louis Petigru 405
precedent for establishing a Court of Star Chamber as incident
to captures on land?
But I deny that this is a judicial proceeding at aU. A Writ
of Garnishment is a term unknown to our law, and the thing
before us is not a Writ.
What is a Writ? It is the first step in a suit. And what is a
suit? It is a proceeding between plaintiff and defendant.
(3 Bl., 272.) If a Writ is litigated between parties in a Court of
Justice the proceeding by which the decision is sought is a suit,
pr. Marshall. Weston vs. The City Council, 2 Peters, 464.
Here there is no plaintiff and no defendant; it is no more a
judicial proceeding than if the Governor or General should call
up every man in the community and purge his conscience as to
alien enemies.
A man is bound to testify when required as a witness, but he
can not fill the character of a witness unless there is a suit. And
the State may require its citizens to take the oath of allegiance,
which certainly the Confederate Government can not. And
there are oaths of office, but there never was an oath like this
since the days of the Star Chamber.
And this brings the case within the Law of General Warrants.
(WUkes' case, 1 Lofft, 1; Money vs. Leach, 3 Burr, 1762 H. H.
580.) Shall it be said that a general commission to compel
every man to give information is not a general warrant? It is
not only like a general warrant but it is the same thing in sub
stance, and there is just the difference between this Writ of
Garnishment, as it is called, and the Writ of Foreign Attach
ment that there is between a general warrant and a warrant
to arrest an individual.
After this, if any man defends this proceeding let him give
up all claim to State Rights, all pretensions to be a Consti-
tional lawyer, or a friend of Public Rights.
So far I have confined myself to the consideration of the in
quisitorial power assumed by the Sequestration Act, and en
deavored to show, I hope not unsuccessfully, that if the Con
federate Government confines itself bona fide to the agency
committed to it by the instrument under which it acts, and
under which alone it can pretend to any jurisdiction of the mat
ter, according to the true intent and meaning of that instrument
it can have no right to order a private citizen to come forward
and act as an informer, even if the information sought was
conducive to an object within its legitimate sphere of action.
But I will proceed now in furtherance of the arguments of my
friends yesterday addressed to the Court, to show that the
object in view is not a legitimate object — that is, that the object
in view is not included in the powers delegated to the Confeder
acy by the Sovereign States. The object of the inquiries is to
enable the Confederacy to confiscate enemies' property found in

406 Life, Letters and Speeches
the State at the beginning of the war, and brought here under
the sanctions of peace. I deny that the instrument under
which the Confederacy derive all their power authorized them
to confiscate such property.
The holder of enemies' property has the right of possession;
and is entitled to hold till a better title is shown. This is no
more than the common birth-right of a free man. To the min
ister who assumes to intermeddle with his possession on behalf
of the Confederate Government, he has a right to demand not
merely his authority, but the authority of his master, that
master being as we have again and again repeated only an agent.
To this demand the answer is given that the Government has
the power to declare war! That the power to declare war does
not include the right of confiscation is not only plain from reason,
but so fuUy proved by the authority of Brown's case as to be
scarcely insisted on. But it seems to be supposed that the
power to confiscate may be found in the other part of the same
clause, to wit: "Congress shall have power to make rules con
cerning captures on land and water. " The whole is taken from
the Constitution of the United States, and the very same thing
is found in the Articles of Confederation of the year 1778, Art.
IX: "The United States in Congress assembled, shall have the
whole and exclusive right of determining on peace or war,"
(the exception being immaterial to the present question) "of
establishing rules for deciding in all cases what captures on land
or water shall be legal and in what manner prizes by land or
naval forces in the service of the United States, shall be divided
or apportioned." It would be mere quibbling to say that these
two passages are not identical in sense; and indeed the Articles of
Federation seem to be rather more full and explicit on this head
of the grant of power than the Constitution. But neither one
nor the other comes up to the point of confiscation.
A distinction here must be made between tangible property,
such as lands, goods or movables, and things in action merely as
debts. Enemies' goods found in the country at the breaking
out of war, when the possession is assumed by an enemy, may
without any great stretch of language be said to be captured, and
it might be argued with plausibUity that the clause relating to
captures includes such cases. Yet captures more properly apply
to what is taken by an armed hand in the exercise of open war
— not merely acquisition by conquest; and the words of the
clause will be fully satisfied if confined to this meaning. And
such was the contemporary construction. The Confederation
took cognizance of what was gained by conquest by men in arms,
but they interfered not with the rich estates of the PhiUipses,
the Robinsons, or other loyalists, over which the right of con
fiscation was exercised by the States. This construction was
the presumption of the law in its favor. Expositio contempor-

James Louis Petigru 407
anea est fortissima in lege. One might justly be suspected of
intending a bitter mockery, if he affected to set the authority of
people now in power over that of the historical men of the
Revolution. The Confederacy did not exercise this power and the States
did. And how did they exercise it? Not with blind and head
long rage, that pays no regard to dignity, to age or innocence,
and blends in indiscriminate ruin men and women and children;
but with a calm and temperate discrimination. I speak at least
of South Carolina. Her people, even in the height of civil rage,
could not forget what was due to their own honor; and I rejoice
to think that on the Jacksonborough Roll the name of no inno
cent man, no woman, no child, is found. Why need we fear,
then, to leave this "two-handed engine" in the keeping of the
State ? Why this haste to commit this dreaded power to strange
and untried hands?
But whatever may be said on the right of the Confederate
States to confiscate tangible property of alien enemies found in
the State at the breaking out of war, goes very little way toward
establishing the authority of confiscating debts.
Of tangible property the possession may be divested out of
the owner by the conqueror. It is within his grasp, and his
right grows out of his power over it. But debts have no locality.
Bythe common consent of mankind debts follow the person ofthe
creditor. Debita sequuntur personam creditoris, is acknowledged
as a maxim everywhere. Thus a person's assignment, whether
made in the country where the debtor resides, or on the other
side of the world, carries the property against all subsequent
liens. The civil power has jurisdiction over all persons and
property within its territorial limits. But in a debt the property
belongs to the creditor not the debtor. On the part of the debtor
it is an obligation, a moral and legal tie, binding him to do or pay
something in particular, not to this person or to that, but to the
creditor himself or to his agent. Now, in the first place, this
relation between the creditor and the debtor can not be "cap
tured" in any reasonable sense. To capture a moral relation, to
levy upon an idea, is simply to speak absurdly. The framers of
the Constitutions, both new and old, and the grave and eminent
men that framed the Articles of Confederation, had perfectly the
use of language. Had they meant to invest the power with the
right contended for, it would have been easy to add to the clause
concerning captures, these words, "and to confiscate the debts
of ahen enemies."
But it was argued yesterday that the property of all alien
enemies belongs to the State, and the State takes only what is its
own when it compels the debtor to pay. For this proposition
the authority of Lord Hale is invoked. A venerable name
indeed, on many accounts entitled to respect; but his errors are

408 Life, Letters and Speeches
no better than those of another man. His work is said to have
been printed from a foul draught, incomplete and lacking the
last hand of the author. But however that may be, the Bury
Assizes will ever remain a warning against pinning one's faith to
the sleeve of Lord Hale, who had more authority for burning the
poor women for witches, than for asserting that enemies' goods
belong to the King.
It is argued that an alien enemy has no rights, and no injury
is done to the debtor because he is discharged from all duty to
his creditor. Can one believe this, and believe in God? Are
moral relations nothing? Is gratitude a delusion? Can war
do away with a moral relation ? There is a moral tie even when
there is legal sanction, and gratitude can not be suppressed by
any third party, either in peace or war. In debt there is a moral
as well as a legal obligation, and he that has received a deposit or
contracted a debt for money entrusted to him owes a recompense
to his creditor, because he is a human being, and this a part of the
law of his nature, which he can no more put off than he can
change his natural constitution. How idle then to talk of the
innocency of confiscation as a thing harmless to the unhappy
man that is served with a Writ of Garnishment, as if he had no
right to complain, when he is compelled by the arm of power to
pay and stUl continues in conscience to owe the debt; not only
so, but as my friends have yesterday abundantly shown is still
liable to be sued in the Courts of every country except those of
the spoliator.
But do I contend that the State can not confiscate debts?
By no means. Unhappily for mankind it is too true; and too
often has it been done to doubt the existence of the power. But
why can the State confiscate? Because the State is sovereign.
The State may substitute expediency or policy for justice, "for
who shall put a hook in the nose of Leviathan. " The people,
in laying the foundation of Government, may put private rights
under the guardianship of the Judiciary, by constitutional pro
visions. The people have hitherto not thought it necessary to
restrain the sovereignty of the State by any constitutional
inhibition against confiscation; and therefore the State may even
confiscate debts. But has the State of South Carolina parted
with this attribute of sovereignty ? If so, produce the passage,
and remember that the language, to effect a consequence so
tremendous, must be clear and explicit. The war power can
make out anything by presumption and analogy. Fortunately
for us, in this instance — fortunately for humanity — analogy
and presumption are, by the very terms of the instrument which
the power produces, excluded. The Confederate Congress can
only claim to make laws to carry into effect powers expressly
granted. That the power in this case is not expressly granted is
a palpable fact. Shall construction and implication be resorted

James Louis Petigru 409
to in defiance of the charter ? Forbid it. Heaven ! for if it is,
mankind have been deluded by a vain hope, and paper Consti
tutions are no more than a cheat practiced on the credulity of
poor suffering human nature.
Nothing but the sense of extreme importance of the principles
at stake could have compelled me, now that the visions of hope
have fled, and the fire of youth is extinct, to venture into this
arena. I would that it had fallen into hands more able to dis
charge this duty; but such as it is, I lay this offering of age on the
altar of justice, and am done.*
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Summerville, October 16, 1861.
You are discomposed by the news that I am entangled with
the Confederate Government. It is even so. That Govern
ment, like a desperate gamester, is going beyond anything in the
annals of tyranny. Confiscated at one swoop the whole prop
erty in the country belonging to the Northern people. Not only
have they exceeded all former confiscations by the generality of
the Acts, but they have turned every man into an informer, the
basest character in all times known to the world. They served
me with a writ calling upon me to inform against all my Northern
cUents. I resisted it as an unconstitutional act. I stood alone at
first, but I believe the majority of the Bar are now with me. I was
not quite accurate in saying I stood alone, for William Whaley
backed me on the spot. The argument was put off till Monday,
(the 14th inst.). In the meantime Nelson Mitchell joined me.
On Monday he and Whaley and Richardson Miles, (the latter
for the Government,) were heard, and Tuesday Col.' Hayne, on
the same side, with Miles and me. We did not lose anything by
the discussion, and tho' I have no hope of touching Magrath's
conscience, it is probable the discussion will lead to important
changes in the Act, by opening the eyes of men to its enormity.
4! * *
Before quitting the subject ofthe case in court I ought to have
mentioned that I sent my speech to the Courier. It may possi
bly come out tomorrow, but probably not till Saturday. As the
Mercury is not likely to publish it, I will try to send you one.
The Judge took time for his decision, but, as I said before, I have
no hopes for him. I dined with Henry Lesesne every day dur
ing the discussion. He thinks I am right, so does Alfred Huger,
and the most of my friends are on my side. Mr. Gould, from
Augusta, came to Charleston on purpose to hear the debate, the
Georgians being very anxious on the subject.

?From the Sequestration Act of the Confederate States. — Pamphlet in the
Charleston, S. C, Library.

410 Life, Letters and Speeches
Mrs. John Butler* has come to save Butler's Island from con
fiscation. Gen. Scott gave her a passport and she found no
difficulty. I saw Col. Moses Tuesday and had the favor of a
few words with him. He is just from Western Virginia. He
does not think we shall ever conquer t. The people are hostile
to us, and Rosecrans is more than a match for the generals we
have there. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
SummerviUe, October 30, 1861.
* * * If I had a copy of my speech on the 9th I would send
it to you, but that I have not. It is so incorrectly printed that
some passages are unintelligible, which makes me very much
regret the want of a copy, especially as the reporter (a Mr.
Woodruff) is going to try a speculation of printing the whole of
them, seven in number, for sale. If his means holds out I wiU
send you a copy, which wiU be correct, at least comparatively.
I have been gratified by the plaudits that have been bestowed
on the thing, for I was mightily afraid that folks would say that
it is time for the old man to retire. It is possible that the old
lady, whose murder shocked our minds so much a few days ago,
was the mother of your friend, Mrs. WiUiams. I had no idea
that it was anybody of her condition. What a miserable insight
it gives under the constitution of our society.
I suppose you have seen that the Judge overruled us on the
great question, but gave judgment in the favor of WUkinson,
who confined himself to a corner of the case. Mr. McCrady
came out like a man and made a conservative speech. * * *
?She was Miss Morris, of South Carolina, and resided in Philadelphia.

James Louis Petigru 411

CHAPTER XLVIII
October-November, 1861
Work on the Code; Advice to His Grandson, James;
Federal Descent on the Sea Coast; General Panic,
AND Abandonment of the Sea Islands
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH October 30, 1861.
My work has gone tolerably well. I have got over the worst
part and have a decent portion of MS. in the printer's hands.
My assistants have left me. Young and Middleton.* I regretted
the last, who was willing and apt. I have in his place Henry
Seabrook, a very proper young man. The war drags on very
heavily. It may last many years. The great fleet has gone,
I've no doubt, to the mouth of the Mississippi; whether they
will all go to New Orleans is another matter. I never thought
they were coming here. There would be no sense in it. No
object in taking Charleston, if they could, for it is not a com
manding point; it would open no pathway into the interior. In
the meantime, if the war lasts, it is likely to inflict on both North
and South a heavy misfortune in the loss of their Uberties. The
administration of Lincoln is arbitrary, and the Richmond Con
gress is a revolutionary body, which is shown in the Sequestra
tion Act that we are on the way to irresponsible power. But
this is enough. My health is certainly improved. I wish I
could say as much for my wife.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
SummerviUe, November 7, 1861.
I found the printers in perplexity with the Code, and have
been working hard to get them along. My last help, Henry
Seabrook, left me yesterday, so I am alone in Johnston's house.
You know I can not work on the Code at the office. My first
business was to visit the sisters, and there I found Sister Anne all
alone, looking like solitude, for the girls had retired. * * *
Louise and the daughters three were round the work-table
knitting socks for the soldiers. * * * j j^^^j observed that
Johnston's house was open, and though I had no idea of it.

?Henry E. Young and John Izard Middleton, jr.

412 Life, Letters and Speeches
except the thought that it was empty it would have suited me
exactly, I inquired who was in it. In answer to this inquiry
Henry King told me that Nat and his wife were the occupants
and that Johnston left positive orders that it should not be let.
This suited me exactly, and I moved my writing materials and
books to No. 59 Tradd Street, whence I am now writing. The
great fleet, or at least part of it, is at Port Royal. They have
been shooting at blank distances and I predict the expedition
will end in disgrace. It appears to me an idle project to make a
descent on this coast where there is nothing to be gained, and
where defeat would be so disgraceful, instead of striking a blow
at New Orleans where success would have an important bearing
on the issue. The women are fleeing from the islands to the
city, but there is no evidence of consternation here; great incon
venience, however, in draining the shops of their clerks, much to
the hinderance of the Code.
TO JAMES PETIGRU CARSON
Charleston, November 7, 1861.
My dear James:
* * * Upon reflection I think it better that you stay at
Badwell, at least till New Year. In the meantime I will find out
what Mr. Porcher is going to do and make a definite arrangement
for next year.
I do not think you will stand a fair chance with other men in
the race of life if you do not quaUfy yourself to write a fair hand.
It was my intention to put you under the tuition of a writing
master as soon as you came here. But everything is so distrac
ted that I doubt whether a writing master could be found in
Charleston at this time. And it is for this reason chiefly that I
am induced to withdraw my consent to your coming here at
once. At Badwell you may spend a month very profitably in
studying to improve your penmanship and in reading. I regret
that there is not there a complete set of Plutarch's Lives. But
there are some old volumes which at your age I read from day to
day. Nor have I ever regretted the hours which I bestowed on
him. Lord Mahon's history is very excellent reading, too, and
I know your aunt has that. I think that your cousin Lou's
company can not fail to be a source of pleasure and improvement.
Nothing qualifies a man so much for good company, which is a
blessing for those who have a taste for it, as the society of an
amiable and accomplished person of the other sex who is older
than himself, without being too old to take some interest in him.
Knowledge, it is true, is entitled to the first rank in the objects
of education, but manners and the ability of conversing agree
ably greatly conduce to set off one's knowledge to advantage and
to insure success in life. And you are aware, James, that you

James Louis Petigru 413
have no fortune, and that if you attain an eligible rank you will
owe it to yourself. Nor do I see any reason to despair of your
doing well if you will only be true to yourself.
I have heard nothing from Charlie Allston, and if he is with
you give him my paternal blessing and be assured, dear James,
that whatever concerns you is nearest to the heart of
Your Grandfather.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, November 14, 1861.
My dear Jane:
Yours of the 9th I received on the llth and that of the llth
today. Since the enemy's fleet appeared in Port Royal con
sternation has reigned in town and country. The excitement
has been awful and it does not abate, except imperceptibly.
All the males are gone out of the city and the women, young and
old, are in terror and alarm. Old women are visited with the
most cruel fears and the young, indeed, could not be more terri
fied. On the islands a discovery is made which the inhabitants
were slow in coming to, that in a war with an enemy that is mas
ter of the sea they are masters of nothing. Many of the negroes
have refused to move and they are not under compulsion, because
the masters are moving. It is said that Beaufort is unpeopled,
as far as white folks are concerned. Gen. Lee would not order
it burnt and it seems that the owners, when it came to the point,
think it is the duty of the Government to burn cities, not that of
individuals. I advise all of them that are blustering about their
intentions to burn their houses to keep the Yankees out to resort
to a more significant way of spiting the enemy by hanging them
selves. Fortunately sister is not scared, she is one of the unterri
fied and we do not propose to move. In the first place I do not
think the enemy can take the city and, in the second place, if the
city is taken it is not going to be dealt with otherwise than
according to the usages of civilized warfare, and that which the
old women have such a horror of is a very distant possibility.
Madame Tognio goes this afternoon. I have advised everybody
that asked me to stay, but nobody has taken my advice. Sue
is one of those who are frightened out of her wits. She goes
with the Kings to Greenville. I wish you could invite her and
Addie to stay with you, but I don't think you can. Sister Ann
is coming, with her horses and four servants. * * * 'j^j^^
people next door are in great distraction, going to Mary Robert
son, in St. John's. Mrs. Holbrook and Miss Pinckney are the
only persons that I have heard of besides who are going to stay
without being compelled.
"The panic will be over in a fortnight. The enemy wiU quietly
hold the sea islands, and if they make an attempt on Charleston

414 Life, Letters and Speeches
will have to wait a long time for reinforcements, quite long
enough to allow a large concentration of the forces here. I think
Mr. Porcher inexcusable for breaking up his school, and the
authorities are still more so for enlisting youths of 16. * * *
I have been very busy all day, having nobody to help me
either with the code or at the office. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, November 20, 1861.
My dear Jane:
New things are all around us. A week ago I wrote to you of
the enemy's fleet being off Port Royal, which was a thing not
expected by me, as I thought that New Orleans was more likely
to be their object, as being a point of more importance. How
ever, though Beaufort is obscure in the Gazetteer of Cities, it
is vastly important to the hundreds, aye, even thousands, that
live within its influence. The inhabitants, it is said, have fled
and the enemy have not occupied it. The planters all along
the seacoast have moved their negroes and abandoned their
houses. I have heard of only one man burning his house. That
was Dr. Fuller, who set fire to everything, including corn and
cotton, and by doing so compeUed his negroes to follow him,
as they were on an island without food or shelter. It is not
easy to hear the truth. A man can tell what he has done, but
no one has had time to make himself acquainted with what
others are doing. No doubt many negroes have abandoned
their masters, but the greater part are safely removed. But
it is a ruinous business. Some have burnt their cotton, but the
threats of burning the towns and setting fire to the houses have
not been realized. It is from this quarter that the most serious
danger is apprehended. There are plenty of zealots who pro
fess to be ready to make Charleston another Moscow. We have
to trust first to the valor of our men and their ability to defeat
the enemy if they advance upon Charleston, and second, to the
sobering influence of reflection to prevent so suicidal a measure
as the destruction of the town. For these reasons I look upon
Charleston to be as safe as other places, and fortunately sister
concurs with me, and does not think of moving. * * * It is
not doubtful that the enemy met with dreadful losses in the gale
of the 1st. Perhaps we owe much of our present safety to it.
The capture of Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell makes a grear stir,
but it is regular according to English law. * * *
Your Brother.
The following is appropriate at this point. It is from the
"Editor's Drawer," Harper s Magazine, July, 1877:

James Louis Petigru 415
I was in Washington City at the time Mason and Slidell were
captured, and we thought our troops were about to gain pos
session of Charleston. I called upon President Lincoln with
the late venerable Comptroller Whittlesey, and in the course
of conversation I said, "Mr. President, we of the North feel
Uke punishing the Charlestonians, for they are arch-offenders."
"I feel a little so myself," he said, "but what shaU we do with
Mr. Petigru?" The latter was a stanch Union man, and re
mained so while the madmen raged around him. The question
suggested "a little story" to Mr. Lincoln. His eyes sparkled
with humor and he said, "A little chap in Illinois was very fond
of relating Scripture narratives. At one time he was telling
the story of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah and the
promise of the Lord to save the cities if a certain number of
righteous men could be found- in them. 'How many righteous
men did the Lord accept?' asked a Ustener. 'I don't know ex
actly,' said the narrator. ' I know Abraham beat down the Lord
a good deal.' " So," said Mr. Lincoln, " they may beat us down
to Mr. Petigru and save Charleston."
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Broad Street, November 20, 1861. Night.
In writing today I forgot to tell you that I am quite well.
* * * I have lost all my aids. Henry Seabrook, the last,
has had his hands full removing his negroes, for they were on
Edisto Island, where his plantation is. All three of my students
are gone to the wars. No, I believe Edgerton has only been
sick. Henry King is encamped at the Race Course. The
consequence is that St. Michael's Alley is shut up, except on those
days when I leave Tradd Street on account of some special call.
I hope you received the pamphlet with the speeches on the
Sequestration Act. * * *
I will never be able to divest myself of the idea that those
persons who have been egging on the war have as little religion
as their neighbors. It is certainly lamentable to witness the
symptoms of the cruel and mahgnant feeUngs which this war
has engendered, and worst of all these turbulent sentiments are
conspicuously developed in the female mind. Another strange
thing is that the islanders seem but just now to have found out
that war is hostile to their interests. * * * Adieu.
Your Brother.
to mrs. caroline petigru carson
Charleston, 23 November, 1861.
So at last Dear Carey, I have heard from you. Last Sunday
Mr. Hachet's letter and yesterday another by way of Norfolk.

