YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE CHRONICLES

THE WHITE ROSE
OF YORK.

SECOND EDITION.

THE MONKISH HISTORIANS
OF GREAT BRITAIN.
The following volumes are now published :
The Historical Works of Venerable Bede, containing (Vol. I.)
his Ecclesiastical History ; (Vol. II.) Lives of the Abbots
of Weremouth and Jarrow ; Life of St. Cuthbert ; Letters ;
Description of the Holy Places, etc. etc., translated by the Rev.
J. A. Giles, D.C.L., 2 vols. 8vo. price \l. Is. . 1843
The volumes are sold separately.
Geoffrey of Monmouth's British History, translated by A.
Thomson, Esq., 8vo. price 10s. . . 1843
Richard of Devizes' Chronicle of the Deeds of Richard the
First ; also .- Richard of Cirencester's Description of
Britain ; translated by H. Hatcher, Esq., 8vo. price 8s. 1842
The Historical Works of Gildas and Nennius, the earliest
British Historians ; translated by the Rev. J. A. Giles, D.C.L.,
8vo. price 8s. . . . . 1842
The Chronicles of the White Rose of York. A Series of Con
temporary Records of the Eventful Reign of King Edward the
Fourth, 8vo. price 12s. . . . 1843
The Historical Works of William of Malmesbury, will be pub
lished next in succession.

l'j ijih ;¦ n OtiMina I i '.i i ill i no"
IN THE POSSESSION OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES,
SOMERSET HOUSE

THE
CHRONICLES
i* 4 OF
THE WHITE ROSR
OF YORK.
a £>eries of
HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS,
PROCLAMATIONS, LE1TERS, AND OTHER
CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS
relating to the reign of
KING EDWARD THE EOUHTH

WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS,
AND A COPIOUS INDEX.

LONDON:
JAMES BOHN. 12, KING WILLIAM STREET, 8TRANU.
MDCCCXLV.

WILLIAM STKVKNS, PRINTER, BEM. YARD,
TEMPLE UAH.

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
ALBERT EDWARD
PRINCE OF WALES,
THIS VOLUME
RECORDING THE DEEDS OF HIS
ILLUSTRIOUS ANCESTOR
KING EDWARD THE FOURTH
IS INSCRIBED BY
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS'
OBEDIENT AND ODLIGED SERVANT,
THE PUBLISHER.

a 2

CONTENTS.

PAGE
I. Advertisement . . . .iii
II. Historical Introduction . . . xiii
Siege of Bamburgh Castle . . lxxxvi
III. Hearne's Fragment of an old Chronicle, from 1460
to 1470 . . ... .5
IV. History of the Arrival of Edward IV. in England,
and the final Recovery of his Kingdoms from
Henry VI. A.D. 1471 . . . .35
V. Dr. John Warkworth's Chronicle of the First thirteen
Years of King Edward the Fourth . . .101
VI. The Last ten Years of the Reign of Kino Edward
the Fourth, extracted from original Letters and Docu
ments . . . . . 145
Chap. I. His Domestic Habits, courteous Demeanour, and
affectionate Care of his Children . . . 145
Chap. II. His Foreign Pohcy . . . . 155
Chap. III. His Domestic Policy . . .171
Chap. IV. Literature and Art . . . 190
Chap. V. The Royal Brothers, Edward IV. Clarence, and
Gloucester . . . . .212
Chap. VI. The same subject . . . 241
Chap. VII. TheRoyalBrothers.EdwardlV.andRichardlll. 254
VII. Manner and Guiding of the Earl of Warwick at
Angiers, from 15 July to 14 Augt. 1470 . . 229
VIII. Appendix. Usurpation of Richard the Third . . 271
IX. Index . . . . .283

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Portrait of King Edward the Fourth, from an original Pic
ture belonging to the Royal Society of Antiquaries, Frontispiece
Plan of Calais, when in possession of the Enghsh in the fifteenth
Century, from an original sketch
Tournament of Smithfield
Edward the Fourth, from the Mirror for Magistrates
Edward the Fifth, from the same
Richard the Third, from the same . .

xni 5
35
101
145

ADVERTISEMENT.

The following Historical Documents, written in the
Vernacular Language in the Reign of King Edward the
Fourth, by eyewitnesses of the transactions they de
scribe, are now first presented to the reader, freed from
the repulsive and uncouth orthography of that period.
It is acknowledged by all writers of English History,
" that our Kingdom has fewer authentic records of the sir John
° Fenn's pre-
transactions, during the reigns of Henry VI. Edward ofpaston '
Letters.
IV. and Richard III., than of many earlier periods,"
and that those we have " are confused, mutilated and E1'l9's 0ri&-
nal Letters,
disjointed. They, who wrote History in those times, vof.T P. '94.
had no talents for the task ; and there was a ferocity
abroad among the partizans of both the rival houses,
which prevented many from even assembling the mate
rials of History."
The introduction of the art of printing, by the facility
it afforded to multiply the great works of the Classic
ages, rendered them available to all. In thus rescuing
the Literature of Greece and Rome from the neglect
into which it had fallen during the long period of Nor
man sway, our early printers and their patrons, consider-

IV ADVERTISEMENT.
ing the transactions of their own times as of secondary
importance, took no pains to perpetuate any records of
that period ; whilst tho writers of Manuscripts, seeing,
as it were, their occupation annihilated by the new art,
sought employment in other channels.
This is much to be lamented, and there is great pro
bability, that if the documents preserved in many of
the houses of the noble families, whose ancestors took
part in those stirring events, were carefully examined,
much new light would be thrown upon that portion of
our History.
The importance of thus examining the MSS. collec
tions which still exist is fully borne out by the publica-
Paston Let- tion of the Paston Family Letters, by Sir John Fenn ;
ters, Ellis's J J
piumpton" the Collection of Original Letters, by Sir Henry Ellis ;
Correspondence. an(j ^ne piumpton Correspondence, by Mr. Stapleton.
The additional light, thus afforded, by which to estimate
the causes of the instability of life and property in those
days, alone enables the historian to account for trans
actions, which, but for such a clue, would be considered
little better than the fictions of a romance.
To the industry and research of those eminent anti
quaries Leland and Hearne we are indebted for the pre
servation of two of the documents contained in the
wurk- present volume : Dr. Warkworth's Chronicle and the
worths Historical Fragment, quoted by all our historians. In
the Second volume of Leland's Collectanea, First Edi
tion, p. 295, are numerous extracts, amounting to nearly

ADVERTISEMENT.

a transcript of the former. Mr. Hartshorne in his
" Book-rarities of the University of Cambridge," p. 390,
has the merit of having discovered, after the lapse of
three centuries, the volume extracted from by Leland.
Mr. Hunter, in the "Appendix to the Reports of the
Record Commission," published in 1837, acting upon
the information furnished by Mr. Hartshorne, again
pointed out this important volume, and Mr. J. O. Halli-
well has recently given a verbatim copy of this Chro
nicle, preserving it's obsolete orthography, as his contri
bution to the Camden Society. It is to be regretted
that for the sake of the general reader he did not adopt
the plan of Sir John' Fenn, by placing opposite to the
original text, a transcript in more modern spelling. Dr.
John Warkworth was Master of St. Peter's College,
Cambridge, from A. D. 1473 to A. D. 1498. From
the Register of Donations to the College he appears to
have presented his Chronicle in 1483.
Hearne's " Fragment of an old English Chronicle," Heame'sFragment.
was probably written by a member of the Howard family.
The little information which could be obtained respecting
it's author, is given at p. 3, in the short notice prefixed
to the Chronicle itself. The writer was evidently a
person Of consideration, and a staunch Yorkist. The
date of it's compilation must have been between the
years 1500 and 1522, as Thomas Howard, Duke of
Norfolk, to whom he refers as Lord Treasurer, held, that
office during that period.

VI ADVERTISEMENT.
The History . " THE HlSTORY OP THE ARRIVAL OP EDWARD IV. in
of theArrivul
of^Edward j)ngjan^ an(j tne fina\ Recovery of his Kingdoms from
A.D. 1471. Henry VL A. D. 1471," is preserved in Stowe's Trans
cripts (Harl. MSS., No. 543.) By permission of the
Trustees of the British Museum, Mr.' John Bruce,
F.S.A. has given an accurate transcript to the Members
of the Camden Society. However important a docu
ment may be, it loses half it's utility if not accompanied
by such a Key as will render it available to the general
reader. In the present case the many barbarous words,
and most uncouth spelling particularly require such
aid.' In copying out this most valuable Yorkist Memoir,
the orthography of the present 'day has been adopted,
and the interpretation of all obsolete words given within
brackets (in italic letters), whilst the many redundant
terms which would otherwise confuse,' are inclosed within
brackets of this description [ ]. Whatever informa
tion could be obtained of the Anonymous writer is pre
fixed to the Narrative itself. The slur he attempts to
cast upon the dying Warwick is unworthy of a noble
mind, and from the total absence of a personal reference
to the important battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury, it
may reasonably be concluded that the author followed a
moro peaceable calling than that of arms. Mr. Sharon
Turner's Turner, who never uses secondary evidence in his in-
Hlstory,
Zliev.'v'm' valuable ; History, where Contemporary records are ob
tainable, has availed himself of our Narrative. Though
transcribed by Stowe from Mr. Fleetwood's book, our

ADVERTISEMENT. Vll
industrious Annalist does not appear to have made use of
it in his own chronicle.
To Sir Henry Ellis we are indebted for " The'Manner Manner and
' J ¦ Guiding of
and Guiding of the Earl op Warwick at Angiers, wo*w!ck?f
Which is here merely put into modern spelling, in other
respects only transcribed from his Collection of Original
Letters, vol. I. p.' 132, Second Series.
In selecting facts from Original Letters and other original Let.
ters of the
documents of the period the Editor's object was to furnish perlod"
the evidence of eye witnesses as to the transactions of the
last years of the eventful reign of Edward the Fourth.
The Narrative of the Visit of Lord Grauthuse, Lord Graut-
huse's Visit
Earl of Winchester, Governor of Holland, to Edward the Edward iv.
Fourth in 1472, is a graphic picture of the domestic
life of our Sovereigns in the fifteenth century. It was
communicated by Sir Frederick Madden to the Royal
Society of Antiquaries, and published by them in the
26th volume of the Archseologia.
Stowe's Transcripts, preserved in the British Mu- stowe's
Transcripts,
seum ; MS. L. 9 in the College of Arms, containing an etc'
account of the siege of Bamburgh Castle in 1464; and
the Close Rolls, X. Edward IV. are the principal MSS.
authorities quoted in the Introduction, which contains
a cursory sketch of those events, consequent on the Mar
riage of Henry the Sixth with Margaret of Anjou, which
ultimately led to the dethronement of the former, and
the accession of Edward the Fourth to the throne. The
subjoined list of Authorities will furnish the reader with

vm advertisement.
the means of obtaining all the information he may desire
concerning this most eventful period of our History;
though he must ever bear in mind the party bias of the
writers, particularly of those, whose narratives were com
piled after the downfall of Richard the Third, ; during
the succeeding reigns of the Tudor Dynasty. The
Editor has endeavoured to bring into chronological order
the scattered fragments of various authors, introducing
letters, proclamations, and other documents of the timo,
and has thus, in a great measure, been enabled to give
the History of the Rise and Fall of the House of York
in the words of eye witnesses. Should this volume
meet with encouragement from the literary public, a
similar collection of the disjointed fragments, having
reference to the reigns of the three Sovereigns of the
House of Lancaster, will follow under the title of " The
Chronicles of the Red Rose."

LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES,
QUOTED IN THE ENSUING PAGES.

1. Scriptores Rerum Anglicarum, (cura Fell) folio Oxonii 1684
This volume contains : Historian Croylandijs Continuatio.
2. Lider Niger Scaccarii, cura Th. Hearnii, 2 vols. 8vo. Oxonii 1728
The Second volume contains: Wilhelmi Wyrcestri Ann ales.
3. Lelandi Collectanea, edidit Th. Hearne, 6 vols. 8vo. Oxonii 1716
The Second volume contains : Warkworth's additions to
Caxton's Chronicle.
4. Rossi Warwicensis Historia Regum Angli^e, cura Th. Hearne ;
8vo. .... Oxonii 1716
5. Sprotti Chronica, cura Tho. Hearnii, 8vo. . Oxonii 1719
At the end of this volume is contained the curious Fragment given
at p. 5.
6. Otterbourne et Whethemstede de Rebus Anglicis, {temp.
Edwardi IV.) cura T. Hearne ; 2 vols. 8vo. . Oxonii 1732
In the Second volume will also be found: Jo. Blackman Collecta-
rium Mansuetudinum et Bonorum Morum Regis Henrici VI.
7. Polydori Vergilii Historia Anglica ; 2 vols, small 8vo.
Gandavi, s. a.
8. Memoires de Philiffe de Commines; 18mo. Amst. (Elzevier) 1648
9. Historie of the Arrivall of Edward IV. in England, and
the finall Recoverye of his Kingdomes from Henry VI. A. D.
M,CCCC,LXXI. edited by J. Bruce, Esq. 4to. Land. 1838
10. Warkworth's Chronicle of the First thirteen Years of King Ed
ward the Fourth, edited by J. 0. Halliwell, Esq. 4to. t*. 1839
11. Arch/eologia, or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Antiquity, vol.
xxvi. 4to. .... Land. 1835
In this volume is found an account of. Lord Grauthuse's visit to
King Edward the Fourth.
12. Ellis's Original Letters, illustrative of English History ; Second
Series ; 4 vols. 8vo. . . . Lond. 1827
The first volume contains an Account of the Manner and Guiding
of the Earl of Warwick at Angiers.
13. Original Letters written during the Reigns of Henry VI.
Edward IV. and Richard III. (chiefly by members of the
Paston Family ;) edited by Sir John Fenn ; 5 vols. 4to.
Lond. 1787—1823

x list op authorities quoted.
14. Excerpta Historica, Historical Illustrations of the Reign
of Edward the Fourth ; edited by W. H. Black, Esq. roy.
8vo. ..... 1830
15. Habington's Historie of King Edward the Fourth. Lond. 1640
16. The Poems of Lewis Glyn Cothi; edited by the Rev. J. Jones,
and the Rev. W. Davies ; 8vo. . . 1838
This volume contains an Introductory Essay on the Wars of the
Rival Roses, by Mr. Jones.
17. Fabyan's Chronicle, or Concordance of Histories ; folio. Lond. 1559
18. Hardyng's Chronicle, with Continuation j 4to. Lond. 1543
19. Grafton's Chronicle at large, etc. folio . Lond. 1569
20. Hall's Union of the two noble and illustrious Families
of Lancaster and York; folio . Lond. 1550
21. Holinshed's Chronicles, with Continuation; 2vols.fol. Lond.1586
22. Stowe's Abridgment of the English Chronicle; 8vo.
Lond. 1618
23. Henry's History of Great Britain, 12 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1814
24. Rapin's History of England, with Tindal's Continuation ; 21 vols.
8vo. . . . . Lond. 1757—59
25. Hume's History of England; 8 vols. 8vo. . Lond. 1783
26. Turner's History of England, during the Middle-Ages, 3 vols.
4to. (vol. III.) . . . Lond, 1814—26
Forming vols. 3, 4, &5, of his History of England.
27. Lingard's History of England ; 8 vols. 4to. (vol. III.)
Lond. 1819—29
28. Rotuli Parliament^ published by the Commissioners of Public
Records ; 6 vols, folio . . Lond. 1805— 12
29. Rymeri Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae et Acta Publica ; 20 vols.
folio .. . . . Lond. 1704— 35
30. Rapin's Acta Regia, an Account of the Treaties, Letters, and
Instruments published in Rymer's Foedera; folio Lond. 1732
31. Prynne's Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower
of London, originally compiled by Sir Robt. Cotton ; folio
Lond. 1657
32. England's Happiness in a Lineal Succession of the Crown, etc.
(the Bloody Wars between the Two Houses of York and Lan
caster;) 12mo. . .. . Lond. 1685
33. Memoires d'Angleterre, contenant l'Histoire des deux Roses, etc.
18mo. .... Amst. 1726
34. Dugdale's Baronage of England ; 2 vols, folio. Lond. 1675 — 76
35. Beatson's Political Index, to the Histories of Great Britain and
Ireland ; 3 vols. 8vo. .. . , Lond. 1806

Sir Walter Scott's novel of Quentin Durward ; Miss Strickland's Lives
of the Queens of England, vol. iii.; Bulwcr's Last of the Barons; and
Prevost Vie de Marguerite d'Anjou ; embrace the same period of history.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION,

containing a

CURSORY SKETCH

op the events which led to the

DETHRONEMENT OF HENRY THE SIXTH

AND THE

Coronation of (JBUtoarti tl)« JFourth.

Compiled from Original Documents.

INTRODUCTION.

The Civil Wars of the Two Houses of York and Lau- a.u hu.
caster may be said to have commenced with the Usur
pation of Bolingbroke A.D. 1399 and to have continued
to the Battle of Bosworth Field in 1485. The events,
however, which ultimately led to the expulsion of the
Red Rose, and the exaltation of it's paler rival must be
traced to the marriage ' of Henry tlie Sixtli with Mar
garet of Anjou in 1444. The Earl of Suffolk, William The Eari or
de la Pole, who had been employed in ncgociating this Kociates"th<?
--, -. . , , n Murriiige of
marriage m I1 ranee, was created Marquis and after- iienryvi.
wards Duke of Suffolk, and so ingratiated himself, both of Anjou.
with the King and Queen, that he gradually sup
planted all his colleagues. The Cardinal Beaufort had
already retired in disgust from the Court, and the King's
uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, seldom attended the
council, but to oppose the plans, or to protect himself
from the intrigues of the royal favourite. Misunder- (ineiiiam.
standings consequently arose between the uncle and "" ' '
nephew, which increased to such a degree, that on the

1 " After this spousage the King's
friends fell from him ; the lords of
his realm fell into divisions amongst
themselves ; tlie commons rebelled
against their natural prince ; fields
were fought ; many thousands slain ;
and finally the King deposed, his
son slain, and his Queen sent home
again, with as much misery and sor
row, as she was received with pomp
and triumph." — (Hall's Chronicle,
p. 205.) "A.D. 1444 and in the
2.'ird year of King Henry VI. he
married the Princess, the daughter
of the King of Naples, Sicily and

Jerusalem in the Abbey of Titch-
field, in tlie county of Southampton.
On the 30th of May 1445 was tlie
Coronation of Margaret, Queen to
Henry the Sixth, at Westminster.
And after the Coronation, for three
days there were held before the
Sanctuary at Westminster noble
sports for Lords and People, the
King and Queen gracing them with
their presence. And in the same
year the Earl of Stafford was created
Duke of Buckingham, and the Earl
of Warwick, Duke of Warwick. "—
(W. Wyrcesler, pp. 462, 463.)

INTHODUCTION.

['

CI NO IIEN11Y

A.D. 1447.
Parliamentof Bury St.
Kdmnnds,10th Feb.
1447.
Arrest and
Death of
Gloucester, Feb. 28th.

Death of
Cardinal lleniil'orl,
Ajiiil lltll.

Parliament2 having assembled at Bury-St.-Edmunds, on
the 10th of February, 1447, to which Gloucester had
repaired from his castle of Devizes, he was arrested on
a charge of high-treason, by Lord Beaumont, Constable
of England, and seventeen days afterwards found dead in
his bed, without any marks of violence.3 It was said
that he died of apoplexy, though it was suspected that
he had been privately murdered by the orders of Suffolk.
In considering this event more fully in " the Chronicles of
the Red Rose," we shall probably be enabled to prove,
on the authority of his friend, Abbot Whethamstede,
that he died, in the words of the conscientious and reli
gious Henry, " touched and stricken by God, as disloyal
to his King." Within six weeks of his nephew's death,
the Cardinal Beaufort expired at his palace of Wolvesey,
distributing his immense wealth chiefly in charitable
bequests, of which the Hospital of St. Cross, at Win
chester still attests his munificence. The highly wrought
scene of this prelate's death-bed, is a fiction of our im
mortal poet, founded upon the improbable account given
by Hall. An eyewitness furnishes us with these last
particulars of his life. " Three weeks after the death of
the Duke of Gloucester, the Cardinal ordered himself to

2 " The Knights of the shire re
ceived orders to come in arms : the
men of Suffolk were arrayed: nu
merous guards were placed round
the King's residence : and patroles
during the night watched all the
roads leading to the town." — (Lin-
gard, vol. iii. p. 450.)
3 ''A parliament held at Bury,
where Humphrey the good Duke of
Gloucester died, the friend of virtue
and of his country ; but chiefly the
staunch promoter of the clergy." —
(TV. Wyrcester, p. 463.) " His
arrest and close custody threw him
into a sickness, which destroyed him
in a few days." — (Whethamstede,
p. 365.) " He died on 23rd of
February, 1447." — (W. Wyrcester,
p. 464.) " For his honourable and

liberal demeanour he was named the
good Duke of Gloucester." — (Fa-
byan, p. 444.) " Leo Aretino de
dicated to him his translation of
Aristotle's Politics; Peter de Monte,
his book on Virtue and Vice ; Cas-
tellio his Work on the Comparison
of Study and a Military Life ; Peter
Candidus his translation of Plato's
Republics. He was the patron of
Lydgate, the Poet, andTitus Livius,
the Historian." " He was buried at
St. Albans."— (Stowe, p. 174.)
" Henry Beaufort, Cardinal of
England, brother to King Henry
the Fourth, died on the 11th of
April 1447." — (W. Wyrcester, p.
464.) " He was greatly distin
guished amongst all the nobility for
his probity, wisdom, riches, and
glory."— (Hist.Croyl.Cont. p. 521.)

malt,
ainiilllearne,

Till! SIXTH. J INTRODUCTION. XV
be carried into the great hall of his palace of Wolvesey, a.d. 1447.
where the clergy of the city and the monks of the Ca- S.^"*''
thedral were assembled. There he was placed, whilst the p' S82°
dirge was chaunted, the funeral service performed, and
his will read publicly.4 The next morning they assem
bled again : the mass of Requiem was celebrated, and
his will was again read, with several new codicils." His
executor offered the King a present of i?2000 (equal
in value to oP20,000 in the present day,) which the King
refused saying: " He was always a most kind uncle to {Black
me, whilst he lived : God reward him : Fulfil his inten- p'Tmo
tions: I will not take his money." It was presented to
Eton College, and King's College Cambridge, which
Henry had just founded.
Thus within a few weeks were removed two of the
principal supporters of the House of Lancaster, and
though the uncle and nephew were violently opposed to
each other, their one bond of unity was the upholding of
the descendant of Henry the Fourth on the throne of his
grandfather, who had raised their House to the crown.
Henry was doomed to experience a harder fate unpopuia.
than had fallen to the lot of any of our Sovereigns be- iieUy's mar.
fore. Married to one of the most beautiful and accom
plished women in Europe, whoso affection met a mutual
return in the King's breast, he had a right to anticipate
a happy future. But the circumstance of Anjou and
Maine having been ceded to her father gave rise to
serious discontent. From Dr. James's MS. extracts from
Dr. Gascoigne's Manuscript, preserved in the British {CoiimMss.
Museum, " we glean the angered and disrespectful feel- 1>- "¦•'¦)
ings with which the criticising part of the nation now
contemplated that event, and the remarks they made
upon it." Dr. Gascoigne was Chancellor of the Univer-

4 His wealth was immense. "He
appears to have lent to the crown in
one year, £20,000 ; in the next
£10,000; and in another £50,000.
Afterwards £6000 ; £18,000 ; 9000
b2

marcs, and 7000 marcs, and to have
given the King 13,350 marcs for
some castles and manors." — (Tur
ner, vol. iii. p. 152.)

XVI

INTRODUCTION.

[king HKNKY

A.D. 1447.

May 25th.
SiiU'ulk fin-
his accuser
— ( Jti/mer'i
l*'t£ilera,vol. xi.
p. 203-C.)

Cession of
Anjou.

Loss of
Normundy.

sity of Oxford at the time. " Lately," he says, " in a
certain Kingdom, a woman was married to a certain
King, and the person who contracted this marriage, by
a secret and false compact, alienated a great duchy from
this Kingdom." — " England received no advantage with
Queen Margaret, but the loss of Anjou and Maine,
which her husband Henry VI. gave for her under his
great seal to the King, her father." — " The King and
Council authorized Adam Molins, the Bishop of Chi
chester, to give up these Provinces, who delivered them
to Rene her father." At first no notice was taken of
these complaints, but they became louder and louder, and
Suffolk's name was coupled with them. He demanded
• to be confronted with his accusers in presence of the
King and Council. He obtained the required hearing,
and was pronounced not guilty. A Royal Proclamation
enjoined silence on his accusers.
Some difficulties arose as to the terms of the cession
of Anjou. Charles determining to bring the matter to
an issue invested it's Capital with an army. The Bishop
of Chichester was sent over, and delivered up the entire
Province, stipulating for a truce of two years, and that
the English, who held grants of land should receive the
value of a ten years purchase. Henry at the same time
made a protest that he did not resign the sovereignty of
Anjou, but only it's actual possession, on condition that
the revenue should be enjoyed by Rene and Charles of
Anjou, the father and uncle of Queen Margaret. The
consequences of having thus ceded these important pro
vinces was the entire loss of Normandy. The aspiring
Charles availed himself of the circumstance of a party of
soldiers, who had been thrown out of employ by the ces
sion of Anjou, having pillaged the town of Fougeres,5 in

6 " In 1448, an English Knight
named Sir Francis de Aragonis took
a town of Normundy named Fogiers,
(Fougeres, in liretagne,) against the

truce ; and this was the occasion
that e.{ter(wards) the Frenchmen
got all Normandy." — (Stowe, p.
174.)

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. Xvii
Bretagne, to demand so exhorbitant a sum as compensa- a.d. \ue.
tion, that the impossibility of it's payment might afford
him a pretext for breaking the truce. The Duke of So
merset applied through the Abbot of Gloucester in Par
liament for succours in 1448, and as this masterly com
position is one of the finest specimens of the English
language of that period it is given here entire.
" Credence by my Lord of Somerset, Lieutenant of somerset's
** ** J — ' application
France and Normandy, committed to the Lord Hastings, to iJiiritu-
Chancellor of France, and the Abbot of .Gloucester, ««c™<ir».—
opened by the mouth of the said Abbot, in the Parlia- ^s^°-w-
ment by the King's Commandment, both to the Lords and
to the Commons!'''
" It is not unknown to your great discretions, how it
liked our sovereign Lord not long ago, to commit the
governance of the country now being under his obeisance
in his realm of France and Dutchy of Normandy, to the
high and mighty Prince my Lord of Somerset. The
which prjnce in his notable wisdom seeing by experience
the great continual and daily dangers, that there be
done by the adversaries ; — seeing also the very likelihood
within short time of intollerable hurt thereof, unless
then convenable and speedful remedy be prudently pur
veyed here : sent hither my Lord Hastings Chancellor of
France, and me in his company, with letters of Credence
to our sovereign Lord ; to let his Highness have know
ledge of the doubtful and dangerous disposition of that
country ; the which Credence as compendiously as I can
I shall open to your wisdoms.
Our Credence containeth principally three things.
The first is to show the great puissance, and long advised i.
ordinance furnished with all manner of habiliments of
war of the adverse party ; the which daily fortify, repair
and stuff all their garrisons within the frontiers of the
King's obeisance, armed in great numbers against the
tenor of the truce ; doing murders innumerable, taking

XviH INTRODUCTION. [KING UliNllY
a.d. U48. the King's subjects prisoners, as (if) it were pleyn (open)
applhlat'on war, with other great and lamentable injuries, as open
ntent.'1"1" robberies, oppressions and pillages without number. Of
the which offences they have been divers times sum
moned and required by my said Lord of Somerset to
make cease, and repair them after the tenor of the
truce ; but neither remedy nor reasonable answer, may
in any wise as yet be had. Wherefore it may be pre
supposed by their froward deeds, and contrarious dis
position, that their intention is not to proceed effectual
to any good conclusion of peace. Also the King's uncle
hath commanded and made cry throughout all his obei
sance ; that all nobles prepare them to be ready horsed
and armed, in all wise habitted as belongeth to men of
arms, within fifteen days warning ; upon pain of forfei
ture, of all their livelihood the number of which men
is great and inestimable. Also the King's uncle hath
commanded to be cried in every parish of his obeisance
under the same pain of forfeiture, that every thirty men
furnish a man horsed and armed in briganders6 and
Icgernesse with a long bow, or a cross bow ; and charged
expressly that they do none other labours but exercise
them to their said bows and harness ; the number of
which men so habitted and arrayed, as it is said by
credible persons, that of reason should thereof have very
knowledge, cxceedeth forty thousand men. This is the
first part of our Credence.
ii. The second part of our Credence is to show, that (if
the war should fall, as God defends,) the country of Nor
mandy is in no wise of itself sufficient to make resistance
against the great puissance of the said adversary for
many great considerations. First, for there is no place
in the King's obeisance there purveyed, neither in repa
rations, ordinance nor in any manner (of) artillery ; bu t well

6 Armour consisting of many- I and easy for the body. — (Richard-
jointed scale-like plates very pliant | son.)

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. xix
nigh all places be in such ruin that though they wore a.d. i-us.
stuffed with men and ordinance they be so ruinous, that f^iSion
they be unable to be defended and kept. The which re- l^M>1'
paration and ordinance to bo purveyed sufficiently will
draw to inestimable costs. Also, by the last grant of
the aid in Normandy, it was openly proposed by three
estates there, that the general poverty of the country
was so great, that it was impossible for them to bear
any more hereafter such charges as they have borne
heretofore ; wherefore they desired to have the number
of men of war made less, or else to show to the King's
Highness, that there might be had goods of England to
bear the same charges. For of necessity they said, they
must be spared for certain years of such payments, or
else they must be needly constrained to go their way
and forsake their country, and suffer the land to bo
abandoned to the adversaries, the which God ever defend.
This is the second part of our Credence.
The third part is to remember, that the final term of in.
the last truce approacheth fast. For as your wisdoms
have well in mind, it shall last now not to four months.
And therefore it is thought high time to begin your pur
veyance, for the safeguard of that noble land. Wherefore
my Lord of Somerset most humbly beseecheth the King's
Highness, tenderly prayeth all my Lords his counsellors,
vvisheth, willeth all your wisdoms, to have that noble
land in your good and special remembrance, calling to
mind the great, inestimable and well nigh infinite costs
and effusions both of goods and blood, that this land
hath born and suffered for that land's sake. Whereof
the shameful loss (the which God ever defend) shall not
only be the irreparable hurt of the common profit, but
also an everlasting spite and perpetual derogation in the
fame and renown of this noble realm. In eschewing
whereof, and also least his silence in that behalf might
in any wise be laid to his charge hereafter ; my said
Lord of Somerset for his true acquittal, gave us in com-

Missing Page

Missing Page

XX11

INTRODUCTION.

[iCING HliNUY

Impeached

Imnished for
live years.

a.d. i45o. Lords and requested them " to admit his supplications
.Suffolk's de- and desire, that he might make his declaration of the
[Sff! Pari, great infamy and defamation which was said upon him,
"'i7V6.) by many people of this land." He obtained the desired
permission, and his speech on this occasion is still pre
served in the Parliamentary Rolls. The Commons, how
ever, were not so easily satisfied as the Lords, and on
the 28th of January they accused him by their Speaker
of high crimes and misdemeanours, and requested his
committal to the Tower. The commons then exhibited
I'f"- their bill of impeachment against him. On the 19th of
March he was brought from the Tower to the King's
palace at Westminster, and after a private hearing be
fore the King and the Lords, he was sentenced to five
years honourable exile by command of the King. That
this was intended merely to satisfy the commons by a
show of justice is evident from the account of a con-
{Fmn's Pas- temporary, for " it is said that the Duke of Suffolk is
vol i.cPf 26.) pardoned, and hath his men again waiting upon him, and
o/suffoik?' is right well at ease and merry, and is in the King's
good grace, and in the good conceit of all the lords as
well as ever he was." He addressed one of the most
beautiful Compositions in the language, a letter of moral
advice to his son, dated April 28th 1450 and sailed from
Ipswich in the first week in May. The following letters
giving an account of his barbarous murder, with the
remarks which precede them, are extracted from Sir
John Fcnn's Collection of Letters, vol. i. pp. 3S-52.
" The Murder of William De La Pole," Duke of Suf
folk, is, by our Historians, variously related ; some in-

{.Sir John
Film's Pas
ton Letters,
vol. I. p. 4H.)

8 " On tlie 27th of January Wil
liam de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk
was accused and examined before
the whole Parliament, at it's sitting
in Westminster Hall. On the 17th
of March following he was by the
King and all the council sentenced
to five years banishment, and in a
few days afterwards beheaded by

some sailors off Dover.'' — (W.
Wyrcester, p. 477.) "And on the
following day, being enticed on
board a ship called $j)ra[a£0f tfjC
SCObire, he was taken prisoner, and
beheaded at sea on the 2d of May
off Dover."— (W. Wyrcester, p.
469.),

THE SIXT

II.]

INTRODUCTION.

XX111

forming us, in general terms, that it was committed by a.d. hso.
the contrivance of the Party then in opposition to the
Queen ; others, that it was done by order of the Party
then in the Duke of York's interest ; and others, that
a Captain Nicholas, of a ship belonging to the Tower, or
a Captain of a ship called the Nicholas, met him on the
sea, and there took and murdered him, but whether in
consequence of being employed for that purpose, or on
his own authority, does not sufficiently appear."
"A short sketch of the Proceedings of Parliament, and
of the Duke of Suffolk's situation previous to his leaving
the Kingdom, is necessary to the clearly understanding
of the following account."
" Upon the meeting of the Parliament at Westmin- The Com-
ster, in [November 1449] (January 1450) the Commons peach the
, i • n DukeofSuf-
presented to the Lords several Articles of Impeachment folk, Nov.
r * , 14411, who is
asrainst the Duke of Suffolk. The Queen fearing the seilt t0 the
° . Tower.
consequences of these, persuaded the King to send the
Duke to the Tower, hoping by this step to satisfy the
Commons." " After this, by her address, the Parliament was ad
journed to Leicester, to meet in April 1450, [where the
Duke, being released from his imprisonment, appeared, Heisre-
with the King and Queen, as Prime Minister. This
proceeding extremely offending the Commons ;] 10 they
presented a Petition to the King, praying that all, who
had been concerned in the delivery of Normandy to the
French, might be punished."
" The Queen's fears were now renewed, [and she pre
vailed upon the King instantly to banish the Duke for
five years, which he did ;] and the Duke very soon em-

10 The passages placed within
brackets [ ] are probably those
referred to in the following note :
" It may be observed that there are
many mistakes in the remarks of the
editor on these letters." — (Lingard,

vol. iii. p. 463.) The Duke had
been banished by the King on the
17th of March, — (W '.Wyrcester , p.
477,) previous to the adjournment
of Parliament.

XXIV

INTRODUCTION.

[king henry

A.D. 1450.

Enmity of
the Duke of
York,

barked with an intention of going to France, where his
Friend the Duke of Somerset was Regent."
" From the plain state of this historical fact, delivered
down to us in these letters, the following Observations
are deduced, first premising that, in 1447, the Duke of
Suffolk in conjunction with the Queen and her Ministry,
had been one of the principal Agents in the murder of
the Duke of Gloucester ; n an event which, in all human
probability, was the immediate occasion of the Duke of
York's thoughts of asserting his claim to the crown, a
claim, in which he could have had little hopes of success,
during the life of a Prince, the Uncle of the reigning
King, and the brother, and the son of the two preceding
Sovereigns." " A Prince likewise well beloved by the People, and
endowed with abilities which would have adorned a
throne." " The Duke of York at this time most certainly had a
personal hatred to the Duke of Suffolk, as by him he
had been not long before dismissed from the Regency of
France, and was very lately sent into Ireland, to quell a
Rebellion with a force inadequate to the purpose."
" The Duke of Suffolk's undoubted attachment to the
House of Lancaster, must be, at all times, a great im
pediment to the taking of many necessary steps by the
York Party, towards carrying this meditated claim into
execution ; the having him therefore put to death, must
be a very desirable circumstance to the Duke of York
and his friends."
" The arrival of the Earls of Devonshire and Warwick,
at this critical time at Leicester, with such large retinues

11 The writer of these remarks
evidently considered the Duke guilty
of the murder. Had he been at all
implicated in the death of the Duke
of Gloucester, it would no doubt
have been brought forward in the
articles of his impeachment. As

neither of the authorities already
quoted, nor his public accusers
bring this charge against him, it
was probably a report spread to his
prejudice by the Duke of York and
his partisans.

THE SIXTH

•]

INTRODUCTION.

