JOHN RO
1575?-

BINSON
•1625

F.M POWICKE

-4,
. » ..-.»- ^».^ ....... Ill' •

BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
OF THE
Alfred E. Perkins Fund

^^

JOHN ROBINSON

THE CELEBRATION OF THE SAILING OF THE
"MAY-FLOWER," 1620
IN planning to celebrate the third centenary of the sailing
of the Mayflower, the Free Churches of England have
more than one aim in mind.
The men of the Mayflower stand out among English
men of action. They thought deeply ; they ventured in
faith ; they achieved what they sought, and far more.
They laid the foundations of a great Commonwealth,
whose part in the world's history has been great and will
be greater yet. It is well to look back to our past and to
recall these heroic men of our own blood and our own
faith, for they remind us of tasks set before us and the
power by which we may do them.
In the next place, such a celebration must draw our two
great peoples together in something of more moment
than the ties of ordinary intercourse and of common
political action. At the heart of the Pilgrim movement
lay a passion for liberty, that led the Pilgrims, as it leads
other men, further than they dreamed. It is the soul of
progress, and it was first realised in the sphere of the
Christian faith — a high memory and inspiration to two
peoples who have known more than once " under God a
new birth of freedom."
Above all, we commemorate men who set loyalty to
God first, who stood by the priesthood of all believers,
the real foundation of Christian democracy, and the
human soul's right of immediate access to God ; and who
in their faith in God, " dared to do their duty as they
understood it," and as God revealed it to them. And in
so doing we commit ourselves, with those who join with
us on both sides of the ocean, to a closer attention to the
will of God, and to a higher resolve to follow the voice of
God, to whatever end He calls us. We believe that " the
Lord hath more light and truth yet to break forth out
of His holy word " ; and we look in this commemoration
more to the future than to the past, to fresh insight into
God's will for the life of men and nations, to new develop
ments of freedom along the lines of God's law, and to
fuller knowledge of God's revelation of Himself in Jesus
Christ.

JOHN ROBINSON
(1575 ?— 1625)

ET THE REV.
F. J. POWICKE, Ph.D.
AUTHOR OF
' HENRY BARROW, SEPARATIST," " ROBERT BROWNE, PIONEER OP
DEBN CONGREGATIONALISM," " ESSENTIALS OF CONGREGATIONALISM
" THE INEVITABLENESS OP THE CONGREGATIONAL PRINCIPLE," ETC.

HODDER AND STOUGHTON
LIMITED LONDON

Pnnted in Great Britain by Hazell, Watson & Viney^ Ld,,
London and Aylesbury.

PREFACE
This little book has been written at the
instance of Dr. Rendel Harris, whose
manifold activities in connection with
the Tercentenary of the Mayflower this
year are not only a proof of his own
enthusiastic interest, but also no small
contribution towards ensuring for it a
conspicuous and worthy success. He
thought there was need of a brief account
of Robinson which should sum up the
known facts about him and make clear
his right to a central place in the " Pil
grim " movement from Scrooby to New
Plymouth. This account I have tried to
furnish — this, and nothing more. I have,
therefore, omitted picturesque details of
place and circumstance which the reader
may find, to his satisfaction, in Dr. Dexter
and Dr. John Brown.

vi Preface
Nor has it been my concern to dwell at
any length on the men — men, in some
respects, as great as Robinson himself —
who imbibed his spirit and helped to work
out his ideals. Brewster, Bradford, Win-
slow, and even Cushman, deserve special
treatment, and have received it — except,
perhaps, Cushman. There is no doubt
of the prominence which will be given
to two or three of them in the forthcoming
celebration. But it is not quite so certain
that Robinson's place is secure. He stands
for the purely spiritual and ecclesiastical
element in the Adventure ; and, although
that element was the mainspring of all
the rest, experience suggests a fear that
its relative significance may be over
shadowed. Hence it seemed worth while
to detach him from the great story of
political and national growth to which
he may be said to form the frontispiece
and set forth what is known of him and
what he taught in a plain narrative by
itself. It is a very unexciting narrative.
Its events made no noise when they tran-

Preface vii
spired, and awake no thrills when they
are read. But there was behind them a
rich soul, of which they were, more or
less, symbolic ; and by a sympathetic
imagination that soul can still be felt,
and its voice heard in needed lessons for
to-day. Fred. J. Powicke,
Heaton Moor,
Stockport, January 1920.

AUTHORITIES

primary

Governor William Bradford's " History of Plimoth Planta
tion," down to 1646 — lost from about 1775, found
in the Bishop of London's Library at Fulham in 1855,
handed over to the Governor of Massachusetts in
1897, published in quarto from the original MS. in
1901. It is this edition which is quoted.
" A Relation or Journal of the Beginning and Proceedings
of the English Plantation settled at Plymouth in New
England . . ." 1622.
Governor Edward Winslow's " Brief Narration " — an
appendix to his "Hypocrisie Unmasked," 1646.
Bradford's " Dialogue "—Chapter 26 of " Chronicles of
the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth,"
by Alexander Young, 1844.
"The Works of John Robinson," 3 vols. Edited by Robert
Ashton, 1851. SECONDARY
Joseph Hunter's " Collections concerning the Early History
of the Founders of New Plymouth." First edition, 1849 ;
second edition, revised and much enlarged, 1854. (Mr.
Hunter was the first to locate Scrooby as with Gains
borough the birthplace of the new movement and
Austerfield as the birthplace of William Bradford, etc.)
Dr. Henry Martyn Dexter's " Congregationalism, as seen
in its Literature," 1879. Lecture XII.
ix

X Authorities
" Pilgrim Fathers of New England," by Dr, John Brown,
1897.
"The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers," by Edward Arber,
1897.
" The Early English Dissenters in the Light of Recent
Research," 1912. Vol I, By Champlin Burrage.
New Facts concerning John Robinson" (1910), by
C. Burrage.

CHRONOLOGICAL
The day of the month is Old Style
1 575 circ. John Robinson born.
1592. April gth, enters Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
1 597- Fellow of his college.
1604. Feb. 15th, married at Greasley, near Nottingham.
1604-6. Preaching Elder or Curate at St. Andrew's
Church, Norwich.
1606. Formation of separatist Church at Gainsborough.
1606-7. Church divides into two companies at Scrooby
and Gainsborough.
1607-8. Robinson at Scrooby.
1608 (summer). Removes with Church to Amsterdam.
1609 (spring). Settles with Church at Leyden.
1 615 circ. Conducts public disputation against Arminian
ism.
1615. Sept. 3rd, becomes " an honorary member of the
University " of Leyden.
1617. Negotiations begin for migration of Church to
America.
1620. About July 22nd the Speedwell sails from Delfs-
haven for Southampton with a part of the Church.
1620. About August sth Speedwell and Mayflower sail
from Southampton.
1620. Sept. 6th, Mayflower sails alone from Plymouth.
1620. Nov. nth, Mayflower reaches Cape Cod. The Pil
grim's Covenant.
1620. Dec. i6th, comes to harbour at Plymouth.
1625. March ist, death of Robinson at Leyden.

ROBINSON'S PRINCIPAL WRITINGS
1609. "An Answer to a Censorious Epistle" (of Joseph
Hall, entitled, "A Letter to Mr. Smyth and Mr.
Robinson, Ringleaders of the late Separatists at
Amsterdam."
Between 1609-1611, a lost writing now known from " An
Answer to John Robinson the Brownist on Separation
from the Church of England."!
1610. "Justification of Separation from the Church of
England," against Rev. Richard Barnard's invective,
entitled, " The Separatist's Schism."
1614. "Of Religious Communion Private and Public."
1615. " A Manumission to a Manuduction " (the latter by
Dr. William Ames) .2
1618. " The People's Plea for the Exercise of Prophecy,"
a defence of lay-preaching against John Yates, B.D.,
minister of St. Andrew's Church, Norwich.
1625. " A Just and Necessary Apology of certain Chris
tians no less contumeliously than commonly called
Brownists or Barrowists " (first published in Latin,
1619).
1634. A Treatise on the Lawfulness of hearing Ministers
in the Church of England (written in 1624), 1634.
" New Essays," or " Observations Divine and Moral."
These seem to have been written at various times
and were collected for publication in this year.
1 The " Answer " exists in a MS. discovered by Mr.
Champlin Burrage and is described in " New Facts con
cerning John Robinson," 1610. There is no certain
clue to the author, but he " was an old friend of Robin
son's " (p. 10).
2 This came to light in 1851, and was reprinted in
" Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society,"
4th Series, vol. i.
For all the above, except 1 and 2, see Ashton's edition of
Robinson's works.

CHAPTER I
Thanks to successful research by the
Rev. Walter H. Burgess,^ the question
of Robinson's home and probable birth
place — after a long period of conjecture
— seems to have been set at rest. He
has discovered that " both Robinson and
his wife Bridget lived at Sturton-le- Steeple,
Nottinghamshire." Here his father, also
named John, " was a substantial yeo
man." "Besides John, Pastor of the
Pilgrim Fathers, he had another son,
William, and a daughter, Mary. By his
will, and also, to a greater extent, by the
will of his wife Ann, his son John Robin
son received bequests. His little grand
son, John — at Leyden — and the other
1 Mr. Burgess first published his discovery in two articles
in the Christian Life (February 4th and February i8th,
191 1), entitled, "John Robinson, Pastor of the Pilgrim
Fathers and his Wife " ; and, in America, in the Christian
Register, entitled " John Robinson and his Wife," in
February 1911, and Who was John Robinson? February
1911. See also his John Smith, the Se-Baptist, p. 317.
I

2 John Robinson
children in the Pastor's family, were not
forgotten. Bridget," the Pastor's wife,
" came of a well-to-do family of a similar
rank in life, but apparently of greater
estate. She was the second daughter
of Alexander and Eleanor White, of
Sturton-le- Steeple, and had many brothers
and sisters." ' These are some of the
facts which Mr. Burgess has brought
to light ; and, while not proving that
Sturton-le- Steeple was Robinson's birth
place, they evidently render this very
probable. At any rate, Sturton was his
early home ; and there he grew up in a
Puritan atmosphere, William Brewster,
of Scrooby (1566-1643), William Brad
ford, of Austerfield (1589-1654), Thomas
Helwys, of Broxtowe Hall (1550 ?-i6i6 ?),
and perhaps John Smith (^d. 1612), were
his neighbours. John Smith, indeed, may
have been his school-mate, if Mr. Burgess
is right in thinking that he has traced
his origin to the same parish.^
' Burgess, John Smith, the Se-Baptist, p. 327.
2 So he says in a private letter to the writer.

John Robinson 3
It has been pointed out that over all
the district represented by such names
Puritan influence was rife. There was
Richard Clifton {d. 16 16), Rector of
Babworth, six miles south of Scrooby,
from 1586 to 1613 — a "grave and
reverend preacher, who by his pains and
diligence had done much good, and under
God had been a means of the conversion
of many." There was Richard Bernard
(1567 ?-i64i). Vicar of Worksop, some
eight miles south-east of Scrooby, whose
Puritanism at one time advanced to the
verge of separatism. " He went so far
as to set up a Congregational Church
within the walls of his parish church,"
and " did separate from the rest " of the
parishioners " a hundred voluntary pro
fessors into covenant with the Lord, sealed
up with the Lord's Supper, to forsake
all known sin, to hear no wicked or dumb
ministers." There was Thomas Toller
{d. 1644), Vicar of Sheffield, some twenty-
five miles to the west of Scrooby, who was
presented before the ecclesiastical court

4 John Robinson
at York in 1607, as a Precisian if not a
Brownist. There was Robert Gifford
{d. 1649) of Laughton-en-le-Northen,
adjoining the Parish of Worksop who,
" though he did not go the length of
actual separation," was one of those
ministers who " seemed weary of the
ceremonies," and whom William Bradford
describes as being " hotly pursued by
the Prelates." And there was another
clergyman of the neighbourhood, Hugh
Bromehead (a native and, in due course,
curate of North Wheatley),^ who shared
these convictions so strongly as to become
a member of John Smith's congregation
at Gainsborough and go with it into exile.
Then, " besides these brethren on the
Nottinghamshire side of the Trent, averse
from what they regarded as Romish con
cessions in the Church, there were Puritan
ministers also across the river in Lincoln
shire, who in 1605 published an abridg-
1 See chap. xi. pp. 167-174 of Smith, the Se-Baptist, and,
for the whole paragraph, see Joseph Hunter's Founders
of New Plymouth (1854), pp. 35-53 ; and Dr. John Brown's
Pilgrim Fathers of New England, chap, iii.

John Robinson 5
ment of the points at issue between
themselves and the conformable clergy.
In this pamphlet they state that they
can join with the Church in her doctrines
and sacraments, but cannot declare their
approbation of the ceremonies." It was
the Puritan sentiment thus fostered by
many of the clergy on both sides of the
Trent which finally crystallised, so to
speak, in the formation of a separatist
community first of all in the town of
Gainsborough (probably) in the year 1606 ;
and it was among people imbued with
this sentiment, more or less, that young
Robinson grew toward manhood.
From an entry in the register of
Leyden University "¦ it appears that he
was born about 1575. Thus he would
be in his seventeenth year when ad
mitted a sizar at Corpus Christi, or
Benet, College, Cambridge, on April 9th,
1592. His course there is traceable by
1 See H. M. Dexter's Congregationalism of the last Three
Hundred Years, p. 360 (note). Under date, September 5th,
1615, it records that John Robinson, Englishman, aged 39,
matriculated.

6 John Robinson
little more than a series of dates. In
January 1595-6 he was elected a scholar,
and in the following month was approved
for B.A, Two years later he became
a Fellow of his College, and in 1599
proceeded M.A. In the same year he
was " Prelector Graecus," and in 1600
" Decanus." He was still a Fellow in
1602 (mentioned fifth in the list) ; and,
moreover, by this time had not only
taken orders in the Established Church
but had passed from Deacon to Priest.'
But next year an entry in the college
order-book (February 10, 1603-4) relates
that "Thomas Knowles of Norfolk, B.A.,
has been elected and admitted a Fellow
on the withdrawal and resignation in
writing (w scriptis) of Mr. Robinson." '
Mr. Robinson, in fact, was now a preach
ing elder or curate at St. Andrew's
Church, Norwich ; and five days after
the induction of Mr. Knowles to his
vacant fellowship he was married to
1 In the Register of Corpus Christi, under the year 1 602,
he is "John Robinson of Nottinghamshire, A.M., Priest."

John Robinson 7
Bridget White at Greasley, Nottingham
shire.' This happy event would have
vacated his Fellowship as a matter of
course ; but he had withdrawn and
resigned some time before — perhaps in
view of it, or on account of some in
cipient scruples tending to Nonconformity,
or for both reasons.
How he obtained the appointment at
St. Andrew's is not known — possibly,
through J egon, the Bishop, who, as former
Master of Corpus Christi, was acquainted
with him. Anyhow, if Robinson already
felt scruples about church-order which
inclined him to welcome a sphere of com
parative liberty, he found it at St. Andrew's.
! A village about ten miles west of Nottingham. Bur
rage (New Facts concerning John Robinson, p. 24 note)
says the Register of Greasley dates back only to 1620, and
so the statement about Robinson's marriage cannot be
verified. But, in fact, the Register goes back to 1600, and
has been printed in vol. viii. of Nottinghamshire Parish
Registers, edited by Phillimore and Blagg (1905). Here, on
p. 99, is the entry : " Mr. John Robynson and Mistress
Bridget Whyte, 15 Feb., 1603." The " Mr." and " Mis
tress " are notable. They are omitted in nearly all the
other cases (amounting to hundreds). Why did the couple
choose Greasley ?