416 Life, Letters and Speeches
How glad I am that the dangers of the sea are over; and yet
there is a suppressed regret that you could not stay abroad while
the elements at home are in such strife. Things are reaUy
changed when a letter to New York is an extraordinary event.
Mrs. Oelrich kept Ma company all the time, and I found her
there and went to work hard on the code with Jack Middleton
to help, and mighty little assistance from Henry Young and
Trescot. Henry Young got a place in Gen. Drayton's staff, and
Jack for want of patronage was fain to take the situation of a
volunteer in the same service. * * *
Mad. Togno bolted this day was a week, and all the Kings
the next day, and Sue and Adele with them, and Aunt Anne
with Anna, Louise, and Marion Porcher last Thursday. '* * *
There is no great interest in such demenagements, but on Edisto
and the Islands it is a real tragedy. They are completely
depopulated. The finest plantations in the State left waste; the
negroes carried off, and in some instances to compel them to go
their houses and all their provisions burnt. I saw WiUiam
Whaley and my young friend Henry Seabrook, and never was
distress more vividly depicted than in their countenances. It
is not only the distress of parting from their homes endeared by
early associations, but positive impoverishment. They save
nothing but their negroes, and not all of them, for some prefer
the other side, and they have to find new homes, and provide
for their people for a whole year, while the abandonment of their
crops just harvested leaves them penniless. Gen. Sherman has
issued a proclamation, but it does not hold out encouragement
to any but those who are well affected. Unfortunately the weU
affected are so few that they are effectuaUy suppressed by the
prevalent feeling. Jeff Davis has as complete control of the
Southern mind as ever old Jefferson had and no matter what the
moving cause may be, whether wounded vanity or groundless
fears, our people, men and women and the women full as much
as the men, are inflamed to the highest degree, and are under
the hands of the rulers as maUeable as melted ore. Nothing is
more common than to hear people gravely talk of setting fire to
the city if they can not defend it. I combat the idea openly with
impunity, which is a sign of hesitation on the part of the zealots,
and I do not think the threat would be executed unless the mili
tary authorities should order it. They boasted that they would
burn Beaufort, but Gen. Lee would not order it, and the inhabi
tants deserted their houses without burning them. Therefore
I deem it unnecessary for the good people to fly; because in the
first place I do not think that the North can throw into this State
sufficient force to cut their way to Charleston; and in the next
place I do not think that when it comes to the pinch our people
would be mad enough to set fire to their houses. * * *

James Louis Petigru 417
Charley Porcher is in Virginia, and I am afraid if Jem was here
he would be carried away by the popular current. Gov. Allston
is at Chicora; Minnie at Waverly. If the invasion reaches
Waccamaw their situation will be deplorable. Mary Pettigrew
(Blount) is nursing the sick and wounded at Petersburg.
Charles and little Carey are at Scuppernong, where they have
been all summer. Johnston is at the head of a North Carolina
Regiment on the Potomac, greatly extolled as an officer.
Perhaps it is necessary that the new order of things be con
solidated by the cement of blood — and there may be a secondary
policy in prosecuting this war, that will justify the waste of life
and treasure. But the avowed and ostensible object — the
reconstruction of the Union — is futile. Mr. Sass at the Charles
ton Bank has intimated to me that he has a chance for despatch
ing this letter even under seal. * * * and receive the bles
sing of
Your Father.

418 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER XLIX
December, 1861
Silver Deposited for Safe Keeping in Commercial Bank
OF Columbia; Its Ultimate Loss; Great Fire in Charles
ton; Burning of his House; Courage and Cheerfulness
IN Adversity; Bank of Charleston Votes a Year's
Salary in Advance; Re-elected by Legislature Com
missioner FOR Digesting and Re-molding the Laws,
with the Same Salary
to mrs. caroline petigru carson
Charleston, 13 December, 1861.
My dear Caroline:
The morning is clear, a gentle breeze fanning the air and the
bright sun looks down on Charleston in ashes. I was away.
I left the home that I was never to see again, on Monday even
ing, and distributed my second number ofthe code on Thursday.
I was at table with Gov. Manning when Moses of Sumter came
at 4 o'clock and told me my house was burnt. Fortunately it
was in time for me to take the afternoon car, and I arrived at
yi after two this morning. I found your mother in Mad.
Togno's house. I wiU try to get Gen. Huger to pass the morn
ing papers, and if he concedes such indulgence you wiU read the
full account of the fire with a deep but very melancholy interest.
I may say in general that the whole space in S. W. direction from
the foot of Hasell street on the Cooper River side to the Ashley
River at a point between Tradd and Gibbes street is one smok
ing ruin.
Our individual loss is less than I expected. After they got
your mother out of the house the servants and friends made the
most strenuous exertions. Unhappily trusting to the interposi
tion of St. Finbarr's, between us and the raging torrent, caused
this movement to be delayed too long. We have not a bed left,
nor have they saved anything out of your room, or anything else
of yours but two clocks, and two boxes out of the wine room.
The wine in bottles is gone, — burnt in the yard with the bedding
where they had taken them when the horn warned them to go
out as they were going to apply the match to blow the house.
But my books are saved and almost everything else except
what I have mentioned. It is far easier to bear what comes

James Louis Petigru 419
from the hand of God than that which proceeds from the folly
or wickedness of man. This calamity is not connected with any
fault of ours or our friends, and though I shall never recover it
you may comfort yourself, dear child, with the assurance that
I will bear it with resignation.
James is at Badwell, where I told him to stay tUl January. I
can't omit to mention that we learn Cuthbert saw the reflexion
of the fire early in the night, jumped on the car and came to
Charleston, 50 odd miles, and was on the roof of the house before
it took fire, rendering good service. Your mother this morn
ing is more tranquil than I expected. Poor Parley [a servant]
was dissolved in tears when she met me at the door.
Adieu my dear, my love to your kind friends, and warm greet
ing to them that friendship is more proper to offer, from
Your Father.
P. S. — Your silver was taken by me to Columbia, and safely
deposited in the vault of the Commercial Bank on Wednesday.
The silver belonging to Mr. Petigru deposited in the bank of
Columbia was estimated to be worth six thousand dollars, and
that of the Carsons a like amount. By giving equal weight to
the various statements as to who burned Columbia, it can be
safely said that it burned itself, but there is no doubt that certain
"ruffians or camp followers" of Sherman's army looted the
banks. While on the march General Sherman noticed a soldier
boiling soup in a silver pitcher upon which there was an inscrip
tion. He examined the pitcher and found that it belonged to
Mr. Petigru. He turned it over to one of his staff, and a few
years afterwards, through the War Department, it was sent to
Mrs. Carson in New York. Some years before this pitcher,
inclosed in a polished oak box lined with blue velvet, had been
sent to Mr. Petigru by his friend Mr. Drayton in Philadelphia.
It was always treated with great consideration and was only
brought out on special occasions. When received in New York
it was scratched and dented, and showed that it had been
through the war. When sent to be repaired, strange to say, it
turned out to be only a plated pitcher. Some years afterwards
WiUiam Carson was persuaded by some silversmith friend in
Maiden Lane to send it to him and have it made over as good as
new. After this was done he proposed to his brother to pay for
the work, which he declined to do because the pitcher with the
scars was valuable as a relic, but with these removed it became

420 Life, Letters and Speeches
no more than an ordinary plated pitcher. Consequently it was
left with the silversmith.
In this connection the following letters are interesting.
GEN. WILLIAM T. SHERMAN TO WILLIAM CARSON
5th Ave. Hotel, New York, March 11, 1888.
Wm. Carson, Esq.,
16 Exchange Building.
My dear Sir:
I have a letter from your mother, written from Rome, in which
she asks me to make some affidavit which may facilitate her
collection of a claim against the U. S. for silverware belonging to
your grandfather Petigru's family, and to send the same to you.
There is no family anywhere for which I would like to manifest
love and respect more than that of Jas. L. Petigru of Charleston
especially your mother, Caroline, but it would be positively
wrong for General Sherman to make an affidavit to be used
against the United States. I have no personal knowledge upon
which to base an affidavit; only a faint recollection that either
seeing or hearing of some article of silverware bearing the mark
"Petigru," I ordered it to be sent the family at Charleston. My
army never went to Charleston, but passed through Columbia,
where it may be some unauthorized and unwarranted pilfering
may have occurred during the conflagration resulting from the
setting fire to the bridges, depots, and cotton by the enemy
before we crossed the Congaree.
The United States will not of course pay for the unauthorized
acts of Wheeler's Cavalry, of the negroes, or petty marauders
which attend every army; these are acts of war chargeable to
those who caused the war — surely not Mr. Petigru, but his
neighbors in South Carolina, against whom your mother has
just cause of action.
Please explain these things to your mother, and though I
must not attempt an affidavit, I will cheerfuUy give in a petition
to Congress to pay her, the daughter of Jas. L. Petigru of
Charleston, S. C, for the noble service he rendered his country,
by standing almost solitary and alone in combatting the fearful
heresy of " Secession " which deluged our land in blood, and cost
the honest people of this country thousands of miUions of
dollars. I am truly yours,
W. T. Sherman.
GEN. WILLIAM T. SHERMAN TO MRS. WILLIAM CARSON
5th Ave. Hotel, New York, April 5, 1888.
Dear Mrs. Carson:
As soon as I received your welcome letter of Feb. 28, I wrote
to your son, WiUiam, at 16 Exchange Place, that it was forbidden

James Louis Petigru 421
to Army officers to make voluntary statements on which to base
claims against the U. S. Expecting an answer I awaited it
before replying to yours. I have the faintest recollection of
hearing of, or seeing some plate in Columbia, S. C, at the time
of our passage in 1865, and that I ordered it to be sent to the
family at Charleston. I have not the remotest idea of its value,
or of hearing that you had lost articles to the value of $6,000.
The bank in Columbia was not sacked, but may have been
burned in the general conflagration of February 17, the cause of
which has been disputed, but about which I have not a shadow of
doubt, viz. by the burning of cotton in the streets during a heavy
wind storm, — the fire being set to the cotton long before one of
my soldiers had entered the city. Nevertheless I shall always
be glad if any good luck comes to you from that or any other
source. I would, however, much prefer that your father's
loyalty to his country should be specifically rewarded, the value
of whose example was worth more to the Union than the money
value of both Charleston and Columbia.
I hope you will come back to New York again, where your old
friends may see you occasionally. I am glad to hear that you
are acquainted with the Princess Treggiano, who was a Miss
Field, of New York. When I was in Rome in 1872 she was a
most beautiful and accomplished young mother. Her relatives
here are particular friends of mine.
I am at the 5th Ave. Hotel with Mrs. Sherman and two
daughters — to be near our youngest son who is at Yale College,
to graduate in June, and who wiU then enter the law office of my
relative Mr. Evarts. Whether we return to our home at St.
Louis will largely depend on the interests of that son.
Wishing you and yours all possible happiness, and with a
grateful remembrance of the days long gone in Charleston and on
Cooper River, I am sincerely yours,
W. T. Sherman.
Returning to Mr. Petigru's life in the early days of the war:
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, December 13, 1861.
My dear Jane:
I received yours of the 6th and intended to write to you from
Columbia, from which I hurried last evening upon learning that
my house was burnt, which is but too true. It would be unpar
donable weakness to complain when one only shares the common
Jq(. — nay, when better men are condemned to the same fate.
And how shaU an individual venture to bewaU the loss of his
house when so many churches, temples and public buildings are
involved in the same ruin ? I have no doubt you have seen, or

422 Life, Letters and Speeches
will soon see, the papers which describe the scene of conflagra
tion more minutely than I can. I wiU only undertake to tell
what concerns ourselves particularly.
I was in Columbia, and went on Monday evening with two
copies of the second number of the Code, having the promise of
Evans & CogsweU that the rest of the impression should follow
on Thursday. This was done and I had the pleasure of seeing
the distribution of them. The same day at table with Governor
Manning a friend came in and told me my house was burnt. It
was a relief to me that I was stUl in time for the evening car, and
I started; arrived last night, not knowing where sister was, but
found her at Madame Tognio's house, and didn't find things as
bad as I expected. My books are saved, but the bedding and
the wine and everything of Caroline's except ten boxes of wine
and two clocks is gone. I believe my clothes were saved, but
servants behaved well, exceeding well; nor were our friends
lacking to the call. WiUiam Cuthbert saw early in the evening
the reflection of the flames at Pocotaligo; jumped upon the car;
took to his feet at the bridge and was on the roof of the house
doing good service before it took fire. We have saved a great
deal more than other people and would have saved everything if
they had not been encouraged to beUeve that the stone structure
of St. Finbar's and the great space interposed by it would pro
tect us. They did not begin to move, therefore, until the
steeple of the church was in flames, but they seemed to have
worked after that with the most laudable zeal. After it crossed
Broad Street the progress of the fire was so furious that many of
our friends in Logan Street, among the rest Mr. Willington,
saved nothing. I am insured in Augusta for $6,000, which
would not rebuild the house, and the furniture is a dead loss.
However, I am thankful it is no worse, and sister is better a great
deal this morning than I expected. Madame Tognio has
opened her school in Columbia, and hopes to clear her house
rent there by the scholars that have stayed by her. For the
present we occupy her house in Meeting Street,* and as for the
future put our trust in Him that takes care ofthe sparrows. My
dear love to the sisters twain, to the nieces aU, and to Jim, and
to you, dear Jane, from
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, December 19, 1861.
My dear Jane:
The days seem to have come at last when we may say "we
have no pleasure in them. " The fire was a great disaster, but

?This house is the next south of the hall of the South Carolina Historical Society.

James Louis Petigru 423
poor little Louise, [his niece, Louise Porcher] she furnishes a more
bitter sense of grief. We were burnt out, but the public loss
seemed to swallow up in a great degree the sense of our particular
share. But the destruction of life, when it falls upon the object
of our affections, is unmitigated bitterness. Pray God she may
be spared, but your letter of the 17th leaves very little ground
for hopes. * * * They saved all the pictures but one [of
Judge Huger] and I think it will be found to have been taken
elsewhere by mistake. * * * About one thousand volumes
of my books are saved. I have chiefly to regret the loss of the
Biographic Universelle, in thirty-three volumes, and the Colum
bia Magazine, in twelve volumes, presented to me by Mr.
Everett and intended by me for the Dela Howe School in place
of that copy which the testator left to it and which by the
neglect of his trustees has been lost. * * * The House has
stopped the appropriation for the Code. The Senate have dis
agreed and it is in uncertainty. I received a letter from Jo this
morning full of sympathy and manly feeling. My sorrowful
salutations to all Badwell.
Your Brother.
The Augusta company in which I insured have given me to
understand that they will pay the insurance, $6,000, without
waiting for the sixty days to which they are entitled.
I embrace you all and beg you not to grieve over what can not
be helped. As I told one of my friends today, who was offering
his condolence, I bear it a great deal better than if it came from
wickedness of enemies or the folly of friends.
Your Brother.
to mrs. caroline petigru carson
Charleston, 21 December, 1861.
My dear ChUd:
* * * The pictures are all saved and your drawings, which
last is owing to Nannie's presence of mind. The silver is all
safe. I had taken it to Columbia and deposited it all in the
vault of the Commercial Bank the very day of the fire. The
fire burst out, I am told, at 1 1 o'clock at night, and Bull's house
at the foot of Tradd street built, as you may recoUect, in the
water, and the last consumed, was burnt the next morning. If
you have received my letter these details will not be news to you,
and I accompanied that letter with the morning papers which I
requested Gen. Huger to permit to pass as they contained no
intelligence except of the fire. The boxes containing your wine
are saved, and 5 dozen of mine, but that is all. I am thankful
that the destruction has been in those things which may be
replaced when one has money, rather than in the books and

424 Life, Letters and Speeches
pictures which are like creatures of the mind, which can not be
measured or valued.
The loss is great, but I can venture to say that I don't feel it as
much as you suppose. The common misfortune is so great that
my own loss shrinks into insignificance in comparison with it.
And we have been greatly sustained by the proof of sympathy
that we daily experience. All your mother's friends have been
to comfort and condole with her. The Legislature has re-elec
ted me Commissioner on the Code with the same salary, tho'
the necessity of retrenchment is very strong; and the Bank of
Charleston has just voted my salary for the coming year to be
paid me in advance.
But a new grief even more terrible than the loss of home and
goods awaits us in the loss of my little niece Louise Porcher.
James' letter which will accompany this will detail the circum
stances of that sad calamity, which I suppose is inevitable. * * *
Make my grateful acknowledgements to your kind hosts, and
be assured that you live in the heart of
Your Father.
to miss e. l. rutledge [1861]
My dear Miss Rutledge:
Your generosity has made me rich in flowers but poor in
thanks. I could hardly reconcile to myself the taking of the
boxes as well as the plants, but do so, as a proof that you would
not be sparing when you are giving. Have the goodness to make
my acknowledgements to Mrs. Holbrook for the purple chry
santhemum, which is so great an ornament to the late season of
the year, and accept the assurance of the sentiments with which,
I am Yours etc.
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
Charleston, 31 December, 1861.
Well my dear child, I have heard from you at last. I had
concluded that our countryman. Gen. Huger, had his hands so
full that he had to delegate the examination of all letters to his
orderly and that this respectable functionary made short work,
by piling them into a waste basket. But I did him great injus
tice, for he sent on not only my letter but your letter to him and a
copy of his answer. But what is your inquiry about gold ? I
expect to send you money, but certainly expect none from you.
* * * Cousin is at Flat Rock, and I am sorry to hear that
30 of William's negroes have left him for the hostile camp. Tom
Coffin's 300 are said to be gone; Miss Pinckney's too. In fact
the islands to the south of Charleston are desolate, and many

James Louis Petigru 425
persons reduced from opulence to ruin. Yet I don't believe
that ourNorthern friends will take the inhabitants away and
think that many of them will return.
For me I am strong and hearty and don't find it so hard to
stand reduction as many people suppose. * * *
All the pictures are saved but the "Judgment," and I still
hope to recover that as it is believed it was taken out of the house.
But all your books are lost; all mine that were in my bed room,
and all that were in the room off the dining room shared the
same fate. But it is surprising how much of Ma's odds and
ends were saved.
The Legislature re-elected me to the office of digesting and
remoulding the Laws, with the same salary. This is an answer
to your project of emigration. * * *
Your Papa.

426 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER L
January-April, 1862
Delivery of Mason and Slidell; About Sending James
TO New York, and his Emigration; Miss Sally Rutledge;
Gen. R. E. Lee; Letter to Barnwell Rhett; The Right
TO Change a Boy's Domicile; On the War; Letter to
J. J. Pettigrew; First Dollar to the Cause; J. J. Petti
grew Promoted to MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, January 2, 1862.
Blessings attend the New Year to you and all of us. Though
the future is very dim and no blessing to invoke so near as
resignation. We need it and our need is great, but not more
than our neighbors, Mr. Parker and his amiable partner (Mr.
Lance's daughter), how they have suffered in the bereavement
of their eldest son! And to think of Mrs. Williams who has so
recently lost her mother and her husband and now her youngest
son, basely murdered by a cowardly wretch that did not have
the courage to look him in the face, but had the dastard confi
dence to brave the law. The fellow's name is Wingate. George
Williams reproached him with having said that the negroes
executed for the murder of Mr. Witherspoon were innocent.
He denied having said so and Mr. WiUiams shamed him for a
liar. He from revenge and months afterwards came behind
him and discharged his gun at his head, scattering his brains on
the floor. It is a pity they did not execute summary justice on
him. He is in jail and it is to be hoped his only journey from
thence will be to the gallows. * * *
Your Brother.
P. S. — The delivery of Mason and Slidell is considered a dis
credit to the Washington Cabinet, and, though recommended by
a personal feeling for Mr. Mason, is an omen of the determination
of Mr. Seward to push the war in the South.
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON FROM GEORGE L. SCHUYLER
Washington, January 6, 1862.
My dear Mrs. Carson:
I have just been reading a very pleasant letter from you

James Louis Petigru 427
written "some time in November," from the banks ofthe North
RiVer. It has much to say of Charleston, and vividly recaUs
the sufferings of boyhood in the cause of science. I ought to
have received this letter in Paris, for then I might have written
you an answer, but I can not attempt one now.
I hope to finish my present business here in a few days. I
will then see you in New York. I am using every exertion to
ascertain the feelings of "the great and powerful" here in regard
to the position of your father.
I had an interview with the President at half past ten last
Saturday night — a long social sort of a talk. He in his slippers
and feet on the fender — I in dress clothes from a dinner party.
He spoke most cordially of your father, for I pressed upon him
his appointment as judge of the Supreme Court. He said it was
an excellent idea — he would think of it. I have spoken to four
or five Senators— all think well of it.
But the only thing I feel confident of is this. That if your
father would leave Charleston and come to this place he is sure
of a warm and hearty reception, and of being offered a position
which would not fail to be acceptable to him. So much for
Washington — if on the other hand he prefers New York as soon
as I return we will see what offer can be made to induce him to
reside there.
As to yourself, I beg you to give up for the present all idea of
going to Charleston. Painful as your position is, any such
move would render it worse. You must give us — your friends
— time to see what is best to be done, and then to do it for you.
My hand is better but I do not get well as fast as usual.
Ever your friend,
G. L. Schuyler.
Mr. George L. Schuyler is well known as the donor of the
"American Cup." The other letter of Mr. Schuyler so well
shows the condition of affairs that it is placed here.
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON FROM GEORGE L. SCHUYLER
Washington, January 17th, 1862.
My dear Friend:
Last evening I had written a letter to your father, a miserable
awkward affair, because his position is one which excited my
feelings when I dwell upon it in thought.
My only redeeming clause was one in which I "respectfully
suggested" that I loved you very much, and that "you said I
might" [write to him].
I take great pleasure in telling you all this because the afore
said letter is burning before my eyes.

428 Life, Letters and Speeches
Angelica's letter to Mrs. Schuyler has arrived — brings good
news as to your worldly prospects — better as regards your boy —
and adds that your father has accepted a year's retaining fee from
the Bank. He therefore will not leave for the present — and
perhaps it is wiser not to urge it upon him just now. But if you
still think best I can write my letter over again. In a few days I
shall see you, and then your plans for this year can be discussed
if not decided upon. I think it is rather agreeable to discuss
plans for the future when we are almost certain they will be
entirely upset by circumstances beyond our control. It has an
air of independence at all events.
Let one thing however be concluded and put at rest ever in
your thoughts — you are not to go to the South. We are strug
gUng for existence as usual here. Washington is in a transition
state in its social aspect. I find the old Washington residents
are playing the part of legitimists in Paris — refuse to recognize
the Lincoln dynasty and will not shew at the receptions. Isn't
this fine. Meanwhile the northern hordes creep timidly in —
waiting for some one to take the lead. They have a few stately
receptions and parties are at a deadlock.
This week, however, a dashing set of New York girls are here
under the guidance of Mrs. Lewis Jones — a charming woman of
exceUent manners. These girls are some of them clever, some
handsome, all well dressed — all sweep through reception rooms
with an easy and graceful tread. Seemed pleased with every
thing and everybody, including themselves — and made a marked
sensation at Mr. Lincoln's last reception. * * *
I hear much learned talk about sanitary commissions, hospitals
and sympathy for the poor soldier, who without friends, etc.
A zealous and intelligent superintendent of an Alexandria
hospital, well known, I presume, to AngeUca, has sent to New
York for musical instruments, song books, etc.
I am so much charmed with this novel idea of reducing to
harmony the groans of the sick and wounded that I shall attend
the first rehearsal to which the public is admitted.
How much better that a man whose leg, for instance, is being
amputated instead of barbaric cries should be trained to sing
the national air of "Dixie" accompanied by Mrs.  on the
accordeon. Yesterday I listened to a debate in the Senate — about giving
or withholding a seat in that body to Lane of Kansas. I listened
to the argument of one ofthe senators and thought it conclusive
in Lane's favor, and committed myself by remarking to Mrs.
Schuyler that he had got the better of them aU, — judge of my
mortification when this one proved to be Lane's bitter enemy and
voted against him from beginning to end.
My time having come to hang about the departments I must
bid you farewell.