XXV

of Men ' well byseen,' furnishes very sufficient reasons a.d. hso.
for thinking, that the murder of the Duke of Suffolk was
a premeditated scheme ; and that these noblemen came,
thus attended, to prevent any proceedings which might
have been adopted by the Queen and her Party, on their
knowledge of this event being accomplished ; for these
two noblemen could not arrive at Leicester in conse
quence of the murder, as it was impossible for them to
know of it, to get their men together, and to enter
Leicester, the one on the 4th, the other on the 5th of
May, the account of it not arriving in London till the
4th ; they therefore most probably came in consequence
of their previous knowledge of the plan that was laid, to
wait the event of it, and to act as circumstances might
require." " The sentence of banishment 12 seems to have been "*" cau?es
the murder
almost instantaneous, this method therefore of taking him of Suffolk.
off, must have been as instantaneously resolved upon, by
those of the Party then near the Court ; for though the
People in general and the Commons hated the Duke, it
no where appears, that he was thus taken off by any
generally concerted plan for that purpose, but by a party;
and as these two noblemen, both at that time professed
Friends to the Duke of York, arrived thus critically
with such numerous attendants so well arrayed and ac
coutred, it gives the greatest reason to suspect that it
was by their Party."
" What Captain of a ship that had met the Duke on
the sea, unless his ship had been sent out on purpose to
take him, could have known what had passed at Lei
cester, otherwise than from the Duke's own people in

12 After sentence of banishment
had been pronounced he was per
mitted to enjoy the quiet of his own
home in Suffolk for five weeks. It
was on the eve of his departure that

he wrote the letter to his son, given
in the Paston Collection, and which
could never have proceeded from the
pen of the murderer of Gloucester.

XXV1

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

a.d. u.'.o. the Spinner, and from that account only would have
dared to take and murder him ?"
" This force too, the Nicholas, with the other ships
waiting on him, was certainly much superior to the
Duke's two ships, and one little spinner ; otherwise, how
can we account for his own shipmen not holding with
him? for however lowly fallen in the public esteem, a
nobleman, of his consequence and possessions, must have
still had faithful adherents enough to have defended him;
and to have accompanied him to France ; unless they
found that resistance in their situation to such superior
force, (a force sent out on purpose to take him), could
be of no service ; but would most probably have hastened
his fate."
" The words, ' God save the Kynge and sende us Pees,'
seem to insinuate a suspicion of the King's personal
safety at this time, and a fear that the disturbances
which then overspread the land, might be productive of
civil wars ; for the Prayer for Peace being coupled with
that for the King's safety, plainly refers to the distur
bances at home, and not to those in France."
" From these, and all other circumstances, therefore,
as stated in these two Letters, it may be justly con
cluded, that the York Party not only contrived, but
perpetrated the murder of this nobleman ; who thus fell
a terrible, example, that Blood requires Blood ; and had
it been the only, instead of the first blood spilt by the
Yorkists, happy had it been for England, who would not
then have had to lament those deluges of it, which soon
after flowed in the dreadful Civil Contests between the
two Houses of York and Lancaster."

Margaret
Paston 's
Letter re
lating these
events.

" To the Right Worshipful John Paston, at Norwich.
Right worshipful Sir, I recommend me to you, and
am right sorry of that I shall say, and have so washed
this little bill with sorrowful tears, that uneths (scarcely)

THE SIXT

H.]

INTRODUCTION.

XXVll

ye shall read it. As on Monday next after May Day a.d. 1450.
(4>th May) there came tidings to London, that on Thurs
day before (30th of April) the Duke of Suffolk 13 came
unto the Coasts of Kent full near Dover with his two
ships and a little spinner ; the which spinner he sent
with certain letters, by certain of his trusted men unto
Calais ward, to know how he should be received ; and
with him met a ship called Nicholas of the Tower with
other ships waiting on him, and by them that were in
the spinner, the Master of the Nicholas had knowledge
of the Duke's coming. When he espied the Duke's
ships, he sent forth his boat to weet what they were,
and the Duke himself spoke to them, and said, he was
by the King's commandment sent to Calais ward, &c.
and they said, he must speak with their master ; and so
he with two or three of his men went forth with them
in their boat to the Nicholas ; and when he came, the
Master bade him, 'Welcome Traitor,' as men say. And
further the Master desired to weet if the shipmen would
hold with the Duke, and they sent word they would not
in no wise ; and so he was in the Nicholas till Saturday ,
(2nd May) next following. Some say he wrote much
thing to be delivered to the King, but that is not verily
known. He had his Confessor with him &c. and some
say he was arraigned in the ship on their manner upon
the Impeachments and found guilty, &c. Also he asked
the name of the ship, and when he knew it, he remem
bered Stacy that said, if he might escape the danger of

« " William de la Pole, Earl of
Suffolk held the office of High Ad
miral during the minority of Henry
Holand, Duke of Exeter. De
prived of his high offices, sent into
exile, and captured at sea, he was
beheaded on the 2nd of May in the
28th year of Henry VI."— (Bibl.
Cot. MS. Faustina, c. IX.) " This
William de la Pole was created Mar
quis of Suffolk, Sep. 14,AnnoXXIV.
Henr. VI. He was after created

Duke of Suffolk ; of whom did de
scend John de la Pole, Earl of Lin
coln, slain with Martin Swarth, at
Stokefield in King Henry VII. time ;
of whom there is no issue." — (Harl.
MSS. 7371.) " He was elected a
Knight of the Garter, May 3rd in
the 9th year of Henry VI. and
placed in the stall the seventh of
the Prince's side, after the death of
Thomas, Duke of Clarence." —
(Harl. MSS. No. 235.)

xxviii INTRODUCTION. [k

ING HENRY

a.d. 1450. the Tower he should be safe, and then his heart failed
him, for 'he thought he was deceived. And in the' sight
of all his men he was drawn out of the great ship into
the boat, and there was an axe and a stock, and one of
the lewdest (meanest) of the ship bade him lay down his
head and he should be fairly fared with, and die on a
sword ; and took a rusty sword and smote off his head
within half a dozen strokes, and took away his gown of
russet, and his doublet of velvet mailed, and laid his
body on the sands of Dover ; and some say his head was
set on a pole by it ; and his men sit on the land by
great circumstance (by great numbers ?) and pray. And
the Sheriff of Kent doth watch the body 14 and (hath)
sent his Undersheriff to the Judges to weet what to do ;
and also to the King (to know) what shall be done.
Further I wot not, but thus far is it, if the process be
erroneous let his counsel reverse it Sec. Also for your
other matters they sleep and the Fryar also &c.
Sir Thomas Kyriel is taken prisoner and all the leg
harness and about 3000 Englishmen slain. Matthew
it was the Gooth (GoughV) with 1500 fled and saved himself and
ciermont them. And Peris Bruoy .(Piers Bracy) was chief Cap-
niundel!" tain and had 10,000 Frenchmen and more, &c. I pray
you let my mistress your mother know these tidings,
and God have you all in his keeping. I pray you (that)
this bill may recommend me to my Mistresses your mo
ther and wife, &c. James Gresham hath written to
John of Dam and recommendeth him, 8tc. Written in
great haste at London the 5th day of May, &c.
[By your Wife]
William Lomner."

14 " His body, with the head, was I in Suffolk." — (Bugdale's Baronage,
buried in the Church of Wingfield, | vol. ii. p. 189.)

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION.

A.D. 1480.

" To my Right Worshipful Cousin, John Paston of Jno. crane's
Norwich Esquire. specting Suf
folk's mur-
Right worshipful Sir, I recommend me unto you in
the most goodly wise that I can ; and for as much as ye
desired of me to send you word of divers matters here,
which have been opened in the Parliament openly, and I
send you of them such as I can.
First more especial, that for very truth upon Saturday
that last was, the Duke of Suffolk was taken in the sea,
and there he was beheaded, and his body with the ap
purtenance set at land at Dover ; and all the folks that
he had with him were set to land, and had none harm,
Sec. And also the King hath somewhat granted to have
the resumption again, in some but not in all Sec.
Also if ye purpose to come hither to put up your bills,
ye may come now in a good time, for now every man
that hath any, they put them in, and so may ye if ye
come, with God's grace to your pleasure. Furthermore
upon the 4th day of this month, the Earl of Devonshire
came hither with 300 men well beseen Sec and upon
the morrow after my Lord of Warwick with 400 and
more, Sic.
Also as is noised here Calais shall be besieged within
this seven days, 8cc. God save the King, and send us
peace, Sec.
Other tidings be there none here, but Almighty God
have you in his keeping. Written at Leicester, the 6th
day of May. Your Cousin John Crane."
The King and Queen who were plunged into the
deepest distress by this unlocked for and tragical occur
rence, were roused from the indulgence of their sorrow
by a sudden and unexpected danger.

XXX

INTRODUCTION.

[KING HENRY

A.D. 1450.
JACK
CADE'S REBEL.LION.—
(Stowe's Chronicle,
page 175.)

" The Commons of Kent, in great numbers, assembled
on Black-Heath having to their Captain Jack Cade,
against whom the King sent a great army ; but by the
said captain and rebels, they were discomfited, and Sir
Humphrey Stafford and William his brother, with many
others slain. After this victory the rebel came to Lon
don, entered the city, and struck his sword upon London
Stone, saying, " Now is Mortimer Lord of this city."
Upon the 3rd of July, he caused the Lord Say to be
arraigned, and at the standard in Cheap smote off his
head ; he also beheaded Sir James Cromer at Mile End.
After this succeeded open robbery within the city. But
the Mayor and others sent to the Lord Seales, keeper of
the Tower, who promised his aid with shooting of ordi
nance and Matthew Gough was appointed to assist the
Mayor ; so that the Captains of tho city took upon
them in the night to keep the bridge, where between
them and the rebels was a fierce encounter. In con
clusion the rebels got the draw bridge, and drowned and
spoiled many.
This conflict endured till 9 of the clock in the morn
ing, in doubtful chance ; so that both parties agreed to
desist from fight till the next day, upon condition that
neither Londoner should pass Southwark, nor the Ken-
tishmen into London. Then the Archbishop of Can
terbury and others passed to Southwark, where they
shewed a general pardon,15 for all offenders ; whereupon
the multitude retired home. The Captain fled through

15 Cade had accepted this pardon
with the others, but repenting again
collected his followers on the 8th of
July. " And on the same night this
captain and his men fell back upon
Rochester, and awhile after, in the
same year, Alexander Iden, was in
ducted in the office of sheriff. Also
at Rochester on the same day, the
followers of the Captain fell out
among themselves respecting the

division of the booty, whilst he
taking horse fled away, and was
killed by the aforesaid new sheriff
of Kent in a certain garden. After
which his body was conveyed to
London, and by an order of Coun
cil, beheaded and quartered, and his
head placed on London bridge look
ing Kentwards.'' — (W. Wyrcester,
p. 472.)

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. XXXi
the weald of Sussex (Kent) and there was slain. After a.d. 1450.
this the King rode into Kent, where many were drawn jUf/su?'
and quartered."
The following letter, written a few years after these
events by a servant of Sir John Fastolf, who was taken
by the Rebels, presents us with a curious account of the
Commons of Kent, and shews us the violence and bar
barity of a body of men, collected chiefly from the dregs
of the people, combined together for the pretended pur
pose of Reformation, but really for the destruction of all
good order and legal government. These contemporary
accounts give many minor details, which are necessary
to elucidate the transactions of this eventful period of
our history, and which we seek for in vain in the more
legitimate sources of information.
" To my Right Honourable Master, John Paston." J. Payn's
" Right honourable and my right entirely beloved cade's re-
Master, I recommend me unto you, with all manner of
due reverence in the most lowly wise as me ought to do,
evermore desiring to hear of your worshipful state, pros
perity and welfare ; the which I beseek (beseech) God,
of his abundant grace, (to) increase and maintain to his
utmost pleasance, and to your heart's desire.
Pleaseth it, your good and gracious Mastership, ten
derly to consider the great losses and hurts, that your
Petitioner hath, and hath had ever since the Commons
of Kent came to Blackheath and that is at 15 years
passed ; whereas my master Sir John Fastolf Knight,
that is, your Testator, commanded your beseecher to
take a man, and two of the best horses that were in his
stable, with him to ride to the Commons of Kent, and
get the Articles that they come for ; and so I did ; and
also (as) soon as I came to the Blackheath, the Captain
made the Commons to take me ; and for the salvation of
my Master's Horses I made my fellow to ride away with
the two horses ; and I was brought forthwith before the
c 2

XXxii INTRODUCTION. [[{TNG HENRY
a.d. 1450. Captain of Kent ; and the Captain demanded (of) me,
letted™- what was my cause of coming thither, and why that I
Cade's"™- made my fellow to steal away with the horses ; and I
said, that I came thither to cheer with my wife's
brethren, and others that were mine allies, and gossips
of mine, that were present there ; and then was there
one there, and (who) said to the Captain, that I was one
of Sir John Fastolf's men, and the two horses were Sir
John Fastolf's; and then the Captain let cry Treason
upon me throughout all the field, and brought me at
four parts of the field, with a Herald of the Duke of
Exeter before me, in the Duke's Coat of Arms making
four Oyez at four parts of the field ; proclaiming openly
by the said Herald, that I was sent thither for to espy
their puissance, and their habiliments of war, from the
greatest Traitor that was in England or in France, as
the said Captain made proclamation at that time, from
one Sir John Fastolf Knight, the which minished (di
minished) all the Garrisons of Normandy, and Manns,
and Mayn, the which was the cause of the losing of all the
King's title and right of an heritance, that he had be
yond the sea. And moreover he said, that the said Sir
John Fastolf had furnished his Place with the old sol
diers of Normandy and habiliments of war, to destroy
the Commons of Kent, when that they came to South
wark, and therefore he said plainly that I should lose
my head ; and so forthwith I was taken, and led to the
Captain's Tent, and one axe and one block was brought
forth to have smitten off mine head; and then my
Master Poynyngs your brother, with other of my friends
came, and letted (prevented) the Captain, and said
plainly, that there should die an hundred or two, that in
case be, that I died ; and so by that mean my life was
saved at that time. And then I was sworn to the Cap
tain, and to the Commons, that I should go to South
wark and array me in the best wise that I could, and
come again to them to help them; and so I got the

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. XXxiH
Articles and brought them to my Master, and that cost A-D- 145i)-
me more amongst the Commons that day than 27s. iittan'
Whereupon I came to my Master Fastolf and brought cade'sTe-
him the Articles, and informed him of all the matter,
and counselled him to put away all his habiliments of
war, and the old Soldiers, and so he did, and went him
self to the Tower, and all his meyny (family) with him,
but Betts and Matthew Brayn ; and had not I been, the
Commons would have brenned (burnt) his Place, and all
his Tenuries ; where though it cost me of my own proper
goods at that time more than six marks (£i) in meat
and drink, and (yet) notwithstanding the Captain that
same time let take me at the White Hart in Southwark,
and there commanded Lovelace to despoil me out of
mine array, and so he did ; and there he took a fine
Gown of Must' dewyllrs (qy. Dowlas) furred with fine
beavers, and one pair of Brigandines covered with blue
velvet and gilt nails, with leg-harness ; the value of the
Gown and. Brigandines £8.
Item the captain sent certain of his men to my Cham
ber in your rents, and there they broke up my chest and
took away one obligation of mine, that was due unto me
of £36 by a Priest of Paul's, and one other obligation
of one Knight of o&lO and my purse with five rings of
gold and 1 7s. and 6d. of gold and silver ; and one har
ness complete of the touch of Milan ; and one Gown of
fine Perse blue furred with Martens ; and two Gowns,
one furred with Bogey, and one other lined with frieze ;
and there would have smitten off mine head, when that
they had despoiled me at the White Hart ; and there
my Master Poynyngs and my Friend saved me, and so I
was put up, till at night that the Battle was at London
Bridge ; and then at night the Captain put me out into
the Battle at the Bridge, and there I was wounded, and
hurt near hand to death ; and there I was six hours in
the battle and might never come out thereof ; and four
times before that time I was carried about throughout

XXXIV

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

A.D. 1450.
J. Payn's
letter re
spectingCade's re
bellion.

Kent and Sussex, and there they would have smitten off
my head ; and in Kent there as my wife dwelled they
took away all our Goods moveable that we had ; and
there would have hanged my wife and five of my chil
dren, and left her no more goods but her kirtle and her
smock ; and anon after that hurling (commotion) the
Bishop of Rochester impeached me to the Queen, and so
I was arrested by the Queen's commandment into the
Marshalsea, and there was in right great duress, and fear
of mine life, and was threatened to have been hanged,
drawn, and quartered ; and so they would have made me
have impeached my Master Fastolf of treason, and be
cause that I would not, they had me up to Westminster,
and there would have sent me to the Gaol House at
Windsor, but my wife's and one cousin of mine own,
that were Yeomen of the Crown they went to the King,
and got grace and one Charter of Pardon. Per le v're,
J. Payn."

A.D. 1451.
The Duke of
York returns
from Ireland.
— (W. Wyr
cester. p. 473.)
Death of
Tresham,Sept. 22.

York enters
London with
an armed
force,Sept. 30.

The Duke of
Somerset's
return from
France. —

"In the beginning of September the King heard
tidings of the sudden arrival of Richard, Duke of York,
in Wales from Ireland, whereupon the Lord Lyle and
others were despatched to intercept his progress. About
the same time William Tresham, the celebrated lawyer
(Speaker of the House) was killed by the retainers of
Lord Grey de Ruthyn at Multon Park near Northamp
ton on the 22nd of September, on his road to join the
said Duke of York. And on the 30th the Duke of
York with a retinue of 4000 armed men entered the
Palace of Westminster, and with insolence desired the
King to call a parliament forthwith, retiring shortly
after the feast of St. Michael to his Manor of Fother-
ingay." " In the October following the Duke of Somerset re
turned by way of Calais from Normandy." His arrival
was hailed by the King and Queen as a blessing, for since

THE SIXTH.]

INTRODUCTION.

XXXV

the death of the King's uncles he was the nearest of a.d. 1151.
kin to Henry, and it was hoped his presence and in
fluence would check the ambition of the Duke of York.
The following table shows how nearly he was allied to
the King : John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster.
John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset.
 I

Henry,
Earl of Somerset,
died young.

John,
Duke of Somerset,
died 1444.

Edmund,
Duke of Somerset.

Bolingbroke, in usurping the throne had challenged
the crown in right of his father and mother being both
descendants of Henry the Third, and exhibited the fol
lowing table.

King Henry III.

Pedigree of
the Red
Rose.

King Edward I.

King Edward II.

King Edward III.

THE BED ROSE
OF LANCASTER.

Edmund, Earl of
Lancaster.

Henry, Earl of
Lancaster.

Henry, Duke of
Lancaster.

John of Gaunt, Duke of Lan- = Blanch, Duchess of Lancaster.
caster.

King Henry IV.

But this pedigree could give him no legal claim to the
throne, for the young Roger Mortimer, Earl of March,
was sprung from the Duke of Clarence, the elder brother
of John of Gaunt ; and his mother's title was not tenable
as her descent was from Edmund, Earl of Lancaster, a

INTRODUCTION.

[KING HENRY

a.d. 1451. younger brother of King Edward I. The consequences
of this usurpation were now to be visited on the head of
his innocent grandson with fearful vengeance. The
Duke of York was descended as just stated from Lionel,
Duke of Clarence, the third son of Edward the Third,
the elder brother of John of Gaunt, and Clarence's great
grandson, Roger Earl of March was the legitimate heir
to the crown at the period of Bolingbroke's accession to
the throne.

Pedigree of
the White
Rose.

King Edward III.

Lionel, Duke of
Clarence.

Philippa, married
Edmund, Earl of
March.

Roger Mortimer,
Earl of March.

Anne Mortimer, married

THE -WHITE ROSE
OF YORK.

Edmund, Earl of
Cambridge in
1361 ; and Duke
of York in 1385.

— Richard, Earl of Cambridge,
younger brother to Edward,
Duke of York.

Richard, Earl of Rutland, in 1402; Duke of York,
in 1415. Father of Edward IV.

Parliament meets,6Nov. 1451.(William Wyrcester,
p. 475.)

Chief sup
porters of
York.

On the 6th of November 1451 Parliament met. The
rival leaders openly opposed each other, and York pro
ceeded so far as to employ one of his creatures, " Thomas
Yonge, the Member for Bristol, a law-student, to pro
pose that as the King was without issue, the Duke of
York should be declared heir apparent. For which
cause the said Thomas was afterwards committed to the
Tower of London." The chief supporters of the Duke
of York were, John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk ; the

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. XXXvii
Nevilles, Richard Earl of Salisbury, Richard Earl of a.d. 1451.
Warwick, Edward Lord Bergavenny, and William Lord
Falconbridge ; Courteney Earl of Devon; the Lords
Cromwell, Latimer and Cobham. These noblemen formed
a very strong party, but though they threatened the life
of Somerset, and instigated the populace to pillage his
property, they could obtain no decided advantage. The
partizans, however, of the Duke held frequent consulta
tions, the result of which was a determination to appeal
to the sword on the first favourable opportunity. Even
during the sitting of parliament, a short time after the
member for Bristol had proposed to settle the succession
on the Duke of York, " the Earl of Devon besieged the They besiege
Lord Bonville in the Castle of Taunton, which caused a Bon«iie at
Taunton. —
great commotion in the West of England. The Duke wwum
° _° Wyrcester,
of York, the Lord de Molins, William Lord Herbert, p-475-)
and others joined the Earl, upon which Lord Bonville
surrendered." This Lord Bonville was a staunch loy
alist, and had been raised to the peerage by Henry the
Sixth. Party dissensions already caused disunion in
private families. " In August Thomas Neville, son of Quarrel he-
1 tween Lords
the Earl of SaUsburv was married to the niece of Lord Salisbury
J and Egre-
Cromwell at Tatershall in Lincolnshire. Returning Tf^~A76
from the wedding a serious quarrel arose between Tho
mas Percy, Lord Egremont, and the Earl, which was
the commencement of the most grievous disturbances in
England. John, Earl of Beauchamp's resignation of the
office of Lord Treasurer was accepted, and John Tiptoft
Earl of Worcester, appointed to succeed him. And
although the Lord Cromwell was still Lord Chamberlain,
the Country was entirely governed by the Duke of So
merset and his associates."
" In the following September a council was held atcoundiat
Coventry to reconcile the differences of the Dukes of September.
York and Somerset, and their quarrel was referred to
the King and Council of the Peers." Concerning this
and other events connected with the period, a letter

xxxvni

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

A.D. 1452.
Affray at
Coventry.

a.d. 1451. from James Gresham to John Paston furnishes these
additional particulars :
change of " As for tidings, my Lord Chancellor is discharged,
(/¦'«»!'« Pas. and in his stead is my Lord of Winchester. And my
vol. i. pp. 25 Lord of Shrewsbury is Treasurer. Brown of your Inn
is Under-Treasurer, if ye would send to him to grant you
the naming of the Escheatorship of Norfolk, etc. it were
well done, for it is told me, he would do much for you.
Master Laurence Booth is Privy Seal.
It is said that my Lord of York hath been with the
King, and is departed again in right good conceit with
the King, but not in great conceit with the Queen.
Some men say, had my Lord of Buckingham not have
letted (hindered) it, my Lord of York had been dis
tressed (seized) in his departing.
On Monday last past, was a great affray at Coventry,
between the Duke of Somerset's men, and the watch
men of the Town, and two or three men of the Town
were killed there, to (the) great disturbance of all the
lands there, for the alarum bell was rung, and the Town
arose, and would have jeoparded to have distressed the
Duke of Somerset, and had not the Duke of Bucking
ham taken a direction therein.
Also it is said, the Duke of Buckingham taketh right
strangely that both his brethren are so suddenly dis
charged from their Offices of Chancellery and Treasurer-
ship ; and that among other causeth him that his opinion
is contrary to the Queen's intent, and many other also,
as it is talked.
Item, some men say, the Council is dissolved, and that
the King is forth to Chester, etc. Also some say, that
many of the Lords shall resort hither to London against
AU-hallows-tide. And as touching the election of She
riffs, men ween that my Lord of Canterbury shall have a
great rule, and specially in our Country.
I can no more, but Almighty God send us, as his
most pleasure is.

Discontentof Bucking
ham.

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. XXxix
Written in all haste, the Saturday next after Saint a.d. 1452.
Edward's day. Your servant, James Gresham.'1''
This letter implies that the Queen, probably mistrust- The Duke of
ing the protestations of the Duke of York, looked upon forces in
him with an eye of suspicion. Dissatisfied with the
position of affairs he hastened to his castle of Ludlow,
and raising his tenants in the Welsh Marches, sent the
following Petition to the King :
" Richard Duke of York's Petition to King Henry for petitions the
the Punishment of Traitors etc. ot'h.— ""
(Fcnn's Pas-
Please it, your Highness, tenderly to consider the vol. 1. p.'es.)
great grudging and rumour that is universally in this
your Realm, of that justice is not duly ministred to such
as trespass and offend against your laws ; and in special
of them that (have) been endited of Treason, and others,
being openly noised of the same ; wherefore, for great
inconvenience that have fallen, and great is like to fall
hereafter, in your said Realm, which God defend, but
(unless) by your Highness provision convenable be made
for due reformation and punishment in this behalf;
wherefore I, your humble subject and liegeman, Richard
Duke of York, willing as effectually as I can, and de
siring surety and prosperity of your most royal person,
and welfare of this your noble Realm, counsel and ad
vertise your excellence, for the conservation of good
tranquillity and peaceable rule among all true subjects,
for to ordain and provide, that due justice be had against
all such that (have) been so indited or openly so noised ;
wherein I offer, and will put me (myself) in devoir (duty)
for to execute your commandments in these premises, of
such offenders and redress of the said misrulers to my
might and power. And for the hasty execution hereof,
like it your Highness to dress (address) your letters of

Missing Page

Missing Page

Xlii INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
a.d. 1452. me, and to come to me with all diligence, wheresoever I
Yorirtietter shall be, or draw, with as many goodly and likely men as
zensof0"" ye may make to execute the intent abovesaid. Written
Shrewsbury. under my sjgnet &i my Cagtle q{ Ludi0W) tne 3rd day of
February. Furthermore I pray you, that such strait
appointment and ordinance be made, that the people
which shall come in your fellowship, or be sent unto me
by your agreement be demeaned in such wise, by the
way that they do no offence, nor robbery, nor oppression
upon the people, in lesion of justice. Written as
above, &c. Your good Friend, R. York.
To my right worshipful Friends, the
Bailiffs, Burgesses, and Commons
of the good Town of Shrewsbury.'1''
The prompt measures adopted by the King's advisers,
however, had placed a large force at the disposal of
Henry, who forthwith marched against him, and the
He marches Duke fearing an immediate collision would ruin his
to London, °
and thence cause, continued his progress by bye-roads and forced
marches to avoid the Royal army, and, finding the
gates of the City closed against him, on his reaching
London, he crossed over into Kent and set up his
standard at Dartford, in the hope of alluring the Kentish
Henry en- men to join him. Henry followed him, and encamping
Blackheath. on Blackheath, sent the Bishops of Winchester and Ely
to expostulate with him and to recall him to his duty.
The Duke asserted that he had no intention to injure
the King but that his solo object was to remove from
his councils " the blood-suckers of the nobility, the
plunderers of the clergy, and the oppressors of the
commonality."
York's sub- To pacify him the Duke of Somerset was ordered into
custody upon which he disbanded his army, and visited
Henry in his tent unarmed and bareheaded. Per-

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. xliH
ceiving the Duke of Somerset still in attendance upon a.d. 1452.
the King the Duke of York complained of having been
deceived and charged his rival with treason which was
retorted from one to the other. On leaving the royal jj^e/Aa3™9 >
presence York was arrested, and Somerset advised his
being brought to immediate trial and executed. Henry,
however, could not bring his mind to shed the blood of
his cousin, and on the latter taking an oath of fealty on
the holy sacrament, at St. Paul's, before all the Lords,
and a full congregation, he was granted his liberty and
retired to his castle of Wigmore.
Quiet having been again restored the eyes of the Expedition
country were turned towards the recovery of the French covery of
« mi «ii- p /-1 'ne Erench
provinces of the Crown. The inhabitants ot bascony, Provinces,
impatient under the yoke of their new master, offered
to renew their allegiance to Henry, and solicited succours
from England. The great Talbot, the veteran Earl of underTaibot,
Shrewsbury, though in his 80th year was despatched Shrewsbury,
with 4000 picked men, and soon after joined by his
brave son, the Lord Lisle with a like number. Success
attended his efforts at first, and before the winter, Bor
deaux, the whole of the Bordelais and Chatillon had
submitted. On receipt of the news Henry summoned a a.d. 1453.
parliament, which in the exultation of the moment,
besides liberal supplies of money, voted an army of
20,000 archers to be raised by the Counties. Amongst (Pari.Koiis.vol. V.
the chief of these were Norfolk, 1012 men; Lincoln, P. 231.)
910; York, 713; Kent, 575; and Wiltshire, 478.
The following cities and towns, which were counties at
the same time, were thus rated: London, 1137 men;
York, 152; Norwich, 121; Bristol, 86; Coventry, 76 ;
Newcastle, 53; Hull, 50; Southampton, 44; Lincoln,
44 ; and Nottingham, 30. This calculation shows the
probable proportionate wealth of each at that period,
and not, as has been surmised the relative population.
It was intended that Henry should accompany this
armament in person, but the state of his health not

xliv

INTRODUCTION.

[KING HENRY

Siege of
Chatillon. Death of
Talbot, July 20th.

Death of
Lord Lisle.

Loss of Aqui
taine. —
(Rapin,
vol. v.
p. 471.)

permitting it, the embarkation of the troops was de
layed, and the vigourous measures of Charles obliged
the Earl of Shrewsbury to take the field against him
without these reinforcements. The personal prowess of
the ancient chivalry had been rendered less formidable
by the introduction of artillery, and the great Talbot,
whom no single opponent could ever subdue, was struck
by a stone from a park of three hundred field pieces,
placed within the French lines, during the siege of
Chatillon, by the French Marshals Chabanes and the
Count de Pentheviere. On receiving his wound, and
seeing the impossibility of retaining his ground from the
great superiority of the number of the enemy, who in
the commencement of the battle were as three to one,
when compared to the English forces, the dying veteran
sent for his son, Sir John Talbot, Lord Lisle, and ex
horted him to save himself for another opportunity,
when he might render his country better service. But
the brave son of so brave a father chose rather to die
by his side, than disgrace the name of Talbot by flight.16
The English lost 2000 men out of their little army of
7000, but the most fatal blow to them was the death of
their general. The consequence of this defeat was the
total loss of Aquitaine, which had been possessed by the
English for nearly three centuries. " Thus of so many
conquests made by the English in France, since Ed
ward III there remained only Calais and Guisnes ; poor
remains of so many provinces, several whereof had be
longed to their sovereigns by hereditary right, and the
rest acquired by so many victories, and at the expense
of so much blood ! "

" Is my name Talbot ? and am
I your son ?
And shall I fly ? Oh 1 if you
love my mother,
Dishonour not her honour
able name,

To make a Bastard and a Slave
of me : —
The world will say : — he is not
Talbot's blood,
That basely fled, when noble Tal
bot stood." —
(Henry VI. part I.)

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. xlv
It was during this unsuccessful campaign in France a.d. 1453.
that Margaret sought to ingratiate herself with the pX^T"'8
country gentry, by visiting them at their homes. Mar
garet Paston writes from Norwich an account of one of
these visits, which shows that the Queen's masculine mind
could unbend in female society, and enjoy the relaxation
of domestic gossip with true womanly zest.
" To the Right Worshipful Master John Paston, be Margaret
this delivered in haste. Letter.
Right Worshipful Husband, I recommend me to you,
praying you to weet &c. (here follows some account of
money received he.) As for tidings, the Queen came
into this Town on tuesday last past after noon and abode
here till it was Thursday three (o'clock) afternoon ; and
she sent after my Cousin Elizabeth Clcre by Sharin-
bourn to come to her ; and she durst not disobey
her commandment, and came to her ; and when she
came in the Queen's presence, the Queen made right
much of her, and desired her to have an husband, the
which ye shall know of hereafter ; but as for that he is
never nearer than he was before ; the Queen was right
well pleased with her answer, and reported of her in the
best wise, and saith by her troth she saw no Gentle
woman since she came into Norfolk, that she liked better
than she doth her.
Blake, the Bailey of Swaffham, was here with the (Fmn'sPas-
' J ton Letters,
King's brother, and he came to me, weening that he had ™i. 1. P. 09.)
been at home ; and said that the King's Brother desired
him that he should pray you in his name to come to him
for he would right fain that he had come to him, if ye
had been at home ; and told me, that ye wist well that
he should send for you, when he came to London, both
for Cossey and other things.
I pray you that ye will do your cost on me against
Whitsuntide, that I may have something for my neck ;
d

xlv

INTRODUCTION.

[KING HENRY

a.d. 1453. when the Queen was here I borrowed my Cousin Eliza
beth Clere's Device, for I durst not for shame go with
my Beads amongst so many fresh Gentlewomen as here
were at that time. The blessed Trinity have you in
his keeping.
Written at Norwich on the Friday next before Saint
George. By yours
Margaret Paston."

The King's
illness, Oct. 1453.

We now approach one of those events in the history
of nations, which completely baffle all our endeavours to
unravel the mysteries of Divine Providence. Unless for
the wisest of purposes, the sins of the father are visited
on the children of the third generation, the pitiable state
into which the pious King now fell is beyond our com
prehension. In October 1453 Henry the Sixth was attacked by
that disorder,17 which deprived the administration of his
sanction, and which by causing the removal of the Duke
of Somerset from the head of affairs within three months,
placed the King in the hands of the ambitious Duke of
York, who now assumed the reins of Government.18
We are told by a contemporary writer that the Royal
patient "lost both sense and memory, and the use of his
limbs. He could neither walk, stand, rise up, nor move."
Birth of Ed- It was during this severe affliction, that the Queen pre-
ward, Prince ° 7 ^ *
of Wales, sented him with a son, the unfortunate Edward, Prince
of Wales ; and to whose birth may be ascribed the con
sequent contention between the Royal Family of Lan
caster and the House of York. By this event the Duke
of York's expected succession was set aside, and that

( W/ielhemp.
slede, p. 349. )

V " In this year, 1453 Henry VI.
was attacked at Clarendon suddenly
with so severe an infirmity in his
head, that it seemed his senses had
forsaken him.'' — (William Wyrces

ter, p. 477.)
18 In the Parliament assembled at
Reading in 1454 he addressed the
House as the Royal Commissioner.
—(Pari. Holts, vol. v. p. 239.)

THE SIXTH.]

INTRODUCTION.

xlvii

nobleman left no means untried to maintain his position, a.d. 1453,
The Queen was slandered, and the legitimacy of the (Fabyan,
Prince questioned, and all her friends removed from the P'
high offices which they held. The Duke of Somerset
was sent to the Tower,19 the Lords of the Council
adopting this apparently harsh measure to ensure his
safety from the Duke of York. The death of Cardinal Death of
Kemp, the Archbishop of Canterbury, hastened the Crisis Kemp.
which was already fast approaching. It was necessary
to fill up the vacant see, to do which required the King's
pleasure to be known. A deputation of twelve temporal committee
and spiritual peers waited upon him at Windsor. They the KingJ-
- ii. (Parliammt-
were to express how earnestly his recovery was desired, ary imis,
and, if they found him incapable of attending to them, p- ^ '. 242.)
here their mission was to end. On the contrary if his
capacity allowed they were to communicate the death of
the Cardinal and to ascertain his Majesty's wishes re
specting the Archbishoprick.
After the King had dined the Bishop of Chichester
addressed him, but obtained no answer. It was evident
that his senses were gone, and that he neither noticed
their presence, nor comprehended what was said. The
Lords withdrew for a time and having consulted toge
ther they again returned to the King. " They moved
him ; they shook him ; but he heeded them not. They
had him taken out of one room into another, and strove
by pulling him about to rouse him from his lethargy.20
It was apparent that though the King could breathe and
eat, he could neither hear, understand, nor speak. On

» Harl. MS. 543, quoted by
Sharon Turner. " As for my being
in the Tower, it was done by the
advice of the Lords of the Council,
which, as I understood; was most
for the surety of my person."
20 In tlie eleventh volume of Ry-
mer's Foedera is preserved an order

in Council dated April 6th to ad
minister to the Royal Sufferer :
"electuaries, potions, waters, sy
rups, confections, laxatives, clysters,
gargles, head purses, bathings, fo
mentations, embrocations, shaving
of head, unctions, plaisters, cerates,
blisters, scarifications, etc. etc."

d2

xlviii

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

A.D. 1453.
The Duke of
York ap
pointed Lord
Protector. —
(Parlia
mentary Polls, vol. v.
p. 240.)

The King's
recovery,Dec. 25,1454.

Somerset
restored and
York dis
missed, Feb. 5, 1455.
C Whethemp-
stede, page
350, 351.)

Conspiracyof York,
Salisbury
and War
wick.

their return to parliament, with this report, the Duke of
York was named Protector and Defender of the realm,
till Prince Edward should arrive at years of discretion,
when this dignity should be conferred on him.
In the mean time the friends of the Queen and the
Protector continued to annoy each other. Accusa
tions followed on both sides and angry passions were
aroused, which ultimately led to the most fatal results,
and which were at length only allayed by fields of blood.
The young Edward had been created Prince of Wales,
and Earl of Chester ; 21 and the King's half-brothers, by
his mother's second marriage with Owen Tudor were
made Earls of Richmond and Pembroke. On the 28th
July 1454 the Duke of York was appointed Governor of
Calais, the highest military Command in the gift of the
Crown. As suddenly as the King's malady had seized him as
suddenly did it also disappear. At Christmas he offered
up thanks for his recovery,22 and in the February fol
lowing the protectorate of his ambitious kinsman ceased.
The Duke was recalled from Calais, and Somerset after
an imprisonment of fourteen months appointed his suc
cessor. Sullenly the disgraced nobleman retired to his
estates in the North, and, there brooding over the affront
put upon him by the Queen and her party, he entered
into conferences with the Earls of Salisbury and War
wick. He pointed out to them that their safety de
manded the most violent measures against the Duke of
Somerset, by whose advice Henry was collecting a

21 "The Prince shall be created
at Windsor upon Pentecost Sunday
(June 9th 1454), the Chancellor,
the Duke of Buckingham, and many
other Lords of estate, present with
the Queen." — Paston Letters, vol.
i. p. 77.)
22 "Blessed be God 1 the King

iswell amended, and hath been since
Christmas day ; and on St. John's
day, commanded his Almoner to
ride to Canterbury with his offering,
and commanded the Secretary to
offer at Saint Edwards." — (See the
whole of this interesting letter of Ed.
Clere, Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 83.)

