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FROM THE FVND IN MEMORy OF
FRANKLIN BOWDITCH DEXTER
SECRETARY- UBRARJAN-HiSTORIAN OF YALE

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HENRY CLAY

THE GREAT COMPROMISER

A BRIEF ESTIMATE OF HIS PLACE IN AMERICAN
HISTORY

BY

HOWARD W. CALDWELL, A.M., Ph.B.
Author of •"Higher Education in Nebraska." "American History. 1815-1861," "Metho"
of Teaching History," "American History Studies." eic.

WITH ANECDOTES, CHARACTERISTICS AND
CHRONOLOGY

PUBLISHED BY THE
H. G. CAMPBELL PUBLISHING CO.
MILWAUKEE, WIS.

Copyright 1899.
By The University Association.

%Q

IF we would know a man we must study his hereditary
characteristics and his environment. It is of special
moment that the latter should be known during the early
years when the mind and the disposition as well, are
plastic and in a formative condition. Race qualities are
more permanent and important than those variations in
them which come from the family. To know that a
man belongs to the English race, rather than to the
Spanish, for example, is vastly more important than to
know that he belongs to the Adams family, instead of to
the Lee.
This fact aids us in our study of Clay. We know lit
tle of his remote, and scarcely more of his immediate an
cestry. However, we do know that he belonged to the
English race, and that his ancestry were English, even if
the attempt to connect them with royal blood has little
or no foundation. He and his family belong to the greatf
"common people." He needs, no more than Lincoln]
does, the adventitious aid of "blood" to give him agreat
place in American history.
His father was Rev. John Clay, a Baptist clergyman;
his mother a Miss Hudson, before marriage. Both were
Virginians by birth, and both of English ancestry.
5

6 HENRY CLAY.
Clay's father died when Henry was only four years old,
leaving him the seventh and youngest living child of
a family of eight. Tradition rather than history tells
us that Rev. John Clay was an earnest, able man with
good power as a public speaker. He left a small
poor farm to his widow and seven children. With the help
of her children Mrs. Clay was able to make a living for
herself and them. Yet the fact that we hear of Henry
Clay, as a barefoot boy, plowing, and carrying the grain
to the grist-mill on horse-back, proves that labor and
poverty were both present, and at work fitting "The
Mill-boy of the Slashes" for his future career. We know
almost nothing of Henry Clay till he was fourteen years
of age. But we may presume he spent his time much as
other farmer boys did and do, going to school when he
could, and aiding in the farm work more and more as
the years passed. Perhaps there are a million American
boys to-day whose lives are not essentially different from
his, except as the inventions of the last century have pro
duced changes.
While, as a boy, and later as a man, he was in the
midst of slaver}', he never outgrew the fact that to him
labor was honorable, for it was an every day fact of his
early life. Also, as we shall see, he never forgot his
love of rural occupations.
Henry Clay was born April 12, 1777, near Richmond,
Virginia. It should be noticed that Independence had
been declared only a year before. His earliest impress
ions, therefore, as a little six year old boy when Peace
came, were received in the midst of war. How tenacious

HENRY CLAY. 7
these first impressions are, we all know. Once at least
he may have seen the British soldiers, as they, in 1781,
made their raid through Virginia. His great rival, Web
ster, was five years his junior, but even he was* born dur
ing the contest for Independence. Thus these two great
nationalists came into being in a Revolutionary era, and

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may have imbibed some of their love for the Union from
the atmosphere into which they were born.
Clay's formal education was limited to perhaps three
years, under Peter Deacon, an Englishman, who was the
teacher of the district of the "Slashes" where the Clays
lived. The main characteristic of Peter which has come
down to us is connected with his excessive drinking.
Tradition says he was a good teacher; Clay says however
that he learned to read, to write, and to cipher as. "far as
Practice," in an indifferent manner. Like, perhaps,
8 HENRY CLAY.
most boys who have reached any eminence in later years,
Henry was an inveterate reader as far back in his career
as we can go. In his mature manhood this does riot
seem to have been a characteristic; then he gained his
knowledge largely from contact with people, and by a
sort of intuitive absorption.
Clay left his mother's farm at fourteen to enter a small
retail store as clerk. Of his work there we know noth
ing; but we may presume that the experience gained pre
pared* him to some extent for his next step, by bringing
him more into contact with people, and by familiarizing
him with the ways of the city. His mother had in 1792
married Captain Henry Watkins. Through his influence
Henry obtained a place as a supernumerary assistant in
the office of the clerk of the High Court of Chancery of
Virginia. We have now reached the first turning point in the
career of Henry Clay. In this office he. had to copy legal
documents, and to do such general writing as he might
be called upon to do. System and order had to be cul
tivated. A good penmanship had to be formed. But
even more important still, he was here brought into con
tact more or less intimately with many of the best men
in the state. He would hear their conversation, and to
one, with his eager acquisitive mind, this meant the stor
ing therein of a. vast mass of information. When he en
tered the office he appeared to his fellow clerks, green
and awkward. One of them has left us an account of
this first impression which will be found in the appendix
to this volume. Soon however, the tide turned, and he

HENRY CLAY. o
became the most popular one of their number.
Only a short time elapsed before he was noticed by
Chancellor Wythe, one of the noblest and ablest of Vir
ginia's lawyers, who made Henry his private amanuen
sis. How much of his time was given to this work, and
what proportion of it to his duties, as clerk, we do not
know. There is, however, at least one remnant of this
work extant. Among the manuscripts in the collections
of the Supreme Court at Washington, there is a legal
work by Chancellor Wythe, copied by Clay while acting
as amanuensis for the <n*eat Virginia lawver. In it are
Latin and Greeks quotations, and as Clay knew neither
language we can understand the pains he took to imi
tate the forms which he copied. But the mere fact that
he became at fifteen or sixteen the trusted friend of Chan
cellor Wythe was almost an education in itself. Mr.
Wythe was able, honest and laborious; he was a friend of
all the Virginia statesmen of the time. He was an
opponent of slavery- and one who like Washington acted
in accordance with his profession. Washington freed
his slaves by his will; but Wythe did not wait for death,
but gave them freedom and aid while yet he could ad
minister it.
Here no doubt young Clay saw, and perhaps met -
Washington, Jefferson and Marshall as the former was
an intimate friend, and the two latter had been law stu
dents in Wythe's office. We know from his own recol
lections that he heard Patrick Henry and went away en
tranced. These two men had enough in common, in the
fact that their feelings and emotions governed them to a

ro HENRY CLAY.
great extent, that it is not strange that the boy was car
ried away by the impetuous oratory of the man Patrick
Henry. Thus, during these years, from the age of fif
teen till he reached his twentieth year Clay was in a
practical school of the very best kind. Few young men
were so favorably situated as he, though it has been the

Patrick Henry Addressing the Virginia Assembly.
fashion of historians to speak as if he had never had any
advantages. He lacked only in the systematic training
which school and college may give. • Here even we are
uncertain how great the lack was, for we know that he
read widely tinder the advice of Mr. Wythe, and from the
list of books which have come down to us as among
those read, we know that much sound literature was cov
ered. That there was a lack in his mental processes in
later years we know, for he was always more or less

HENRY CLAY.: n
superficial, ready to jump at conclusions, and moved by
momentary impulses.. But college men of the highest
culture are not free from these faults, hence we cannot
be sure that a college training .would have cured these
defects. He left this work iii 1796, going into the law
office of Ex-Governor Francis Brooke, who was at
this time Attorney-General of the state. For something
like a year he devoted his whole time, as far as we know,
to the study of law. Again he was favorably situated,
for Mr. Brooke was not only an able lawyer, but a help
ful adviser. These two men remained life-long friends,
and their private correspondence in later years gives us
many an insight into the views of Clay to which we
should not otherwise have access.
At last Clay was ready to begin his public life, and at
twenty he was admitted to the bar. The standard per
haps was not high; yet we need not conceive it too low,
for Clay had been in fact studying law, not one year, but
five, for much of his work with Chancellor Wythe and
in the Clerk's office was fitting him for his legal exam
inations. Clay had, while in Richmond, been one of
the most active young men in founding and in sustain
ing a debating club. Tradition again says that Clay's
speeches, even here, made him a marked man, and se
cured him friends on all sides.
This then in outline is. about all that we know of Clay
until we find him in Lexington, Kentucky, in the fall of
1797, ready to begin the practice of law. It is a meagre
record, but it may be paralleled in its brevity by that of
many of America's foremost men. In this country caste

12 HENRY CLAY. *
and class have not been marked enough to hold men
clown. The nation has in part at least been able to prof
it by finding and using its talent and genius even when
they have sprung, as in the cases of Lincoln, Garrison,
Roger Sherman, Franklin, and scores of others, as well
as Clay, from the humblest walks of life. We have seen
Clay on the farm, barefooted; in the little store; in the
clerk's office as a copyist; as the amanuensis of Chancel
lor Wythe; and finally as a student of law. About all
we know in detail, has been given; but the spirit of it all
should be noted. All the records and traditions point to
the one conclusion, that at this period of his life at least,
he was studious, moral and respected by all. Was he
as engaging in manners, as captivating in conversation,
as loved by his friends as in later years? Was he also as
assertive, as fond of command and leadership? We can
not say. Even tradition gives us little to build on.
However, in embryo, we can see even from onr meagre
record something of the Clav of later vears.
November, 1797, found Clay settled at Lexington,
Kentucky. From this time to his death in 1852, it re
mained his home, and its people his strongest friends
and supporters. Lexington was, perhaps, the center of
education and culture in the state. It prided itself on its
able men, its schools, its colleges. It was in the midst
of the famous "blue grass" region, and was not sur
passed by any part of the state in the fertility of its soil.
The bar of Lexington included such men as George
Nicholas, John Breckinridge, James Brown, and William
Murray, men of note and standing in the state, and some

HENRY CLAY. 13
of them in the nation, even. Clay pursued his law
studies for a few months after reaching Kentucky;
then he was admitted to practice in its courts in
competition with such men as those mentioned above.
That within two years he could establish himself and
gain a paying practice, proves the capacity of the
man. In 1799 at the age of twenty-two, he mar
ried Lucrctia Hart, the daughter of one of the wealthy
farmers or planters of that region. His wife was born in
Hagerstowu, Maryland, and was four years his junior.
They had eleven children, five sons and six daughters.
Of the latter only two lived to grow to womanhood.
One of these, Anna, was his favored child, and was said
to be much like her father. When he learned while he
was at Washington of her sudden death, it is said that he
fainted away, and was much prostrated for many days.
It was only by the greatest exertion of will that he
shook off the depression and resumed his place in the
Senate. This was in 1835, during the time of his great
struggle with Jackson, when he is said to have remarked,
"My country and my state need my services, so why
should I bow down to my private griefs?" Three of his
sons were lawyers. One of them was also a graduate of
West Point. The latter, Henry, Jr., was killed during
the Mexican War. The last son died in Kentucky in
1879. We need not dwell long on Clay's career as a lawyer.
Within a few months after he began his practice it
rivaled that of many of the older men at the bar. A
very few years found him with a sufficient income to

14 HENRY CLAY.
justify him in purchasing Ashland, an estate of some
thing over five hundred acres, situated just on the out
skirts of Lexington. How much, if any part, of the
means to make this purchase came from his wife, I have
no evidence. There is little recorded in regard to the
number of cases that came to him, or of their paying
qualities. We find the statement made that in 1806,
when he went to Washington, as senator, for the first
time, his clients gave him $3,000 to look after certain
cases then pending in the Supreme Court. His first
cases were in the criminal court, and it is said that he
never had a man convicted whom he defended. In one
case only was he prosecutor during his early years, and
in this case the inan, a negro, was hung.
Clay's sympathetic and emotional nature, not only
made him prefer the defence, but also gave him the qual
ities that fitted him for success on that side. His power
over a jury was early manifested; and no doubt he some
times freed men whose deeds would have justly merited
death. One case shows us that the judges of the time
were not always "up" on law. The prisoner had already
had one trial, and although the evidence seemed over
whelming, yet Clay had so played on the feelings of the
jury that it had divided and failed to bring in a verdict.
In the second trial, Clay made no defence, introduced
no witnesses; however when he came to make his plea,
he insisted that the prisoner could not be triecl again, as
it would put him twice in jeopardy of life or limb, which
was against the constitution. His opponents objected to
the argument. The judge at first ruled it out as an im-

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Ashland as it Appeared in the Time of Clay.

16 HENRY CLAY.
proper plea. Clay then threw down his brief, gathered
up his papers, left the room, remarking that he would
not plead at all, if his client was to be deprived of his
rights. In a short time as Clay had expected, a messen
ger came from the judge announcing that he might con
tinue his plea, including this point in his argument. He
returned and so worked on the jury that they brought in
a verdict of "not guilty." Here we see a trait of Clay
that under some form or other manifested itself in his
entire career. His aggressive manner, his real or appar
ent* belief in his positions, his rather domineering man
ner, yet with a rare eloquence, and a masterful person
ality, so worked on others that they submitted unques-
tiouingly to his leadership, or became his bitter oppon
ents. Clay's success as a lawyer, however, was not confined
entirely to criminal cases. He became noted for his
skill in land law, and especially in the somewhat com
plicated cases that arose in connection with the conflict
ing titles due to early grants by Virginia. Some of the
famous cases with which he was connected had to do with
national politics. Twice he was the attorney for Aaron
Burr when the latter was accused of treasonable conduct
in connection with his western expedition. At the time of
his second appearance, December 1806, he had just been
chosen United States Senator, and seems to have felt
some hesitancy in regard to undertaking the defence. It
is also possible that his faith in Burr which at first seemed
complete, was at this time a little shaken. At last before
appearing in court he asked from Burr a statement of his

HENRY CLAY. 17
plans in writing. Burr gave him a written denial of any
wrong intention, claiming, in fact, that the government
was fully aware of his intentions, and approved them.
At the very moment this was given a messenger was ap
proaching with Jefferson's proclamation for his arrest.
Clay never forgave this act, and meeting Burr, a few
years later, in New York, he refused to take his hand, or
to have any further intimate acquaintance with him.
Clay was also a few months later one of Blennerhassetts'
attorneys, in his preliminary trial in Kentucky for aid
ing Burr in his plot.
It is perhaps true that Clay never became one of the
great lawyers of his time. This conclusion would al
most necessarily follow from his personal qualities, as.
well as from his career. He studied cases and won each
one upon its own merits. His life work was politics
rather than law. Statecraft and statesmanship took his
time, and strength. Little remained for law proper.
Yet he had the ability to win cases, and could no doubt
have made a great lawyer. He was quick, versatile, elo
quent. Perhaps he was never over logical, and from
this lack might have failed in the very highest practice.
He was not the rival of Webster, Hopkinson, or many
others whose names might be chosen in this field. Yet
he succeeded in winning cases and made money when he,
did give his attention to his law. Once or twice in his
career his finances became so involved, that he left poli
tics to recuperate his financial standing, and pay off his
debts. We find Clay's name only rarely associated with the

18 HENRY CLAY.
great law cases in the Supreme Court. Some of his
great rivals appear in a large share of the celebrated con
stitutional cases of the time. Webster's name is con
stant. Wirt's is common. Clay's appears only occas-
ionaly. But does this mean that we should pronounce
against him? Certainly not, for his field was no less im
portant. He was a powerful, if not a dominant, force
for forty years in determining what laws should be
enacted. No talent however great can compass all fields.
Clay had his place and his work. How well he filled the
one and performed the other we shall try to find out as
we progress in our study.
Although it was not until 1803 that Clay was elected
to office, he had before that time taken his stand on po
litical questions. As early as 1798 he had urged strongly
that in revising the Kentucky constitution provision
should be niade for gradual emancipation. At that time he
was still poor and as yet under the spirit of Chancellor
Wythe. In his later years he referred to his course at this
time with approval; but it is to be noticed that after he him
self became a large slave owner, his service in the anti-
slavery cause was in profession rather than in action.
Yet it may be admitted that Clay was always ready for
emancipation if he could only have seen a way to dis
pose of the negroes- To free them without colonization
ever seemed to him a dangerous undertaking.
His attitude on this question was not liked in Ken
tucky in 1798; but the radical stand he took the same
year against the alien acts, and especially against the
sedition act saved his popularity. Thus early we find