8 John Robinson
For this, along with another Church in the
city, St. Peter Mancroft, possessed the
right (still valid) of electing its own
vicar ; and the vicar probably was Puri
tan, as he had been in Robert Browne's
time, 1580, and was after Robinson's.*
There was a Brownist congregation in
Norwich, the remnant of that which
Robert Browne had left behind at the
time of his migration (1581) to Middelburg.
Norwich, indeed, was then, and had long
been, a hot-bed of separatist tendencies.
1 John More was incumbent in 1580, and John Yates
after 1616. Who he was in Robinson's time is not clear.
Mr. Burrage infers from an anonymous MS. — " An answer
to John Robinson the Brownist " — which he discovered
in the Bodleian, " that there was a type of Congre
gationalism in the Church of England before the time of
Robert Browne and Robert Harrison, viz. in such churches
as St. Peter Mancroft and St. Andrew's, Norwich, which
by purchasing the patronage had obtained the right to
elect their own ministers ; and, further, that Brown ^
probably derived many of his ideas on Congregational
Church Polity from his study and criticism of these two
Churches during his sojourn in Norwich" (New Facts,
p. 21). It may be so. But I would point out that Mr.
Burrage's citations from Robinson's reply scarcely bear
him out. The whole point of these seems to be that there
was nothing congregational at St. Andrew's.

John Robinson 9
But, apart from these, Puritanism of a
strong type flourished there, and may
have had its centre at St. Andrew's. If
so, it served Robinson for a congenial
half-way house.
For two or three years he seems to have
enjoyed his ministry unmolested. He was
not the man to hide his light under a
bushel. I imagine him being quite frank
in the expression of his opinions and
sympathies. But if local opinion gener
ally or largely was Puritan, he had
nothing to fear. The test came with
the enforcement of subscription. This
followed on Archbishop Bancroft's circular
letter to the Bishops (enclosing a copy
of the Privy Council order touching
Nonconformity) in December 1604.' If
the Bishops promptly obeyed, as on the
whole they were glad to do, Robinson's
turn cannot have been long delayed — cer
tainly it cannot have been later than the
episcopal visitation of 1605 and 1606.
In 1610 Dr. Joseph Hall, afterwards
1 See Prothero's Select Statutes (1558-1625), p. 421.

10 John Robinson
Bishop of Norwich, wrote A Common
Apologie of the Church of England, against
the Separatists. He had known Robinson,
and recalls what he had done a few
years before. At first he contented
himself with " refusing the Prelacy " ;
then, later, he " branded the ceremonies."
The penalty was suspension from his
preachership. Hereupon he applied for
the position of Master of St. Giles's
Hospital (otherwise known as the Old
Men's Hospital) — a post in the gift
of the Mayor and Aldermen. Hall
more than insinuates that if they had
bestowed it on Robinson, or the other
favour he asked — viz. a "lease from the
city" (which may mean a licence to
preach), the world would have heard
nothing of his separation. " Neither
doubt we to say that the Mastership of
the Hospital of Norwich, or a lease from
that city (sued for, with repulse), might
have procured that this separation from
the communion, government, and worship
of the Church of England should not have

John Robinson ii
been made by John Robinson." Which
shows that Dr. Joseph Hall may have
known some things about the man he
libelled, but did not know the man himself.
Robinson by this time had two chil
dren, and might well be anxious for his
family's sake to maintain a home in
Norwich if possible. He was, however,
the last man to save life and livelihood at
the cost of conscience. So he " departed
from " the city — leaving wife and children
behind for a while ; leaving also many
friends. Henry Ainsworth (Teacher of
the Amsterdam Church) makes a note
of his high reputation when, in 1608,' he
refers to "the late practice in Norwich,
where certain citizens were excommuni
cated for resorting unto and praying
with Mr, Rob(inson), a man worthily
reverenced of all the city, for the graces
of God in him," And Robinson himself
sheds light on " the late practice " when,
writing from Leyden in 1610, he speaks
of the Church within a Church which
1 Counterpoyson, pp. 246-7 (1608).

12 John Robinson
it had been his privilege and joy to serve :
" We do with all thankfulness to our
God acknowledge, and with much comfort
remember, those lively feelings of God's
love, and former graces wrought in us ;
and that one special grace amongst the
rest by which we have been enabled to
draw ourselves into visible covenant and
holy communion. Yea, with such com
fort and assurances do we call to mind
the Lord's work this way in us, as we
doubt not but our salvation was sealed up
with our conscience, by most infallible
marks and testimonies (which could not
deceive) before we conceived the least
thought of separation ; and so we hope
it is with many others in the Church of
England, yea, and of Rome too." '
When he departed from Norwich he
did not go at once into separation.
' Justification of Separation, p. 60. It was to these same
" Christian friends in Norwich and thereabouts" that he
addressed (1618) his preface to The People's Plea for the
Exercise of Prophecy against Mr. John Yates (incumbent
of St. Andrew's) his Monopolie.

John Robinson 13
He " was held back," he tells us, for
a time, by the example of many who did
conform, "blushing in myself to have a
thought of pressing one hairbreadth be
fore them in this thing, behind whom I
knew myself to come so many miles in
all other things ; yea, and even of late
times, when I had entered into a more
serious consideration of these things,
and, according to the measure of grace
received, searched the Scriptures, whether
they were so or no . . . had not the truth
been in my heart as a burning fire shut
up in my bones (Jer. xx. 7), I had never
broken those bonds of flesh and blood
wherein I was so straitly tied, but had
suffered the light of God to have been put
out in mine own unthankful heart by
other men's darkness."
This passage distinguishes an earlier
from a later stage of " mental strife" —
corresponding, I think, to the times be
fore he went to Norwich, and the time
immediately after his departure. During
this later stage, when the " bonds of flesh

14 John Robinson
and blood " or of kindred and friends,
urged him to compromise, he made his
final choice. He chose what he believed
to be " the light of God." But he did not
choose in a state of isolation. He did
not merely retire into himself and think
the matter out. Like George Fox, he
waited until he had given due heed to
others. And it seemed to him a " work
of God's providence" on his behalf that
what he heard from one or two of the
best Puritan preachers tended only to
confirm his own conclusions. Thus, here
is an account of his experience on a certain
Sunday in Cambridge :
" Coming to Cambridge (as to other
places), where I hoped most to find satis
faction to my troubled heart, I went the
forenoon to Mr. [Laurence] Cha[derton] '
his exercise, who upon the relation which
Mary made to the disciples of the resur
rection of Christ, delivered in effect this
doctrine, that the things which concerned
1 Lecturer at St. Cleftient's Church and Master of
Emmanuel College.

John Robinson 15
the whole Church were to be declared
publicly to the whole Church, and not to
some part only ; bringing, for instance
and proof, the words of Christ, Matt.
xviii. 19, Tell it to the Church — confirming
therein one main ground of our difference
from the Ch[urch] of Engl[and], which is,
that Christ hath given His power for
excommunication to the whole Church
gathered together in His name, as i Cor. v.,
the officers as the governors, and the
people as the governed, in the use thereof ;
unto which Church His servants are com
manded to bring their necessary com
plaints. ... In the afternoon, I went to
Mr. [Paul] B[aynes], the successor of Mr.
Perkins,^ who from Eph. v. and v. 7 or 1 1,
showed the unlawfulness of familiar con
versation between the servants o^ God and
the wicked, upon these grounds, or the
most of them :
" I. That the former are light and the
other darkness, between'which God hath
separated.
! Lecturer at Great St. Andrew's.

i6 John Robinson
" 2. That the godly hereby are en
dangered to be leavened with the others'
wickedness. "3. That the wicked are thereby hard
ened in receiving such approbation from
the godly.
" 4. That others are thereby offended
and occasioned to think them all alike,
and as birds of a feather, which so flock
together." "Whom afterwards privately I desired,
as I do also others, to consider whether
these very reasons make not as effectually,
and much more, against the spiritual
communion of God's people (especially
where there wants the means of reforma
tion), with the apparently wicked, to
whom they are as light to darkness." ^
It reads as if this visit to Cambridge
— with its providential encouragement
from two unwitting "instruments" — -
cleared Robinson's mind. He had already
reached a practical decision — so much so
1 A Manuduction (1615), p. 20, quoted by Burrage, New
Facts, pp. 28, 29 (note 2).

John Robinson 17
that, according to his admission to a
Cambridge acquaintance, " he had been
amongst some company of the separa
tion," and by " exercising amongst them "
had, in effect, " renounced his former
ministry." But still he was not quite
sure of himself. He was liable to visita
tions of doubt and misgiving. He had,
therefore, stopped short of " professed
separation." Now, however, he goes for
ward free and bold of heart. Now, at
length, he can whole-heartedly enlink
his future with that of separatist brethren
at Scrooby. And this he does.' The
date must have been near the end of
1606 or (more probably) somewhere in
1 Mr. Burrage ( New Facts, p. 30) quotes John Bastwick's
statement printed in 1646 that " Master Robinson of Leiden,
the Pastor of the Brownist Church there, told me and others,
who are yet living to witnesse the truth of what I now say,
that if hee might in England have injoyed but the liberty
of his ministry there, with an immunity but from the very
ceremonies, and that they had not forced him to a sub
scription to them and imposed upon him the observation
of them, that hee had never separated from it, or left the
Church." Mr. Burrage agrees ; but surely it is plain that,
by the time he actually separated, the ground of quarrel
with the Church had gone much deeper than the matter
of ceremonies I
2

1 8 John Robinson
1607 — by which time the original com
pany, meeting at Gainsborough, had be
come " two distinct bodies or Churches,
and in regard of distance of place, did
congregate severally " : the one at Gains
borough under John Smith, late " minister
and preacher of the word of God " at
Lincoln,' the other at Scrooby under
Richard Clifton, late rector of Babworth.
The original company at Gainsborough
may well have been the company of the
separation among whom Robinson " exer
cised " " before coming to Cambridge."
But when he had to choose between
the two companies, for some reason
he chose the one at Scrooby. Gladly
did he take the covenant by which, " as
the Lord's free people," both those of
Gainsborough and Scrooby had " joined
themselves into a church estate, in the
fellowship of the Gospel to walk in all his
ways made known, or to be made known,
unto them, according to their best en-
> As late as March 22nd, 1605, see Arber, Story of the
Pilgrim Fathers, p. 134.

John Robinson 19
deavours whatsoever it should cost them,
the Lord assisting them." '
Gladly also would he assist the " grave
and reverend Preacher," Richard Clifton.
But he held no office in the Church.
Nor, indeed, does the Church at this
time appear to have had any officers.
Mr. Clifton has been called its Pastor, but
not by Governor Bradford, the earliest,
if not the only, authority on the point.
Robinson became its Pastor ; but not
till " afterwards." William Brewster be
came its Elder ; but again, not till " after
wards." ' In fact, one gets the impression
^ Bradford, History, p. 15. Mr. Burgess (John Smith,
pp. 85-87) is inclined to ascribe the actual wording of the
covenant to John Smith, particularly the phrase "or to
be made known." " He had a deep sense of the inexhaust
ible riches of the Word of God set before them in the books
of the Bible." This seems to indicate that Smith antici
pated Robinson's famous farewell counsel (infra, p. 105).
2 " An account of the Church of Christ in Plymouth "
— in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society for
the year 1795, p. 114 : " He [Brewster] and many more
withdrew from the communion and embodied into a church
estate (having the reverend and aged Mr. Richard Clifton,
and Mr. Robinson, to preach for them, the latter of which
afterward became their pastor. . . ." The " account " is
" by John Cotton, Esq., member of the said Church," and
was written in 1760.

20 John Robinson
that Clifton, Brewster, and Robinson
apportioned the preaching and pastoral
work informally among themselves ; and
that there was no attempt at official
organisation in the Scrooby Church. Per
haps the fact of John Smith being
definitely " Pastor of the Church at
Gainsborough " ' may partly account for
this. I mean that the Scrooby Church
may have continued to feel itself so far
one with its neighbour as to shrink from
setting up a Pastor of its own.
Early in 1608 the Gainsborough com
pany had all gone over to Amsterdam,
and were followed a few months later by
those of Scrooby. Probably the last to
go was Richard Clifton, in August.''
! See Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 136.
2 Arber, ibid., pp. 94-96, quoting " entries in Zachary
Clifton's family Bible. " Here the family name is uniformly
spelt Clifton. The Bible is in the Finch collection of the
Taylorean Institution at Oxford, and the entries were first
indicated by the Rev. Joseph Hunter, in his Founders of
New Plymouth, pp. 42-48 (1854),

CHAPTER II
In a review of Professor Roland D. Usher's
book, The Pilgrims and their History,
the Spectator (March 29th, 1919) con
cludes from the author's presentation of
the case that —
" The faithful who gathered round John
Robinson in William Brewster's house at
Scrooby . . . were driven to Holland . . .
not by the intolerance of the Church,
but by their own intolerance. They went
to Amsterdam, and thence to Leyden,
not because the Court of High Commission
persecuted them, but because they be
lieved that their spiritual welfare would
be endangered by further contact with
English Churchmen, even if they were
Puritans. They left Leyden for America
in 1620 to escape the contaminating in
fluence of other Protestant sects, and to
21

22 John Robinson
find a sequestered corner of the world
where they could practise their peculiar
tenets in isolation."
There is a strange mingling here of
truth and error. It is true enough that
the Pilgrims believed their spiritual wel
fare would be endangered by further
contact with English Churchmen, even
if they were Puritans, and it is true, also,
that their removal from Leyden was
partly " motived " by a desire to escape
the tainting social influence of that city.
But the suggestion that their first migra
tion was not due to persecution is absurd.
All they asked was to be let alone, and
be allowed to worship God in the way they
believed to be most acceptable. If this
had been conceded, nothing would have
pleased them better than to remain in
their dear native land. But the Court of
High Commission had no mind to let
them alone. On the contrary, it worried
them at every turn. The Court, in fact,
had no choice. It was bound by the

John Robinson 23
Ordinance of 1604 which made even the
least degree of nonconformity penal.'
How such an ordinance acted upon the
Puritans may be judged from a pamphlet
issued in 1606 under the title : A
Christian and modest offer of a most in
different Conference, or disputation, about
the maine and principall Controversies
betwixt the Prelats and the late silenced
and deprived ministers in England.' It
was addressed to the King ; and — pro
forma, as was discreet — lays all blame
upon the Prelates who have " reviled
and disgraced, both in Pulpit and in
Press, their brethren" ; and have " also,
suspended, deprived, degraded, and im
prisoned them, yea, caused them to be
turned out of house and home, deny'd
them all benefit of law, and used them
1 See " Proclamation enjoining conformity to the form
of the service of God established" (July 1604) ; and Ban
croft's circular letter, with a copy of the Privy Council
Order touching clerical nonconformity (December 1604).
(Prothero, Select Statutes, 1559-1625, pp. 420-422.)
2 Its authors were " some of the said ministers," and it
was " tendered to the Archbishops, Bishops, and all their
adherents."