SIXTH.]

INTRODUCTION.

xlix

powerful party at Leicester, with the intention of con- a.d. nse.
vening a parliament in that town to which should York
and his friends repair they were certain of destruction,
and, should they stay away, as certain of being charged
with contumacy and thus deprived of their dignities and
property. Before entering upon the details of the deadly Crisis,
which ensued, we may be pardoned for presenting the
picture of the upright, meek and gentle Henry sketched
by the hand of one who had studied his character in all
it's various points of light and shade.23
" He was a man of pure simplicity of mind, truthful John Biak.
almost to a fault. He never made a promise he did not racter of
keep, never knowingly did an injury to any one. Recti- (Volu.
tude and justice ruled his conduct in all public affairs. P
Devout himself, he sought to cherish a love for religion
in others. He would exhort his visitors, particularly the
young to pursue virtue and eschew evil. He considered
sports and the pleasures of the world as frivolous, and
devoted his leisure to reading the Scriptures and the old
Chronicles. Most decorous himself when attending
public worship, he obliged his courtiers to enter the
sacred edifice without swords or spears, and to refrain
from interrupting the devotion of others by conversing
within it's precincts. He exhorted his clergy in frequent
letters, and charged them to consider their trust as
emanating from the authority of the most High."
" He delighted in female society, and blamed that
immodest dress, which left exposed the maternal parts of
the neck. " Fie, fie, for shame!" he exclaimed, "for
sooth ye be to blame." Fond of encouraging youth in
the path of virtue he would frequently converse fami
liarly with the scholars from his college of Eton, when

23 Jo. Blakman Collectarium
Mansuetudinum et bonorum Mo-
rum Regis Henrici VI. (apudHearnc,
Ottcrloume et Wcthamslede) from

whose masterly sketch of the cha
racter of King Henry, these extracts
are made.

1

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

a.d. 1455. they visited his servants at Windsor Castle. He gene-
Henry^vi °f ra% concluded with this address, adding a present of
money : " Be good lads, meek and docile, and attend to
your religion."
" He was liberal to the poor, and lived among his de
pendants as a father among his children. He readily
forgave those who had offended him. When one of his
servants had been robbed, he sent him a present of
twenty nobles, desiring him to be more careful of his
property in future, and requesting him to forgive the
thief. Passing one day from St. Albans to Cripplegate,
he saw a quarter of a man impaled there for treason.
Greatly shocked he exclaimed : " Take it away, take it
away, I will have no man so cruelly treated on my ac
count." Hearing that four men of noble birth were
about to suffer for treason to him, he sent them his
pardon with all expedition to the place of execution."
" In his dress he was plain, and would not wear the
shoes, with the upturned points, then so much in fashion,
and considered the distinguishing mark of a man of
quality." " He was careful to select proper persons in the dis
tribution of Church preferment ; and anxious to promote
the real Happiness of his two half brothers, the Earls of
Richmond and Pembroke he had them carefully brought
up under the most upright and virtuous Ecclesiastics."
Such a King in more peaceable times would have
been a blessing to his country ; but in those turbulent
days, when personal prowess was considered the first of
virtues, it is not to be wondered, that he should have
been looked upon almost in the light of an idiot.
The Duke of York, the Earls of Warwick and Salis
bury, and the Lord Cobham marched in the May fol
lowing their forces towards the Metropolis, where the
Duke's popularity was sure to gain him many partizans.
" But Henry being advertised of his march, would not
wait his coming to London, and being accompanied by

The Civil
War coin
menced.

(England's Happiness,
p. 128.)

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. Ii
the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham, the Earls of a.d. 1455.
Pembroke, Stafford, Northumberland, Devonshire, Dor
set, and Wiltshire, abundance of Barons and gentlemen
of Quality, and what other forces he could get together
met him at St. Albans, and according to the peaceable
instinct of his nature, sent to know his pretensions."
The Duke of Buckingham, the Royal messenger, re
ceived the following reply from the confederated nobles.
" Please it your Majesty Royal to deliver up such as we The message
will accuse, and they to have like as they deserved. And Barons —
• ii 11 i • i (Stowe's
this done, you to be honourably worshipped as a most s>»«.
Jr£ttTlm .1j*j.
rightful king. We will not now slack for no such pro- p. 545.)
mise nor oath, until we have them, which have deserved
death ; or else we, therefore, to die."
On this occasion the King's reply was worthy of the
grandson of Henry IV, and must have been as little an
ticipated by the Yorkists, as by the Royal party itself :
" I, King Henry, charge and command, that no manner The King's
(of) person of what degree, estate or condition that ever (ibid.)
he be, abide not ; but that they avoid the field, and not
be so hardy to make resistance against me in my own
realm : for I shall know what traitor dare be so bold to
array any people in my own land, through which I am in
great disease and heaviness. By that faith I owe unto
St. Edward, and unto the Crown of England, I shall de
stroy them, every mother's son ; and eke they to be
hanged, drawn, and quartered, that may be taken after
wards of them ; to make an example for all such traitors,
to beware for to make any rising of people within mine
own land, and thus traitorously to abide their King and
Governour. And for a conclusion, rather than they
shall have any Lord that here is with me at this time, I
shall this day, for their sake in this quarrel, myself live
and die." Although the royal forces amounted to no Battle of st.
more than 2000 men and the Yorkists to 3000, so judi- 22nd" um*y
ciously did Lord Clifford defend the place, that for some ivamc.
time victory was doubtful. But the Earl of Warwick 545.)'

Hi

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

(England's
Succession, p. 128.)

seizing his opportunity, moved to the garden side of the
town, and attacking it at the weakest point forced tlie
barriers. The King and his nobles were foremost amongst
the defenders, and fought hand to hand with the as
sailants, whilst York, keeping himself aloof, "placed
himself upon a rising ground, from whence he observed
all occurrences, and sent fresh soldiers to supply the
places of such as were slain or wounded till at last from
the inferior numbers of the Royal army, and the loss of
The Duke of its leaders, he obtained the victory. On the King's side
tor!ous'.c" were slain24 the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Nor
thumberland, and the Lord Clifford. The Duke of
Buckingham, the Earls Stafford, Dorset, and Wiltshire
and the Lord Sudeley were wounded, and according to
contemporary authority six score 25 persons fell on the
King's side, of which number, says the Harleian MS.
were 14 squires, 1 gentleman, 4 yeomen, and 25 whose
names were unknown. Abbot Wethemstede saw him-
(Wheihemp- self, "here one lying with his brains dashed out, here
ste e,p.- '-'ano^jier w;thout his arm; some with arrows in their
throats, others pierced in their chests." The King him
self was wounded in the neck, and sought refuge in the
house of a tanner,26 where he was found by the Duke of
York, who conducted him the next day with all seeming
respect to London. The town was given up to plunder,
and thus commenced that fearful Civil War, which con
tinued with slight intermission to devastate the country
for thirty years.

The King
takenprisoner.

24 " Every man fought with as
much fierceness as if they had taken
up a resolution, that not a man in
the whole field should have survived
the Battle." — (Engl. Succession, p.
128.) 25 Fenn's Paston Letters, vol. i.
p. 100. " There was at most slain
[x] vi. Score ; and as for the Lords
that were with the King, they and
their men were plundered and spoiled
out of all their harness and horses."

Stowe says 48 of those who fell on
the Royal side were buried in the
Abbey of St. Albans.— (p. 400.)
26 <4 Having found Henry in a
poor man's house whither he had
withdrawn himself, he carried him
from thence with all seeming re
spect, telling him that Somerset's
death, had established his throne,
and settled his crown the firmer
upon his head." — (England's Suc
cession, p. 129.)

THE SIX

CTH.]

INTRODUCTION.

liii

The Duke's army suffered less. He was accompanied a.d. 1455.
by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Salisbury and
Warwick, the Lords Cobham and Falconbridge, but so
complete was his victory that he lost scarcely any person
of note. Treason prospered for awhile, and summoning
a parliament in the King's name at Westminster " he Parliament
_ .. , . assembled,
procured all things that had been acted, from the very J«iy »"¦•—
* ° ' J (England's
first day of Henry s reign, to that time, to be reversed ; succession,
himself, Salisbury and Warwick with the rest of their
Associates, to be indemnified, from future punishment,
for their late insurrection. And as for a foundation
whereon he intended to raise the superstructure of his
designed monarchy, he caused himself and his two chief
confederates Salisbury and Warwick to be elected into
a triumvirate ; 2? whereby he left nothing remaining to
Henry, but the bare title of King, for all power and
authority was vested in those three : the Political, in York, sails-
bury, and
himself, being made Constable or Governour of the Warwick,
° . . form a Tri-
Kingdom ; the Civil, in Salisbury, who was made Lord umvirate.
Chancellor ; and the Military in Warwick, who was
appointed to the Government of Calais." The following (Fem'sPas-
letters addressed to William Wyrcester, give many cir- vol. i. p. 105
cumstances connected with this first battle of St. Albans
and the subsequent events, which have been passed over
by historians.
" To William Wyrcester, be this letter delivered in Letters to
. „ William
haste. Wyrcester.
Sir, I recommend me to you, and as for tidings ye may
inform mine Master that for new(s), there is none but
that he hath knowledge of.
But that the King, the Queen and the Prince, re- The Rival
move to Hertford tomorrow without fault ; my Lord rate tiiTThe

27 " My Lord of York is made
Constable of England ; my Lord of
Warwick is made Captain of Calais ;

my Lord Bourchier is made Trea
surer of England." — (Paston Let
ters, vol. i. p. 103.)

Hv INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
a. d. 1455. of York to the Friars at Ware ; my Lord of Warwick
Pariiament. t° Hunsdon, the Earl of Salisbury to Rye, and there
they shall abide to the time the Parliament begins. The
The Duke of Duke of Buckingham is come in, and sworn that he
Buckingham °
?"1E"' of shall be ruled, and draw the line with them ; and thereto
Wiltshire '
make their he and his brothers be bound by recognizance in notable
peace. J o
sums to abide the same.
The Earl of Wiltshire sent to the Lords, from a
place of his, called Petersfield, a letter desiring to know
if he should come and abide about the King's person as
he did before, and if he should not then that they would
license him to go into Ireland, and live there upon his
lands &c.
And before this done, the Lords were advised to have
made him to do as the Duke of Buckingham hath done
and no more ; but what that will fall now thereof, no
man can tell as yet.
Lords Dud. The Baron of Dudley is in the Tower, what shall
ley and
Dorset in come of him God wot.
ward. The Earl of Dorset is in ward with the Earl of War
wick. It was said forsooth, that Harper and two other of the
King's Chamber, were confederated to (have) sticked
(stabbed) the Duke of York in the King's chamber, but
it was not so, for they have cleared them thereof.
But London upon the same tale arisen and every man
to harness on Corpus Christi Even (5th of June) and
much ado there was.
Sir William Oldhall abideth no longer in Sanctuary,
than, (till) the chief Justice come ; for (at) that time
he shall go at large and sue all his matters him
self etc.
The Baron Dudley hath impeached many men ; but
what they be, as yet we cannot weet.
sir rhuip Sir Philip Wentworth was in the Field, and bore the
and'others' King's Standard, and cast it down and fled ; my Lord
'of Norfolk saith, he shall be hanged therefor, and so is

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. IV
he worthy ; he is in Suffolk now, he dares not come a.d. 1455.
about the King.
Edmund Standale was with Wenlock there in the
field and fouly hurt.
Fylongley is at home at his own place with his wife,
and shall do right well, but we have a great loss of his
absence this term, for it will be long ere he come this
term, I am afraid.
All the Lords that died at the Journey (Battle) are
buried at Saint Alban's.
Other things be none here, but ye shall see by Thomas
Scales' letter the rule of the Frenchmen etc.
God speed us well in our matters this term, I pray to
God, who have you in his keeping etc.
W.B.
London
June 1455.

Unto my most faithful brethren, John Bockinq and Henrywind-
J J •> J sor s letter.
William Worcester, and to either of them.
Worshipful Sir, and my most heartily and best be
loved Brother. I recommend me unto you in more
lordly wise, than I can either think or write ; and with
all my service and true heart thank you of your gentle
letters, full brotherly written unto me at many times of
old, and in especial of late time passed. And truly
brother I thank Almighty God of your welfare, of the
which the Bearer of this my poor letter certified me
of etc.
And Sir, as touching all manner of new tidings, I
know well ye are avarous (desirous) ; truly the day of
making of this letter, there were none new, but such (as)
I heard of, ye shall be served withal.
As for the first, the King, our Sovereign Lord, and Differences
all his true Lords stand in health of their bodies, but
not all at heart's-case as we amongst others marvel.

lvi INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
a.d. 1456. Two days before the writing of this letter there was
tw^eTwaV- language between my Lords of Warwick and Cromwell
lord crom- before the King ; insomuch as the Lord Cromwell would
we"- have excused himself of all the stirring or moving of
the mail journey (battle) of St. Alban's ; of the which
excuse making, my Lord Warwick had knowledge, and
in haste was with the King and swore by his oath, that
the Lord Cromwell said not truth, but that he was the
Beginner of all that journey at St. Alban's ; and so be
tween my said two Lords of Warwick and Cromwell,
there is at this day great grudging, insomuch so, the
Earl of Shrewsbury hath lodged him at the Hospital of
St. James 28 beside the Mews, by the Lord Cromwell's
desire, for his safe guard.
And also all my Lord of Warwick's men, my Lord of
York's men, and also my Lord of Salisbury's men, go
with harness, and in harness, with strange weapons, and
have stuffed their Lord's barges full of weapons, daily
unto Westminster.
And the day of making this letter there was a Pro
clamation made in the Chancery on the King's behalf;
that no man should neither bear weapon nor wear harness
defensible, &c.
The Duke of Also the day before the making of this letter, there
Somerset, J ° 7
Mr. speaker passed a Bill both by the King, Lords, and Commons,
w- Joseph putting Thorp, Joseph, and my Lord of Somerset in all
the default, by the which Bill, all manner of actions
Pun pardon that should grow to any person or persons, for any of-.
granted to fa . / • n ¦
the Yorkists, fences at that journey done, in any manner of wise
should be extinct and void, affirming all things done
there, well done, and nothing done there never after this
time to be spoken of; to the which Bill many a man
grudged full sore now it is passed.
And if (that) might be recommended, unto my special

28 St. James's Palace now occupies this site.

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lvii
Master and yours, with all lowliness and true service, I a.d. 1455
beseech you (as) heartily as I can.
And also to my brethren Th. upon Lode, Wick of
Pole, William Lynd, Calyn and John Marshall.
No more, but our Lord have you both in his perpetual
keeping. Written at London on Saint Margaret's Even in
haste ; and after this is read and understood, I pray you
burn or break (tear) it, for I am loath to write any
thing of my Lord, but I must needs, there is nothing
else to write. Amen. Your own
Henry Windsor.

mer,
vol. xi.

In the early part of the ensuing June the King again (ii,,,
gave symptoms of declining health, for the order bearing P. kc,'.)
the date of the 5th of that month commands the attend
ance of the Dean of Salisbury on the King, as physician,
and states that " His Majesty then laboured with sick
ness and infirmities." Parliament met in July, and York
and his confederates took a solemn oath of allegiance to The Yorkists
King Henry. Laying his hand on his breast, and taking oath of
111 I <* LT ! illlt'C. 
the King by the hand the Duke said : " I shall truly and (Hoiu.voi.,.
faithfully keep the liegeance that I owe unto you, my
most Sovereign Lord ; and to do all that may be to the
welfare, honour and safeguard of your most noble person,
and royal estate, pre-eminence and prerogative. And I
shall, at no time, will or consent to that which might
in anywise be to the prejudice of your person, dignity,
crown or estate ; and I shall, with all my power, resist
and withstand all them that would presume to attempt
the contrary." This oath was repeated by the Duke of
Buckingham and the other peers kneeling, requesting at
the same time the King to shew no more grace to the
Duke of York, or others, whoever attempted similar
hostilities. Upon this the parliament was prorogued
to the 1 2th of November.

lviii

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

a.d. 1455. The King appears to have been at Hertford in Oc-
^Le'terV" tober, " and to have been sick again," and accordingly
P?ii9.) m November the Duke of York opened parliament, as
the King's lieutenant. A farce was carried on in both
York ap- houses,29 in the last act of which the ambitious Duke
Protector, was appointed Protector and Defender of the Kingdom,
with an income of 3,000 marks, which office was only to
cease when Prince Edward reached the years of discre
tion, if he should then wish to assume it himself. The
Duke played his part to admiration, excused himself
from the task, whilst his creatures expostulated in both
houses, the commons claiming his protection to suppress
the illegal acts of Lord Bonville and the Earl of Devon,
and the Lord Chancellor consulting the Lords, on the
necessity of his appointment. On the 17th of November
his scruples were removed, and having by his cunning
obtained his desired object, he publicly accepted the
trust, and in the middle of December prorogued parlia
ment for a month.
The Duke of York, to render his high station the
more secure, had inserted a clause in the patent, by
which it was enacted that he should only be removed by
the voice of parliament. He now took steps to retain a
majority in that Assembly. He called Sir Thomas
Stanley and Sir Richard Welles to the' house of Peers,
the one as Lord Stanley of Latham, and the other as
(Parita- Lord Willoughby. From authentic sources we find the
3oh»?toi. v. House of Lords then consisted of 2 Archbishops (the
p' Cardinal Bourchier, and Dr. William Booth) 2 Dukes,

CreatesPeers.

20 The same Parliament amused
itself with a reform in the abuse of
law processes far more stringent
than anything proposed in the pre-
sent day. It enacted " that as
there were fourscore attornies or
more, in the counties of Norfolk,
Suffolk, and the City of Norwich,
most of whom had no other thing to
live upon hut their practice, and the

major part were not of sufficient
knowledge ; that therefore from
henceforth, there should be but six
Common attornies in the County of
Norfolk, the same number in the
County of Suffolk, and two in the
City of Norwich, upon pain of for
feiting twenty pounds." — (Statutes,
33 Henry VI. Chap. 7.)

THE SIXTH

] INTRODUCTION. lix

11 Bishops, 6 Earls, 2 Viscounts, 18 Abbots, 2 Priors, a.d. i4bs.
and 17 Barons. Lulled into security by the exercise of (Hymer,
full regal power, he appeared willing to await his oppor- p. 370.')
tunity for taking the final step which would place the
crown on his head. The King and Queen were left at The King at
,., f, , • t Sheen j and
liberty, the former- mostly residing m the quiet of his the Queen at
palace at Sheen, the latter with the young Prince in the (*'«•»•« Pas.
1 ' •> ° ton Letters,
strong holds of the Lancastrians, at Tutbury in Stafford- vo1: '•„]>•, 133
0 ' J and 135.)
shire, or Chester, her motions, however, carefully watched
by the Duke of York, from his Castle of Sendal. P( uk)
The King having again recovered from the attack The King's
recovery.
of his malady met Parliament on it's reassembling in Meetlng of
January, and on the 25th of the ensuing month the janl'ITth!''
Duke of York at the request of the Queen, was dis
charged of his office of Lord Protector, the King having
personally called upon the House to rescind the appoint
ment. With apparent willingness he descended from Resignation
• • 1 t-i 1 on ,• • • • of Somerset
his high station, the Earl of Salisbury again resigning and saiis-
the great seal into the hands of the Cardinal Archbishop
in the beginning of the March following, and thus the
principal offices in the state were filled again by the
King's friends.
The Duke and the two earls retired into Yorkshire,
and " though apparently separated they held frequent (n<v'",
secret conferances together, at which several other p- *«¦ )
lords of their party were present." It was currently
reported that in an affray between the Lords Beaumont
and Warwick, the former was slain "and my Lord War- f^ltp"'
wick sore hurt, 1000 men slain, and six score Knights™1^1-
and Squires hurt ; and nothing true, blessed be God."
These idle rumours kept the nation in a continual state
of excitement, and added much to the ferocity of the
times. These disputes of the great were extremely prejudicial
to the commerce of the country, and serious disturbances
took place between the English and Foreign merchants,
often ending in bloodshed and murder. The Duke of

lx INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
a.d. 1456. York is generally supposed to have instigated the mob on
one of these occasions, which has been recorded by most
(Fabyan, of our annalists, when the populace overawed the power
Ihdl,stowe.) of the crown, which the Duke had just surrendered
again into the hands of Henry.
serious riot " A young merchant which before time had been in
(Grajton"'~ divers cities, within the country of Italy, and there pro
hibited by the magistrates and rulers to use or wear any
weapons, either invasive or defensive, challenged an
Italian in Cheapside, for wearing of a dagger confuting
him with the laws of his own country, which like a
choleric knave and presumptuous person, so disdainfully
and with such taunts and checks answered the Mer
chant, that he not willing to suffer so open a re
proach, in so public a street, and that of so proud a
villain, took by force from him his dagger, and with the
same a little cut his crown and cracked his pate. This
Italian in great haste complained to the Mayor of this
offence, which at the next Court, holden at the Guild
hall, by the consent of the whole senate, sent for the
offender, and declaring to him his crime, commanded
him to ward, whereof divers other light merohants
within the City, sore abhorring the Italian nation, for
licking the fat from their beards, and taking from them
their accustomed living, by reason that the said strangers
imported and transported into and out of this realm, all
such merchandize, commodities and necessaries, as the
Englishmen only were accustomed to do, assembled
together in great plumpes (masses) and by force com
pelled the Mayor to deliver the prisoner out of New
gate ; and yet this multitude, with this doing, nothing
satiate nor appeased, like mad persons, and frantic fools,
ran to the several houses of divers Venetians, Luccaens,
and Florentines, and them spoiled, robbed and rifled,
without reason or measure. The Mayor perceiving this
great enormity, assembled a great number of substan
tial and grave Citizens, which not without great blood-

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. Ixi
shed, and maiming of sundry persons, finally appeased AD- 14»«-
their rage, and caused the people to depart to , their ?n London.'
houses. The beginner of this commotion and sudden
uproar, either persuaded by his friends or fearing his
chance, which for his first fact might suddenly ensue,
departed to Westminster, and there registered himself
as a sanctuary man. The Queen which ruled all things,
hearing of this great riot and unlawful misdemeanor,
sent the Dukes of Exeter and Buckingham accompanied
with many other noble men to London with a commission
of oyer and determiner, for the punishment of this out
rageous offence and seditious crime. When the Mayor
of the City, the two Dukes, and the two chief justices,
were set in Guildhall for the performance of their com
mission and began to call the empanels for the inquiry
as the use and order is, divers light witted, and less
brained persons of the city, privily armed them and by
the ringing of Bow Bell, thought to assemble together a
great multitude of their mind and opinion and so by
force and might to take from the keepers all such pri
soners, as were before apprehended, for the late com
mitted robbery and riot, as they were going to their
trial or arraignment.
But this great tumult and sudden fury was by discreet
and sage Citizens a little and little appeased, and finally
quenched, but in the mean season, the Dukes and other
commissioners, being untruely advertized, that they were
in jeopardy of their lives, suddenly departed from the
Guildhall, and left their inquiry for that day. The Mayor
on the next day perceiving how the grudge rose, called a
common council, whereof the number was one hundred,
four score and odd persons, and by authority of the same,
ordained that all wardens of mysteries should assemble
their fellowship in their particular Halls, where they
should exhort them to the observation of the King's
peace, and keeping of good order within the City ; and
if they espied any man, either prone or ready to raise a

Serious riot
in London.

lxii INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
a.d. 1456. rumour desirous of the deliverance of such as were ac
cused, and in captive custody, that their names should
be secretly written, and covertly delivered to the Lord
Mayor ; which politic doing, finally ended the outrageous
doing of the insolent people, after which appeasing, the
commissioners returned to the Guildhall, where many of
the robbers were attainted, and a.iter(wards) condignly
put to execution, besides divers great fines and ransoms
paid which were set upon many merchants for winking
at these doings or assenting to the same.
The King's Under pretence of change of air the Court removed
Warwick." to Coventry, that the King might enjoy the sports of
the field. The Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury
(Rapin, and Warwick " were invited by letters under the King's
p?488.) own hand to attend at Court, where affairs of the utmost
Lords in- importance required their advice." The object of the
' Queen was to break up their confederacy, and aware
that they would be less powerful at Coventry than in
London she sought thus to ensnare them into her power.
(ibid.) "The Duke of York had not yet done anything
openly which shewed that he aspired to the crown. This
was a secret between him and his principal friends. It
is very true the Court was persuaded of it, but it was
not possible to convict him. Hitherto he had varnished
his actions with the good of the Publick, and for that
very reason was formidable to the Court ;" but, how
ever artfully he concealed his designs from the people,
he knew that the Queen perfectly understood the part he
was playing, and would not scruple to employ any means
but made *° counteract his plans. Nevertheless the King's invi-
Oueen°s de! tation was accepted, but warned by private emissaries of
segpnar'ate.ey the danger that awaited them, they hastily separated
without entering the town, the Duke withdrawing to his
stronghold of Wigmore, in Wales ; Salisbury to Mid-
dleham, and Warwick to Calais, and although they de
feated by so doing the Queen's object, they were ren
dered less formidable than when acting in concert.

THE SIXTH.]

INTRODUCTION.

lxiii

Two years passed over without any occurrence of a.d. 1457.
importance to the rival houses. Some predatory incur- f"tch pre*
sions of the Scots, and a buccaneering expedition from h"c'urIions.
France,30 under the command of Sir Piers de Bracy and
the Count de Pomiers, may have recalled them to a
sense of the danger their common country was placed in
by their continual quarrels. Henry, almost the only im- a.d. 145s.
partial person in the country, during his quiet seclusion, (Whetiwmp-
whilst reading his books alone, formed the noble resolu
tion of reconciling the conflicting interests of both par- Henry strives
ties, by the sacrifice of his own feelings and the emolu- botrTpart'ies.
ments of the crown. He invited the chief lords of each
to London, permitting them to appear with armed re
tainers sufficient to prevent any sudden treachery which
each expected from the other. " The Duke of York They arrive
came to London with his own household only, to the (Fmn's p'as-
...1 , ,. ttm Letters,
number of 140 horse, as it is said, (and took up his voi.i.p.isi.) January y 1st.
abode at Baynard's Castle ; 31) the Earl of Salisbury
.with 400 horse in his company, four score knights and
squires ; the Duke of Somerset came to London (the) (stowe,
last day of January, with 200 horse, and lodgeth without
Temple Bar."32 The Earl of Northumberland, the (Rymer,
r vol. xi.
Lords Egremont and Clifford had fifteen hundred re- p. ios.)
tainers, and were quartered in the King's Mews at
Charing, probably where the present noble mansion of
the Duke of Northumberland now stands. Warwick
received permission to bring over 24 foreigners from
Calais, besides his English retinue, and arrived in Feb-

30 Sir Piers de Bracy pillaged
Sandwich, then neither peopled nor
fortified on account of the plague
having broken out in the town ; and
the Count contented himself with
plundering the little town of Foy in
Cornwall, exploits utterly unworthy
of the great forces placed at their
disposal. 31 Baynard's Castle is still pre

served in name in Upper Thames
Street. Stowe says the Duke had
400 followers.
32 The present Somerset House
stands upon the site of the old Du
cal Palace. The Dukes of Somer
set and Exeter, the latter residing
at his house near the Duke of So
merset, numbered no less than 800
armed retainers.

e 2

A.D. 1458.
February.March 87.

(Fabyan,p. 463.)

(Stowe's
Chronicle, p. 178.)

Outward re
conciliation, April 5th.

lxlV INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
ruary, having been detained by adverse winds, and went
with a large body of retainers to the Grey Friars.33
In the month of March the King and Queen arrived,
and made the Bishop's palace34 their residence. So
great was the influx of armed men that Sir Godfrey
Boleyn,36 the Mayor, had daily 5000 citizens well armed
by day, and half that number by night to guard the city.
Stowe records " a fray in Fleet Street between men of
the Court and the inhabitants of the same street, in
which fray the Queen's Attorney was slain. For this
fact the King committed the Governors of Furnivall's,
Clifford, and Barnard's Inns to prison, and William
Taylor, alderman of the ward, and many others were
sent to Windsor Castle."
By the exertions of the Cardinal Archbishop, at length
an outward reconciliation was effected, and the following
short letter addressed to Sir John Fastolf at Caistor
shows how difficult a task his Grace had undertaken.

Letter to sir " Like it your Mastership to weet, that as for tidings,
-(Fenn's" ' the Council is, the forenoon, at the Black Friars, for
ters, vol. i. the ease of resorting of the Lords that are within the
Town ; and, at afternoon, at the White Friars in Fleet
Street, for the Lords without the Town ; and all things
shall come to a good conclusion with God's Grace ; for
the King shall come hither this week, and the Queen
also, as some men say, and my Lords Buckingham and
Stafford with her and much people.
My Lord of Canterbury taketh great pain upon him
daily, and will write unto you the certainty of sucli

33 The Earl of Warwick's house
was in Warwick Lane. His re
tainers were dressed in scarlet, em
broidered with white ragged staves,
before and behind. Stowe says they
amounted to 600 men.
34 The Bishop's Palace was near

St. Paul's.
35 " This Sir Godfrey Boleyn was
Ancestor to two famous Queens ;
Anna, wife of Henry VIII. and his
daughter Queen Elizabeth." — (Ra-
pin.)

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxV
tidings as fall ; and should have done ere this time, save a.d. mss.
for that he would know an end of the matter. ^hn" Etoir.
Other tidings here are none, save my Lord of Exeter
is displeased that the Earl of Warwick shall keep the
Sea, and hath therefore received this week £1000 of the
Hanaper. The messenger was on horseback when I wrote you
this Bill, and therefore it was done in haste, and our
Lord Jesu keep you. Written at London the Wed
nesday after Midlent.
And my Lord of Canterbury told me that the French
men have been before you, and that ye shot many Guns,
and so he told all the Lords.
I have desired him to move the Council for refreshing
of the Town of Yarmouth with stuff of Ordnance, and
Guns and Gunpowder, and he said he would.
Your Humble Servant,
John Booking.'"
London,
Wednesday, \5th of March, 1458.
A Public Procession was made to St. Pauls " for the April 5th.
open appearance and demonstration of this godly con- p- 633.) '
ill pi • <• -i i-i recession to
cord, on the day ot the conception of our Lady, in the st- Paul's.
month of March, (April 5 th) at which solemn feast, the
King in habit royal, having his diadem on his head, kept
his estate in procession, before whom went hand in hand,
the Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Salisbury, the
Duke of Exeter and the Earl of Warwick, and so one of
the one faction and another of the sect, and behind the
King the Duke of York led the Queen, with great fa
miliarity, to all men's sights." But this was a mere
pageant, and the proud spirits who now walked hand in
hand, had been taught to imagine that the ceremonial
absolution of the mechanical worship of their religion
would free them from the crime of hypocrisy and deceit,

lxvi

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

A.D. 1458.
(Contempo- •
rary Ballad
quoted by
Turner. )

Quarrel be
tween the
royal ser
vants and
Lord War
wick'sretainers.—( Grafton,
p. 635.)

This event is recorded in the following ballad.
" Wisdom and wealth, with all pleasance
May rightful reign, and prosperity ;
' For love hath underlaid wrathful vemaunce.
Rejoice England ! our Lords accorded be !
In York, in Somerset, as I understand,
In Warwick also, is love and charity;
In Salisbury eke, and in Northumberland,
That every man may rejoice, Concord and Unity !
Egremont and Clifford, with other aforesaid,
Be set in the same opinion,
In every quarter love is thus laid ;
Grace and Wisdom have thus the dominion !
Awake ! wealth ! and walk in this region,
Round about in town and city,
And thank them that brought it to this conclusion.
Rejoice ! England ! to Concord and Unity !
At Paul's in London, with great renown,
On our Ladyday in Lent, this peace was wrought.
The King, the Queen, with Lords many one
To worship that Virgin as they ought,
Went in procession and spared right nought
In sight of all the commonality,
In token that love was in heart and thought,
Rejoice ! England ! to Concord and Unity !"
There are several other similar verses of this ballad
which shows how grateful this apparent reconciliation
was to the great mass of the people.
A petty fray between two menials, within a few weeks
of the imposing ceremony of the general reconciliation,
undid in an instant all that had been effected by the
anxious solicitude of the King and the Lord Cardinal.
A servant of the King's household attacked a yeoman of
the Earl of Warwick, when the latter wounded his ad
versary severely and fled. The King's menials seeing
their fellow servant thus hurt and his enemy fled, way
laid the Earl of Warwick on his return from the Council,
and attacked him, the yeomen with swords, the black

SIXTH.]

INTRODUCTION.

lxvii

guards 38 with spits and fire forks. " After a long fight, a.d. i4sa.
and many of the Earl's men maimed and wounded, by
help of his friends, he took a wherry, and so escaped to
London; whom the Queen incontinent commanded to
be apprehended, and as a captive and prisoner, to be
sent to the Tower of London, where (if he had been
then taken) he had shortly ended his days. By this
unhappy fray, and sudden chance of malice, there arose
such daily and terrible war, that every marl was in
trouble, and no person was in quiet. For after this dis
pleasure done to the Earl, and the Queen's good mind
towards him by his secret friends privily revealed, he
with all diligence, took his journey to Warwick, and
after into Yorkshire, where he found the Duke of York,
and the Earl of Salisbury, declaring to them the assault
of the King's servants, and the pretended purpose of the
fraudulent Queen. After which complaint made, he
fearing lest by long absence, he might be deposed or de
frauded of his Captainship of Calais, with great speed
embarked himself, and sailed thither, daily expecting and
looking, what way the Duke of York would take, for
atchieving his long intended purpose. After whose de
parture, the Duke of York, and the Earl of Salisbury,
somewhat stirred, and moved with this double dealing,
began to grudge and murmur ; affirming that in the
Queen rested nothing but fraud and feminine malice,
which ruling the King at her pleasure and will, studied
nothing so much, as the destruction of the nobility, and
peers of the realm. After long consultation had, it was
agreed, that the Earl with a warlike company should
march toward the King, and complain both to him of

38 Black-guards. " In all great
houses, but particularly in the Royal
Residences, there were a number of
mean and dirty dependants, whose
office it was to attend the wood-
yards, sculleries, etc. Of these the
most forlorn wretches seem to have

been selected to carry coals to the
kitchens, halls, &c. To this smutty
regiment, who attended the pro
gresses, and rode in the carts with
the pots and kettles, the people, in
derision, gave the name of 'Black
guards.' "—(Gifford.)

lxviii

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

A.D. 1459,

the manifest injury done to his son, and also of the un
kind breach of the sworn amity and late agreement, in
which suit, if he did prevail, he then should not omit the
occasion to him given, in revenging the displeasures to him
done, by the Queen and her sinister councilors, which
evil and ungodly, ordered the. subjects of the whole
realm." As it was now evident to the leaders of both parties,
that neither could trust the other, and accordingly that
the only resource left was an appeal to arms, prepara
tions were made to meet the coming crisis, publicly on
the part of the King, and secretly on the part of the
confederated Lords. The King despatched letters under
his privy seal in April 1459 summoning the attendance

The King's
forces as
sembled at
May 10, 1459. of the nobility and gentry " to be with him at Leicester
—{Fenn's - °
Paston Let
ters, vol. I.

on the 10th day of May, with as many persons defensibly
p. 175.) arrayed, as they might according to their degree, and that
they should bring with them for their expenses for two
months." The Yorkists had arranged to unite at Ke-
nilworth, but the King being apprized of their move
ments hastened to intercept the Earl of Salisbury, who
finding himself anticipated by the rapid march of the
lloyal Army, was driven to make a larger circuit than
he had contemplated. Unexpectedly he came upon a
troop of Royalists under the Command of Lord Audley
Bottle of a* Bloreheath in Staffordshire, amounting to 5000 men,
23l0sep.e1l45!). whom he defeated by a stratagem, and Lord Audley
was slain.39 This enabled him to join the Duke of
York at Ludeford, near Ludlow, where the Earl of War
wick also met them with a large force of veterans from
Calais. Warwick justified the steps taken by the confederates
in the following Articles, which he dispersed on his
March. "I. That the Commonweal and good politic

Warwick
justifies his
conduct. —
(HarleianMSS. 543,
p. 164.)

39 Besides Lord Audley the Roy
alists lost Sir Hugh Venables, Sir
Thomas Dutton, Sir John Dunne,

Sir Richard Molineux, Sir John
Heigh, etc. etc.