HENRY CLAY. 19
Clay joining himself to the Jeffersonian Republicans.
He ever insisted that he remained a loyal follower of the
Republican school, and claimed in later years that it was
the Jackson Democrats who formed the new party, who
abandoned their traditions, and riot he. .
In general in those early days society was rude both
in manners and in dress. The hunter stage was only
passing away, so it was the bold, fearless, confident man,
who impressed himself on the average voter. That Lex
ington was of a higher social type we may grant; yet
that the county of Fayette contained many men of that
earlier stamp an anecdote of Clay's first campaign shows.
At a large political meeting lie was asked if he could shoot.
On answering in the affirmative, he was given a gun, a
mark was set up and he was requested to try 'his aim.
He did so and by luck hit the very center. The cry
was raised, a chance shot! Clay however was equal to
the emergency and said he would shoot again when some
one beat his first shot. The shot, his readiness and tact
turned the tide and he was elected by a good majority.
Amos Kendall who lived in Kentucky some years
later, and was for a time tutor of Clay's children, has
left on record the following testimony of his impression
of Kentucky at this date. "I have I think learned the
way to be popular in Kentucky, but do not as yet put it
in practice. Drink whiskey, and talk loud with the full
est confidence, and you will hardly fail of being called a
clever fellow." Clay was" of a higher stamp than this,
but still he loved a fine horse and a good race; he learned
to love cards and card-playing very greatly at this period

20 HENRY CLAY.
of his life. He was not adverse to a duel. He had the
qualities which would make him popular with the Ken
tucky people of 1800; but he also had those that would
make him loved by the men who 'lived there in 1850 as
well. Clay was re-elected to each succeeding legislature till
1809, when he finally entered the national legislature;
in one house or the other of which he was found for the
greater part of the rest of his life. In 1806 he served in
the state legislature, and from Dec. 29, 1806, till March
4, 1807, in the United States senate. It is interesting to
note that he was not yet thirty when his term expired,
hence he served the entire time contrary to the terms of
the Federal constitution.
There is not a great deal in his Kentucky legislative
career that is of sufficient general importance for us to
dwell upon. He took an active part in all its proceed
ings, and early became one of the recognized leaders of
the Republican party. The newspapers of the day made
such meagre reports of the legislative proceedings that
it is difficult to find out what was done.*

*In preparing this article I had access, — due to the kindness of
Harvard University— to incomplete files of The Kentucky Gazette and
Genera/ Advertiser, The Kentucky Gazette, The Independent Gazet
teer and the Reporter published at Lexington; and also to the Pal
ladium, The Guardian of Freedom, The Western World and The Ar
gus of Western America published at Frankfort. One might tran
scribe every word that appeared in them all from 1798 to 181 1 con
cerning Henry Clay and yet not have very many pages of print. It is
interesting to note that in none of the papers does he advertise as a
lawyer. In none as far as I could find was a speech of his given. In
only two' connections is there an extended notice of any event in which
he took part; one has to do with his duel with Humphrey Marshall,
and the other with his debate with Felix Grundy concerning the re
peal of the charter of the Insurance Company of Lexington.

HENRY CLAY. It
From the accounts accessible Clay seems to have tak
en no prominent part in the legislature of 1803; but in
1804 he was pitted against Felix Grundy who was urging
the repeal of the charter of the Kentucky Insurance Com
pany. The Guardian of Freedom characterizes Grundy
as a mere demagogue, without knowledge or learning
and unscru pious, but keen and adroit. The writer
speaks of Clay in these words: "The company in the
interim received in his legislative capacity, a powerful
support from Henry Clay, Esq., a youthful patriot, unit- '
ing in his character most accomplished elocution, with
an. understanding comprehensive and acute; and a heart
as mild and honest as ever glowed in the human bosom." ^
The Palladium gives perhaps a fairer version of the
debate. It says: "Mr. Grundy led the debate in favor of
repeal ; and Mr. Clay was at the head of the opposition.
We are happy to inform our readers that the speeches of
both have been taken down in shorthand and will prob
ably be published as we are convinced that in whatever
form they appear they cannot fail to instruct and delight.
The house was much crowded during the argument; a
number of ladies were present."* It may be noted that
whatever the merits of the case may have been, that
Grundy was successful in the legislature, and the law
was repealed by a large vote, but as the Governor in-
*In a letter from Mrs. Susan M. Clay of Lexington, Kentucky,
dated Sept. 27, 1898, I quote these words: "I have the Clay letters and
papers, but I am quite sure that I have none of the speeches made in
this debate, and doubt if any of them exist unless they have been pre
served in the family of Mr. "Grundy." I have been unable to get any
trace of either speech, and presume that the editor never carried bis
plan into execution."

22 HENRY CLAY.
terposed his veto, victory practically rested with Clay.
Clay was active in 1805 in legislative measures as may
be seen from the fact that The Palladium notes on Nov.
21 and again on the 22, the 23, and the 2 7, that Clay has
been placed on committees to prepare and bring in bills.
The introduction of the following resolution, Nov. 5,
1805 would seem to indicate that Clay was aiming at
securing more system in the management of the finances
of the state: "Resolved, that a committee of finance be ap
pointed to consist of seven members, to whom shall be
referred all matters in relation to the revenue, and who
may from time to time suggest any new subjects of tax
ation, or defects in the revenue laws for the consideration
of the house, and that the said committee shall possess
the power necessary to accomplish the foregoing objects. "
Clay was appointed chairman of the committee, but we
have no record in regard to what was accomplished.
We have now reached the moment, when Clay first
enters national politics.' We wish we had other records
than this meagre one taken from The Palladium of Dec.
n, 1806, giving the proceedings of the legislature of
Nov. 19. "The resignation" of General Adair as a sena
tor in the Congress of the United States "was received;
when Mr. Henry Clay was elected in his room, to serve
till the 4th of March next." Was there a contest? Was
no thought given to the fact that he was not yet thirty?
Why was he chosen? Such questions as these come to
us, but the answer can only be a speculative one. "The
dead past has buried its dead."
At the same session a charge was made that Clay had

HENRY CLAY. 23
been bribed, but a committee appointed to- investigate
completely exonerated him. Clay's political courage
was proved in more than one way in the Kentucky leg
islature. At one time a motion was made to prohibit
the reading of any elementary law book of England, or
the citation of any English precedent in any court in the
state. One can hardly believe that prejudice could carry
a legislature to such an extreme as this. It would have
cut Kentucky off from its past, and deprived it of the use
of the great principles of the common law. Y'et it was
found that about four fifths of the members were for it,
and Clay had to use to the utmost his reason and elo
quence to defeat the measure. For fear that even he
could not prevent its passage he moved to amend it so as
to make the prohibition extend only to decisions which
had been made since 1776.
In the last legislature in which he sat a contested elec
tion case was referred to his committee. The report which
he then prepared became a precedent and has been fol
lowed in similar cases in Kentucky ever since. There
were three candidates for the legislature from a certain
district. The one who had the greatest number of votes
proved to be disqualified as he at that time held another
office. It was claimed that the candidate having the
next highest number of votes was then entitled to a seat.
Clay denied this asserting that there was no election.
His logic was so irresistable that his report was adopted
and has never been contravened.
The last point in his career in the state legislature
which we need mention is in connection with his duel

24 HENRY CLAY.
with Humphrey Marshall. It arose in a debate over a
resolution which Clay had introduced that all members
should clothe themselves in homespun garments. It
was just after the attack on the Chesapeake when the
patriotic spirit was high. Clay was* moved by his desire
to free America from all dependence on England and
Europe, and in a small degree, perhaps, by his later pro
tective ideas. Marshall as a Federalist taunted him.
The debate ran high, and led to a challenge from Clay.
Three rounds were fought, and both were slightly wound
ed. The correspondence and terms are peculiarly ex
pressive of the age.
Before the close of this period of Clay's life, he had
taken strong grounds in favor of internal improvements,
and had begun in a tentative way to outline his so-culled
"American System." However it was not until after
the experience of the War of 1812 that he became en
tirely clear and certain in regard to his own beliefs, and
of the policy that ought to be pursued by the nation.
The War of 181 2 was vastly important in giving to the
people of the United States a true view of themselves, as
well as a place in the world's estimation. Clay was a
leader among the men in favor of the war; yet it may be
said that it caused him, also, to develop with great rapid-
it y,and left him perhaps the truly national statesman that
he remained to the day of his death. ^
Before entering the House in November, 1811, Clay
had served two short terms to fill vacancies in the Senate.
About four months in 1807, when he had proved his
energy and fearlessness by making a motion the fourth

HENRY CLAY. 25
day after taking his seat, and by two or three short
speeches in advocacy of the policy of internal improve
ments at a later date. At that time he desired to have
certain lands set apart to pay for the construction of a

r--,irsr*VJ~' "''T^T??!

>S: ^i>' &/# &<S ¦%'/ ;vvA -?'-; / ^vf-,^ t^v;j^g

^f—-
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1 I
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.1 >Uj t
; ,* N. !
^T
t".- -:
- - «¦
^' I
j^, x;
•?•.,-
The Old House of Representatives in the time«of Henry Clay.
Now Statuary Hall.
canal on the Kentucky side, around the Falls of the
Ohio, near Louisville.
From 1809 to 181 1 he took a prominent part in Sena
torial life, and made himself a national reputation as an
^n^to^ and an energetic party leader. In the first of his
Congressional speeches, which have been preserved for
•us, he argued in favor of giving encouragement to domes-
26 HENRY CLAY.
tic manufactures, not. to the extent of making us a nation
manufacturing for exportation, but to such an extent as
to supply our own needs. "The nation,' ' he says, * 'which
imports its clothing from abroad is but little less depend
ent than if it imported its bread."
Clay's next speech was in advocacy of the claim 'that
West Florida had been a part of the Louisiana purchase.
He argued well in support of this position, and showed
care in investigation and keen ability in stating his
points. This speech proved his intense Americanism
and his willingness to defy Spain and England too, if
necessary. He was for taking immediate possession of
that which he believed to be our own.
But his first really great speech was made in opposi
tion to the recharter of the National Bank. Clay's later
years are so closely interwoven with the Bank, as its
greatest champion, that it is seldom noticed that he be
gan his national career as its opponent, on grounds of both
unconstitutionality and in expediency. He found no clause
in the constitution from which there might be implied
the right to charter such a bank. In many ways he
was already breaking from the strict-construction views
of the early Republicans, but in this case we find him
arguing along the line of the Virginia and Kentucky
Resolutions of 1 798. Mr. Richie of the Virginia Exam
iner claims that Clay never satisfactorily answered his
own arguments as set forth at this time.
In 1816, Clay admitted that his views had undergone
a change, but it is interesting to note that he rather
shifted his grounds than attempted to answer his ar-

HENRY CLAY. 27
guments of 1811. He frankly confessed that he had
modified his views, yet he attempted to make the change
seem as little as possible. In 1816 he emphasized the fact
that the Kentucky legislature in 181 1 had instructed
him to oppose the recharter, and stated that that was
one of the principal reasons for his action. However it
will be noticed that in his speech of 181 1 he put very
little stress on this factor. He also claimed the old bank
had not been strictly true to its obligations, which was
a cause for his opposition; again he had made little of
this in earlier years. His biographers have, in general,
asserted that this is the only change on any great meas
ure that he made during his long political career. He
himself asserts this on more than one occasion. It may
be true that in belief he made no other such marked
change; but in actions he was not always consistent as
we shall see in our later discussions.
We are now ready to turn to Clay's career in the
House of Representatives. He was a member con
tinually from 181 1 to 1S25 with two short exceptions;
one during the time he was in Europe as Peace Com
missioner, 1814-1815; and the other 1821-22 when he
resigned that he might recuperate his private finances
which were in a deplorable condition.
Clay took his seat in the House Nov. 3, and was elect
ed speaker the same day by the following vote; Clay 75,
Bibb 38, and six scattering. He is the only man in
American History who began his career in the House as
its speaker. The choice proved to be an exceedingly wise
one, as he was quick, alert, ready and firm, as well as in

28

HENRY CLAY.

general, just and fair. On his election he addressed the
House in these words: —
"In coming to the station which you have done me
the honor to assign me — an honor for which you will be
pleased to accept my thanks — I obey rather your com
mands than my own inclinations. I am sensible of the
imperfections which I
bring along with me,
and a consciousness of
these would deter me
from attempting a dis
charge of the duties of
the chair, did I not rely
confidently upon your
support. Should the
rare and delicate occa
sion present itself when
your speaker should be
called upon to check or
control the wanderings
or intemperances in debate, your justice will}" I hope, as
cribe to his interposition the motives only of public good
and a regard to the dignity of the house. And in all in
stances be assured, gentlemen, that I shall with infinite
pleasure, afford every facility in my power to the des
patch of public business, in the most agreeable manner."
Clay was speaker during practically all the time he
was a member of the House. Usuallv he was chosen
with little or no opposition. Yet it cannot be said it
was because he was colorless. On the contrary he spoke

Dask used in the House of Representa
tives when Clay was Speaker.

HENRY CLAY. 29
often, and on nearly all important questions that came
before Congress. His speeches are also marked by in
cisive vigor and frequentlV^jpT7rTuTtiV.gr7arcasm that
coulcTnot have been without its sting. Neither was he

always~~by*-a»ymieans on the winning side. In his at
tacks upon Jackson's course in the Seminole War, as
well as in his measures concerning the South American
Republics he was in a minority. However when the
time came for the election to the speakership, if Clay
wished the place, there was no chance for any one*
against him. Certainly the half dozen times he was
chosen speaker must lead us to believe there was hon
esty of purpose, and ability in action, or such a career
could not have been possible. It is impossible in a brief
account like this, to follow Clay into the details of his
life during these years — in many respects his most inter
esting vears. It mav be said that the course of Ameri-
can History was changed to some degree by him. Per
haps, indeed, no other man unless it were Jackson had so
much influence on its destiny as he. Clay was not as-"
solid as Webster, as devoted to a cause as Calhoun,
as determined as Jackson, yet he surpassed either of
them in political leadership. He was never greatly omV.
of sympathy with his times. He absorbed public fecl-
inp\ and led rather than created it; but his influence
itself was a factor in making it. In these earlier years -
of our history leadership- meant more than it does to-day.
But even then, it must ever be kept in mind, the his
tory of the time cannot be told in the life of any one
great man, nor even in the lives of all the noted states-

30 HENRY CEAY.
men; even then the people through public opinion were
the ruling power in the long run.
As the great leader in the west, in 1812, Clay, joined
by Calhoun, Lowndes, Porter and others decided that
the time for war had come. England must cease to im
press American seamen, to blockade American ports,
and to intercept and practically destroy American com
merce. France must learn to respect our rights. It
mattered little with which one the war should take
place. Circumstances, rather than choice, decided that
England should be the enemy. Clay remarked once that
it was only our inability which deterred us from declar
ing war against them both.
But Clay himself can best tell us his view at this
time. His speeches made in connection with the war of
181 2 are among~the most eloquent~Heever madeT^In
urgirlg"an increase of the navy he said*:
"The groundless imputation, that those who are
friendly to a navy, were espousing a principal inimical
to freedom, should riot terrify him." "The principle of
a navy. .... was no longer open to controversy. It
was decided when Mr. Jefferson came into power. . . . "
"It is the appropriate, the natural (if the term may be
applied) connection of foreign commerce. The shep
herd and his faithful dog, are not more necessary to
guard the flocks, that browse and gambol on the neigh
boring mountains. . . We have only to make the proper
use of the bounties spread before us, to render us prosper
ous and powerful. Such a navy as he had contended for,
will form a new bond of connection between the states,