24 John Robinson
with such contempt and contumely as
if they were not worthy to live upon the
face of the earth." These " usurping
and time-serving " men have made " such
woful havock " "as the like hath never
been heard of under the Gospell ... so
that, many painfull preachers of the
Gospell (even 300 or thereabouts) have,
in one year or a little more, been turn'd
out of Christ's service, only for refusing
such ceremonies as have their life, breath,
and being from Popery, and such a sub
scription ' as the like, for ought we know,
hath never been urged upon any Church
of Christ in any age, under a Christian
magistrate : there being, in the mean
time, whole swarmes of idle, scandalous.
Popish, and non-resident ministers tole
rated everywhere amongst us." More
over, there are " many hundreds of the
^ The subscription is No. 37 of the 141 " constitutions
and canons ecclesiastical " of 1604. It involved " consent "
to the " three articles " recited in No. 36, of which the
second asserts that " the Book of Common Prayer . . .
containeth in it nothing contrary to the Word of God,"
and binds the ministry to use it " and none other." See
CardweU, Synodalia, vol. i. pp. 268, 269.

John Robinson 25
most painfull and profitable Preachers
in this kingdom (besides those already
turned out) which are readie to lose
both their ministry and their maintenance,
and to expose themselves and theirs to
all manner of misery rather than they
will renounce this cause, and conforme
themselves to the corruptions of the
times." So much for the mere Puritans. As
to the Separatists, who just turned their
back on what the Puritans vainly tried
to reform, they were not likely to suffer
less. Indeed, they were harried out of
the land.
"... They could not long continue
in any peaceable condition, but were
hunted and persecuted on every side,
so as their former afflictions were but as
flea-bitings in comparison of these which
now came upon them. For some were
taken and clapt up in prison. Others
had their houses beset and watched, night
and day, and hardly escaped their hands ;

26 John Robinson
and the most were fain to fly and leave
their houses and habitations, and the
means of their livelihood." '
Dr. Brown lights up these words of
William Bradford from the records of the
Ecclesiastical Court at York. He cites,
e.g., the case of Gervase Nevile of Scrooby,
who, for refusing " to take oath and make
answer, or to recognise the authority of
the Archbishop," was delivered over, " as
a very dangerous schismatical Separatist,
Brownist, and irreligious subject," " to
the hands, ward, and safe custody of the
Keeper of His Majesty's Castle of York,
not permitting him to have any liberty,
or conference with any without licence."
Another case was that of Richard Jackson,
who, " for his disobedience in matters of
religion," was served with a process to
appear at York, was fined twenty pounds
for his failure to appear according to
promise, and pursued by a warrant for his
apprehension (December 1607). Jackson
had already been imprisoned along with
» Bradford, History, pp. 13-14.

John Robinson 27
William Brewster ; and, in the following
April, both of them were fined twenty
pounds apiece for not answering a " lawful
summons " to York. -Robert Rochester
for the same reason was fined the same
amount at the same time. These are but
a few of many similar experiences ' in a
situation which ruthlessly drove the vic
tims to seek a way of escape.
When the thought of escape occurred
to them, it would at once associate itself
with Holland — the one country in Europe
where (since 1573) real religious freedom
existed — all sects being tolerated, and an
asylum offered to persecuted fugitives
from every land. But then arose the
question — how to get there unmolested ?
For it was not merely, as Dr. Brown says,''
that " emigration without licence " had
1 other sufferers were Joan Heburys, John Drewe,
Thomas Jessop (John Smith, p. ii6) ; and Bradford ays
the persecution went on for years : " the poore people were
so vexed with apparators, and pursuants and y^ commis-
sarie courts, as truly their affliction was not smale ; which,
notwithstanding, they bore sundrie years with much
patience" (History, p. 12).
3 Pilgrim Fathers of New England, p. 97.

28 John Robinson
been " prohibited by an ancient Statute
of 13 Richard II." ; it was also that, as
Nonconformists, they fell under the dread
ful Act of April 1593, which decreed
that " if any person above sixteen years
of age . . . shall obstinately refuse " to
go to some authorised church, etc., he,
" being thereof lawfully convicted, shall
be committed to prison, there to remain
without bail or mainprize"; shall be
kept there three months, and, if still
obstinate, shall then " upon his corporal
oath " " abjure this realm of England
and all other the Queen's Majesty's
dominions for ever " ; and if, having
so sworn, he " shall not go to such
haven and within such time as is before
appointed," or "shall return into any
Her Majesty's dominions without Her
Majesty's special licence," he " shall be
adjudged a felon," and die a felon's death.
Furthermore, " all his goods and chattels "
shall he forfeit to Her Majesty for ever, and
" all his lands, etc.," during his own life.'
1 An Act to retain the Queen's subjects in obedience "
(Prothero's Select Statutes, 1558-1625, pp. 89-92).

John Robinson 29
Thus exile for the Separatists was easy
enough, in a manner. All they need do
was to let themselves be caught ; and
then, after three months' imprisonment,
exile would be theirs for life— exile, or
death, if they came back without leave.
No wonder they schemed to get away by
stealth ! They succeeded, even as the Lon
don Separatists had done before them in
and about 1593 — " through much tribula
tion." Particulars supplied by Governor
Bradford ' compose a moving story. But
' There is one passage in the Bradford History (p. 19)
which seems to make it clear that he himself and some other
of the Scrooby men got over in the spring of 1608. They
had to leave their women and children behind on the shore
— at the mercy of troops who bore down on the spot before
they could be embarked. Bradford's ship " endured a fearful
storm at sea, being fourteen days or more before " arriving
at its destination. " In seven whereof . . . neither sun,
moon, nor stars " was seen, and the ship was " driven
near the coast of Norway." Those left behind, " being
apprehended," " were hurried from one place to another,
and from one Justice to another, till, in the end, they knew
not what to do with them." What could they do with " so
many women and innocent children " but let them go ?
So " some at one time, and some at another," " some in one
place and some in another," " all got over at length," and
" met together again, according to their desires, with no
small rejoicing." There is no reference to Robinson.
Was he in Bradford's ship ?

30 John Robinson
I omit them, because my point in this
section has been simply to prove the
absurdity of saying that the Pilgrims were
not driven to Holland by the intolerance
of the Anglican Church.^

! It is not easy to acquit Professor Usher of perversity
in his treatment of this point in chap. ii. of The Pilgrims
and their History. He says, e.g., " there was no trace of
Puritanism or Separatism in the district " (p. 17) ; and this,
in view of Bradford's clear witness to the contrary ( History,
p. 12), cp. supra, pp. 3, 4. Again, he draws an imaginary
picture (p. 18), for which there is no tittle of evidence, so
far as I know, of the constant local hostility which Brewster
and his friends had to face — " daily nagging, scoffing, and
deriding — most difficult of persecutions to endure." But
such a fact as that on two occasions at least a large mixed
company of men, women, and children got away safely to
the coast without hindrance until the last moment may
surely be taken to imply no small degree of neighbourly
connivance, or even assistance. There is nothing to show
that those who molested or betrayed them were neighbours.
Once more, Bradford (History, p. 14) expressly relates
that a time came when they " were hunted and persecuted
on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as
flea-bitings in comparison of those which now came upon
them." What time? Evidently the time, when the law, as
reinforced by the canons of 1 604, came into full operation.
True, the law did not at once proceed to hang Brewster, etc.,
as it had hanged Barrow, Greenwood, and Penry in 1593 ;
but it made their situation intolerable, or, as Bradford says
(History, p. 15), "constrained them" "to leave their
native soyle and countrie, their lands and livings, and all
their friends and familiar acquaintance." Does this look
like voluntary exile merely out of a fanatical desire to
avoid infection from a corrupting religious atmosphere ?

CHAPTER III
It was natural that the exiles should
make for Amsterdam, not only on account
of its comparative importance and acces
sibility, but also, and perhaps chiefly,
because people of kindred views and
experience were settled there. For fifteen
years a majority of " the Ancient Church
of the Separation " (formed in 1589) had
made Amsterdam its home. Francis
Johnson, the Pastor, had come in 1597,
and Henry Ainsworth, the Teacher, some
what earlier. By 1604 the Church-
through gradual additions from London,
the West of England, and Norwich — had
grown numerically strong ' ; and, not
withstanding some more or less scandal
ous episodes, it had remained spiritually
united, if not prosperous. " Truly there
» " About 300 communicants " (Bradford), see next note.
31

32 John Robinson
were "many worthy men," says Bradford,^
" and if you had seen them in their beauty
and order, as we have done, you would
have been much affected therewith, we
dare say."
There was, accordingly, no apparent
reason why the newcomers of 1608 should
hold aloof. Nor did they. John Smith
and his people seem, indeed, to have
become an integral part of the older
Church. Robinson and his people did
not go so far — partly, it may be, for want
of room, but partly also because, by the
time of their arrival, signs of trouble
had begun to develop. John Smith was
the occasion of it ; and it developed so
rapidly that, within a year, a split took
place, and Smith, with his sympathisers,
set up what he called the " Second English
Churchat Amsterdam." Troubleevenmore
serious, which brought about the secession
of Ainsworth and many others in December
1 610, was also fermenting and showing
signs of itself. In short, the Ancient
1 Bradford s " Dialogue," p. 455, in Chronicles of the
Pilgrim Fathers, by A. Young (1844).

John Robinson 33
Church had started on the course which
ere long brought it to ruin.
So it came to pass that —
" When they had lived at Amsterdam
about a year. Master Robinson, their
Pastor, and some others of the best dis
cerning, seeing how Master John Smith
and his company were already fallen
into contention with the Church that was
there before them ; and no means they
could use, would do any good to cure the
same ; and, also, that the flames of con
tention were like to break out in the
Ancient Church itself, as afterwards
lamentably came to pass . . .' For these,
and some other reasons, they removed
to Leyden, a fair and beautiful city, and
of a sweet situation ; but made more
famous by the University wherewith it
is adorned, in which, of late, had been so
many learned men. But wanting that
traffic by sea which Amsterdam enjoys,
it was not so beneficial for their outward
1 Bradford, History, p. 23.
3

34 John Robinson
means of living and estates. But being
now here pitched, they fell to such trades
and imployments as they best could ;
valuing peace and their spiritual comfort
above any other riches whatsoever ; and,
at length, they came to raise a competent
and comfortable living, but with hard and
continual labour." '
Richard Clifton remained at Amster
dam ' ; and, although he may never have
been Pastor of the Scrooby Church in a
formal sense, it is not probable that the
Church would elect any one else to the
office, while a man so revered was still
one of its members. This lends weight
to Mr. Burrage's belief that Mr. Robinson
" became for the first time Pastoc of the
Church " after its settlement at Leyden.'
We know that Master William Brewster
was then called and chosen by the Church
to be " Assistant unto him in the place of
1 Bradford, History, pp. 23, 24.
2 And, after Henry Ainsworth's retirement, December
1620, became Teacher in the " Ancient Church."
» Early English Dissenters, vol. i. p. 291,

John Robinson 35
an Elder." We know, too, that Robinson
speaks of himself as called and chosen
by tlie Church ; and the double event,
together with the election of its three
Deacons, may well have taken place at
the same time. For order and con
venience' sake, the time would be as
soon as possible ; and so we may think
of the Church as fully equipped ' from
the summer of 1609. Then, under so
able a ministry —
" They grew in knowledge, and other
gifts and graces of the Spirit of God ; and
lived together in peace and love and holi-
1 The "Ancient Church " had, for officers, Pastor, Teacher,
Elders, Deacons, and widow. The official simplicity of
the Leyden Church presents a contrast ; and Mr. Burgess
(Smith, the Se-Baptist, pp. 140, 141) ascribes it to the
example and infiuence of John Smith, who came to believe
that " all the elders had the same office of Pastor, and so
were all of one sort." Robinson seems to mean the same
when he says : " This office of Eldership is committed by
Christ to a company or coUedg of Elders who are joyntly to
minister to the particular Churches over which they are
sett" (Burrage, New Facts, p. 18). But I am not clear that
he owed it to Smith, or that both did not hold it in common
from the first.

36 John Robinson
ness. And many came unto them from
divers parts of England ; so as they grew
to a great congregation. And if at any
time any differences arose or offences
broke out (as it cannot be but some time
there will, even amongst the best of men)
they were ever so met with and nipt in
the head betimes, or otherwise so well
composed, as still love, peace, and com
munion was continued : or else the
Church purged of those that were in
curable and incorrigible, when, after much
patience used, no other means would serve
— which seldom came to pass.' I know
not but it may be spoken to the honour
of God, and without prejudice to any,
that such was the true piety, the humble
zeal, and fervent love of this people
(whilst they thus lived together) towards
God and his Ways, and the single-
heartedness and sincere affection one
towards another, that they came as near
the primitive pattern of the first churches
as any other church of these later times
' Bradford, History, p. 24.

John Robinson 37
have done, according to their rank and
quality." ^
And this, under God, was mainly the
Pastor's work. His personality was as
a soul of all good to the Church.
" Yea, such was the mutual love and
reciprocal respect that this worthy man
had to his flock, and his flock to him, that
it might be said of them, as it once was
of that famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius
and the people of Rome, That it was
hard to judge whether he delighted more
in having such a people or they in having
such a Pastor. His love was great
towards them ; and his eare was always
lent for their best good, both for soul and
body. For besides his singular abilities
in divine things (wherein he excelled),
he was also very able to give directions
in civil affairs and to foresee dangers and
inconveniences : by which means he
was very helpful to their outward estates ;
and so was, in every way, as a common
1 Bradford, ibid. p. 26.

38 John Robinson
father to them. And none did more
offend him than those that were close and
cleaving to themselves, and retired from
the common good : as also such as would
be stiff and rigid in matters of outward
order, and inveigh against the evil of
others, and yet be remiss in themselves
and not so careful to express a virtuous
conversation. They, in like manner, had
ever a reverent regard unto him, and had
him in precious estimation as his worth
and wisdom did deserve. And though
they esteemed him highly whilst he
lived and laboured amongst them, yet
much more after his death, when they
came to feel the want of his help ; and
saw (by woful experience) what a treasure
they had lost, to the grief of their hearts
and wounding of their souls. Yea, such
a loss as they saw could not be repaired." '
1 Bradford, History, p. 25.

CHAPTER IV
We have outrun the story ; and will go
back to the time when Robinson and his
people resolved on Leyden as their home.
They at once took the proper course
of applying to " the Honorable the Burgo
masters and Court of the City " for per
mission to live there ; and " have the
freedom thereof in carrying on their
trades without being a burden in the least
to anyone." In this application they
describe themselves as " members of the
Christian Reformed religion born in the
Kingdom of Great Britain, to the number
of one hundred persons or thereabouts " ;
and express the wish to be settled " by the
first of May next " (1609). The answer
is dated February 12th, and runs :
" The Court, in making a disposition
39

40 John Robinson
of this present Memorial, declare that
they refuse no honest persons free ingress
to come and have their residence in this
city ; provided that such persons behave
themselves, and submit to the laws and
ordinances : and, therefore, the coming
of the memorialists will be agreeable and
welcome." '
In after- years it was alleged that the
magistrates found reason to repent, grew
weary of them, and, at length, made their
departure (in 1620) a necessity rather than
an act of ' ' free choice. ' ' To which slander
Governor Bradford replies by quoting " a
particular or two to show the con
trary." " And, first, though many of them were
poor, yet there was none so poor but, if
they were known to be of that congrega
tion, the Dutch (either bakers or others)
^ Arber, Story of the Pilgrim Fathers (pp. 147-8) ;
quoted from H. C. Murphy in Historical Magazine, vol. iii.
See separate note, pp. 125 ff.