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxiX
laws had been piteously overturned. II. That the a.d. 1459.
crown property had been outrageously spoiled and
robbed. III. That sufficient was scarcely left for the
sustentation of the royal household. IV. That the
merchants and people had, by illegal novelties, suffered
great extortions, without payment, from the Ministers of
the King's household. V. That the Government per
mitted great and abominable murders, robberies, per
juries and extortions; and favoured and cherished instead
of punishing them. VI. That the King from his own
blessed conversation, and noble disposition, graciously
applied himself to the commonweal ; but that certain
persons, from their covetousness, and (in order) that
they might rule, had hidden all these evils from him."
The intention of the great lords, he added, was to be
seech the King, as true subjects, by the advice of those
of his own blood to redress all these evils, thus explain
ing their desire to change the administration, without
altering the dynasty.
The royal army continued to increase, and rapidly
moved towards Ludlow, offering grace to all that would Henry offers
' ° ° terms to the
depart from the rebels, and pardon to York and War- rebels.
wick, if within six days they should request it. These
offers were not accepted, and the following reasons as
signed for declining them. " I. Other pardons have Theirreasons
-ii • t t mi -it • for ''echoing
been granted, but they availed nothing. 11. Ihe King 'h™-CTM_
degraded both the Duke and the Earl to the nobles j'<^
and commons ; and had neither summoned them to his
council, nor parliament. III. The King's relatives,
with pride and obstinacy, did as they pleased. IV. The
Nobles ought to have been called to parliament, and
have perfect liberty to go, stay or depart ; yet the Earl
of Warwick had been wilfully so surrounded and pressed
at Westminster, that but for the unexpected aid which
rescued him, he would certainly have been destroyed."
The confederates sent a letter to the King from Ludlow
on the 10th of October, couched in firm but respectful

1XX INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
a.d. 1459. language : " We beseech your good Grace to receive our
They desire said truth and intent ; and not apply your said blessed-
forbearance, ness, nor the great righteousness and equity, wherewith
chronicle, God hath ever endued your high nobility, to the impor-
I,-4u5-) 4. •* • a ¦ 1 t \
tunity, impatience, and violence of such persons as
intend of extreme malice to proceed, under shadow of
your high might and presence, to our destruction, for
such inordinate covetousness as they have to our Lands,
Offices, and Goods." They added that " they would not
use their defence until the time that they should be pro
voked of necessity."
The Duke of The terms of reconciliation having failed to bring about
York at . ° °
Ludiow, so desirable an obiect both armies prepared for battle
Oct. 13, 1450. J t^
on the 13th of October. The Duke of York to inspire
greater courage in his men resorted to a gross falsehood,
nia trickery which ultimately proved his own ruin. In the front of
his army he caused masses to be said for the soul of the
King, having brought forward persons to swear that he
had expired suddenly the day before. This roused up
the blood of the Plantagenets in the breast of Henry.
(Pari. Rolls, " He addressed his troops so knightlily, so manly, and
p. iia.) so comfortwise; with so princely a port and assured
manner, that the lords and people took great joy, and
only desired to fulfil his courageous desire." On York's
followers learning the deceit that had been practiced
sir Andrew upon them they became disheartened, and Sir Andrew
Trollope mil -i • i
deserts to Irollope deserting during the darkness of the night to
the Royal troops completed their dismay. York saw the
necessity of sounding a retreat, and at midnight a general
Dispersion of dispersion took place. The Duke hastened with his son,
(Fusion* let- the young Duke of Rutland, to Ireland passing through
p. itfi.)' ' his Welsh property ; the Earl of March, now eighteen
years of age, accompanied by the Earls of Salisbury and
Warwick retreated to Devonshire ; whilst the Bishop of
Exeter, brother to the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Grey
and several others submitted to the King. After the
Duke's departure " Henry rode into Ludlow, and spoiled

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxxi
the town and castle, whereat he found the Duchess of a.d. 1459.
York with her two young sons, then children, the which ^"™<^
Duchess King Henry sent to her sister, Anne Duchess p- 6,)
of Buckingham." Immediately after this a parliament spoils Lud-
was summoned to meet at Coventry on the 20th of "
November following, and on it's assembling the following
persons were attainted and their estates confiscated.
" The Duke of York, the Earl of March, the Duke The Rebel
of Rutland, the Earl of Warwick; the Earl of Salisbury, tainted at
the Lord Powis, the Lord Clinton, the Countess of Nov. 20th.
'  (Fenn's
Salisbury, Sir Thomas Neville, Sir John Neville, Sir £«"«¦«.vol. 1.
Ihos. Harrington, Sir Thos. Parr, Sir John Conyers, p- i82-)
Sir John Wenlock, Sir William Oldhall, Edward Bour-
chier, Sq. and his brother, Thos. Vaughan, Thos. Colt,
Thos. Clay, John Dinham, Thos. Moring, John Otter,
Master Richard Fisher, Hastings and others. As for
the Lord Powis he came in, and had grace for his life,
but as for his goods, the forfeiture passed."
Thus the party of York seemed destroyed, and the
House of Lancaster thought itself now securely seated
on the throne. The Earl of Northumberland and Lord
Clifford had the command of the North, and the Duke Duke or
of Somerset was to supersede the Earl of Warwick in appointed to
the Command of Calais. But Edward, the future of Calais.
sovereign of England, and the Earls of Warwick and Edward,
Salisbury by the assistance of John Dinham, included in and saiis-
¦ 1 1 • -n 1*1 bury» flee to
the act of attainder, procured a ship at lixeter, which Calais.
conveyed them to Guernsey. Here they secreted them
selves, till the 2nd of November and then sailed privately
to Calais, where they were admitted by the Lord Fal-
conbridge through a postern gate, and enthusiastically
received by the troops. The Duke of Somerset vainly somerset's
. , unsuccessful
attempted to take the place, and to his succour the attempt to
. , > 1 n p ta'ie Calais.
Lords Rivers and Scales were sent with a fleet from
Sandwich. The illsuccess of this expedition is ironically
mentioned in a letter of William Wyrcester, and Wil- (Paston
, , iii* • Letters,
ham Paston in the letter quoted below gives a curious vol. i.

Ixxii INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
a.d. 1459. scene which took place on the captured admiral and his
son being brought into the presence of the Yorkist
nobles.
sir John Warwick formed the bold design of seizing the whole
turnesatheC°p* fleet before it left the channel, and entrusted this im-
and the Eari portant service to Sir John Dinham, who afterwards be-
t wiiuam came Lord High Treasurer to King Henry the Seventh.
p. 478.) ' So ably was this plan executed that Lord Rivers and his
a.d. i4co. son were surprized whilst in bed, and carried with all
Junuary. t l -
(Paston Lei. the shipping to Calais. After stating that the Lord
p. 187.)' ' Chancellor was gone to the King on account of Lord
Rivers' capture at Sandwich, William Paston informs
us that the latter " was brought to Calais, and before
the Lords, with eight score torches, and there my Lord
Salisbury rated him, calling him ' Knave's son, that he
should be so rude to call him, and these other Lords
traitors ; for they should be found the King's true liege
men, when he would be found a traitor.' And my Lord
Warwick rated him, and said, ' that his father was but
a squire, and brought up with King Henry the Fifth,
and since made himself by marriage, and also made a
Lord ; and that it was not his part to hold such lan
guage of Lords, being of the King's blood.' And my
Lord March rated him likewise. And Sir A nthony was
rated for his language of all the three Lords in likewise."
cause of the To this circumstance must be traced much of the ill
mositybe- blood which rankled in the bosoms of the father and
famines of brother of the future Queen of England, and which upon
Neville and ° L
Woodviiie. the Earl of March, afterwards becoming King, and
confiding almost unlimited power to the Woodvilles
caused the destruction of the house of Neville.
Duke of Nor was the Duke of York's reception in Ireland less
York in Ire- ... . . ..
land.- enthusiastic, where " he was hailed as another Messiah,"
(W/iethemp- '
stede,v. 474, and "strengthened with his earls and homagers." The
vol. i. P. iss.) Royalists were already convinced that their temporary
success at Ludlow was of no avail, and " as the King
came towards London he raised the people, aod sent

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxxiii
commissions into divers shires, that every man be ready a.d. i4go.
in his best array, to come when he shoidd send for him." Henry's Pre-
J ' paratlons for
Another naval force was stationed at Sandwich to assist S^go.)
Somerset in his attempt on Calais, but was attended
with the like ill success; being driven into Calais and jMri Audley
° taken prl-
secured, and the Lord Audley taken prisoner. ??,"" ?y
" Shortly after this the Earl of Warwick passed with (wniiam
many ships filled with armed men, by the coasts of Eng- p. 4790 "'
land into Ireland. The Duke of Exeter, the Lord High proceeds to
Admiral with a large fleet, was ordered to capture the
Earl. Nevertheless the Earl of Warwick having con
sulted the Duke of York in Ireland as to his future
plans, returned with his mother the Countess of Salis
bury, with his fleet. And towards the Feast of the
Pentecost, he met the ships of the Duke of Exeter, off
the coast of Cornwall, and notwithstanding their supe
rior number, through the supineness and deception ofandPn8se3
the sailors and others, he was allowed to pass to Calais fleet on hls
7 L return.
without fighting."
" Not long after Osbert Mountford was ordered with capture of
r-i-ii i /--t • i- o Mounttord.
five hundred armed men to Guisnes to the assistance of
the Duke of Somerset. And in the Town of Sandwich
he was captured by John Dinham, John Wenlock and
others from Calais, to which place he was conveyed, and
beheaded on the 25th of June ; and in this skirmish in
Sandwich the said John Dinham was badly wounded in
the leg by a bombard."
The result of the conference at Dublin was soon ap
parent. The Yorkists every where were called upon by The Yorkists
1-1-1 • i'i prepare for
their leaders to prepare for action, whilst a report was action.
spread that Henry disavowed the act of attainder and
was little more than a prisoner in the hands of a faction.
The victories at Sandwich gave the command of that
part of the coast to the confederated nobles, who soon
ascertained that the feelings of the multitude were with
them provided they attempted nothing against the person
of the King. On the 5th of June the Earls of Salisbury June 5th,

XXIV

INTRODUCTION.

[king HENRY

a.d. 1460. and Warwick landed at Sandwich with 2000 men, from
sandwich at whence they marched by way of Canterbury direct to
jolnedby London, their numbers increasing on their way to forty
the^Kentish thousand men,40 and being accompanied by the Pope's
legate throughout the journey.
(Whethemp. A memorial of the time issued by the Kentish men
stede, p. 479, J
and w.wyr- accounts for the rapid success of this movement. There
was no disloyalty to the King, nor personal attachment
to the House of York ; the latter was considered the
leader of the liberal party in the state, the advocate for
freedom of opinion in religious matters, and the redressor
of public grievances, whilst the advisers of the former
were supposed to support public abuses, and to resist the
desired improvements.

stede, p. 479.
- w.r
cester, p. 480.)

The Kentish " These be the Points and Causes of the qatherinq and
Memorial. — t J u u
m'ss^Z') assembling of us, the King's true liegemen of
Kent, the which we trust to remedy, with
help of him, the King, our Sovereign
Lord, and all the Commons
of England.*1

1 . The King, by the insatiable covetousness, malicious
purpose, and false-brought-of-nought persons, daily and
nightly about his Highness, is daily informed that good is
evil and evil is good.
2. They say, that our Sovereign Lord is above law,
and that the law was made but to his pleasure ; and that
he may make and break it as often as him list, without
any distinction. The contrary is true. And also, that he
should not have been sworn, in his coronation to keep it,
which we conceive for the highest point of treason that

40 On the authority of Whet-
hempstede the number is stated at
40,000. William Wyrcester says
" that when they reached Black
heath they had twenty thousand
men." — (p. 480.) A clerical error

substituting L for X will reconcile
this discrepancy.
41 These "Points and Causes"
will be found in Turner's History of
the Middle Ages, vol. iii. p. 279.

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxXV
any subject may do against his prince, to make him a.d. mgo.
reign in perjury. SJn^£,h
3. They say, how that the King should live upon his
commons, so that all their bodies and goods be [en] his.
The contrary is true ; for then he need never to set
parliament to assess any goods of them.
4. Item, they inform the King, how that the commons
would first destroy the King's friends, and after himself
and then bring in the duke of York to be their King ;
so that by these false mens' leasings,* they made him to
hate and to destroy his very friends, and love his false
traitors, that call themselves his friends.
5. They say, it is a great reproach to the King to re-
assume what he has given away for livelihood.
6. The false traitors will suffer no man to come into
the King's presence, for no cause without he will give a
bribe. 7. That the good Duke of Gloucester was impeached
of treason by one false traitor alone. How soon was he
murdered ! and never might come to his answer. And
that false traitor Pole, impeached by all the commona
lity of England, (the which number passed a quest of
24,000) might not be suffered to die as the law would,
but rather these said traitors, at the said Pole's assent,
that was as false as Fortiger would that the King should
hold battle in his own realm, in the destruction of all
his people, and of himself both.
8. They, whom the King will, shall be traitors, and
whom he will not, shall be none.
9. The law seemeth only to do wrong.
10. That our Sovereign Lord may well understand that
he hath had false counsel ; for his law is lost, his mer
chandize is lost; his commerce (hath) been destroyed; the
sea is lost ; France is lost ; himself is made so poor, so
that he may not pay for his meat nor drink ; he oweth
more, and is greater in debt, than ever was King in Eng-
* "Leasing: a lying rumour, a false report." — (Richardson.)

lxXVi INTRODUCTION. [ivING HENRY
a.d. 1460. land. This notwithstanding, yet daily these said traitors
Memorta"sh *na^ (have) been about him, awaiting when any thing
should fall, and come to him, and profit by his law, they
(have) been ready enough to ask it from him.
11. They ask gentleman's lands and goods in Kent,
and call us risers and traitors, and the King's enemies ;
but we shall be found his true liegemen.
12. We will that all men know, that we neither rob
nor steal ; but the defaults, amended, we will go home.
Wherefore we exhort all the King's true liegers to help
and support us.
13. We blame not all the lords about the King's
person, nor all gentlemen, nor all men of law, nor all
bishops, nor all priests ; but only such as may be found
guilty, by a just and a true inquiry by the law."
The papers end with these words :
God be our guide,
And then we shall speed,
Whoever says, nay !
Thus the chief motive of the confederate Lords, the
displacing of the House of Lancaster by the rival line
of York, was carefully concealed by the leaders of the
movement, though the immediate friends of the King
were not deceived as to the real intentions of York and
TheRoyaiists his followers. " The Lords Hungerford and Scales, with
Tower.— the sheriff of Kent, John Delamere of Berkshire, and
(W. Wyr- .
cester, many other armed men took possession of the Tower to
The Bishops prevent their entry into London. But on their reaching
Leter admit Southwark William Gray, Bishop of Ely, and George
Neville, Bishop of Exeter met the Earls of March, War
wick, and Salisbury, and led them into the City over the
Bridge ; and on the following morning they proceeded
to St. Pauls church, and in the presence of Thomas
Bouchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the above-
named Bishops they swore upon the Cross of St. Tho
mas of Canterbury, that they militated nothing against
the allegiance they owed to King Henry. "

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxxvii
" Having sent the Earl of Salisbury and Sir John a.d. i46o.
Wenlock to besiege the Tower of London, the Earls
of Warwick and March, with the Archbishop of Can
terbury, and the Bishop of Exeter, proceeded with a
large army toward Northampton, without the walls of
which King Henry had fixed his camp. On the tenth Battle of
of July a battle was fought there, and owing to the ton, juiy 10,
treachery and assistance (afforded to the enemy) by
Lord Grey de Ruthin, the King lost the field. There
perished Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, (w. wVr-
John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, John Earl of Beau- compare also
mont, Thomas Lord Egremont, and others to the stede, p. 480.
number of three hundred men ; whilst many were
drowned in crossing the river in their flight. Towards
the close of the battle the retainers of John Stafford
killed Sir William Lucy, whose widow shortly after was
wedded to their master."
" Upon this Queen Margaret with the Prince fled The Queen
from Eccleshall towards Chester, and was nearly taken the Prince to
prisoner by John Cleyer, a retainer of Lord Stanley, and thence *¦>
was robbed of all her goods and jewels by her own ser
vants ; nevertheless she got safely with the young prince
to her castle (Harlech) in Wales."
From thence Margaret fled into Scotland, whilst Henry con-
Henry who had fallen into the hands of the rebels, was »»<= Yorkists
, to London,
conducted with all outward forms of state and ceremony J?1? i6th.—
J (Whethemp-
to London, which he reached on the 16th of July, and "«*. ,
. . J P- 482.)
where he was affectionately received by all classes, the
confederates being thereby constrained to treat him with (w. wyr-
cestCT
becoming decorum and reverence. p- 48i.)
" The Lords Hungerford, and Scales and others who The Tower
were in the Tower, delivered it up to the besiegers by them —
capitulation, by which the besieged were to abide by the
law, but the Lords Hungerford and Scales to go free."
" But on the following sabbath as Lord Scales, the Murder of
godfather of the Earl of March, was crossing the
Thames, he was murdered in a skirmish or quarrel by
/

lxxviii INTRODUCTION. [KING HENRY
a.d. 14C0. some seamen belonging to the Earls of Warwick and
March, under the garden wall of the Bishop of Win
chester's Palace on the Banks of the Thames, intending
to have sought (the sanctuary of) Westminster. I saw
him myself lying naked," adds Wyrcester, " in the
cemetery of the Church of St. Mary Overy in South
wark. He had lain naked, being stripped of his clothes,
for several hours on the ground, but afterwards on the
same day he was honourably interred by the Earls of
The Royai- March, Warwick and others." In the same month of
headed.— July " those who had been convicted by a Jury, before
the Earl of Warwick and the other Justiciaries of the
King, of illegally holding the Tower, namely Sir Thos.
Blount, of Kent, with five others of the household of
the Duke of Exeter, were drawn to Tyburn and be
headed, and shortly afterwards, John Archer, who was
in the councils of the Duke of Exeter, shared the same
fate." The Bishop of Exeter was made Chancellor of
England, and (Henry) Lord Bourchier, Lord Treasurer.
Duke of The Duke of York came over from Ireland, and ap-
rrom Ireland9 pears to have been employed in visiting various towns to
punish loyalty to the King as a crime against the people.
This we gather from the following interesting letter.
(Fenn's Pas- " To the riqht wor ship ful Sir and Master, John Pas
ton Letters, T, . ,T • T 7 7 • -T
voi.i.p.199.) ton Esquire, at Norwich, be this Letter delivered
in haste.
Right worshipful Sir and Master, I recommend me
unto you ; please you to weet, the Monday after Our
Lady day there came hither to my Master's place, my
Master Bowser, Sir Harry Rutford, John Clay, and the
Harbingers of my Lord of March, desiring that my
Lady of York, and her two sons, my Lord George, and
my Lord Richard, and my Lady Margaret her daughter,
(which I granted them in your name) to lie here until
Michelmas. And she had not lain here two days but (before) she

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxxix
had tidings of the landing of my Lord at Chester, a.d. i4r>o.
The Tuesday next after, my Lord sent for her that she
should come to him to Harford (Hereford) and thither
she is gone ; and she hath left here both the sons, and
the daughter, and the Lord of March cometh every day
to see them.
Item, my Lord of York hath divers strange Commis- r>uke of
, . . ° . York's pro-
sions from the King, for to sit m divers towns coming giess
6' ° through the
homeward ; that is for to say, in Ludlow, Shrewsbury, country.
Hereford, Leicester, Coventry, and in other divers
Towns, to punish them by the faults to the King's
Laws. As for tidings here, the King is away at Eltham and
at Greenwich to hunt, and to sport him there biding
(during) the Parliament, and the Queen and the Prince
abideth in Wales always, and (there) is with her the
Duke of Exeter, and others with a few men as it is
said here.
And the Duke of Somerset he is in Dieppe, and with
him Master John Ormond, Whittingham, Andrew Trol-
lope and other divers, of the Garrison of Guisnes, under
the King of France's safe conduct, and they say here,
he purposes him to go to Wales to the Queen. And the
Earl of Wiltshire is still in peace at Otryght (Ottery)
at the Friars, which is Sanctuary ....
Written at London, the 12th day of October.
Your own Servant,
Christopher Hansson." Oct. 12,
1460.
This complete success of the rebels emboldened the York claims
Duke of York on his arrival in London, to advance his
claim to the throne. This was the only safety of his party,
for though so long as Margaret and the Lancastrian Lords
could be kept from the King, they would have nothing
to fear ; once allow the Queen to return, and regain the
ascendancy in the King's councils, and it was evident to
/2

IxXX INTRODUCTION. [lUNG HENRY
a.d. i-Kio. them that their treason would receive it's merited re
ward. Hence the necessity of prompt measures during
her absence, and acting under the advice of the Earls of
Salisbury and Warwick, the Duke of York, whose at
tainder had been removed by the repeal of all the acts of
Oct. i<ith. the parliament of Coventry, entered London on the 1 6th
(wnuam 0f October, and proceeded " with 500 horsemen to the
Iryri-.ester, L
p. 483.) Palace of Westminster on the 3rd day of the sitting
of parliament, proclaiming himself by his own mouth
heir to the Crown of England." Standing with his
hand resting upon the throne he appeared to wait an
invitation to place himself upon it ; and then removing
his hand again, he turned to the peers, who applauded
his thus withdrawing from his treasonable purpose, even
whilst he stood on the dais. Chafed by their previous
silence and present applause, he replied haughtily to
the request of the Cardinal Archbishop that he would
(Whethemp. visit the King, who was then in the Queen's palace :
p. 484.) " I know no one in this Kingdom, who ought not
rather to come to me ; " abruptly quitted the house,
and appropriated that portion of the palace to himself,
ms haughty which had hitherto been reserved for the King's own
pTrases'the' use. " But few of the Lords countenanced him," says
William Wyrcester, whilst Whethempstede adds em
phatically : " Every state and grade, of whatever age
or sex, order or condition, began to murmur against
him." Henry was beloved for himself. He was the son
of one King and the grandson of another. He had filled
the throne for thirty-nine years, and his enemies had
sworn fealty to him, York himself upon the sacrament,
more than once. On the ninth day of the same ses
sion the latter gave a written statement of his claim to
the Chancellor, requiring at the same time a speedy an
swer. The Lords decided that every man had a right
to be heard, and that the Duke's petition should be read;
but that in a case of so peculiar a nature they must
first receive the King's commands. Henry was made

nation.

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxxxi
acquainted with the Duke's demand the same day, to a.d. hoo.
which he replied : " My father was King ; his father Henry's title
was also King ; I have worn the crown forty years from c[.°,w;i-—
my cradle ; you all have sworn fealty to me as your p- 305O
sovereign, and your fathers have done the like to my
fathers. How then can my right be disputed ? " He
then commended himself to their loyalty, and bid them
" seek and find, as much as in them was, all such things
as might be objected and laid against the claim and title
of the said Duke." The judges declined to be advocates Oct. isiu.
for either party, and said the present question being
above the law must be referred to the Lords of the
King's blood, and to the wisdom of parliament.
The result of the parliamentary enquiry41 contains the objections to
r , . 'he Duke's
following objections to the Duke s claim. " 1. That aae-
both he and the lords had sworn fealty to Henry, and of
course he by his oath was prevented from urging, they
by theirs from admitting, his claim : 2nd. That many
acts passed in divers parliaments of the King's proge
nitors, might be opposed to the pretensions of the house
of Clarence, which acts, 'been of authority to defeat
any manner of title.' 3rd. That several entails had
been made of the crown to the heirs male, whereas he
claimed by descent from females : 4th. That he did not
bear the arms of Lionel the third, but of Edmund the
fifth son of Edward III. : and 5°. That Henry IV. had
declared that he entered on the throne as the true heir
of Henry III." To the three first objections the Duke's JV'|,,y.t" "1C
^ . . objections.
counsel replied ; that as priority of descent was evi
dently in his favour, it followed that the right to the
crown was his ; which right could not be defeated by
oaths or acts of parliament, or entails. Indeed the only
entail made to the exclusion of females was that of the
seventh year of Henry IV., and would never have been
thought of, had that prince claimed under the customary
41 See Lingard's History of England, vol. iii. p. 491 and 492.

lxxxii INTRODUCTION. [iCING HENRY
a.d. 1460. law of descents : that the reason why he had not hitherto
taken the arms of Lionel was the same as had prevented
him from claiming the crown, the danger to which such
a proceeding would have exposed him ; and lastly that if
Henry IV. pronounced himself the rightful heir of
Henry III., he asserted what he knew to be untrue.
As, however, the principal reliance of his adversaries
was on the oaths which he had taken, and which it was
contended were to be considered as a surrender of his
right by his own act, he contended that no oath contrary
to truth and justice is binding ; that the virtue of an
oath is to confirm truth and not to impugn it ; and that
as the obligation of oaths is a subject for the determina
tion of the spiritual tribunals, he was willing to answer
in any such court all manner of men, who had any thing
to propose against him."
York pro- On the ninth of the following November the Duke of
tector, York was solemnly proclaimed heir apparent, and Lord
Nov. 9th. _, i . , tt-. , i.p -i • n
Protector during the King s life, and an income ot
<^10,000 a year was assigned to him. The pride of
York disgusted even his followers. Till the compromise
had been effected he declined to visit the King, declaring
that " he was subject to no man, and that God himself
was his only superior."
By his advice the King sent for the Queen and his
son, but Margaret with the caution of a mother, de
clined to trust the Prince into the hands of those, who
The Queen had robbed him of his patrimony, but hastened to her
raises an l
army in the friends in the North, who had raised another army in
North. . J
the King's name, at York under the Duke of Somerset,
the Earls of Northumberland and Devon and the Lords
Clifford, Dacre, and Neville, who had drawn their fol
lowers together from various parts of the Kingdom,
(w. w,jr. "and had destroyed the retainers and tenants of the
pM484.) Duke of York and Earl of Salisbury."
" Parliament being prorogued in December, the Duke
and Earl hastened from London with a large armed

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. lxXxiii
force towards York, but coming unexpectedly upon the a.d. i4so.
troops of the Duke of Somerset at Worksop, their wtksop."'
vanguard was destroyed. On the 21st of December,
however, they reached Sandal Castle, with 6000 men,
and kept their Christmas there, notwithstanding that
the enemy under the Duke of Somerset and the Earl of
Northumberland, were close by at Pontefract."
" The followers of the Duke of York, having gone na«i" of
' ° ° Wakefield,
out to forage for provisions on the 29th of December, a Dec. so, moo.
dreadful battle was fought at Wakefield between the
Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland and
Lord Neville, and the adverse party, when the Duke of Death of
York, Thomas Neville, son of the Earl of Salisbury, (ibid.
Thomas Harrington, Thomas Parr, Edward Bourchier,
James Pykering, and Henry Rathforde, with many other
Knights and Squires, and soldiers to the amount of two
thousand, were slain in the field. After the battle,
Lord Clifford slew the young Earl of Rutland, the son and of the
of the Duke of York, as he was fleeing across the Rutiaud.
Bridge at Wakefield ; and in the same night the Earl
of Salisbury was captured by a follower of Sir And.
Trolloppe, and on the morrow beheaded by the Bastard Execution ot
of Exeter at Pontefract, where at the same time the Salisbury.
dead bodies of York, Rutland, and others of note who
fell in the battle, were decapitated, and their heads
affixed in various parts of York, whilst a paper crown
was placed in derision on the head of the Duke of
York." Our old gossiping Chroniclers, Grafton and Hall, a.d. ugi.
have thrown a great deal of romance into their accounts
of this Battle, but the usual shrewd conduct of York
on other occasions must lead one to doubt his having
challenged Somerset to fight, as the latter is said to
have had 18,000 men under his command, whilst the
entire forces of the Duke were not more than 6000.
We shall probably be nearer the truth in following the ,
account furnished by Wyrcester, from which it would

lxxxiv

INTRODUCTION.

[KING HENRY

A.D. 1461.

Edwardmarches
towards London.

Battle of
Mortimer'sCross, Feb. 1, 1461
-(Wyr- cester,p. 486.)

The Queen
marchcB towards London. —
(I bid. 4B&.)

appear that the Yorkists had gone out to forage and
plunder, and Somerset taking advantage of this cir
cumstance surprised and defeated the Duke, at a moment
when he was unprepared for the attack.
Edward, who now succeeded to the title of Duke of
York, and was at Gloucester, when the news of the
death of his father and brother reached him, had com
pleted his levies, and hastened with a large army to
throw himself between the metropolis and the successful
royalists. Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, the half brother
of Henry, followed in his rear with inferior forces, and
fearful of being surrounded Edward saw. the necessity
of defeating this small army. Facing suddenly about
" on the eve of the feast of the Purification of the
Virgin, he fought the Battle of Mortimer's Cross, near
Wigmore with 51,000 42 men, against the Earl of Pem
broke with only 8000 men, who, with the Earl of Wilt
shire was forced to seek refuge in flight. Owen Tudor,
however, the father of the Earl of Pembroke, Sir John
Throckmorton, and eight other of the royalist leaders
were taken and beheaded at Hereford.
"After the Battle of Wakefield Queen Margaret
came out of Scotland to York, where it was determined
by the Council of the Lords to proceed to London and
to liberate King Henry out of the hands of his enemies
by force of arms. Shortly after the feast of the Puri
fication, the Queen, the Prince of Wales, the Dukes of
Exeter and Somerset, the Earls of Northumberland,
Devonshire and Shrewsbury, the Lords Roos, Grey of
Codnor, Fitzhugh, Graystock, Welles and Willoughby
and many others, amounting in all to 24,000 men ad
vanced upon St. Albans, and at Dunstable destroyed Sir
Edward Poyning, and 200 foot."

42 This again is evidently a cleri
cal error. The text gives the num
bers in Roman numerals LI. The
transcriber probably copied the

Arabic 11 (eleven) into LI. Tlie
number of followers of the Earl
of Pembroke is written in full
" oclo." ¦

THE SIXTH.] INTRODUCTION. IxXXV
" On the Fastday, February 17th, the Battle of St. Battle of st.
Albans was fought, from which the Duke of Norfolk, Feb?1"',u6i,
and the Earls of Warwick and Arundell were forced to 486,487.)
seek safety in flight. And there the King was recovered The King
from his enemies and the Earl of Montacute, his Cham- his family.
berlain taken prisoner. The Prince of Wales came to
his father, the King in his tent, and was knighted by
him, after which the Prince knighted the Earl of
Shrewsbury, the Lord Roos and many others. In this
field fell no less than 2000 men, though not in one
battle, but in diverse skirmishes, for the country there
about is covered with wood. On the Queen's side fell
James Lutterell and Arnold Hungerford." The most
distinguished person, however, who suffered was Sir
John Grey, whose widow became Queen of England,
upon her marriage with Edward the Fourth.
The Abbot of St. Alban's furnishes us with full par- Description
ticulars of this battle. The attack commenced at the— (Whet-
r\ i i /-v ' ti i hempstede.
Cross, but the Queen s troops were speedily repulsed by p- 497, &c.)
the archers of the Earl of Warwick. They, however,
soon rallied and penetrated into St. Peter's Street,
driving the Yorkists to the heath, at the North end of
the town. Here began the deadly struggle, and ulti
mately the rebel army dispersed in all directions, and
notwithstanding the entreaties of the Abbot the King
was unable to save the town from pillage, for the North- TheRoyai-
men, who formed the Queen's army, claimed the privi- tiie town.
lege of plundering all places south of the Trent. It
was this licence which ruined the King's cause, and
rendered this important victory but a barren laurel to
the Queen. The Battle of St. Albans, though gained
by the Royalists, lost Henry the throne, for the citizens
of London, who dreaded the evils they saw accompany
the Queen's success, gladly opened their gates within Edward en-
eight days after that event to the young Duke of York, March°4th0,"'
whom they proclaimed King on the 4th of March, as claimed
-i-i -n " KinB-
JliDWARD THE rOUHTII.

Missing Page

Missing Page

lxxxviii INTRODUCTION. [siege op
a.d. U64. King's great-guns, that were charged, at once to shoot
siege of unto the said castle ; New-castle, the King's great-gun,
castie. and London, the second gun of iron, the which betide the
place, that stones of the walls flew into the sea ; Dison, a
brazen gun of the King's, smote throughout Sir Ralph
Grey's chamber oftentimes, Edward, and Richard Bom-
bartel, and other of the King's ordinance, so occupied by
the ordinance of my said Lord with men of arms and
archers, won the castle of Bamburgh with assault, maugre
Sir Ralph Grey, and took him and brought him to the
King to Doncaster, and there was he executed in this
form as followeth. My Lord Earl of Worcester Con
stable of England, sitting in judgement told him judge
ment, and remembered him saying unto him : Sir Ralph
Grey thou hast taken the order of Knighthood of the
Bath, arid any so taking that order ought to keep his
faith, the which he makes, therefore remember thee, the
law wilt thou shall proceed to judgement ; these matters
shew so evidently against thee, that they need not to
examine thee of them by certain persons of the King's
true subjects, the which thou hast wounded, and sheweth
here that thou canst not deny this, thou hast drawn thee
with force of arms unto the King our most natural
Sovereign Lord, the which thou wcetest well gave unto
thee such trust, and in such wise ministered his grace
unto thee, that thou hadst his castles in the North part
to keep ; . thou hast betrayed Sir John Astley, Knight
and brother of the garter, the which remaineth in the
hands of the King's, our sovereign Lord's, enemies in
France. Item, thou hast withstood and made fences against
the King's Majesty, and his lieutenant, the worthy Lord,
my brother of Warwick, it appeareth by the strikes of
the great guns in the King's walls of his castle of Bam
burgh. For the(se) causes dispose (thyself) to suffer
thy penance after the law. The King had ordained that

BAMBURGH.J

INTRODUCTION.

lxxxi>

thou shouldest have had thy spurs striken off by the a.d. 1464.
hard heels, with the hand of the master cook, that which s'eae °f
Bamburgh
is here ready to do as was promised at the time that he Ca8tlc-
took off thy spurs, he said to you as is accustomed that :
"And thou be not true to thy Sovereign Lord I shall
smite off thy spurs with this knife hard by the heels,"
and so shewed him the master cook ready to do his
office with apron and his knife.
Item, Sir Ralph Grey,* the King had ordained here
thou mayst see the King of arms and heralds and thine
own proper coat of arms, that which they should tear off
thy body, and so thou shouldst as well be degraded of thy
worship noblesse and arms, as of the order of knighthood,
and also here is another coat of thine arms reversed,
the which thou shouldst have worn of thy body, going
to that death ward, for that belongeth after the law.
Notwithstanding of the degrading of knighthood and
of thine arms and noblesse, the King pardons that for
thy noble grandfather the which suffered trouble for the
King's most noble predecessors.
Then Sir Ralph Grey this shall be thy penance —
thou shalt go on thy feet unto the townsend, and there
thou shalt be laid down and drawn to a scaffold, made
for thee, and that thou shalt have thine head smitten off
thy body, to be buried in the friars, thy head where it
pleased the King.-f-

* See p. 14 of Hearne's Frag
ment ; and p. 104 of Warkworth's
Chronicle. Sir Ralph Grey, of Wark,
Heton, and Chillingham, lineal an
cestor of the Earls of Tankerville,
as well as of the present Earl Grey,
was grandson of Sir Thomas Grey,
beheaded at Southampton with the
Earl of Cambridge, Aug. 5, 1415.
See the whole sheet pedigree of
Grey, in Raine's North Durham.
— (Nicholls.)

-f- This curious document pre
serves the names of the separate
pieces of Ordnance belonging to the
King. Newcastle, and London,
seem to have been made of iron ;
Dison was a brazen gun, (which
metal Edward had only recently in
troduced in the casting of his guns,)
and, with these Edward and Richard
Bombartel, seem to have been the
only five pieces employed in the
siege.
f>

XC INTRODUCTION. [HENRY VI.
Henry vi. The particulars of the death of King Henry the
iv. buried Sixth will be found at pages 93 and 94. Immediately
vault. after his accession, Henry the Seventh had his body
exhumed, and .reburied with great pomp in the royal
vault of St. George's Chapel at Windsor. The remains
of the rival kings, Henry the Sixth and Edward the
Fourth, rest within the same Chamber, and their proxi
mity in death suggested the following beautiful lines to
Pope : " Here, o'er the Martyr-King the marble weeps,
And fast beside him, once fear'd Edward sleeps ;
The grave unites, where e'en the grave finds rest,
And mingled lie the oppressor and the opprest ! "

A FEW PARTICULARS
OF THE LIFE OF
KING EDWARD THE FOURTH,
FORMERLY EARL OF MARCH.

FRAGMENT OF A CONTEMI'OUARY CHRONICLE.

ADVERTISEMENT.

This curious Fragment is preserved by Hearne, the
eminent Antiquary, at the end of his Edition of Sprott's
Chronicle. It is written by a partisan of the House of
York, who tells us himself, that he was a servant to
King Edward the Fourth. In his 16th Chapter he
gives us the only means of tracing who he was, and
from it Ave may conclude, that, if not of the Howard
Family himself, he was on terms of intimacy with " the
right illustrious Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Treasurer of
England," in whose house he appears to have been resi
dent. That he was a person of distinction is evident,
for he tells us that what he narrates he heard from the
mouth of the King, or was mostly present himself, as
well within the realm as without, especially from the
year 1468 to the year 1482. Amongst his personal
friends, who were knighted at the coronation of the
Queen, he enumerates the Lord Dumas, Sir Bartelot. de
Ribaire, Sir John Woodville, the Queen's brother, and
four citizens, Sir Thomas Cooke, Sir Matthew Philip,
Sir Ralph Jocelyn, and Sir Harry Waver. He finds
great fault with the falsification made by the Lancas
trian Chroniclers, who, on the accession of Henry VII.,
b 2

ADVERTISEMENT.

sought favour in the eyes of the King by blackening the
rival family. This slight fragment, and " The History
of the Arrival of King Edward the Fourth, and the
final Recovery of his Kingdom, Anno Domini 1471,"
are almost the only Yorkist Chronicles which have
reached our times.