HENRY CLAY. 31
concentrating their hopes,their interests, their affections. "-
As the war progressed, the fact that the Federalists-
were antagonists became more apparent New England
especially was opposed to the war, and to Madison's ad
ministration. Clay, as the foremost orator of the war
party, in a great speech Jan. 8, 1813, exposed com
pletely the' course o£ the opposition. A few passages
will give us an insight into his orator}', and also show
us how sarcastic he could be on occasion:
"Perhaps, in the course of the remarks, which I may
feel called upon to make, gentlemen may apprehend,
that they assume too harsh an aspect; but I have only.
now to say that I shall speak of parties, measures, and
things, as they strike against my moral sense, protesting
against the imputation of any intention, on my part, to
wound the feelings of anv gentlemen"
"The course of that opposition (the Federalists) ...
was singular and I believe, unexampled in the history of
any country. The arrangement with Mr. Erskine is
concluded. It is first applauded and then censured by
the opposition. . . : Restriction after restriction has
been tried; negotiation has been resorted to until further
negotiation would have been disgraceful. Whilst these
peaceful experiments are undergoing a trial, what is the
conduct of the opposition? They are the champions of
war — the proud — the spirited — the sole repository of the
nation's honor— the men of exclusive vigor and energy.
. . Is the administration for negotiation? The opposi
tion is tired, sick, disgusted with negotiation. . . .
When, however, foreign nations, perhaps emboldened by

32 HENRY CLAY.
the very opposition here made refused to listen to the
amicable appeals, . . . when, in fact, war with one of
them has become identified with our independence and
our sovereignty, ... behold the opposition veering
round and becoming the friends of p~ace and commerce.
They tell you of the calamities of war, its tragical
events. . . . They tell you that honor is an illusion!
Now, we see them exhibiting the terrific forms of the
roaring king of the forests. Now, the meekness and hu
mility of the lamb. They are for war and no restrict
ions, when the administration is for peace. They are
for peace and restrictions, when the administration is for
war. You find them, sir, tacking with every gale, dis
playing the colors of every party, and of all nations,
steady only in one unalterable purpose — to steer, if pos
sible, into the haven of power."
"The gentleman from Massachusetts, in imitation of
some of his predecessors of 1799, has entertained us
with a picture of cabinet plots, presidential plots, and all
sorts of plots, which have been engendered by the dis
eased state of the gentleman's imagination. I wish,
Sir, another plot, of a much more serious and alarming
character — a plot that aims at the dismemberment of our
union — had only the same imaginary existence." It
was in this same speech that Clay made the plea for the
American sailor that has been quoted so many times;
yet, as it is not accessible to many an American youth,
let it be repeated once more:
"If Great Britain desires a mark, by which she can
know her own subjects, let her give them an ear mark.

HENRY CLAY.

33

The colors that float from the masthead should be the
credentials of our seamen. There is no safet}- to us, and
the gentlemen have shown it, but in the rule, that all
who sail under the flag (not being enemies) are protected
by the flag. It
is impossible
that this coun
try should ever
abandon the gal
lant tars, who
have won for us
such gallant tro
phies. Let me
suppose that the
genius of Col
umbus should
visit one of them
in the oppress
or's prison, and
attempt to rec
oncile him to
his forlorn aud
wretched condi
tion. She would
say to him in
the language of the gentlemen on the other side, 'Great
Britain intends you no harm; she did not mean to impress
you, but one of her own subjects; having talc en you by
mistake, I will remonstrate, and try to prevail upon her,
by peaceable means, to release you; but I cannot, my son,

Oliver H. Perry, the Naval Hero of the
War of 1812.

34 HENRY CLAY.

•

fight for you. ' If he did not consider this mere mockery,
the poor tar would address her judgment, and say,'you owe
me, my country protection; I owe you, in return, obedi
ence. I am no British subject, I am a native of old
Massachusetts, where lived my aged father, my wife, my
children. I have faithfully discharged my duty. Will
you refuse to do yours?' Appealing to Jier passions, he
would continue: 'I lost this eye in fighting under Trux-
ton, with the Insurgente; I got this scar before Tripoli;
I broke this leg on board the Constitution, when the
Guerriere struck.' If she remained still unmoved, he
would break out, in the accents of mingled distress and
despair, " 'Hard, hard is my fate! Once I freedom enjoyed,
Was as happy as happy could be!
Oh! How hard is my fate, how galling these chains!'
"I will not imagine the dreadful catastrophe to which
he would be driven, by the abandonment of him to his
oppressor. It will not be, it cannot be that this country
will refuse him protection."
* As Clay was one of the most earnest, if not the most
earnest, advocate of war in 1812, so during its entire
course he remained its most zealous and aggressive sup
porter. He was for vigorous measures. He wished to
press the attack on land and sea, and could he have had
a united and enthusiastic people behind him, ready to
act in accordance with his plans, the result might have
been more glorious than it was.
YTet while he was anxious for war, and persisted in its
prosecution, he was ready for peace at the first moment

HENRY CLAY. 35
he believed that it could be obtained on honorable terms.
Clay was, through his whole life, an opponent of war
for its own- sake. He was fearful of standing armies.
The military hero
was dreaded by
Clay, if he entered
civil life merely
on h is mil itary rec
ord. Thus in 1814,
when it was
thought that hon
orable peace might
be obtained, Clay
was ready to go to
Europe as an en
voy. He was joined
by J- Q- Adams,
Gallatin, Russell
and Bayard. He
and Adams were
the irascible, radi
cal members, ready to strike fire, like flints at every
moment. Adams seems to have felt that the navigation
of the Mississippi river might be yielded to England, if
only provision could be made to secure the New Found-
land fisheries to the people of New England. Clay re
versed the picture. Thus they quarreled, and within
the <^nmission the discord was scarcely less than be
tween them and the English negotiators. However

James A. Bayard.
Born July 28, 1767. Died Aug. 6, 1815.

36 HENRY CLAY.
they had one supreme good quality — they were out
wardly united toward Great Britain. Gallatin was the
peace-maker. Without him it is probable that no result
could have been reached. Clay was daring in his de
mands, and showed little of the diplomatic spirit that
had characterized diplomacy in the past. His western
energy, straight-forwardness, and aggressiveness came
into good play. His admirers claim that he alone of the
commissioners fully realized how thoroughly ready Eng
land was for peace, and hence he alone understood how
great the demands were which might be made without
endangering peace. Of course his detractors hold that
it was mere good luck that prevented his course from
ruining the whole negotiations.
The English commissioners yielded point by point of
their first demands. Gallatin's middle policy won with
the Americans. Finally the men set their names to a
treaty which contained no word, in regard to a single
question, for which the war was begun. Yet it may be
said the American commissioners made a good treaty of
peace; one honorable to them and to their country.
Clay remained in Europe for a few months more, and
helped to form a commercial treaty with England. He
then returned to America, only to be sent as before by
his people to Congress; and again immediately to be chos
en speaker of the House.
Clay saw at that time what it took some Americans
many years to appreciate; viz: that we had as the result
of the war gained respect abroad, and at home a self-
consciousness that meant much for the future. The

HENRY CLAY. 37
national feeling had developed with marvelous rapidity
under the stress of war, the naval victories, and the won
derful achievement by Jackson, on January 8th, at New
Orleans. Clay held that the war had in national develop
ment alone been worth far more than it cost. The ef
fect in uniting the countr}*, and in developing the
national idea was similar to what we see going on around
us now, as the result of the recent war for the liberation
of Cuba.
Clay had been imbued with national tendencies be
fore the war. After it these tendencies became the
basis for rules of action under all circumstances. All
legislation should have as its q-oal the realization of
national life.
Under this incentive he became the champion of the
National bank. As we have. seen, in 1S11, he was its
deadly enemy — now he becomes its firm friend.
As early as 1807 he urged that the United States gov
ernment should aid in internal improvements. In the
years following 181-5, he is a constant and zealous advo
cate of the most wide-reaching system of improvements
under national auspices.
He had in his earlier years joined with Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison in favoring the use of home made
articles; in the years from 181 5 till 1844 he is a firm
believer in the efficacy of his so-called "American sys-
tem"as the panacea for all the ills to which the national
life was heir, even if it be true that in 1833 he was the
author, and the leading advocate of the famous compro
mise tariff. Clay yielded then to save the Union.

38 HENRY CLAY.
These financial measures are the best known, and
are perhaps the ones on which his fame and name
rest. But to. my mind he rose to his greatest height
in oratory and in unselfish devotion to the cause of
liberty, in his advocacy of the cause of the South
American people in their struggle for freedom from
Spanish oppression. To be sure there was much in his
argument that was not- wholly logical. He was led to
say, in the moment of highest exaltation, when carried
away by the fervor of his oratory, that ignorance on the
part of the people was no bar to self-government. But
in this earnest advocacy of the rights of a people, in his
intense devotion to the cause of democracy, he earned
the praise of all who long to seethe time come when
the brotherhood of man will be recognized as a fact as
well as a theory.
He may not fully have recognized the truth that dem
ocracy as a fact is only practicable when there is a rela
tively high state of development. But he was standing
for the right of a people to a democratic form of gov
ernment and of society, at the very earliest practicable
moment. He said with much truth that "it is the doctrine
of thrones, that mar- is too ignorant to govern himself."
He might well have added that aristocrats and plutocrats
hold to the same doctrine. The time is not even yet
passed when we have ceased to need the entrancing voice
of a Clay, leading us to recognize our duty towards man
as he struggles upward toward the goal of self-govern
ment. In these same years we hear his glowing words as in

HENRY CLAY.

39

1824 *ie speaks on this resolution introduced by Web
ster: "Resolved, that provision ought to be made by
laws, for defraying the expenses incident to the appoint
ment of an agent or commissioner to Greece, whenever
the president shall deem it expedient to make such ap
pointment." On this resolution he said: "Go home, if
you can; go home if
you dare to your con
stituents, and tell them
you voted it down;meet,
if you can, the appeal
ing countenances of
those who sent vou
here, and tell them
that vou shrank from
the declaration of your
own sentiments; that
you cannot tell how,
but that some unknown-
dread, some indescribable apprehension, some indefina
ble danger, drove you from your purpose; that the spec
tre of scimiters, and crowns, and crescents gleamed
before you and alarmed you; and that you suppressed
all the noble feelings prompted by religion, by liberty,
by national independence, and by humanity: "I cannot
bring myself to believe that such will be the feeling of a
majority of the committee."
Clay began as early as 181 7 to advocate the cause of
the South American revolutionists. By 181 8 he believed
they were entitled to recognition as independent repub-

Daniel Webster.

4o - HENRY CLAY.
lies. He persisted in his efforts, and in the course of a
few years, he found that Congress had veered round and
was as enthusiastically with him, as it had been antag
onistic to his ideas a few years earlier. His speeches of
these years contain many brilliant passages. The fol
lowing will illustrate their general tenor:
"But, sir, it seems that a division of the Republican
party is about to be made by the proposition 
What has been the great principle of the party to which
the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Wilson] refers, from
the first existence of the government to the present day?
An attachment to liberty, a devotion to the great cause
of humanity, of freedom, of self-government, and of
equal rights. ..... What is the great principle that
has distinguished parties in all ages, and under all gov
ernments — democrats and federalists, whig and tories,
plebeians and patricians? The one distrustful of human
nature, appreciates less the influence of reason and
of good dispositions and appeals more to physical force;
the other party, confiding in human nature, relies much ~
on moral power, and applies to force as an auxiliary only
to the operations of reason."
"Nay, I have seen a project in the newspapers, and I
should not be surprised, after what we have already seen,
at its being carried into effect, for sending a minister to
the Porte. Yes, sir, from Constantinople, or from the
Brazils; from Turk or Christian; from black or white;
from the Bey of Algiers or the Bey of Tunis; from the
devil himself, if lie wore a crown we should receive an
ambassador  But, let the minister come from a

HENRY CLAY. 41
poor republic, like that of La Plata, and we turn our
back on him." .....
"An honorable gentleman f 10m Virginia [Mr. Sheffey]
had said the people of South America were incapable
from the ignorance and superstition which prevail among
them, of achieving independence or enjoying liberty.
And to what cause is that ignorance and superstition
owing? Was it not to the vices of their government? to
the tyranny and oppression, hierarchical and political,
under which they groaned? If Spain succeeded in riv
eting their chains upon them would not that ignorance
and superstition be perpetuated? .... For his part he
wished their independence. It was the final step toward
improving their condition." 
"Wherever in America her [Spain's] sway extends,
everything seems to pine and wither beneath its bane
ful influence. . . . . ... Our revolution was main
ly directed against the mere theory of tyranny. We
had suffered comparatively but little; we had, in some
respects, been kindly treated; but our intrepid and intel
ligent fathers saw, in the usurpation of the power to levy
an inconsiderable tax, the long train of . oppressive acts
that were to follow. They rose; they breasted the
storm ; they achieved our freedom . Spanish America for
centuries has been doomed to the practical effects of an
odious tyranny. If we were justified, they were more
than justified."
In all these speeches we get only illustrations of <
the one sentiment which he vividly expressed in a speech
Of 18 10: "I have no commiseration for princes. My

42

HENRY CLAY.

[ ^-S.

v-il*

£rr--<r-'. :-.

jV_>;-:

i f"-- '" ¦''-''¦
f ''¦.-.' ->.--*

^

^

/
fO
/
sympathies are reserved for the great mass of mankind."
Richard Rush in a letter to Clay of June 23, 1827,
states very clearly that he believes Clay deserved the
credit for the exis
tence of the South
American Republics.
He savs:
"I have just read
Lord Grey's speech,
and cannot resist the
desire I feel to send
it to you. You will
recognize in it senti
ments I have ex
pressed as regards
Mr. Canning and the
new South American
States. If Earl Grey
had been better in
formed, he would
have said that it was
you who did most to
call them into being.
I say this in no idle spirit of praise, having always,' abroad
and at home, expressed the opinion, that, next to their own
exertions, the South-Americans owe to you more than to
any other man in either hemisphere, their independence,
you having led the way to our acknowledgment of it.
Without our acknowledgment, England would not have
taken the step to this day. This is my belief. I give
. .j I.-- ilj.^.^*.,..
A
George Canning.
Born 1770. Died 1827.
HENRY CLAY. 43
Mr. Canning no credit for the part he acted. It was
forced upon him by our lead, which he never had the
magnanimity to avow, but strove to claim alHhe merit
for England, or rather for himself."
Monroe offered Clay a position in his cabinet; he re
fused to accept partly perhaps because he was piqued
that Adams, not he, had been made Secretary of State;
and partly because he felt that his place was in the leg
islature rather than in the cabinet. Whatever the
reason Clay was exceedingly critical during the eight
years of Monroe's administration. Scarcely had Mon
roe's second term begun when the intrigues for the suc
cession in 1825 invaded both Congress and the cabinet.
Adams, Calhoun and Crawford in the cabinet were
jealous of each other, and were looking with longing
eyes to the election of 1824. Clay in Congress, could
not entirely free himself from a desire so to guide its
action as to make him strong at the expense of those
more closely associated with the administration. Of
course by 1822 Jackson had begun to rise up to threaten
each and all of the men who had a civil life only to pit
against him as a military hero.
Clay's attitude toward Jackson cannot be said to have
been wholly determined by his fear of him as a rival for
the presidency. In the matter of the Seminole War, and
the invasion of Florida by Jackson, at that time, Clay
had been very radical in his utterances. Unless we de
cide that Clay was carried away by his oratory, we must
conclude that he greatly feared that the country was
in danger sooner or later of being destroyed by some

44 HENRY CLAY.
military chieftain. Clay had expressed himself in two
great speeches on the subject of Jackson's course in
connection with the Seminole War. After one has read
the following extracts, it would seem that it ought to be
clear why in the election of 1S25, it was almost impossi
ble for Clay and Jackson to work in harmony.
"General Jackson says that when he received that let
ter he no longer hesitated. No, sir, he did no longer
hesitate. He received it on the 23rd, he was in Pensa-
cola on the 24th, and immediately after set himself be
fore the fortress of San Carlos . . . which he shortly re
duced. . . . Wonderful energy! Ample promptitude!
alas, that it had not been an energy and a promptitude
within the pale of the constitution, and according to the
orders of the chief magistrate." 
"I will not trespass much longer upon the time of the
committee: but I trust I shall be indulged with -some
few reflections upon the danger of permitting the conduct
on which it has been my painful duty to animadvert, to
pass without a solemn expression of the disapprobation
of this house. Recall to your recollection the free na
tions which have gone before us. Where are they now?
'Gone glimmering through the dream of things that were,
A school boy's tale, the wonder of the hour.'
"And how have they lost their liberties? If we could
.... ask a Grecian, if he did not fear some daring mil
itary chieftain, covered with glory, some Philip or Alex
ander, would one day overthrow the liberties of his coun
try, the confident and indignant Grecian would exclaim,