John Robinson 41
would trust them in any reasonable
matter, when they wanted money : be
cause they had found by experience, how
careful they were to keep their word ;
and saw them so painful and diligent in
their callings. Yea, they would strive to
get their custom ; and to imploy them
above in their work, for their honesty
and diligence."
" Again, the magistrates of the city,
about the time of their coming away, or
a little before, in the public place of
justice, gave this commendable testimony
of them, in the reproof of the Walloons,
who were of the French Church in that
city : These English, said they, have lived
among us, now this twelve years ; and
yet we never had any suit, or accusation
came against any of them : but your
strifes and quarrels are continual," etc.
Another part of the slander was to the
effect that Robinson thrust himself into
the turmoil of debate, then at its height
in Leyden, as elsewhere, between the

42 John Robinson
Arminians and Calvinists, and that he
took sides too obtrusively with the latter.
To which Bradford replies, that his Pastor,
" being very able," did indeed appear
" at sundry disputes," and begin " to
be terrible to the Arminians " — so much
so that Polyander, the Calvinist Professor
of Leyden University, " did importune
him " to stand up against the Theses
put forth by his opponent Episcopius,
the Arminian Professor. As a stranger,
Robinson " was loath," but finally agreed.
" And when the day came the Lord
did so help him to defend the truth, and
foil his adversary, as he put him to an
apparent non-plus, in this great and public
audience. And the like he did a second,
or third time, upon such-like occasions.
The which, as it caused many to praise
God that the truth had so famous
victory, so it procured him much honour
and respect from those learned men,
and others which loved the truth."
But let it be noted, that by way of
preparation and to avoid partiality, he,

John Robinson 43
first of all, went constantly to the read
ings or lectures, of both sides ; " and
heard the one as well as the other " —
although with his three sermons a week,
and sundry books to write, and other
" manifold pains," he had but little time
to spare.' Bradford omits the date of
these grand debates ; but not unlikely
a quick result and reward was Robinson's
admission to be " an honorary member
of the University on September 3rd, 16 15 "
— a distinction which carried with it not
only literary privileges, but also certain
substantial civil advantages. Altogether
the little Church had good cause to be
proud of its Pastor and to rejoice in his
light. For two years after May 1609, there is
no information as to where the Church
met for worship. No meeting-place was
assigned to it by the municipal authorities,
for the sufficient reason that it did not
ask or wish for one. In this as in other
respects it preferred to be independent,
1 Bradford, History, pp. 37-8.

44 John Robinson
or else not to run the risk of a refusal.
But in May 1611 a house was purchased
which gave a home both to the Church and
the Pastor. The purchasers were the
Pastor himself and three others, including
Ralph Tickens, who had married his
wife's sister.' The site was on the south
side of Peter's Church, near the belfry,
and the house had a garden situated on
its west side. The price, equal to £1,400,
bespeaks its spacious character ; and the
whole of it passed into the possession of
John Robinson, except a " certain small
room" over the eastern door, which
the vendor reserved for himself. That
Robinson and his family were the sole
occupants is made clear by a list of those
rated for a poll-tax on October 15th,
1622, in which the only persons living in
the house are given as —
John Robinson, minister
Brugitta (Bridget) Robinson, his wife.
1 Jane White, whose name occurs with her husband's
in the purchase-deed, probably as being the "monied
partner."

Robinson's children.

John Robinson 45
James Brugittai Isaac
Mercey Fear
Jacob Mary Hardy, maid-servant.
Such a family must have taken up most
of the house. But if there was a room
large enough to feast the whole Church
— as Edward Winslow relates ^ — the same
room would serve for its ordinary meet
ings. Here, in fact, we may imagine
the congregation to have been in the
habit of assembling — though, if its number
grew to 300, surely no room of the house
can have held them all. Possibly they
took it in turns to attend ; or did they
1 Bridget married a Leyden student of theology, named
JohnGlynwich, in May 1629 — having her mother for a wit
ness. Isaac emigrated to New England in 1631, and was
still living in 1702, aged ninety-two, which points to l6io,
as the year of his birth and Leyden as his birth-place. The
two eldest children were bom at Norwich (Arber, ibid. pp.
159, 160).
2 In his " Brief Narration," the Appendix to Hypocrisie
Unmasked (1646).

46 John Robinson
make use of " the large garden " ' when
the weather permitted, and, at other
times, meet in part at other houses ?
' Dr. Brown (p. 122) says that William Jepson built
twenty-one small tenements in the garden, "probably
intended as dwellings for the poorer members of the con
gregation." But if Jepson did not acquire the property till
December 13th, 1629 (Arber, p. 157), he must have built
them after the congregation, to a large extent, was dispersed,
and years after the Pastor's death. The house has long
since been displaced by a modern building upon whose
front, by consent of the owners, is a marble slab, with the
inscription : " On this spot lived, taught, and died, John
Robinson, 1611-1625."
" William Jepson, a leading member of John Robinson's
Church" was cousin to Jane Murton (nee Hodgkin) and
Alexander Hodgkin, members of John Smith's Church.
Both families were of Worksop. (Burgess, John Smith,
p. 298, note.)

CHAPTER V
In one of his smaller treatises entitled
A Just and necessary Apology^ (1619)
Robinson outlines the relations which
subsisted between his Church and its
neighbours, and incidentally throws light,
at the same time, on its own internal
conduct. For this reason the book is
worth some notice.^
Some anonymous " Dutch ballad-
maker " had published " a rhyme " which,
comparing the received religion in the
Dutch Churches to a tree, and " the
sectaries in the country " "to certain
beasts endeavouring this tree's ruin,"
likened " the Brownists to a little worm,
1 Published first in Latin, and then translated by himself
into English. The English version was printed in the
year of his death, 1625.
2 It deserves reading, also, as Robinson's best brief
exposition of his whole case. 47

48 John Robinson
gnawing at the root thereof, and not
having less will, but less power, to hurt
than the residue." ' In plain words,
• There was another " contumely," not a mere " flying
bruit spread amongst the multitude " by a ballad-maker,
" but a solemn accusation to them in special authority "
in England. It proceeded from enemies " who in our own
country " (says Robinson) " are reputed the chief masters
and patrons both of religion and truth." Its charges were
fourfold. First, that we (lewd Brownists) do refuse and reject
one of the sacraments.
Secondly, that we have amongst us no ecclesiastical
ministry, but do give liberty to every mechanical
person to preach publicly in the Church.
Thirdly, that we are in error about the very Trinity.
Fourthly and lastly, that being become so odious to
the magistrates here, as that we are by violence to
be driven the country, we are now constrained to
seek some other and far part of the world to settle
in.
The first three of these points, at least, were brought up
in the Privy Council by some of its members as a reason
against permitting Robinson's people to settle in Virginia ;
and were dealt with in a letter to Sir John Wolstenholme
from Robinson and Brewster dated Leyden, January 27th,
1617-18 (see Bradford, History, pp. 43-4). Bradford spells
the name " Worssenham."
The Just and necessary Apology, written two years later,
deals with them more elaborately, though not so directly.
In fact, this was much more its purpose than " to justify
the occasional intercommunion between the members of
Mr. Robinson's Church and those of the Belgian Churches "
(so Ashton in Prefatory Notice).

John Robinson 49
Robinson and his people were seeking,
in a secret fashion, to undermine their
neighbours' religious position. How can
this be, answers Robinson, seeing that,
on matters of doctrine, we agree, point
by point, with everything in their faith,
except one, viz. that, while they allow
the use of the Apocrypha in public worship,
we reserve it for private reading only ?
How can this be, moreover, when, in
respect of government and administration,
we are also substantially agreed ?
" We account them " (the Reformed
Churches) " the true Churches of Jesus
Christ, and both profess and practise
communion with them in the holy things
of God, which in us lieth ; their sermons
such of ours frequent as understand the
Dutch tongue ; the sacraments we do
administer unto their known members,
if by occasion any of them be present
with us ; their distractions, and other
evils, we do seriously bewail, and do
desire from the Lord their holy and firm
peace." 4

50 John Robinson
But undoubtedly there were differences
— sufficient to exercise charity, though
by no means to justify contention ; and
these Robinson proceeds to state.
(i) He holds that a Church ought not
to consist of more members than can
meet together in one place.' One place,
with one Pastor, seems to be his rule, or,
rather, as he tries to prove, the New
Testament rule : not one Pastor of a
Church so large as to need several places,
according to the way of his neighbours.
One place with one Pastor, and so, outside
the place where his flock is located, he
has no right to execute the pastoral
office. "It is not lawful for thee. Reverend
brother, to do the work of a Pastor where
thou art no Pastor, lest thou arrogate to
thyself that honour which appertains not
unto thee. Thou art called — that is,
1 Robinson's word is " temple," the place of meeting for
the Church. His idea may seem to exclude my conjecture
that his own Church may have been too large to meet
in one room ; but perhaps " place " might be taken to
mean the house and its garden I

John Robinson 51
elected and ordained — a Pastor of some
particular Church and not of all Churches."
He may preach for other Churches than
his own, " out of the common bond of
charity in which he is obliged " ; but so
may any private member of a Church.
Mere preaching is a lay function. Pastoral
authority, however, is restricted to one
single congregation meeting in one
place. Here only, e.g., can the Pastor
lawfully administer discipline or the
sacraments. " We will illustrate by a similitude.
Any citizen of Leyden may enjoy certain
privileges in the city of Delft, by virtue
of the politic combination of the United
Provinces, and cities, under the supreme
heads thereof, the States-General ; which
he is bound also to help and assist with
all his power if necessity require ; but
that the ordinary magistrate of Leyden
should presume to execute his public
office in the City of Delft, were an insolent.

52 John Robinson
and unheard-of, usurpation. The very
same, and not otherwise, is to be said
of Pastors and particular Churches, in
respect of that spiritual combination
mutual, under their chief and sole Lord,
Jesus Christ."
(2) Baptism should be limited to the
children of parents, one of whom at least
is within the covenant, or a member of
the Church,' not extended, as in the
Dutch Reformed Churches, to all and
sundry. " This doth neither well provide
for the dignity of the thing," nor is it
scriptural. (3) " We cannot but mislike that cus
tom in use by which the Pastor is wont
to repeat and read out of a prayer-
book certain forms, for his and the
Church's prayer." Many New Testament
reasons against the practice are adduced
— from some of which we gather that
the Leyden Church was accustomed to
I This was twisted into a charge of refusing one of the
Sacraments.

John Robinson 53
the singing of psalms,' and to utter their
" Amen " at the close of the minister's
prayer, and to make no formal use of
the Lord's Prayer. It would seem, also,
that in praying the minister stood and
lifted up his eyes to heaven.^
" In prayer we do pour out matter, to
wit the holy conceptions of the mind,
from within to without ; that is, from
the heart to God : on the contrary, in
reading, we do receive and admit matter
from without to within ; that is, from
the book into the heart. Let him that
prayeth do that which he doth, not
another thing, not a divers thing. Let
the whole man, and all that he is, both
in soul and body, be bent upon God, with
1 " It was their practice from the beginning, till October
1661, to sing the Psalms without reading the line." Then
they " altered the custom ' ' to meet the need of a brother who
could not read. First the Pastor expounded the Psalm and
then the Elder "linedit."Up to June 1692 Mr. Ainsworth's
translation was the one " sung in the congregation.'' ( An
Account of the Church of Christ in Plymouth, pp. 126, 127.)
2 He prayed, too, with his head covered — unlike the
French Reformed.

54 John Robinson
whom he converseth. The eyes of the
mind are lifted to God in prayer ; and
why not the eyes of the body also ? both
which, he that prayeth, by intending
them upon a book . . . depresseth and
averteth from God."
He reaches the climax of his argument
when he says :
" If to read such a form of prayer be
to pray aright and pastor-like, no probable
reason can be rendered, wherefore to
read a sermon, or homily, is not as well
to preach aright, and as is required of
the Pastor of the Church. Which so
being, small reason had the Apostle,
treating of the ecclesiastical ministry,
which principally consists in these two
exercises (Acts vi. 4), to cry out, as he
did, " Who is sufficient for these things ? "
(2 Cor. ii. 16). For who is not sufficient,
even of the vulgar sort ? Who cannot
read a liturgy or a homily ?
" Lastly, if it would be just matter of

John Robinson 55
I shame to any earthly father that his
child, who desired of him bread, fish, or
an egg, should need to read out of a book,
or paper (saying), ' Father, I pray you give
me bread, fish, or an egg,' how much more
contumelious is it, to our Heavenly Father,
and His Holy Spirit, wherewith He fur-
nisheth all His children, especially His
ministers according to their place, that
an help so unworthy, and more than
babyish, and indeed the instrument of a
' foolish shepherd,' should be employed in
prayer ! "
(4) In the eldership all the elders must
be apt to teach as well as to govern ;
must be appointed for life ; must dis
charge their functions in public — " with
the people's privity and consent." This
is the Congregational, as opposed to the
Presbyterian, way. Not that the Church
is a democracy. By no means. Under
Christ, " the only mediator and monarch
thereof," the Church " is plainly aristo-
cratical." That is to say, " it appertains

56 John Robinson
to the people freely to vote in elections
and judgments of the Church " ; but,
having done this, and so set the elders
in office, it behoves them to let the elders
really rule, and to " give their assent to
the holy and lawful administration " of
these. Power originates from the people
under Christ, but is vested in the elders,
who are not to be hindered in its use,
nor, to that end, from meeting in private,
and preparing what is necessary for the
Church's order. Still, the people have the
right to know their decisions and express
consent or otherwise. For " most con-
veniency " and " least trouble," decisions
may be arrived at in private. Their
execution, however, must be " publicly
and before the people." Nor must the
people be denied a final voice. In this
sense, the elders, though an aristocracy,
are responsible to the congregation. In
fine, the Church, as Robinson sees it,
reflects the representative system of the
English Parliament. Nor is the parallel
lessened when he adds :

John Robinson 57
" By the people whose liberty, and right
in voting, we thus avow, and stand for,
in matters truly public and ecclesiastical,
we do not understand, as it hath
pleased some contumeliously to upbraid us,
women and children ; but only men, and
them grown, and of discretion : making
account, that as children by their nonage,
so women by their sex, are debarred of
the use of authority in the Church."
The source of the model which the
Pilgrims framed for a political consti
tution is not far to seek.
(5) Unlike the Dutch Reformed
Churches, Robinson's Church treated
marriage as a civil act ; took no notice of
holy days, such as Christmas or Easter
or Whitsuntide ; but were very strict in
observance of the Lord's Day. His reason
for repudiating Easter is that the great
event it celebrates is celebrated every
Sunday ' by the Lord's own appointment ;
and so the addition of "an anniversary
1 " We used to have the Lord's Supper every Sabbath "
(An Account, etc., p. 108).

58 John Robinson
memorial " is a presumptuous human
device. Christmas he repudiates as like
wise a human device,^ while, with regard
to other festivals, he asks why a day
should be consecrated rather to the birth,
circumcision, and ascension of Christ, than
to His death, seeing that the Scriptures
everywhere do ascribe our redemption and
salvation to His death and passion, in
special manner.
As to the special saeredness of Sunday,
he holds that this is derived :
(a) From the " very essence of the fourth
commandment," which lies in the fact that
" a day of seven " (not necessarily the
seventh day) " be kept holy, that is,
separated from common use and conse
crated to God, in which, as in a holy day,
the works of Divine worship, and such as
serve for the spiritual man, ought to be
exercised."
1 He adds : " Not to meddle with the uncertainty either
of the day of the month, or month of the year in which
Christ was born, as it is most certain, on the contrary, that
this twenty-fifth of December cannot be the time."