THE CHRONICLE OF KING EDWARD
THE FOURTH.

INTRODUCTION.
This Edward, Earl op Marche, son and heir ofEDWARniv.
Richard, Duke of York, was born at Rouen, in Nor- i44o.' AU'
mandy (his father then being Regent there,) in the year
of our Lord 1440. And in the year of our Lord 1459,
and then being the 38th year of King Harry the 6th,
the Duke of York fled from Ludlow into Ireland. And
this Edward, with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick,
departed into Devonshire, and from thence into Guern
sey, and so to Calais, &c. After the which departing
King Harry rode into Ludlow,1 and spoiled the Town kino henry
and Castle, where-at he found the Duchess of York with Ludio^A.u. 1459, and

1 " The Duke of York, not con
fiding in his men, was forced to fly
from Ludlow into Wales, and leave
the town a prey to the King's
soldiers, who burnt and pillaged the

same ; and the Duchess of York,
residing then here, had her ward
robe sifted, and all her furniture
Bpoilcd." — (Documents connected
with Ludlow, p. 10.)

THE RILIGN OF EDWARD IV.

[hearne's

sends the her two younrr sons (then) children, the one of thirteen
Duchess of f ° \ '
York and years old, and the other of ten years old: the which
her two J . J
yonngersons. Duchess Kino: Harry sent to her sister Anne Duchess
George (I), of b J
Clarence) of Buckingham. Then after in the 38th year of King
iS'rd nn Harry> the said Duchess of York being in London, sent
her 'foresaid two sons, George and Richard, by sea into
the state (city) of Utrecht by (in) Holland, where they
remained but a while, &c. [Wherefore the late coun
terfeiters of Chronicles were worthy much to be punished
with the printer so to affirm, the Duke of Clarence,2
George to be elder brother to King Edward, considering
that he write th two contraries in his own work.]

Battle of
Wakefield,Dec. 30,
A.D. 1460.

THE HISTORY.
Chap. 1. — Edward the Fourth, of that name, son
and heir of Richard, late Duke of York, after the
decease of his father, that was slain at Wakefield the
30th day of December anno 1460,3 (and after) the
Aiab"nV>f st' ^at^e d°ne at ^t. Albans the Ash Wednesday, and won
a.d. i46i. by tjie Queen Margaret, and her 'complices,4 the said
Edward, then being Earl of the Marche, hearing of this
adventure, came down with a great number of Welsh
men, and met with Richard, Earl of Warwick, upon

2 Referring to Fabyan's Chroni
cle, HaU's Chronicle, p. 239, Graf.
ton, p. 741. See also Holinshed,
p. 703.
3 The Duke reached Wakefield
on the 24th of Dec., on which day
Hume says the battle took place.
All the old authorities, however,
agree with our text. — (See Welh-
amstede, p. 489. Contin.Hist.Croyl.
p. 550. Hall, p. 99.) " The Duke
fell in the action, and when his
body was found among the slain,
his head was cut off by Margaret's

orders, and fixed on the Gates of
York, with a paper crown upon it,
in derision of his pretended title."
— (Hume, vol. iii. p. 209.)
4 The Lord Lovelace, whilst botli
armies were engaged, treacherously
withdrew from the combat, thus
deserting the Earl of Warwick,
who commanded the Yorkists. The
king, Henry VI., fell again into the
hands of his own party. After
the battle, the town of St. Albans
was given up to plunder. — (Weth.
tiamstede, p. 497.)

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

Cotswold, and so they two joining their hosts came to- a.d. mm.
wards London, in the which season Queen Margaret
being at Barnet with King Henry sent for victuals, and
Lenten stuff to London, the which was prepared by the
Mayor and Sheriffs to send unto her, and her host ; and
when they with the victuals came to Cripplegate, the
commons arose and stopped the carts, and would suffer
none to depart out of the City, alledging divers reasons
for the same. Whereof when the Queen was certified,
and also thereupon assured of the coming of the two
Earls of Marche and Warwick, she had no great con
fidence to those of London. Wherefore she withdrew Queen war.
herself, and turned (changed) her purpose, and with the to'voITc/'''
King, her husband, and such men of war as she had,
fled northward, as fast as she might, towards York,
where at she thought herself more assured (secure).

A.D. 14(31.

Chap. 2. — The two 'foresaid Earls of Marche and Edivavd iv.
Warwick, from Cotswold kept their way straight to EcnTu,'
London,6 where they arrived, the Thursday in the first
week of Lent ; to whom resorted all gentlemen, for the
more part of the South parts, and East of England,
both spiritual and temporal; and thereupon a council
was called, whereat King Harry, for his imbecility and

5 Edward entered London amidst
the acclamations of the citizens.
" I was present," says William
Wyrcester, " heard them, and re
turned with them into the City."
The King was in his 20th year,
remarkable for the beauty of his
person, his activity, bravery and
affability. But with these qualities
he combined hardness of heart and
severity of character. He was re
vengeful to such an extreme, that
he is said to have ordered the exe
cution of a poor tradesman, who
dwelt at the sign of the Crown, for
saying " he would leave his son heir
to the Crown," — imagining this

harmless pleasantry pointed at his
assumed title. The unpopularity of
Margaret, in treating the country
as a conquered province after her
recent successes, hastened the
downfall of Henry, and " the no
bles of the Kingdom and all the
people of the midland part of Eng
land, and of the East, West and
South deserted Henry. They di
rected solemn ambassadors to Ed
ward in Wales, to declare to him
the wishes of the people, and to
urge him to hasten into England,
to help them, as delay was pro
ducing danger." — (Cont. Croyl.
p. 532.)

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

[hearne's

a.d. mci. insufficiency was by the whole House deposed, and
Edward, eldest son of Richard, late Duke of York, by
the sole assent and consent of all present, there elected
and solemnly chosen for King of England, then being of
the age (of) almost 20 ; and thereupon he with all the
Lords went in general procession, accompanied with all
the Nobles there present, and the Commons of the city,
and (was) immediately conveyed with great honour to
sits in regal Westminster; taking there possession, with sceptre
Westminster royal in his hand, sitting at the high dais6 in the Great
receives1 Hall. The which done, he went into the Abbey, where
linmagc, # /», A 1 1 j. 1 i~<
March 4, he was received with procession of the Abbot and Con-
A.D. 1401. L ,
vent there : and after that he had offered in kmgly
estate at the shrine of Saint Edward, he took homage
and fealty of such noblemen as there were present, the
which done he returned to the Bishop's palace at London
that night the 4th day of March.
Chap. 3. — The voyage (journey) determined by the
newly elected King Edward, the Fourth of the name, to
follow his enemies, King Harry the Sixth and his Queen
Northward. First on the morrow, John Duke of Nor
folk went in to his Country with all diligence, to prepare
The new for the war on the part of King Edward ; and on the
King and the r ° .
Eari of War- Saturday next followinrr, the Earl of Warwick with a
wick march J °
ogaiDStM great band of men departed out of London, Northward ;
garet. whereat (to the same) on the Wednesday next following

0 This signification of the word
dais is the same in which it is used
by Matthew Paris: "The newly
elected Abbot, solus in refectorio
prandebit supremus, habens vastel-
tum, Priore prandente ad magnam
mensam, quam Dais vulgariter ap-
pellamus." — Richardson.
7 The forces under the Earl of
Warwick are said to have amounted
to 40,000 men. Lord Fitzwalter
was sent forward to secure the
passage of Ferrybridge over the

river Ayre, but was driven back by
the Lord Clifford, and slain in the
action. Lord Clifford himself, in
turn, was killed on his retreat, and
" being particularly hated for his
murder of the young Duke of Rut
land, (brother to Edward IV.) his
son was concealed and brought up
as a poor shepherd, till Henry VII.
obtained the crown, when he was
restored to his father's estates." —
(Turner, vol. v. p. 297.)

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

the King's footmen in a great number, of the which the
most part were Welshmen and Kentish men. Then
the Friday ensuing the King Edward issued out of the
city in goodly order at Bishopsgate, then being the
12th day of March, and held on his journey following
those others, and when the fore prickers came to Ferry
bridge, there was a great skirmish whereat John Rat-
cliff, then Lord Fitzwalter, was slain, and thereupon
they ever advanced themselves till they came to Touton,
8 miles out of York, upon a Friday at night, abiding
the residue of their company, the which were assembled
in good order on the Saturday, then being Palm Sunday-
eve : and about 4 of the clock at night the two battles8
joined, and fought all night till on the morrow at after
noon ; when about the noon the foresaid John Duke of
Norfolk with a fresh band of good men of war came in,
to the aid of the new elected King Edward. This field
was sore fought. For there were slain on both parts
33,000 men, and all the season it snowed. There were
slain the Earls of Northumberland and Westmorland
with others and Sir Andrew Troloppe ; and taken the
Earls of Devonshire and Wiltshire and beheaded there ;
and the deposed King Harry, his Queen, with Henry,
Duke of Somerset, and others, in great haste fled into
Scotland.

A.D. 14(11.

Lord Fitz.
waiter slain
at Ferry
bridge.Battle of
Touton, March 29,
1401, (Palm
Sunday,) at
4 o'clock,
p. m.

The Earls of
Devonshire
and Wilt
shire be
headed at
York.

" " As if battle were the gate of
paradise, and the future an incom
prehensible dream, they raised
against each other a tumultuous
shout of execration and defiance,
and at four o'clock in the afternoon,
within three hours of complete
darkness, began the mortal struggle
by Lord Falconbridge advancing
to the attack." — (Turner, vo\. v. p.
297.) This was indeed " a sore
fought field." Our Fragment says
33,000 men were slain ; the Croy-
land Chronicler says, " they who
buried the dead declared 38,000
had fallen." Fabian says 30,000

fell, and Hall counts the slain
during the three days at 36,770
persons. A contemporary writer
(Fenn's Paston Letters, vol. i. p.
219-221) gives the Herald's report
as 28,000, and he says on Henry's
side alone, 20,000 were slain.
Amongst these were the Earl of
Westmoreland and his brother Sir
John Nevil, the Earl of Northum
berland, the Earl of Shrewsbury,
the Lords Dacres and Wells, and
Sir Andrew Trollope. The Earl
of Devonshire was beheaded at
York, immediately after the battle.
— Wethamstede, p. 517.

10 THE REIGN OF HOWARD IV. [hEAKNe's
a. v. 1-101. Chap. 4. — This victory obtained, King Edward fol
lowed the chase but a little; but shortly ho returned
unto York, whereat he kept his Easter. The bruit
(news) of this great victory was spread, so that it came
to London on Easter eve, whereat was great joy made.
The feast of Easter accomplished, the King Edward
KingEdward rode to Durham, and setting all things in good order in
Durham, and the North parts, he left behind him there the Earl of
leaving the L ,
Eari of war- AYarwick to have the oversight and governance there,
wick in the °
North.reiires and the King returned Southwards, and Eastwards,
to Sheen, and ° '
prepares for arriving at his manor of Sheen, the first day of June,
his Corona- ° J
tion. whereat he continued to the 26th day of the same
month, in the which season was prepared, and provision
made for his coronation.
Chap. 5. — The same 26th day of June the King Ed
ward removed from Sheen towards London, then being
Received by Thursday, and upon the way, received him the Mayor
the City of . . J
London. and his brethren, all in scarlet, with 400 commoners
Creation of
Knights of (common councilmen) well horsed and clad in green, and
so advancing themselves, passed the bridge, and through
the city, they rode straight unto the Tower of London,
and rested there all night, whereat on the morrow he
made 32 new Knights of the Bath, the which day at
after noon departing from the Tower, in like good order
as they came thither, these 32 new Knights proceeding
immediately before the King, in their gowns and hoods,
and tokens of white silk upon their shoulders, as is ac
customed at the Bath ; and so in this goodly order he
was brought to Westminster, whereat on the morrow,
ins corona- being St. Peter's day, and Sunday, he was solemnly
m°nster.June" crowned by the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury,
with great triumph and honour; and thereupon he
creates his created his brother George, Duke of Clarence, then
gkoroe, being of 14 years old, anno 1460.

Duke of
Clarence,

Chap. 6. — In the first year of King Edward a Par-

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV,

11

liament8 was called at Westminster the 4th day of Sep- a.d. mi.
tember, and upon the 5th day of the same month, John
Mowbray Duke of Norfolk died, and thereupon imme
diately Richard,9 youngest brother of the King, was creates his
created Duke of Gloucester, and John Mowbray, son of Richard,
p ),"kc of
the aforesaid John, was created Duke of Norfolk, on cioncester,
and creation
Allbalowcn day. And in the same solemnity Harry of Peers.
Bourchier, Earl of Ewe, was created Earl of Essex.
He wedded Isabel, sister to Richard, Duke of York,
father to King Edward. And also AVilliam Neville,
Lord Falconbridge, uncle to the King, was created Earl
of Kent, — in the which seasons grew many grudges
secretly. In so much that Harry Vere, Lord Aubrey,
accused his own father, the Earl of Oxford, of trea
son, whereupon they were both taken the 12th day of
February in the same year, and brought to the Tower of
London,"1 and shortly thereupon, the 20th day of the same

8 Edward concluded his first
parliament by the unusual but
popular measure of a speech from
the throne to the Commons de
livered by himself. — (See this curi
ous document at length in Turner's
History, vol. v. p. 302.) It was
during this session that the statute
was passed, prohibiting the great
and rich from giving or wearing
any liveries or signs of companion
ship, except while serving under
the King j from receiving or main
taining plunderers, robbers, male
factors, or unlawful hunters j and
from allowing dice and cards iu
their houses beyond the twelve days
of Christmas.— (Part. Rolls, 488.)
9 Harl. MS. 7371, ad Regnum.
He married Anne, second daughter,
and one of the heirs of Richard
Neville, Earl of Warwick and Sa-
rum, by whom he had issue, Ed
mund, who died young. When
Richard came to the throne he was
only 30 years and 9 months old, as
he was born at Fotheringay, Oct.
2nd, 1452, and little more than

thirty-three when he fell at Bos-
worth field. Sir John Neville, bro
ther to the Earl of Warwick, was
made Lord Montacute. The King
constituted William Neville, whom
he had created Earl of Kent, Ad
miral of England, Ireland and Aqui-
tain, July 13, 1462.— (MS. Brit.
Mus. Olho, E. IX.)
ln See Hall's Chronicle, p. 189 ;
Grafton's Chronicle, p. 658, and
Fabian's Chronicle, p. 215. The
Earl and his son were detected iu a
correspondence with Queen Marga
ret, and tried by martial law before
the Constable, this law having just
been introduced into Civil Govern
ment. The office of Constable was
abolishedby Henry VIII. The power
of his court was in direct violation of
Magna Charta, and utterly at vari
ance with true constitutional liberty.
Indeed if any one will peruse the
patent granted to Earl Rivers by
Edward IV. it will be evident that
in the hands of a dependent on the
Crown, a heartless, cruel, and vin
dictive tyrant could commit, under

12

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

[

HEARNE S

Execution of month, both the falhcr and the son were brought unto the
the Furl of . b
oxford, and Tower Hill, where they suffered death, both on one day ;
Ins son, Lord . J J
Aubrey, Feb. how be it, the chronicles, lately made, affirmcth that the
-1, 141,2. ,
Earl should be executed 6 days after ; for it was a piteous
sight to see them both, father and son, in such distress.
Item, the same year was taken Sir Baldwin Fulford, and
beheaded at Bristol.

Siege of Aln
wick Castle.
A.D. l-WJ.

Chap. 7. — This second year of King Edward, Sir
Piers de Bracy [the which before had robbed Sandwich
in the 35th year of King Harry the Sixth] came out of
Scotland in the favour of King Harry, and stole by
treason the Castle of Alnwick, whither were sent against
him Sir William Lord Hastings, and with him were Sir
John Howard, and clivers Lords and gentlemen, and
with a strong power (he) besieged the castle; in the
which time the said Sir Piers had many injurious words
against those lords, the which, notwithstanding, he was
fain to fall to agreement. Whereupon such appointment
made, he with his Frenchmen and Scots departed " the

the appearance of a trial, murders,
which, but for this unrighteous
power, would have brought his head
to the block. — (See the word : Con-
stabularius, in Spellman.) Sir
Thomas Tudenham, Sir William
Tyrrel, and John Montgomery, were
also tried and convicted in the same
arbitrary court. — (Hume, vol. iii.)
11 When the King (Henry VI.)
with Queen Margaret arrived in
Scotland after the battle of Touton,
lie promised great rewards to several
of the powerful nobility in his in
terest. To George, Earl of Angus,
he granted an estate of 2000 marks
a year, between the Trent and Hum-
ber, to be erected into a duchy after
his restoration. Though the Earl
never obtained this reward, he was
induced by the promise to raise his
followers, (Holinshed says, to the
amount of 13,000 men,) and suc
ceeded in bringing off the French
garrison, which was besieged in Aln
wick Castle.— (Godscroft, p. 216.)

" George, Earl of Angus, ad
vanced with 10,000 men, and making
show as if he meant to charge the
English army, which had invested
the castle, whilst the latter formed
themselves into line of battle, he
brought up a party of his stoutest
horses to the postern gate, to whom
the garrison made a sally, and every
one mounting behind a trooper, (or
as others say, ou spare horses,)
brought on purpose for them, the
whole were securely conveyed into
Scotland. The garrison, before their
departure destroyed all the arms and
ammunition they could not carry
off. A few years ago, on opening
the well of the Inner Court, which
had long been filled up, a great
number of cannon balls, such as
were used on the first discovery of
gunpowder, were found, and which
had probably been thrown into the
wellbythegarrison." — (Manuscript
History of Alnwick.)

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD

13

30th day of July. How-be-it James the Second, late a.d. uoz.
King of Scots, was slain at Roxburgh in shooting off a
gun that burst."
Chap. 8. — After the surrendering of this Castle, in
the winter following were taken, and put in the Tower
for treason, Sir Thomas Tudenham Knight, Sir Wil-
liam Tyrrel Knight, and John Montgomery Esquire,
the which all three were beheaded at the hill soon upon
their judgement. And in the same November Dame Queen Mar-
Margaret, late Queen, came out of France into Scot- from France,
land, and entered England with a great band [of men] of i4sa.
Frenchmen and Scots ; of the which, when the King
Edward was certified, he hastened Northward with a
great power. But Queen Margaret, hearing of the
King's coming, withdrew to her ships, taking a Carvelle,
purposing to return in to France, but through tempest,
she was fain to take a fisher's boat, and saved herself at
Berwick, and the Carvelle with all her treasure 13 was Her fleet
, driven ashore
drowned ; how be it the goods were recovered to the at Hamburgh
° . Castle. She
King's behoof, as some men say, \cujus contrarium verum escapes to
est] . Some other of her Company, to the sum of four or
five hundred men, were thrown on land at Bamburgh;
and, seeing no remedy to escape, they burnt their ships,
and fled in to an Island I3 thereby, where they were slain
and taken every one by certain gentlemen there. And
shortly thereupon Harry Duke of Somerset, and Sir The Duke of
. Somersetand
Ralph Percy submitted themselves to the King, to whom sir Ralph
r J °' Percy submit

12 " The Earl of Huntley, with
his followers, arriving in the camp,
the King conducted him to the
trenches, to be present at the dis
charge of the Artillery against the
fort, Aug. 3, A.D. 1460 j but un
fortunately one of the guns burst,
killed the King on the spot, and
wounded the Earl of Angus, without
hurting any other person." — (Hen
ry, vol. ix. p. 359.)

13 She had obtained a loan of
20,000 livres from Lewis XI. Her
French troops took shelter in Lin-
disfarn or Holy Island, but were
soon after attacked by a superior
force and the greatest part taken or
killed. Their Commander, Peter de
Breize, Senechal of Normandy, how
ever, made his escape to Berwick,
accompanied by a few followers. —
(Monslrelet .)

14

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [iIEARNn's

to Edward
IV.
A.D. 14(1:1,

he gave his grace and pardon. And in the same year
the said Duke of Somerset, hearing how that the de
posed King Harry the Sixth prepared a great army to
reenter into England, he fled from King Edward to the
said King Harry into Scotland.

Lord Monta-
cute marches
against tlie
Queen's
forces, April,
14C4.
Battle of
Hexham,
May 15, 1464.

Siege of
Hamburgh.

King Henry
VI. taken
prisoner, and
sent to l lie
Tower.

Chap. 9. — This same year in the beginning of April
John Neville, Marquis of Montague,14 brother to the
Earl of Warwick, being the King's Lieutenant in the
North, and hearing of the coming of King Harry, as
sembled a great host, and fought with him at Hexham,
from whence the said King tlarry fled, and lost his
treasure there. There were taken and beheaded the
said Duke of Somerset,15 the Lord Huntingford, and the
Lord Roos, with divers others. Then the said Marquis
with the Earl of Warwick, went to Bamburgh and won
the Castle by assault, whereat divers gentlemen were
taken. And after this skirmish at Hexham King Harry
was taken in a wood, by one William Cantlow, and
brought to the King, and afterwards committed to the
Tower 1C at London, whereat he continued in captivity

u Montacute, vide note 9. He
was made Warden of the Marches
towards Scotland June 1, 1463, with
power to array all men in the nor
thern counties, between 16 and 60
years of age. — (Rymer, torn. II. p.
500.) He was created Earl of
Northumberland, and afterwards
Marquis of Montague. — (Biondi.)
15 Henry Duke of Somerset was
beheaded in Hexham with four
others : Somerset's defection was
probably caused by the nonfulfil-
ment on the part of Edward of tlie
payment stipulated, when he de
livered up the Cjistle of Bambo-
rough. — (See Warkworth's Chro
nicle.) William Taylbois, Earl of Kyme,
Thomas Lord Roos, Robert Lord
Hungerford, and Sir Thomas Fyn-
clerne, were taken a few days after

the Battle, and beheaded at New
castle, and twelve Knights and gen
tlemen were carried to York and
there executed. The Governor of
Bamburgh Castle, Sir Ralph Gray,
was beheaded atDoncaster. — ( Will.
Wyrcester, p. 498-99.) In the
notes to Warkworth's Chronicle,
edited by Mr. Halliwell, p. 36, is
a very curious document relating to
this siege, taken from the MS. in
the College of Arms.
,r' "As he sate at Dinner in Wad-
dington Hall he was betrayed, and
conveyed to London with his legs
bound to the stirrups, where, as
soon as he was arrived, he was ar
rested by the Earl of Warwick, and
committed to the Tower." — (Eng
land's Happiness, p. 150.)
Sir John llarington has pre
served some beautiful verses com-

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

15

unto the 18th day of October in the year of our Lord a.d. iigi.
1469.

Chap. 10. — And the same year, after many pastimes
of youthly course, King Edward seeing no marriages
convenient for his estate out of the realm, and also none
outlanded (no foreign) prince there was, that durst
adventure to marry with him ; in so much that King
Harry the Sixth [as] then was at liberty — Howbeit
that some there be, that affirm the Earl of Warwick
should have been Ambassador for him in Spain, to have
Isabell, sister of King Harry of Castile, the which
affirming is not truth, for the Earl of Warwick was
never in Spain, but continued all this season with his
brother, John Marquis Montague, in the North parts,
to withstand the coming in of King Harry the Sixth,
the which King Harry was taken this year, as is above
said ; and the said Isabell was married unto Ferdinand,
then being Prince of Arragon, and continued a great
season together being married, her brother Harry before
said being King of Castile, as witness the chronicles as
well of Castile as of Arragon, etc. These premises Edward iv.
considered, King Edward being a lusty prince attempted Lady F.n-,.a.
, .,. T , p ,. , ,. ,bethWood-
the stability and constant modesty ot divers ladies and viiie.May i,
-iii ,i A.D. 1403
gentlewomen, and when he could not perceive none of (should be
& l 14U4).
such constant womanhood, wisdom and beauty, as was
Dame Elizabeth,17 widow of Sir John Grey of Groby

posed by Henry during his capti
vity, which, as they express so well
the state of his mind, may not be
unacceptable to the reader : —
" Kingdoms are but cares ;
State is devoid of stay ;
Riches are ready snares,
And hasten to decay."
" Pleasure 's a privy prick
Which vice doth still provoke ;
Pomp, unprompt ; and fame a
flame ;
Power a smouldering smoke."

" Who meaneth to remove the rock
Out of the slimy mud,
Shall mire himself, and hardly
'scape
The swelling of the flood."
Henrie.
17 The King's marriage with the
Lady Elizabeth Woodville, Widow
of Sir John Grey de Groby, and
daughter of Jacqueline de Luxem-
burgh, Duchess of Bedford, by her
second husband, Sir Richard Wood
ville, Lord Rivers, was consum-

16

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [hEARNe's

A.D. 1404.

There is a
vacancy in
the MS. for
the name.

late defunct, he then with a little company came unto
the Manor of Grafton, beside Stony Stratford, whereat
Sir Richard Woodville, Earl of Rivers, and Dame
Jacqueline, Duchess-dowager of Bedford, were then
dwelling ; and after resorting at divers times, seeing the
constant and stable mind of the said Dame Elizabeth,
early in a morning the said King Edward wedded the
foresaid Dame Elizabeth there on the first day of May in
the beginning of his third year, and in the year of our
Lord 1463. The priest that wedded them lieth buried
at the Minories by London before the high Altar,
whose name was * * * * And God gave unto
them a goodly issue, that is to say four sons and seven
daughters ; howbeit that lewd fellow, that drew those

mated May 1, A.D. 1463. The
King, passionately fond of the fair
sex, had hitherto met with no re
pulse in his search after pleasure.
Tlie. •beauty, virtue, and accom
plishments of this illustrious lady
were the sole reasons of her being
raised to the throne, and though
the account here narrated divests
this episode in our History of much
of its romance, it is probably on
that account nearer the truth.
" This marriage was for some
time kept a careful secret. But at
Michaelmas the King avowed it ;
and the Queen was presented by
Clarence and Warwick, to the Lords
and people at Reading as their
Queen. In December lands to the
value of 4000 marks were settled
upon her ; and on the Ascension-
day, in tlie following year, the King
made thirty-eight Knights at the
Tower of London, preparatory to
her Coronation." — (Turner, vol. v.
p. 310.)
It is to this marriage, in a great
measure, that the rise of the Mid
dle-class in the Country owes its
origin. Fearful of the jealousy of
the powerful Landed Aristocracy,
which in the recent events had made
and unmade Kings, Edward sought

by concessions to the smaller gentry
and wealthy citizens to raise a bar
rier round the throne. By dis
placing the Nobles who had hitherto
supported his pretensions and even
tually placed him on the throne, by
the Father, brothers, sisters' hus
bands, and uncles of the Queen, "he
threw the ancient nobility into the
back ground, and brought forward
a new set of individuals to take
from them their power, influence,
honours and emoluments." The
lavish hand with which he bestowed
these upon the Queen's family has
no parallel in history. Lord Rivers
was made Lord Treasurer, and also
Grand Constable ; the Heiress of
the Duke of Exeter, whom War
wick had destined for his nephew,
was married to the Queen's son by
her former husband ; the Queen's
sister Maria was matched with the
heir of Lord Herbert ; another was
wedded to the Duke of Bucking
ham ; and three others united to
the families of the Earls of Arundell,
Essex and Kent. John, another
brother, was wedded to the old
Duchess of Norfolk, a match, which,
by the way, disgusted all parties.
Anthony married the heiress of
Lord Scales, which title he assumed.

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF F.DWAIID IV. 17
last burnt chronicles, abused himself greatly in his dis- a.d. um.
ordered writing, for lack of knowledge. And whereas
he writeth, that Mary, daughter of the Duke of Geldres, The author
, p refutes the
and wi'dow of the late defunct James King of Scots, statement of
. . 'he Lancas-
with other more were presented unto him in marriage, tlin" chro-
1 ° niclcrs re-
as for a choice, it is not truth; for the adversaries of spectiug the
marriage.
this King Edward were maintained in Scotland by the
said Dame Mary and her ''complices unto this time,
and after as appeareth evidently. For in this same year
King Harry was taken in the North, as is before speci
fied, and Edmond, Duke of Somerset, with his brother
John, were yet in Scotland with Queen Margaret, etc.
Chap. 11. — In the year of our Lord 1464, this King a.d. i4G4.
Edward, somewhat eased of his enemies, began to have pen with the
regard unto the redressing of the inconveniences used in
the realm for fault of Justice and misordering of money.
Wherefore in the latter end of this year he changed his
coin.18 First he made the royal of gold, price 10s. ;
the half royal, 5s. ; and the fourthing, 2s. 6d. Secondly,
he made the noble, and named it the Angel, of the price
6s. 8d. ; with the half of the same, 3s. id. Further
more he made the Groat, the half groat, and pence of
less value by 8d. in the ounce than the old groat was.
And fine gold was enhanced to 40s. the ounce, and other
base gold after the rate, with other divers ordinance of
money. And on the 26th day of May the Queen Eliza- coronation
beth was crowned at Westminster with great solemnity, Elizabeth,
-, ,r . , p ,, t, ,i 19 t , May 26, 1464
whereat were made Knights of the Bath as 1 knew (should be
° 1466), and

18 The policy of thus tampering
with the coin has always been ques
tionable. William Wyrcester, a
contemporary, complains of the in
jury suffered thereby, particularly
by the nobility (p. 500). The au
thor of the Fragment makes a mis
take respecting the noble. It was
raised from 6s. 8d. to 8s. id.— (W.
Wyrc. c 500.)

19 In honour of the solemnity
he made no fewer than 37 Knights
of the Bath, on Thursday, May 23,
among whom were several of the
chief nobility. On Friday the
Queen was met at Shooter's Hill
by the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and
Citizens of London, nobly mounted,
and richly dressed, and conducted
to the Tower ; from whence on Sa-

18

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

[hearne's

creation of the Lord Dumas, Sir Bartelot de Ribaire, of Bayen,
tiieiBuhatth°f Gascons ; Sir John Woodvillc, brother to the Queen,
etc., and of the City, four : Thomas Cooke, Matthew
Philip, Ralph Josselyn, and Harry Waffir (Waver)
where (and there) also were made divers others at West
minster the day beforesaid of coronation.
The Princess Chap. 12.— This year in the month of February, and
sRl™' in the fifth year of King Edward, the Queen was deli-
nthFeb. vered of a daughter (Elizabeth), the which was chris-
the isth j™. tened in Westminster, the 11th of February, 1466, to
riedHe'nry whom was godfather the Earl of Warwick, and god
mothers were Cicely, Duchess of York, and Jacomyne
(Jacqueline) Duchess of Bedford, Mothers to the King
and Queen. This year were other things done, the
which are of little importance.
The Battle of And in this year was a great battle in France, at
juiy 17th,' a place called Montlhery, betwixt Lewis the Xlth then
King in France and the said Charles, whereat the Duke
of Somerset was on his party, and there were slain
3000 and 600 men, so that the victory remained to
Charles, the 17th day of July Anno 1465.
Chap. 13. — In this year and in the month of June,
then being it the fifth year of King Edward, Anthony
The Bastard Bastard 20 of Burgundy came into England, with divers
of Burgundy ° J °
demands the others from Duke Charles of Burgundy, to treat for a
hand of the _ _ ° J '
Princess marriage betwixt the said Duke Charles and Dame
Margaret for °

turday she was carried in a horse-
litter, preceded by the new made
Knights, to Westminster, where she
was crowned on Sunday, by the
Archbishop of Canterbury, with the
usual ceremonies." — (Henry, vol.
ix. p. 191.)
20 See Bulwer's Novel of " The
Last of the Barons," vol. ii. p. 102.
The Croyland Historian states this
Burgundian Alliance to have been
the cause of Warwick's quarrel with
King Edward. His words are : —

' ' Upon which (the marriage of
Margaret with Charolois) Richard
Neville, Earl of Warwick, who had
so many years taken party with the
French against the Burgundians,
conceived great indignation ; and I
hold this to be the truer cause of
his resentment, than the King's
marriage with Elizabeth, for he had
rather have procured a husband for
the aforesaid Princess Margaret in
the Kingdom of France." — (Ibid.
vol. i. p. 17.)

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

19

Margaret, sister to King Edward, the which was con- the Eari of
eluded. 20 After the which was great triumph made ;
most especial in Smithfield21 were Justs, whereat the Tournament
said Anthony Bastard, and Anthony Woodville, Lord field.
Scales, brother to the Queen, with divers others ran
divers days, and those two beforenamed fought on foot
with axes, as men courageous and greatly expert in
those feats of war. And this done the said Bastard
returned into France : and Edmond, Duke of Somerset22

21 This combat between the two
Anthonysis thus described : — "And
on the first day they ran together
certain courses with sharp spears,
and so departed with equal honour.
The next day they entered the field,
the Bastard sitting on a Bay courser,
being somewhat dim of sight, and
the Lord Scales had a grey courser
on whose schaffron was a long and
sharp pike of steel. When these
two valiant persons coped together
at the tournay, the Lord Scales'
horse, by chance or by custom,
thrust his pike into the nostrils of
the horse of the Bastard, so that,
for very pain, he mounted so high,
that he fell on one side with his
master ; and the Lord Scales rode
round about him, with his sword
shaking in his hand, till the King
commanded the marshall to help up
the Bastard, which openly said, ' I
cannot hold by the clouds ; but
though my horse failed me, surely
I will not fail my counter-compa
nions.' And when he was re
mounted, he made a countenance
to assail his adversary ; but the
King, either favouring his brother's
honour then gotten, or mistrusting
the shame which might come to the
Bastard, if he were again foiled,
caused the heralds to cry a lostel,
and every man to depart. The mor
row after, the two noblemen came
into the field on foot, with two
poleaxes, and there fought valiantly
like two courageous champions ;
but at the last, the point of the axe
of the Lord Scales happened to

enter into the sight of the helm of
the Bastard, and by pure force he
might have plucked him on his
knees, when the King suddenly
cast down his warder, and then the
marshalls them severed. The Bas
tard, not content with this chance,
very desirous to be avenged, trust
ing on his cunning at the poleaxe,
(the which feat he had greatly exer
cised, and therein had a great ex
periment,) required the King, of
justice, that he might perform his
enterprize : the Lord Scales not
refused it. The King said he would
ask counsel, and so called to him the
constable and marshall, with the
officers of arms. After long con
sultation had, and laws of arms re
hearsed, it was declared to the
Bastard, for a sentence definitive,
by the Duke of Clarence, then con
stable of England, and the Duke of
Norfolk, earl marshall, that if he
would pvosecute farther this at
tempted challenge, he must, by the
law of arms, be delivered to his ad
versary in the same case, and like
condition, as he was when he was
taken from him ; that is to say, the
point of the Lord Scales' axe to be
fixed in the sight of his helm, as
deep as it was when they were se
vered. The Bastard, hearing this
judgment, doubted much the se
quel, if he should so proceed again.
Wherefore he was content to relin
quish his challenge." — (Hall's
Chronicle, p. 268.)
22 Philip de Commines says, he
himself has seen these noble Lan-

20

THE RF.1GN OF EDWARD IV.

[ukakne'.s

a.d. 1468. departed a little before into France and returned unto
Duke Charles, the which at that time was in Flanders,
and was retained with him in his wars. And in the
same year Philip Duke of Burgundy, Father to the said
Charles, died in the town of Bruges the 16th day of
June.
Princess Chap. 14. — This 7th year, Margaret Sister unto King
wedTcharies Edward beforesaid, departed from the King, and rode
gu'ndy? jui"yr" throughout London behind the Earl of Warwick, and
rode that night to Stratford Abbey, and from thence
to the sea-side, and went into Flanders to Bruges,
where she was married with great solemnity : and after
the feast done, the same night the Duke and she rode
out of the Town to a Castle called Male, one mile out of
Bruges : and, when they were both in bed, the Castle
was set on fire by treason, so that the Duke and she
'scaped narrowly.
And within short space after those astertes (escapes)
[as] the Duchess of Norfolk with others returned into
England, in whose company were two young gentlemen,
that one named John Poyntz,23 and that other William
Alsford, the which were arrested because, in the time of
the 'foresaid marriage, they had familiar communication
with the Duke of Somerset and his 'complices there, in
the which they were both detected of treason : where
upon one Richard Steris (Steers), skinner of London,

castrians, including the Duke of
Exeter, " barefoot and barelegged,"
in the Low Countries in as common
a plight as beggars.
23 " My Lord of Oxford is com
mitted to the Tower, and is said to
be kept in irons, and that he hath
confessed much things. And on
Monday, afore St. Andrew's-day,
one Alford and Poirer, gentlemen
to my Lord of Norfolk, and one St.

Peirs, skinner of London, were be
headed. And on the morning after
Sir Thomas Tresham was arrested
and is committed to the Tower, and
it is said he was arrested upon the
confession of my Lord of Oxford,
and they say his livelihood, and Sir
John Marney's livelihood, and di
vers other livelihoods are given
away by the King." — (Plumpton
Correspondence, edited by Mr. Sta-
pleton, p. 20.)