HENRY CLAY. 45
No! no! we have nothing to fear from our heroes; our
liberties are eternal." ....
"I hope not to be misunderstood. I am far from inti
mating that Gen. Jackson cherishes any designs. inimical
to the liberties -of his country. I believe his intentions
to be pure and patriotic  But precedents if bad
are fraught with the most dangerous consequences 
Against the alarming doctrine of unlimited discretion in
our militar}' chieftains when applied even to prisoners of
war, I must enter my protest  . We are
fighting a great moral battle, for the benefit, not only of
our own country, but of all mankind." .... "To you,
Mr. Chairman, belongs the high privilege of transmit
ting unimpaired, to posterity, the fair character and lib
erty of our countr}'." .... "Beware how you give a
fatal sanction,' in this infant period of our republic,
scarcely yet two score years old to militar}'' insubordina
tion. Remember that Greece had her Alexander, Rome
her Caesar, England* her Cromwell, France her Bona
parte, and that if we escape the rock on which they
split, we must avoid their errors." 
"I hope gentlemen will deliberately survey the awful
isthmus on which we stand. They may bear down all
opposition; they may even vote the General the public
thanks; they may carry him triumphantly through this
house. But, if they do, in my humble judgment, it will
be a triumph of the principle of insubordination, a tri
umph of the military over the civil power, a triumph
over the powers of this house, a triumph over the con
stitution of the land. And I pray most devoutly to

46 HENRY CLAY.
Heaven, that it may not prove, in its ultimate effects
and consequences, a triumph over the liberties of the
people." The campaign of 1824 had begun as early as 1822.
The Federalists had by this time disappeared as a
national party, and did not offer to put forward a presi
dential candidate. The struggle was entirely within the
Republican party, and was in the main, a personal con
test. In 1S22 Clay's correspondence shows that he was
planning to have the legislature of Ohio nominate him
for the presidency. He preferred to come before the peo
ple in this manner rather than to be presented by his
own state. For some time he seemed to fear Crawford
most, but after the latter was stricken with apoplexy, he
felt that his real and dangerous rival was Adams. It
was not till late in the campaign that he came to realize
that the man whom he had attempted to have censured a
few years earlier in Congress, for his course in the Semin
ole War, had been taken up by the people, and was being
pressed in earnest for the presidency. In one of Clay's
letters to a friend in Ohio he stated that the nomination
of Jackson by the legislature of Tennessee was only to
satisfy local pride, and that Jackson could find no sup •
port outside of his own state. But by the beginning of
1824 ne had to admit that Pennsylvania was entirely
"mad" with Jacksonism. However even to the last mo
ment almost he refused to believe that the American peo
ple would choose for the highest civil office in their gift,
the man who was only a successful general; for Clay
claimed that Jackson had done practically nothing in

HENRY CLAY.

47

political life, was not a student of public affairs; and also
that he was hot-headed, arid as Clay believed despotic
and entirely unsafe.
However successful Clay may have been in judging
public opinion, in
-general, he certain
ly was utterly mis
taken in regard
to its attitude to
ward Jackson. Clay
was never quite
so optimistic after
his contact with
Jackson in the
years 1825 to 1833,
as he had been be
fore. In his pri
vate letters he said
he would not whol
ly despair of the
future of the Re
public. He could
not but feel that
there was sufficient honesty and public worth in the
American people to lead them to turn from the path
upon which they had entered. Yet he never either
in public or in private was able to understand Jack
son nor to guage correctly the motives that were
prompting the people to support him. That Clay was
honest is doubtless true. That Jackson was equally* so

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Born Feb. 24, 1772. Died Sept. 15, 1834.
48 HENRY CLAY..
would now be denied by few. Yet these men went
to their graves each believing that the other was dis
honest, and that his triumph endangered the perpetuity
of the Republic for which either would have willingly
laid down his life had he felt it necessary for its preser
vation. In general Clay was not a man with fierce ha
treds as was Jackson; yet, in this particular case, it
seems that the intensity of his mistrust and dislike was
not exceeded by Jackson himself.
When the campaign ended it was found that the' elect
ors had made no one president. Jackson led with 99
votes, while Adams came next with 84. Crawford had
41 to Clay's 37, so Clay was not one of the three highest, -
hence could not be voted for by the House. When it
became its duty to choose a president, Clay as speaker of
the House, as the most influential and powerful man in
it, had it in his power to determine which one of these
three men should be made president. During the cam
paign it was clear that his friends at least, if not he him
self, leaned toward Crawford. At the last moment al
most, in the campaign, Gallatin had withdrawn as the
candidate for vice-president on the Crawford ticket. His
friends were in general for Clay for the place. There
are indications in Clay's letters, that had this plan been
broached soon enough, it might have been considered.
At least Clay was very careful in his replies not to an
tagonize the friends of Crawford who were fashioning
this plan.
When the election was over, however, and the vote of
Clay had to be cast for some one, his choice was soon

HENRY CLAY. 49
made. He felt, at least as soon as he had seen Craw
ford, that his sickness had disqualified him for the place.
In his letters he frequently makes the statement that
Adams would not be his choice at all were he free to
choose from whom he would; yet since it was either
Jackson or Adams he preferred the latter. Perhaps as a
courageous statesman he had to lake a side, and to use
his influence and his friends to win. However as it
proved, it cost him dear. Before this time Clay's reputa
tion had been as spotless as his public character. From
this time on he had to face the cry of "bargain and cor
ruption." Jackson and thousands of the American peo
ple believed that Clay had voted for Adams, in return
for the promise that Adams would make Clay Secretary
of State. The proof is overwhelming that no such
agreement was entered into, but the charge was made;
some attempted proofs were set forth; and he could not
put it down. He accepted the office, and people would
believe that it had been bought. The charge has been
made by Mr. Colton, Clay's biographer, that the corrupt
ion was on the other side, and that there was a conspir
acy to force Clay to vote for Jackson, or to ruin Clay.
But the truth is Colton succeeded no better in his
charge, than did the friends of Jackson in theirs, and to
my mind a careful, if not an exhaustive, study of all
that has been said on both sides, leaves the impression
that the times and the character of the men concerned
offer the true explanation. As a matter of fact both
were high-minded, patriotic statesmen. Both were in
tense. Both were ambitious. The thought of wrong

50 HENRY CLAY.
got a lodgement in two such minds. It was ineradicable.
The people were not yet self-centered. They believed,
as we do yet too often, that improper motives always
guided men in official positions. In a word it was a vast
mistake and misconception. Neither was capable of un
derstanding the other. Each was strong on one side of
his character and weak on another. But both were
above selling themselves, or their country, or its inter
ests, to gratify personal ambition. Yet it t must be said
"that Clay erred. He saw it when too late/ and in 1842,
in a speech to his neighbors he admitted it. His true
place was in Congress. He had no right to lay himself
open to the suspicion that his vote had been used to
further his own longings. He might have been presi
dent had he not become Adams's Secretary of State.
For this latter place Clay was well fitted, but he lost a
greater stake, and brought much sorrow on himself by
not having avoided even the appearance of evil, as well
as the evil itself.
The four years that Clay was Secretary of State were
on the whole years of disappointment to him. To be
sure he could point to the fact that he had concluded
more treaties with foreign nations than all his predeces
sors together, yet this fact satisfied him little when he
failed in his greatest plans, and had also to fight the cry
of "corruption" during the entire time.
Immediately upon the inauguration of Adams, new
party ties began to be formed, and it was soon seen that
the "Era of Good Feeling" was at an end. Adams and
Clay were able to carry most of their respective friends

HENRY CLAY. 51
into the support of the new administration; thus the
"ins" were content. However the "outs" also tended to
join in criticism of the measures of the new government.
Gradually as the measures of Adams and Clay unfolded
themselves, those who had supported Jackson and Craw
ford as well as most of Calhoun's friends began to fuse
into one party. Their battle-cry was "avenge the peo
ple," who had been cheated out of their will by the cor
rupt union of Adams and Clay. Nearly or quite one-
third of Clay's private letters during these years contain
some reference to this charge. He made one or two
masterly speeches on the question. He wrote some of
his strongest papers for the press on the subject. Seem
ingly he had completely refuted the charge. His friends
like Webster and Lafayette, congratulated him on the
overwhelming success of his defence. Yet it all seemed
to be of no avail. Jackson finally lent his name formal
ly to the charge, and cited Buchanan as his witness.
The latter did not sustain the charge. Again it would
seem that the victor}' was won. But no! Clay never
escaped the effect of his indiscretion,or his mistake which
ever we may call it. The lesson is evident, a man must
not only be pure in fact, but he must also avoid the very
appearance of corruption.
For years as we have seen Clay had been the friend of
the South American Republics. Now as Secretary of
State seemingly the time .had come when he could aid
them as he had wished to do in the past Yet fate stood
in his way. In the senate, if the majority were not ac
tively hostile, they were ready at least to thwart his

52 HENRY CLAY.
plans by indirection. This was soon made manifest in
connection with the proposed Panama Congress. A
meeting of delegates from the various American states
was to be held on the isthmus to take into consideration
the interests of this continent. Here was the chance to
form the "Human Freedom League" that Clay had de
sired in order that it might be ready to thwart the plans
of the "Holy Alliance" of the European nations. Clay
found however that even Adams was cooler blooded than
he, and felt the necessity of caution. In two elaborate
messages Adams made it clear to Congress that he did
not intend to send commissioners to the Panama Con*
gress unless the' money was first appropriated. Yet even
then the Senate delayed confirmation. Adams also
stated in his messages that the delegates would only have
power to consult They would have the right to con
clude nothing.
However Congress quibbled lest we should in some
way become involved in foreign complications. Again
Adams narrowed the _ Monroe doctrine so that it meant
only tfrat each American State should resist the attempt
to plant colonics within its borders by its own means
and strength. In every way it would seem that he had
guarded against the interests of the Union becoming- in-
vol ved with those of the Spanish American states. At
last the Administration saw victory, in the confirmation
of its envoys. However the delay proved fatal as the
Congress had already adjourned when they reached Pan
ama. Perhaps it was as well that failure came in the way it

HENRY CLAY. 53
did since the time was not ripe for the consummation of
Clay's plans. But the disappointment to Clay must
have been keen, and all the greater, since he realized
that the opposition was less because of the measure, than
because the measure was his, or his and Adams's.
The campaign of 1828 began almost before that of 1824
was ended. The legislature of Tennessee renominated
Jackson, and he resigned his seat in the Senate that he
might be free to be a candidate for president The
whole of Adams's administration, therefore, was practi
cally one long campaign. Few measures were decided
on their merits; most were discussed from the standpoint
of their influence on the next election. Adams was pro
posed as his own successor, but Clay was not for that
reason allowed to escape attack. The campaign was one
that cannot be looked back upon by an American with
pleasure. Personalities were the chief stock in trade.
Adams was maligned. Jackson was attacked in his pri
vate life, as well as for his public acts. Clay became in
volved in the charges and counter charges.
Clay replied in a speech at Lexington to the charge of
corruption in the election of 1825, in so able a manner,
that letters came to him from all over the Union of a
tenor similar to one of Webster's in which he said, "You
speak very modestly of recent events, in which you have
borne so successful a part. I cannot think General Jack
son will ever recover from the blow he has received."
Mr. Letcher refers to the letter of Mr. Buchanan con
cerning the charge as if it practically settled the election;
for he says, "I am greatly gratified .with the result, and

54 HENRY CLAY.
must believe it will have a happy effect upon the Presi
dential election. It is impossible it should turn out
otherwise. Virginia, after this, will not- cannot sup-
poit the General." But the result proved that Clay
could not prevent the election of Jackson; and that Clay's
friends as well, failed to understand the strength of the
popular movement for Jackson. The event which hurt
Clay most of all was that his own beloved state of Ken
tucky had given its vote to Jackson. How deeply this
grieved him may be seen from his letter to his friend
Adam Beatty:
'From the information which your letter communi
cates. . . . there is reason to apprehend that the vote of
Kentucky has been given to General Jackson. Without
that event, there is but too much probability of his elect
ion. To this decision of the people of the United States,
patriotism and religion both unite in enjoining' submis
sion and resignation. For one, I shall endeavor to per
form that duty. As a private citizen, and as a lover of-
liberty, I shall ever deeply deplore it. And the course
of my own state, .... will mortify and distress me. I*
hope, nevertheless, that I shall find myself able to sus
tain with composure the shock of this event, and every
other trial to which I shall be destined."
To Mr. Niles he writes, "My health and my spirits,
too, have been better, since the event was known, than
they were many weeks before. And yet all my opinions
are unchanged and unchangeable, about the dangers of
the precedent which we have established. The militar}'
principle has triumphed, and triumphed in the person of

HENRY CLAY. 55
one devoid of all the graces, elegances, and magnanimity,
of the accomplished men of the profession." These ex
tracts show how keenly Clay felt the defeat of Adams in
this election; or perhaps, better, they show how greatly
he was distressed at the triumph of Jackson.
On retiring from the office of Secretary of State, March
1829, Clay could not refrain from emphasizing the above
idea in a speech at a banquet which was given to him
by his friends. Again in a great speech at Lexington,
he took occasion to affirm that an error had been made
in electing a man to the presidency who wished to rule
on military principles; and whose first act had been to
fill the important places in the governmental service on
the principle that to the "victors belong the spoils." He
closed this speech with a reference to himself which
shows how constantly the charge of corruption kept
rankling in his mind.
"I have doubtless committed many faults and indis
cretions, over which you have thrown the broad mantle
of your charity. But I can say, and in the presence of
my God and this assembled multitude, I will say, that
I have honestly and faithfully served my countr}; that
I have never wronged it; and that, however unprepared
I lament that I am to appear in the Divine presence on
other accounts, I invoke the stern justice of his judg
ment on my public conduct, without the smallest appre
hension of his displeasure."
At this time Clay seemed to' feel that he had finished
his public career, and was content to retire to his farm and
his family. That he was sincere is seen in the fact that

56 HENRY CLAY.
he declined to be returned to the House, and rejected the
suggestion that he should go to the Kentucky legisla
ture. YTet scarcely a year passed till we find him mak
ing a political pilgrimage through the south; and in
1 83 1 he entered the senate of the United States, where.
he strove with Webster and Calhoun for leadership in
that body when it was at the zenith of its fame. For
eleven years he remained in the senate. During^this
period, he was once a candidate for president; and, later
in 1840, he sought the nomination from the Whigs in
vain; for, on the ground of availability, it went to Har
rison, a man vastly his inferior in mental ability, and in
real qualifications for the office.
However it was during these years that Clay reached
the height of his power. Yet it seemed that fate was
ever against him. In one way or another he was pre
vented from testing his theories in actual measures.
When Congress was with him Jackson as president
blocked his way. Later when the House was won he
was in a minority in. the Senate. Finally in 1841,
House, Senate and President were all seemingly in har
mony with him. He outlined hisif>lans. He went to
Washington full of hope. At last he could press his
measures to a test But this time the frailty of human life
balked his plans; for, only one month after his inaugu
ration Harrison died. Tyler became president, only to
quarrel with Clay, and to veto many of his pet measures.
Clay strove for a year, and finally saw two of his plans
successful, one negative the other positive. The Sub-
Treasury law was repealed; and a -moderately protect-