James Louis Petigru 429
My fellow sufferers in the lobbies will miss me if I stay away
any longer.
My best love to the family. As ever yours, George L. Schuyler.

TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
Charleston, 18 January, 1862.
My dear Child:
* * * The thought of my emigration is foreign from all
that is practicable. I should have believed it was confined to
your filial breast if Detmold had not written in the same wise.
If you received my last you know that I am getting 5000 a year
for reducing the statute law to a code. As an emigre my best
business would be beggary. * =n * Your father works part
of the day in St. Michael's Alley and part here in Johnston's
house where he handles the statutes, and thinks of your kind
friends, and deplores the fates that separates him from you, and
testifies thus under his hand. J. L. Petigru.
On Sunday morning, January 20, after breakfast Mr. Petigru
requested his grandson James to join him on the piazza for a
little conversation. After a few turns he stopped and suddenly
said, "I want you to pack your trunk and go tomorrow on Mr.
Trenholm's ship, as I have decided that it is your duty to go
north to your mother or go to England to be educated. "
The average boy of the South learned his politics from the
after-dinner talks of his elders. He believed as firmly as the air
he breathed in the absolute sovereignty of the State, and that
South Carolina was an independent kingdom with the right to
treat with any kingdom on earth. He could generallyTepeat his
theories as readily as the most glib politician.
The home teachings of James were of a very different order.
There he heard discussed the rights of the Union, so he had the
disadvantage of hearing both sides. But somehow he had
absorbed the spirit which filled the air, and his leaning was with
the South. His feelings were divided between his affection and
duty to his mother and his duty to the State. As he was well
grown for his age he thought that he would forfeit his self respect
by leaving the country. And holding such sentiments he was
not justified in joining the friends of his mother at the North.

430 Life, Letters and Speeches
This he told Mr. Petigru, who stopped and looked at him in a
deprecating way and said, "Well, my friend, I can venerate
your sentiments but I can not respect your judgment." They
then went to church.
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
Charleston, 20 January, 1862.
My dear Child:
Your letter of the 5th gives me great concern, because I don't
know how to act. James is unwilling to go unless you can
give him an assurance that he will be free to come back if he
wishes. I have urged him to go, and told him I would in his
place embrace the opportunity with joy. Would there be any
use in trying to do more? There is at this moment a fleet off
the Bar, but who they are or whither bound, we know not.
Long before this letter can take the benefit of the flag of truce,
the news will be stale and James wiU be at WiUington.
TO MISS SALLIE RUTLEDGE
Meeting Street, 20th January, 1862.
My dear Sally:
If I should ever forget your goodness, I would deserve to
suffer cold feet all my life. I am bold to denounce this penalty,
as the fitting punishment of any faithless wight, that would be
guilty of such ingratitude; feeling an intimate and perfect per
suasion that such ingratitude wiU never sully my memory. I
would have come to make my acknowledgments in person, but
felt poorly on Sunday and did not go out but sat and looked at
my new slippers, and I must say, that, when my feet were com
fortably encased in them and I thought of the nice stockings,
that were in reserve for colder weather, I felt disposed to think
better of the world. I request you to accept of the enclosed
photographs, as a memento of one, who, if he were not a sep-
tuaginarian, would not venture to tell you how much he loves
you. J. L. Petigru.
General Lee, who had been assigned to the Department of
Carolina and Georgia, arrived in Charleston on the 7th of
November. The people were by no means happy over the
assignment because they said he was "a very scientific general."
Mr. Petigru, taking his grandson with him, called upon the
General, who with some gentlemen was in the parlor on the
second floor of the Mills House. He had a close cut iron gray

James Louis Petigru 431
moustache and looked very different from the long-bearded
patriarch shown in his pictures. He was taU, athletic, quick
and graceful in his movements. His manner was that of a
genial and accomplished man of the world. As an old friend
he welcomed Mr. Petigru, who said, " I beg to present to you my
grandson, who in after years will remember that he has had the
honor of shaking the hand of so great a man as General Lee. "
They then spqke of his classmate, Charles Petigru. In speak
ing of the surrounding country he said that his horses disliked
the swamp water, but they enjoyed the artesian water as well
as that of the mountain streams of their native Virginia home.
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, January 29, 1862.
* * * I am sorry to see that Burnside has invaded North
Carolina. Yet I have hopes that Charles is in such an out ofthe
way place as to remove him from the reach of the invader. * * *
Pray see that the puUy attached to oak No. 1 of the avenue is
kept tight. I wish to be remembered to all the servants, dis
tinguishing Andrew as the head man and Katy as the mother of
the tribe. Not forgetting Charlotte as the head of the cuUnary
department nor Marcus as the Tubal Cain of the community,
hoping that they will continue to set a good example and that the
young ones will walk in their footsteps. Wishing whatever is
good to brother Jack and Tempe, I embrace the sisterhood and
girls and am, dear Jane,
Your Brother.

TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, February 5, 1862.
* * * I see nothing to reconcile one to the revolution but
necessity, and necessity keeps me here. Not the least potent
joint of that necessity is the joining that binds me to aU of you.
I am not sorry that none of you share my opinions, for what
would be the use of keener optics if they only served to bring to
view painful sights? As for poor CaroUne, her case is sad,
indeed; her boys are separated, and without funds. My love
to the sisterhood and nieces and friendly greetings to the nigs.
Your Brother.

432 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
Charleston, 7 February, 1862.
My dear Child:
The opportunity of speaking unreservedly is so precious that
I can not let pass this chance by a vessel that is going to run the
blockade. Yet as I only heard of it a few minutes ago, and have
to send off by 5 o'clock there is little room for expansion. James
went on Wednesday night. I hope he is already at WiUington;
if you could have given me the assurance that he would be at
liberty to return if he chose I would have been peremptory in
requiring him to join you. But I hesitate to change his domicile
by compulsion. It is not that my mind balances between Free
dom and Slavery. So much am I a convert to Locke and Montes
quieu that I am deprived of the pleasure of rejoicing in the suc
cess of my countrymen; and in their defeat at Fort McHenry I
find something not absolutely disagreeable. But the right to
change a boy's domicile after he is 16 unless by the Father's will,
is very questionable, especially when he is so unwiUing. But in
addition to this there is the risk of confiscation which is not to be
entirely omitted in a calculation of chances. The Southern
people are perfectly mad. Even the sentiment of home, which
was formerly their pride, is prostituted to the rage of party.
They are not to be shamed out of anything either mean or wicked
that feeds their bUnd animosity. In these circumstances after
setting before James my opinion fully, and advising him to com
ply with your wiU, I submitted to his choice, which was most
immediate, against changing his flag.
Now as to WiUie his education so far is more adapted to an
industrial than a classic course of exertion. He must come home
of course or embark in some line there which will either provide
him with present means or quaUfy him for embarking in some
sort of business. The law offers to mediocrity of talent and
industry, but slow promotion. And if you could get him into
a commercial or manufacturing course of instruction I would
applaud to be the best choice. I know my dear how severely
you must feel separation from your children, but you must think
of their benefit not of your feelings. Of the estate there is no
difficulty in getting the application of everything but the capital,
and that we have no right to trench upon. My resources are
small, but such as they are they will be spent in your service. I
have not got from Robertson yet the account you wrote for; and
I have waited because I knew that all his clerks have been in
camp for the last three months. They only got home yesterday
and are immediately to stand another draft. Ma has been
awfully sick with constant nausea. * * * fhe invading
fleet and army lie in Port Royal Bay, and show very little
enterprise, tho' they have lately made some demonstration

James Louis Petigru 433
against Savannah. Another fleet and army have invaded North
Carolina, and our friends at Scuppernong are exposed to great
danger. Nobody can tell how we will come out of this war.
* * * Tom Coffin is considered as a person in decay. His
negroes are with the enemy, and that is the case with a good
many planters on the islands. The others are carrying their
people about, or hiring them out for their clothes and victuals.
And indeed the islands to the south are desolate, and the trans
mutation of fortune like that of the stage.
I have written to Mr. Detmold and frequently to you. Tell
Linda that I hope she will continue to think of me as of the
devoted father and renew to Mr. and Mrs. Blatchford and to all
my friends the assurance that my sentiments are unchanged,
and that I heartily wish that I had done 40 years ago, what I
would do now. Let me know when you will be at the end of
your tether that I may contrive funds to you. There is nothing
to expect from Ball.*
Adieu, my dear child. Heaven guard and keep you to bless
the sight once more of
Your Father.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, February 19, 1862.
My dear Sister:
All your letters of the 9th, 13th and 16th arrived together
yesterday and the same post brought one from Johnston, at
Evansport, of the 1 2th. He, like the rest of you, is inflamed with
patriotic ardor to the boiling point. He had then only heard
of what was done at Roanoke; what will be the effect of the news
from Nashville is to be seen. I have thought all along that the
Gulf States, Virginia and the CaroUnas would establish their
independence. But that Virginia would lose her western coun
try, and I think so still. But I am afraid we have under
valued the genius of the men opposed to us. The feat which
McClelland has performed in ascending the Tennessee River is as
a specimen of military skill equal to anything we have done yet.
He seems to be too smart for Pillow and Floyd, and I am afraid
that his success will stimulate Sherman to an attempt on this
place. I have conversed this morning with WiUiam Martin, (the
general), whom I had not seen for a long time, and he looks for
that event with considerable doubt as to the result. Poor little
Carey ! How I do wish that she was with you. And if the inva
ders hold that part of North Carolina it is, perhaps, the best
thing that Charles can do. Johnston's letter creates a doubt
whether WiUiam may not be among the victims of the Roanoke
?Elias Nonus Ball. He purchased "Dean HaU" in 1857.

434 Life, Letters and Speeches
fight. You wUl be reUeved of the suspense sooner than I, but
Heaven forbid that our fears should prove prophetic.
Allston and Adele fille left us this morning. The Governor
sustains himself wonderfully considering the near prospects of
ruin if the invader extends his operations to Winyah Bay. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
St. Michael's Alley, February 26, 1862.
* * * The Islands are depopulated and the Savannah
River planters have fled from the places near Savannah. Our
friends the Hugers and Kings and Allen Izard are among the
number. There is, I think, a growing apprehension that this
place will be assailed before the season is over, but at present
Savannah is more immediately menaced. It is necessary that
Mary should put on a double coat of patriotic zeal, for the cause
seems to need it more and more. The honor of secession has
been attended with very little personal advantage so far, and
does not seem likely to do much more for us soon. Very
enviable is the condition of those who are able "to grin and bear
it." TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
46 Meeting Street, March 2, 1862.
* * * I send Sammy. * * * He is the bearer also of
a cork oak. * * *
Some time since, Johnston, in one of his letters, said General
Holmes wanted him made a brigadier, which he did not care
about, but I see the general has carried his point and I am glad
of it. * * * Everybody exclaims against the Governor's
order requiring everybody to bring in their plate to be melted
down. Sister says he shall not have any of hers. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. caroline petigru carson
Charleston, 1 March, 1862.
My dear Child:
Yours of 10 Feby. was received two days after James left for
his school, and more than a week ago I forwarded one to you
from him. It is painful in the highest degree to experience in
Civil War what we have read of so often without an adequate
idea of the reality, and none of these afflicting incidents more
cruelly would [affect] the sensitive mind than the separation of
the tenderest ties of blood and friendship. Without proceeding
to lengths that I could not justify I have done all I could.

James Louis Petigru 435
William Heyward was in the battle of Fort Walker. Com
manded a Regiment. Was not hurt nor taken. The aUiance
between the houses of Aiken and Rhett* seems fixed. I hope
I have not abused beyond forgiveness the indulgence of the flag
of truce. Adieu.
Your Father.
to mrs. susan petigru king
St. Michael's AUey, 6 March, 1862.
My dear Sue:
* * * The newspapers will have told you that Johnston
is a General, but I can tell you, he is not. He has disagreed to
the honor, and as it takes at least two to make a bargain, he is
still Colonel of the 22d Regiment of North Carolina Volunteers.
His reasons are not those of arrogance. He has never been in
battle, don't think he has earned promotion; at aU events, he
doubts whether the new regiments would think so, and if they did
not, he would have to prove his fitness by severe measures, and fail
perhaps, in making them soldiers after all. And as there was a
notion that he was peculiarly fitted to take his post in his own
country, about Edenton, and he in reality knows nothing of the
country or the people, he was inclined to think his appointment
proceeded upon a mistake, so he declined for reasons that are not
Ukely to injure the service by becoming popular. This will grieve
his relations, but if his life is spared, it will be no disadvantage to
him, perhaps, at some future day, that he was not anxious to
jump at any chance of promotion. Mr. Sass, who is gone to
Greenville, will probably see you and be able to tell you more
about Charleston than I know. I only know that there is a
good deal of dejection in people's minds, but I think the ruined
Islanders bear their reverse with commendable fortitude. Per
haps they are sustained, in some degree, by the sentiment that
teaches us to submit to the common lot, for, in the present times,
the difference between the rich and the poor is becoming rapidly
evaporated. Meeting my friend Dr. CampbeU, this morning,
who asked how I was doing, I answered, " growing richer every
day, " for as rich and poor are relative terms, when the rich are
growing poor, it is pretty much the same as if the poor were
growing rich. Nobody is poor when the distinction between
rich and poor is destroyed. I saw Henry this morning, who is
enjoying a respite, but is to go into camp next Monday. I
recognize with pleasure your consideration for my eyes, which
you have shown in the increased size of your writing. I wonder
what sort of hand little Addy -writes, for it seems to me, I have
never seen her handwriting. Give my love to her and to all my

?Miss Henrietta Aiken and Mr. A. Burnet Rhett.

436 Life, Letters and Speeches
good friends of the royal family, and be assured of the affection
ate concern of
Your Father.

TO J. JOHNSTON PETTIGREW
Charleston, Friday, 7th March, 1862.
My dear Johnston:
Yours of the 3rd certainly took me by surprise. I am afraid
we shall get the character of singularity. I have got the credit
of being the only man of my own way of thinking in the State,
and you have done what no man but yourself was ever heard to
do. I can appreciate and even sympathize with your unwIUing
ness to accept promotion before it was earned, yet the service
that you have performed, though on a field barren of laurels, was
not without praise nor undeserving of honor. And considering
how common such military titles have become, I don't think
there would have been any reason to look upon the commission
of general as disproportionate to your proper claims. There is
something due to the cause in which one draws his sword and
delicacy ought not to interfere with the question in what way one
can promote the cause most effectually. If the offer is repeated
or J. D. insists further I think you ought to accept.
It is not in North Carolina only that the South seems to be
declining. The Mercury has thrown off all reserve and pro
claims that J. D. is unfit for his place. I am myself afraid that
he is but little better qualified for it than Lincoln is for his. If
it was not that I think the scheme of the Northern people is
felo de se impracticable without a reconstruction of Government
quite different from the plan of 1787, I would begin to waver as
to the success of Southern independence.
If McClellan can squeeze Johnston out of Manassas and Polk
out of Columbus, what is to prevent the same process from being
continued tiU they reach the Gulf? We have certainly the
advantage of the enemy in spunk and spirit and the opening of
the war was highly complimentary to us. But is it not this very
thing that has marked the history of the French and English
wars? A brilliant onset on the part of the French, terminated
by loss of territory or sad reverse. And those Yankees are at
bottom English, the same hard, ungracious, interested fellows
that have worked their way to the highest place in material
wealth and worldly advantages.
I do hope Charles and William will not be harassed by Burn-
side's men. The invader ought to have objects more worthy of
a great and costly expedition than the pillaging of peaceful hus
bandmen. But at all events I hope they are not going to exhibit
that imbecile resistance of setting fire to their own barns and

James Louis Petigru 437
houses, which our folks are constantly threatening, but which
they did not do when they evacuated Beaufort. * * *
Adieu. Yours in earnest,
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
St. Michael's Alley, March 12, 1862.
My dear Jane:
I went into Court yesterday, at the request of Nelson Mit
chell, to countenance his defense of Dr. Dickson against confis
cation as an alien enemy. His daughter, Jane, who is very
bright, gave evidence to show that he never meant to expatriate
himself and the grip of the Treasury on the property was remit
ted. It was sufficiently shameful that his townsmen had
reported him as an alien enemy, and put everything he had, for
all he had was here, upon the chance of a jury. He was easily
acquitted of the charge and so was Mr. Cogsdell * * *
I embrace you all and am ever your affectionate brother and
Brother Jack's and Sister Jack's also.
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
Tradd Street (Johnston Ho),
Charieston, S. C, 18 March, 1862.
My dear Carey:
* * * But alas shopping is at a low ebb; nothing but arti
cles of necessity engage attention and they sell at ridiculous
prices. It is strange that with the scarcity of money everything
rises, and tho' nothing is sold but for cash the prices are such as
in former times would only be asked when the chance of pay was
desperate. Gen. Sherman is still at Hilton Head; he seems to
have made it his headquarters, and the fleet are in and out
between Edisto Island and St. Mary's. Whether this place will
be attacked is the subject of great doubt in the minds of the
inhabitants. Gen. Ripley is in command of this post. Evans,
a fighting man and a hard drinker, is at Stono. Pemberton, a
Northern man, they say is at Coosawhatchie, and Drayton near
Purrysburg. Among them they must have a considerable force,
and Ripley has thrown up famous works on the Neck from
river to river. I don't think Sherman will attack the town
unless he is strong enough to take it; and I doubt if he is. If an
assault is made I suppose I must go to SummerviUe. Tho' I
would rather capitulate if allowed to go on parole.
But the wonder of the times is the conflict between the rival
destructives the Merrimack and the Erickson. It inaugurates
a much greater revolution than that of which Davis is at the
head, and the fears seem to be that it will render the strong still
stronger and the weak, weaker still.

438 Life, Letters and Speeches
From North Carolina our accounts are not cheering. Poor
little Carey is at HiUsborough, where in a few weeks an addition
to the family is expected. Charles and William hold on to their
land, and if this was a decent war, that would be the course of
every proprietor not in open arms. But I am afraid it would be
double danger to remain at one's plow while the enemy are
at hand; for tho' the enemy might spare the barns and houses
it is very doubtful whether our friends would be content with
anything less than destruction. The process of destruction has
been carried to great lengths on the islands. Planters in many
cases have burned their cotton, and Sherman's men have lent a
willing hand to complete the work of destruction. But the
negroes are the source of the greatest trouble. Many persons
have lost them all. Few have escaped without a share in the
common lot; and those who are considered the happiest have
broken up their settlements and taken the negroes elsewhere.
* * * It must be confest that our secessionists stand to their
colours very stoutly. Tho' they have suffered losses, which
amount to the most serious reverses of fortune, they show no
disposition to recant, and they still talk of State rights as the
salvation of the country. How long they will endure the grind
ing action of poverty without repenting of their martyrdom is to
be seen. They are still buoyed up with the hope of seeing their
cause prevail. At first I had no doubt that the Gulf States and
South CaroUna would carry out their enterprize to success; at
least so far as to obtain their independence ofthe Federal Union;
but the events of the last few weeks seem to throw a doubt upon
it. If all the States are as united as South Carolina in rage and
passion against the union, they will not submit while they have
any hope. Whether their faith will survive their hopes depends
on what vanity and conceit will enable men to endure.
Our friends have been far from fortunate in their campaigns.
Drayton, who lost Fort Walker, is coldly regarded. And
Frasier, who evacuated Fernandina, has been hissed in pubhc in
Florida. Our cousin Johnston was appointed a Brigadier and
refused to accept. Some applauded the greatness of mind that
values honor only as the reward of service; and would not take
promotion because he had gained no battle. But I don't think
the example will be followed.
Gold is at a premium of 60, and exchange on England is 45.
Poor chance to remit. * * *
Your Father.
to mrs. jane petigru north March 19th, 1862.
* * * By the way, Susy North is to sing at the patriotic
concert tomorrow night, at Hibernian Hall, and if I am well

James Louis Petigru 439
enough I'll go, which will be the first dollar that I have given to
the cause yet. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Bank of Charleston, March 26, 1862.
* * * By the way, Johnston has disappointed them that
didn't think he would ever do anything like anybody else. For
he has actually allowed himself to be persuaded out of his
refusal of promotion. He has not written to me of his recanta
tion, but it came to me last night in a very authentic shape. I
thought it was a secret, but was told of it this morning, and
don't feel bound to be so chary of the news now, inasmuch as
Lewis Young's friends are all aware that Johnston has tele
graphed him to join him as his aid.
* * * I look forward to our meeting in August with more
pleasure than to anything else. Indeed what else can we look to
with pleasure ? Certainly not anything in the state of affairs in
Richmond or Washington. If I can meet my engagements with
the public and get off early this summer to Badwell my best
wishes of those which I feel authorized to indulge will be grati
fied. * * * Adieu.
Your Brother.