FRAGMENT.] THIS REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

21

with those two were beheaded at the Tower Hill, the Execution of
21st day of November. ford and
Steers, Nov.
21, 1468.
Chap. 15. — This year Tas writeth Gaguin24 in his EariofWar-
J L ° wick sent
Chronicle], Richard Earl of Warwick was sent as Ambassador
J t to trance.
Ambassador from King Edward unto Louis the xi.,
then King of France ; the which Richard came up the
river Seine to a place called Boylle (La Bouille) in
Normandy 15 miles from Rouen from whence he came
unto Rouen by water, with great triumph, and was re
ceived in to Rouen, with procession and great honour
in to our Lady's Church, the said King then being in
Rouen. And his offering done, he repaired to his
lodging until the time that the Duke of Bourbon fetched
him unto the court, where he was welcomed greatly.
And after his proposition [was] made, he had secret
communing26 with the said French King alone, and
none other but they two. And this endured by the
space of 12 days continually. And after his business
(was) finished26 he took his leave, and departed with
many great gifts and rich, as well of the French King
as of the Duke of Bourbon, returning into England ; in
whose company went to King Edward, as Ambassadors The Bastard
sent from King Louis, the Admiral of France, called and other
o 7 Ambassadors
the Bastard of Bourbon, the Bishop of Laon, Sir John arrive from

21 Gnguin says, the Earl was re
ceived by Louis XI. at Rouen with
great pomp ; and that they held
frequent secret conferences. On
his departure, the King loaded the
Ambassador with presents.
26 It was certainly not with his
usual foresight that Edward em
ployed the Earl of Warwick in this
embassy. The Earl had been deeply
affronted by the favours heaped upon
the Queen's relatives, to the detri
ment of himself and family. Ra-
pin says: — "The Earl mortally
hated Edward, though he concealed
his aversion in order to show it
effectually.'' During his stay in

Fiance, it may be presumed he
took the opportunity to secure
Louis's protection, and concert
measures with him concerning the
dethronement of Edward. — (Rapin,
vol. v. p. 37.)
25 "-Warwick concluded a truce
with Louis for 18 months, and
returned to London, July 5, 1467.
He was followed into England by
the Archbishop of Narbonne and
the Bastard of Bourbon, who made
Edward the most tempting offers to
engage him to form an alliance
with the court of France. But
these offers came too late and were
rejected." — (Hcnry,vo\.ix.\i. 195.)

22

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IY. [llEARNE S

a d. 1468. Popaurcote, and Oliver Rous, the which Ambassadors
abode in England by the space of four months. And
at their returning, amongst other great gifts, King
Edward gave unto them great mastiffs, colars, leashes
and horns; for the which gifts the 'foresaid Gaguin
maketh a manner of a mock, as appcareth in the same
his book and chapter.

The author Chap. 16.— Oftimes it is seen that divers there are,
S^"^?' the which foresee not the causes precedent and subse-
nScnrenf- quent; for the which they fall many times into such
error, that they abuse themselves and also others, their
successors, giving credence to such as write of (from)
affection, (partiality) leaving the truth that was in deed.
Wherefore, in avoiding all such inconveniences, my
purpose is, and shall be, [as touching the life of King
Edward the Fourth] to write and shew those and such
things, the which I have heard of his own mouth. And
also in part of such things, in the which I have been
personally present, as well within the realm as without,
during a certain space, most especially from the year of
our Lord 1468 unto the year of our Lord 1482, in the
which the forenamed King Edward departed from this
present life. And in witness whereof the Right Illus
trious Thomas,27 Duke of Norfolk, Treasurer of England,

ThomaB Howard

Duke of Nor- as most personally present [fpr the most part of his
flourishing age] in the house of the said right noble

" Thomas Howard, Earl of Sur
rey and Duke of Norfolk, was
Lord Treasurer from 1500 to 1522.
He was the son of Sir John How
ard, Duke of Norfolk, the " Jocky
of Norfolk," who fell at Bosworth,
in the cause of his sovereign
Richard III. for which " trea
son " (1 1 1) the titles were for
feited. The Earldom of Surrey
was restored in 1481), and in con
sequence of his services at Flodden
Field, he was created Duke of

Norfolk in February, 1514. He
died in 1524, and was succeeded
by his son Thomas, third Duke of
Norfolk, father to the Poet, the
Earl of Surrey. The poet was
the issue of the second marriage ;
for by his first wife, Anne, Daughter
of King Edward the Fourth, he
left no children. His second wife
was the Lady Elizabeth Stafford,
Daughter of the Duke of Buck
ingham.

FRAGMENT.] THE KEIGN OF EDWARD IV.

23

prince continually conversant, can more clearly certify a.d. 1468.
the truth of all such acts and things, notable of memory,
the which fell in his time. Of the which I am well
assured, no man living may of very truth and right
object to the contrary of his saying. Therefore, in
avoiding all inconveniences, coloured chronicles, and
affectionall (partial) histories, my purpose is to shew
the truth, to avoid all ambiguity of the first motive, and
original cause, wherefore Richard Neville, Earl of War
wick, withdrew himself from the amity of the 'foresaid
King Edward the Fourth. Sure and of truth it is, as
it appeareth in the chapters previous, the said Richard,
Earl of Warwick, was sent into Normandy as Ambas
sador with others, whose secret counsellings betwixt
the French King and him (self) alone, brought him
greatly in suspection (suspicion) of many things, inas
much that his insatiable mind could not be content, and
yet before him was there none in England of the half
possessions28 that he had. For first he had all the
Earldom of Warwick whole, with all the Spencer's Eari of war-
lands ; the Earldom of Salisbury. (He loas) Great sessions arid
trrcut olTu'cs
Chamberlain of England, Chief Admiral and Captain of
Calais, and Lieutenant of Ireland; the which posses
sions amounted to the sum of 20,000 marks, and yet he
desired more. He councilled and enticed the Duke of
Clarence, and caused him to wed his eldest daughter,
Isabel,29 witbout the advice or knowledge of King Ed- Duke of
... ° , Clarence
ward. Wherefore the King took a great displeasure marries is»-
° ° r bel, Daughter
with them both, and thereupon were certain unkind °f the Earl
x of Warwick.

28 He had the entire Earldom of
Warwick, all the land of the Spen
cers, and the Earldom of Salisbury.
He was Great Chamberlain of
England, Chief Admiral, and Cap
tain of Calais, as well as Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland. His own
estates besides amounted to no less
than 20,000 marks a year. His
expenses were, however, enormous ;

for " on coming to London each
morning were consumed for break
fast in his house six oxen, and all
the taverns were full of his meat."
—(Stowe, p. 421.)
29 This marriage gave great of
fence to the King, and here we
have another cause, without re
sorting to romantic fictions, for the
quarrel of the King and the Earl.

24

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [HEARNE S

A.D. 1468.

Battle of
Hedgecote,
July 25th,
1461).

The Earl of
Pembrokeand Sir Rd.
Herbertbeheaded.LordStaffordbeheaded.

words betwixt them, in so much, that after that day
there was never perfect love betwixt them. Whereupon
privy letters were sent into the North, into the West
country, and into Wales, whereby that the Lord Her
bert (Earl of Pembroke) came to Banbury with seven
or eight thousand men without any Archers. And
Plumphrey, Lord Stafford of Suthwicke, came out of
Somersetshire and Devonshire with four or five thousand
men also to Banbury ; whereat their Harbingers fell at
variance for lodgings, in so much that the said Lord
Stafford of Suthwicke withdrew himself back ten or
twelve miles. And in this season the Northern men
with their captain, the Lord Latimer, which was slain
there, drew nigh to Banbury to a place called Hedge-
cote30 upon the grounds of a gentleman named Clarell;
of the which insurrection when the King was advertised
by the Earl of Warwick, he sent out of London one
Clapham with the sum of fifteen thousand men, what of
household men and soldiers of Calais, whose coming was
the winning of the field. For the Lord Herbert was
slain, and Sir Richard, his brother, was brought to
Northampton and beheaded there, and the Lord Staf
ford, the which came too late to the field, returned into
his country, and was taken by the commons and be
headed at Bridgewater, and buried in Glastonbury.
And so King Edward lost there two good captains.

Chap. 17. — In the same year those before-said Northern

30 The Battle of Hedgecote Field
placed the King in the power of
Warwick. The Earl finding the
detention of the King unpopular,
a hollow truce was concluded, and
outwardly a reconciliation took
place. But how could Edward
forget the murder of the Queen's
father and brother ? and though he
yielded to the Earl's " insatiable
mind," by creating him in addition

to his other dignities, Grand Jus
ticiary of Wales and Constable of
Cardigan, could he forget his trea
son ? Will. Wyrcester says 1,500
of the Northerns were killed.
Four thousand Welsh fell, and the
Earl of Pembroke and the other
nobles were beheaded by the secret
orders of Warwick. — (Hist. Croyl.
p. 513.)

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

men took Richard, Lord Rivers,31 then Treasurer of a.d. uss.
England, and one of his sons with him named Sir John and sir John
Woodville, and smote off their heads : and, as some beheaded.
men said, it was done by the consent of the Earl of War
wick, the which was known more clearly afterwards. For
a little before there was a rising in the North Country
made by unnamed gentlemen, and (they) named their cap
tain Robin of Riddisdale,32 the which Insurrection was the Robin of
.... „ . . Redesdale.
beginning and cause ot many inconveniences, as appeared
soon afterwards. Howbeit they were pardoned for their
Rebellion soon upon Alhalowen Tide after. And anon
thereupon the Lord Welles (that had married Dame
Margaret Duchess of Somerset), began a new Commo
tion in Lincolnshire, and with him was Sir Thomas
Dymoke, Knight. Of the which rebellious deed, when
the King was certified, he gathered his men, and rode
thitherward. And when those rebels heard of his
coming they left their field, and all their stuff, and fled
as far as Scarborough, whereat they were beheaded :
and that journey was named %a%Z COte Jp£Efti£.33
Chap. 18. — In this 9th year of King Edward many 0ct- '¦I4'69-

Lose-cote
Field ; i. e.
battle of
Stamford,

31 "This Sir John Woodville wns
the most obnoxious of the Queen's
brothers, and infamous for the ava
rice which had led him to marry the
old Duchess of Norfolk. Lord Ri
vers was the more odious to the
people at the time of the insurrec
tion, because in his capacity of Trea
surer he had lately tampered with
the coin and circulation." — (Bul-
wer's Last of the Barons, vol. ii. p.
277.) 32 " This Robin of Redesdale's
fate is as obscure as most of the
incidents in this perplexed part of
English History." — Bulwer. See
also Wootton' s English Baronetage,
article Hitdyard. " Sir William
Conyers, Knight, called himself
Robin of Redesdale, and gathered
a host of 20,000 men in the North.

And Robin of Redesdale met with
the Earl of Pembroke nnd slew
2000 Welshmen about Banbury, and
took the Earl of Pembroke and his
brother." — (Warkworth's Chro
nicle.) 33 It was the son of Lord Welles,
whom Edward had recently be
headed for treason, that commanded
the revolt. — (Turner, vol. v. p.
322.) The beheading of Richard,
Lord Welles, is one of the basest
actions of King Edward's reign.
When the King first heard of the
rebellion he sent for that nobleman,
with a solemn promise for his safety,
and directed him to write to his son,
to lay down his arms. In violation
of this solemn pledge, he neverthe
less commanded him to be be
headed." — (Rilson.)

26

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

[hearne a

York.

The King's
escape.

a.d. 1469. secret conspiracies were done in the winter, in so much
tSriT'that the Earl of Warwick enticed so the Duke of
andDuke of Clarence, that he followed all his council. And there-
ciarenee. ^^ ;t fortuned) that those both went into Warwick
shire, to the intent that they might bring their purpose
into effect : where at, at after Easter in the beginning of
the tenth year of King Edward, the Archbishop of
Treacherous York,34 George Nevile, Brother to the Earl of Warwick,
the'Kin°gnby desired the King to a banquet at his Palace of the Moor
1 f besides Langley: whither as the King came, and a
little before supper, when they should have washed,
John Ratcliff, 35 that after was Lord Fitzwalter, warned
the King privily, and bade him beware ; for there were
ordained privily an 100 men of arms, the which should
take him and convey him out of the way. Wherefore
the King, faining himself to make his water, caused a
good horse to be saddled, and so with a small company
rode to Windsor. Of the which' treason so detected,
Eari of war- when the Earl of Warwick was advertised, he with the
DukVof Duke of Clarence, and their wives, fled westward and
to "Frame, took shipping, and so came into Normandy in the month
of May Anno 1470, and landed at Honfleur, whereat
met them the Bastard of Bourbon, then being Admiral
of France, the which received them with great honour.
But who may be that could in any manner think other
wise, but (that) this, such departing of the Earl of
Warwick, was before known in France, in so much, that
at his arrival the Admiral of France was ready to receive
them at that place assigned, as it appeareth evidently,
as well in the chronicles of France and also of Brittany,
the years and month rehearsed in this chapter.

34 He was translated to York,
from Exeter, June 17th, 1465, hold
ing with that Bishopric the Office
of Lord Chancellor, and which he
continued to hold till 1467.
35 Sir John Radcliffe was created

Lord Fitzwalter by summons, in
right of his mother, Elizabeth,
heiress of Lord Fitzwalter. At
tainted and beheaded for being con
cerned in the plot of Perkin War-
beck, in 1498.

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

27

Chap. 19. — Of the continuance of the Duke of a.d. i46».
Clarence, Earl of Warwick, with their wives and train
in France, it is very necessary somewhat here to manifest
as it was (in) deed. Within short space of their coming
into Normandy they hastened towards King Louis, the
which as at that time lay at his castle of Amboise beside They meet
Tours in Touraine : whither, when they were come, the xm. at
King welcomed them with great feastings. And after
that they had disclosed unto the King the cause of their
departure out of England, and of their coming thither,
anon they withdrew themselves to their lodgings. Then And are re-
within short space after came from Aviow Dame Mar- Queen Mar
garet,35 Daughter of King Regnier of Sicily, wife to i'r|n« of
King Harry the Sixth, and her Son Prince Edward with
her : at whose coming was shortly a great Council
betwixt them to know by what manner they should
return into England. The which Council dissolved, the
'foresaid Duke of Clarence, and Earl of Warwick, re
turned into Normandy, the which was in the month of
June in the year abovesaid. And so they abode there
till it was the latter end of August next following.

35 " Margaret was unfortunate —
an exile ; and had seen all her hopes
blossom but to wither -. yet she was
resentful, highminded, and resolute.
Warwick had dethroned her, and she
could neither forgive nor trust him,
nor be hereafter governed by him.
He required as the conditions of
his alliance and support, a complete
pardon ; that her only son Edward
should marry his second daughter
Ann ; and a puissant force to Eng
land, with her authority. Louis
sent for Margaret to Angiers, and
urged her to comply with Warwick's
terms. But she surprised him by
steadily objecting to the very first
article. She said, that consistently
with her own or her son's honour
she might not, and could not, par
don the man who had been the
greatest cause of the fall of King
Henry and herself ; and that from

her own heart, she never could be
contented with him nor forgive him.
To his second request, she answered,
that it would be prejudicial to her
interests to take party with him :
that she had still many friends,
whom she would lose by such a
treaty ; and therefore, she besought
the King, that it would please him
to leave off from speaking any fur
ther of the proposed pardon, amity,
or alliance. There was a consis
tency of principle in this refusal,
which though flowing perhaps from
haughty and resentful feelings, yet
exhibits that lofty superiority to the
baser attractions of selfish interest,
which always confers honour and
compels respect. Margaret was
never greater on her throne than in
disdaining these advances of War
wick." — (Turner' s England, vol. v.
p. 325.)

28

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

[iiearne's

A.D. 1470.

EdwardPrince of
WalesmarriesAnne,daughter of
the Earl of
Warwick.

Chap. 20. — During this season of their being in France,
Dame Charlotte of Savoy, wife to the French King
Louis, was delivered of a son, in the 'foresaid castle of
Amboise, the last day of June in the same year of our
Lord 1470, to whom were Godfathers at the font, Charles
of Bourbon Archbishop and Cardinal of Lyons, Edward
Prince, beforesaid son to King Harry the Sixth ; and
the Duchess of Bourbon, Sister to the forenamed King
Louis : and the child was named Charles, and was King
after his Father. At the which birth were made many
great solemnities and triumphs throughout the Realm of
France ; whereupon the said Prince Edward 30 married
there Anne, youngest daughter of the Earl of Warwick :
the which Anne was wedded to Richard Duke of Glou
cester after, in the year of our Lord 1474, at West
minster, after the death of the same Prince Edward.

Chap. 21 . — King Edward in this mean time was about
London, to whom was brought tidings of the departing
of the Duke of Clarence and the Earl of Warwick, and
that how they passed by Wiltshire westward, had taken
Anthony Lord Scales and John Lord Audley : the which
two Lords they sent to the Castle of Warder, to be kept
out of the way unto a time determinate, that they should
have been put to execution : of the which inprisonment
John Thorn- a gentleman of Dorsetshire, named John Thornhill, hear-
the Lords ing, came the night following with a good company of
and Audley. hardy fellows, and found the means to deliver these two
Lords from captivity. Whereupon they were delivered
to liberty. Then the King Edward, seeing these two,
Duke and Earl, so departed so suddenly, he marvelled
greatly : and he, being in this anguish and trouble, had
knowledge of a new rebellion in the North by the means

30 The Prince of Wales is said to
have been one of the handsomest
and most accomplished princes in

Europe. He was created Prince of
Wales, A.D. 1454.

FRAGMENT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

29

of the Lord Fitzhugh: against whom he prepared a 'a.d. 1470.
puissance of men, and went northward: of the which hugh's re-
when the foresaid Lord Fitzhugh was certified, he fled
into Scotland (and in the same season the Earl of Ox- Lord ox-
. . . . ford's flight
ford took shipping, and sailed into Normandy to those lnt0 France.
other Lords). Whereupon one Sir Geoffrey Gate,
Knight, with the 'foresaid Clapham, had prepared at
Southampton a company of their 'complices to have
passed into France, to those Lords of Clarence and
Warwick; but their purpose was soon disclosed. For
the Earl of Worcester 3; and the Lord Howard pre
vented them. In so much that many of them were
taken, as Sir Geoffrey Gate, the which had his pardon sir Geoffrey
and afterwards went to sanctuary. Clapham was be- ed, and
1-itit , 1 "1 Clapham
headed and divers others hanged, etc. beheaded.
Chap. 22. — Then the King seeing such commotions in
the realm, and hearing nothing of the Marquis of Mon
tague, whom he loved entirely, he rode northward and
left the Queen, great with child, in the Tower of Lon
don. And as he was in the North Country, in the
month of September, as he lay in his bed one named The King
L ^ . warned by
Alexander Carlisle, that was sarieant of the minstrels, ai. Carlisle,
. . SePt- 1470.
came to him in great haste, and bade him arise for he
had enemies coining for to take him, the which were
within six or seven miles, of the which tidings the King
greatly marvelled. And suddenly upon that came one
Master Alexander Lee, a Priest38 * * * *
(The remainder of this curious Chronicle is wanting.)

37 " Lord Worcester ordered
Clapham (a squire to Lord War
wick) and nineteen others, gentle
men aud yeomen, to be impaled,
and from the horror of the spec
tacle inspired, and the universal
odium it attached to Worcester, it
is to be feared that the unhappy
men were still sensible to the agony
of this infliction, though they ap

pear first to have been drawn, and
partially hanged. Worcester was
popularly called ' the Butcher,'
from his cruelty." — (Bulwer's Last
of the Barons, vol. iii. p. 107.)
38 The " lacunte " in the MS.
are supplied in the King's own
words in the Memoirs of Phillip de
Commines, vol. i. p. 249-255.
Lee was Rector of Spofford in 1493.

30 THE REIGN OT EDWARD IV.
com. Hist. Edward was in the neighbourhood of Nottingham
Croyl. p. 554. . s J .j
awaiting the assembling of his forces to disperse tne
rebels under Warwick and Clarence, wken Carlisle, the
chief of his minstrels, and Lee, the priest, apprized him
of the treason of the Marquis of Montague, " whom the
King loved entirely,'''' who with 6000 men, in the King's
immediate vicinity had just declared for King Henry.
He had no alternative, therefore, but to fly, and accom
panied by his brother Richard, the Earl Rivers, Lord
Hastings and a few other faithful followers, took ship-
ing at Bishop's Lynn in Norfolk, and landed at Alcmar,
in Friezeland, without even sufficient money in his pocket
to pay his passage.
stapieton's " During the year following England was a scene of
Family, fierce commotion ; rebellion, fomented by the Earl of
Warwick, spread on every side, till it drove the Yorkist
monarch from his throne, and once more fixed the crown
on the brow of Henry VI. The change was, however,
transient: on the 14?th March, 1471, Edward landed at
Ravenspurn, the fields of Barnet and Tewkesbury were
fougkt in succession, and in May Henry VI. died, leaving
his rival in undisputed possession of the Kingdom.''''

HISTORY OF THE
ARRIVAL OF KING EDWARD IV.
IN ENGLAND,
AND THE FINAL RECOVERY OF HIS KINGDOMS
FROM HENRY VI., A.D. 1471.
(FROM MTOWe's TRANSCRIPTS, HARL. MSS. 543.)

ADVERTISEMENT.

Tins Narrative^originally appears to have been used by
Holinshed, who gives a Lancastrian account of the im
portant events it details, supplied to him by Fleetwood,
Recorder of London, the possessor of the MS. which
Stowe used for the transcript, preserved in the British
Museum, and from which our text is taken.
Mr. Sharon Turner, and Mr. Lingard, both availed
themselves of Stowe's transcript (Harl. MSS. No. 543),
and in the year 1838, Mr. John Bruce gave a verbatim
copy of the MS. as his contribution to the Camden
Society. Concerning the author nothing is known, but what he
has himself communicated. He styles himself " a servant
of the King, that presently saw in effect a great part of
his exploits, and the residue knew by true relation of
them that were present at every time." From the ab
sence of all personal allusion to himself in the account
of the various battles, and from the minuteness with
which he details the King's acts of devotion, he was
probably a priest. This conjecture is somewhat con-

34 ADVERTISEMENT.
firmed, by the slur attempted to be cast upon the bravery
of the dying Warwick.
The entire period comprised in the narrative embraces
only eleven weeks ; but throughout all the pages of
English History, it is impossible to find, elsewhere, such
a rapid succession of important occurrences, as those
which led to the almost perfect annihilation of the Lan
castrian party, and the restoration of the House of
York. These are detailed with the circumstantial accu
racy of an eyewitness, and with all the exultation of a
successful partisan.
An abridged version of our narrative was forwarded
'rom Canterbury, by the King, on the 29th of May,
1471, to the Citizens of Bruges, and by them commu
nicated to their brethren of Ghent. An English trans-
lation from this version, appeared in the Archseologia
vol. xxi. p. 11.

HISTORY OF THE ARRIVAL OF
KING EDWARD IV.
IN ENGLAND, AND THE FINAL RECOVERY
OF HIS KINGDOMS FROM HENRY VI.
IN ANNO DOMINI, 1471.

Written by an Anonymous, who was living at the same
time, and a servant to the said King E. IV.
Transcribed by John Stowe,
the Chronicler, with
his own hand.

Hereafter followeth the manner how the Most Noble The Pr°-
and right victorious Prince Edward, by the Grace of
God, King of England, and of France, and Lord of
Ireland, in the year of Grace 1471, in the month of a.d. 1471.
.) 2

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S

A.D. 1471.

March, departed out of Zeland ; took the sea; arrived
in England; and by his force and valour, again reduced
and reconquered the said realm, upon and against the
Earl of Warwick, his traitor and rebel, calling himself
Lieutenant of England, by pretented authority of the
usurper Henry, and his 'complices ; and also upon and
against Edward, calling himself Prince of Wales, son to
the said Henry, then wrongfully occupying the Realm,
and Crown of England ; and upon many other great and
mighty Lords, noblemen and others, being mightily ac
companied. Compiled and put in this forme ensuing, by
a servant of the King's, that presently saw in effect a
great part of his exploits, and the residue knew by true
relation of them, that were present at every time.

IV. quits
Zeland, March 2,
A.D. 1471

CHAPTER I.
KinREd«-ard In the year of Grace 1471, after the counting of the
Church of England, the second day of March ending the
tenth ycar of the reign of our Sovereign Lord, King Ed
ward the Fourth,1 by the Grace of God, King of Eng
land, and of France, and Lord of Ireland, the said most
noble King, accompanied with two thousand Englishmen,
well chosen, intending to pass the sea, and to re-enter,
and recover his realm of England, at that time usurped
and occupied by Henry, called Henry the Sixth, by the
traitorous means of his great rebel, Richard, Earl of
Warwick, and his 'complices, entered into his ship afore
the Haven of Flushing, in Zeland,2 the said 2nd clay of

1 " In the Parliament which began
on the 26th of November in the
previous year, Edward was declared
a traitor to his country, and an
usurper of the crown, and had all his
goods confiscated, and the like judg
ment passed against his partakers ;
and the Earl of Worcester was ad
judged to lose his head. All the
statutes likewise, made by Edward,

were annulled, and the crowns of
England and France entailed to
Henry and his heirs male ; and,
for want of such, to the Duke of
Clarence ; and Warwick was made
Governorof the kingdom." — (Eng
land's Happiness, p. 157-8.)
2 The Duke of Burgundy secretly
assisted King Edward, and at his
expense the four vessels were fitted

MANUSCRIPT.] THE RI3IGN OF EDWARD IV.

37

March ; and, forasmuch as, after he was in the ship, and a.d. 1471.
the fellowship also, with all that to them apertained, the
wind fell not good for him, he therefore would not return
again to the land, but abode in his ship, and all his
fellowship in like wise, by the space of nine days, abiding
good wind and weather ; which had, the eleventh day of
March he made sail, and so did all the ships that awaited
upon him, taking their course straight over (towards) the
coast of Norfolk, and came before Cromer, the Tuesday, Arrives mr
Croiner, in
against (towards) evening, the twelfth day of March ; Norfolk,
1 • 1 1 -rr- -i rt- T, i ' March 12th.
whither the King sent on land Sir Robert Chamberlain,
Sir Gilbert Debenham, Knights, and others, trusting by
them to have some knowledge, how the land inward was
disposed towards hiin, and 'specially the countries there
near adjoining, as in part so they brought him knowledge
from such as for that cause were sent into those parts,
from his true servants and partakers within the land,
which told them for certain, that those parts were right
sore beset by the Earl of Warwick, and his adherents,
and in especial by the Earl of Oxford, in such wise that
of likelihood it might not be for his weal to land in that
country ; and a great cause was, for the Duke of Nor
folk was had out of the country, and all the gentlemen
to whom the Earl of Warwick bore any suspicion were
afore that sent for by letters of privy seal, and put in
ward about London, or else found surety ; nevertheless,
the said two Knights, and they that came on land with
them had right good cheer, and turned again to the sea.
Whose report heard the King began to make course
towards the north parts. The same night following
upon the morn, Wednesday and Thursday, the 14th clay

out. Commines says he also sent
him 50,000 florins, with St. An
drew's Cross. Moreover he pri
vately hired fourteen ships of the
Easterlings to convey the King to
England, and to keep upon the
coast a fortnight after his landing, to
conduct him hack in case of neces

sity. When all these ships were ready,
Edward disappearing, notice was
sent to the Duke, who immediately
ordered proclamation to he made,
that none of his subjects should
assist him, directly or indirectly,
upon pain of death. — (Rapin, vol. v.
p. 03. Commines, book i, chap. G.)

38 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S
a.d. 1471. of March, fell great storms, winds and tempests upon
the sea, so that the said 14th day, in great torment, he
came to Humber-Head, where the other ships were dis
severed from him, and every from other, so that of
necessity they were driven to land, every (one) far from
(the) other. The King, with his ship alone, wherein
was the Lord Hastings, his Chamberlain, and others to
the number of five hundred well chosen men, landed
within Humber on Holderness side, at a place called
Lands at Ravenspurne, even in the same place, where sometime
accompanied the Usurper, Henry of Derby, after called King Henry
Hastings, the Fourth, landed, after his exile, contrary and to the
dissobeisance of his sovereign lord, King Richard the
Second, whom after that he wrongfully distressed, and
put from his reign, and regalia, and usurped it falsely to
himself, and to his issue, from whom was lineally de
scended King Henry, at this time using and usurping the
crown ; as son to his eldest son, sometime called King-
Richard, Henry the Fifth. The King's brother, Richard Duke
Dnlte of J °
Gloucester, 0f Gloucester, and in his company three hundred men
landed at another place, four miles from thence. The
'amis at™'8 ^a.r\ ^lvers; aim tne fellowship being in his company, to
Po'vle- the number of two hundred, landed at a place called
Powle, fourteen miles from whence the King landed, and
the remainder of the fellowship where they might best
get land. That night the King was lodged at a poor
village two miles from his landing, with a few with him ;
but that night and in the morning, the residue that
were coming in his ship, the rage of the tempest some
what appeased, landed, and alway drew towards the King.
The forces And on the morn, the 15th day of March, from every
15th, '1471. landing place the fellowship came whole towards him.
As to the folks of the country there came but right few
to him, or almost none ;3 for by the scuringe (assuring)
-1 At his landing he met with a cold reception and even some oppo
sition from the country people, headed by one Westerdale, a priest. —
(Stowe, p. 423.)

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 39
of such persons, as for that cause were by his said a.d. w\.
rebels, sent before into those parts, for to move them to
be against his Highness, the people were sore enduced
to be contrary to him, and not to receive, nor accept
him, as for their King ; notwithstanding for the love
and favour, that before they had borne to the Prince, of
full noble memory, his father, Duke of York, the people
bore him right great favour to be also Duke of York, and
to have that (which) of right apertained unto him, by the
right of the said noble Prince, his father. And upon
this opinion the people of the country which in great
number and in divers places were gathered, and in har
ness, (ready to resist him in chalenging of the Realm,
and the crown) were disposed to content themselves, and
in no wise to annoy him, nor his fellowship, they affirm
ing, that to such intent were (they) coming and none
other. Whereupon the whole fellowship of the King's
coming and assembled together, he took advise what was
best to do, and concluded briefly, that albeit his enemies
and chief rebels were in the south parts at London, and
thereabout, and that the next way towards them had
(to) be by Lincolnshire, yet inasmuch, as if they should
have taken that way, they must have gone presently to
the water again, and passed over (the) Humber, which
they abhorred for to do, and also for that if they so
did, it would have been thought that they had withdrawn
themselves for fear, which note of slander they were right
loath to suffer ; — for these and other good considerations
they determined in themselves not to go again to the
water, but to hold the right way to his City of York.
The King determined also, that for as long as he should Marches to
be in passing through and by the country, and to the time
that he might by the assistance of his true servants,
subjects and lovers, which he trusted verily in his pro
gress should come unto him, be of such might and
puissance as that were likely to make a sufficient party —
he and all those of his fellowship should noise and say

40

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S

his Title as
Duke of
York.

a.d. 1471. openly, wheresoever they came, that his intent and pur-
feig'n"!6 pose 4 was only to claim to be Duke of York, and to
oniTdaiming have and enjoy the inheritance, that he was born unto
by the right of the full noble Prince, his father, and
none other. Through which noising the people of the
coimtry, that were gathered and assembled in divers
places, to the number of six or seven thousand men, by
the leading and guiding of a priest the vicar of * * * * *,
(said to be one John Westerdale) in one place, and a
gentlemen of the same country called Martin of the
Sea (De la Mere) to the intent to have resisted and
lotted (hindered) him his passage, by the stiring of his
rebels, their 'complices, and adherents, took occasion to
owe and bear him favour in that quarrel, not discovering
nor remembering, that his said father, besides that he
was rightfully Duke of York, he was also very true and
rightwise inheritor to the realm and crown of England,
&c. : (and so he was declared by (the) three estates of
the land at a parliament holden at Westminster, unto
this day never repealed, nor revoked.)5 And under this
manner, he keeping forth his purpose with all his
fellowship, took the right way to a good town called
Beverley, being in his high way towards York. He sent
to an other good town, walled, but six miles thence,
called Kingston upon Hull, desiring the inhabitants to
have opened it unto him ; but they refused so to do, by
the means and stirings of his rebels, which before had
sent thither, and to all the country strict command
ments, willing and also charging them at all their

i " It is incredible," says Hall,
" what effect this new imagination
(his claiming only the Duchy of
York') had upon the people. All
men, moved with mercy and com
passion, began out of hand, either
to favour him, or else not to resist
him."— (Hall, p. 215.) " To con
vince them of his sincerity, he wore
an ostrich feather, the ensign of

Prince Edward, in his hat, and com
manded his followers to cry : ' King
Henry 1' wherever they came." —
(Holinshed.)] 6 See note '. All the Acts of Ed
ward's Reign were annulled ; this
act of the Succession, however,
having been passed before he came
to the throne, remained in full force.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

41

powers to withstand the King, in case he there arrived, a.d. un.
And therefore leaving that town he kept his way forth
straight to York. And near this way were also assem
bled great companies in divers places, much people of
the country as it was reported ; but they came not in
sight: but all these suffered him to pass forth by the
country, either for that he and all his fellowship pre
tended by any manner (of) language, none other
quarrel, but for the right that was his father's, the Duke
of York ; or else for that though they were in number
more than he, yet they durst not take upon them to
make him any manifest war, knowing well the great
courage and hardiness, that he was of, with the perfect
assurance of the fellowship that was with him ; or else,
peradventure, for that certain of their captains and
gatherers were somewhat induced to be the more bene
volent, for money that the King gave them, wherefore
the King keeping forth his way came before York, (on) Arrives at
Monday the eighteenth day of the same month. Truth i nth of
it is, that before the King came at the city, by three
miles came unto him one, called Thomas Coniers, Re
corder of the city, which had not been before that,
named true to the King's party. He told him that it
was not good for him to come to the city ; for either
he should not be suffered to enter, or else in case he
entered he was lost and undone, and all his.6 The
King seeing so far forth he was in his journey, that
in no wise he might go back with that he had begun, and
that no good might follow but only of hardies (through
firmness) [and] decreed in himself constantly to pursue
that he had begun ; and rather to abide what God and

6 To this address from York, Ed
ward replied : " That he was not
come to take the crown from the
King : that since the people had
declaredfor Henry, he acknowledged
him for his sovereign, and had no
intention to do him any prejudice :
that he was only come to request

the King for the restitution of his
estates : that the Parliament should
be the judge of his cause, and de
sired only to have the means to pass
his days quietly." Holinshed says
he took a solemn oath before the
Mayor and Aldermen that he did
not intend to claim the crown.

42

THE REIGN OP EDWARD IV. [ FLEETWOOD'S

A.D. 1471.

RobertClifford and
Richard
Burgh meet
him and re
assure him.

good fortune would give him, though it were to him
uncertain, rather than by lack or default of courage to
sustain reproach, that of likelihood thereby should have
ensued. And so therefore, notwithstanding the dis
couraging words of the Recorder, which had before
suspecte (suspicion) to him and his party, he kept boldly
forth his journey straight towards the city. And
within a while came to him out of the city Robert
Clifford and Richard Burgh, which gave him and his
fellowship better comfort, affirming, that in the quarrel7
aforesaid of his father, the Duke of York, he should
be received, and suffered to pass ; whereby, better some
what encouraged, he kept his way ; nevertheless efte
sooncs (soon after) came the said Comers, and put him in
like discomfort as before. And so sometimes comforted,
and sometimes discomforted, he came to the gates before
the city, where his fellowship made a stop, and himself8
and sixteen or seventeen persons, in the leading of the
Enters York said Clifford and Richard Burgh, passed even in at the
gates, and came to the worshipful folks, which were
assembled a little within the gates, and shewed them the
intent and purpose of his coming, in such form and
with such manner (of) language, that the people con
tented them (selves) therewith, and so received him and
all his fellowship that night, when he and all his fellow
ship abode and were refreshed well, to (till) they had
dined on the morn, and then departed out of the city to
Tadcaster, a town of the Earl of Northumberland, ten
miles southwards. And on the morrow after that, he

March 18,
1471.

7 " He came in sight of York, and
having advanced too far to recede
pushed boldly on for that city.
Within a mile of that city he was
met by two of the inhabitants, who
came out to tell him that if he only
aspired to his father's dignity and
possessions, he would be received
with friendship and suffered to pass
forward." — (Turner, vol. v. p. 344.)

B It is a noble trait in the cha
racter of Edward that he thus
threw himself, as it were, into the
hands of his subjects. Having
Btated his limited wishes, the heads
of the city admitted the whole of
his followers for the night, refreshed
them, and after dinner on the fol
lowing day suffered them to depart
for Tudcaster.

1ANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

43

took his way towards Wakefield and Sendall, a great a.d. 1471.
lordship appertaining to the Duke of York, leaving the %™£.£ier.
Castle of Pomfret on his left hand, where abode and ^1^,.
was the Marquis of Montague, that in no wise troubled
him, nor none of his fellowship ; but suffered him to Marquis of
. ii* ... , Montague
pass in peaceable wise ; were it with good will or no,9 suffers him
• i 1 > 1 t° pass.
men may judge at their pleasure : — I deem ye [yea] ;
but truth it is, that he neither had [not], nor could
[not] have gathered, nor made a fellowship of number
sufficient to have openly resisted him in his quarrel,
neither in King Henry's quarrel. And one great cause Reasons wiiy
was, (that) for great part of the people in those parts The people '
loved the King's person well, and could not be encou
raged directly to do against him in that quarrel of the
Duke of York, which, in all manner [of] language of
all his fellowship, was covertly pretended and none
other. Another great cause was for (that) great part n. The Eari
of [the] noblemen and commons, in those parts, were Lid'sln!.1"""
(inclined) towards the Earl of Northumberland,10 and
would not stir with any lord or nobleman other than the
said Earl, or at least by his commandment. And, for
so much as he sat still, in such wise that if the Marquis
would have done his business to have assembled them
in any manner (of) quarrel, neither for his love, which
they bare him not, nor for any commandment of higher
authority, they neither would in no cause, nor quarrel

9 The Marquis of Montague,
" whom the King entirely loved,"
was in the Castle of Pomfret. That
the Marquis was firm in the inter
ests of Warwick, subsequent events
fully prove. It is therefore pro
bable, that like Napoleon in our
own times, Edward outreached his
enemies by the rapidity of his
movements. 10 The Earl would appear to
have written to the King when
abroad, for Edward "shewed the
Earl's letter he sent to him under
his seal, and said he came there by

the Earl of Northumberland's ad
vice." — ( Warkworth's Chronicle.)
The neutrality of the Earl of North
umberland greatly influenced the
public feeling towards the King.
Had it not been for this circum
stance, it is probable that the Mar
quis of Montague would have en
deavoured to prevent his progress.
Being uncertain of succour from
other quarters, he felt himself too
weak to oppose the Yorkists suc
cessfully, and considered he acted
wisely in retaining his strength
entire for the forthcoming struggle.