HENRY CLAY. 57
ive tariff act was placed on the statute book. But the
bank act which was to crown the work, as Clay believed,
was defeated; and his land bill rested a\nongthe acts slain
by Tyler's veto pen. , Feeling that his work was done,
and longing also for rest and home Clay resigned in
1842. His farewell speech to tlie Seriate was dramatic
in its form and in its occasion. . Although he had had
many sharp and bitter contests with senators, now that
the moment of parting had come, the high place which
he held in their estimation was seen. It is said that
few eyes were dry as Clay's farewell words fell from his
eloquent lips.
But let us study those years more in detail, to try to
find out and judge of the merit of the measures that
Clay struggled so hard to put into the form of laws, or
to prevent from going on the statute book.
One of the first questions that demanded Clay's atten
tion on his entrance again into the Senate pertained to
the management of the public laud. There was a move
ment on foot to withdraw all public lauds from market
for a time. The great debate in 1830 between Webster
and Hayne had originated in a resolution of Senator
Foote of Connecticut to have a committee appointed to
consider the advisability of such a measure. The dis
cussion opened up the whole question of the States
Right doctrine, and various propositions were brought
before Congress. Some would give the lands to the
states; others would sell them to the states in which they
lay at a merely nominal sum. The question had become
in part an issue also between the eastern and western sec-

58

HENRY CLAY.

tions of the Union. Thus the greatest questions of the
day were involved in the settlement of the land problem.
In this condition of affairs the whole subject was referred
to the committee of Manufacturers of which Clay was
chairman. It must
be remembered
that at this time,
1832, Clay was a
candidate for the
presidency, hence
it was presumed
that any report he
could make would
injure him in some
section of the Un
ion. We must also
note that his com
mittee was not the
natural one to
which to refer such
a measure. Evi
dently we may con
clude that it was sent to his committee for political pur
poses. Clay did not hesitate to grapple with the problem;
he proved his courage at least, whether his report was
marked by the highest statesmanship or not. The com
mittee reported against lowering the price of the land
which had been fixed at $1.25 per-acre by the law of
1820, and against ceding the land to the states; but it
favored distributing the proceeds of the sale of the lands

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Robert Y; Hayne.
Born Nov. 10, 1791. Died Sept. 24, 1841.
HENRY CLAY. 59
among the states, after reserving ten per cent of the re
ceipts to be distributed among the new states. Clay
here began his struggle for the distribution of the pro
ceeds of the land sales among the states, a struggle
which he never abandoned till he left the -senate in 1842,
unable to secure its adoption. Evidently there was a
close relationship in Clay's mind between land-sale dis
tribution and the tariff. The revenues of the government
during these years were in excess of its needs. A re
duction of income must be found somewhere.
Clay did not claim the constitutional right to tax, to
collect revenue from the people with one hand in order to
get an income that the national government might in
turn distribute it with the otner hand to the states.
However, he did insist that the income from the land
sales might be so disposed of, and in that way the rev
enue of the government be lessened. The only alterna
tive to this policy would be to reduce the duty on im- '
ports. The latter measure was the one desired by the
free-trader, and by the revenue reformer. Clay held out
against it and, in 1S32, succeeded in securing the pas
sage of a tariff law which wis strongly protective in its
effects. The passage of this law was made the occasion
for South Carolina to pasc her resolutions of nullifica
tion. All Clay's writings both public and private, as
well as his speeches, show that he was opposed to the
doctrine as set forth by South Carolina. In his
speech on Nullification he used the following language:
- 4 'In^caseT^wiieTe'tnere are two systems of government,
operating at the same time and place, over the same peo-

60 HENRY CLAY.
pie, the one general, the other local or particular, one
system or the other must possess the right to decide upon
the extent of the powers, in cases of collision which are
claimed by the general government. No third party of
sufficient impartiality, weight and responsibility, other
than such a tribunal as a supreme court, has yet been
devised, or perhaps can be created. The doctrine of one
side is that the general government though limited in its
nature, must necessarily possess the power to ascertain
what authority it has and, by consequence, the extent of
that authority."
"The South Carolina doctrine, on the other side, is,
that that state has the right to determine the limits of
the powers granted to the general government: and that
whenever any of its acts transcend those limits, in the
opinion of the state of South Carolina, she is competent
to annul them. It is admitted that the South Carolina
doctrine is liable to abuse; but it is contended, that the
patriotism of each state is an adequate security, and that
the nullifying power would only be exercised, in an ex
traordinary case where the powers reserved to the states,
under the constitution, are usurped by the federal gov
ernment And is not the patriotism of all the states, as
great a safeguard against the assumption of powers, not
conferred upon the general government, as the patriot
ism of one state is against the denial of powers which
are clearly granted?" However he loved the Union
above all things, and he therefore stood ready to "com-
promise that the~"need to Use force inigmV--rret--Qccuj.
For this reason mainly, I believe it may be said, Clay

HENRY CLAY. 6r
introduced the compromise tariff bill of 1833. To be
sure in his argument he urged that the measure was nec
essary to save the protective system from immediate des
truction. He also argued tliat protection would perhaps
not be needed by 1S42 when the principal reduction in
the rate of duty was to be made. Yet when we have
made these concessions, it still remains true that the
preservation of the Union was the main factor as may be
seen from his speeches and letters. In one he says:
"If there be any who want civil war, I am not one of
them. I wish to sec war of no kind; but above all I do
not desire to see civil war. When a civil war shall be
'lightened up in the bosom of our own happy land, and
armies are marching, and commanders are winning their
victories, and fleets are in motion on our coast, tell ine,
if you can ... its duration.
"In conclusion, allow me to entreat and implore each
individual member of this body to bring into the consid
eration of this measure, which I have had the honor Of
proposing, the same love of country, which, if I know
myself, has actuated me, and the same desire of restor
ing harmony to the Union which has prompted this
effort." This bill was supported by Calhoun, and thus the mil
liners joined with Clay and the compromisers to settle
the question at immediate issue. South Carolina re
pealed her resolutions aud acts of nullification, while
Congress passed the so-called "Force Bill" to assert its
authority. Jackson, as a result of his course, strength
ened his position with the north especially, while Clay

62 HENRY CLAY.
strengthened his right to the title of the "Great Com
promiser. "
Thus while Clay was ready to compromise on the tar
iff for the sake of the Union, there was one subject on
which he never would consent to lower his "flag. The
national bank called forth all the resources of his brain
and tongue. He forced the issue of its recharter into
the campaign of 1832, and lost If Jackson at that time
had concluded not to push his opposition to the bank
further, the making the question an issue in the cam
paign determined him to secure its destruction. When,
July 4, 1832, the recharter bill came before Jackson he
did not hesitate, although it was known that a large sec
tion of his own party were enlisted on the side of the
bank. Jackson's veto message of the 10th of July ap
pealed to the people to come to his aid in his great strug
gle for their rights against the giant bank monopoly.
The leaders might hesitate to follow him, but the great
common people did not The result of the election was
the overwhelming defeat of Clay and the bank. Jackson
seized upon this so-called verdict of the people to push
the bank to its destruction. His own officers must fol
low his lead. When McLane hesitated to remove the
government deposits from the vaults of the bank, another
place was found for him, and Duane was made his suc
cessor as Secretary of the Treasury. When the latter
refused to remove the deposits, although Jackson had
assumed the responsibility for the .act, he was promptly
removed and Taney appointed in his place. Oct. 1,
1 833, the bank ceased to receive any more funds of the

HENRY CLAY. 63
United States, and by March of the following year, it
ceased to have any of the government revenue in its pos
session. Clay opposed Jackson in all these measures in the
most power
ful way; but,
although joined by
Webster and
Calhoun, as
well as bv
many former
friends of
Jackson, it^
was of no a-'
vail. The
people were
with Jackson.
Perhaps the
keenest criti
cism that can
be made up*
on Clay dur-
ing these
years, is that he was only a negative force. When
he saw that the people had pronounced against the
then existing banking system, he had nothing to pro
pose in its stead. He struggled for its restoration till
1842; then, after his failure, due to Tyler's veto, he
turned to other subjects, recognizing that his pet meas-

Martin Van Buren. Eighth President of the U. S.
Born 1782. Died 1862.

64 HENRY CLAY.
ure could not again, soon at least, be able to obtain a
favorable hearing from the American people.
In Van Buren's administration it was proposed to
substitute the Independent Treasury for the National
Bank. Clay opposed the plan, and predicted dire disas
ter to the countr}' should it be adopted. In 1840 the
measure became a law, only, to be repealed the next year
when the Whigs under Clay's and Harrison's leadership
came into power. In 1846 when the Democrats again
triumphed the system was reestablished, and exists to
day with few opponents. Clay's predictions remain un
fulfilled. It is to be noted in general that during these
years Clay failed to move with the progress of events.
He stood for an earlier policy, and opposed nearly •all
plans that marked an innovating spirit. His remedy for
the ills of the crisis of 1837 was to return to the bank, to
protection, to the distribution of the income from land
sales among the states; and as we have seen he urged the
repeal of the Sub-Treasury plans of managing the gov
ernmental revenues.
Gradually the slavery issue forced itself to the front.
Clay's location as well as his disposition made him a
compromiser. He opposed the Abolitionists and insist
ed that they were endangering the Union by their course.
The petitions which came to Congress regarding slavery
in the District of Columbia seemed to Clay to be dan
gerous, and unnecessary. While he did not deny the
constitutional right of Congress to legislate on the sub
ject, he held that to do so would be violating an implied
promise to IMaryland and Virginia when they ceded the

HENRY CLAY. 65
District. On the other hand Clay would not go with
the extremists of the south, in denying the Right of Pe
tition. He opposed the policy pursued by the extrem
ists in both sections, and tried to put a restraining hand
on each. He denied *// tolo the right of the nation to in
terfere with slavery in the states; and affirmed that the
slave-master had a right to his property, and that each
state was free to act as it pleased.
If the question, he once said, was concerning the in
troduction of slaves, "No man in it would oppose their
admission with more determined resolution and conscien
tious repugnance than I should." But he adds: "What
is best to be done for their happiness and our own, now
that they are here?" "In the slave states the alternative
is that the white man must govern the black, or the
black govern the white." It was this thought that
seems to have dominated Clay's instinctive love of lib
erty. Clay was not always consistent in his arguments on
this question. He wished to have the free negroes colo
nized in Africa, and supported the colonization society for
that reason. Yet he in one breath said that thev are the
off-scouring of society, and in the next that they would
carry religion and civilization back with them to Africa.
In arguing for this society he said:
"This society is well aware, I repeat, that they cannot
touch the subject of slavery." ... "Of all descrip
tions of our population, that of the free colored, taken in
the aggregate, is the least prolific, because of the checks
arising from vice and want." ... "If I could be in-
o

66 HENRY CLAY.
strumental in eradicating this deepest stain upon the
character of the countr}', and removing all cause of re
proach on account of it, by foreign nations; if I could
only be instrumental in ridding of this foul blot that
revered state that gave me birth, or that not less beloved
state which kindly adopted me as her son; I would not
exchange the proud satisfaction which I should enjoy,
for the honor of all the triumphs even decreed to the
most successful conqueror. " ... "There is a moral fit
ness in the idea of returning to Africa her children,
whose ancestors have been torn from her bv the ruthless
hand of fraud and violence. Transplanted in a foreign
land, they will carry back to their native soil the rich
fruits of religion, civilization, law, and liberty." . ..
"Of all classes of our population, the most vicious is that
of the free colored. It is the inevitable result of their
moral, political, and civil degradation. Contaminated
themselves, they extend their vices to all around them,
to the slaves and the whites. If the principle of coloni
zation should be confined to them; if a colony can be
firmly established and successfully continued in Africa
which should draw off annually an amount of that por
tion of our population equal to its annual increase, much
good will be done." . . . "Every. emigrant to Africa is
a missionary carrying with him credentials in the holy
cause of civilization, religion, and free institutions. We
are reproached with doing mischief by the agitation of
this question. The society goes into no household to
disturb its domestic tranquility; it addresses itself to no
slaves to weaken their obligations of obedience. It seeks

HENRY CLAY. 67
to affect no mans property. It has neither the power
nor the will to affect the property of any one contrary to
his consent. The execution of its scheme would aug
ment instead of diminish the value of the property left be
hind." There was no hesitation in 1844 in giving Clay the
nomination for president. The Whigs had as they be
lieved been betraved bv Tvler, so now thev would nom-
* * * * *
inate the great leader of their party, as they ought to
have done in 1S40. No doubt many factors entered into
the result. Two however seem to have turned the scale
against Clay. For the last time Jackson entered the
field, and revived the old cry of "bargain and corrup
tion." This old charge again confronted Clay. Again
he proved its falsity, but doubtless thousands believed
Jackson. The other factor was Clay's own. He was
opposed at heart to the annexation of Texas, and had
said so in a straight-forward manner. But during the
campaign to try to save votes or to secure votes in the
south, he was enticed into writing some six letters, the
first explaining his views, and the others attempting to
explain the explanation. Those who were influenced at
all were in the north. Polk could under no circum
stances have been deprived of a vote in the south, for
both were radically for annexation. In the north, how
ever, when it became evident that Clay was attempting
to hedge, disaster was certain. The campaign in his
cause flagged, Greely says, from the moment his letters
appeared. Silence might have given him Michigan and
New York and the presidency. His letters were factors

68

HENRY CLAY.

at least in losing both. For the next few years Clay was
only an interested spectator of the exciting drama that
was playing at Washington. He viewed the struggle
over the institutions of the tenitories with alarm. The
Wilmot Proviso, and
the debate it aroused
caused him to fear
again for his beloved
Union. By 1849 it
seemed tliat the hour
of danger had come.
Oregon was organ
ized as a territory
with slavcrv exclud-
ed. Every sign point
ed to the admission
of California as a free
state, but perhaps on
ly at the cost of se
cession and war. The
» south felt that the
Mexican war had
been fought largelv bv its sons, and now for the results
of the war to strengthen the power of the free states
seemed to it insufferable. At the best it was willing to
compromise only by extending the line 360 30' to the
Pacific. At this juncture Clay was persuaded to return to the
Senate. He came back longing to reconcile the north
and the south. To him the slavery issue was not so im-

John C. Fremont. "The Pathfinder of the Rockies
Born 1813. Died 1890.

HENRY CLAY. 6g
portant as to those farther north or farther south. He
held slaves, but he could see them freed with equanimity;
so he could not understand those from the extreme south
who felt that their whole life was absorbed in the contin
ued existence of the slave system. He did not feel that so
cial, industrial and political institutions were practically
based on its continuance. In short he could not under
stand why they should wish to break the Union, if they
were prevented from extending the system into at least
a part of the new territory. But if he could not under
stand the south, still less could he realize the point of
view of the north. Why the northern people should
press the issue so as to irritate and madden the south he
could not understand. The question to them was only
a moral abstraction. They had no slaves. They were
in no wise responsible for the existence of slavery. Each
state determined that question for itself. Thus it was
that Clay was unable to put himself fully in the place of
either north or south. What was slavery anyway com
pared to the LTnion? In this state of mind, he came, I
believe, to Washington. A compromise would, settle
the question again as it had before. Clay seemed to be
lieve it would settle it forever. He proposed a plan. It
finally passed Congress and became known as the "Com
promise of 1850," the "finality" compromise. In one
sense Clay had not mistaken the temper of the people.
The majority both north and south were ready to yield
something for the sake of Union.
Clay did not live to know that his "finality" measure
proved to be only a temporary makeshift He died in

?o HENRY CLAY.
1852, at the moment when both the great parties had
placed on their banners the promise of faithfulness to his
great Compromise. We may believe that Clay .had no
conception that in less than ten years from ihat time a
million men from north and south would confront each
other with arms in hands, to fight out the great issue
that he supposed he had settled, perhaps, for all time.
Of Clay then we may conclude: He was a man of
wonderful personality and power. His voice and pres
ence charmed all who came within their influence. On
the whole he was not a creative statesman, yet he was
ready with measures for the day. His mind was that of
one who stood ready to compromise, and his great work
in our history perhaps was to postpone the day of settle
ment of the slavery question till it could be settled right,
and yet preserve the Union. This last word was the
dearest of all to him, and his career, though marked
with faults and weaknesses, was never untrue to it. As
he himself said, he could challenge the judgment of God
on his public acts, and could feel that he would not there
be found wanting.