John Robinson 59
(b) From the authority of " Christ
Himself who, first, by word of mouth for
the forty days after His resurrection taught
the disciples the things which appertained
to the Kingdom of God"; next by His
" setting Himself in the midst of " the
Apostles, " the first day of the week . . .
every eighth day, till His ascension into
heaven " ; finally, " by His spirit speaking
in the Apostles," and directing them to
the day of His resurrection as pre-emi
nently the Lord's Day. " Neither did
Patmos more distinctly denote a certain
and known island, and John a certain
and known person, than did the Lord's
Day a day certain, and known especially
unto Christians unto whom the Apostle
wrote." It is, therefore, binding on Christians
with all, and more than all, the sanction
of the Jewish Sabbath. His last words
on this point, written with the laxity of
Leyden society — countenanced by the Ley
den Churches — before him, have not lost
any of their force : —

6o John Robinson
" It seemeth natural that some day,
and moral that some day certain and
distinct, be sacred unto God ; and the
same, as Junius saith, every seventh day ;
in which men, forbearing all servile works,
may consecrate and give themselves to
God in the duties of piety and charity to
men. Which with what hindrance unto
the one and the other, is everywhere
neglected, can scarce either be uttered or
conceived. For what marvel if, upon
the overslipping of the most seasonable
seed-time, a slender harvest follow ; or
that, the market-day being neglected,
penury of provision should be found in
the family ? We Christians have the Lord's
Day by the Lord Christ assigned us for
the exercises of piety, and mercy, in
which He offers, and exhibits Himself in,
the fruits of His gracious presence in a
singular manner to be seen, and enjoyed
of his, religiously observing the same.
Let us at no hand, as alike unmindful
of God's ordinance and man's infirmity,
suffer the fruit of such a benefit to die

John Robinson 6i
in our hands ; but let us accordingly
acknowledge the same in thought, word,
and work, to His honour, and our own
good."

CHAPTER VI
Next to Robinson, the most influential
member of the Leyden Church was its
elder, William Brewster. More than to
any one else the Church owed its origin
to him ; and he shared all its fortunes.
" After he came into Holland he suffered
much hardship, after he had spent the
most of his means, having a great charge
and many children ; and, in regard of
his former breeding and course of life,
not so fit for many employments as others
were, especially such as were toilsome
and laborious. But yet he ever bore
his condition with much cheerfulness and
contentation. Towards the latter part
of those twelve years spent in Holland,
his outward condition was mended, and
he lived well and plentifully. For he fell
62

John Robinson 63
into a way (by reason he had the Latin
tongue), to teach many students who had
a desire to learn the English tongue, to
teach them English ; and by his method
they quickly attained it with great facility :
for he drew rules to learn it by, after
the Latin manner. And many gentle
men, both Danes and Germans, resorted
to him, as they had time from other
studies : some of them being Great Men's
sons. " He also had means to set up printing
(by the help of some friends), and so had
employment enough : and by reason of
many books which would not be allowed
to be printed in England, they might have
had more than they could do." '
It was in connection with this printing
business that an episode occurred (in
1619-20) which much excited the Leyden
Church, and deserves more attention
than it has usually received. Professor
Arber calls it " The hunt after William
1 Bradford, History, p. 190.

64 John Robinson
Brewster." ' For more than a year the
hunt went on. What set it going was a
letter from Sir Dudley Carleton, English
Ambassador at the Hague, to Sir Robert
Naunton, Secretary of State in London.
Writing on Saturday, July 17th, he says :
" I have seen within these two days a
certain Scottish book, called Perth As
sembly, written with much scorn and
reproach of the proceedings in that
Kingdom concerning the Affairs of the
Church. It is without name, either of
Author or Printer ; but I am informed it
is printed by a certain English Brownist
of Leyden."
Five days later, July 22nd, he had
found reason to be " somewhat doubtful "
of that point, " yet, in search after that
book," he believes himself to have dis
covered the printer of another book
1 See Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, chap. xxv. 195 ff.
Arber's authorities are H. M. Murphy in Historical Maga
zine, vol. iv., and the S.P. Holland. Bundles 132-5, as
quoted by Murphy.

John Robinson 65
entitled, De Regimine Ecclesice Scoticance,
in " one William Brewster, a Brownist who
hath been, for some years, an inhabitant
and printer at Leyden." Within the last
three weeks, however, he had disappeared,
and is said to be now in London, " where he
may be found out and examined not only
of this book, De Regimine, but likewise of
Perth Assembly, of which, if he was not
the printer himself, he assuredly knows
both the printer and the author."
The author of both books was David
Calderwood, historian of the Kirk of
Scotland ; and their peculiar offence, of
course, was in oppugning the King's
Scottish ecclesiastical policy. They were
dead against him in his violent efforts to
impose episcopacy upon an unwilling
people. Neither author nor printer, there
fore, need look for mercy at the hands
of His Majesty, whose littleness magnified
opposition to himself into the worst of
crimes. So, at his command, strict watch
was kept for Brewster both at London
and Leyden. Nay, his Ambassador was
5

66 John Robinson
required, in the King's name, " to deal
roundly with the States-General, for the
apprehension of the said Brewster ; as
they tender His Majesty's friendship."
On August 20th it was reported that he
was certainly not in Leyden, nor likely to
be, " having removed from thence both
his family and goods " ; yet on the 28th,
that he had been seen there " yesterday."
On September 3rd he is said to " keep
most at Amsterdam," but to be preparing
to settle himself at a village called Last-
dorp [Leiderdorp], not far from Leyden.
on the IOth the Ambassador announced
to the Secretary that at last he has been
tracked down. He is really in Leyden.
The magistrates at his instance " appre
hended him yesternight," though he was
sick in bed.
But, alas ! on the 12th (Sunday) he
had to write that there had been a mis
take, " in that .the Scout " (or bailiff)
" who was employed by the magistrates for
his apprehension, being a dull, drunken
fellow, took one for another." But

John Robinson 67
Brewster's partner had been seized, sure
enough. This was Thomas Brewer, " who
set him on work, and, being a man of
means, bare the charge of his printing." '
He, as " a member of the University,"
has been delivered to the Rector Magni-
ficus, and is now in the university prison.
Moreover, the " printing letters," or type,
used by Brewster have been "found in a
garret" of Brewer's house (in Bell Alley,
near Robinson's house). These, together
with his books and papers, have been " all
seized and sealed up " ; and it is expected
that he will volunteer a full account of
what " he has caused to be printed by
Brewster " since the press started work, in
cluding Perth Assembly and De Regimine
Ecclesice Scoticance. But he turned out
1 Arber (Story, p. 195) thinks the type was English —
bought by Brewer, set up by Brewster, and printed from
by some Dutch master-printer. He has compiled a list of
fifteen books which, " if not more, were produced by this
secret press in the thirty-three months, at the furthest,
between October 1616, and June 1618, both inclusive"
(Story, p. 245). If there could be a successful hunt after
William Brewster's edition of these fifteen books, the little
collection would form a unique " Pilgrim " memorial.

68 John Robinson
disappointing. His " answers are so
indirect that they give no man satisfaction
that sees them." On the i8th, therefore,
the Ambassador writes that he has now
" used the Prince of Orange's authority " ;
that the Prince has " spoken to the
Rector," " not to give the prisoner any
liberty until His Majesty's pleasure be
known concerning him " ; that the Rector
has promised, " notwithstanding that
the whole company of Brownists " have
offered " caution " (or bail) for him and
that the university scholars have been
" stirred up by " them to plead privilege.
His British Majesty, it seems, was pleased
with " the noble Prince" and the Rector
for their " serious care and respect." He
sent his own " princely thanks to them."
But Brewer's "confessions" he found
far from satisfactory ; and would like to
examine the man himself. So, on Sep
tember 28th, the Ambassador is instructed
" to move the States earnestly, in his
name," that the prisoner may be sent
over ; and, if there be any " fond scruple

John Robinson 69
or difficulty" about "Privilege," to pro
mise that the King " will return him
back again, after he shall have informed
himself from him, of divers things merely
concerning his own special service : His
Majesty having no intention to touch
him either in body or goods." All the
same, the University pleaded privilege ;
and was backed up by the town. In the
end, however, they compromised. Brewer
was to go, as by " his own desire," in
order " to give His Majesty all satisfac
tion " ; going "as a free man," he
should " not be punished during his
abode in England, either in body or
goods " ; he should " be suffered to return
in a competent time " ; and his journey
should be " without his own charge."
To these conditions the Ambassador for
the King gave his " verbal promise " ;
and Brewer submitted himself to Sir
William Touche, the "noble gentleman "
who undertook to conduct him into
England. There were members of the
Church who " endeavoured to dissuade

70 John Robinson
him " ; but, resisting their fears, he
joined Sir William at Rotterdam, accord
ing to arrangement. He arrived there
at 10 p.m. on November 13th, and one of
his companions was " Master Robinson."
" The gentleman " — wrote Sir William
to the Ambassador — " seems very ready
and willing to go with me ; and hath good
hope of his dispatch and happy issue, if
he be not referred to the judgement of
the Bishops ; concerning which, he says,
he made caution before his departure :
and if you have not written so much
already, he desires you will do so much,
when you write next to Master Secretary."
This dread of the Bishops should be noted.
It explains, undoubtedly, why his friends
of the Church tried to hold him back.
On his way to Flushing, whence he
intended to sail. Sir William stayed at
Middelburg — associated, for Separatists,
with Robert Browne's congregation. Here
Brewer found " many friends " ; and
" those exceedingly earnest in his cause."
Among them were three brothers of the

John Robinson 71
name of Teelinck : one of them " the
Treasurer- General," another " chief of
the Reckon[ing] Chamber, the third
" a minister." A fourth friend, " Master
Vosberghe, chief Reckon-Master [ac
countant], was on the way towards
Holland, to speak to his Excellency
[Maurice, Prince of Holland] in Master
Brewer's behalf." Evidently, news of his
case had spread abroad, and evoked keen
interest. There is nothing to show that
his Middelburg friends were " Brown
ists." Brownists were very unlikely to
be of such high social standing, nor, in
deed, is there any trace of a Brownist
remnant at this late date. What in
terested Brewer's friends was simply the
King of England's claim to effect the
extradition of an Englishman from Hol
land and draw him into his power upon
conditions which he might see fit to break.
This matter, therefore, they " did expostu
late " with Sir William — at a dinner to
which they invited him ; and, also,
" much importuned him," by " many

72 John Robinson
promises of their loves and friendship,"
to show Mr. Brewer all possible kindness.
As to the last point, at any rate, he appears
to have done his best. For, during a
twelve days' enforced wait at Flushing
— the storms being so " rude " as to
scale the walls and floor the streets
" with salt water " — he enlisted him as a
boon companion ; and Brewer's " fellow
Brownists at Leyden " — wrote the Am
bassador to the Secretary — " are some
what scandalised, because they hear Sir
William hath taught him to drink healths."
On Friday, December 3rd, Sir William
and his charge reached Whitehall. But
when the King came face to face with
his man he realised that the " stipula
tions " entered into by Sir Dudley Carleton
rendered him practically helpless. Brewer
stood stoutly by his rights ; parried the
royal questions in a way that disclosed
nothing of consequence ; especially, could
not be got to say a word as to Brewster's
whereabouts ; and so, at length, on
January 14th, 1619-20, was discharged.

John Robinson 73
Mr. Secretary wrote at once to forewarn
the Ambassador that Brewer had " offered
to return at his own charge " ; and that
he would try, no doubt, to " advise
Brewster to conceal himself." To which
Sir Dudley replied (January 29th), " As
yet, he appears not in these parts," but
when he does, " the curators of the
University " will again take him in hand,
and — " unless he undertakes to them to
do his uttermost in flnding out Brewster "
— " he is not like[ly] to be at liberty."
But Brewer, getting wind of this kind
intention, did not return to Leyden ;
nor was Brewster taken. The latter, as
we know, was the Church's authorised
messenger in England ; and, with Robert
Cushman,' was stealthily busy in prepara
tions for the great adventure of 1620.
He was back in Leyden for the last prayer-
meeting and decision. By special desire
1 Cushman, writing to the Church from London, knew
of his whereabouts on May 9th, 1619, and says : " Master
B. is not well at this time. Whether he will come back
to you, or go into the north, I yet know not." Did he find
refuge in and around his old home at Scrooby ?

4 John Robinson
of those who offered themselves for the
pioneer voyage, he agreed to go with
them. He crossed to Southampton in
the Speedwell about July 22nd, and, after
the breakdown of that unlucky vessel,
joined the crowded company who came,
through stormy seas, to anchorage at
Cape Cod in the Mayflower (November
nth). For twenty-four years he con
tinued to be the revered and beloved
elder of the Plymouth Church. What
his friend Governor Bradford says of him
conveys the impression of a richly Chris
tian character :
" For his personal abilities, he was
qualified above many. He was wise and
discreet and well spoken, having a grave
and deliberate utterance, of a very cheerful
spirit ; very sociable and pleasant amongst
his friends ; of a humble and modest
mind ; of a peaceable disposition ; under
valuing himself and his own abilities,
and sometime overvaluing others; in
offensive and innocent in his life and

John Robinson 75
conversation, which gained him the
love of those without as well as those
within ; yet he would tell them plainly
of their faults and evils, both publicly
and privately, but in such a manner as
usually was well taken from him. He
was tender-hearted and compassionate
of such as were in misery ; but especially
of such as had been of good estate and
rank, and were fallen unto want or
poverty, either for goodness' and religion's
sake, or by the injury and oppression of
others. He would say. Of all men these
deserved to be pitied most. And none
did more offend and displease him than
such as would haughtily and proudly
carry and lift up themselves, being risen
from nothing, and having little else
in them to commend them, but a few fine
clothes and a little riches more than
others. In teaching, he was very moving
and stirring of affections ; also, very
plain and distinct in what he taught,
by which means he became the more pro
fitable to the hearers. He had a singular

76 John Robinson
good gift in prayer, both public and private,
in ripping up the heart and conscience
before God, in the humble confession
of sin, and begging the mercies of God
in Christ for the pardon of the same.
He always thought it were better for
ministers to pray oftener, and divide
their prayers than be long and tedious in
the same (except upon solemn and special
occasions, as in days of humiliation and
the like). His reason was, that the heart
and spirits of all, especially the weak,
could hardly continue and stand bent (as
it were), so long towards God, as they
ought to do in that duty, without flagging
and falling off. For the government of
the church (which was most proper to his
office), he was careful to preserve good
order in the same, and to preserve purity
both in the doctrine and communion of
the same ; and to suppress any error or
contention that might begin to rise up
amongst them. And accordingly, God
gave good success to his indeavours
herein all his days ; and he saw the

John Robinson 77
fruit of his labours in that behalf." '
We have here a picture on which any
Christian man or minister might often
look with profit.
A last word must be spared for his
faithful comrade, Thomas Brewer, who
was appointed to a sadly different fate.
For a time he stayed about London ;
and helped the Pilgrims' enterprise
with his money, if in no other way.
Subsequent to Robinson's death in 1625,
he is said to have returned to Leyden ;
sold his property there ; and crept back
to England. Here, however, he was
seized (before long) as a " special patron
of the Kentish Brownists " ; and was
kept close prisoner in the King's Bench
till 1640, when, by order of the House
of Lords, in response to his petition, he
obtained an immediate discharge — on the
very day on which the same House called
upon the Earl of Strafford " to put in his
answer unto this Court to the impeach-
1 Bradford, History, pp. 392-3.