440 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER^LI
April-July, 1862
Comments on the War; Wishes He had Emigrated Forty
Years Ago; Gen. Pemberton Determined to Burn the
City; Rumor of Death of J. J. Pettigrew; Battle of
Secessionville; Death of His Son-in-law, Henry C.
King; South Bleeding at Every Pore; Removal to
Summerville to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, April 2, 1862.
My dear Jane:
* * * After all Johnston is a general. He has the rare
credit of having refused it, and the proud consciousness that if
he did take it at last it was for the sake of the service and not
for his own gratification. It was pressed on him by the officers
in council, when they needed another general, and a conflict
was believed to be at hand. What is best in the present state of
things is hard to say. I stiU think the South will attain its
independence. Whether that is to be a gain or not is another
question. I think there will be a new map and that Jeff Davis
wiU rule over the South. But certainly the symptoms of
success are not improving. On the contrary, the obstinacy of
the North in holding on seems to keep pace with our determina
tion to divide. * * *
I ought to mention that Caroline says, "My love to my dear
friends, whose image I always cherish and even begin to hope we
may meet again some day clothed and in our right minds."
Love and salutation to you and all.
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, April 9, 1862.
* * * We heard along the road the great victory of
Beauregard which, though it is not so decisive as the first account
had it, really put a new face on things. But, unfortunately,
nothing shows like an opening to the end. Everything, as a
writer in the Times says, seems impossible but despotism, which
must come if everything else is impossible. It is very extraordi-

James Louis Petigru 441
nary, at least seems so to me, that money is in great plenty.
True it is paper money. Gold is upwards of 60 percent; if you
had a dollar in gold they would give you nearly a dollar and three
quarters for it. * * *
I think Johnston was right to reconsider his refusal under the
circumstances, for the brigade was without a commander and the
officers in council pressed it on him. Besides a man is bound
when he engages in a cause to do his best for it; and those who
have the control ought to be supposed best judges of the way in
which he can be most useful. * * *
I pass continually in the streets lads in uniform that look like
children and my heart bleeds to think how many of them are
likely to fall, not by the sword, but worse, by low company.
* * *
I embrace the sisters and nieces and don't forget Jack and
Tempe, and hope the nigs are all well.
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, April 16, 1862.
My dear Jane:
* * * Promotion attends us certainly. Ben has set out
to join Gen. Kirby Smith, with the increased rank of Ueutenant
colonel. I hope Burnside will find something better to do than hanging
and worrying the peaceful husbandmen on the borders of Scup
pernong. It is a pitiful business, whether we have regard to the
operation itself or its influence on the great question. Though
Pulaski has fallen the people of Savannah talk strongly of their
defences. I don't think we shaU see them this spring but next.
Winter may witness a different scene here. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north Charleston, AprU 17.
* * * WeU done for little Carey! Has she not done her
duty by Scuppernong — two sons and four daughters and only
nine years a wife? Why, the Queen of England hardly beats
her. It will gladden my heart to see her and the little troop,
as I hope I will in July. * * * They may enjoy their home
this year on the Waccamaw, but if there is no great change
Georgetown as well and Charleston may look out for storms
next winter. Indeed there is apprehension that without any
descent on the city Forts Sumter and Moultrie may be reduced
by iron clad gunboats, in which case the enemy may occupy the
harbor without the employment of any land forces at all, and

442 Life, Letters and Speeches
without molesting the city, which would be their true policy,
but they are not so much wiser than we as to secure them
from imitating our example and acting from passion instead of
reasons dictated by prudence. * * ? J have received a
letter from Caroline by the way of Havana and New Orleans.
In terms this time not ambiguous nor elliptical she expresses her
great desire to be retained in the memory of her dear aunts and
cousins and to have Jem with her. It seems she tells the New
Yorkers that her papa's character is portrayed in Plutarch's
"Phocion." I hope the parallel will not be carried out to the
ending. TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
Charleston, 17 April, 1862.
Before I received your letter, dear Carey, of 17tn ult., I had
committed to a private hand, which turned out to be Jack
Hamilton, a long epistle for you. Jack was so secret that I had
no intimation who the obliging person that would take charge of
the missive was till some time after he was gone, when Louisa
told me. I suppose he has some mission to England and is try
ing to reach his destination by way of Nassau. Your dear
letter of the 17th was a surprise; for it had been over and again
reported in the papers that the flag of truce was stopped. I
ventured yesterday to entrust an open letter to the same con
veyance tho' they told me at the Post Office that they did not
think it would pass. * * * j suppose you know by the way
of Port Royal all that goes on here, and are aware that Pulaski
has fallen and Savannah is threatened. I have no expectation
that it will hold out or even stand a siege. But it is not believed
that the invaders are in sufficient force to make a descent on this
place, and in accordance with what I take to be their policy,
never to fight without such an advantage on their side as to make
the event almost certain. I look for them here next winter.
Most heartily do I wish that I had emigrated long ago. I am
living now on my pay as Redactor of the Statute law, for all law
business is at a stand. The courts are not actually shut up, but
no suits for the recovery of debts are allowed, nor can any civil
case be tried without the consent of both parties. Scarcity has
commenced. Corn is a dollar and a half to two dollars a bushel,
and butter and meat at exorbitant prices. I want to get rid of
at least one of the horses, but Ma will not agree to it, so we have
to go along, but I fear that my 5000 will not support us through
the year. We are in great uncertainty about the state of things
in the West. Our accounts of the battles of the 6th and 7th of
this month are very vague and contradicted in many particulars
by the evidence of facts. Whether Gen. BueU is killed or woun
ded is even still unknown. I confess I see no indication as yet

James Louis Petigru 443
of faltering on this side, and if the spirit of the North is as high
as that of the Southerners, anarchy is more likely than peace.
Plowden Weston is an instance of the violence of the distemper
in men's minds. I saw him last week at Haddrels Point with his
company. Dirty, haggard, and lean; he said he was enamoured
of a soldier's life; had turned over a new leaf at 42, and was in for
the war. The Regiment he belongs to consisting of George
town people and that county marched on Wednesday for Corinth
but as Huntsville is occupied they wiU not get there. I expected
to see our friend Jo Blyth among them, but his company is
detained for local defence. The planters thereabouts have not
been worried yet, and as the season of malaria is coming on, I
begin to hope that Jo and Uncle Allston will be permitted to
enjoy their homes another season. They are to summer at
Plantersville. Ben is gone to Knoxville with the rank of Lieut.
Colonel, which speaks well for his standing in the army. John
ston is a Brigadier. * * * Charley Porcher volunteered
last faU, and is with Hampton's legion. It grieves me to meet
in the streets continually beardless youths in soldier's garb; to
think of the evils to which the contamination of low company is
exposing the rising generation. Phil is in Savannah with some
thing to do in our pop gun navy. * * * James is as well as
ever, but I am afraid it will be hard to keep him out of camp if
the war lasts till he is a man. Charles and William have escaped
but they are in great dread of a hostile visit, tho' I hope Burnside
has higher game to fly at. To change the key: Our cousin
Adele* is engaged to Arnoldus. Her mother acknowledges it, but
says the wedding is to be deferred till the war is over. If that
condition be insisted on our friend, Arnoldus, may still be an old
bachelor. * * * Love me Dear, as you always have been
the delight of
Your Father.
Dan is a private in the Calhoun Guards; Henry is the Captain
ofthe Sumter Guards; they are both on James Island. * * *
Among the deficiencies which we have cause to feel is the bad
ness of the pens and ink. I have written the most of this letter
with something little better than a wooden pen. How those
blots came on the first page is more than I can teU.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Meeting Street, 30 AprU, 1862.
My dear Sue:
Ma longs for SummervUle, and we will set about moving next
week, tho' for myself, I have as little inclination for it as you

?Adele Allston— Arnoldus Vanderhorst.

444 Life, Letters and Speeches
have. Neither will we feel altogether safe there if the invaders
make an attempt on Charleston. We do not expect that, how
ever, and as they seem in no hurry to occupy Savannah, I dare
say they wiU wait tUl next winter for an assault on this place.
Perhaps, in the meantime, we may have a treaty of peace, which
would be very welcome to me, even if it did not concede all that
Mr. Yancy or Mr. Rhett would demand. Nor am I without
hopes that the rival claims of the North-West and the South-
West to the Mississippi River may be adjusted more easily after
the enemy are in possession of the forts. * * *
Your Parent.
to william elliott Charleston, 6 May, 1862.
My dear ElUott:
The Doctor and I, loaded with the proofs of your generous
larder, made our way on Thursday to the town, without meeting
with any mishap. Discussing all the while, at intervals, the
liberal hospitality of the master of the mansion we had left, the
mild dignity of the Lady, the ready wit of Miss EUiott and Emily
with occasional interjections of dissatisfaction with Jeff Davis, for
neglecting the merits of the General,* enlivened, now and then,
with recollections of Ralph'sf soldierly narrative. I hope that
the current has continued unruffled by any further aggression
of the Enemy and that you have had no new opportunity of dis
playing greatness of mind, by meeting the trials of fortune with
a resolute cheerfulness. It was not till yesterday that I could
see Ripley and tell him of your suggestion. He received it with
a good grace; assured me that, his views concurred with you;
that he meant to secure the magazine with an exterior covering
of Palmetto and heartily wished that he could plank in the whole
waU of the Fort, 10 feet deep with it. But, unless they were to
tear up the wharfs, I don't see how he could procure the material
in sufficient quantity. I saw Gen. Pemberton on Saturday;
caUed on him with Chancellor Dunkin and Judge Withers. He
professed his determination to defend the City to the last
extremity, even if Sumter and Moultrie feU, and thought it
better to make a ruin of Charleston than let the Yankees sleep
in it. To this opinion I modestly dissented. The Ufe of a city
is not to be thrown away for a conceit. And what better than
mere egotism is it, to expose the innocent inhabitants to the rage
of the conqueror, merely to stick a feather in a General's cap as a
fighting man. To defend a position, that is indefensible, at the
risk of drawing down vengeance upon the inhabitants, is con-

?General Gonzales, who had married Ernie Elliott.
fRalph Elliott, son of Mr. Wm. Elliott.

James Louis Petigru 445
demned by the mihtary code. He said nobody could know
whether a place -vyere indefensible, till it was tried, and I remarked
that the responsibility rested with the commander. He never
took his cigar out of his mouth, the whole time, and looked
earnest. It seems certain that Charleston will faU. The
powers of attack have advanced, it seems, faster than those of
defence, and everybody expects the Yankees will take Fort Sum
ter, when they are ready. The hour is evidently approaching
when peace will be welcomed on moderate terms, but it has not
come. Present my cordial civilities to all your pleasing and
accomplished house, and believe me, my dear Elliott,
Yours truly, J. L. Petigru.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
Charieston, 10 May, 1862.
My dear child:
Yours of the 16th surprised us all for it bore the Norfolk Post
Office stamp, and had certainly been read, for within James',
which accompanied it, was a memorandum that no postage stamp
had been in it. I dare not trust the Norfolk route with this, as
there is no probability that a battle and a flag of truce can be
reconcUed. This happens to be my birthday, and it will be more
memorable hereafter than it is, if it be true as we are told, that
McClellan and Jo. Johnston are this day measuring swords,
somewhere about Chickahominy Swamp. War has been gener
ally considered the game of Kings, and much good indignation,
both prose and verse, has been poured on royal heads for indulg
ing in such cruel sport. But it is now clear that Demos is fully
as much addicted to that sort of dissipation as royalty itself. I
deplore the personal and individual misery which the effusion of
blood today, in Virginia and Mississippi, will bring to pass. But
the pulse of the people is still so high as to call for more bleeding,
before quinine can be administered with any hope of benefit.
We have a Northern man here of the name of Pemberton, who
boasts that he will defend the city to the last extremity, which
means I suppose that he will force the enemy to bombard it.
Since the experience of Pulaski and the Mississippi Forts, people
have lost all confidence in Sumter. Pemberton and Ripley seem
to place no reliance on it; and the carts and cars are going all day
long up King and Meeting Streets carrying men, women and
children to the rail road. We will move to Summerville on
Friday the 16th. Our silver and yours has been in Columbia for
months. When we leave Mad. Togno's I intend to move the
pictures, because I do not expect to occupy the house again, but
I intend to leave the office as it is. Ma has much improved of
late, but is impatient to get away. For a wonder nobody has

446 Life, Letters and Speeches
yet denounced the Major [Lowndes]. But Mrs. Van Buren has
been on the confiscation docket for months. I inquired and
found she was undefended; so acting on the fact you mentioned
I went to Columbia last Wednesday; procured copies of the
papers and prepared to intervene for her. The trial will not
come on for some months, and I think she has a good case, unless
the S. C. can produce proof that Major V. B. has contributed to the
war. If he has, he would hardly be so indiscreet as to give the
accusers the opportunity of proving it. In the reorganization
under the conscription law, WilliamiC. Hetward was thrown out
by the vote of the Regiment. It is the same with almost every
officer whom we know. Jo Blyth for one; James Lowndes for
another; John DeSaussure and a host of others. If I get a chance
I will tell William that he ought to write to his mother, and take
the chance (to which I will commit this) to one of Mr. Tren-
holme's ships bound to Nassau, or to Liverpool.
Mrs. Holbrook's health is very poor. I always take pleasure
in deUvering your messages to her. Jack Middleton is on Gen.
Drayton's staff. James Lowndes, poor fellow, is trying to raise
another company; seems infatuated with the war. * * *
Johnston is probably in the action and I shudder to think what
may be our next news of him. He don't keep a trumpeter, and
never blows himself. If he is disgusted he is convinced that a man
to be anything in these days must be a military man. * * *
TO MRS. S. C. WILLIAMS Charleston, May 13, 1862.
My dear Madam:
If you had known that I told Col. Moses in Columbia, last
Wednesday, just after the Court had delivered their judgment
in Wingate's appeal, that I was much inclined to get a petition
to the Governor to hang him, you would not have confined your
self to the claims of your father and your husband upon my zeal.
There is, it is true, no claim stronger on my feelings than the
memory of those excellent men, models of every virtue that
elevates and improves society. Nor do I conceive that any
thing is more fitting than the detestation, which an odious crime
provokes on the part of every good man. But as I said to Col.
Moses, I was only restrained from petitioning the Governor not
to pardon, by the general rule that one should hear both sides
before he takes a part. But this will not prevent me from
espousing your cause with the Governor, to whom I am writing by
th's post. I don't think that anybody can put the matter in a
more affecting and convincing manner than you have done. I
will endorse a copy of your letter to the Governor. I send a
copy instead of the original on account of one sentence, which
would be wounding to his self-love, as it implies that the public

James Louis Petigru 447
do not give him credit for a strong will. My dear Mrs. WiUiams,
I have often thought of your severe trials; afflictions from the
hand of God, that are hard to bear, and injuries from the hand
of man, which surpass the measure of forgiveness.* I believe
that you are sustained by all the consolations of a good conscience
but the wounds inflicted must long continue to bleed notwith
standing aU that reUgion and reason may say. Nor can it
avail much, in such circumstances, to know that you are atten
ded by the sympathy of every heart that knows how to feel for
human suffering. But, if this base murderer should be allowed to
go at large, it would be a new crime, at the expense, not only of
your feeUngs, but of those of the pubUc, which would be out
raged by such a contempt of justice. I have a better opinion of
Mr. Pickens than to believe that he can be so dereUct to the moral
sentiment of a civilized people, and wiU write to him very plainly,
with all the confidence inspired by an honest indignation against
a dastardly murder. Accept, my dear Madam, the assurance of
my hearty sympathy in your sorrows and my veneration for the
memory of those most nearly related to you and endeared to me
by the ties of friendship. TO COUNT DE CHOISEUL
St. Michael's Alley, 20 May, 1862.
My dear Sir:
I would be very glad to procure for a letter for my daughter
the safe guard of your protection; but am in doubt whether it
would be regular for you to take charge of a private letter. If
you would have the goodness to say by a line whether you
could undertake to receive a communication in writing for her
I would commit it to your care with the assurances that it
contains nothing but the commonplaces as the affectionate
intercourse of parent and child will suggest, and no intelligence
but family news. If, as I fear, the strictness of belUgerent
politeness will admit of no accommodation to private corres
pondence through the medium of a neutral then I beg you in case
you faU in with her in New York to let Mrs. Carson know that
her son is weU, and his conduct satisfactory; that her Mama and
I move today to Summerville, and her Aunt Harriette tomorrow
to Spartanburg. That her cousin little Carey with her sixth
baby is expected at Cherry Hill the first week in next month,
under the escort of Mary Blount her sister-in-law, who has been
emulating the example of the Sisters of Charity in the Hospital
at Petersburg. That Mrs. Allston is stiU undetermined where
she is to go this summer, tho' the present aspect of things seems
to favor the probability that the Governor and she will take

?See letter of January 2, 1862.

448 Life, Letters and Speeches
refuge in a log cabin at Plantersville. Tho' she is anxious to
transfer the scene to China Grove. That the fighting members
are at their posts. Johnston between Williamsburg and Rich
mond; Ben near KnoxviUe; Phil in some creek near Savannah,
and poor Charley somewhere in the ranks and her brother on
the sick list in Charleston. * * *
And you may add if you please, that Gen. Pemberton
threatens to make a heroic stand at Charleston; and that the
most judicious critics begin to suspect that we are going to be
soundly thrashed. My dear Count, I do not expect you to
remember the one-half of these things, nor even the one-half
of that; but if you would condescend to transmit this very unin
teresting letter to her, the law would not for the first time allow
that to be done indirectly which can not be done directly.
Her address is 6 East Fourteenth Street, New York (Mrs. Car
son). With my hearty respects to the Countess, and for sin
cere vows for your voyage that it may be fair and safe, and with
the indelible impression of all the good and estimable qualities
that have made you deservedly dear to the people of Charleston,
I am, my dear Count, Yours truly, J. L. Petigru.
TO MRS. S. C. WILLIAMS Charleston, 4 June, 1862.
My dear Madam:
Gov. Pickens has answered the letter which I told you I had
written to him, at the same time that I sent him a copy of yours.
His answer is quite satisfactory, although he says nothing about
the removal of the prisoner, which, indeed, seems scarcely to
fall within his province, unless an order were made to that effect
by the Judiciary. He says, "Please say to Mrs. WiUiams that
I never have received any application whatever for the pardon of
Wingate. It has never been intimated to me that a petition would
be sent. I have received several letters against the pardon but
none for it. I desire her to know this, as she seems to be under
the impression that I am pressed by such applications. She may
rest assured that if ever any such appUcation be made to me
nothing but the report ofthe Judge with his notes of evidence shall
govern my mind in the slightest degree. No standing nor con
nexions, however high, shall ever screen him from law and justice."
With such sentiments I think the Governor holds out to Wingate
no prospect but the alternative between suicide or a public exe
cution. My heart has bled for you, when I reflected on the many
trials you have sustained in the nearest and tenderest relations.
I now bleed for a cause that comes home to myself. My near
and dear friend and relation Gen. Pettigrew has fallen a victim
to this war of ambition and wounded vanity. It is true that

James Louis Petigru 449
his fate is not aggravated by the abhorrence that attends a base
assassinarion, but, though he sleeps in the bed of honor, it is a
melancholy reflexion, that he has fallen in a fraternal conflict.
With the highest consideration, I am dear Madam,
Your hereditary friend,
P- S.—The Governor's letter is dated 20th May. My en
gagements at Summerville, where I have a task that prevents
from coming to town more than once a week, is the cause of
much delay. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
SummerviUe, June 4, 1862.
Ah, my dear Jane, has not the war come home to us ? If fore
thought or anticipation could prepare us for the evil I would
have borne this most cruel blow with fortitude, for from the
time he left us, and especially since late events, I never expected
to see Johnston again. I have said so repeatedly, yet when the
dread blow came, I have found it too much for me.* It seems
to be the will of heaven that our family should never rise. Your
Albert and mine, and poor Charles, and now Johnston, the
brightest and strongest of them all. And then our Tom whose
manly firmness was equal to all trials, and his son whose youth
gave the fairest promise of a character that would be a blessing
to his family, are all taken, and you are all left with hardly any
body but me, a poor old man. But let us be resigned and make
no parade of our grief. He sleeps on the bed of honor, and
though the world will never know his worth, his name will
stand above reproach. I got the intelligence on .Monday. I
am going to town to-day, and will finish my letter when I have
learned more particulars; for the reports are very inconsistent.
That he was left in the battle, and that Longstreet had gained
a victory seem to be contradictions which I can not understand.
Charleston : I have seen a great many persons today, all expres
sing the highest admiration for our departed friend, and greatest
sympathy with us. Governor Pickens telegraphed to communi
cate the event. I send you this despatch; unfortunately it
throws no light on the uncertainty of the story. The idea that
the Virginians were driving the enemy before them is the tale of a
sanguine man. There is but too much reason to believe that
the next authentic news will be that Johnston has evacuated
Richmond. Pemberton continues to make a display of his intention to
defend the city to the last extremity. I have no objection to
that, but I do object to the wicked threats to reduce the town to

?The rumor of Gen. Pettigrew's death proved false.

450 Life, Letters and Speeches
ashes. It seems that some of Izard Middleton's friends have
burnt his mill. Without impugning the valor of our men I am
sorry to say that many of them don't seem to know how near
desperation and cowardice are to one another. The men who
call for the mountains to fall and cover them are not the champ
ions for people to rely on. The enemy have effected a landing
on James Island, and people seem to think that they meditate an
assault on the town. I do not think so for they are not in
sufficient force to make such an enterprise profitable. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, June 11, 1862.
My dear Jane:
I have received no letter from you today, but I have seen
yours of the 7th and 10th to Joe. Have we not reason to be
grateful to the Divine mercy that Johnston is spared? Tho'
his wound is severe I don't believe it is as painful as his imprison
ment, but I have passed from the extreme of despondency to
that of hope, and take it for granted that his wound will heal and
that his friends at the North, where he has at least one very
strong one, will soon obtain his release, or at least his parole.
Instead of losing we have found a cousin in the Rev. William I.
Pettigrew. I enclose a copy of his letter received today, thinking
it will be more interesting than anything I can say. The strange
part is that he has been so long in Richmond, and without our
hearing of him, for he is evidently an educated man of great
respectability. The enemy have landed in great force on James Island.
There was a great deal of fighting yesterday, and they say that
one of our Georgia regiments is very badly cut up.
With great haste and love without bounds, I am, dear Sis, for
you and aU the tribe, as ever devotedly,
Your Brother.
to mrs. susan petigru king
Charleston, 18 June, 1862.
My dear Child:
Events have thickened very fast upon us since I saw the Count
de Choiseul and put in his hands a letter which he will show you
or make the contents known; I hope he has done so. That was
the 28th May. On the third of June I received the most distress
ing news, and from that to the 7th mourned Johnston as dead.
Then came the correction that he was not dead but a prisoner.
It was most unexpected for Lewis Gourdine's telegram had
stated that he was left dead on the field of battle. After the

James Louis Petigru 451
correction I received a letter from Lewis dated the 3d, but not
mailed till the 7th, which gave such account by the feUows who
pretended to have seen him last as to leave hardly a doubt
(indeed no doubt if they were believed) that he was then dying
or actually dead. It was of course great joy to learn that they
were mistaken; but the next news was that Minnie's second
daughter died 4 days after the third daughter came into the
world. Then followed a visit from Captain Corrie bringing in
poor Dan, with an ulcer in his throat, thoroughly salivated, and
as weak as a chicken. And last of aU yesterday morning I heard
that poor Henry had been mortally wounded the day before at
Secessionville. I hurried as soon as I could to town, and was in
time to see him alive, receive the last squeeze of his hand and
hear his last accents, which were to call to mind his wife and
child. He bore his sufferings heroically, and among his last
words was a pious expression of hope and resignation. He was
shot with a minnie ball in the left breast and the ball passed
through his body. His funeral takes place this afternoon at 4
o'clock. Very dismal is the state of things. I do not see any abatement
of the rage with which the Southern people entered into the war.
They suffer dreadfully. Their soldiers are badly clothed, and
often have to sleep on the bare ground, and their subsistence and
pay precarious; yet as far as those about here and near Richmond
are concerned, there seems no decline of spirits. It is to be
confessed however that in the West, symptoms of disaffection are
said to be prevalent. It would appear therefore that more
blood, a great deal more, must be spilled before the pulse of the
people comes down to a reasonable temperature.
In the meantime my thoughts are occupied about Johnston.
He will chafe dreadfully under the restrictions of a prisoner; and
if his wounds are cured, as I hope they will be, his impatience will
probably increase with the return of his strength. I hope it may
be in your power to alleviate his sufferings, so far at least as
sympathy is a remedy. I wish you had influence to effect his
discharge on parole till exchanged. There would be no danger
that he would ever incur the imputation of keeping his word
loosely; much less of anything like a violation of what honor
requires. I suppose you can ascertain where he is, and get leave
to write to him. But I know nothing of him except what the
papers mention and am perfectly ignorant of his whereabouts.
While we all thought him dead a very handsome obituary notice
of him was published in the Courier, which is said to be from the
pen of Judge Magrath.
James' letters give me a great deal of comfort, as they discover
an evident progress in his way of thinking as well as in his hand
writing. But I am sorry that he has not sent me any letter for
you since that which you acknowledged.