HENRY CLAY. 71
ANECDOTES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF HENRY CLAY.
CLAY AT FIFTEEN.
Roland Thomas, senior clerk in the office in which
Clay became a copyist, at the age of fifteen, has left us
this description of Clay's appearance the day he began
his work.
"His face was not handsome; his manners were not en
tirely uncouth, but it was supposed that lie was to be the
butt of ridicule. It was soon seen however that he had
a keen tongue, and the laughter was turned to admira
tion. He was dressed in a new suit of Figginy (Vir
ginia) cloth, cotton and silk mixed, complexion of pep
per and salt, with clean linen well starched, and the tail
of his coat standing out from his legs at an. angle of
forty-five degrees, like that of a dragoon."
Mr. Thomas adds that Clay was an earnest student at
night and odd moments; that he never, at this time, went
out at night for pleasure. CLAY AND BURR.
Burr gave the following written paper to Clay before
Clay would undertake his defence when he was charged
with treason, by Col. Daviess, the United States Attor
ney, 1806.
"He [Burr] had no design to intermeddle with, or dis
turb the tranquility of the United States, or its territories,
nor .any part of them. He had neither issued nor
signed, nor promised a commission, to any person, for
any purpose. He did not own a single musket, nor bay
onet, nor any single article of military stores, nor did

72 " HENRY CLAY.
any other person for him, by his authority or knowledge.
His views had been explained to several distinguished
members of the administration, were well understood and
approved by the government. They were such as every
man of honor, and every good citizen, must approve. He
considered this declaration proper as well to counteract
the chimerical tales circulated by the malevolence of his
enemies, as to satisfy Mr. Clay, that he had not become
the counsel of a man in. any Way unfriendly to the laws,
the government, or the well being of his country."
J. Q. ADAMS.
The Aurora of 1S0S contains an article from which
The Reporter of Lexington quotes the following extract.
It mirrors the feelings of the people of Kentucky, as
thev conceived the New England Federalist of that dav.
"Mr. f. Q. Adams has committed an offence inexpi
able against the friends of a union between Gt. B. and
the eastern states. In order to reign over the people as
satraps, there is a faction in the eastern states willing to
subvert the union: Mr. Adams has had the honesty to
repel, resist and expose them; and he is removed from
the senate. He has, in his removal, the consolation of a
virtuous man, and the applause of his country, while
those who would betray their country to the flagitous de
signs of Gt. B., already meet the national execration."
WAR OF I Si 2 IX NEW YORK.
The New- York Evening Post, is quoted in the Na
tional Intelligencer, of May 12, 1812, as using this lan
guage in regard to their position on the War,

HENRY CLAY. 73
"Mr. Clay and his western brethren may make light
of our cities being laia in. ashes followed bv a flight to
Kentucky and Ohio, but we shall take the liberty to
think for ourselves, as well as to feel for ourselves, to de
liberate for ourselves and to determine for ourselves. We
tell them plainly that we will not go to war; we will not
abandon our cities; we will not take flight to the West
ward. And, now, let them try their power over us as
soon as they please." clay's first bank speech.
The Argus of Western America, a Kentucky paper,
quotes this comment from the Uliig, on Clay's great
speech against the Bank, on Feb. 15, 1S11. /
"Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, chained the attention of die y
Senate, and of the crowded galleries to a speech of about
an hour and twenty minutes continuance, abounding in
strong and prespicuous argument, and in stubborn facts,
pronounced in the most natural and emphatic manner.
Such a display of forceful oratory I have never witnessed
nTa legislative" body, and, if I decline the attempt to re-<
port from mere recollection an accurate sketch of this
matchless oration; if my memory was deluded to do hom
age to my admiration the merit of the speech will ,J>e
found an ample excuse for my delinquency."
FEDERALIST ESTIMATE OF CLAY, 1815.
The Examiner of Sept. 13, 181 5, contains this esti
mate of Clay. From this article one may form a very
good idea of the amenities of journalism at that time.
"We are at length recovered from the fascination o.

74 HENRY CLAY.
the heroic manners of Harry Clay; and we have ceased
to contemplate with enthusiastic rapture 'the human face
divine^ which adorns the forepart of the head of Albert
Gallatin. "Of Mr. Clay's vehemence in favor of that war which
was to establish the absolute intactability of neutral com
merce. . . little now need be said. His utter disap
pointment in these matters, sufficiently proves, that al
though he may rank high, in the order of bawling pa
triots, he has shown himself utterly destitute of that so
ber, practical wisdom, which distinguishes the real states
man from the vociferous demagogue. . . To him honor
seemed to consist in being an ambassador; not in being
consistent and inflexible. . . .
. "But I cannot forbear to ask what mighty service this
gentleman has rendered his country? He was certainly
never so famous for elegant composition, as Stump Ora
tor." [He states that] uagreot object of the war has
been attained in the fum establishment of the national
character. Is this true? Or is it false? Federalists!"
Democrats! On your consciences is it true or is it false?
... It was reserved for Mr. Clay to cap the climax of
absurdity and falsehood, by saying that the establish
ment of the national character was a great object of the
war. The assertion is not true. There is not an idiot
in the country who can be persuaded it is true. Mr.
Clay knew it was not true."
CLAY AND LAFAYETTE.
In 1824 at the time of LaFayette's visit to the United

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Henry Chiy Addressing the IT. S. Senate in 1850.
76 HENRY CLAY.
States, Clay delivered the welcoming address in the
House of Representatives:
"The vain wish has been sometimes indulged that
Providence would allow the patriot, after death, to return
to his own country, and to contemplate the intermediate
changes which had taken place — to view the forests
felled, the cities built, the mountains leveled, the canals
cut, the high-ways constructed, the progress of the arts,
the advancement of learning, and the increase of popu
lation. General, your present visit to the United States
is a realization of the consoling object of that wish.
You are in the midst of posterity. Everywhere you
must have been struck with the great changes, physical
and moral, which have occurred since you left us.
Even this very city, bearing a venerated name, alike en
deared to you and to us, has since emerged from the for
ests which then covered its site. In one respect you find
us unaltered, and that is in the sentiment of continued
devotion to liberty, and, of ardent affection and profound
gratitude to your departed friend, the Father of his coun
try; and to you, and to your illustrious associates in
the field and in the cabinet, for the multiplied blessings
which surround us, and for the very privi lege of address
ing you, which I now exercise. This sentiment, now
fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people,
will be transmitted, with, unabated vigor, down the tide
of time, through the countless millions who are destined
to inhabit this continent, to the latest posterity."
CLAY TO HIS NEIGHBORS, 1829.
The following extract from an address to his constitu-

HENRY CLAY. 77
ents, in 1829, when he returned from Washington, after
retiring from the position of Secretary of State, shows
us, in part, at least, the qualities which gave him such a
powerful hold on his neighbors, who were ever and al
ways his friends. Some one has said that the nearer one
got to Lexington, Kentucky, the stronger lie found the
hold that Clay had on the people.
"And now, my friends and fellow-citizens, I cannot
part from you, on possibly this last occasion of my ever
publicly addressing you, without reiterating the expres
sion of my thanks from a heart overflowing with grati
tude. I came among vou, now more than thirtv vears
ago, an orphan boy, pcnnyless, a stranger to you all,
without friends, without the favor of the great. . You
took me up, cherished me, caressed me, protected me,
honored me. You have constantly poured upon me a
bold and unabated stream of innumerable favors. Time,
which wears out everything, has increased and strength
ened your affection for me. When I seemed deserted by
almost the whole world, and assailed bv almost everv
tongue and pen and press, you have fearlessly and man
fully stood by me, with unsurpassed zeal and undimin
ished friendship. When I felt as if I should sink beneath
the storm of abuse and destruction, which was violently
raging around me, I have found myself upheld and sus
tained by your encouraging voices and your approvin"
smiles. I have doubtless committed many faults and i:.
discretions, over which you have thrown the broad man-'
tie of your charity."

78 HENRY CLAY.
DESCRIPTION OF CLAY.
Reverend Robt J. Breckenridge, in an oration on lay
ing the corner-stone of the Clay monument; at Lexing
ton, gives this estimate of Clay and his power.
"It is in the midst of such progress, through such a
development, to such a result, that this man, confessedly
so great as an orator, a lawyer, a politician, a parliamen
tary leader, must vindicate to himself the still higher
title of a great statesman. Two things may be confi
dently asserted as the basis of his claim to a title so
august. The first is that of all the statesmen of his age,
he most prominently carved a policy for his country; a
policy to adopt which, or to reject which, made the sys
tem of other statesmen. . . . From 1811 to 1852. ... it
cannot be denied that the opinion of Henry Clay was an
important element in the fate of every important question
of national policy. The other fact is still more honor
able to his name, still more conclusive of his true great
ness. To ^whatever cause we may see fit to attribute it,
whether to his patriotism, to his justice, his sagacity, his
love of fairness, his ambition, the fact is still unquestion
able, that of all the statesmen of the day, he was held by
the common voice of mankind to be the most impartial.
Impartial in striving to arrange all conflicting interests,
impartial in seeking to adjust all threatenmgTITrncull.ies,
impartial in settling the boundaries of power and right,
impartial in his great*5*piTTt,.in his wide intelligence, rind
m his dauntless conduct." ...
"Honest in all things, truthful always; to deceive, to
k prevaricate, to act unfairly — the refuge of base, timid,

HENRY CLAY. 79
and feeble natures— no more entered into his thoughts
in the high and difficult emergencies of life, than in the
daily round of his commonest duties. His was a fair,
high, brave, upright nature." . . .
"There was nothing distorted about his nature— noth
ing out of sympathy with his times — nothing that could
make him, or any one else, feel that he was not a man
of the very living generation. He was not a common,
— on the other hand he was a grand specimen, but yet
he was a real and faithful specimen of a man, of an
American, of a Kentuckian." CAMPAIGN SONGS.
In 1844 the "National Clay Melodist" was prepared.
The songs are the purest doggerel, but a few selections
will help us to an insight into the campaign of that year,
The book was dedicated with the following quotation
from one of Clay's letters.
"I have wished the good opinion of the world, but I
defy the most malignant of my enemies to show that I
have attempted to gain it by any low or groveling acts,
by any mean or unworthy sacrifice, by the violation of
any of the obligations of honor or by a breach of any of.
the duties which I owed my countr}'."
DID YOU EYER HEAR OF THE FARMER.
"Did ever you hear of the farmer
Who lives up in the West?
Of all the men for President
The wisest and the best.
To put him in the capitol
We've found a capital way.

So HENRY CLAY.
Oh! we'll sing a Harry Clay song by night,
And beat his foes by day."
"Come all, of every station.
The rich as well as poor;
For all the farmer had a place.
Who ever sought his door:
He ever had an open hand,
Nor turned the poor away;
Oh! we'll sing a Harry Clay song by night,
And beat his foes by day."
VAN CAN'T COME IT.
"When pumpkins shall grow on the top of a steeple,
And showers of pancakes shall fall with the rain;
When Benton and Tyler can humbug the people,
Yan Buren may come back to power again."

"When camels shall creep through the eye of a needle,
And dunces confess themselves minus in brain;
When rogues cannot cheat us nor parasites wheedle,
Yan Buren may come back to power again."
9
come! up with the banner.
"Come! up with the banner
Of good Harry Clay,
Who in peace and in war.
Was his country's firm stay;
Spread it wide to the breeze;
We'er freemen who rear it;
And whate'er its fate be,
We'll willingly share it.
We are some of the lads who in '40 were true
To the gallant Old Hero of Tippecanoe."
"For cute Yan and Calhoun,
We care little or nought;
They spread their own snares,
And in these they are caught,

HENRY CLAY 8r
They're for tariff— no tariff,
This, that thing, and t'other, .
And so much, and nothing,
That they honest men bother,
We are some of the lads, &c.:'
CLAY'S EARLY VIEWS ON SLAVERY.
T cannot get any absolute proof that the following let
ter in the Kentucky Gazette of April 25, 1 798, is Clay's,
as it is signed "Scaevola," yet I am morally certain of it
It is an appeal to the voters of Kentucky to send dele
gates to the Constitutional Convention favorable to the
views set forth in it After discussing at some length
the need of a general revision of the Constitution he
savs: —
"It is . not however true that the people of Kentucky
are contented and happy under the present government.
The vote of so large a number in favor of a convention
at the last election, and the present stir in the countr}',
prove the contrary. Can any humane man be happy
and contented when he sees nearly thirty thousand of
his fellow beings around him, deprived of all the rights
which make life desirable, transferred like cattle from
the possession of one to another; when he sees the trem
bling slave under the hammer, surrounded by a number
of eager purchasers, and feeling all the emotions which
arise when one is uncertain into whose tyrannical hands
he must next fall; when he beholds the anguish and
hears the piercing cries of husbands separated from wives
and children from parents; when in a word, all the ten
der and endearing ties of nature are broken assunder and

82 HENRY CLAY.
disregarded; and when he reflects that no gradual mode
of emancipation is adopted either for those slaves or for
their posterity, doubling their numbers every twenty-five
years. To suppose the people of Kentucky, enthusiasts
as they are in the cause of liberty, could be contented
and happy under circumstances like these, would be in
sulting their good sense 
uh\ addition to other misrepresentations to which the
enemies to a convention, dispairing of success by a fair
mode of reasoning, have had recourse, they have ad
dressed themselves insidiously to the fears of the slave
holders, and held out as the object of the friends to the
constitution are immediate and unqualified liberation of
the slaves. However just such a measure might be, it
certainly has never been the intention of any one to at
tempt it; and the only motive in ascribing it to them
has been to awaken the prejudices, and to mislead the
judgment of the public: But it is the wish of some of
them that a gradual emancipation should be adopted.
All America acknowledges the existence of slavery to be
an evil, which while it deprives the slave of the best
gift of heaven, in the end injures the master too, by lay
ing waste his land, enabling him to live indolently, and
thus contracting all the vices generated by a state of idle
ness. If it be this enormous evil, the sooner we attempt
its destruction the better. It is a subject that has been
so generally canvassed by the public, that it is unneces
sary to repeat all the reasons which urge to a conven
tional interference. It is sufficient that we are satisfied
of this much, that the article prohibiting the legislature

HENRY CLAY. 83
from making any provision for it [emancipation] should
be expunged, and another introduced either applying the
remedy itself, or authorizing the legislature at any sub
sequent period to do it.
There can be no danger in vesting this power in
them, and there will be a number of them who will
themselves hold slaves. The legislature of Virginia
possesses this power without abusing it."
In the last part of the article "Scaevola" argued that a
state senate was a useless body, hence he proposed that
the new convention should provide for only one house
in the legislature. clay's duels.
In accordance with the custom of the times Clay
fought in two duels, and was ready for at least two more
which were finally amicably arranged by mutual friends
of the parties.
The first duel was fought with Humphrey Marshall
early in 1809. The following extracts from The Re
porter, a Lexington, Kentucky, newspaper give us a viv
id picture of the condition of the times.
General Riffe was a member of the Kentucky House
of Representatives, when Marshall gave the insult.
Clay resented it on the spot, and attempted to attack
Marshall, "but Riffe who sat between them, a tall muscu
lar man, seized each with one hand, and held them
appart, saying earnestly, 'Come poys, no fighting here, I
whips you poth.' " Jan. 4, 1809 Clay sent the following
letter:

84 HENRY CLAY. 0
"H. Marshall, Esq., Present,
Sir: After the occurrences in the house of representatives on
this day, the receipt of this note will excite with you no surprise. I
hope on my part I shall not be disappointed in the execution of the
pledge you gave on that occasion, and in your disclaimer of the char
acter attributed to you. To enable you to fulfill these reasonable and
just expectations, my friend Major Campbell is authorized by me to
adjust the ceremonies proper to the observed.
I am, sir, yours ..&c,
Henry Clay."
On the same day the following reply was sent.
"H. Clay, Esq., Frankfort,
Sir: Your note of this date was handed me by Major Campbell.
The object is understood; and without designing to notice -the insinu
ation it contains as to character, the necessary arrangements are, on
my part, submitted to my friend, Col. Moore, Yours &c,
H. Marshall."
These rules were agreed upon to be observed by Clay
and Marshall. on the duelling ground: —
I. "Each gentleman will take his station at ten paces distant
from the other, and will stand as may suit his choice, with his arms
hanging down, and after the words. Attention! Fire! being given
both may fire at their leisure..
2. "A snap or flash shall be equivalent to a fire.
3. "If one should fire before the other, he who fires first, shall
stand in the position in which he was when he fired, except that he
may let his arms fall down by his side.
4. "A violation of the above rules by cither of the parties (acci
dents excepted) shall subject the offender to instant death.
John* B. Campbell. .
James V. Moore."
Three shots were fired. Marshall was slightly wounded
on the first, and Clay somewhat severely on the third
fire. The seconds in their "official" report note that
Clay "insisted on another fire very ardently."