78 John Robinson
ment made against him by the House of
Commons by Tuesday next come seven-
night, viz., December 8th, 1640, and
sooner if he can." '
Brewer never saw " the American
strand." Neither at home nor abroad
does he seem to have become conspicuous.
His vocation was rather to suffer than to
" do exploits." But was he the less
heroic on that account ?
1 Brown, Pilgrim Fathers, p. 163.

CHAPTER VII
The episode just described must not only
have had a thrilling interest for the
families of Robinson's congregation, but
must also have had a marked effect in
those anxious debates of 1619 which were
concerned with the decision " to remove
to some other place." It must, at least,
have strengthened the feeling that Leyden
was not the " secure abode " it had
seemed to be. Other reasons for the
decision were of yet greater force. " The
grave mistress. Experience " (says Brad
ford),^ " having taught them many things,
those prudent Governors [Robinson and
Brewster], with sundry of the sagest
members, began both deeply to apprehend
their present dangers, and wisely to foresee
the future and think of timely remedy."
1 History, pp. 29-32.
79

8o John Robinson
There was, e.g., the hardness of the place
and country — a hardness so extreme that
but few would come to them from the
home-land ; and fewer still that would
bide it out, and continue with them.
" Yea, some preferred and chose the
prisons in England rather than the liberty
in Holland, with so many afflictions."
Indeed, " their Pastor would often say,
that many of those which both wrote
and preached now against them, if they
were in a place where they might have
liberty and live comfortably, they would
then practise as they did."
Again, it was too evident that these
same hardships were breaking down some
of the stoutest of their number, and
making them prematurely old. This was
true not only of young men and servants,
but also of the children — many of whom,
however " willing to bear part of their
parents' burden, were, oftentimes, so
oppressed with their heavy labours " that
" their bodies bowed down under the

John Robinson 8i
weight of the same, and became decrepid
in their early youth, the vigour of Nature
being consumed in the very bud, as it
were." This was a grievous sight for
parental eyes ; but even more grievous
was it to see how many of the young
people (owing to " the great licentiousness
of youth in that country and the mani
fold temptations of the place") "were
drawn away by evil examples into ex
travagant and dangerous courses : getting
the reins off their necks, and departing
from their parents. Some became soldiers.
Others took upon them far voyages
by sea ; and other some, worse courses,
tending to dissoluteness, and the danger
of their souls ; to the great grief of
their parents, and dishonour of God. So
that they saw their posterity would be in
danger to degenerate and be corrupted."
" Lastly (and which was not least), a great
hope and inward zeal they had of laying
some good foundation, or at least to make
some way thereunto, for the propagating
and advancing the Gospel of the Kingdom
6

82 John Robinson
of Christ in those remote parts of the
world : yea, though they should be but
even as stepping-stones unto others, for
the performing of so great a work."
Such reasons made a strong case for
the proposal to seek a remedy in exile ;
but the proposal, when laid before the
congregation by Robinson and Brewster,
raised at first many doubts and fears.
Only as the result of repeated and patient
discussion, with " fasting and prayer,"
did a majority vote in its favour. Perhaps
the clinching argument, advanced, one
imagines, by the Pastor, was this ' :
" True it is that such attempts are not
to be made and undertaken without good
ground and reason ; not rashly, or lightly,
as many have done for curiosity, or hope
of gain, etc. But our condition is not
ordinary. Our ends are good and honour
able ; our calling lawful and urgent ;
and, therefore, we may expect the bless
ing of God in our proceeding. Yea, though
1 Bradford, History, p. 35.

John Robinson 83
we should lose our lives in this action,
yet may we have comfort in the same,
and our endeavours will be honourable."

But the decision to depart, first come to
towards the end of 1617, was but the
first step. The next turned on the ques
tion. Whither ? Some, and none of the
meanest, advocated Guiana ; " others
were for some parts of Virginia." Finally,
the conclusion was for Virginia, provided
they could live under its " general govern
ment " "as a distinct body," and obtain
" freedom of Religion " from His Majesty,
James I. To this end, a draft was drawn
up of " Seven Articles which the Church
of Leyden sent to the Council of England
to be considered of, in respect of their
judgements : occasioned about their go
ing to Virginia." They were signed by
Robinson and Brewster, and carried to
London by the Church's agents, John
Carver and Robert Cushman. On Wed
nesday, November 12th, 1617, Sir Edwin
Sandys, Secretary to " His Majesty's

84 John Robinson
Council for Virginia," replied in terms
breathing warm personal sympathy. He
spoke for the Council also, to whom the
Articles had given such a " good degree
of satisfaction " as would ensure their
hearty support.
Indeed, the Articles were surprisingly
compliant. For, after confessing unre
served agreement with the English Church
and the Reformed Churches in doctrine,
and acknowledging the saving fruits of
that doctrine in thousands of English
Conformists — with whom, therefore, "as
with our brethren, we desire to keep spiri
tual communion in peace " — the spokes
men for the Leyden Church go on to
own the King's supremacy in all causes,
and over all persons, everywhere in his
dominions ; the duty of active or passive
obedience; the right of the King to ap
point Bishops to exercise civil authority,
according to the laws of the land, in
all provinces, dioceses, congregations, or
parishes ; "the authority of the present
Bishops in England," " so far forth as the

John Robinson 85
same is indeed derived from His Majesty
unto them " ; and the King's exclusive
power over every synod, classis, convoca
tion, or assembly of ecclesiastical officers.
A modern Congregationalist may be
astonished at the sheer Erastianism of all
this. But he is apt to overlook that the
early separatists were always Erastian,
in the sense of giving to the civil magis
trate, whether King or Queen, a central
and unquestioned place in their loyalty.
Robinson and Brewster were not more
Erastian than Robert Browne and Henry
Barrow. What they deprecated and de
tested was a rule of the Prelates unguided
by the laws and unchecked by the royal
hand. Such rule, wielded in the name
of a higher law, proved itself to be a law
less tyranny ; whereas the magistrate,
in their conception of him, was an embodi
ment of law — the law of the land. Under
the influence of bad advisers, or coun-
sellers, he might fail rightly to interpret
or apply the law ; but in himself he
stood for it. His office, bestowed by

86 John Robinson
the King of kings, was to administer it.
So his claim to obedience was as divine
as his claim to rule. Later experience,
gained under both James I and his son,
brought a change of mind and feeling.
But even in the days of the Commonwealth
the old attitude persisted. Cromwell
clung to it as long as he could ; and so
did many of the army Independents. It
was one of the chief respects in which
they differed from the Presbyterians.
Nothing but nauseous dose upon dose
of Stuart duplicity finally destroyed it.
We need not, then, be astonished at the
Erastianism of " the Seven Articles."
But there is in them a hint of something
which ought to arrest attention. I refer
to the comparative liberality of the second
article. When Robinson wrote his Justi
fication of Separation from the Church
of England against Mr. Richard Bernard
his Invective (1610), he construed separa
tion in the strictest terms. Members of
the true Church— his own— were not
permitted to touch the unclean thing.

John Robinson 87
Not merely the English Church as a body,
but also its individual adherents, were
put under the ban. There was, as it
were, a leprous taint which spread itself
through all, and cut them off from the
religious fellowship of the saints.
Robinson, like his predecessor Henry
Barrow, took this to be the logical out
working of his contention that the Eng
lish church-constitution, from top to
bottom, was become unchristian, nay,
anti-Christian. Two years later, when
Dr. Ames, minister at that time of the
English Reformed Church at the Hague,
spoke of this (in a private letter) as the
" one point which containeth, indeed, the
very bitterness of separation," and
argued for the obligation of holding
communion — in prayer, e.g. — with whom
soever one " discerns to have communion
with Jesus Christ," Robinson, in his
answer, reveals no change of view.'
1 The Dictionary of National Biography, therefore, is
incorrect in saying that Robinson " had always been in
favour of private communion with godly members of the
Church of England, herein differing from Ainsworth."

88 John Robinson
" I deny " (he says) " that external
communion doth necessarily flow from
the discerning of inward communion
with Christ." " External communion is
a matter of external relation and order "
in the true Church. It is not to be
practised with any one outside — although
" I deem him holy in his person." Even
to pray with him is unlawful : for " prayer
is a part of external communion, and, if
I grant him a part, why not the whole ?
Why not admit him to the Lord's Supper,
to the choice of offices, the censuring of
offenders ? " " Though prayer be in it
self a lawful thing, and they holy in their
persons that perform it, yet it is unlaw
fully performed out of the Church in
which men ought to be, and therein to
use it.'"
But in 1 614 was printed his treatise
Of Religious Communion, Private and
Public ; and here there is a notable
advance. It amounts to a recantation,
so far as his views of private commu-
1 Of course, the reference is to social prayer.

John Robinson 89
nion are concerned. In the Preface he
says that formerly he had failed to mark
any distinction between personal religious
actions and church actions. At any rate,
he had failed to make the distinction clear
to his conscience. Now he sees it clearly ;
is prepared to defend it ; and is glad to
act upon it. In other words, he is glad
to discover that he was mistaken in re
fusing to practise such acts as " private
prayer, thanksgiving, singing of psalms,
profession of faith, confession of sins,
reading or opening the Scriptures," with
Christians of any Church simply as
Christians. In his heart he had always
longed for this, and had always seen
some reason for it ; but (apparently
under the influence of John Smith, and
partly out of a desire for peace) ' he had
1 He speaks of having had " sundry passages with Mr.
Smith " on this point, and of refusing to join with him,
because he would use his liberty therein ; and of being
excepted against by some of Smith's people on that account
when he was " chosen into office " in the Leyden Church.
He admits, too, that " through " his " vehement desire of
peace, and weakness withal," he compromised for a time
(Preface to Religious Communion).

90 John Robinson
let himself be overruled. What seems
to have brought him to a stand, and
made him think the matter out, and
realise its importance, was the corre
spondence with Dr. Ames. Then, having
come to new light, he did not hesitate to
act and persuade his people to act accord
ingly. He remained as much opposed to
" public communion " with the English
Church as ever. Even in his latest work.
On the Lawfulness of hearing the Ministers
of the Church of England — written about
1624, and published in 1634 — he goes
no further than to grant this lawful
ness. He grants it whole-heartedly, within
certain limits. But, as to the necessity
of " withdrawing from " the English
" hierarchical church government and
ministry and appurtenances thereof " he
is no less " persuaded " than he was
twenty years before. Nor is he less sure
of the duty of " uniting in the order and
ordinances instituted by Christ, the only
King and Lord of His Church "—an order

John Robinson 91
and ordinances " by all His disciples to
be observed." Nevertheless, as the end
of his journey drew near, his most
cherished thoughts were of the good in
the English Church :
" For myself, thus I believe with my
heart before God, and profess with my
tongue, and have before the world, that
I have one and the same faith, hope.
Spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I had in
the Church of England, and none other ;
that I esteem so many in that Church,
of what state or order so ever, as are
truly partakers of that faith, as I account
many thousands to be, for my Christian
brethren, and myself a fellow-labourer
with them of that one mystical body of
Christ scattered far and wide throughout
the world ; that I have always, in spirit
and affection, all Christian fellowship and
communion with them, and am most
ready, in all outward actions and exer
cises of religion, lawful and lawfully done,
to express the same."

92 John Robinson
These are Robinson's last published
words with reference to his church
position ; and, while they show him far
advanced in charity, he is strictly a
separatist still.
Mr. Champlin Burrage {Early English
Dissenters, vol. i. p. 293) says :
" Little by little and almost impercep
tibly, it would seem, Robinson now "
(between 1610 and 161 6) " began to lay
aside his more rigid separatist views, and
to adopt those of the broader-minded,
non-separatist Independent. However
this may be, it is evident that by 1618 the
Pastor of the Pilgrim Fathers had become
such an Independent Puritan."
Independent Puritan, according to Mr.
Burrage, means the same as non-separa
tist, or one who, whilst aiming to set up a
self-complete and self-governed congrega
tion, yet regards himself and his fellows
as members of the English Church. In
this sense, Henry Jacob is instanced as a

John Robinson 93
typical non-separatist ; and, indeed, the
direct precursor of the Independents. He
was already such when he held confer
ence with Robinson at Leyden about
16 1 2, and had been such since 1605 ; and,
instead of being converted to separatism
by Robinson, as is said by the traditional
story, he made a convert of Robin
son. But how is this consistent with
the words just quoted from Robinson's
latest writing — words quoted by Mr.
Burrage himself ? In fact, it seems to
me that he elaborates a difference for
which he has furnished very scant evi
dence.' I think this may be said with
truth, even as regards Henry Jacob. True,
Jacob hoped — and tried — to organise
bodies of an independent character and
standing within the Church. So did the
1 Thus he works it out — as something " more or less
unnoticed — with respect to the Churches of New England
until 1641," and urges that the assimilation of these to a
Congregational type was scarcely due at all to the influence
of the Plymouth congregation ; on the other hand, this
congregation approximated more and more to the Inde
pendent Puritan or non-separatist standpoint of its neigh
bours.

94 John Robinson
Presbyterian-Puritans of Elizabeth's day ;
so did Richard Bernard of Batcombe ;
so did the Brownists, at first. Their heart
was set passionately on bringing the
Church round to their standpoint, or, at
least, of being allowed to maintain it
unmolested. But they failed. Confor
mity or separation was forced upon them.
The same alternative was forced on
Henry Jacob. The history of his little
Church in Southwark, related by Mr.
Burrage, affords the clearest possible
illustration of this. Whatever he may
have wished, it became, formally as well
as actually, separatist ; and, as things
were, could do no other.
In fine, Jacob's idea of a non-separa
tist Church had no chance of success,
either in the case of his own Church, or
of Robinson's Church, or of the later
Churches which Mr. Burrage distinguishes
from the early separatist as Independent.
The established powers thrust them out
and made them all separatist with, or
against, their will. The most one can

John Robinson 95
concede to Mr. Burrage's distinction is
this — that there came about a change of
emphasis. Whereas the early Indepen
dents erected separatism into a principle,
and laid stress upon every point in which
it could be applied, their successors were
content just to separate ; and lay stress
not only upon points of contact and resem
blance, but still more upon the positive or
ganising principle of a congregational life.
In this respect Jacob was a pioneer.
In the same respect, Robinson, also, was
a pioneer. But whether, or how far, he
owed his development to Jacob's influence
is a question which Mr. Burrage, I think,
has not succeeded in answering. My own
impression of Robinson inclines me to
say that he owed it mainly to the spon
taneous growth in him of a truly Christian
spirit.