452 Life, Letters and Speeches
I received a letter last week from Mr. Guillou in Philadelphia
desiring me to inform Mad. Togno of her mother's death. How
it passed the barrier I do not know, and since the Southerners
have evacuated Norfolk I have no idea where the flag of truce is
to be found. This is written in the hope that Fraser and Com
pany will forward by the next vessel that runs the blockade,
either to Nassau or to England; any way it will be a long time
before you get it, and God knows what may turn up in the mean
time. The check the invaders received on Monday furnishes but
little ground for supposing that Charleston will escape capture.
I have not removed my books from the office. Those saved from
the fire on llth December are at Summerville; but I don't know
what to do with my law books if I should move them, and am
inclined to trust to the forbearance of those that I still consider
countrymen, to spare them from wanton destruction without
moving them at all, tho' constantly importuned to do so. * * *
Your Father.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charleston, 18th June, 1862.
My dear Sister:
It is with a heavy heart I put pen to paper: Henry King is no
more. He was shot in the fight at Secessionville on Monday and
died yesterday at half past five. I arrived in George Street in
time to bid him farewell; he died nobly. His reason was clear to
the last. His last words were of his wife and daughter, whom he
commended particularly to Mack and me, and of a pious resig
nation to the will of God. No person could manifest a firmer
mind or a kinder nature from the time of receiving his death
wound, of which he was fully sensible, and in the battle he con
ducted himself with all the coolness and courage of a true soldier.
His funeral takes place at the Scotch Church. Poor Mr. Forrest
has been in Winnsborough and was summoned home by the
family of Mr. Greer, one of his congregation who fell in the same
action. He is the son of the Bookseller, and Mr. Forrest was
very much attached to him. The war begins to make itself felt
very near us, but I am afraid, a great deal of blood must flow yet,
before the pulse of the people is so far subdued as to make peace
probable. I have no further intelligence of Johnston; I don't
believe a word about this writing a letter about his wanting to be
exchanged. He was not likely to write to anyone at Richmond
but Lewis Young, who would not have failed to give us the intelli
gence, and I don't think he would let any stranger into his con
fidence so far as to tell him any such thing. Yet I have no doubt
he ardently desires it, and I do hope that he will be first paroled
and then exchanged, and if his cousin Caroline can effect it, I
have no doubt he wiU be. A friend of mine has just said to me

James Louis Petigru 453
that the Western States will be the people to stop this war, and
I am very much struck by the idea. If they are going to do it,
I wish they would begin soon, for you may depend on it, we are
bleeding at every pore. I have no doubt that you wrote on
Friday, but my stupid clerk, though he knew I was to be here
today, sent my letters by mail this morning to Summerville.
It is a great inconvenience that your outward mail goes a few
hours before the other arrives; today as well as last Wednesday
I have been placed in the same situation. Poor Mrs. Parker is
one of the sufferers and must be overwhelmed with grief; her son
is among the lists of those killed in the battle, and among our
acquaintances, there are none whom I more regret than John
Edwards, who is also among the slain. I wrote a brief letter of
congratulation to the Rev. W. J. P. and have sent him John
ston's book. There have been great rains and it has not cleared
off yet. I am afraid your creek bottoms will drown, but it is
good for the trees, and let us be thankful as well for small bless
ings, as for escape from great evils. I embrace you all with the
affection of a true brother and uncle and grandpapa.
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charieston, June 20, 1862.
My dear Jane:
* * * You will observe something in Carey's* letter about
money to be paid. I suppose you hardly believe that it requires
now two for one to pay a debt abroad. The same thing takes
place at home. I suppose you have noticed the high price of
negroes ? People are glad to get off paper money for anything
that has intrinsic value, even if worth very little. Father used
to tell of times when they gave $100 for a drink of grog. We
may see something nearly the same before we are done. I
hardly think the invaders wiU assault the city this summer.
They have met with a stubborn resistance on James Island and
are more disposed to guard what they have than to attempt new
conquests. Adieu. 1
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Summerville, June 28, 1862.
Behold us installed at Summerville, not, however, without a
smart quarrel with the agent of the railroad. A fool of a clerk
in dispatching our baggage and movables, which fiUed a car, sets
down on the waybill that the contents were for Mrs. Petigru and
?Mrs. Caroline Petigru Carson.

454 Life, Letters and Speeches
not to be delivered till paid for. This was Tuesday morning, the
20th, and we, who followed at 2 p. m. the same day in the passen
ger train, would have found an empty house, without any com
fort at all, if Sandy out of his small stock had not advanced the
money. This came to my knowledge afterwards and my first
emotion was anger against old Prescott, the agent here, and,
unluckily, when I met him next he came up to teU me that he
had been on the point of thrashing Sandy for impudence, because
he had it from good authority that Sandy had inquired for him by
the name of "Old Prescott"! I told him it was lucky he had
gone no further, for if he had thrashed Sandy I would have
certainly thrashed him; a remark which he did not like, but had
to put up with. But I did not recoUect at the time the change
that years had made since I was in the habit of promptly cor
recting the freedom of impertinence.

James Louis Petigru 455

CHAPTER LII
July-September, 1862
Comments on McClellan and the War; Work on the Code;
"Johnston a Genius"
to mrs. jane petigru north
Charieston, July 8, 1862.
My dear Jane:
* * * In your letter I am very glad to hear of the trees,
also of the wheat, better news than I expected, for people here
persist in saying the wheat crop is ruined in the upcountry. I
can not but say that it is also pleasant to find that you are get
ting more patriotic as the war proceeds; for it is a great thing to
have the wind fair, and to participate in the public feeling, for
it insures sympathy. It is also a great thing to have the part of
rejoicing instead of that of mourning to sustain. And surely
Southerners have reason to rejoice over the defeat of McClellan.
Wonderful does it seem that McClellan should fight so hard only
to be whipped, and that he should be for days fighting to avoid
fighting. Somebody said that O'Connell had found out the
great secret of rebeUion, viz: "Not to rebel." In Uke manner
McClellan has organized a new tactic upon the presumption that
the most dangerous way of fighting is not to fight. It seems a
joke to think of a man that has been hidden behind his entrench
ments endeavoring to elude his adversary by a show of fighting
in the open field.
The most authentic account we have of Johnston is in the
enclosed, which will no doubt be as agreeable to you as it was to
us. There is a complaint, however, that Johnston is kept con
fined, while various Yankees are admitted to the benefit of a
parole. If our Government is sufficiently earnest I have no
doubt the grounds of their complaints would be removed.

TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, July 16, 1862.
* * * There is a great deal of good sense in your remark
about the increased respect which hard fighting wiU bring to the
combatants. But there is no need of confining it to the impres
sion that will be made in France and England; it wiU be found to

456 Life, Letters and Speeches
hold good as to the combatants themselves. They will begin to
feel a good deal of respect for one another after a few such fights
as Fair Oaks and Chickahominy. Happy will it be if the mixed
conditions of the battles should lead both parties to the con
clusion that Heaven stands neuter in the contest. It does not,
surely, require such torrents of blood to satisfy any reasonable
man that nothing can be a more impious presumption than for
either side to think themselves entitled to count the Almighty as
an ally in such pitiful display of human passion. * * *
It is gratifying to see that in the midst of all his vexation and
suffering he [Johnston Pettigrew] bore himself so courteously,
and with such self-possession, without growling or sulkiness.
And it is not less gratifying to receive such assurances confirm
ing the opinion that the danger from his wounds is over * * *
There has been an explosion at Fort Moultrie, and poor Tom
Wagner is said to be fatally injured, not expected to survive
the day. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Charleston, July 23,/ 1862.
My dear Jane:
Your letter of 17th was safely received by Joe. I have seen
him today, and find he has got part of his company and will
certainly get the rest if Gen. Pemberton does not change his
mind, a contingency not entirely to be neglected in any calcu
lation in which he is concerned. I have made up my mind to
break ground on Friday, the 1st day of August. On that day,
therefore, I wish you would have a conveyance dispatched to
Mackey's to meet me on Saturday.
The troops. Federal and Confederate, have been and are in
motion from the southward to Virginia. It is said that 10,000
men have sailed from Hilton Head to reinforce McClellan and
as many from this neighborhood to strengthen Gen. Lee.
Charleston, therefore, is not menaced any longer by the invaders
and bloody work is likely to set in on James River. The talk
of interference is nonsense at least for the present. The com
batants are in no humor yet to abate one tittle of their several
demands and of course there is no chance for any third party to
intervene with the least success. I am delighted at the pros
pect of seeing you once more and as the enemy has retired sister
no longer makes the resistance that she did to my furlough.
Hoping to embrace you all, and that soon, I am, my dear sister,
as affectionately as ever
Your Brother.

James Louis Petigru 457
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
BadweU, 25 August, 1862.
My dear Sue:
* * * As to Johnston, he has returned to camp with his
right arm still helpless from the wound in the shoulder. One
would have thought he had had a taste of powder and baU that
would have reconciled him to a quiet life, at least till his wounds
were healed, but there is no hopes for genius * * *
Your Parent.
About Johnston Pettigrew Mr. Petigru once laughed and said:
"The fact is our friend Johnston is a genius, but I fear he will
never make an advocate. No one can detect the legal points of
a case quicker than he, but he must have equity, justice, law and
morality all on his side before he will take a case. He will never
make an advocate."

458 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER LIII
October-December, 1862.
Epoch of His Life; Interpretation of History; Defending
A Free Negro; Discharge of Elkins Held Contrary
TO Confederate Act; Scarcity of Salt; "The Avenue
THE Only Chance of Going Down to Posterity"; Has
NOT Changed His Views; The Code Finished; Message
Sent Through Lieut. Didier, H. I. M. Ship Milan
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
SummerviUe, 14 October, 1862.
This day, my dear Carey, marks an important epoch in my
life. This day 58 years ago I was received into the school at
Willington, to which I was conducted by my poor Uncle Jo,
where a Latin grammar, a substitute for the plow, was placed in
my hand. Of those who then formed the busy occupants of
Dr. Waddil's hive, the only survivors that I know are Lewis
Gilmer and Alexander Bowie, both in Alabama. Time has
effected many changes; the chapter of accidents has contained
many sad stories, and the last and saddest the Revolution now
in progress. * * *
Johnston has recovered so far as to be placed on duty at
Petersburg, but chafes under the sense of inactivity. He will
not in his letters mention himself; and so we are all puzzled to
decide from his letters whether he still writes with his left hand.
Your Father.
Major Lowndes' case* is to come off on Friday, and will I hope
have such a result as to relieve his mind.
TO J. JOHNSTON PETTIGREW
SummerviUe, October 21, 1862.
My dear Johnston:
I received gladly yours ofthe 10th inst. What you say about
James Carson has great weight and wiU influence my opinion on
the subject of the visit to New York. But I dare not wound his
mother's feelings to the extent of recommending him to take up
?This was the last case in which Mr. Petigru ever appeared in court. Being
overheated, on leaving the courthouse he took a violent cold from which he
never recovered.

James Louis Petigru 459
arms under the Confederate Flag. I was reading your Louinie
the other day and his remarks about the policy of different
Courts influenced by the passions or whim of the monarch rather
than by the interests of the country made a strong impression
on me. We used to think that it was the vice of kings to govern
with reference to their own fancy and inclinations, instead of the
material happiness or true interests of their people. But when
the South has achieved its independence, as I have no doubt it
wiU, how will history treat secession — as a deliverance from
thralldom or as an instance of popular passion overruling all
regard for the permanent interests of the country? I am glad
that you say nothing about volunteering for the place of aide,
with the loss of rank. And I am also very glad that you write
again with the hand which mankind unite in considering the
right hand. I would that in some other things you would
extend the vigor of the right hand. A person of your height of
mind ought to look down with an equal eye on the various tribes
of men and their prejudices. It is very well for the common
soldier to despise his enemy, for probably he has no better reason
for fighting than that he hates him. But why should we (you
and I) despise the Yankees? Is it because they are below the
people that we admit are fellow-citizens in civilization? — in
working in wood or metals ? — in architecture or in navigation i* —
in the useful arts or in literature? Your father was a Federalist
and your grandfather, as well as I. They were churchmen, as
well as I. Certainly there were ten Federalists at the North
to one at the South, and, even including New England, we would
find more brethren in the North than at home. I take it that
we are fighting the Yankees, not from personal animosity, but
an opinion that it is the true interest of the South to erect a
separate Government. At least I am wiUing to beUeve that
Rhett and Yancey, Mason and WigfaU thought so. Whether
that opinion was the result of sound reason or passion, history
will judge. Perhaps the regard which the North profess for the
old flag is a superstition, but it is the same sort of sentiment which
has led men to shed their blood for a fallen dynasty, and I don't
think it is visited with contempt by posterity. I dare say there
is plenty of brutality in the march of the Federals through a
hostile country. What else could be expected when there is no
guaranty that an officer is a gentleman? But, I assure you, if
you were to listen to the exploits of Black's regiment on the
Islands, you would find that the Yankees were far from having a
monopoly of blackguards.
I have been laid up with a bad cold. Your cousin Jane is
delighted with your letter and takes no share in my sermoning,
which is no proof of any diminution in the pride and affection
with which you are regarded by your kinsman,
J. L. P.

460 Life, Letters and Speeches
TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
SummerviUe, November 13, 1862.
My dear Sister:
I was in town yesterday and ought to have written this letter
there; but I was called off to attend a free negro who is being
tried for his life; and you know that the Apostle says that the
greatest of these three is charity. So, while giving myself to the
charity case I let the opportunity of inditing a letter to you slip.
This prelude may assure you that I am better, for if my cough
had been as bad as it was I would not have ventured to move.
* * *
The low country is annoyed beyond measure by steps necessary
to secure the negroes that are left, but a fragment at best.
* * * TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
SummerviUe, November 22, 1 862.
I wrote, my dear Jane, on Thursday. I had barely put the
letter in the hands of the Summerville postmaster when Elkins
accosted me. It was so unexpected I hardly knew him. A long
discussion followed between Capt. Hearst and me on the legahty
of taking him. I relying on the Confederate Act of October,
1862, he on DeSaussure's instructions. I reflected on the ques
tion whether to run the risk of resisting as far as force, but for
Hearst's sake as well as Elkins, I concluded not to push things to
that extremity. I went to town yesterday, but the colonel
(Bacon) was not there, and nobody to appeal to for the discharge
of Elkins, who was gone to Pocataligo. As far as I can under
stand DeSaussure's order, this is a thing done by the Governor
and council, and they affect to be above the Confederate Act and
not bound by it. But whether the authority of the Confederate
Act is denied, or whether it is meant to vest in the colonel of the
regiment exclusively the power of deciding whether any person
claiming exemption is entitled I do not know. I will be in
Columbia on Monday, and will see the official people, Pickens,
Chesnut, DeSaussure, and wiU have Elkins discharged or know
the reason why; and wiU at the same time take in hand Rosen-
wick's case as a subject of the Grand Duke of Baden, not liable
to be impressed into a war with which he has nothing to do. At
the depot I saw too, our cousin George, son of George, who was
the son of John, who was our father's brother. This George has
the look and bearing of an honest, independent yeoman. He
was warmly clad in home-made clothes, and said he had his
knapsack full. That he was very sorry to have to leave his
farm, wife and nine children, and seventeen negroes. I was
favorably impressed by him.
In Charleston yesterday I had the satisfaction to get from the

James Louis Petigru 461
provost an assurance that he would report favorably of poor
Jacob Drayton, a negro, who lost his sloop, captured by Lieut.
Conroy, and whom they wanted to hang, though guilty of
nothing but refusing to go with the Yankees to Hilton Head. I
have a letter from Johnston dated the 19th inst. brought by
Louis Young. He had seen Charles in the recent expedition of
his brigade to Tarboro. He gives but a doleful account of the
state of the country about the lake where the "Buffaloes"* are
committing many outrages. Johnston had returned to Peters
burg, Foster having retired. He thinks Lincoln our only ally
among the foreigners, and he aids the cause by his proclamation
and the bad behaviour of his generals. * * * J embrace
you all with the love of
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
SummerviUe, November 29, 1862.
My dear Jane:
I got your letter of the 13th last evening. I wrote yesterday
in town, but though nothing has transpired since in this quarter
to speak of, there is something to say as to the contents of yours.
Elkins is exempt. The Act of October 10, 1862, among other
things contains the following exemption from all military service
in the armies of the Confederate States, viz: "one person as
agent, owner or overseer on each plantation of twenty negroes
and on which there is no white male adult not liable to military
service." This is enough, but the act adds, "And furthermore, for addi
tional police for every twenty negroes on two or more planta
tions, within five miles of each other, and not having less than
twenty negroes in gross, on which there is no white male adult,
not hable to military duty, one person; being the oldest ofthe
overseers or owners on such plantations."
You come within the first clause, which is much more inteUi-
gible and plain than the other and puts an end to all doubts. So
I hope Elkins will cease to be disturbed by the jeers or gibes of
them who would be glad to see him marched off to the camp of
instruction. And you may as well give him a copy of the clause
to show those that may be seriously or honestly in doubt about
^ 4p 'P -i* •P
Next week I wiU be in Columbia unless detained here by the
case of a poor negro whom they seem disposed to hang because
he refused to go with the Yankees when they took away his
rifle and was by. them sent on shore.
?The "Buffaloes" were always a set of lawless ruffians, and during the war they
opposed both the North and the South, and carried either flag as suited their
purpose.

462 Life, Letters and Speeches
The car for the accommodation of Summerville leaves at a
quarter after seven in the morning. This makes it necessary to
be up at 5 and in cold weather is very disagreeable. 1 1 makes me
feel more than ever the want of my house.
It is my purpose at present to build in Summerville something
as cheap as I can, but that will be a summer accommodation
only. I shall never be able to rebuild on Broad Street. They
have pulled down all the houses on the front beach at the cove,
mine among them, and all the books and furniture in it have
entirely disappeared. They appraised the houses before they
pulled them down, but I have little hope of ever getting anything.
* * * I embrace you all, and am
Your Constant Brother.
When he entered the night train at SummerviUe on his way
to Columbia all the sleeping chairs in the car were occupied.
However, a young man, Leroy F. Youman,* gave him a seat and
the lawyers crowded around as usual to hear him talk. He had
a violent cold and cough and was evidently much indisposed.
Mr. Yeadon began to ply him with questions, to which, in a
weary way, he would answer "I don't know," or "I do not
recoUect." Finally Mr. Yeadon said, "Mr. Petigru, don't you
remember on a certain occasion when I spoke you congratulated
me and told me I had made a capital speech?" He then roused
up and said, "Now I distinctly recollect. Yeadon, on no occas
ion did I ever tell you that, nor did I ever hear you make a
capital speech." The audience laughed and Mr. Yeadon
retired. TO MRS. JANE PETIGRU NORTH
Summerville, December 15, 1862.
* * * I have received no less than three letters from Caro
line. Her mind is greatly disturbed and she not only wishes
James to go to her but wishes it most strongly and urgently.
But James will not go. He is certainly controlled by the public
sentiment of the State and I will not attempt to argue him out
of his prejudices. Only so far I will go as to enforce, as far as I
am able, the precept that in a civil war a good man may refuse to
draw his sword.
I am balancing between Athens and Chapel Hill as a college
for James in January. In Charleston or Columbia he would be
sure to be snapped up as a conscript if he did not anticipate his
doom by volunteering. In Athens I thought with pleasure on
*He was afterwards Attorney-General.

James Louis Petigru 463
the attention he would receive from T. R. R. Cobb, my friend.
But alas! poor Cobb has fallen on the Rappahannock. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. caroline petigru carson
Charleston, 16 December, 1862.
My dear Caroline:
It grieves me to witness your grief portrayed in those letters
which I read with avidity, and deplore my inabiUty to remove
the causes of your unhappiness. Let it be your consolation as it
is mine that these things have happened, by no fault nor negli
gence of ours. We can not control events and I am fain to be
thankful that we can control James so far as to prevent him from
running headlong into the bloody fray. He bends a listening
ear to my precept that in a civil war no man's honor can be
reproached for refusing to draw his sword. I am inquiring at
Athens, Georgia, and Chapel Hill, North Carolina, and will send
him to one of those coUeges, making choice of that which prom
ises most security against conscription. The South Carolina
College is converted into a hospital, and offers no encouragement
for the education of any but those under 18. Nor would the
Charleston College favor our purposes, for if there was fighting
for the town, Jim would undoubtedly take a hand with his
townsmen. It would be hard for him to do that which you most
earnestly desire and which would give me most pleasure; but in
the present condition of his feelings I do not think his presence
would be any comfort to you. * * *
As to your Mama she is certainly no worse, tho' she keeps her
bed 2 days out of 3. She is a good deal scandalized by your
partiality for the North; so different from her feelings which are
thoroughly Southern. * * * i come to town 2 or 3 times a
week and attend to such little business as I have to do. I have
not moved my library from the Alley, and am very unwilling to
do so. All the danger would be, as I verily believe, in the shells
that might be thrown into the town; for tho' our hotheaded
townsmen threaten to apply the torch themselves if they can
not save the town, I do not believe them. But in truth I do not
think the U. S. will make an assault on this place; at least not
until they have gained entire possession of the Mississippi, and
secured a permanent foot-hold in the West. And I think so
because it is their evident policy. If any one of the States now
in sedition should give way, the example would prove contagious.
But the defection is not likely to begin here where the men are all
full of fight, particularly the parsons; and the women exceed
them in violence.
James Lowndes and Jo Blythe Allston are captains in the
army at Pocotaligo. Jo was wounded at the battle of Poco-

464 Life, Letters and Speeches
taligo, but it was only a flesh wound, and scarcely laid him up.
None of those who suffered were connected with us. Ben AU
ston is at his father's on parole. His wound is not spoken of as
dangerous. He was captured twice and wounded the last time
at Harrodsburg in Kentucky. He did not come through
Charleston and I have not seen him. Philip Porcher is a
Lieutenant on board the Palmetto State; Charley is with Hamp
ton's legion, has been in a dozen battles or more and never had a
scratch. Johnston was at Petersburg when I heard of him last.
Miles is in Richmond. As chairman of the Military Committee
he is a person of importance. Peter Gourdin is, as far as I
know, snug on Back River. I suppose he is excused from con
scription to take care of the negroes, where white men are so few.
There is no Gen. Rhett. Two of the family have fallen in battle,
Grimke Rhett, son of Ben, and Robert Rhett, son of BarnweU;
they were both Lieutenants. Burnett Rhett was married to
Henrietta in October. Ellen King was married to Frank Camp
bell on the 5 November, and her father died on the 12th. Our
sweet cousin in Henderson is well; some of her boys are in camp,
and the rest at home. Amelia is strong, in will at least, and in
affection too, and is on her plantation near the Bridge. I saw
Mattie last Saturday. Her zeal boils over against the Yankees
in downright imprecations. My dear child, it would be painful
for you to come here, and serve no good purpose. Even Louise
Porcher, your aunt, is too great a politician for us to converse
on terms of confidence. Those who said I had changed my views
of secession are wonderfully mistaken. Every day convinces me
more and more of the soundness of the opinions which I expressed
at the time and have ever since avowed. Of the result it is true
that my opinion has been shaken for at the beginning I scarcely
doubted that the seceding States would make good their inde
pendence. Of that conclusion I am now much more diffident,
tho' I still think it probable that Alabama, Georgia, Florida, the
Carolinas and eastern Virginia will be ultimately reorganized by
the U. S. as foreign and independent States. There wiU be a
great deal of blood shed before the armies that are now arrayed
on the Rappahannock separate. Kings were formerly accused
with sporting with the lives of their subjects. But experience
shows that Demos is as fond of that sport as the veriest tyrant
that ever trampled on the rights of human nature. I have
forgot Mrs. Jack; I saw her in September at GreenviUe, looking
well and speaking of you with effusion. Mr. Alfred [Huger] is
really dejected by the loss of his house, which was an instrument
of hospitaUty which he will forever regret. Nothing gives me
more content than to be assured that Trescott's books are not
sold. My paper is out, and I am expecting Mr. Didier every
moment. Adieu.
Your Parent.