HENRY CLAY. . 85
As the duel arose over a debate concerning the prin
ciple of protection, it has been said that Clay "fought
and bled" for the idea which dominated so much of his
thinking. In 1 81 2 Randolph accused Clay of unfairness in his
actions as Spe'aker, and became very violent in. his lan
guage. In reply to a letter, Langdon Chens wrote to
Clav as follows:
"You ask me 'what notice you ought to take of Randolph's reply?'
Certainly none, none whatever. ... I think as the question stands,
you have entirely the advantage of the argument', and I think you
would egregiously err, as the Speaker of the House of Representatives
(it would be entirely different were it a question between Mr. Clay
and Mr. Randolph) to put it on any other footing than that of argu
ment. . ...
"I have not a doubt of your willingness to put the question per
sonally on any footing whatever, that might be deemed proper. But
any such notice of it on your part would be most inexcusably wrong."
One is happy to add that Clay followed the advice
given, and it was not Until 1825 that the Clay-Randolph
duel took place. At that time Randolph said of the po-
* litical alliance of Adams and Clay that it was the "Union
of the Puritan and the Blackleg, &c." For this Clay
issued a challenge for which he ever after expressed con
trition. There are varying accounts of this duel. Gen. James
Hamilton, Randolph's second, states that Randolph fired
in the air, and not at Clay. He says:— "On the word
being given, Mr. Clay fired without effect, Mr. Randolph
discharging his pistol in the air. The moment Mr. Clay
saw that Mr. Randolph had thrown away his fire, with a
<msh of sensibility, he instantly approached Randolph

S6

HENRY CLAY.

^^

and said, with an emotion I can never forget — 'I trust in
God, my dear Sir, you are untouched; after what has oc
curred I would not have banned you for a thousand
worlds.' " Mr.. Randolph had beforehand communicated
to his second his intention "not to return Mr. Clay's fire;
nothing shall induce me to harm a hair of his head. I
will not make his wife a widow, nor his children or
phans. Their tears
would be shed over
his grave; but when
the sod of Virginia
rests on my bosom,
there is not, in this
wide world, one in
dividual to pay this
tribute upon mine."
In 1853, Gen. Jes
up, who had been
Clay's second, in a
letter to Clay's son, James, gives a somewhat different
version. He states that Randolph shot at Clay the first
round, and threw away his second shot Randolph's
pistol went off accidently before the command had been
given. For that reason Gen. Jesup makes Randolph
speak and act as follows: " 'Mr. Clay, I came upon the
ground determined not to fire at you, but the unfortunate
discharge of my pistol, . . . for a moment changed my
mind.' They sprang forward as if by a common im
pulse, and grasped each other by the hand, each express
ing the pleasure he felt that the other was unhurt."

John Randolph

HENRY CLAY. 87
Clay in his private letters condemned himself, his acts,
and the custom. In his later years he acted in accord
ance with his professions. CLAY AND THE* PEOPLE.
Henry Clay was a great admirer of crowds. Webster,
Benton or Calhoun would cross the street to avoid one,
but Clay would cross the street to meet one or mingle
with one. He seemed to be personally acquainted with
every one, and he seemed to act as if every one knew
him. Congressman Wentworth says "Seldom did any
body of men come out in the evening with a musical
band that Mr. Clay was not serenaded, and he was ready
for a short speech to send the men home With a hurrah.
I never knew men with a band of music to call on any
one of the others.?'
The people of the whole countr}- seemed to take de
light in sending Mr. Clay articles of all kinds for food
and drink. The proprietor of the National Hotel where
he roomed used to exhibit to strangers what he called
Mr. Clay's store-room. In it was game of all kinds,
fruits and wines. From these stores he would often sup
ply not only the table of his own guests, but also the ta
ble of the guests of the hotel. On one occasion it is re
corded by Mr. Wentworth that wine from Cincinnati was
passed around, and as it went from guest to guest Mr.
Clay discoursed of the need pf protection so that the
home industry might be built ,up. "Personswho had
never heardJMr. Clay before, became so infatuated with
the earnes tness and eloquence of his language, tliat tftejr

88 HENRY CLAY.
moved their chairs to him, and the crowd became so
dense around him, that he suggested an adjournment to
the ladies parlor, where he held a levee for about an hour,
and no free-trader cared to mar the harmony of the occa
sion." It was Clay's custom to spend an hour or more af
ter dinner in- the ladies' parlor in meeting his friends, and
in making more friends.
Clay as every one knows, was at his best as a compro
miser. Most great orators have made their fame in advo
cating radical causes. Clay on the other hand was" the
orator of conservatism. It was in pleading for the Union,
in urging compromise that many if not most, of his great
speeches were uttered. The following incident is told of
him in connection with the great conflict of 1849-50.
The narrator says: "After one of his days of severe con
flict, he took his seat at the table without saying a word
to one of us. Senator Berrien said: 'Mr. Clay why don't
you speak. Are "you angry at everybody?' 'That is
just it,' says Mr. Clay; 'I cannot say that I am angry at
any one in particular. I think I am angry at every one.
Here is our cotmtrv on the verv verge of civil war, which
every one pretends to be anxious to avoid, yet everyone
wants his own way, irrespective of the interests and
wishes of others.' Then turning to us he said 'Come
gentlemen, go to my parlor after dinner, and let me lock
you in, and I remaining outside, will agree to present
any plan of conciliation you may agree upon, to the Sen
ate, and advocate it'" About this time a committee of
New Emgland manufacturers approached him with ref
erence to the tariff. Before all he broke out: "Don't talk

HENRY CLAY. 89
to me about the tariff when it is doubtful whether we
have a countr}'. Go and see your Massachusetts dele
gation and urge them to lay aside their sectional jealous
ies, to cease exasperating the South, and to cultivate a
spirit of peace. Save your country and then talk about
your tariff. " QUOTATIONS.
These anecdotes of Clay are taken from Winthop's
"Recollections of Clay." "With a rich and ready com
mand of language of his own, he was an infrequent
quoter of other men's thoughts or words, and certainly
no accumulator of elegant extracts for the adornment of
his speeches. Indeed he was proverbial for blundering
over even the most familiar quotations from Shakespeare.
The late George Evans, one of the ablest Senators ever
sent to Washington bv a state which mav boast of a
Peleg Sprague and a William Pitt Fessenden [Maine] . .
used to tell more than one amusing story of Mi. Clay's
efforts in this line. 'What is it,' said Clay to him one
day, 'that Shakespeare says about a rose smelling as
sweet ccc. Write me down those lines; and be sure you
get them exactly right, and let them be in a large legi
ble hand.' And so Mr. Evans having verified his mem
ory, at Clay's request, by a resort to the Congressional
Library, and having laid the lines in plain, bold letteis
on Mr. Clay's desk, —
'What's in a name? That which wc cail a rose,
By any other name would smell as sweet'
awaited the result As the great statesman approached
that part of his speech in which he was to apply them,

oo HENRY CLAY.
there was an evident embarrassment. He fumbled over
his notes for a while, then grasped the little copy with a
nervous effort, and at last ejaculated in despair, 'A rose
will smell the same, call it what you will.' "
"On another occasion he had fortified himself by re
calling the exclamation of Hamlet, 'Let the galled jade
wince,' — but it was only after saying 'unhung' and 'un
strung' that on the third attempt, and by the prompting
of. a friend, he made the Senate Chamber ring with the
true words, 'our withers are unwrung.' "
CLAY OX THE CHARGE OK CORRUPTION.
Clay wrote the following letter to a member of the
Virginia legislature in regard to the charge of corruption
in 1825. Washington, February 4, 1825.
"My Dear Sir: I have received, and read, with all the attention
due to our ancient and unbroken friendship, your letter of the 2nd in
stant. You state, that the conviction has been forced upon the Rich
mond public, by the papers which are daily received from this city,
that I have gone over to the party of Mr. Adams, with a view to con
stitute a part of his cabinet. Do you believe it? Then you ought not
to respect me. Do you wish me to deny it? Then you cannot respect
me. What do you desire? That I shall vote for Mr. Crawford? /
can not; for General Jackson— I will not. I shall pursue the course,
which my conscience dictates, regardless of all imputations, and all
consequences. I love the state which gave me birth, more than she
loves me. Personally, I would make any sacrifice to evince this at
tachment. But I have public duties to perform, which comprehend a
consideration of her peculiar, interests and wishes, and those of the
rest of the confederacy. Those I shall perform. In doing so, I may
incur, unfortunately, her displeasure. He it so. I cannot help it. The
quiet of my conscience is of more importance to me, than the good
opinion of even Virginia, highly as I do, and ever must, respect it.
Your faithful friend, H. Clay."

hEN'RY CLAY. <)i
THE STORY OF HENRY CLAY.
FOR A SCHOOL OR CLUB PROGRAMME.
Kach numbered paragraph is to be given to a pupil or
member to read, or Jo recite, in a clear, distinct tone.
If the school or club is small, each person may take
three or four paragraphs, but should not be required to
recite them in succession.
i. The "Great American Commoner," Henry Clay, was born in
Hanover County, Yirginia, on the 1 2th .of April, 1777.
2. He came into the world during one of the most memorable
periods in its history,— the time when his native land was struggling
to achieve her liberties and win a place among the nations of the
earth. 3. His father Rev. Charles Clay was a highly esteemed Baptist
minister who officiated with great acceptance in that region of the
country to which the name "Slashes" was given on account of the low
and marshy nature of the soil.
4. From this circumstance Henrv Clav was frequent! v called "The
Mill-boy of the Slashes."
5. Henry's father had a long struggle with poverty until 1781 when
he died, leaving a small and encumbered property to his widow and
seven children; of these Henry was the fifth, and although a bright,
cheerful and intelligent lad he gave no special indication of superior
ability. 6. The only school he ever attended was one of the old "field
schools" of the country. This was taught by an. Englishman, who
was a good natured man, but not always a strict observer of temper
ance. 7. Henry learned to read and write, and to cipher as far as Prac
tice. 8. This was the only school he ever attended. He often regretted
in after life, when sometimes taunted with his imperfect education.that
.;.. he could not have enjoyed greater privileges.
9. He assisted his widowed mother in cultivating the farm until
he was fourteen years old. He was then procured a situation in a
drug store in Ricnmond, where he served as errand boy and clerk of
all work for a year.
10. His mother married Mr. Henry Watkins in t-92 and removed
to Kentucky. Henry obtained through Mr. Watkm's influence a

92 HENRY CLAY.
place as copying clerk in the office of Mr. Peter Tinsley, clerk of the
High Court of Chancery.
n. At this time he was but fifteen years of age "very tall, very
slender, very awkward" and not remarkably handsome.
12. He was dressed- in a very peculiar manner with his shirt col
lar, stiffly starched, and his coat tails standing out boldly behind him.
13. The young City clerks were tempted at first to make sport of
this gawky country boy but they quickly found that it would not be to
their advantage to do so.
14. He applied himself faithfully to his duties and devoted all his
leisure time to reading^ and study.
15. Chancellor \\ ytlie one of the most eminent jurists of America
chose young Clay for a copyist on yccount of the neatness.of his hand
writing. 16. For four years Henry regularly copied the Chancellor's de
cisions which were among the clearest and best ever given from the
judicial bench. Between the Chancellor and the young man an affect
ionate relation soon existed.
17. A debating society which had been established in Richmond
gave Clay tlu opportunity to display his oratorical powers.
18. He assiduously cultivated the .wonderfully melodious voice
with which he had been gifted and soon b.r u:.ie the best speaker the
Society contained.
10. He said in after years, "I made it a habit at this period of my
life to read daily in some, work of history ors- ur. je and then to retire
to some solitary place and declaim the substance of what 1 had read.
.20. "It is to this early practice of the art of all arts that I am in
debted for the primary and leading impulses that stimulated my pro
gress and have shaped and molded my entire destiny."
21. In November i~'.)7 before he had completed his twenty-first
year he was licensed by the Court of Appeals to practice law.
22. He immediately went to Lexington, at that time the capital of
the new. state ol Kentucky, although but a small village of about fifty
houses. 23. His success was rapid and very great. With it his personal
popularity continually increased. His thrilling eloquence frequently
won for him enthusiastic ovations.
24. In April 1799 he married Miss Lucretia Hart, the daughter of
Colonel Thomas Hart, one of the most highly respected citizens of
Kentucky. He lived happily with her for fifty-three years.
25. Mrs. Clay was a skilful manager of her husband's household,
and by her domestic ability greatly assisted him in procuring a com
petency for his family. She survived him several years.
26. In i7<>8 Mr. Clay made earnest efforts for the gradual abolition
of slavery in Kentucky, but was not successful.

HENRY CLAY. 93
27. He afterwards declared when he had reached the zenith of,
his fame and was opposing the nullification schemes of John C. Cal
houn, that among the proudest memories of his life was the effort he
had made at the very outset of his career, to free Kentucky, from the
curse of slavery.
23. In 1803 he was elected to the Legislature of Kentucky. While
serving as a member he defended Aaron Burr, who was charged with
treason. Burr made Mr. Clay believe that he was innocent of the
crime! But when the real facts were subsequently made known to
Mr. Clay, he would not speak to Burr when he afterwards met him.
29. In 1806 Mr. Clay was elected to the Senate of the United States
to fill the unexpired term of one of the Kentucky senators. During
this term he began his career as an advocate of the protection oti
American interests by the general Government. ¦
30. His term having expired in 1807, he returned home and being
elected to the lower House of the Kentucky Legislature was chosen
its Speaker. 31. While thus serving he hac -. political dispute with Mr. Hum
phrey Marshall. Mr. Clay was a supporter of President Jefferson's
policy and Mr. Marshall was an ardent Federalist.
32. According to the foolish custom of the time a duel was fought
by the two men in which both were wounded.
33. Mr. Clay was again elected to the Senate of the United States
in 1809 to fill an unexpired term of two years.
34. Upon his retirement from the Senate he was elected to the
House of Representatives in Congress from the Lexington District, in
1811, and upon the organization of the House was chosen Speaker.
35. Mainly through the eloquence and energy of Mr. Clay thewarj
of 1812 was declared. President Madison proposed to make Mr. Clay
the Commander-in-Chief of the army, when the first year of the war
seemed to end in disaster.
36. The purpose of the President was changed, when Mr. Gallatin
asked him the important question. "If Mr. Clay goes to the armyj
what shall we do without him in the House of Re rrescntatives?" '
37. In 1813 he was re-elected Speaker. But on Jan. 19, 1814 he
resigned the position to serve as one of the Commissioners to meet at
Ghent in Belgium, with those appointed by Great Britain.
38. Mr. Clay rendered signal service to his country by steadily
refusing to concede to England the point which she urgently de
manded, to have the right of the free navigation of the Mississippi
river. 39. From Ghent he went to Paris, and thence to London with Adams
and Gallatin to negotiate a treaty of Commerce with Great Britain. .
40. After his return to the United States he was tendered by
President Madison the Mission to Russia and a place in his Cabinet,
but each offer was declined.