CHAPTER VIII
We have already mentioned the letter of
Sir Edwin Sandys (dated November 12th,
1617), It was felt to be a " singular " en
couragement. After its receipt the Church
met as soon as possible, and, in accord
ance with Sir Edwin's suggestion, set down
in writing its particular " requests " ;
subscribed them with the signatures " of
the greatest number of the congregation " ;
and com^missioned its agent and deacon,
John Carver, to return with them to
London. He bore, also, a letter (dated
December i8th) to Sir Edwin from
Robinson and Brewster which sought
to strengthen the requests by enumerating
certain " Inducements " to grant them —
viz. :
" (i) We verily believe and trust the
Lord is with us ; unto whom, and whose
96

John Robinson 97
service, we have given ourselves in many
trials ; and that He will graciously prosper
our indeavour, according to the simplicity
of our hearts therein.
" (2) We are well weaned from the
delicate milk of our mother- country :
and inured to the difficulties of a strange
and hard land : which yet, in great part,
we have, by patience, overcome.
" (3) The people are, for the body of
them, industrious and frugal, we think we
may safely say, as any company of people
in the world.
" (4) We are knit together, as a body,
in a most strict and sacred Bond and
Covenant of the Lord ; of the violation
whereof we make great conscience : and
by virtue whereof, we do hold ourselves
straitly tied to all care of each other's
good, and of the whole, by every one, and
so mutually.
" (5) Lastly, it is not with us as with
other men whom small things can dis
courage, or small discontentments cause
to wish themselves at home again. We
7

98 John Robinson
know our entertainment in England and
in Holland. We shall much prejudice
both our arts and means by removal. If
we should be driven to return we should
not hope to recover our present helps and
comforts : neither, indeed, look ever for
ourselves, to attain unto the like in any
other place, during our lives ; which are
now drawing towards their periods."
At this time (December 1617), the out
look was bright, but the prospect clouded
over. When the messengers (Carver and
Cushman) came back, they had to report
that neither the King nor the Archbishop
(George Abbot) favoured " Liberty in
Religion." The utmost His Majesty could
be persuaded to grant was connivance.
" He would connive at them and not
molest them, provided they carried them
selves peaceably ; but to allow, or toler
ate, them by his public authority, under
his seal " was not to be thought of.
" This made a damp in the business."
" For many were afraid that if they

John Robinson 99
should unsettle themselves, and put off
their estates, and go upon those hopes,
it might prove dangerous and but a sandy
foundation." '
As we have seen, suspicion had been
sown in the minds of members of the
Council as to the Church's orthodoxy and
ministry. This, very likely, had been
passed on to the King and the Primate.
In regard especially to " three points "^
explanation was asked for ; and this
was supplied by Robinson and Brewster
in a letter (enclosing two " Declarations ")
to Sir John Wolstenholme (dated January
27th, 1 617-18). Sir John (like Sir Edwin
Sandys) was their good friend ; and he
was prepared to do his best with the
Council. But he had " good news " to
announce. For somehow both the King
and' the Bishops had consented to grant
"Liberty in Religion." So the Declarations
were not necessary. In fact, if presented
now they might " spoil all." It appears
1 Bradford, History, p. 39.
2 Touching (a) the making and the functions of ministers ;
(6) the two Sacraments ; (c) the Oath of Supremacy.

100 John Robinson
that what the Declarations said (or im
plied) about the making and ordaining of
ministers was the crux ; and that while
Sir John himself viewed the matter with
indifference, the Archbishop was likely
enough to take offence,' The Declara
tions, therefore, were held back, " He
would not show them at any hand."
As we find no further apprehension
expressed on the score of " Liberty in
Religion," it may perhaps be safe to con
clude that this trouble was over. But
there were others — " many rubs," as Brad
ford says — " that fell in their way " and
delayed the final step for nearly two years.
There is no call to describe them here.
Suffice it to say that they mostly arose
from the question of ways and means.
First, the Virginia Company, " disturbed
with factions and quarrels amongst them-
1 The letter, with enclosures, was handed to Sir John
by Sabine Staresmore, who describes his interview in a letter
to Leyden dated London, February 14th (Bradford, History,
pp. 43-51). Staresmore and his wife were prominent
members of Henry Jacob's Church in Southwark, and
afterwards of Robinson's (Works, vol. iii. p. 384).

John Robinson loi
selves," became a broken reed. There
upon Robinson, spoken of as a certain
English Preacher, versed in the Dutch
language,^ entered into negotiations with
the Dutch for migration to their colony
of New Netherland — negotiations which, if
they had been carried through, would have
had momentous consequences. These,
however, were suspended, and replaced
by negotiations with a voluntary company
of " London Adventurers " which, in the
end, did manage to achieve its purpose
of furnishing " monies, shipping, and
other things for the voyage."
But even so late as June 14th, 1620,
Robinson, writing to John Carver, was
driven to say : " The estate of things
here " (in Leyden) " is very pitiful —
"especially by want of shipping" and
"money." There seemed, too, so little
hope of the shipping that " divers" who
1 It is added — " who is well inclined to proceed thither
to live ; assuring the Petitioners that he has the means of in
ducing over four hundred families to accompany him thither,
both out of this country and England " (Arber, Story,
p. 297). The date is February 2nd, 1619-20.

102 John Robinson
had promised money towards it refused
to pay. " Neither " — he writes — " do I
think there is a man here [who] would
pay anything if he had again his money
in his purse." Also, from the same letter
it may be gathered ^ how sadly awry the
situation had become in London. Yet
within six weeks the Speedwell — " a small
ship of some sixty tons, bought and fitted
in Holland " — sailed with her crowd of
pilgrims from Delfshaven to Southampton
(July 22nd) ; on September 6th the
Mayflower sailed from Plymouth ; and
by November uth she, with the Pilgrim
Church on board, had reached Cape Cod.
It is a surprising transformation ; and
is, in fact, a proof that faith, contending
with doubts and fears suggested by circum
stances, had won the upper hand. Just
when the sky is most " red and lowering "
1 And still more clearly from the Church's letter to John
Carver and Robert Cushman (May 31st) ; and from Cush-
man's three letters to Carver at Southampton and to " them
at Leyden '' (all of the same date, June loth). These
afford instructive and highly interesting " peeps behind the
scenes " (Arber, Story, pp. 307-17).

John Robinson 103
— about May — Robinson and Brewster
call for a " public and solemn Fast."
The day is spent in waiting on God.
Robinson preaches, from i Samuel xxiii.
3, 4, and teaches " many things very
aptly, and befitting their present occa
sion and condition : strengthening them
against their fears and perplexities ;
and incouraging them in their resolu
tions." Then it is decided, once for
all, what shall be done.' First, it is
decided that it were best for one part
of the Church to go at once, viz. the
youngest and strongest. Secondly, they
that go must freely offer themselves.
Thirdly, if the major part go the Pastor
is to go with them ; if not, the Elder only.
" It was also agreed on, by mutual
consent and covenant, that those that
went should be an absolute Church of
themselves, as well as those that stayed :
seeing, in such a dangerous voyage, and
a removal to such a distance, it might
come to pass they should, for the body
'¦ Bradford, History, p. 53.

104 John Robinson
of them, never meet again in this world.
Yet, with this proviso, that as any of the
rest came over to them, or of the others
returned upon occasion, they should be
reputed as members, without any further
dismission or testimonial." " It was
also promised to those that went first,
by the body of the rest, that if the Lord
gave them life, and means, and oppor
tunity, they would come to them as soon
as they could." '
The day of departure— determined by
the readiness of the ship— was fixed for
July 2 ist, and on the day before, after
another fast, the Pastor preached from
Ezra vii. 31, the rest of the time being
spent " in pouring out prayers to the
Lord with great fervency, mixed with
abundance of tears." This was the ser
mon which contained the often-quoted
words :
" We are now ere long to part asunder,
1 Bradford, History, p. 53.

John Robinson 105
and the Lord knoweth whether ever he
should live to see our faces again ; but
whether the Lord had appointed it or not,
he charged us before God and His blessed
angels to follow him no further than he
followed Christ. And if God should reveal
anything to us by any other instrument
of His, to be as ready to receive it as ever
we were to receive any truth by his
ministry. For he was very confident
the Lord had more truth and light yet
to break forth out of His holy Word." '
By way of contrast to the " misery "
of the Calvinists and Lutherans, who stick
where their teacher left them, he —
" Put us in mind of our Church- Coven
ant (at least that part of it) whereby we
promise and covenant with God and one
1 Dr. Dexter ( Congregationalism as seen in its Literature,
pp. 407-9; would limit the exhortation to open-mindedness
as regards church-polity, not theology — on the ground
that Robinson was a strict Calvinist. But the argument
is not convincing. For the principle of open-mindedness,
once and honestly accepted, will not stop at church-polity,
nor is it easy to think of Robinson as meaning it to stop.

io6 John Robinson
with another to receive whatsoever light
or truth shall be made known to us from
His written Word. But withal exhorted
us to take heed what we received for
truth, and well to examine and compare,
and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth,
before we received it ; for, saith he, it is
not ' possible the Christian world should
come so lately out of such thick Anti-
Christian darkness, and that full per
fection of knowledge should break forth
at once.' Another thing he commended
to us was that we should use all means
to avoid and shake off the name of
' Brownist y' being a mere nickname and
brand to make Religion odious and the
professors of it to the Christian world.
'And to that end,' said he, 'I should be
glad if some godly Minister would go over
with you, or come to you, before my
coming ; for,' said he, ' there will be no
difference between the unconformable '
1 It is not clear what name seemed to him appropriate,
"Brownist" is crossed out. "Separatist" (in a sub
stantive sense) he does not use ; nor " Independent" ;

John Robinson 107
Ministers and you when they come to
the practices of the Ordinances out of the
Kingdom. And so advised us by all
means to endeavour to close with the
godly party of the kingdom of England,
and rather to study union than division,
viz. how near we might possibly, without
sin, close with them, than in the least
measure to affect division or separation
from them. ' And be not loath to take
another Pastor or Teacher,' saith he, ' for
the flock that hath two shepherds is not
endangered, but secured by it.' " ^
On July 2 1st (Friday) almost the
whole congregation went as far as Delfs
haven (about twenty-four miles from
nor " Congregationalist." His positive conception of the
movement with which he was identified, as an effort to
realise the New Testament idea, made simply " Church "
the natural term, and, as a matter of fact, he speaks of
his people as the " Church," or the " congregation," or
the "brethren," or (very rarely) the "saints." Perhaps
" unconformable " (as above) would have been his in
clusive name for them, and others akin to them, on the
negative side.
1 Edward Winslow's Hypocrisie Unmasked (1646),
pp. 97, 98.

io8 John Robinson
Leyden), the place of embarkation. Such
as were detained at first followed after :
" And sundry also came from Amster
dam " (about fifty miles), " to see them
shipped and to take their leave of them.
That night was spent with little sleep by
the most ; but with friendly entertain
ment, and Christian discourse, and other
real expressions of true christian love.
The next day, the wind being fair, they
went aboard " (i.e. those who were to
sail), " and their friends with them,
when truly doleful was the sight of that
sad and mournful parting. To see what
sighs and sobs and prayers did sound
amongst them ; what tears did gush from
every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each
heart ; that sundry of the Dutch strangers
that stood on the quay, as spectators,
could not refrain from tears. Yet com
fortable and sweet it was to see such
lively and true expressions of dear and
unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays
for no man, calling them away that

John Robinson 109
were thus loath to depart, their Reverend
Pastor, falling down on his knees (and
they all with him), with watery cheeks,
commended them, with most fervent
prayers, to the Lord and His blessing.
And then, with mutual embraces and
many tears, they took their leaves one
of another : which proved to be the
last leave to many of them." '
Thus, the Pastor kneeling among them
on the deck of the little Speedwell was
the last picture of him which the Pilgrims
bore away in their memory.
Winslow gives the final touch to this
historic scene. As the Speedwell left
the quay-side, those on board fired a
parting volley with their muskets, which
was followed by a booming sound of shots
from three of the ship's cannons; "and
so lifting up our hands to each other and
our hearts for each other to the Lord our
God, we departed, and found His presence
with us, in the midst of our manifold
1 Bradford, History, p. 73.

no John Robinson
straits He carried us through." "The
memory of that time," he adds, "the
Dutch, at Delftshaven preserve to this
day." ' ^
Five days later (July 27th), Robinson
wrote two letters from Leyden — one to
John Carver, his brother-in-law," in which
" he repeats the assurance of his intention
to join them on the other side of the
Atlantic, the first opportunity that pre
sented itself," the other to the whole com
pany. Its first sentences lay bare his soul.
" Loving Christian friends, I do heart
ily, and in the Lord, salute you all, as
being they with whom I am present in
my best affection, and most earnest
longings after you, though I be con
strained, for a while, to be bodily absent
from you. I say constrained, God know
ing how willingly and much rather than
otherwise, I would have borne my part
1 Hypocrisie Unmasked, p. 91.
2 " This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see
from him." He was the first Governor, but died at Ply
mouth in April 1621. (Bradford, History, pp. 77-82.)

John Robinson iii
with you in this first brunt, were I
not, by strong necessity, held back for
the present. Make account of me, in
the meanwhile, as of a man divided in
himself, with great pain ; and, as, natural
bonds set aside, having my better part
with you."
The letter itself is full charged with
wise counsel concerning the way of peace
in and among themselves. Peace and
unity, springing from unselfish regard
for the common good, is its burden. It
was received at Southampton, where the
whole company of those for the Mayflower
as well as of those in the Speedwell, had
come together, and was read aloud to
all ; and " had good acceptation with
all, and after fruit with many." " Then
they ordered and distributed their company
for either ship, as they conceived for the
best." Finally, the two ships set sail
from Southampton about August 5th
(1620).' 1 They had not gone far when Reynolds, master of the
Speedwell, complained of a fatal leak in his ship ; so they

112 John Robinson
Here for us the story ends. It re
mains but to accompany Robinson off
the scene. Governor Bradford published
two other letters of his, to himself
and to William Brewster respectively.
They are dated Leyden, December 19th
and 20th, 1623. The former — to the
Governor — is mostly concerned with what
he had heard about the " killing " of
some " poor Indians." ' He would not
credit the report at first, but it has been
confirmed ; and —
" Oh ! how happy a thing had it been,
if you had converted some before you had
killed any ; besides, where blood is once
put into Dartmouth for overhauling. On August 23rd,
they set out again ; but some 100 leagues beyond Land's
End the same thing occurred : so they " put into Ply
mouth." Here the Speedwell was dismissed, and those
of her passengers who had lost heart. These were 18 out
of 30. The remaining 12 joined the Mayflower, which
sailed alone from Plymouth on September 6th, with 102
persons on board.
1 Refers, no doubt, to Miles Standish's expedition — sent out
by the Plymouth people in March 1623. See Arber, Story,
pp. 564 ff-

John Robinson 113
begun to be shed, it is seldom stanched
of a long time after. You will say they
deserved it. I grant it ; but upon what
provocations and invitements by those
heathenish Christians ! ' Besides, you, be
ing no magistrates over them, were to
consider not what they deserved, but
what you were by necessity constrained
to inflict. Necessity of this, especially
of killing so many, I see not, Methinks
one or two principals should have been
full enough, according to that approved
rule. The punishments to a few, and
the fear to many, , , , It is also a thing
more glorious in men's eyes than pleasing
in God's, or convenient for Christians, to
be a terror to poor barbarous people ;
— and, indeed, I am afraid lest, by these
occasions, others should be drawn to affect
a kind of ruling course in the world, I
doubt not but you will take in good
part these things which I write, and,
as there is cause, make use of them."'
1 Margin, Mr. Weston's men.
2 Bradford, History, pp. 197-8.
8

114 John Robinson
This was plain dealing ; but it must
have had its effect in making for Plymouth
the honourable distinction of being the
most kindly of all the colonies in its
treatment of the natives.
The letter to Brewster goes into the
reasons why his coming is deferred ;
and likely to be, " For, first, there is
no hope at all that I know of, or can
conceive of, of any new stock to be
raised for that end," He and his Leyden
people have no resources for getting
across, and the Company of Adventurers
in London will not, or cannot, produce
them. " Besides, howsoever for the
present the Adventurers allege nothing
but want of money, which is an invincible
difficulty ; yet if that be taken away by
you, others will without doubt be found."
In fact, there is, among the bulk of the
Adventurers, a settled purpose to hold
back would-be settlers at Plymouth and
Robinson in particular. They prefer, at
any rate, to further the going of mere

John Robinson 115
" forward preachers " (i.e. Nonconformist
Puritans) and their adherents rather
than reputed extremists. And as to the
"forward preachers" he says.: " I persuade
myself that, for me, they of all others are
unwilling I should be transported, especi
ally such of them as have an eye that
way themselves ; as thinking, if I come
there, their market will be marred in many
regards." '
The letter concludes : " Now touching
the question propounded by you, I judge
it not lawful for you, being a ruling
Elder — as Rom. xii. 7, 8 and i Tim. v.
17 — opposed to the Elders that teach
and exhort and labour in the word and
doctrine, to which the Sacraments are
annexed, to administer them, nor con
venient, if it were lawful. Whether any
learned man will come unto you or not

1 One of the proposals of John Lyford's " faction " (so
troublesome to the Plymouth Church in 1624-5) was that
" Mr. Robinson and his company may not go over to our
plantation, unless he and they will reconcile themselves to
our Church by a recantation under their hands, etc."
(Bradford, History, pp. 238, 239).