James Louis Petigru 465
The code is finished as far as it can be till the Legislature have
passed upon it, which will not be tiU the end of 1863. In the
meantime my vocation is suspended.
TO G. DIDIER
Summerville, 28 December, 1862.
Dear Sir:
* * * My books are in St. Michael's AUey. I don't intend
to move them. Tho' the expectation is that Charleston will be
bombarded, I doubt it, and if it is, it does not follow that St.
Michael's Alley will be burned. I think the chances are that the
independence of the Southern States or at least some of them will
ultimately be recognized by a treaty of peace. This was my
opinion from the first. I deplored it then, and deplore it now as
much as ever. When that peace will come nobody knows, not
even Jeff Davis or Seward; but I suppose the war will not last
more than 5 years more. * * *

466 Life, Letters and Speeches

CHAPTER LIV
January-March, 1863
Death of Daniel Petigru; Helping the Unfortunate;
James Goes to Chapel Hill, N. C; Advice to James;
More Concerned about Health than the Movements
OF General Hunter; His Last Letter, Directions about
Trees; Closing Days;Letter of Alfred Huger; Preface
OF Bar Association and Correction of Memorial
TO MRS. CAROLINE PETIGRU CARSON
Charleston, 8 January, 1863.
Trouble has come upon us, my dear child, from a quarter least
expected. It is true that poor Dan's health had suffered within
the last year very considerably, but I had no idea that his con
stitution was broken down to such an extent as to threaten his
life. He had been much with us ever since I returned from the
back country in September, and his conversation and manners
were more satisfactory than they had ever been, so much so that
I really began to entertain the hope that he might yet be a useful
member of society. He had a room over Mr. Carter's book
store on Meeting Street where Adam MiUiken and some other
men stay, and he was in the habit of going to town, to settle his
connexions with the company he belonged to, and to see Dr.
Geddings about his throat. He left us on Thursday, the first
of the year, and we expected him on Saturday, but he wrote to
his mother that he was going to dine with Campbell Evans a
brother soldier, and would not return till Monday. On Monday
I came to town; when we were at the place where the trains pass
each other, I observed Capt. Corrie for the first time. He
attached himself to me and I inquired whether he had been to
Augusta. He said no that he had come up on the train that had
just passed to meet a gentleman. At the depot he invited me
into a carriage that was waiting for him, and after we were quite
alone on our way, told me that I was the person that he had
come to meet, and while I yet wondered what it could be that
induced him to seek such a meeting, told me Daniel was no more.
He had risen that morning as usual and it seems was preparing to
wash, when he fell on his face, and expired without a struggle.
Nobody was in the room; the chambermaid at a later hour found
him on the floor and gave the alarm. I never saw a countenance

James Louis Petigru 467
more serene. The expression was natural and gentle; and it was
a sad sight to see that fair face and beautiful features wrapped as
it were in a sweet sleep. He never appeared to look so weU. I
could not but think of the wonder I had often felt of his encour
agement from ladies on whom he made a favorable impression;
and I had never been sensible of the charms of his countenance
before. He was interred on the morning of the 6th in the St.
Michael's Church Yard, and a very respectable convoy attended
the funeral. Now he is gone my mind loves to dwell on the
circumstances that are favorable to his memory; and there is
none more honorable than this, that he contracted no debts. At
least I know of none, and his name is unsullied by any dishonesty
or baseness. * * *
Your Parent.
At this period, though sick and suffering, Mr. Petigru, with
difficulty, earned about one hundred dollars a week in Confed
erate money, not enough to support his own household; yet he
could not resist appeals to his compassion, as his endorsement
on the following letter from a lady shows:
Summerville, S. C, January 19, 1863.
Dear Mr. Petigru:
If perfectly convenient will you let me have a little money,
— just what you can spare. It really goes against me to trouble
you, for you have accommodated me so much already, but my
want of common necessaries and comforts, for children now
sick, must plead my excuse. Yours with sincere regard, M.
Endorsed: "19 Jan'y, 1863— Sent by Sammy $25.00."
TO G. DIDIER
Charleston, 22d January, 1863.
My dear Mr. Didier:
* * * It is a grief to me to confess that my health suffers,
from shortness of breathing and a persistent cough. But Dr.
Geddings is at work upon my complaints and seems to have
strong hopes of patching me up.
TO MRS. SUSAN PETIGRU KING
St. Michael's Alley, 22 January, 1863.
My dear Sue: . , , t l
My cough is very bad sometimes, tho 1 have long intervals
of relief; but till the swellings are got under, I can not consider
myself a' well man, nor find it prudent to undertake a journey.

468 Life, Letters and Speeches
* * * The furniture in Tradd Street was sold yesterday.
I was not present, for the bad weather kept me at SummerviUe
Monday and Tuesday, and I have become so cautious, that I do
not venture in cold weather to take the early car, and so, I do
not get to town till after three. I am told the things sold very
well, but have heard no particulars, except that the wine brought
5 dollars a bottle. Neither the books nor the furniture of your
room were offered. I have a great mind to buy the house.
* * * Your Papa.
to mrs. caroline petigru carson
Governor AUston's, Meeting Street,
6 February, 1863.
My dear Carey:
* * * Your letter of the 15th ult. makes me sure that my
letters by way of Nassau have been stopped or suppressed, for
I could hardly have believed that aU that I had sent forward
between the 4 July and 14 October had miscarried. I have
charged William to take great care of this and he promises to
send it by the way of Halifax unless some safe opportunity should
occur that is more direct. I am more anxious than ever about it
as I intend to enclose James' first from Chapel Hill. I am much
gratified that he has entered the Sophomore class. It will rise
to Junior in June. I am not sorry that he is under a condition
to make up his deficiency in some studies. It will stimulate his
exertions at the start. In answering his letter I give you a list
of errata. If those which I had written had succeeded in reach
ing their destination you would know already that I had been
obliged to forego the plan of sending him North; as much by his
overstrong objection to compromise himself so deeply against
his countrymen here as by the other difficulties attending such a
project. I hope by the time the war is ended his mind will be
more open to the arguments in favor of Union than it is now.
But there is no concealing from ourselves the consciousness that
by that time the Union may be impossible. So much the worse
for us all; but what better can be expected of our unbridled
democracy with nothing but paper between them and Revo
lution? * * *
I have seen Rosa Izard who came from Baltimore to defend
herself against confiscation. Major Lowndes came out clear
owing much to the manly evidence which Arthur Huger gave in
his behalf. Mrs. Van Buren's case has not come on. I have
in one or two of my letters asked you to tell her to send me an
affidavit that neither she nor her husband have voluntarily con
tributed money to aid the North in this war and that her
husband has not served the United States in a military capacity

James Louis Petigru 469
since the breaking out of the war nor in any capacity if such be
the case. The last confiscation act passed 30 August, 1861,
exempts from the penalty of Alien Enemies among others, "AU
married women natives of any State of this Confederacy who
or whose husbands shall not be shown to have voluntarily con
tributed to the cause of the enemy."
I have tried to persuade WilUam Heyward to write to the
old lady, and he seemed to promise to do so. Our friend Mr.
William Elliott has paid the debt of nature. He died on the
4th. I have had a cough all winter and my health is but poor. I
consulted Geddings and followed his advice and am in hopes
that he will patch me up for the present. As I have no horse I
began by taking the 7 o'clock train at Summerville and return
ing same day. But I soon found that would not do and accepted
the offer of Sister Ann's house, and had just prepared to take
possession, when Mac. King tendered me the hospitality of bed
and board in George Street which I could not refuse as it was so
warmly pressed upon me. For three weeks I made George
Street my home for the most of the time, returning to Summer
ville on Saturdays, and staying there till Tuesday and coming
by the two o'clock train. But last week Adele came up to town,
and took up her quarters in Meeting Street, insisting that I
should transfer myself to her. * * * Adele will stay till the
assault is made on the town if any is made, which I do not
believe. Ben is a Colonel and has a bullet somewhere in his
loins, which does not however much incommode him now.
* * * I grieve to think my dear that you have to work for
your living, but before this war is over many will have to work
that never did before. Your loving Father.
to james petigru carson
SummerviUe, 9 February, 1863.
My dear James:
* * * I received a letter from your Mama dated the 19th
December. It grieved me to feel how great her disappointment
will be when she comes to know the truth for she was stiU look
ing for you with great anxiety. She has taken rooms in Uni
versity place, hired a maid, and prosecuted her labours as an
artist for a livelihood. Happy are you and Willie to have in a
mother such an example of independence and virtue. I have
written by William Ross who in a yacht is about to run the
blockade to Nassau. I enclosed your letter as the most accep
table thing I could do, and handed them to William on the 5th
inst. He was then ready to sail and was waiting only for a dark
night and a high wind. Charley Allston set off for Wilmington

470 Life, Letters and Speeches
on the 3d. Aunt Adele is in Meeting Street, and the Governor
and Ben are with her; but Ben is probably now on the road to
join Kirby Smith, who is ordered to Texas. Our Ironclads gave
the Enemy a great scare on the morning of the 4th, but there was
not so much done as was at first expected. There is about as
much talk as ever about an attack on Charleston or Savannah,
with as little certainty. Your Grandmama keeps her bed as she
did when you were with us. Aunt Sue is expected, but is stiU
at Badwell — and you Dear James are the subject of the anxious
hopes of us all, and above all of
Your Grandfather.
I would join the Society to which my friend belongs. For all
the South CaroUnians to go one way would imply a factious
temper. TO MRS. jane petigru NORTH
St. Michael's AUey, 13th February, 1863.
My dear Jane:
* * * I heard from Johnston last week, but in a very
brief way, giving no account of his adventures nor of his senti
ments further than his bitter resentment against the Yankees.
Genl. Beauregard paid us a visit last evening, sat a long time
and talked like a sociable companion. They say that Johnston
is promoted, but I suppose he is only in command of a division
by temporary arrangements. I did not allude to your inquiries
about shipping cotton, for nothing could be more unavailing.
Nobody cares a straw about freights; the owner of the ship that
runs the blockade, would rather give you the cotton than receive
your freight. I parted with Ben with emotion last Wednesday
morning. He is the only one of us that looks on the war like a
man of sense and seems to know the difference between viewing
it from his standpoint and from another's. * * *
Your Brother.
to mrs. jane petigru north
St. Michael's Alley, Thursday, 19th Feb., 1863.
My dear Jane:
* * * Nobody knows whether Hunter means to storm
Savannah or Wilmington or come here, and some people don't
think he is going to do anything. For me, I am a doubter and
don't believe what I don't know. My health gives me more
concern than Hunter. The swelling is very troublesome, but
not always equally distressing. The best symptom is the satis
faction of the stomach, which does not reject food nor suffer
by the moderate use of it. When Adele goes I shall return to

James Louis Petigru 471
Mack King, whose good offices are tendered with the same
warmth as ever. On Saturday I revert to Summerville and stay
there till Tuesday. * * * Johnny Jones ought to have
known better than to oppose a man higher in office than himself.
Bragg is famous for shooting men and John's friend may weU
rejoice, that his offence was considered more venial than the
kilUng of a chicken, for which, it is said, one of Bragg's men
suffered the death penalty on some occasion. But I am glad
that Johnny is at home, and hope that his native air will be more
profitable to him than Corinth or Murfreesborough. I left his
Bond with Gen. McGowan, but who has the custody of the
General's papers, I do not know. It is confidently said that
Johnston is promoted, but I suppose that it is no more than a
rumor, arising from his being in the temporary command of a
division, as our nephew Ben has been of a brigade.
Love and benediction.
Your Brother.
In the fall of 1859 Mrs. North noticed with apprehension that
Mr. Petigru could no longer do his "day's work" at BadweU
without great fatigue. This was more apparent to others than
to himself. He was over 70 years old and sclerosis of the veins
and heart trouble began to develop. In the ensuing years,
though his mental faculties remained unimpaired, his physical
infirmities increased, and he was further burdened by mental
anxieties — the breaking of the Union, the burning of his house,
the grinding labor on the Code, the discomforts of his dwelling at
Summerville, and the narrowness of things at home.
In January, 1863, the break-up came. He became a very ill
man, and to inquiries as to his health would cheerfully answer,
"I am not sure, but our friend Giddings [Dr. Geddings] is vamp
ing me up." He continued to go to his office, where, on a visit
of Mr. Grayson the day before he finally left it, he said to him,
"You see I can stiU work at my trade."
On the 21st of February Mr. Lesesne* found him at the office;
he was very sick and very much depressed. He said," I feel
under strong necessity of putting my house in order, and I must
come here to do it." He had appointed his daughter, CaroUne,
and J. Johnston Pettigrew his executors, and thought that it was
doubtful when either of them would return. Such being the
case he requested Mr. Lesesne " to assume the trouble of serv
ing as an executor," which he agreed to do.
?Extracted from notes of Mr. Lesesne.

472 Life, Letters and Speeches
It had been arranged that the commission appointed by the
Legislature to examine his work on the Code of the statute laws
of the State should wait upon him on the 24th of February. He
gave directions to prepare the office for their reception.
He then laboriously walked through St. Michael's Alley to the
Court House, and this was his last visit to the scenes of his
labor, day and night, for over forty years. A chair was obtained
for him from the sheriff's office while he waited for the omnibus
which conveyed him to the train for Summerville. On Sunday
the 22d of February he added a codicil to his will appointing Mr.
Lesesne executor, and changed certain minor bequests.
On Tuesday, the 24th, he arrived in town at 4 p. m., and went
to the house of Mr. McMiUan King at the corner of George and
Meeting Streets.
On Wednesday, the 25th of February, the members of the
commission, by appointment for 11a. m., attended at Mr. King's.
He was unequal to the effort of appearing, but said he hoped to
do so in the course of the morning. Two hours after, being no
better, he was persuaded to abandon the idea of seeing the
gentlemen. Thus was fulfilled his prediction that he would die
in harness, and die hard.
During the last two weeks of his iUness the difficulty of breath
ing and intense suffering aggravated by saUvation made it most
painful for him to speak, but he surpassed himself by the
patience and fortitude which he displayed. His sisters, joined
by the whole community, did everything that human aid and
sympathy could do to alleviate and soothe him. On Sunday
afternoon, the day before he died, he was visited by Rev. James
H. Elliott, assistant rector of St. Michael's Church. Mr.
McMillan King, who had attended him with all the tenderness
of a devoted son, had given orders "positively" that Mr. Petigru
should not be disturbed. When he learned of this episode he was
furious, and expressed himself in a special glossary of his own.
Mr. Petigru called him near and whispered, "Don't disturb
yourself, Mac, it didn't trouble me much, and, " turning his thumb
to the room where his sisters were, "it was a great gratification
to them."
He died at 3 p. m., March 9th. A letter of Mrs. North to Mrs.
Carson says, "Sue on one side and I on the other, each holding
a hand — those dear hands that wrought so faithfully for every-

James Louis Petigru 473
body, * * * with his beautiful dark hair smoothed, his
face, with an expression of serene gravity, free from pain, looked
no older than he did when he was 30 years old."
His funeral occurred at 5 p. m., March 10th. The whole
city was moved. The civil and military authorities, rich and
poor, white and black, attended. His remains were deposited
alongside his lamented son, Albert, in St. Michael's Church
yard. The following letter from Alfred Huger is an expressive and
vigorous portrait of Mr. Petigru: Longwood, March 15th, 1863.
My dear Ben:
Mr. William Harleston very kindly promised to bring my
letters and papers with him to your house today; and if he has
done so, I would thank you to send them by the bearer.
I reached the only home I have left on Saturday evening,
exhausted in body and depressed in spirits. Petigru's iUness
and unmeasured sufferings put what strength I had in severe
requisition, and his death admonishes me of a heavy bereave
ment The blows come in such quick succession that there is
hardly " twilight enough to separate the darkness of one from
the glare of another," and nothing save the equal pressure of
sorrow on every side prevents me from falling. I had implicit
confidence in Petigru, and never knew any single man who was
as near being an institution by himself. Original in all things —
;f his character was a mosaic, he furnished the particles from his
own resources, wearing such colors as nature gave him, and
borrowing none from his fellows either for ornament or for use.
Conscientious and just in matters of truth, he would cavil about
a hair. Generous and brave, he would give without measure,
and ask nothing in return. His probity never was shaken by
adversity, and his gentleness and mercy were increased by his
prosperity. Elevated in every sentiment, he dealt lightly with
those who needed his forgiveness; uncompromising where his
own rights were assailed, he was sure to put those who denied
them at utter defiance; his thoughts emanated from his own
mind, his opinions became his convictions, and his convictions
a part of his belief in God. When he acted with others, it was
because they agreed with him. When he was the leader of a
party, he guided without ostentation, and controlled without
exaction. When he was overpowered by numbers, he submitted
to the law, but never to the victor. He could stand alone without
dismay, preferring always the gratitude of the weak and helpless
to the patronage of the powerful and the strong. In every
conflict Petigru was himself; when his equals were needed, /^w

474 Life, Letters and Speeches
answered to their names; and when his superiors were called
for, none were forthcoming. He knew how to strike the hardest
blows, and he knew how to receive them; for he never hesitated
to strike when the provocation was sufficient, and he never
winced or quailed, no matter how deadly was the returning
arrow. If there is any man now living in South Carolina
capable of writing the History of his own Times, Petigru, for
the highest aspirations as to duty or honor — for the boldness of
his thinkings — for the brightness of his genius — for the grasp of
his inteUect — for the purity of his friendship — for the unselfish
ness of his nature, will be ranked with those of whom the State
has most reason to be proud. Preaching the doctrine of an
exalted benevolence, his charity kept pace with his teachings;
and, limited in means, when denial was necessary, he began
always with himself. He loved to help others, and to be in
partnership with misfortune; and, doing good without restraint,
he was the living, moving, acting principle of those qualities
which carried to his grave the profoundest reverence of the rich,
and the heart-stricken lamentations of the poor.
If this outpouring is tiresome or tedious, I ask for the for
giveness -which was the prominent attribute of the subject.
None loved me more, and none was more beloved.
Yours ever,
Alfred Huger.
Mr. Petigru commences his will as follows:
In the name of God, Amen; for I venerate the sentiment that
in making one's will his conscientiousness should be aroused by
the invocation of that holy name.
After making certain bequests he says that the various pieces
of land that he had bought should be annexed to Badwell, and
he confirms an agreement that he had previously made with his
sisters. After the death of the surviving sister I direct that the plan
tation * * * be sold, but not out of the family * * *
to such ones ofthe descendants of our grandfather, the Reverend
Jean Louis Gibert, as may be willing, in a fair competition among
themselves, to give the most money for it; and it shall be the
duty of my executors to invite all the descendants of our grand
father to attend, and all those who are under age shall be
represented by their parents or friends who may purchase if so
inclined in their name (the name ofthe infants) and the executors
shall have the same discretion as to the details of this sale as
heretofore mentioned. Nor shall either nor any of my executors
be disqualified on that account from bidding or purchasing at

James Louis Petigru 475
this or any other sale made in pursuance of this will. And I
appeal to the sentiment of filial piety to give effect to the desire,
that this small domain which is valuable only as connected with
our ancestral name, may continue in the line of this family, and
that even at the cost of some pecuniary sacrifice this intention
may be respected without referring to any contrivance to defeat
it. The purchase money shall be distributed as follows: One
fifth as my dear sister, Jane G. North, may appoint; and the
remainder between my two daughters or their heirs, meaning
the heirs of the body then living.
On the death of the surviving sister, Mary Petigru, the plan
tation was sold, according to the terms of the will, on the 7th of
November, 1872, and was bought by his niece. Miss Louise G.
North, for six thousand dollars. After residing there for
several years she sold it to her sister, Mrs. Joseph Blythe
Allston, whose descendants now own the place.
With pious sentiment Joseph Blythe Allston executed a paper
reserving from any future sale the family cemetery where the
Reverend Jean Louis Gibert is buried.
A meeting of the Bar of Charleston was held on Wednesday,
March 25, 1863, to pay the tribute of respect to the memory of
Mr. Petigru.
Heartfelt and beautiful eulogies were pronounced and the
Honorable R. Barnwell Rhett spoke of him as foUows :
* * * My tutor in boyhood; my friend in early manhood;
my better friend in advanced life, whom neither time nor fortune,
private duties nor troubles, nor the anger of pubUc contests and
differences of more than thirty years ever induced to say to me
an unkind word or to do an unkind deed. * * * He gave
me this test of his friendship: In the commercial convulsions of
1837, I thought I was ruined by the misfortunes of others. I
went to him and told him my troubles. He expressed to me his
warm sympathy, and then he said, "I have no money; you know
I can not keep money; but my credit is yours in any manner you
choose to use it to the last doUar of the property I possess. " At
this time he was in possession of considerable estate, the fruits of
many years of labor and accumulation. I did not embrace his
generous offer; but it shows you the man and it shows you also,
in part, why I am here today to bear testimony to the character
and worth of one of the bravest and truest of friends.
When the proceedings of this meeting were pubUshed in 1866,
Mr. Wm. E. Martin wrote a preface in which he assumed that

476 Life, Letters and Speeches
Mr. Petigru had changed his views, — in other words, become a
Confederate. In 1878, while living at Rome, Mrs. Carson, at
her own expense, had these proceedings printed and bound in a
little volume entitled " Memorial to James L. Petigru. " When
she discovered the mistake of this preface, she, with much labor,
was forced to write to the various friends in the North to whom
she had directed copies to be sent, requesting that the preface be
cut out. In her personal copy of the volume the following notice
was found:
* * * Had I had a copy of the pamphlet by me I would
not have permitted the preface to be reprinted, and in that way
have, as it were, given it my endorsement. One may easily
read between the lines the attempt to bolster up the writer's own
passion by false assumptions. The preface, written by General
Martin in 1866, says what his letter to the Bar Meeting in 1863
did not dare to do. I do not know how it fell into his hands to
prepare the Bar resolutions for the press in '66. At the Bar
Meeting not one of the speakers insinuated any such change of
attitude in Mr. Petigru. It was those loving words of veneration
that I desired to preserve. * * * Time, which softens
animosity and the very preposterousness of the claim, made me
forget all except the beautiful and sincere expressions of those
whom politically he had always opposed, and were, therefore, as
honorable to them as to him. * * * As it stands it is rather
a libel on Mr. Petigru than an eulogy, and I would rather have
put my hand in the fire than brought this about.