44

THE 11E1GN OF EDWARD IV. [ FLEETWOOD'S

a.d. 1471. have assisted him. Wherein it may right well appear,
that the said Earl, in this behalf, did the King right
good and notable service; and as it is deemed in the
conceits of many men, he could not have done him any
better service, no not though he had openly declared
himself extremely part-taker with the King in his
righteous quarrel, and, for that intent, have gathered
and assembled all the people that he might have made ;
for, howbeit he loved the King truly and perfectly, as
the King there of had certain knowledge, and would,
as of himself and all his power have served him trucly;
yet was it deemed, and likely it was to be true, that
many gentlemen and others, which would have been
raisecl by him, would not so fully and extremely have
determined themselves in the King's right and quarrel,
as the Earl would have done himself; having fresh in
their remembrance, how that the King, at the first
entering of his right to the Realm and Crown of
England [and] had, and won, a great battle ,u in those
same parts, where their Master, the Earl's father, was
slain, (with) many of their fathers, their sons, their
brethren and kinsmen, and many others of their neigh
bours ; wherefore, and not without cause, it was thought,
that they could not have borne very good will, and done
their best service to the King at this time, and in this
quarrel. And so it may be reasonably judged, that this
was a notable good service, and politically done by the
Earl. For his sitting still caused the city of York to
do as they did, and no worse, and every man in all those
north parts to sit still also, and suffer the King to pass
as he did, notwithstanding many were right evil disposed
of themselves against the King, and in especiall, in his
quarrel. Wherefore the King may say as Julius Caesar"

10 The Battle of Touton, fought
March 2!)th, 14G1. See notefl, p. 7.
11 Fleetwood's MS. had probably

only J. C, which, singularly enough,
Stowe interpreted Julius Caesar.
The passage occurs in the Gospel of
St. Luke, chap. xi. v. 23.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

45

said: "he that is not against mo is with me." And AD- U71-
(an) other right great cause, why the Marquis made not {/,]; ^
a fellowship against him, for to have troubled him, (was ,dv"rrf„so„n(1
that) for though all the King's (fellowship) at that ^| J'cc^
season were not many in number, yet they were so (such) "^mdenTto
able, and so (such) well picked men, and in their workoppo*elhem-
they had on hand so willing, that it had been right hard
to right-a-great (a tritely great) fellowship, much greater
than they, or greater than that, the Marquis or his
friends at that time could have made or assembled, to
have put the King, and his said fellowship, to any dis
tress. And (an) other cause (was), whereas he came iv. The
through the country there, the people took (held) an n<imit the
opinion, that if the people of the countries, where by observing
I r ' what other
through he had passed before, had owed him any man- counties do.
ner of malice, or evil will, they would somewhat have
shewed it, when he was amongst them ; but inasmuch
as no man had so done before, it was a declaration, and
evidence to all those by whom he passed after, that in
all the other countries were none but his good lovers ;
and great folly it had been to the latter countries to
have attempted that the former countries would not ;
thinking verily that in such case, they, as his lovers,
would rather have aided him, than he should have been
distressed ; wherefore ho passed with much better will.
About Wakefield, and in those parts, came some folks Passes
unto him, but not so many as he supposed would have wXtieid,
come ; nevertheless his number was increased. And so and Notting-
from thence he passed forth to Doncaster, and so forth 24, 1471.
to Nottingham.12 And to that town came unto him two

12 " In his march from York to
London, instead of going through
Pontefract, where the Marquis of
Montague lay encamped, he took a
compass of about four miles, and
came to Nottingham, where Sir
Thos. Parr, Sir James Harrington,
Sir William Stanley, Sir Thos.

Burgh, Sir Thomas Montgomery,
Sir William Norris, &c, repaired
to him. Here they persuaded him
to issue out a proclamation as
King, saying they would serve no
man but a King." — (Hall, p. 215.
Stowe, p. 423. Holinshed, p.
1329.)

4C

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [ FLEETWOOD'S

flee from
Newark

a.d. 1471. good Knights Sir William Parr, and Sir James ITar-
w."parr,yand rington, with two good bands of men well arrayed and
Harrington, habled (fitted) for war, (to) the number of six hun-
foiiowers. dred men. The King being at Nottingham, and before
he came there, (having) sent the scours (scouts) all
about the countries adjoining, to spy and search if any
gatherings were in any place against him ; some of
whom came to Newark,13 and understood well, that there
The Duke of was, within the town, the Duke of Exeter, the Earl of
LordsOxtord Oxford, the Lord Bardolph, and others with great fel-
p' lowship, which the Earl and they had gathered in Essex,
in Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire,
and Lincolnshire, to the number of four thousand men.
The said Duke and Earl having knowledge that the said
forfydars (spies) of the King's had been before the town
in the evening, thinking verily, that the King and his
whole host were approaching near, and would have come
upon them, determined shortly within themselves, that
(they) might not abide his coming. Wherefore early,
about two of the clock in the morning, they fled out of
the town, and there they lost part of the people, that
they had gathered and brought with them thither.
Truth it was, that when the King's aforneriders (scouts)
had thus espied their being (there), they ascertained the
King thereof at Nottingham, which incontinent assem
bled all his fellowship, and took the straight way to-
them- wards, within three miles of the town. And there
came to him certain tidings, that they were fled out
of Newark, gone and dispersed ; wherefore he returned
again to Nottingham, determined to keep the next and
right way towards his said great Rebel, the Earl of

13 See Fenn's Letters, vol. ii.
p. 59, &c. The Earl of Oxford
issued letters from Bury, stating
the landing of Edward, and calling
upon the gentry of the country he
commanded, to meet him at Lynn
in full array, to proceed to Newark,

on Friday, the 22nd of March.
He adds : " where, with the leave
of God, I shall not fail to be at
that time ; intending from thence
to go forth with the help of God,
and you, my friends, to the re-en
counter of the said enemies.''

MANUSCRIPT

¦]

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

47

Warwick, the which he knew well was departed out a.d. 1471.
of London, and come into Warwickshire, where he be-
stired him (self) and in the countries near adjoining, to
assemble all that he might, to the intent to have made a
mighty field against the King, and to have distressed
him. Wherefore from Nottingham the King took the Proceeds to
Leicester.
straight way towards him by Leicester ; but as soon as
he heard of the King's coming onwards and approaching
near, either, for that (he) thought him (self) not to be
of sufficient power to give him battle, in that plain field,
or else, for that he lacked hardies (firmness) and
courage so to do, albeit he had assembled greater num
ber than the King had at that time, (for by the pre
tended authority of Henry, then called King, he was
constituted Lieutenant14 of England ; and whereas he
could not raise the people with good will, he straightly
charged them to come forth upon pain of death,) he
withdrew himself, and all his fellowship, into a strong Eari of Wa.-
walled town there near by him, called Coventry. Coventry.
At Leicester 15 came to the King right-a-fair (a The King is
truly fair) fellowship of folks to the number of three Leicester by
thousand men well habyled (fitted) for the wars, such as lowers.
were verily to be trusted, as those that would utterly
inparte (take part) with him at best and worst in his
quarrel, with all their force and might, to do him their
true service. And in substance they were such as were
towards the Lord Hastings, the King's Chamberlain,
and, for that intent above said, came to him, stirred by
his messages sent unto them, and by his servants, friends,
and lovers, such as were in the country. And so better
accompanied than he had been at any time before, he

14 Lieutenant of England. "Be
sides this, the Earl of Warwick, as
one to whom the Commonwealth
was much beholden, was made
Buler and Governour of the
Realme."— (Hall, p. 286.)
ls At Nottingham Edward had

been joined by Sir William Parr
and Sir James Harrington, with
600 followers, so that -with these
3,000 additional men, "who were
towards the Lord Hastings," his
army now amounted to about G,000
fighting men.

48

REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S

challenges Lord War
wick, March
29, 1471.

Proceeds to
Warwick.

a. d. 1471. departed from Leicester, and came before the town of
arrivesbeiL Coventry the 29th day of March. And when he undcr-
S?Xn7«nd stood the said Earl within the town (was) closed, and
with him great (many) people to the number of six
or seven thousand men, the King desired him to come
out with all his people into the field, to determine his
quarrel in plain field, which the same Earl refused 16 to
do at that time, and so he did three days after-ensuing
continually. The King seeing this, drew him (self) and
all his host straight to Warwick, eight small miles from
thence, where he was received as King, and so made his
proclamations" from that time forwards ; where he took
his lodgings, weening thereby to have given the said Earl
greater courage to have essayed out of the town of
Coventry, and to have taken the field ; but he would not
so do. Nevertheless daily came certain persons on the
said Earl's behalf to the King, and made great moynes
(complaints,) and desired him to treat with him, for some
good and expedient appointment. And, how-be-it, the
King, by the advice of his Councilors, granted the said
Earl his life, and all his people being there at that time,
offers terms and divers other fair offers made him, considering his
o° Warwick, great and heinous offences; which seemed reasonable,
and that for the weal of peace and tranquillity of the
Realm of England, and for thereby to avoid the effusion
of Christian blood, yet he neither would accept the said
offers, nor accord thereunto, but if (unless) he might
have had such unreasonable (an) appointment, as might

which are
declined

10 Warkworth says the Earl
would have fought, but that " he
had received a letter from the Duke
of Clarence that he should not fight
until he came." The Croyland
annalist, however, says " the Earl
did not dare to fight with the
King."— (Cray?. Cont. 554.)
17 Hall says these proclamations
had already been issued at Not
tingham, but this is probably a
mistake. The King's army till now

had scarcely numbered 3,000 men ;
and had the Earl of Warwick but
hazarded a battle, even with the
present increased troops, when thus
challenged by Edward, it is most
likely that the Royal army would
have been annihilated ; for, from
the position of Clarence, it may be
presumed, he was alone actuated
by self-interest, and would have
inclined towards the victor, who
ever he might be.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 49
not in any wise stand with the King's honour and a.d. 1471.
surety. Here is to be remembered how that at such season
before, as when the King was in Holland, the Duke of Cla
rence,18 the King's second brother, considering the great
inconveniences whereunto as well his brother the King,
he, and his brother, the Duke of Gloucester, were fallen
unto, through and by the division that was betwixt them,
whereunto, by the subtle compassing of the Earl of
Warwick, and his 'complices, they were brought, and
induced (led into;) — as, first to be remembered, the
disinheriting of them all from the Realm and Crown
of England, and that thereto appertained ; and, besides
that, the mortal war and detestable likely to fall betwixt
them ; and, over this, that it was evident that to what
party so ever God would grant the victory, that, not
withstanding the winner should not be in any better
surety therefore of his own estate and person, but abide
in as great, or greater, danger than they were in at that
time. And, in especiall, he considered well that himself
was had in great suspicion, despite, disdain, and hatred,
with all the lords, noblemen, and others, that were adhe
rents, and full partakers with Henry the Usurper, Mar
garet his wife, and his son Edward, called Prince : he
saw also, that they daily laboured amongst them (selves),
breaking their appointments made with him, and of like
lihood after that should continually more and more fer
vently intend, conspire, and procure, the destruction of
him, and of all his blood, wherethrough it appeared also,
that the Realm and Regalia should remain to such as
thereunto might not in any wise have any righteous

ls "As for tidings, here in this
country be many tales, and none
accord with other. It is told me
by the under sheriff that my Lord
of Clarence is gone to his brother
the late King ; insomuch that his

men have the gorget on their
breasts, and the Rose over it. And
it is said that the Lord Howard
hath proclaimed King E. (dward)
King of England in Suffolk." —
(Paston Letters, vol. ii. p. 63.)

50

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S

a.d. 1471. title. And, for that it was unnatural, and against God,
to suffer any such war to continue and endure betwixt
them, if it might otherwise be, and, for other many and
great considerations, that by right wise men and virtuous
were laid before him, in many behalfs, he was agreed to
intend to some good appointment for this pacification.
intrigues By right covert ways and means were good mediators
wgiek, and" and mediatrixes, the high and mighty Princess, my Lady
secret corres*
pondence their mother ;19 my Lady of Exeter, my Lady of Suf-
Duke of folk, their sisters ; my Lord Cardinal of Canterbury ;
Clarence, be-
fore the my Lord Bath ; my Lord of Essex ; and most specially,
urrivai. my Lady of Burgundy ; and other (ways and means) by
mediations of certain priests and other well disposed
persons. About (During) the King's being in Holland,
and in other parts beyond the sea, great and diligent
labour with all effect was continually made by the right
and mighty princess, the Duchess of Burgundy, which
at no season ceased to send her servants and messengers
to the King, where (ever) he was, and to my said Lord
The Duke of of Clarence, .into England ; and so did his very good
over to devoir (endeavour) in that behalf, my Lord of Hastings,
the King's Chamberlain, to (so) that a perfect accord
was appointed, accorded, concluded, and assured betwixt
them ; wherein the said Duke of Clarencc full honour
ably and truly acquitted him (self) ; for, as soon as he
was ascertained of the King's arrival in the north parts,
he assembled anon such as would do for him, and as
soon as he godly (well) might, drew towards the King,
him to aid and assist against all his enemies, accom
panied with more than four thousand (men). The King
(at) that time being at Warwick, and understanding his

Edward.

19 This was Cicely, daughter of
Ralph Neville, first Earl of West-
nioreland. Of her large family we
here find mentioned, besides Ed-
ward the Fourth, and his brothers
the Dukes of Clarence and Glou

cester, of Margaret, married to
the Duke of Burgundy; Anne, the
Wife of Henry Holland, Duke of
Exeter ; and Elizabeth, Wife of
John de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk
(Bruce).

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 51
near approaching, upon an afternoon issued out of War- a.d. 1171.
wick, with all his fellowship, by the space of three miles,
into a fair field towards Banbury, where he saw the
Duke, his brother, in fair array come towards him, with
a great fellowship. And, when they were together within
less than half a mile, the King set his people in array
the banners (displayed), and left them standing still,
taking with him his brother of Gloucester, the Lord
Rivers, Lord Hastings, and (a) few others, and went
towards his brother of Clarence. And, in like wise the Reconciiia.
. *'on of the
Duke for his part, taking with him a few noble men, n°ya>
,,.... brothers.
and leaving his host in good order, departed from them
towards the King. And so they met betwixt both
hosts, where was right kind and loving language betwixt
them two, with perfect accord knit together for ever
hereafter, with as heartily loving cheer and countenance
as might be betwixt two brethren of so great nobility
and estate. And then, in like wise, spake together the
two Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, and after (that)
the other noblemen being there with them, whereof all
the people there that loved them, and owed them their
true servaunts (service,) were right glad and joyous, and
thanked God highly of that joyous meeting, unity, and
accord, hoping, that thereby should grow unto them
prosperous fortune, in all that they should after that
have a (to) do. And then the trumpets and minstrels
blew up, and with that the King brought his brother
Clarence, and such as were there with him to his fellow
ship, whom the said Duke welcomed into the land in his
best manner, and they thanked God, and him, and ho
noured him as it appertained. After this, the King yet
leaving his host standing still, with the said few persons
went with his brother of Clarence to his host, whom he
heartily welcomed, and promised him largely of his grace
and good love, and from thence they all came altogether Their forces
to the King's host, when either party welcomed and proceed to
° ... Warwick.
jocundly received the other, with perfect friendliness,
e 2

52

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD^

A.D. 1471.

Clarenceattempts a
reconcilia tion with
Warwick.

and, so with great gladness, both hosts 20 with their
princes, together went to Warwick with the King, and
there lodged, and in the country near adjoining.
The nui,-e of Soon after this the Duke of Clarence, being right
desirous to have procured a good accord betwixt the
King and the Earl of Warwick ; not only for the Earl,
but also for to reconcile thereby unto the King's good
grace many lords and noble men of his land ; of whom
many had largely taken part with the Earl ; and this for
the weal of peace and tranquility in the land, and in
avoiding of cruel and mortal war, that of the contrary
was likely, in shortimc, to ensue ; — he made therefore
his motions as well as to the King, as to the Earl, by
messages sending to and fro, both for the well above
said, as to acquit him (self) truely and kindly in the
love he bare unto him, and his blood, whereunto he was
allied by the marriage of his daughter. The King, at
the instance of his said brother, the Duke, was content
to shew him largely his grace, with divers good condi
tions, and profitable for the Earl, if that he would have
accepted them. But the Earl, whether he in manner
despaired of any good [par]-durable continuance of good
accord betwixt the King and him (self,) for time to
come, considering so great attempts by him comitted
against the King ; or else, for that willing to entertain
the great promises, 'pacts, and oaths, to the contrary,
made solemnly, and also privately sworn to the French
King, Queen Margaret, and her son, Edward, in the
quarrel of them, and of his own seeking, where from he
could not depart without great slander ; or else, for
that he had afore thought, and therefore purveyed (pro
vided) that in case he might not get to have the over
hand of the King, his means were found of sure and

Warwick
refuses.

20 The Duke's forces amounted
to 4,000, and those of the King to
about 7,000. Thus from his first
landing at Ravenspurne on the 14th

of March, ia little more than a
fortnight he found himself at the
head of an army of 11,000 well
chosen men.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

53

certain escape, by the sea, to Calais,21 which was ensured a.d. 1471.
to himself in every case, that might happen (to) him, so
that it might fortune him to come thither ; or else, for that
certain persons being with him in company, as the Earl
of Oxford and others, being disposed in extreme malice
against the King, would not suffer him to accept any
manner of appointment, were it reasonable or unreason
able, but caused him to refuse all manner of appoint
ments ; which as many men deem was the very cause of
none accepting of the King's (grace), wherefore all such
treaty broke and took none effect.
In this mean season of the King's being at Warwick,
came to the Earl of Warwick to Coventry, the Duke of
Exeter, the Marquis of Montague, the Earl of Oxford,
with many others in great number, by whose then
coming daily grew and increased the fellowship of that
party. The King with his brethren this considering,
and that in no wise he could provoke him to come out
of the town, not thinking it behoveful to assail, nor to
tarry for the assieging thereof ; as well for avoidance of
great slaughter that should thereby ensue, and for that
it was thought more expedient to them to draw towards Edward
London, and there, with help of God, and the assistance towards
of his true lords, lovers, and servants, which were there, Apriisi'h,
in those parts, in great number ; knowing also that his
principal adversary, Henry, with many (of) his partakers
were at London, there usurping, and using the authority
royal, which barred and letted (hindered) the King of
many aids and assistances, that he should and might have
had, in divers parts, if he might once shew himself of
power to break the authority ; wherefore by the advise

21 See the curious plan of Calais
prefixed to the present volume. The
Earl's popularity as Captain of Ca
lais was so great, that, within a few
minutes of the arrival of the news
of the restoration of Henry VI.

everybody in the town, from the
richest to the poorest, placed the
Earl's badge on his cap. This fever
of excitement is graphically painted
by Commines, who was an eye-wit
ness of it. -(Vol. i. p. 202.)

5-t

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD S

A.D. 1471.

A rrives at
Daventry on
Palm Sun
day, April
7th, 1471.

of his said brothers and other of his council, he took his
purpose to London wards, and so departed from War
wick ; yet efte sones (soon after) shewing him (self) and
his host before Coventry, and desiring the said Earl, and
his fellowship, to come out, and for to determine his
quarrel by battle, which he and they utterly refused;
wherefore the King and his brothers kept forth their
purpose southwards.22 And this was the 5th day April,
the Friday.
On the Saturday, the King with all his host, came to
a town called Daventry, where the King with great
devotion heard all divine service upon the morn, Palm-
Sunday, in the parish church, where God and Saint
Anne, shewed a fair miracle ; a good prognostic of good
adventure, that after should befall unto the King by the
hand of God, and mediation of that holy matron, Saint
Anne. For, so it was, that afore that time, the King
being out of his realm, in great trouble, thought, and
heaviness, for the misfortune and adversity that was fallen
him, full often, and specially upon the sea, he prayed to
God, our Lady, and Saint George, and, amongst other
saints, he specially prayed Saint Anne to help him,
where that he promised, that at the next time that it
should happen (to) him to see any image of Saint Anne, he
should thereunto make his prayers, and give his offering
in the honour and worship of that blessed Saint. So it
fell, that the same Palm Sunday, the King went in pro
cession, and all the people after, in good devotion as the
service of that day asketh, and when the procession was
come into the church, and by order of the service were

22 It is impossible to understand
the policy of the Earl of Warwick
in not attacking the King, when
this last defiance was given. He
had been joined by all his followers,
and though Clarence had deserted
to the King, he could not fear
treachery from the Duke of Exeter,
the Marquis of Montague, and the

Earl of Oxford, who now added
their forces to his. He must have
seen the folly of allowing the King
to obtain the custody of Henry, in
whose name and authority he acted,
and which his rival's march south
ward sufficiently indicated to be his
object in raising the siege.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 55
come to that place, where the veil should be drawn up a.d. 1471.
before the Rood, (Cross) that all the people shall honour
the Rood, with the anthem : " Ave," three times
begun, — in a pillar of the church directly before the
place, where the King kneeled, and devoutly honoured
the Rood, was a little image of Saint Anne, made of
alabaster, standing fixed to the pillar, 'closed and
clasped together with four boards, small, painted, and
going round about the image, in (the) manner of a com
pass, like as it is to (be) see (n) commonly, and all about,
whereat such images be wont to be made for to be sold,
and set up in churches, chapels, crosses, and oratories, in
many places. And this image was thus shut, closed, and
clasped, according to the rules, that in all the churches
of England be observed ; all images to be hid from Ash
Wednesday to Easter day in the morning. And so the
said image had been from Ashwednesday to that time.
And even suddenly, at that season of the service, the
boards, 'compassing the image about, gave a great crack,
and a little opened ; which the King well perceived and
all the people about him. And anon, after the boards Miracle of
drew and closed together again, without any man's hand,
or touching, and, as though it had been a thing done
with a violence, with a greater might it opened all
abroad, and so the image stood, open and discoverd, in
(the) sight of all the people there being. The King,
this seeing, thanked and honoured God, and Saint Anne,
taking it for a good sign, and token of good and pros
perous adventure, that God would send him (aid) in that
he had to do, and remembering his promise, he honoured
God and Saint Anne, in that same place, and gave his
offerings. All those, also, that were present, and saw
this, worshipped, and thanked God and Saint Anne
there, and many offered ; taking of this sign, shewed by
the power of God, good help* of their good speed for to
come.

Mr. Bruce suggests the reading : hope, for help.

56 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S
a.d. 1471. The King from that town went to a good town, called
Toe<3tConf! Northampton, where he was well received, and from
Northamp- tnence took the next way towards London, leaving al
ways behind him, in his journey, a good band of spears
and archers (for) his behind-ridera (rear guard) to
'counter, if it needed, such of the Earl's party, as, perad-
venture, he should have sent to have troubled him on
the backhalfe, (rear,) if he so had done. ¦
Here it is to be remembered, that (in this season of
the King's coming towards, and being at Warwick, and
of the coming to him of his brother the Duke of Clarence)
Edmund, calling himself Duke of Somerset,23 John of
Somerset, his brother, called Marquis Dorset, Thomas
Courtney,24 calling himself the Earl of Devonshire, being
News of at London, had knowledge out of France, that Queen Mar-
gteVkndTne garet, and her son called, Prince of Wales, the Countess
wa1esC.of of Warwick, the Prior of Saint John's, the Lord Wen-
lock, with many other (of) their adherents and part-
takers, with all that ever they might make, were 'ready at
the sea-side coming, purposing to arrive in the West
Country ; wherefore they departed out of London, and
went into the west parts, and there bestired themselves
right greatly to make an assembly of as much people,
for to receive them at their coming, them to accompany,
fortify, and assist, against the King, and all his partakers,
in the quarrels of Henry, called King, and occupying the
Queen Mar- regalia for that time. And true it was, that she, her
Prince of son, the Countess of Warwick, the Lords, and other of
countess of their fellowship, entered their ships for that intent the
main wind- twenty-fourth of March, ^ and so continued their abode
bound from J
March 24th   _ 
to April 13th.

23 Edmund Beaufort, Duke of
Somerset, an adherent to Henry VI.
and Queen Margaret, Commander
at the Battle of Tewkesbury, which
being lost, he fled to Sanctuary,
whence he was taken and beheaded,
his death adding but another crime
to the dark catalogue of those com
mitted by the selfish Edward.

24 In a letter d'ated Aug. 5, 1470,
Sir John Paston says: " Cortenayes
be landed in Devenschyer and ther
rewle," so that the Earl had as
sumed his forfeited title. — (Paston
Letters, vol. ii. p. 48.)
25 Queen Margaret and the young
Prince of Wales tookshipping at Har-
fleur on the 24th of March ; and, by

MANUSCRIPT

]

THE REIGN "OF EDWARD IV.

57

in their ships, or (ere) they might land in England, to a.d. 1471.
the thirteenth day of April, for default of good wind,
and for great tempests upon the sea, that time, as who
saith (one should say) continuing by the space of twenty
days. But leave we this, and return again to the King's Edward
_.. . - . arrives before
progress, m his journey towards London, telling how, London,
that he came upon the Tuesday, the ninth day of April,
from whence he sent comfortable messages to the Queen
to Westminster, and to his true Lords, servants, and
lovers, being at London : whereupon, by the most covert
means that they could, (they) advised and practised, how
that he might be received, and welcomed, at his said
city of London. The Earl of Warwick knowing this, his
journeying and approaching to London, sent his letters
to them of the city, willing and charging them to resist
him, and let (hinder) the receiving of him and his. He
wrote also to his brother, the Archbishop of York,26
desiring him to put him in the uttermost devoir (en
deavour) he could, to provoke the "city against him, and
keep him out, for two or three days ; promising that he
would not fail to come with great puissance on the back
half (rear), trusting utterly to distress, and destroy him,
and his, as to the same he had by his other writings
charged the mayor, and the aldermen, and the commons
(council) of the city.
Hereupon, the ninth day of April, the Archbishop ¦"«*'$-

one of those singular coincidences,
which give an air of romance to real
events, it was not till Easter Sun
day, April the 14th, the day on
which all the hopes of the House of
Lancaster were destroyed at Barnet,
that adverse winds and tempests
permitted them to land at Wey
mouth. 26 George Neville, brother of the
Earl of Warwick, and the Marquis

of Montague, was created Bishop of
Exeter, in 1455, before he was 20
years of age. In 1460 he was made
Chancellor, and 1466 translated to
York. He seems to have fallen
into poverty after the restoration
of Edward IV. — (See Paston Let
ters, vol. ii. p. 35, and also : God
win de Praesulibus, where Edward's
conduct towards him seems the
effect of the basest of passions,
avarice.)

58

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S

a.d. 1471. called unto him together, at Saint Pauls, within the
York opposes saj,j (jitv of London such lords, gentlemen, and others,
his entry, and J • -i e
as were of that party (and) as many men in harness ol
their servants, and others, as they could make, which in
rides with all passed not in number six or seven thousand men, and,
vrthrough thereupon, caused Henry,27 called King, to take a horse
the town. ^ ^ ^^ g^ paulg tnrougn Cheape, and so made a
circuit about to Walbrook, as the general procession of
London hath been accustomed, and so returned again to
St. Pauls, to the Bishop's Palace, where the said Henry
at that time was lodged, — supposing, that, when he had
shewed him in this array, they should have provoked the
citizens and the inhabitants of the city to have stood,
and come to them, and fortified (strengthened) that
Buttheciti- party; but truth it is, that the rulers of the city were at
with a°pathy the council, and had set men at all the gates, and wards,
cession.r°' and, they seeing by this manner of doing, that the power
of the said Henry, and his adherents, was so little, and
feeble as there and then was shewed, they could thereby
take no courage to draw to them, nor to fortify their
party; and, for that they feared, but rather the contrary,
for so much as they saw well, that if they would so
have done, their might was so little, that it was not for
them to have once attempted to have resisted the King,
in his coming, which approached near unto the city, and
Albans. They also of the city in

Edward IV.
at St. Albans.

was that night at St,

27 The conduct of the Archbishop
of York in thus exhibiting the
King, Henry VI., entirely failed in
the object he had in view. The
Citizens of London were then, as
in future times, governed chiefly by
self-interest. Henry's habits were
religious, and his house expenses
even parsimonious. The rich traders
of the metropolis loved, a gay
court, and the consequent expendi
ture caused by Masques and Revels.
The Citizens' wives, however, are
said to have had no small hand in

throwing open the gates to the re
cently deposed king. " The Citi
zens opened their gates freely to
him, being induced thereto : I. by
his many friends, who had taken
sanctuary, and particularly by the
Queen, his wife j n. because he
owed many merchants great sums,
which otherwise had been lost ; and
m. as Edward had been familiar
with the wives of the chief Citizens,
they persuaded their husbands to
declare for him." — (Commines,
book iii. chap. 7.)

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 59
great number, and namely of the most worshipful, were a.d. 1471.
fully disposed to favour the King, and to have the city
open unto him at his coming. They of the city also con
sidered, that he was notably well accompanied with many
good, able, and well-willed men, which, for no power,
nor, no resistance that might be made, would spare to
attempt, and support the taking the city, by all ways
possible ; whereof they should not have failed, consider
ing that the King, at that time, had many great and
mighty friends, lovers, and servitors, within the said
city, which would not have failed by divers enterprises
(to) have made the city open unto him: as this might The citizens
v ' J L ... inclined
not be unknown unto right many of the said city, and towards
also as might appear by that (which) was done after in
that behalf, and to that intent. Thus, what for love
that many bare to the King, and what for dread that
many men had, how that in case the city should have
been won upon them by force, the citizens should there
fore have sustained harm and damages irreparable, and
for many other great considerations, the mayor, alder
men, and other worshipful (persons) of the city, deter
mined clearly amongst themselves to keep the city for
the King, and to open it to him at his coming ; and so
they sent to him, that therein they would be guided to
his pleasure. The Archbishop of York, understanding The Arch.
the King's coming, and approaching near to the city, York makes
sent secretly unto him desiring to be admitted to his with Edward
grace, and to be under good appointment, promissing
therefore to do unto him great pleasure for his weal and
safety ; whereunto the King, for good causes and consi
derations, agreed so to take him to his grace. The
Archbishop, thereof assured, was right well pleased, and
therefore well and truly acquit (ed) him (self) in observ
ing the promise, that he had made to the King in that
behalf. The same night following the Tower of London was in whose
~\ . iiii 1 • nunie posses-
taken for the King s behalf, whereby he had a plain sion is taken

60

.THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD S

of the Tower,
April 10th,
1471.

Edward IV.
goes to St, '
Paul's, April
11th, 1471.
The Arch
bishop de
livers up
Henry the .'
Sixth.

Meeting of
Edward and
iiis family in
the Sanc
tuary, West
minster.

entry into the city ; though all they had not been deter
mined to have received him in, as they were. And on
the morrow, the Thursday, the. eleventh day of April,
the. King came, and had plain overture of the said city,
and rode straight to St. Pauls Church, and from thence
went into the Bishop's. Palace, where the Archbishop of
.York2? presented himself to the King's good grace, and
in his hands the usurper, King Henry, and there was the
King seized of him and divers rebels. , From St. Pauls
the King went to Westminster, there honoured, and
made his devout prayers, and gave thanks to God, St.
Peter, and St. Edward, and then went to the Queen,
and comforted her, that had a long time abode, and
sojourned at Westminster29 (assuring her person only
by the great franchise of that holy place) in right great
trouble, sorrow, and heaviness, which she sustained, with
all manner (of) patience that belonged to any creature,
and as constantly as hath been seen, at any time, any of
so high estate to endure ; in the which season, never
theless, she had brought into this world, to the King's
greatest joy, a fair son, a prince wherewith she presented
him at his coining, to his hearts singular comfort and
gladness, and to all them that him truely loved, and
would serve.30 From thence, that night, the King re-

28 Edward entered London and
immediately thanked the people for
their affection, and promised to
have it in everlasting remembrance.
He seconded this promise with se
veral acts of clemency, which en
tirely won him the hearts of the
citizens. Meanwhile, Henry VI.
having been betrayed to his rival
by the wily Archbishop of York,
was again imprisoned in the Tower,
from whence he had been taken
seven months before to remount
the throne of his father and grand
father. — (See Rapin, vol. v. p. 69,
and Holinshed, p. 1332.)
29 " The Queen that was, and
the Duchess of Bedford be in Sanc

tuary at Westminster ; the Bishop
of Ely, with other Bishop's are at
St. Martin's " (le Grand).— (Pas
ton Letters, vol. ii. p. 53.)
30 This child was the unfortunate
Edward V. concerning whose fate
we have no legitimate clue. The
Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury,
a man of the highest character, to
whom the Queen had intrusted her
younger son, and who had pledged
himself for his security, placed the
crown on the head of his uncle,
Richard III.; which ceremony was
witnessed by the chief nobility. In
the coronation roll ia a remarkable
list of the necessaries furnished

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

Gl

turned to London, and the Queen with him, and lodged a.d. 1471.
at the lodging of my lady, his mother, where they heard S^g™,,""
divine service that night, and upon the morrow. Good l^'c^ui
Friday; where also, on the morrow, the King took
advice of the great lords of his blood, and others of his
council, for the adventures that were likely for to come.
The Earl of Warwick, (calling himself Lieutenant of The Eari of
England, and so constituted , by the pretended authority quits c»-
of King Henry,) being at Coventry, and understanding nnr«»u or
well that the King would do much to be received in at through
° Northamp-
London; and wist not in certain, (and not knowing for ton-
certain) yes or no, issued out of Coventry with a great
puissance, the lords, and all that he might make with him,
and, by Northampton, took their way after the King, sup-:
posing verily to have had right great advantage upon him
by one of these two ways ; either, that the city should
have kept the King out, which failed ; or else, in case
he were received in, he should there (have) kept and ob
served the solemnity of Easter, and, if he so did, he
thought suddenly to come upon him, take him, and de
stroy him, and (to have) deceived his people ; but the
King well advertised of this evil and malicious purpose,
did (use) great diligence to rencounter him, ere he might
come near unto the city, as far from it as he goodly
might, and, therefore, with a great army he departed

to " Lord Edward, son of late
King Edward IV." to enable him
to walk in his uncle's coronation
procession. From this we may
conclude that Richard assumed the
crown with the concurrence of the
nobility ; and such being the case,
the murder of his nephews would
have been a gratuitous piece of cru
elty on his part. Sir Thos. More,
the original promulgator of the
supposed murder of the princes in
the Tower, by order of their uncle,
places this event seven months prior
to the act which bastardized the
children of the late King. By

murdering his nephews and allow
ing his nieces to survive he would
have committed two great errors :
Istly, have made it apparent that
the act of bastardy was void ; and
2dly, have provided any successful
soldier, like Richmond, a title by
marriage, in right of the Princess
Elizabeth, to have claimed the
crown. The solution of this mys
tery must probably be sought in
the fate of Perkiu Warbeck. To
prevent the recurrence of similar
claims, the crafty Henry VII. gave
out that the young princes had been
murdered by their uncle.

62

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD^

Earl, April
13th, 1471.

Arrange ments over
night pre
vious to the
battle.

Edward iv. out of the city of London towards him, upon the Sa
to meet the turday, Easter even, the thirteenth day of April. And
so he took in his company to the field King Henry ; 30
and so, that afternoon, he rode to Barnet,31 ten miles
out of London, where his aforeriders (van-guard) had
found the aforeriders of the Earl of Warwick's host,
and beat them, and chased them out of the town, more
somewhat than half a mile ; where, under a hedge-side,
were 'ready assembled a great people in array of the
Earl of Warwick's. The King coming after to the said
town, and understanding all this, would not suffer one
man to abide in the same town ; but had them all to the
field with him, and drew towards his enemies without
the town. And, for (that) it was right dark, and he
might not well see where his enemies were embattled
(encamped) before him, he lodged him (self), and all his
host, before them, much near(er) than he had supposed;
but he took not his ground so even in the front before
them, as he should have done, if he might better have
seen them ; but somewhat aside-hand, where he disposed
all his people, in good array all that night ; and so they
kept them still without any manner (of) language, or
noise, but as little as they well might. Both parties had
guns and ordinance, but the Earl of Warwick had many
more than the King, and therefore in the night, weening
(thinking) greatly to have annoyed the King, and his
host, with shot of guns, the Earl's field shot guns almost
all the night. But, thanked be God ! it so fortuned that
they always. overshot the King's host, and hurt them
nothing ; and the cause was, the King's host lay much
nearer them, than they deemed. And, with that also,
the King and his host kept passing great silence almyghe

30 " Edward brought Henry with
him, not daring to commit him to
any one's custody." — (Rapin.)
sl It is generally supposed that
the Earl was encamped on Glads -

more Heath, one mile from Chip
ping Barnet ; but the distance here
mentioned appears to refer to
Barnet in Middlesex.— (See note,
p. 67.)