Ii6 John Robinson
I know not ; if any do, you must consilium
cap ere in arena." '
About the beginning of April 1626,
news reached Plymouth, not of the
Pastor's arrival, but of his death. He
had been dead for thirteen months, since
March ist, 1625. Captain Miles Standish
brought the news, in a letter written by
Roger White (dated Leyden, April 28th,
1625). It was addressed to the Church
through "the Governor and Mr. Brew
ster," and said:
" Loving and kind Friends,
" I know not whether this will ever
come to your hands, or miscarry, as
1 Bradford, History, pp. 198-200. A schedule of " ob
jections " to the Plymouth Church, urged by those of the
Adventurers who were " especially against the coming of
the rest from Leyden," is quoted by Bradford (pp. 194 ff.),
and the 3rd is : " want of both the Sacraments." The
answer is : " The more is our grief that our Pastor is
kept from us, by whom we might have enjoyed them ;
for we used to have the Lord's Supper every Sabbath, and
baptism as often as there was occasion of children to
baptise." It should be said that Robinson was not in
the least a sacramentalist. What led him to "annex"
the Sacraments to one class of Elders only. Pastors namely,
was his belief that so the Scriptures decreed. Most of the
early Independents were of the same mind.

John Robinson 117
other my letters have done ; yet, in re
gard of the Lord's dealing with us here,
I have had a great desire to write unto
you, knowing your desire to bear part
with us, both in our joys and sorrows, as
we do with you. These are, therefore,
to give you to understand that it hath
pleased the Lord to take out of this vale
of tears, your and our loving and faithful
Pastor, and my dear and reverend brother,'
Mr. John Robinson, who was sick some
eight days. He began to be sick on
Saturday in the morning, yet the next
day (being the Lord's Day) he taught us
twice. And so the week after grew
weaker, every day more than other ; yet
he felt no pain but weakness all that
time of his sickness. The physic he
took wrought kindly, in man's judg
ment, but he grew weaker every day,
feeling little or no pain, and sensible to
the very last. He fell sick February 22nd,
and departed this life March ist. He
had a continual inward ague, but free
1 Mrs. Robinson was his sister.

ii8 John Robinson
from infection, so that all his friends
came freely to him. And if either prayers,
tears, or means, would have saved his
life, he had not gone hence. But he,
having faithfully finished his course, and
performed the work which the Lord had
appointed him here to do, he now resteth
with the Lord in eternal happiness.
" We, wanting him and all church
Governors, yet we still (by the mercy of
God) continue and hold close together
in peace and quietness ; and so we hope
we shall do, though we be very weak,
wishing (if such were the will of God),
that you and we were again united
together in one, either there or here ;
but seeing it is the will of the Lord thus
to dispose of things, we must labour with
patience to rest contented, till it please
the Lord otherwise to dispose. For news,
is here not much ; only, as in England
we have lost our old King James, who
departed this life about a month ago,
so here they have lost the old Prince,
Grave Mourise [Count Maurice] ; who

John Robinson 119
both departed this life since my brother
Robinson. And as in England we have
a new King Charles, of whom there is
great hope, so [we] hear they have made
Prince Hendrich Generall in his brother's
place, etc. Thus, with my love remem
bered, I take leave and rest
" Your assured loving friend,
" Roger White."
" Thus " (adds Bradford) " these two
great princes, and their Pastor, left this
world near about one time. Death makes
no difference." '
He died in his own house on the Klok-
steeg, and was buried (on March 4th,
1625) under the pavement of St. Peter's
Church close by. His wife stayed on in
Leyden, but whether or not in the old
home, is uncertain. She was a witness
1 Bradford, History, pp. 247-9. White's letter, as
printed in Young's Chronicles (pp. 478-80), differs con
siderably from the above ; and reads as if it were the un
polished and unpruned original. One omitted sentence
says that the Leyden people are without a single " govern
ing officer."

120 John Robinson
at her daughter Bridget's marriage to a
young Dutchman on May loth, 1629.
There is no trace of the family after this
date — except of the second son, Isaac, the
only one of the six children to settle in New
England. It is probable that they all,
like most of the Church, became gradually
absorbed in the life around them. As to
the Church, if it was "very weak" (accord
ing to Roger White), it appears to have
got rapidly weaker. In 1634 it is said to
" have been only one-fifth as large as
in 1624." ' Inward dissension was the
main cause." " The peace and quiet
ness " which existed at the date of the
Pastor's death broke up over such a ques
tion as the " lawfulness " of occasional
attendance at a service in the English
Church. The narrow spirits went off
to Amsterdam and joined John Canne's
congregation. The moderates and genu
ine Robinsonians held on for a time
1 See Burrage, Early English Dissenters, vol. i. p. 294.
2 But it should be noted that in 1629 thirty-five went to
New England and sixty more in 1630.

John Robinson 121
in their separateness as a Church, but
joined the Reformed Church at length —
in 1658.
" On July 24th, 1 89 1, a bronze memorial
tablet, fixed in a recess of the exterior of
St. Peter's Church at Leyden, was unveiled
under the auspices of the National Council
of Congregational Churches of the United
States." ' " The ceremony took place
in the presence of delegates from England
and America, the burgomaster, and the
representatives of the Ecclesiastical Com
missioners of the city and of the Univer
sity of Leyden."
1 Brown, Pilgrim Fathers, p. 244.

CHAPTER IX
As to Robinson in his private relations —
son, husband, father, friend— we can do
little more than guess. There is no direct
information. But we know what he was
as a Pastor, and the light upon him in
that respect may guide us not wide of
the mark. So good a Pastor cannot have
confined his goodness to his church. It
must have been a spring of " living water "
in his own domestic garden as well.
That he was a scholar his early eminence
at Cambridge affords proof ; and the
proof is amplified by much that he wrote.
His clear and careful style, the orderly
arrangement of his thoughts, the acumen
of his logic, his constant effort to be
fair and exact and thorough, are traits
of the scholar no less than the breadth
and wealth of his knowledge. He was
122

John Robinson 123
also a man of the world in the best sense.
The sixty-two essays which he wrote
from time to time, and published towards
the end of his life, may serve as a proof
of that. They are all of a moral and
religious cast ; but they show that he
tried to view life under its manifold and
varied aspects ; that he sympathised with
these ; that he felt the pulse of nature
which beats under them and the need to
appreciate their significance. His out
look was limited ; but was not, to any
great extent, either artificial or prejudiced.
But, chiefly, he was a man of profound
religious conviction. God and the soul
were the two facts most real to him. His
soul found God in Christ, apparently while
he was still a youth, and surrendered to
Him once for all. To live according to
the will of God became henceforth his
single aim. He knew quite well where
to look for the Divine will. He saw it
before his eyes in the Bible ; and, as a
Puritan, accepted what he saw with
unquestioning faith. The only intellec-

124 John Robinson
tual difficulty was so to read the Bible
as to make sure of its meaning. That
done, obedience to its behests followed
as a thing of course. But obedience
might be hampered by practical difficulties.
In relation to the Church, e.g., he might
work his way to clearness as to its proper
character and place by a study of the
New Testament, and then find the field
around him occupied by something very
different ; and find, further, that any
attempt to replace the false by the true
brought him up against unyielding forces.
This was what happened in his case ;
and this was what confronted him with
the alternative of choosing between God
and man. We may say that the alter
native did not really exist, and was his
own invention. It may be so. Such
alternatives always appear fanciful to
those who do not see them. To Robinson's
conscience, however, the alternative was
as vivid as between, light and darkness.
And so he took the only possible way that
was open to him. This is the simple les-

John Robinson 125
son of his life. Nor of his alone, but also
of the Puritans generally, or at least of
their best examples. They were men
sure of God, sure of His will, sure of
their absolute duty to act as in His sight
and for His approval. Nothing else
mattered by comparison. Consequences
were of no account. Obedience alone
held the secret of freedom, courage, peace,
power, happiness, salvation. Essentially
they were right. Cleared of mistakes
which they could not possibly avoid but
which experience has enabled us to out
grow, their position is everlastingly right.
And to grasp this fact with a will as
loyal as theirs is, perhaps, the great lesson
we need to learn if our larger light is to
be our blessing.

A NEW FACT
The intended removal of Robinson and
his people to Leyden became known, it
seems, to King James's Ambassador at
the Hague, Sir Ralph Winwood, who
heard, also, that the " Burgomasters and
court of the City " had consented to their
settlement. Thereupon he entered a pro
test, doubtless in His Majesty's name, and
drew forth a reply which is "as honour
able a document as can be found in the
annals of diplomatic correspondence."
It is extant in the Leyden Missiven boek, C.
fol. 126, b. recto, and is quoted by Dr.
Plooij in a recent tract on The Pilgrim
Fathers, who truly says that " Leiden
and the Netherlands may be proud of it."
Its date is somewhere in April 1609.
The following is a translation, and I am
able to reproduce it through the kind
ness of its author, Dr. Rendel Harris.
126

John Robinson 127
" To the honourable, prudent, discreet
Ian Janss(en) Baersdorp, Councillor in
the College of Deputy Councillors of the
State of Holland.
" Honourable, Wise, Discreet Colleague :
" We have received your honourable
missive of the xxiiird of this month and
understood the contents thereof. We
attach the following reply :
" We reckon to be unjustly charged
by Sir (Ralph) Winwood, the Ambassador
of His Britannic Majesty, to the effect
that we had entered into agreement with
certain Brownists. It is, however, true
that in February last a petition was pre
sented to us in the name of Ian Robarts,
minister of the divine word, together
with some of the community of the
Christian Reformed Religion, born in
England, requesting that, as they had
the intention of taking up their abode in
the city of Leyden, there might be granted
to them a free consent thereto. To this

128 John Robinson
we made reply by an official document,
that we did not refuse free entrance to
honest people provided they behaved them
selves honestly and submitted themselves
here to all the Statutes and Ordinances,
and, for that reason, the entrance of the
petitioners would be welcome and agree
able to us — as may be seen by the Petition
and the attached reply of which we send
your Excellency a copy, premising that
nothing has been done by us further in
the matter ; and that we have not been
aware, nor do we at present know, that
the Petitioners have been banished from
England, nor that they belong to the
sect of the Brownists.
" We therefore beg your Excellency
to communicate these presents and the
attached document to the Lord Advocate,
to the end that no misunderstanding may
arise between ourselves and his Majesty's
Ambassadors, and that we may be held
excused by their Excellencies and conse
quently by His Majesty. " Herewith, etc."

John Robinson 129
From which it appears, inter alia:
(i) That the Brownists were regarded
by His Majesty as persons " banished from
England." (2) That, nevertheless. His Majesty kept
a sharp eye upon them — certainly with
no gracious intent. We know the fate
which awaited the voluntary or compul
sory return of " banished " persons.
(3) That the Leyden authorities were
not in the habit of searching into private
opinions, and did not mean to begin it.
Enough if would-be residents were decent
folk. All honour to them !

INDEX

Abbot (Archbishop), 98, 100
Act 1593, 27
Ainsworth, Henry, 11, 31,
32
Ames, Dr., 87, 90
Articles, Seven, 83-4
Bancroft (Archbishop), 9
Barrow, Henry, 87
Baynes, Paul, 15
Bernard, Richjird, 3, 86
Bradford, Wm., 2, 112-113
Brewer, Thomas, 67ff
Brewster, Wm., 1, 2, 19, 21,
34, 114-116 ; hunt after,
63ff
Bromehead, Hugh, 4
Brown, Dr., 27, 46
Burgess, W. H., 1, 2, 19
Burrage, 17 (note), 34, 92
Cambridge, 5, 6, 14, 16
Carleton, Sir Dudley, 64
Carver, John, 83, 96, 102
(note), 110
Chaderton, Laurence, 14
Church, Ancient, 31, 32, 33
Churches, Dutch, 47ff
Clifton, Richard, 3, 18, 20,
34
Covenant, 19, 97, 103, 105

Cushman, Robert, 73 (note),
83, 102 (note)
Dartmouth, iii (note)
Delfshaven, 107, 109
Dexter, Dr., 105 (note)
Eldership, 35 (note)
Episcopius, 42
Gainsborough, 18
Gifford, Robert, 4
Greasley, 7
Hall, Joseph, 9
Helwys, Thomas, 2
Hodgkin, Alexander, 46
Jackson, Richard, 26
Jacob, Henry, 93, 100
Jegon, Bishop, 7
Jepson, William, 46
Johnson, Francis, 31
Leyden, 21, 22, 33, 121
Leyden, Burgomasters of,
39, 126-129
Leyden, Church, 35-36,
40-44, 47-61
Lyford, John, 115 (note)
Mayflower, 74, 102, ill,
112

131

132

Index

Merton, Jane (nSe Hodg
kin), 46
Middelburg, 70
Naunton, Sir Robert, 64
Nevile, Gervase, 26
Norwich, St. Andrew's
Church, 6 ; St. Peter Man
croft Church, 8
Plymouth (England), ill
(note) ; (New England),
116
Polyander, 42
Puritan Pamphlet (1606), 23
Robinson, John, i, 2, 5-20,
32 ; family of, 45 ; A Just
and Necessary Apology,
47-61 ; Religious Com
munion, 88ff ; farewell
letter of, 11 0-1 11 ; last
letter to Bradford, 112-
113; last letter to Brew
ster, 114-116; death of,
116 ; memorial tablet at
Leyden, 121 ; estimate
of, 122-125
Rochester, Robert, 27

Sandys, Sir Edwin, 83, 96,
99
Scrooby, 18
Smith, John, 2, 32, 89 (note)
Southampton, iii
Southwark, Church in, 94,
100
Speedwell, 74, 102, 109, ill,
112
Standish, Miles, expedition
of, 112 (note), 116
Sturton-le-Steeple, 1
Tickens, Ralph, 44
Toller, Thomas, 3
Touche, Sir Wm., 69ff
Usher, Professor Roland, 21,
30
Virginia, 83
White (Robinson), Bridget,
2, 44, 119
White, Roger, 116
Winslow, Edward, 45, 107,
109
Wolstenholme, Sir John, 99

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