James Louis Petigru 477

CHAPTER LV
The Epitaph
Caroline Petigru Carson often said that from childhood her
constant effort was to gratify and to make herself worthy of her
father; her devotion to him was really a species of idolatry.
With similar qualities of mind and heart, each one was proud
of the attainments of the other; a mutual confidence existed
between them; and for sympathy and happiness, one upon the
other ever depended. After the war, somewhat relieved of
anxiety by being again united with her sons, the nearest wish of
her heart was to erect a monument to her father, and being a
very ill woman, she felt that she could not die leaving it undone.
She consulted her faithful friend, Mr. Detmold, on the subject.
He was ready to take it up and get suDscriptions, which he said
he could easily do, so great was the interest of the moment in
Mr. Petigru. This she refused to allow. She was jealous of
doing it herself, and felt that her father would like best to be
honored by the work of his daughter's hands. She painted, and
when too iU to paint, she lay on her back knitting overshoes
frequently for twelve hours a day, and she said that the thought
of the work kept her aUve. After two years' continuous effort
she accumulated a sum sufficient for the monument.
For the epitaph she consulted Mr. Bancroft; he gave exceUent
advice — not to have it in Latin, which she thought would be
more scholarly, and he said, "Write what is in your own heart;
and I shaU put it in shape." She sent to him a rhythmical
inscription which was not preserved. Using this as a base, a
few days afterwards, with the accompanying note, Mr. Bancroft
sent an epitaph beautifully engrossed. 20th March, 1867.
Dear Mrs. Carson: , t • • i • •
I have endeavored an epitaph. It is not yet right: revise it;
criticise it; ask Detmold's opinion: and then let me make it
better. .^ .
Yours very truly,
Geo. Bancroft.

478 Life, Letters and Speeches

Here lies all that was mortal of
JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU
Born at Abbeville, S. C. May 10th, 1789. He died March
9th, 1863
Charleston was his home, the United States his country.
Self-poised in rectitude and undismayed by faction, (he stood
as an upright patriot in the presence of sedition) and could not
be bent by the fierceness of Civil War.
In his life, he was loving and beloved, true to duty and affec
tion, to charity and reason, high above envy, unselfish and
benevolent, serene in affliction, always cheerful and patient,
laborious and honoring labor.
As a lawyer, his favorite clients were the poor and the wronged
and he left not his equal in acuteness and learning.
This stone is raised to his memory by his daughter.
George Bancroft.

This did not please on account of the harsh tone of reproof of
secession. As Mr. Petigru during life had suffered from his
secession friends without recrimination, it was highly improper
to have him reproach them from the grave. Mrs. Carson dis
carded the Civil War phrase and substituted "he was honored
for his fidelity by those whom he withstood."

James Louis Petigru 479
Here lies all that was mortal of
JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU
Born at Abbeville, S. C. May 10th, 1789. He died March
9th, 1863
Charleston was his home, the United States his Country.
Self-poised in rectitude and undismayed by faction, a patriot
in the presence of sedition he was honored for his fideUty by
those whom he withstood.
In his life he was loving and beloved, true to duty, charity,
and reason, high above envy, genial and singleminded, unselfish,
serene in affliction, always cheerful and patient, laborious and
honoring labor.
As a lawyer he left not his equal in acuteness and learning
and was the chosen advocate of the poor and the wronged.
This stone is raised to his memory by his daughter,
Caroline Carson.
With two other minor changes Mrs. Carson sent her mem
orandum to Mr. Robert E. Winthrop of Boston, and his valuable
advice and opinions were shown by the following letters. From
him she adopted the words. Jurist, Orator, Patriot.
Boston, 27 February, 1867.
My dear Mrs. Carson:
Your kind note of the 18th reached me on my return home.
It would have given Mrs. Winthrop great pleasure to see you
during our recent visit to New York, and I need not say how
gladly I should have availed myself of any opportunity of meet
ing you either at New York or at Washington. You pay me a
great compliment in asking me to aid you in preparing an
inscription for your venerated father's monument. I should
be most proud to write one worthy of adoption. I fear, how
ever, that I should neither satisfy you nor myself.
My own taste for epitaphs is to have them short and simple —
James Louis Petigru, The accomplished Jurist, The briUiant
Orator, The incorruptible Patriot.
BornDied

480 Life, Letters and Speeches
Something of this sort would suit me better than any long
circumlocutions or descriptions. I will keep the matter in mind,
however, for a few weeks more, and if anything occurs to me
which I think you would like better, it will give me pleasure to
communicate it to you.
Meantime, believe me, with Mrs. W's and my own kind
regards. Very sincerely yours,
Robert E. Winthrop.
Boston, 16th May, 1867.
My dear Mrs. Carson:
If Chancellor Lesesne is still with you, be good enough to teU
him that his note has just reached me, and that I shaU be most
glad to see him in Massachusetts. His friend. Dr. Wharton, is
one of my own special friends and is my Pastor during the sum
mer season. We are at Brookline ourselves, and shall rely on
your Cousin's coming over to see us with Dr. Wharton. Amid
the crowd of engagements which have come upon me of late, I
have ne-ver acknowledged your last note. I will talk with the
Chancellor about the inscription on your honored father's monu
ment. I see no objection to your having engraved on the
tablet, beneath the tribute to his memory, something of this
sort, "A loving daughter sadly separated from him, during the
last years of his life, pays this tribute to his memory. "
I doubt a little the lines from Samson Agonistes. Nothing
could be more appropriate to him than the sentiment. They
are the lines which seem to indicate a recent death, a fresh grief
and which lose their appropriateness as the years roll on. Nor
do they speak to the common reader, as they do to one familiar
with Milton.
But epitaphs should be suited to the capacity of the passer
by. If you use the quotation, I would have it on the reverse of
the monument. The front inscription, should I think, be plain,
terse, comprehensive, giving the name and dates in clear large
type with a condensed summary of his great qualities. I would
avoid above aU things, whatever could be the subject of question
and whatever should suggest controversy.
My wife and I are going to Europe in June, not for a very
long absence, however. Pardon my hurried note and my long
neglect of yours, and believe me
With great respect and regard, very faithfully,
Robert E. Winthrop.
Then a very dear friend, the Reverend Dr. Orville Dewey, the
great Unitarian Divine, made the two following attempts.
They failed to satisfy as they did not seem to Mrs. Carson as
good as her own production.

James Louis Petigru 481
JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU
Born at AbbeviUe, S. C. May 10th, 1789.
Died at Charieston, March 9th, 1863.
Future times will not know how large a space he filled in his
day;
For his \\i^ was spent in acrion rather than in writing: his
name lived
In eloquent speech, in wit, in counsel.
In the respect of his people.
In the love of his family
But he stood second to none around him.
As Jurist, Lawyer, and Statesman,
As a briUiant Orator and Advocate.
As a fearless pleader for the wronged and poor
Let this stone commemorate him as a man;
His kindness and forbearance.
His dignity and simpUcity;
His soUd judgment and impassioned earnestness
His original power and untiring industry
Insensible to flattery,
Unawed by opinion,
Undismayed by disaster.
Cheerful to the end.
And dying calmly with the Christian's hope.
Charleston was his home, the Republic his Country.
In the Great Civil War
He stood for his Country, and against his people
Yet honor to him and to them
They preserved their affection for him.
And heaped their eulogies upon his grave
In common with the whole nation
This stone better suited to his modesty than to
his fame, is erected by his daughter Caroline Carson.
For the Pedestal.
Nothing is here for tears, nothing to wail.
Or knock the breast; no weakness, no contempt.
Dispraise or blame; nothing but well and fair.
And what may quiet us in a life so noble.
Dr. Orville Dewey.

482 Life, Letters and Speeches

JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU
Born at Abbeville, S. C. May 10th, 1789.
Died, March 9th, 1863.
Let this tablet commemorate him;
As Jurist, Lawyer and Statesman,
As briUiant Orator and Advocate,
As Pleader for the wronged and the poor.
Second to none around him;
Let this stone commemorate also a man
As a man, remarkable for
His kindness and forbearance
His dignity and simplicity.
His solid judgment, and impassioned earnestness.
His original power, and untiring industry;
Insensible to flattery,
Unawed by opinion.
Undismayed by disaster.
Cheerful to the end.
And dying calmly with the Christian hope.
Thus he lived and died.
And tho' he took part with his country
And against his people, in the Great Civil War,
Yet, honor to him and to them, they kept their regard
for him to the end, and heaped their
eulogies, in common with the whole country upon his grave.
Dr. Orville Dewey.

Neither did the effort of her friend, Mr. George L. Schuyler,
prove satisfactory:

James Louis Petigru 483

JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU
Born at AbbeviUe, S. C. May 10th, 1789.
Died at Charleston, March 9th, 1863.
In his life, he was genial, simpleminded and unselfish, cheerful
and patient in adversity, true to the claims of duty, loving much
and beloved by all.
As a lawyer distinguished for wit, acuteness, and learning —
(laborious himself and honoring labor in others) he was ever
the chosen advocate of the poor and oppressed.
As a patriot self-poised in rectitude and undismayed by
faction by his firm support of the Government of the United
States, even through Civil War. While preserving the respect
of those, whom he withstood, he earned and received a national
tribute of sympathy, gratitude and veneration.
This stone is raised to his memory by his daughter Caroline
Carson. George L. Schuyler.

She next enlisted the help of Mr. Joseph H. Dukes, of New
York, who had been a favorite law student in Mr. Petigru's
office. The inscription of Mr. Dukes did not reach the ideal
plane.

484 Life, Letters and Speeches
Here rests
JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU.
The profound Jurist
The eloquent Advocate
The enlightened Philanthropist
The fearless Patriot.
In him were happily blended those
qualities which chaUenge the love and admiration
of mankind
Of a social and genial temper
Of great physical moral and intellectual
courage — of rare wit and delicate humor
He combined a power of subtle analysis
with a broad and vigorous understanding
With sympathies of feminine tenderness and activity he
united an informed and discriminating sense of justice
In him the oppressed ever found
A resolute defender
The widow and fatherless
An unfailing support
A never failing friend
Loving much
His native State — he loved still more
The Union to which he looked
As the source of all past and
future national prosperity
During the asperity
of the Great American Civil War he retained
the respect and affection of his
fellow citizens from whom he
widely differed in opinion
Dying in their midst
Whilst that eventful struggle
Was pending no one passed away
More deeply lamented
By his death
The Union has lost one of its ablest
And most devoted champions
The State of South Carolina
one of its most cherished and gifted sons.
Joseph H. Dukes.

James Louis Petigru 485
The following inscription is that of Mrs. Carson which Mr.
Dukes with a slight addition, proposed should be used. The
objection to this inscription was that it seemed to her not to
hang together.

JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU.
Born at Abbeville, S. C. May 10th, 1789.
Died March 9th, 1863.
Charleston was his home, the Republic his country.
In a narrow sphere he discharged his duties
The nation recognizes his patriotism
His fellow citizens revere his memory.
Of a most original mind
Wit and learning sparkled in his discourse
Charity ruled every word and action.
Unbounded benevolence
Unexampled patience
Legal acuteness, childlike simpUcity
Reason always supreme
Passionate in the pursuit of good
Honouring labor
Of untiring industry
Great strength and courage
Surpassed by moral power.
Alike insensible to flattery and criticism
Relying unhesitatingly on his conscience.
Unsoured by misfortune, undismayed by faction
Unshaken in his love for Humanity.
Friend of the poor and unhappy
His presence ever brought joy.
This stone better suited to his modesty than
to his fame, is erected by his daughter Caroline Carson
Nothing is here for tears, nothing to wail.
Or knock the breast; no weakness, no contempt.
Dispraise or blame; nothing but well and fair
And what may quiet us in a \\k and death so noble.
Caroline Carson.

486 Life, Letters and Speeches
She then consulted with her friend Mr. Charles A. Dana. He,
recognizing the difficulties of reaching her ideal, suggested to
her that the most capable person to carry out her wishes was
that "wretch Hurlbut." She accordingly sent for him. It
was singular that the name Hurlbut, father and son, should be
associated with the opening and closing events of the career of
Mr. Petigru.
Hurlbut immediately came and laughingly said, "So Dana
can not help you and caUs me a wretch. My friend Dana
suffers from a lack of originality."
He immediately, with the greatest enthusiasm, threw him
self into the work. In the afternoon he carried off the papers;
before nine o'clock the next morning he sent the draft of the
inscription finally adopted.
Hurlbut did not stop at this. He found Burr & Fisher, a re
liable firm of marble workers, of East Houston Street, who for
a reasonable sum contracted to do the work. He selected a
piece of the best ItaUan marble; he was also careful to procure
the best letter-cutter to be found; he superintended and in
spected the work until it was completed. The production of
this epitaph and monument is probably the most earnest work
that this effervescent genius ever accomplished.
On the 24th of May, 1891, referring to Mr. Pope's eulogy of
Mr. Petigru, Mrs. Carson writes:
It is really beautiful; the best thing yet, but I was awfuUy cut
up when he said that Mr. Petigru lay under a monument raised
by "strangers' hands," which when the mistake was pointed
out, he made the scanty amends by the substitution of filial
love. I wrote him that "strangers' hands" had dealt me a
dreadful blow. The inscription is a collaboration of Hurlbut
and myself and is acknowledged to be the most perfect of
epitaphs. I consider the monument is the most creditable
thing I have achieved.
The monuftient with the following inscription is over the grave
of Mr. Petigru in St. Michael's churchyard in Charleston:

James Louis Petigru 487
JAMES LOUIS PETIGRU
Born at
AbbeviUe May 10th 1789
Died at Charleston March 9th 1863
Jurist. Orator. Statesman. Patriot.
Future times will hardly know how great a life
This simple stone commemorates —
The tradition of his Eloquence, his
Wisdom and his Wit may fade:
But he lived for ends more durable than fame.
His Eloquence was the protection of the poor and wronged;
His Learning illuminated the principles of Law —
In the admiration of his Peers,
In the respect of his People,
In the affection of his Family,
His was the highest place;
The just meed
Of his kindness and forbearance
His dignity and simplicity
His brilliant genius and his unwearied industry
Unawed by Opinion,
Unseduced by Flattery,
Undismayed by Disaster,
He confronted Life with antique Courage
And Death with Christian Hope.

In the great Civil War
He withstood his People for his Country
But his People did homage to the Man
Who held his conscience higher than their praise
And his Country
Heaped her honors on the grave of the Patriot,
To whom living.
His own righteous self-respect sufficed
AUke for Motive and Reward.

"Nothing is here for tears, nothing to wail.
Or knock the breast; no weakness, no contempt,
Dispraise or blame; nothing but weU and fair
And what may quiet us in a life so noble."
This stone is erected by his daughter, Caroline Carson.

488 Life, Letters and Speeches
In the Protestant cemetery at Rome where the sunset gilds
the graceful cypresses and, on Monte Testacio, is seen the cross
standing out against the sky as an omen, there, surrounded by
the graves of many very dear friends, is a simple stone thus
inscribed:

CAROLINE CARSON
Born at Charleston
South Carolina
January 4 1820
Died at Rome
August 15 1892
Daughter of
James Louis Petigru
The Union Man
of
South Carolina
Resurgam

Finis

INDEX

Adams, General, 284
Aiken, Henrietta, 435
Alfred, Charles, 123
Allston, Aaron Burr, 47
Adele, engagement of, 443
Ben, 120, 464
Charley, 469
Governor Joseph, 47, 417
Joseph Blythe, 102, 293, 341, 463
Mrs. Joseph Blythe, 475
Joseph W., 66, 120
Governor R. F. W., 120, 182, 319,
373
Rebecca Mott, 205
Robert, 222
Ames, Governor, 68
Ancrum, Louisa, 216
Anderson, Major, 371
Archer, Mr., 321
Ashburton, Lord, 221
Ashby, 244
Astor, John Jacob, 210
Atheist party, 129
Auckland, Lord, 342
Bacot, Mr., 163
Bailey, Attorney-General, 62, 70
Baker, Rev. Mr., 85, 300
Baldwin, 167
Ball, Elias Nonus, 433
Bancroft, George, epitaph by, 477
Bank of Charleston, letter to, 217
Bank, South Western Railroad, 212
Barns, 55
Barnwell, Joseph W., 49
Mary, 84
Robert Woodman, 106
Baron, Alexander, 266
Barquet, Barbara, 241, 242
Bay, Judge, 182
Bee, Bernard, 274
Thomas, 268
Beechy, Sir William, 178
Beauregard, General, 376, 379
Bellinger, 319
Belot, Mme, 12
Benjamin, Judah f., J»»
Berrien, Judge, 257, 261, 262
Besselleu, P. L, 50 51
Bienaime, Elizabeth, 11

Binsse, Madame, 206
Birtwhistle, Sally, 59
Black, Senator Jo., 284
Blacklock, John F., 208
Blanding, William, 138, 257
Blatchford, Mr. and Mrs., 433
Blount, Mary Pettigrew, 291, 417, 447
Blue Ridge Railroad, defense of Peti
gru in suits against, 340
Blyth, Jo., 446
Bonaparte, Jerome, 244
Boone, Governor Thomas, 8
Bishop of China, 194
Bouchillon, Joseph, 11, 12
Boutiton, Isabeau [Jeanne], 9, 10
Jeanne [Isabeau), 9, 10
Rev. Pierre, 7, 9, 377
Bowie, Alexander, 29, 458
George, 35
Bowman, Mr., 49
Captain, 243
Mary, 44
Boyce, Ker, 82
Bragg, General, 471
Brailsford, Samuel, 266
Branford, Merton, 266
Breckenridge, Mr., 356
Brevoort, Henry, 210
Brisbane, Robert, 96, 266
Britt, Mr., 188, 190
Broad, George, case of illegitimate
children, 349
Brown, A. R, 91
Bryan, Mr., 282
Buchanan, President, comment on
message, 363, 367
Buell, General, 442
"Buffaloes," 461
Bunch, Robert, British Consul, 341,
386
Bull, William, 8, 47
Bunell, 158
Burr, Theodosia, 47
Burrows, Williams, 266
Burt, Mr., 169, 274, 277
Butler, Captain, 46
Colonel, 257
George, 309
Mrs. John, 410
Judge, 277, 300
Bythewood, Captain, 91 (489)

490

Index

CabeU, Miss, 251,252
Mrs., 246
William H., 246, 251, 252
Calder, Mrs., 48, 49
Caldwell, Mr., 250, 251
Mrs., 247
Calhoun, John A., 316
John C, 2, 53, 79, 80, 107, 187, 191
193, 216, 222, 239, 243, 265, 274,
294
Mrs. Martha, 274
Patrick, 2
California gold speculation, 275
Calvary Church riot, 280
Campbell, Dr., 72, 435
Frank, marriage to Ellen King, 464
Carr, Mr., 187
Carson, Caroline (Petigru), 28, 42, 67
68, 207, 243, 247, 248, 249, 250
251, 275, 276, 277, 283, 284, 297,
382,471,477,485,488
Letters to, 28, 386, 387, 390, 392,
415, 418, 423, 424, 426, 429, 430,
432, 434, 437, 442, 458, 463, 466,
468
James, 208, 209, 458
James Petigru, 42, 245, 248, 249,
250, 251, 360
Letters to, 412, 469
Laura, 210
Governor William Augustus, mar
riage of, to Caroline Petigru, 207
William A., antecedents of, 208
William, son of William A., letters
to, 370, 380, 420
Carson plantation, description of, 211
Casey, Pholoclea, 202
Cass, Lewis, campaign for presidency,
265, 275
Charleston Library Society, first cen
tennial, 266
Chesnut, James, 167, 287
Chevalier, Mr., 156
Cheves, Langdon, "Occasional Re
views," 96
Chisholm, John, 253
Miss, 41, 42
Choctaw country, visit to, 192
Choiseul, Count de, 447
City Gazette, 78
Clark, James, State vs., 70
Clay, Henry, 245, 246, 252, 293, 363
Ball in honor of, 238
Clayton, J. S., 105
Clinch, General, 259, 261
Coat-of-arms, Petigru, 179
Cobb, T. R. R., 338, 463
Cochran, George, 1 .
Mary, wife of James Pettigrew III,
1

Code of South CaroUna, 358, 424
Coffin, Tom, 433
Cogsdell, 437
Cohen, Philip, 117
Collier, Cornelius, 26, 33
Edward, 33
James, 33
Wyatt, 33
Collier, 187, 275
Colquit, Judge, 262
Commander, Colonel, 298
Compromise of 1850, 280
Conner, 253, 319
Constitution of the U. S., foreseen de
fect in, 371
Cooper, John, 266
Thomas, 86, 174
Corbin, modification of code by, 359
Corrie, Capt., 466
Coster, 254
Court of Appeals, bill to abolish, 179
Covin, colonist, 12
Crawford, Governor, 262
Secretary, 276
Mrs., 255
Crenshaw, Judge Anderson, 306
Croom, Hardy Bryan, 321
Cross, Colonel, death of, 186
Crottet, M. A., letters to, 376, 381
Cruger, Lieutenant Colonel, 4
Henry, 140
Lewis, 154
Miss, 206
Cunningham, Ann Pamela, 361, 401
Colonel John, 208, 265, 315, 319,
320
Colonel Richard, 81
Cuthbert, George B., 300
Cutting, Brockholst, 379
Cuyler, Mr., 296
Daddy Lunnon, 353
Daddy Tom, epitaph on, 352
Dana, Charles A., epitaph by, 486
Dangerfield, John R., 349
Daniel vs. Meekin, case of, 131
Datie, Mile., 58, 210
Davis, George, 300, 306
Jefferson, 368, 376, 387, 416, 440,
465
Nathan, 228
Dawson, 262
Day, F., 261
Mrs., 261
Dela Howe School, 423
Dent, James T., 47
De Saussure, Dr., 300, 301
Judge Henry A., 102, 182, 193, 278
John, 446
Detmold, Mr., 433