94 HENRY CLAY.
41. In 1815 he was again elected to the National House of Repre
sentatives and chosen speaker.
42. He was re-elected in 1817 and, again in 1819 and was chosen
speaker on both occasions: while thus serving he was an ardent advo
cate of the recognition of the independence of the Spanish Republics
of South America.
43. He took a most prominent part in 1820 and 182 1 in the famous
controversy between the North and the South on the slavery question,
which arose concerning the admission of Missouri as a slave state.
44. He brought about by almost superhuman efforts what is known
as "The Missouri Compromise," and for these efforts he received gen
eral praise as "The great pacificator."
45. After the adjournment of Congress Mr. Clay retired to pri
vate life, intending to devote himself to his legal practice.
46. But he was again returned in 1823 and was chosen Speaker by
an overwhelming majority.
47. He joined with Webster and others to procure the recognition
of the independence of Greece, and delivered a thrilling speech in
behalf of that ill-fated country.
4S. In 1824 he welcomed Lafayette as Speaker to Washington
making an address of remarkable beauty and power.
49. In 1824 Mr. Clay was a candidate for the Presidency of the
United States. His opponents were Andrew Jackson, John Quincy
Adams and William H. Crawford.
50. As none had received a majority of the electoral votes, the
election devolved upon the House of Representatives.
51, Mr. Clay stood fourth in the number of electoral votes re
ceived and was therrfnrrVv^-.hided from the choice.
52T Had he received in addition to the thirty-seven votes given
him, eight more which he had a right to expect from New York, he
would have been the third candidate and would have gone before the
House. 53. In such an event there would not have been the least doubt
of the result, for he would have been elected, by a large majority to
the Presidential chair. On the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay became
Secretary of State. The friends of Gencfal Jackson denounced him.
for supporting Mr. Adams in the election by the House of President,
and for taking office under him.
54. John Randolph called Mr. Clay's espousal of Mr. Adams, as
"the coalition of Puritan with black leg." As he would not recall the
odious and unjust comparison, Mr. Clay challenged him to a duel.
55. The meeting. took place on the 8th of April 1826. Two shots
were exchanged, but to the great joy of all concerned neither was in
jured. Some years afterwards the two men were reconciled.
56. As Secretary of State Mr. Clay added greatly to his reputation

HENRY CLAY. g5
as a statesman, winning the admiration of all who loved the prosperity
pof the American people.
57- When General Jackson became President he showed decided
hostility to Mr. Clay who had returned to private life. The appoint- \
ments and removals which he made were' all seeminglv aimed at
Mr. Clay.58. This compelled the retired statesman to take up office once /
more, and Mr. Clay was elected to the Senate of the United States by -
a handsome majority.
5c,. Mr. Clay, while Senator, in order to carrv measures through
which he believed to be necessary for the peace of the country had to ^
break with his old political friends. ' n
60. He was told that in doing so he would endanger his chances^.
for the Presidency. He made the immortal replv. "I would rather /
be right than be President." ' • ~-
61. In 1832 he was nominated by the Whigs for President but was
overwhelmingly defeated.
62. In the Autumn of 1836 Mr. Clay was elected President of the
Colonization Society.
63. On the 31st of March 1842 he resigned his seat in the Senate,
and in 1844 was again the Whig candidate for the Presidency but was
defeated. 64. In 1849 Mr. Clay addressed a long letter to the people of Ken
tucky urging them to provide for the gradual abolition of slavery in
that state. The proposition however was rejected.
65. In the same year, 1849, he was elected to the Senate of the
United States for the full term of six years.
66. During this session of Congress he addressed the Senate sev
enty times. He was often so sick and feeble that even with assistance
he could scarcely reach his seat. '
67. His last efforts for the Compromise Measures whir^ were so/
near to his heart were crowned with success. He considered theiry
passage the culminating glory of his life. »
68. With the love and confidence of the whole country he came
to the close of his unique and eventful career. ,.
6q. He still continued to hold his seat in the Senate, although his
rapidly failing health prevented active participation in jts duties.
70. On the 29th of June 1852 at the ripe age of seventy-five years
he breathed his last breath ai Washington, where he was honored with
a public funeral. _A
71. No one can fully describe the exquisite grace of Mr. Clay^STL
gestures the melodious tones of his matchless voice, "and the intenojFj-
look of his eyes— as if he were rather spoken//w« than speaking."
72. His eloquence was absolutely intangible to delineation. The
most labored and thrilling description could not embrace iu

96 HENRY CLAY.
I 73. During his long public life he enchanted millions and no one
I could tell how. he did it. J Is iJas an orator by nature.
74. "The clear conception, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the
dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, in
forming every feature, and urging the whole man onward, right on
ward to his object," this was the 'eloquence of Henry Clay.
75. One who heard a magnificent address of his in the Senate of
the United States thus describes him.
76. "Every muscle of the orator's face was at work. His whole
body seemed agitated, as if each part was instinct with a separate life;
and his small white hand with its blue veins apparently distended al
most to bursting, moved gracefully, but with all the energy of rapid
and vehement gesture.
77. "The appearance of the speaker seemed that of a fine intellect,
wrought up to its mightiest energies, and brightly shining through the
thin and transparent veil of flesh that invested it."
78. Towards the close of life he said: "If the days of my useful
ness, as I have too much reason to fear, be indeed passed, I desire not
to linger an impotent spectator of the oft scanned field of life.
79. "I have never looked upon old age, deprived of the faculty of
enjoyment, of intellectual perceptions and energies, with any sym
pathy. For such I think the day of fate cannot come too soon."
80. The approach of the destroyer had no terrors for him. No
clouds overhung his future. He met his end with composure, and his
pathway to the grave was lighted by the immortal hopes which spring
from the Christian faith.
81. "Mr. Clay's countenance, immediately after death, looked like
an antique cast. His features seemed to be perfectly classical; and
the repose of all the muscles gave the lifeless body a quiet majesty
seldom reached by living human being."
S2. The mortal remains of this most versatile and eloquent of
American statesman were laid away to rest, not in Washington, but
at his last request, in his own family vault, in his beloved Keutucky,
by the side of his relations and friends.

dencv,

PROGRAMME FOR A HENRY CLAY ENTERTAINMENT.
1. Yocal Solo — "A Thousand Years My Own Columbia."
2. Essay — Henry Clay as an American Protectionist.
3. Paper- Henry Clay as an Orator.
4. Instrumental .Music.
5. Essay — The Missouri Compromise.
6. Paper— Henry Clay as Candidate Several Times for the Presi-

Yocal Music— "The Sword of Bunker Hill."

HENRY CLAY. o7
S. Anecdotes of Henry Clay.
9. Essay or Address Henry Clay's Relations to Presidents
Madison, Monroe and John Quincy Adams.
10., Music — Instrumental.

QUESTIONS FOR REVIEW.
What two general principles help to determine a man s charac
ter? I'oint out some illustration in your own history. How much do
we know about C 'lay's early years? II hy do we have so little infor
mation ? /fa-re we other great men whose early years are little known ?
II 'hat was his father's work ? J low did Clay aid his mother? J low
many brothers and sisters had Clay? Do you know any boys no more
favorably situated than he?
Trace Clay's business changes. Did he have a good education ?
Did he have a fair chance to get a good amount of knowledge? Who
-were his teachers? What distinguished men did he meet when a boy?
Ifow did he get much of his education ? What are the comparative
advantages of a college education and a practical one ? How did
Mr. Wythe influence Clay's life? With whom did he study law?
Could he have known much law when admitted to the bar?
Why did Clay go to Kentucky ? What kind of a people in Ken
tucky at the time ? Why was Clay so successful? When did he begin
to show power as a public speaker? When was Clay married? Civs
an account of C lay's children. Make an analysis of the points in
Clay's early life.
Was Clay a successful lawyer? What were his leading charac
teristics ? Why did he prosecute so few cases? Jn what kinds of law
did he succeed best ? Xame some of the famous cases he engaged in.
Was there any field in which Clay was greater than as a lawyer?
Which is more important to a nation, great statesmen, or great law

yers ? When ditl Clay begin his public career? What party did he be
long to in his early years? Make out a list of the great measures he
advocated in the State Legislature and in Congress. On what subject
did he change his position? II 'hat subjects early engaged his atten
tion? What did Clay mean by his "American system ?" How far did
he wish to press manufacturing? Was he entirely consistent in his
views on the lari/f? 1 1 'hat was his first speech that has. come d*wn to
us? It 'hat were the arguments in his first really great speech ?
II 'hat place did Clay hold in the House? II 'hat honor did he re
ceive there that no other man has ever had? Was Clay afraid to ex
press his opinions ?
II 'ho was the leader in bringing on the war of /Si 2 ? What "were
the principle arguments used? J low did parties stand in regard to
the war? What measures did Clay wish used in the war? How did
Clay feel toward merely military men aspiring to civil positions ?
Who were the peace commissioners in 181/? II 'ere they harmonious?

oS HENRY CLAY.
What the chief point in dispute? What effect did the war have on
Clay ? On the American people ?
Ifow did Clay feel toward the South American Republics? What
did he wish done ? Ifow did he succeed in his plans ? 1 1 'hat did Clay
believe in regard to Greece? Could Clay be sarcastic in speech ? Give
illustration. Would Clay's arguments be applicable to any condi
tions now existing?
Ifow did C/ay treat .1fourot''s administration ? When did he
first become a candidate for President? Was he a good political
prophet ? 1 1 'liy did ( "/< ry dislike Jackson so much ? What the reasons
for Jackson's hatred of i 'lay ? What is meant by the cry of "bargain
and corruption ?" Why could not Clay bt a candidate before the
House of Representatives in /S.'i ? Who was elected ? Hid the election
give satisfaction ? 1 1 'hen did the campaign of 1S2S begin ? 1 1 'hat was
the principal issue? How do you explain the ill-will of Jackson and
Clay? Did Clay, as Secretary of State, do 7shat he wished? Why
not? When <lid new parties begin to form ? Into which did Clay go?
What became their names by /Sjy.' Why was Clay never elected
President ' .' Xante the years in which he was a candidate.
1 1 'hat was Clay s political strength ? II 'hat his weakness ? 1 1 'hat
plans had he to restore prosperity after the crisis of jSjj ? What
questions arose in regard to the public lands? How would Clay treat
them? -Was he right ? What did he Propose to do with the income
from the sate of public hinds? Was he favorable to Xullificatiou ?
How did he and C 'alhoun then come to act together on the tariff ? For
what political end above alt others did Clay stand? Give an account
of Jackson and Clay in their struggle over the Xatioual Dank. What
plan had the Jh'mocrats to replace the Xational Hank as a means to
Manage the iiovernnient Revenues ? II 'hat did ( 'fry predict in regard
to it? Has his prediction been fulfilled ?
How did Clay feel on the. slavery question ? 1 1 'hy was he not con
sistent in argument on the t/ucstion ? How did tht tjitcstion affect his
presidential prospects ? .Whatdiit/te wi*h to have done witfi the
Xegroes ? Xante the great com prom ise< he was outlier of in the main.
Draw conclusions in regard to hi* political influence on American
history. II 'hat was the personal appearance of Clay? Was he ready?
Give anecdote to illustrate. What qualities in his character do you
like? What dislike? -Wa< he brave ' {> ive example. Could he have
done anything which would have been brai'er?
Il'hat 'can you say in regard to hi< style of oratory ? What did
the Petit ra/is t< think oj ( lay ' l>i,t t 'fry l>e/ic''e in rules in (. 'ougress?
Any exceptions ? II 'as Clay sensitive to criticism ? Proofs, ffow was
.Clay liked by his nei^hfors? Was Clay a good conversationalist?
Give illustration. Was he quick in repartee? Could he quote the
words of other men. reaitily in hi< speeches ? Illustrate. (>u the whole
do you like Clay or not? Ifn.->t; why not? If yes, why so?

HENRY CLAY. 99.
SUBJECTS FOR SPECIAL STUDY.
— s /. Clay's consistency in regard to the tariff.
— J>. Reasons for Clay' s positions in regard to slavery.
J. Did Clay do "wrong in accepting, under the circumstances, the
position of Secretary of State under Adams?
1. Is there any good proof of corruption in his political life ?
_«, i . If is personal morals.
-w 6. Were his compromises for the best interest of the Vnion ?
— y. J lis work as Peace Commissioner in 1S11.
vV. His relations to Calhoun.
0. His relations to Webster.
mf/o. Why he ne7'er became president ?
CHRONOLOGICAL EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF HENRY CLAY.
1777. Born in Hanover County, Virginia, April 12.
1 781. His father dies.
1 70l. Clerk in store of Richard Denny.
1702. l'.nters Virginia High Court of Chancery as clerk. His mother
marries again and mows to Kentucky; Becomes amanuen*
sis to Chancellor Wythe at Richmond.
1706. Begins the study of law in earnest.
17M7. Admitted to the bar in Richmond and leaves for Kentucky.
17c/). Married Miss Lucretia Hart.
1S03. Elected to the legislature of Kentucky.
1S06. Sent to the United States Senate for a year to fill a vacancy.
Not yet thirty.
1807. Again elected to the Kentucky legislature. Elected speaker.
i.Xcx). His first duel. Both Clay and his opponent, Humphrey Mar
shall, slightly wounded. Elected to the United States Senate
to till a two years' vacancy.
iSti. Fir>t election to the House of Representatives; the first day- of
his first term elected speaker.
1814. Resigns the speakership to go as. Peace Commissioner to Eu
rope, with Gallatin, J. i). Adams. Russell and Bayard.
1815. Elected again to Congress, and chosen speaker for the third
time by* a large majority. He was re-elected speaker in
1 «S 1 7, iSioand 1X23.
1820. A supporter of the .Missouri Compromise.
1.X21. The author of the compromise under which Missouri finally
became a State in the Union.
1822. Nominated for the Presidency by the legislatures of Kentucky,
Louisiana, Missouri and Ohio.
1824. Defeated for the Presidency. Famous tariff debate with Web
ster. .
1825. Secretary of State under J.Q.Adams. The cry of "bargain
and corruption" raised.

100 HENRY CLAY.
1820. His second duel. Neither he nor John Randolph wounded.
Shook hands after the, affair was over.
1820. Returns to Kentucky and to his farm.
1N31. Elected. Senator -again'. December 12, he. was nominated as
the National Republican candidate for' President.
1832. Jackson defeats him for the Presidency. The Nullification
controversy begins. He struggles for the National Rank
against Jackson.
i'\\v Proposes and carries through the famous compromise tariff of
. that year.
1.834. Gives a name to the new party Whig. Attempts to attach
the name Tory' to the Jackson party. Fails.
1 ^3 '~*37- A member of the great "triumvirate" .Webster, Clay and
Calhoun.
1830. Defeated for the Whig nomination by Harrison. Very sore
for a time.
iS4i-'.j2. Opposes the Tyler administration.
1842. Resigns the Senatorship; one of his greatest and most dramat
ic speeches, on leaving the Senate.
lSji). Returns to the Senate.
1850. Author and most powerful supporter of the "Compromise of
of 1850."
1852. Died June 20. BIBLIOGRAPHY.
For- those who desire to read more extensively the following
works are specially recommended. SOl'RCF.X
Mallory Daniel. "Henry Clay, Life and Speeches." New York, 1843.
Colton, Calvin. "Works of Henry Clay." Comprising his Life, Corres
pondence and Speeches in seven volumes. Introduction by 1 ims.
B. Reed. Henry Clay Publishing Co. New York, 1X07.
Colton, Calvin. '"East Seven Years of Clay."
Greele'v \' McElrath. "Speeches of Henrv Clav." 2\ols. New Yi»rk,
1883. UVICS. .
Colton, Calvin. "Henry Clay." New York, 1S44.
Schurz, Carl. "Life of Henry Clay." 2 vols. Statesmen Series. Hough
ton, Mifflin & Co. Boston, 1K87.
Prentice, George 1). "biography of Henry Clav."
Sargent, Epes. ¦ "The Life and Public Services of Henry Clay." New
York, 1844.
Obituary Addresses in Houses of Congress.
Parton, James. "Famous Americans." 1867.

YALE UNIVERSITY

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