James Louis Petigru

491

De Treville resolution, forbidding en
trance of free negroes into South
Carolina, 240
Deveaux, J. P., letter to, 348
Dewey, Rev. Dr. Orville, epitaph by,
481 y y V y,
Dewitt, Charles, 308
Dickson, Dr., 163, 437
Didier, G., letters to, 465, 467
Disunionists in the Legislature, 286
Dorn, Mr., 313
Douglass, 356
Douxsaint, Paul, 266
Drayton, William, 62, 67, 78, 79, 159,
206
William, letters to, 130, 140, 153,
157, 164
Dred Scott decision, 356
Dukes, Joseph H., 100, 348, 484
Dunkin, Benjamin Faneuil, 64, 79,
141,368,444
Dunnovant, General, 283, 374
DuPont, 309
Mrs., 244
Dursee, 158
Earle, 113
Edwards, John, death of, 453
Elliott, Charles, 215
Ernie, 444
Harriette, 317
Rev. James H., 472
Ralph, 444
Stephen, 268
T.O., 138
William, 84
Senator William, 84, 469
Letters to, 83, 85, 89, 90, 96, 97,
98, 105, 122, 206, 300, 301, 317,
351,444
Elmore, Franklin, 138, 259, 280
"Enforcement Act," nullification of,
116
Engevine, Pierre, 14, 15, 18
England, Bishop, funeral of, 214, 215
Epitaph on Petigru, 487
Estill, 96
Eulogies of Mr. Petigru, 475
Evans, Campbell, 466
Thomas, 113, 281
Everett, Edward, 325, 326
Letters to, 325, 355, 359, 366
Letter to Petigru, 337
Faulkner, Mr., 367
Felix, servant, 24
Fillmore, President 281, 282 288
Appointment of Petigru, 282-283
Finley, Jeanne Gibert, 18
Louis, 16

P., 137
Thomas, 14, 15, 16, 35
Fire Eaters, 79
Fire in Charleston, 197, 418
Firearms law, 360
"Force Bill," passage of, 116
Forrest, Mr., 452
Forsyth, Mr., 176
Fort Moultrie, oration at, June 28,
1844, 228
Fort Sumter, anticipated attack on,
367, 371
Fall of, 378
Franklin, Benjamin, 1
Free Trade States' Rights Party, lead
ers of, 79
Frierson, James, 208
Jane, 208
Fripp, John, 99
Frost, Dr., 72
Judge, 339
Fuller, Rev. Richard, 83, 215, 414
Gabriel, 12
Gadsden, General, 257
Gaillard, Henry, 2
Gantt, Tom, 104
Gibbes, Louis Ladson, 26, 61, 70
Sarah, 61, 72
Gibert, Albert, 8
Clement, 12
Elie, 12
Elizabeth, 12
Etienne, 5, 6, 12, 13
Harriet, 12
Rev. Jean Louis, 1, 5-13, 26, 377
Jeanne, 14, 15, 16
Dr. John Joseph, 9, 14, 17, 28, 33,
351
Joseph Bienaim^, 12
Louise, 9, 14, 15
Lucie, 12
Marie, 12
Pierre, 5
Susane, 12
Gilchrist, 138
Gill, 309
Gillison, William, 257
Oilman, Dr. Samuel, 325
Gilmer, Lewis, 29, 458
Governor George R., 199, 246
Mrs., 244
Giyou, Acelie, 204
Gonzales, Colonel A. E., 317
General, 444
William E., 84, 317
Gould, Mr., 409
Gourdin, Mr., 241
Lewis, 450
Peter, 464

492

Index

Graham, Hon. W. A., 288, 290
Grayson, Colonel, 293
Letters to, 25
Gregg, 309
Green, Duff, 121
Greer, Mr., 452
Grimk6, Thomas S., 62, 87, 162
Mrs., 60
Grindlay, James, 266
Guerard, Mr., 296
Guilfoyle, 23, 25, 243
Guillebeaux, colonist, 12
Guillou, 452
Guy, Louise, 5
Gwinne, Major, 366
Habersham, Mrs., 210
Hackley, C. W., 178
Hales, Sir Edward, 137
Hamilton, Alexander, 67
Captain, 258, 284
Elizabeth Lynch, 88
Family, 242
General, death of, 221
Hannah, note on, 88
General James, 62, 63, 67, 75, 78,
80, 102, 115, 192, 193, 218, 241,
263, 284
Hamlet, negro preacher, 276
Hammond, Mr., 222, 286
Hampton, Colonel, death of, 325
Frank, 49
Kate, 228
Hapholdt, gunmaker, 65
Harleston, widow of John, 62
Harper, Judge William, 29, 77, 241,
259, 309
Harris, Mr., 254
Harvey, servant, 26
Haskell, Miss, 213
C. T., 213
Haughton, Colonel, 68
Hayne, Arthur, 166
Colonel, sequestration act argument,
409
Death of, 205
Robert Y., 46, 62, 63, 68, 79, 205,
409 Proclamation by, 107, HI
Haynes, Mrs., 253
Henry, James Edward, 110
Herbemont, Mrs., 210
Herschell, Mrs., 261
Hetward, William C, 446
Heyward, Mrs., 40
William ("Tiger Bill"), 300, 301,
435, 468
Higham, T., 221
Hoar, Sherman, 240
Holbrook, Mrs., 413, 424

Holmes, General, 434
Isaac, 127, 213
Rutledge, 117
Theopolus, 178
Homes, Mr., 282
Howe, Jean de la, 343
Howland, 253
Huger, Alfred, 77, 105, 123, 155, 163,
409, 464
Letter to Petigru, 400
Letters to, 292, 341, 356
Tribute to Petigru, 473
Arthur, 468
Ben, 123
Daniel Elliott, 40, 52, 59, 79, 219,
224, 248, 376
John, death of, 242
Huguenin, Captain, 46
HuguenotSj inquiry concerning, 377
Hunt, Benjamin Faneuil, 63, 79, 173
Case of McCrady vs., 131
Hurlbut, George, 38
M. L., 38
Gen. Stephen Augustus, 38, 214
Emissary of Lincoln, 374
William Henry, arrest of, 388, 389
Efforts in behalf of, 392
Epitaph by, 486
Release on parole, 394
Huston, Mr., 59
Hutchinson, Mr., 248
Hutson, William, 54
Hutson, 300, 301
Ingraham, George, 368
Mr. and Mrs., 250
Irving, Jack, 112
Izard, J. Allen (Smith), 178, 434
Izard, Rosa, 468
Jack, Gullah, 63
Jackson, Captain John, 59
Jinsey, 59
Jake, servant, 26
Johnson, Governor David, 110, 257,
295
Dick, 175
Judge, 156, 158, 164
Reverdy, letter to, April 16, 1861,
379
Johnston, Joseph E., Second Lieuten
ant, HI
Senator, 337
Jones, Mrs. Lewis, 428
Senator James, 315
Joyner, Mr., 85
Keitt, 315
Kendall, Amos, 296
Kenon, Judge, 254, 255

James Louis Petigru

493

Kershaw, 208
Kimhardt, Mr., 282
King, Adele, 245, 249, 251, 252, 256,
258,259,261
Alexander C, 298
Caroline, 278
Ellen, 464
Henry C, 62, 226, 259, 278,283,412,
415,452
J. Gadsden, 298
Louise, 278
McMillan, 469, 471, 472
Mitchell, 226
Susan Petigru, letters to, 213, 215,
222, 226, 244, 245, 246, 248, 250,
252, 254, 257, 259, 260, 273, 274,
277, 279, 283, 297, 313, 317, 318,
321, 323, 339, 346, 361, 372, 389,
392, 394, 435, 443, 445, 450, 457,
467
Kinloch, Martha, 201, 243
Kohne, Mr., 296
Mrs., 240, 296, 298
La Bruce, Miss, 182
Ladson, James H., 61
Lamon, Ward, emissary of Lincoln,
374
Lancaster, 170
Laurens, E. R., 82
Law, Judge, 321
Lee, Judge, 168
General, 178, 413, 416, 430
Legarg, Hugh S., 79
Elected to Legislature, Attorney-
General, 81
Mentioned, 10, 29, 77, 190, 216, 226
Letters to, 53, 102, 111, 116, 120,
123, 127, 137, 154, 158, 162, 166,
167, 173, 180, 181, 183, 184, 193,
197,199,200
Leigh, Benjamin Watkins, 115
Le Roy, colonist, 12
LeSeigneur, Dr., 258
Lesesne, Henry D., 68, 215, 279, 283,
285, 409
Marriage to Harriette Petigru, 182
Executor of will of Petigru, 471
Tom, 182
Liberia, transportation of negroes to,
350
Lincoln, General, 3
President, 356, 363, 370, 415
Logan, William, 266
Longstreet, Judge A. B., 29, 65
Lowden, Mr. and Mrs., 248
Lowndes, James, 68, 446, 463
William, 401
Rawlins, 401, 468
Lull, E. P., 288

Lyell, Sir Charles, 211
Lynch, Thos., Jr., 62
Lyons, Mr., 394
Magrath, Judge Andrew Gordon, 82,
401, 451
Edward, 319
Manigault, Captain, 258
Manning, Governor John L., 300, 379,
418
Richard I., 110
Marcus, servant, 26
Marshall, Chief Justice, 160
Eulogy on, 172
Martin, 113
Ben, 285
Captain, 120
Edmund, 166
General, 351
William D., 52-53, 77
William E., 476
Manning^ Governor, 418
Mason and Slidell, 393, 414, 426
Massachusetts Historical Society, Pet
igru honorary member of, 369
Massey, Mr., 248
Mathewson, Fanny, 339
Maury, Lieutenant Matthew Fontaine,
316
Maxey, Jonathan, 305
Maxey, Rev. Jonathan, 33
Mayrant, William, 168
McAlister, Mr., 257
McCauley, Alexander, 266
McClellan, General, defeat of, 455
McCord, David, 165, 168
McCrady, Edward, 281, 410
McCrady vs. B. F. Hunt, 131
McDufiie, George, 29, 79, 187, 193,
243
Mary, 244, 245, 247
McFarland, Allen, 321
McGowan, General, 471
McKie, Patrick, 266
McLain, W., letter to, 350
McLean, Jack, 190
Meigs, Dr., 296
Memminger, C. G., 79, 285, 313
Memphis & Charleston Railroad, 323
Mercer, General, 246
"Merrimack" and "Erickson" 437
Middleton, Arthur, 242
Henry, 79, 87, 110
Jack, 416
John Izard, Jr., 411
Thomas, 266
Miles, 68
Richardson, Sequestration Act argu
ment, 409
William Porcher, 379

494

Index

Military Bill, 130
Miller, 309
Milliken, Adam, 466
Mills, Clarke, 243
Missouri Compromise, 280
Mitchell, Boone, 41, 62
Nelson, 341, 409, 437
O. M., 178
Mixon, J. B., printer, 266
Monument of Petigru, 486
Moragne, colonist, 12
Morris, Mr., 73
Morse, Samuel F. B., 296
Morton, Mr., 356
Mosely, Mr., 260
Moses, Colonel, 446
Mount Vernon Association, client of
Petigru, 361, 401
Murphy, 138, 309
Myers, Colonel, Collector at Savan
nah, 226
Negroes, free, 180
Nelson, Amarinthia, 208
Samuel E., 208
Nesbit, Sir Alexander, 210
Neu, case of Daniel, 56
NeufviUe, Mr., 41
Mrs., 216, 247
John, Jr., 266
Neyle, Elizabeth, 209
Philip, 209
Samson, 209
Noble, Mr., 187
North, Dr., 51, 60, 72, 76, 225, 244
Mrs. Edward, 60
Henry, 164
James, 364, 365, 370
Jane Petigru, 20, 21, 195, 245, 274
Letters to,21,22,24,25,26,72,75,
87, 180, 183, 185, 186, 187, 188,
189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196,
199, 202, 203, 205, 216, 218, 221,
224, 225, 226, 238, 239, 241, 242,
243, 251, 256, 259, 261, 263, 264,
265, 275, 276, 277, 284, 287, 288,
290, 291, 292, 293, 295, 298, 299,
313, 314, 315, 323, 325, 337, 338,
345, 350, 357, 360, 361, 362, 363,
365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 373,
374, 378, 382, 390, 393, 409, 410,
411, 413, 414, 415, 421, 422, 426,
431, 433, 434, 437, 438, 439, 440,
441, 449, 450, 452, 453, 455, 456,
460,461,462,470
John Gough, 75
Death of, 182
Letter to, 179
Louise G., purchase of plantation,
by, 475

Mary, 277
Susy, 438
Nott, 174
Nullifiers, clash with Union party, 101
Attack on quarters of Union Party,
162
Compromise with, 167
and Whigs, pacification between,
157
Oelrich, Mrs., 416
Ogelby, British Consul, 242
O'Neale, Judge J. B., 81, 82, 158, 188,
317
Orr, 315
"Ossawichee Co.," 192, 218
Palmer, Dr. Benjamin Morgan, 239
Hiram, 56
Rev. John Morgan, 38
Paris, Colonel Richard, Tory com
mander, 4
Park, Mr., 174
Parker, Mr., 426
Pelot, Charles, 275
Tom, 365
Pemberton, General, 444
Pepper, Mrs., 202
Perant, 200
Perkins, George, captain ofthe Friend
ship, 1
Perry, B. F., 285
Petigru, spelling of the name, 35
Coat-of-arms, 179
Adele, 75
Albert Porcher, 60, 72
Jane Caroline, schooling of, 60, 206
{See Carson.)
Charles, 74, 178, 247, 431
Daniel Elliott Huger, 60, 236, 248,
258,259,281
Harriette, 75, 182, 292
Jack, 74
James Louis, genealogy, birth and
early years, 1-16, 18
Candidate of Union States' Rights
Party for Senator, 79
Resigns as Attorney-General, 81
Candidate for State Senator, 81
Elected to House of Representa
tives, 82
Death of father, 188
Silver goblet presented to, 214
Speech in honor of Preston, 237
Oration before Charleston Library
Society, 266
Speech for General Taylor, 274, 275
Checks Calvary Church riot, 280
Speech at meeting for Christianiz
ing the negroes, 281

James Louis Petigru

495

U. S. District Attorney, 280, 281
Letter to Fillmore, 282
Call on Fillmore, 288
Speech in the case of Mrs. W. 
291
Speech at 50th anniversary of South
Carolina College, 299
South Carolina College semi-cen
tennial oration, 302-312
President of S. C. Historical Society.
318
Oration at Erskine College, 318
Prevents a duel, 298, 319
Croom-Sappington will case, 321
Oration at 3d anniversary of S. C.
Historical Society, 326
Death of, 472, 473
Will of, 474
James Louis, Jr., death of, 295
Jane Amelia (Postell), 75
Letter to, 249
Jane Caroline, marriage to J. G.
North, 75 {See North.)
Louise, 75
Marriage to Philip Johnston Por
cher, 182
Louise (Gibert), mother of James
Louis Petigru, death of, 74
Margaret, letter to, 178
Mary, death of. 475
Mary Anne, letter to, 322
Mathew, 177
Susan DuPont, 60-61, 68, 204
Marriage to Henry C. King, 226
Capt. Thomas, 74, 241, 242, 277,
314 316 322
Letters to, 191, 222, 239,253,257,
258
William, letter to, October 23, 1835,
176
Pettigrew, family genealogy, 1-4
Charles, 2
Ebenezer, 2
James, III, 1, 3
James Johnston, 22, 67, 276, 277,
286, 300, 313, 317, 319, 383, 449,
456, 457
Statement in defense of Petigru,
383
Executor of Petigru's will, 471
Letters to, 376, 384, 436, 458
Joseph Samuel, 343
Mary, 417
Robert, 177
Thomas Joseph, 177
William, 2, 4, 15, 17, 18
Rev. William, 450
Phillips, 168 r. , ,
Pickens, Colonel, surrender to Colonel
Paris, 3-4

Governor, 191, 367, 368, 379, 394,
448,449
Pierce, Franklin, 175, 292
Pinckney, Charles, 80
Charles Cotesworth, 80
Frances, 80, 205
Henry Laurens, 79, 80, 181
Maria H., 118,413
Thomas, 208
Poinsett, Joel R., 78, 79, 137, 159, 188
Letter to, Dec. 15, 1830, 82
Mrs., 191
Polk, James K., 259, 261, 277
Pope, Hon. Joseph D., 49, 65
Porcher, Charley, 417
F. A., 318
Dr. Francis Y., 60, 72, 320, 363
Mrs. Harriet, 263, 275
Louise (Petigru), 77, 424, 464
Paul, 59
Peter, 59
Philip, letter to, 288
Philip Johnston, 77, 182, 464
Postell, Col. James, 58, 59
Jane Amelia, 58, 210
Letter to, 42
John, 226
Postelle, Clifford, marriage to J. Gads
den King, 298
William Ross, 388
Prendergrass, 158
Prentiss, Miss, 64
Preston, William C, 79, 166, 236, 241
President of South Carolina College,
283,285
Price, Eli K., 296
Pringle, Mrs. Bull, 244
James Reid, 52, 60, 77, 79, 80, 159
Prioleau, Charles Kuhn, 88, 220
Charies K., letter to Perigru, 220
Judge Samuel, 88
Ramsey, 30
Captain, 178
Dr., 72
Randolph, John, 210, 2'93
Raoul, Miss, 187
Ravenel, Dr. Edmund, 222
J. Prioleau, 296
William, 296
Ravina, Signor, 216
Read, J. Harieston, Jr., 298
J. Harieston, 299
Ready, Richard, 25
Rearden, Captain, 70
Reid, 202
Revival party, 129
Rhett, A. Burnet, 435
Barnwell, 191, 213, 286, 318
Grimke, 464

496

Index

James, 213
R. B., Jr., 383
Robert, 464
Richardson, Governor John Peter, 156,
168
Letter to Mr. Petigru, 208
James E., 208, 222
Robertson, Alexander, 208
Mary, 413
Susan, 206
William, 37, 46
Robinson, 158
Ross, William, 277, 469
Russell, John, 302
William H., 379
Rutledge, Miss E. L., letter to, 424
Major, 192
Miss Sallie, letter to, January 20,
1862, 430
Sacheverel, Thomas, 266
Salvadore, 2
Sampson, 248
Sanford, 254
Sappington, 321
Sass, 417, 435
Savannah Valley Railroad, 316
Schmidt, Dr., 123
Schuyler, George L., letter to Caroline
Petigru Carson, 426, 427
Epitaph by, 483
Scott, Winfield, 46, 110, 160, 288,
292, 386, 387, 390
Screven, Richard, 178
Whitmarsh Benjamin, Governor,
1848, 240, 275
Seabrook, Henry, 411, 415, 416
Secession Ordnance, 364
Secessionists, 288
Secessionville, fight at, 452
Selfridge, T. O., 288
Seminole War, 181
Sequestration Act, argument of Peti
gru, 395-109
Seward, W. H., 426, 465
Shannon, 243
Sherman, General William T., 416, 419
Letter to William Carson, 420
Letter to Mrs. William Carson, 420
Simon.s, 62, 339
Simonton, Charles H., 348
Revision of code by, 359
Sims, William Gilmore, 78
Sinclair, John, 266
Singleton, 249, 292
Mr. and Mrs., 245
Mrs. Matt., 244
Sitgreaves, 258
Skinner, Mrs., 251

Slavery question, 280-283
Views of Petigru, 347
Smalley case, 350
Smith, Albert, 179
Barnwell Rhett, 84, 104, 181
Benjamin, 202, 273
"Grassy," 49
James, 88, 138
General Kirby, 441, 470
Mrs. Middleton, 239
Oliver, 221
Thomas Rhett, 84
Snowden, Charles, 208
Prof. Yates, 102
South Carolina College, 283
Historical Society, 318, 326
Railroad Bridge case, 346
South Western Railroad Bank, 212
Southern Confederacv, 122, 368, 372
Spratt, 315
Stapleton, Colonel, 181
Starke, Thomas, 187
States' Rights doctrine, 78
Stecker, Archbishop of Canterbury, 7
Stevens, Charles, 308
Stevenson, Andrew, 245
Mr., 247, 249
Charles, 266
Stewart, servant, 245
St. Mary's College, Maryland, 197
Stoney, John, 189
Samuel G., 189
Story, Judge, 250
St. Pierre, Louis Dumesnil de, 343
Street, Henry and George, 253
Stewart, John A., 119,224
Submissionists, 79
Sweet, Rev. Dr., 37
Taber, W. R., Jr., 319
Tait, General, 48-49
Tallmadge, 216
Talvan, Madame, 58
Tanev, 164
Taylor, Josiah, 221
Thoma!!, 110
Zachary, 265, 274, 288 ,
Democratic clubs, 265
Test Oath, 130, 140
Texan Boundary Bill, 284
Texas, disunion sentiment in, 193
Thomas, 12
Mrs. 210, 261
Thompson, Waddy, 138
Thornwell, Dr., 300
Timothy, 242
Mrs., 241
Peter, 266
Tinsley, Mr., 261

James Louis Petigru

497

Titus, servant, 26
Tognio, Madame, 413
Tongo, Dr. John, 204
Toombs, Robert, 339
Touloon, Charles, 19
Trapier, James, 178
Paul, 226, 249
Treggiano, Princess, 421
Treville, 351
Trewit, Squire, 56
Trezevant, John Farquhar, 46, 50
Margaret, 202
Peter, 50, 178, 202, 224, 260, 262,
263
Tucker, Starling, 110
Tupper, Miss, 370
Mr., 313
Turner, Mr., 247
Tyler, Captain John, 245
President, 206
Union and States' Rights convention,
91-96,107-110
Union and States' Rights Party, 78
Unionists, 79
Van Buren, Martin, 160, 175
Mrs. Abraham, 401, 446, 468
Vanderhorst, Arnoldus, 443
Verdier, James R., 99
John Mark, 46
Mrs., 348
Vesey, Denmark, 63
Waddell, Dr. Moses, 11, 28, 32, 59,
458
Ward Sam 379
Wardiaw, Judge, 196, 274, 275, 287,
313,318
Mrs., 195
Ware, Nathaniel Alcock, 307

Waring, Dr., 309
Washington Society, 142
Watts, B. T., 247
Wayne, Judge, 159, 165, 171
Webb, gardener, 69
Miss, 348
Susan, 73
Webster, Daniel, 221, 281, 288, 292,
293 337
Welton.Major, 20, 337
Whaley, William, 282, 416
Sequestration Act argument, 409
Whig Convenrion, 292
Party, 157, 201, 281
White, Blake, 87
E. B., 67, 72
Whitner, Judge, 291, 292
Wickham, Mrs., 246, 247
Will of Petigru, 474
Williams, George, 426
Thomas, 138, 168, 173
Willington, 422
Wilson, Lide, 173
Wingate, 426
Winthrop, R. C, 369, 479
Wirt, 356
Withers, Judge, 444
Witherspoon, 426
Woodruff, 410
Wragg, Joseph, Jr., 266
Samuel, 266
Wyatt, Elizabeth, 33
Yancey, 356
Yates, Elizabeth A., 63
J. D., 63
Jerry, 138
Yeadon, Richard, 79, 100, 325, 326,
462
Youman, Leroy F., 462
Young, Henry E., 411, 416

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