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

63

(all night) and made, as who saith, (as one should say) a.d. 1471.
no noise, whereby they might not know the very place
where they lay. And for that they should not know it,
the King suffered no guns to be shot on his side, all
that night, or else right few, which was to him (of)
great advantage, for thereby he (Warwick) might have
esteemed the ground that he (Edward) lay in, and have
levelled there guns near.
On the morrow, betimes, the King,32 understanding
that the day approached near, betwixt four and five of
the clock, notwithstanding there was a great mist, and
letted (hindered) the sight of each other, yet he com
mitted his cause and quarrel to Almighty God, advanced
(his) banners, did blow up (on) trumpets, and set upon Battle of
them, first with shot, and then, and soon, [ther] they menTed^n"'
joined, and came to hand-strokes, wherein his enemies day, APni
11 , i 14, 1471, at
manly and courageously received them, as well in haif-past 4
, • I 1 , O'clock A.M.
shot as in hand-strokes, when they joined ; which
joining of their both battles (armies) was not directly
front to front, as they so should have joined [ne
had be] (had it not been for) the mist, which suffered
neither party to sec (the) other, but for a little space ;
and that of likelihood caused the battle to bo the more
cruel and mortal ; for, so it was, that the one end of
their battle overreached the end of the King's battle, and
so at that end they were much mightier, than was the
King's battle at the same (end), that joined with them,
which was the west end, and therefore, upon that part
of the King's battle, they had a greater distress upon
the King's party ; wherefore many fled towards Barnet, Part of
and so forth to London, ere ever they left (off); and troops give'
, way,
they (the Earl's party) fell into the chase of them and

32 In Edward's army the front
was led by Richard, Duke of Glou
cester j Edward himself and the
Duke of Clarence commanded the
main body ; and William, Lord
Hastings, the rear. In Warwick's
army the right wing was commanded

by the Marquis of Montague, and
the Earl of Oxford ; the left by the
Earl himself, and the Duke of Exe
ter ; and a body of Archers, form
ing his centre, by the Duke of So
merset. — (See Hall, p. 217.)

64

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S

a,d. 1471. did much harm. But the other parties, and the residue
of neither battle, might see that distress, neither the
fleeing, nor the chase, because of (the) great mist that
was, which would not suffer no (any) man to see but a
little from him; and so the King's battle, .which saw
none of all that, was thereby in nothing discouraged,
for, save only a few that . were near unto them, no
man wist (knew) thereof; also the other party by
the same distress, flight, or chase, were therefore never
the greatlyer. encouraged. And, in likewise at the
east end, the King's battle, when they came to joining,
overeached their battle, and so distressed them there
greatly, and so drew near towards the King,33 who was
and spread about the midst of the battle, and sustained all the might
his defeat, and weight thereof. . Nevertheless upon the same , little
distress34 at the west end, anon ran (the news) to West
minster, and to London, and so further to other coun
tries, that the .King was distressed, and his field lost ;

33 " In personal prowess, and
dauntless courage, the chieftains on
either side might compare with the
greatest heroes of antiquity. In
numbers the Yorkists, under Ed
ward, greatly exceeded the Lancas
trians commanded by Warwick,
who, however, was better provided
with artillery. This, we have seen,
owing to the mist, quaintly ascribed
by the old chronicler, Fabian, to the
incantations of Friar Bungay, who
had accompanied the King for the
purpose of aiding, by magical agency,
the cause of Edward, was of little
use, as a constant waste of ammuni
tion had been kept up throughout
the night, against the supposed
position of the Yorkists." — (See
Beauties of England and Wales,
vol. vii. p. 322.)
34 This partial success was the
ultimate ruin of the Earl's party.
The Earl of Oxford, the celebrated
John de Vere, had succeeded in
driving back the Yorkists. Return
ing from his victorious assault to
his own lines, through the mist

which overhung the field of battle,
his badge, a star with streams, was
mistaken for Edward's device of a
sun. Warwick's own band charged
these troops furiously, and they in
turn, seeing themselves thus at
tacked by their own companions,
imagined treachery, and fled towards
the enemy. Edward, taking advan
tage of the mistake, cut to pieces
those that came flying towards him ;
for he had ordered in the commence
ment that no quarter should be
given. Willing to retrieve this error,
and anxious to reanimate his troops
by his example, the Earl rushed on
foot amongst the thickest of his
enemies, where he fell covered with
wounds. There is a traditional
anecdote.whlch says, "that the Earl
and Richard, Duke of Gloucester,
met in this last charge, and that
the Earl, mindful of his promise
to the dying Duke of York, spared
the arm, which within a few minutes
after kid him low." The Marquis
of Montague rushed to his rescue,
and perished by his side.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE RF.IGN 01' EDWARD IV. 65
but the laud be to Almighty God ! it was otherwise ; a.d. 1471.
for the King, trusting verily in God's help, our blessed
Lady's, and Saint George, took to him great hardiess
and courage, for to suppress the falsehood of all them,
that so falsely, and so traitorously, had conspired against
him, wherethrough, with the faithful, well-beloved, and
mighty assistance of his fellowship, that in great number
disevered not from his person, and were as well assured
unto him as to them was possible, he manly, vigorously,
and valiantly, assailed them in the midst, and strongest Edward'sn t? rso n ni
of their battle, where he, with great violence, beat and prowess and
' . • ' G ' ultimate
bare down before him all that stood in his way, and then success.
turned to the range, first on that hand, and then on that
other hand, in length, and so beat and bare them down,
so that nothing might stand in the sight of him, and the
well assured fellowship, that attended truly upon him ;
so that, blessed be God ! he won the field there, and the
perfect victory remained unto him, and to his rebels the
discomfiture of thirty thousand35 men, as they numbered
themselves. In this battle was slain the Earl of Warwick, some- Deaths of the
* '. Earl of War-
what flying,36 which was taken, and reputed as chief of wick and his
the field, in that he was called amongst them Lieutenant JIar(;ui9 of
7 ° Montague.
of England, so constituted by the pretended authority
of King Henry. There was also slain the Marquis
Montague, in plain battle, and many other knights,
squire's, noble men, and others. The Duke of Exeter37

35 The number of Warwick's
troops is undoubtedly much over
rated in the text at 30,000, as Ed
ward's army only numbered 9,000.
Rapin says, " the Earl of Warwick's
troops, though inferior in number,
fought desperately," which appears
a complete contradiction to the
above. — (See also note ffl, p. 64.)
30 There is nothing to authenti
cate this aspersion upon the per
sonal bravery of the bravest man
of a brave age. The writer of the

present fragment is biassed by his
Yorkist predilections, and the great
merit of his narrative is the minute
ness with which he details the more
peaceable section of the King's
progress. He was evidently not
a fighting man, and reminds one
strongly of the concluding lines of
the fable of the dead lion -. —
 " Asinus ut vidit ferum
Impune Icedi ; calcibus frontem ex
tent."
37 Henry Holland, Duke of Exe-

G6

TUB REIGN OP EDWARD IV.

[fleet

The battle
lasted three
hours.

a.d. 1471. was smitten clown, and sore wounded, and left for dead ;
but he was not well known, and so left by a little out of
Flight of the the field, and so after he escaped. The Earl of Oxford
ter and Eari fled, and took into the country, and, in his flight, fell in
of Oxford. ' . , i n i r
company with certain northern men, that also tied irom
the same field, and so went he in their company north
wards, and after that into Scotland.
This battle 'dured, fighting and skirmishing some time
in one place and some time in an other, right doubtfully,
because of the mist, by the space of three hours, ere it
was fully achieved : and the victory is given to him by
God, by the mediation of the most blessed Virgin and
Mother, our Lady, Saint Mary; the glorious martyr,
St. Qeorge, and all the Saints of Heaven maintaining
his quarrel to be true righteous, with manifold good and
continual prayers, which many devout persons, religious
and others, ceased not to yield unto God for his good
speed, and, in especial, that same clay and season, when
it pleased God to accept the prayers of people, being
confessed, and in clean life, which was the Easter morn
ing, the time of the service-doing of the resurrection,
commonly by all the churches of England. And, albeit,
the victory remained to the King, yet was it not without
i,ords emm- great danger and hurt: for there were slain38 in the
ami other' field, the Lord Cromwell, the Lord Say, the Lord Mount-
Yorkists
siai... joy's son and heir, and many other good Knights, and
squires, good yeomen, and many other menial servants
of the King's. And it is to wit, (to be noted) that it

ter, was brother-in-law to King
Edward the Fourth, having married
his sister Anne.
38 Hall says there were 10,000
slain on both sides ; Fabian says
about 1,500, and Stow 4,000. A
contemporary writer, however, and
one who was present in Warwick's
army, confirms in some measure
the number given byFabian. "There
was killed upon the field, half a mile
from Barnet, on Easter day, the

Earl of Warwick, the Marquis Mon
tague, Sir William Tyrell, Sir Lewis
Johns, and divers other Esquires of
our country, GodmarstonandBoolh.
And on the King Edward's party,
the Lord Cromwell, the Lord Say,
Sir Humphrey Bourchier of our
country, which is a sore mourned
man here -, and other people of both
parties to the number of more than
a thousand." — (Paston Letters,
vol. ii. p. 65.)

.MANUSCRIPT.] TIIF. REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 67
could not be judged, that the King's host 'passed in a.d. m7i.
number nine thousand men; but such a Great and
Gracious Lord, is Almighty God, that it pleaseth him
(to) give the victory, as well to (the) few, as to (the)
many ; wherefore to Him be the laud, and the thanks !
And so the King gave him special loving, and all that
were with him. This thus done, the King, the same
day, after that he had a little refreshed himself and his
host at Barnet,39 he gathered his fellowship together,
and with them returned to his City of London, where
into he was welcomed, and received, with much joy and
gladness. And so he rode forth straight unto St. Pauls, Edward iv.
at London, and there was received with (by) my Lord Thanks3 at st
Cardinal of England, and many other bishops, prelates, Pau'''
lords spiritual, and temporal, and others in great num
ber, which all humbly thanked, and loved God, of his
Grace that it pleased him, that day to give to their
Prince and Sovereign Lord so prosperous a journey,
whereby he had suppressed them, that, of so great
malice, had procured and labourer! at their powers his
utter destruction, contrary to God, and to their faiths
and 'liegeances.
On the morrow after, the King commanded that the The dead
bodies of the dead lords, the Earl of Warwick, and his ££ E0„frllhe
brother, the Marquis, should be brought to St. Pauls in b^the? ex-
London, and, in the church there, openly shewed,40 to all paurs." st'

39 The exact site of this celebrated
field is not known , though a chapel
was erected on the spot, where the
slain were buried, in memory of
them. In the year 1740 Sir Jere
my Sambrook erected an obelisk
near the point where the high road
divaricates towards Hatfield and St.
Alban's, with this inscription, "H ere
was fought the famous battle be
tween Edward IV. and the Earl of
Warwick, April 14th, Anno 1471 ;
in which the Earl was defeated and
slain." This would make Glads-
more orBentley Heath the scene of F

this deadly struggle. It is in the
parish of Hadley, and was enclosed
by Act of Parliament. It is about
one mile distant from Chipping Bar-
net, and about 13 miles from Lon
don. Sir John Paston, who was
present at the Battle, says, however,
distinctly that the field was " half a
mile from Barnet." — (See note33.)
40 " The bodies of these two
noblemen were exposed three days
to public view in St. Paul's Cathe
dral, and then conveyed to, and
buried at Bisham Abbey, Berks." —
(Fenn.)
9

68

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [fI.ERTWOOd's

a.d. 1471. the people; to the intent, that after that, the people
should not be abused by feigned seditious tales, which
many of them, that were wont to be towards the Earl
of Warwick, had been accustomed to make ; and, per-
adventure, so would have made after that, had not the
dead bodies there been shewed, open and naked, and
well known ; for, doubtless, else the rumour should have
been sown about, in all countries, that they both, or
else at the least, the Earl of Warwick was yet alive,
upon (the) cursed intent, thereby to have caused new
murmurs, insurrections, and rebellions, amongst indis
posed people ; such, namely, as many days had been led
to great inconveniences and mischievous doings, by
means of the false feigned fables, and slanders, that by
his subtlety and malicious moving were wont to be
seditiously sown, and blown about all the land by such
persons as could use, and long had used, that cursed
custom ; whereof as it is commonly said, right many
were towards him, and for that intent, returned and
waged with him.

King
Edward
learns the
arrival of
Queen
Margaret

CHAPTER II.
Here after followeth, how that Queen Margaret, with
her son Edward, called Prince of Wales, after their
arrival in the west country assembled great people, and
came to Tewkesbury, where the King delivered them
battle, distressed them, and their fellowship : the said
Edward, the Duke of Somerset, and others were slain.
After all these things were thus fallen, the Tuesday
in Easter week, the sixteenth day of April, came certain
tidings 1 to the King, how, that Queen Margaret, her

1 "As for other tidings, (it) is un
derstood here, that the Queen Mar
garet is verily landed, and her Son,
in the West Country, and I trow
(believe) that as tomorrow or else

the next day, the King Edward will
depart from hence to Leeward, to
drive her out again. God hath
shewed himself murvellously like
him that made all, and can undo

MANUSCRIPT. J THE 11E1GN OF EDWARD IV. 69
son, Edward, called Prince of Wales, the Countess of and her mi-
Warwick, the Prior of Saint John's, (at) that time Weymouth.
called Treasurer of England, the Lord Wenlock, and
many other knights, squires, and others of their party,
which long had been out of the land with them, with
such, also, as with the said Prior of Saint John's had
gone into France to fetch them into England, were
arrived, and landed in the west country upon Easter day
at Weymouth, after long abiding passage, and being
on the sea, and landing again for default of good wind,
and weather. For truth it is, that the Queen, and Ed
ward her son, with all their fellowship, intending to pass
out of Normandy into England, took first the sea at
Honfleur in the month of March, the twentyfourth day
of the same (month,) and from that time forthwards
they could not have any stable weather to pass with ;
for, and (if) it were one day good, anon it changed upon
them, and was against them, and fain they Avere, there
fore, to go to land again. And so, at divers times, they
took the sea, and forsook it again, till it was the thir
teenth day of April, Easter Eve. That day they passed.
The Countess of Warwick2 had a ship of avaunctage, TheCountess
r ° 'of Warwick
and, therefore, landed before the other, at Portsmouth, landed at
' ' . Portsmouth,
and from thence she went to Southampton, intending to
have gone towards the Queen, which was landed at
Weymouth. But, being there, she had certain know- j.™™^ %£'
ledge, that the King had won the field upon her j^Jj^ tnl[M
husband at Barnet, and there slain him, wherefore she ;"™u""uy "'
Abbey.
again when him list j and I can think I ville, Queen to Richard III., upon
that by all likelihood shall shew whose marriage the princely inheri-
himself as marvellous again, and , tance was divided between the two
that in short time : and, as I sup- I sisters, leaving butasmallallowance
pose, oftncr than once in cases | to their widowed parent. She took
like." — (Paston Letters, vol. i. p. refuge in Beverley sanctuary, and
67.) I was thence conveyed northward in
2 Anne, widow of the great Earl the year 1473, "men say by the
of Warwick, sister and heir to Henry j King's assent, whereto some men
Bcauchamp, Duke of Warwick, and say, that the Duke of Clarence is not
mother of Isabel, Duchess of Cla- , agreed." — (Paston Letters, vol. ii.
rcnoe, and of the Lady Anne Ne- ' p. 145.)

70

THE REIGN OF

eoward iv. [Fleetwood's

a.d. 1471. would no farther go towards the Queen ; but secretly got
over Hampton-water into the New Forest, where she
(be) took her (self) to the franchise of an Abbey, called
Beaulieu, which, as it is said, is ample, and as large as
the franchise of Westminster, or of Saint Martins (Le
Grand) at London.
Queen Mar- The Queen Margaret and her son went from whence
cernelhbey" she landed to an Abbey near by called Cerne,3 and
bydsome?seetd all the lords and the remenaunt (rest) of the fellow-
°wre"ev°n" ship with them,. Thither came unto them Edmond,
called Duke of Somerset, Thomas Courtney, called
the Earl of Devonshire, with others, and welcomed
them into England ; comforted them, and put them in
good hope, that, albeit they had lost one field, whereof
the Queen had knowledge the same day, Monday, the
fifthteenth day of April, and was therefore right heavy
and sorry, yet it was to think that they should have
right good speed, and that for that loss, their party was
never the feebler, but rather stronger ; and that they
doubted nothing, but that they should assemble so great
puissance of people, in clivers parts of England, truly
assured unto their party, that it should not (any) more
lie in the King's power to resist them ; and in that
country they would begin. And so, forthwith they sent
all about in Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, and part of
Wiltshire, for to make ready and raise the people by a
certain day, such algates (always) as the said lords, and
their partakers, before that had greatly laboured to that
intent, preparing the country by all means to them
possible. And, for that they would gather and raise up
the power of Devonshire and Cornwall, they drew from
thence more westwards to the city of Exeter, moving
Edward, called Prince, and his mother the Queen, to do

who per
suade her to
proceed to
Exeter, with
PrinceEdward,

3 Hall's account, in which he is
followed by most of our Historians,
bays, the Queen took sanctuary at
Beaulieu. His highly wrought de

scription of her despondency and
behaviour there, is of course an
agreeable fiction, and nothing else.

MANUSCRIPT.

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

71

the same, trusting that their presence — [showing] in the a.d. 1471.
country should cause much more, and the sooner, the
people to come to their help and assistance.
At Exeter they sent for Sir John Arundel, Sir Hugh
Courtney, and many others on whom they had any trust,
and, in substance, they raised the whole might of Corn
wall, and Devonshire, and so, with great people,4 they ami ihenec
1 l 1 p n , ,1 • , toUlnslim-
cleparted out of lixeter, and took the right way to i>"ry <>nd
Glastonbury, and, from thence to the city of Bath,
whither they came the (20th) day of April ; and, as they
went, they gathered the able men of all those parts.
The country had been so long laboured before by the
Earl of Warwick, and such, as he for that cause sent
thither to move them to take King Henry's part, and,
now [of late] (again) they were also sore laboured for
the same intent, and thereunto the more lightly enduced,
by Edmond, called Duke of Somerset, and Thomas
Courtney, called the Earl of Devonshire, for that they
reputed them old inheritors of that country.
The King, being at London, and having knowledge of Edward's
all this their demeaning from time to time, anon pur- todefeat10"8
veyed for the relieving of his sick and hurt men, that garefs plans.
had been with him at Barnet field, (which were right
many in number, what (with those) left at London, and
what (with those) in the country) and sent to all parts

4 The account here given by the
Yorkist historian differs from that
chronicled by Hall and Holinshed.
According to these authorities, "the
Queen, the Prince and Princess of
Wales, with a few attendants were
escorted to Bath, whilst the leaders
of the Lancastrian party separated
to collect their forces ; which they
did with so much success, that in
less than ten days they counted an
army of 40,000 men."— (Henry,
vol. ix.p. 221.) " The suddenness
wherewith all these lords levied or
assembled their troops, would be
most surprising, if, in the first
place, the astonishing effects usually

produced by hatred and revenge,
especially in Civil Wars, were not
considered. Secondly, it must be
remembered, that the remains of
the Earl of Warwick's army having
dispersed themselves after theBattle
of Barnet, wanted only a leader to
head them. Lastly, as it was but
a few days since the battle, it was
not yet known how the conqueror
would behave to the vanquished.
So most having greater reason to
expect severity than mercy, chose
rather to venture again their lives
in battle, than run the risk of dying
on the gibbet and scaffold." — (Ra-
pin, vol. v. p. 75.)

72

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD S

A.D. 1471.

He quits
London
April 19,
1471, for
Windsor.

to get him fresh men, and, incontinent, prepared all
things that were thought bchoveful for a new field ;
which he saw was imminent, and coming on. So pur
veyed he artillery, and ordinance guns, and other (things)
for the field (in) great plenty.5 And Friday, the nine
teenth day of April, he departed out of London, and
went to Windsor there to thank and honour God, and
Saint George; where he kept also the feast of Saint
George, tarrying somewhat the longer there, for that he
had commanded all the people, and those would serve
him in this journey, to draw unto ^iim thither, and from
thence such way as should happen him (to) take towards
his enemies. And, for so much as they at that season
were in an angle of the land, and needs they must take

" The King's army was well sup
plied with arms and ammunition,
whilst the Queen's adherents were
in the utmost want of the necessary
munitions of war. Hence their
anxiety to join the Earl of Pem
broke on the other side of the Se
vern, before coming to close quar
ters with Edward's troops. The
following curious letter, preserved
in the 2nd volume of Fenn's col
lection, and supposed to have been
written by the great Earl of Oxford,
about this period, shows the ex
treme caution used by the Lancas
trian Leaders after the Battle of
Barnet, by employing privy tokens,
lest by the use of the name only
their supplies of arms and money
should be fraudulently obtained.
" Right reverend and worshipful
Lady, I commend me to you, letting
you weet that I am in great heavi
ness at the making of this letter ;
but thanked be God 1 I urn escaped
myself, and suddenly departed from
my men ; for I understand my chap
lain would have betrayed me ; and
if he come into the country, let him
be made sure, etc.
"Also yeshall givecredence to the
bringer of this letter, and I beseech
you to reward him to his cosls ; for

I was not in power at the making
of this letter to give him, but as I
was put in trust by favour of strange
people, etc. Also you shall send
me iu all haste, all the ready money
that ye can make ; and as many of
my men, as can come well horsed,
and that they come in diverse par
cels. Also that my best horses be
sent with my steel saddles, and bid
the yeoman of the horse, cover
them with leather.
"Also ye shall send to my mother,
and let her weet of this letter, and
pray her of her blessing, and bid
her send me my casket by this
token ; ' that she hath the key
thereof, but it is broken.' Also ye
shall send to the Prior of Thetford,
and bid him send me the sum of
gold, that he said that I should have j
also say to him by this token ;
' that I shewed him the first privy
seal.' Also let Puston, Felbrig and
Brews come to ine. Also ye shall
deliver the bringer of this letter an
horse, saddle and bridle. Also ye
shall be of good cheer, and take no
thought, for I shall bring my pur
pose about now by the Grace of
God, Who have you in keeping.
April ] 471. "—(PastonLetters, vol.
ii. p. 69-71.)

MANUSCRIPT.] THE HB1GN OF EDWARD IV. 73
one of the two ways ; that is to say, either to come a.d. 1471.
straight to Salisbury, and so that way towards London,
or else, along by the sea-coast into Hampshire, Sussex,
and Kent, and so to London, to make in the way their
people the more in number ; or else, they, not thinking
themselves to be of puissance likely to have or do with
the King, and therefore, peradventurc, would draw
northwards into Lancashire, and Cheshire, trusting also
to have in their way the assistance of Welshmen, by the
means of Jasper, called Earl of Pembroke, which, for
that cause, had been before sent into the country of
Wales to array them, and make them ready to assist
that party at their coming ; for which considerations the
King caused great diligence to be done by means of
spies, and by them he had knowledge from time to time
of their purposes in that behalf. If they would have Edward's
taken eastwards their way, his intent was to encounter rangemenu"
them as soon as he might, and the further from London ing the
Queen's
that should be to him possible, (for the intent that they forces,
should assemble no might out of any country but where
they then were ;) but, for so much as he understood
well they took the other way towards northwest, he
hastened [him] with his host, all that he might, upon the
purpose that he liad taken to stop them their way and
passage into those parts, whereunto their desire was to
go, and to make them the more mighty, which passage,
of likelihood, either must beat Gloucester, or else atatciouces-
Tewkesbury, or further off at Worcester. And, algates bury, and
Worcester.
(on all sides) the King lay so, that, would they or no,
he needs should now encounter them, or stop them, and
put them back. They, in like wise, thinking by their
wisdom that such was, or of convenience must be, the
purpose of the King's party in that behalf, (for which Margaret
cause and purpose they sent their out-riders straight Uriel t™'s
from Exeter to Shaftesbury, and afterwards to Salisbury,) saiub"r5"ry'
and took them (selves) the straight way to Taunton, and Glastonbury
to Glastonbury, to Wells and there abouts, hovering in to mislead'

74

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [fI.EETWOOk'm

the King,
and to
Yeovil and
Bruton.A.D. 1471.

the country. From whence, another time, they sent their
out-riders to a town, called Yeovil, and to a town, called
Bruton, to make men to understand, that they would
have drawn towards Reading, and, by Berkshire, and
Oxfordshire, have drawn towards London ; or else, fallen
upon the King at some great advantage. Such manner
(of) sending, 'nathless, served them of two things, one
was to call and raise the people to make towards them
for their help out of all those parts; another was, to
have abused (deceived) the King in his approaching to
wards them; but, thanked be God, he was not hereof
unadvertized, but by good, and 'said, advice, purveyed for
every way as may appear in telling forth his progress
from Windsor towards them ; from whence he departed
the Wednesday, the morning after Saint George's day,
b^AbinBdon the twenty-third of April, so keeping his journey, that
he came to Abingdon 6 the Saturday next, the twenty-
seventh day; (where he was the Sunday) and on the
Monday at Cirencester ; where he had certain tidings
that they would (be) on Tuesday next at Bath, (as so
they were ;) and that on the morn next, the Wednesday,

Edward
leaves Wind.
sor, April
23rd, 1471

rencester (Ap. 2!l);

c From Abingdon Edward issued
a. proclamation dated April 27th,
setting forth, that his title to the
crown was unquestionable 1 first, by
reason ; secondly, by authority of
parliament; thirdly, by his victo
ries, and particularly the last, where
in the Earl of Warwick, and the
Marquis of Montague were slain.
That notwithstanding these three
most firm foundations, namely,
reason , parliamentary authority , and
victory, sundry persons had taken
up arms against him : but to avoid
the eiTusion of more blood, he had
thought proper to give his people
a list of the names of those persons,
who were pronounced traitors and
rebels, that their encouragers might
not complain, if any mischief befel
them. The persons proscribed
were : Margaret, styling herself
Queen of England ; Edward, her

son; the Duke of Exeter ; the Duke
of Somerset; John, Earl of Oxford;
John Courtney, Earl of Devonshire;
William, Viscount de Beaumont;
John Beaufort, Brother to the
Duke of Somerset ; Hugh Court
ney, with eleven others. (See Ry-
mer, vol. xi. p. 709.) April the
27th was the King's birthday, if
" born in the year 1442, on that
day, at 45 minutes past 4 o'clock,
p. m. at Rouen." (See Hearne 's
Liber Niger, etc. vol. ii. p. 525.)
In the Fragment, attributed to a
member of the Howard family, the
year of his birth is given as 1440.
(See page 1 of the present volume ;)
and his contemporary annalist says :
" 1442, Edward, second son and
heir of Richard, Duke of York, was
born on the 28th of April, two
hours after midnight."— (William
Wyrcester, p. 462.)

-MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 75
they would come on straight towards the King's battle, a.d. 1171.
For which cause, and for that he would see, and set his
people in array, he drove all the people out of the town,
and lodged him (self) and his host that night in the
fields, three miles out of the town. And on the morrow,
he (having no certain tidings of their coming forward)
went to Malmesbury, seeking upon them. And there «u<i theme
l-lll ill ,-. -,. , t0 Malmcs-
had he knowledge, that they, understanding his ap- bury(./y;.oo).
proaching and inarching near to them, had left (changed)
their purpose of giving battle, and turned aside-hand,
and went to Bristol, a good and strong walled town, The Queen
where they were greatly refreshed and relieved, by such unsmi.
as were the King's rebels in that town, of money, men,
and artillery ; wherethrough they took new courage, the
Thursday after, to take the field, and give the King-
battle ; for which intent they had sent out-riders to a
town nine miles from Bristol, called Sodbury ; and, a
mile towards the King, they appointed a ground for
their field at a place called Sodbury Hill. The King, Edward at
hearing this, the same Thursday, (the) first day of May, (May u.
with all his host in array, and fair ordinance, came to
wards the place by them appointed for their field. The
enemies, also, advanced them forth the same day out of
Bristol, (making semblance as though they would have
come straight to the place appointed,) but, having know-
lodge of the King's approaching, they left that way,
albeit their harbingers were come before them as far
as Sodbury town, where they distressed certain of the
King's party, (five or six, such as negligently pressed so
far forwards, dreading no danger, but only intending to
have purveyed there their master's lodgings,) and so they
changed their said purpose, and took their way straight
to Berkeley, travelling all that night, and from thence The Queen
towards the town of Gloucester. The King, the same jLrSc°,and
Thursday, soon after noon came near to the same ground, Gloucester.
called Sodbury Hill, and, not having any certainty of
his enemies sent his scourers all about in the country,

76

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD 's

A.D. 1471.

Edward instructs Richard
lleauchampto defend
Gloucester
against the
Cineen.

trusting by them to have wist (known) where they had
been. About that place was a great and a fair large
plain, called a Wold, and doubtful it was for to pass
further, so he might hear somewhat of them supposing
that they were right near, as so they might well have been,
if they had kept forth the way they took out of Bristol.
And, when he could not hear any certainty of them, he
advanced forwards his whole battle, and lodged his vaward
{vanguard) beyond the hill, in a valley towards the town
of Sodbury ; and lodged himself with the remainder of his
host at the sclfe (same) hill, called Sodbury Hill. Early
in the morning, soon after 3 o'clock, the King had cer
tain tidings, that they had taken their way by Berkely
towards Gloucester, as so they took (their way) indeed.
Whereupon he took advice of his council of that he had
to do for the stopping of their ways, at two passages
afore named by Gloucester, or else by Tewkesbury ; and
first he purveyed (provided) for Gloucester, and sent
thither certain servants of his own to Richard Beau-
champ,7 son and heir to the Lord Beauchamp, (to whom
afore he had committed the rule and governance of the
town and castle of Gloucester,) commanding him to keep
the town and castle for the King; and that he, with
such help as he might have, should defend the same
against them, in case they would in any wise assail them,
as it was supposed they so would do that same afternoon ;
letting them wete (know) that he would have good espy
upon them if they so did. And, if he might know that
they so did, he promised to come (to) their rescue and
comfort. With this, the King's message, they were well
received at Gloucester, and the town and castle put in
sure and safe keeping of the said Richard, and the
said King's servants. Which message was sent and
done in right good season ; for certain it is, the King's
enemies were put in sure hope, and determined to have

7 Richard, son of Lord Beauchamp, of Powkey.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 77
entered the town, and either (to) have kept it against a.d. 1471.
the King, or at the least (to) have passed through the
town into other countries, where they thought (to) have
been mightily assisted, as well with Welshmen, which
they deemed should have fallen to them in those parts in
the company of Jasper, called Earl of Pembroke, as also
for to have gotten into their company by that way-taking
great number of men of Lancashire, and Cheshire, upon
whom they much trusted. For which causes they had
greatly travelled their people all that night and morning;
upon the Friday [to the] about ten oclock they vvere who accord-
come before Gloucester, where their intent was utterly the gates
against her.
denied them by Richard Beauchamp, and others of the
King's servants, that, for that cause, the King had sent
thither, notwithstanding many of the inhabitants of that
town were greatly disposed towards them, as they had
certain knowledge. Of this demeaning they took right
great displeasure, and made great menaces, and pre
tended as though they would have assaulted the town,
and won it upon them ; but, as well those that kept
the town, as the said enemies, that so pretended, knew
well that the King with a mighty puissance was near to
them ; and, if any affray had there been made, he might
soon have been upon them, and taken upon them right
great advantage ; wherefore, they, in the town, nothing
doubted, and they, without, durst not for fear, begin any
such work ; and therefore, they shortly took their con- iier troops,
... 1 • 1 greatly dls-
clusion for to go the next way to lewkesbury, whither tressed with
they came the same day about four (in the) afternoon, ma^arrive
By which time they had so travelled their host that t>ury, May 3.
night and day, that they were right weary for travelling ;
for by that time they had travelled thirty-six long miles,
in a foul country, all in lanes and strong ways, betwixt
woods, without any good refreshing. And, for as much
as the greater part of their host were footmen, the other
part of the host, when they were come to Tewkesbury,
could (not) nor might have laboured any further, but

78

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [ FLEETWOOD'S

a.d. 1471. (only) if they would wilfully have forsaken, and left their
footmen behind them ; and, (added) thereto, themselves
that were horsemen were right weary of that journey,
as (al) so \Vere their horses. So, whether it were of
their election, and good will, or no, but that they were
verily compelled to (a) bide by two causes ; one was for
weariness of their people, which they supposed not their
people would have any longer endured; another, for
they knew well that the King ever approached towards
them near and near, ever ready, in good array and ordi
nance, to have pursued and fallen upon them, if they
would any further have gone, and peradventure to their
most disadvantage. They therefore determined to abide
there the adventure,8 that God would send them, in the
The Lancas- quarrel they had taken in hand. And for that intent
the same night they pitched them (selves) in a field, in
a close oven at the town's end ; the town and the abbey
at their backs ; before them, and upon every hand of them,
foul lanes, and deep dykes, and many hedges, with hills
and valleys ; — a right evil place to approach, as could
well have been devised.
The King, the same morning, the Friday, early, ad
vanced his banners, and divided his whole host in three
battles, and sent before him his fore (out) riders, and
scourers on every side (of) him ; and so in fair array,
and ordinance, he took his way through the champagne
country, called Cotswold,9 travelling all his people,
whereof were more than three thousand footmen, that
Friday, which was right-an hot day, thirty miles and

trian position
described

Edward crosses Cots
wold plains.
May :ird.

8 It was evidently the policy of
the Lancastrians not to hazard an
engagement till they were joined by
the Earl of Pembroke. Margaret,
who through all her previous cam
paigns had borne up against adver
sity, could not overcome the fears
of a mother. She wished to place
the Severn betwixt the rival armies ;
but in the exhausted state of her
troops and the near proximity of

Edward, it was found impracticable
to accomplish this ; as before the
entire army could have passed, the
enemy would have had it in his
power to attack them, when certain
destruction would have awaited
those who were left behind.
9 Edward had crossed this plain
on his way to London inl461. — (See
p. ?•)

MANUSCRIPT.] THE RRIGN OF EDWARD IV.

79

more ; (ire) which his people might not find, in all the
way, horse-meat, nor man's-meat, nor so much as drink
for their horses, save in one little brook, where was full
little relief, it was so soon troubled with the carriages,
that had passed it. And all that day was evermore the
King's host within five or six miles of his enemies ; — he
in plain country, and they amongst woods, having always
good espials upon them. So, continuing that journey
till he came with all his host to a village called Chelten
ham, but five miles from Tewkesbury, (where the King
had certain knowledge, that but little before his coming
thither, his enemies were come to Tewkesbury, and there
were taking a field, wherein they purposed to abide, and
deliver him battle.) Whereupon the King made no
longer tarrying, but a little comforted himself, and his
people, with such meat and drink as he had deemed to be
carried with him, for victualing of his host ; and incon
tinent set forth towards his enemies, and took the field,
and lodged himself, and all his host, within three miles
of them. Upon the morrow following, Saturday, the
fourth day of May, (King Edward) appareled himself,
and set all his host in good array ; ordained three
wards ; 10 displayed his banners ; did blow up the trum
pets ; committed his cause and quarrel to Almighty God,

Arrives at
Cheltenham, May 3rd.

Battle of
Tewkesbury, May 4th,
1471.

10 Edward's army was drawn up
in three lines ; the one commanded
by his brother Richard, Duke of
Gloucester ; the second by himself
and the Duke of Clarence ; and the
rear by the Marquis of Dorset and
the Lord Hastings. The Queen's
forces were likewise ranged in three
bodies ; the first commanded by the
Duke of Somerset and Lord John
Beaufort ; the second by the Prince
of Wales, the Lords Wenlock and
St. John ; and the third by the
Earl of Devonshire. No position
could have been better chosen than
that of the Duke of Somerset ; and
could he but have remained entirely
on the defensive till the arrival of
the Earl of Pembroke, the result of

that battle would probably have
placed Henry agaiu on his throne.
That the Lancastrians anticipated
such a result is evident from a
letter of Sir John Paston to his
mother, dated April 30th, 1471.
" With God's grace it shall not be
long to or than (before) my wrongs
and other men's shall be redressed,
for the world was never so like to
be ours as it is now. I thank God
I am whole of my sickness, and
trust to be clean whole of all my
hurts within a sev'night at the far
thest, by which time I trust to have
other tidings ; and those tidings
once had, I trust not to be long
out of Norfolk.'' — (Paston Letters,
vol. v. p. 7.)

80

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD S

a.d. 1471. to our most blessed Lady his Mother, Virgin Mary, the
glorious Martyr, Saint George, and all the Saints ; and
advanced directly upon his enemies approaching to their
field, which was in a marvellous strong ground strongly
pitched, full difficult to be assailed. Nevertheless the
King's ordinance was so conveniently laid before them,
and his vanguard so sore oppressed them, with shot of
arrows, that they gave them right-a-sharp shower. Also
they did again- ward to them, both with shot of arrows,
and guns, whereof nevertheless they had not so -great
plenty, as had the King. In the front of their field were
so (such) evil lanes, and deep dykes, so many hedges,
trees, and bushes, that it was right hard to approach
them near, and come to hands; but Edmond, called
The Duke of Duke of Somerset, having that day the van, whether it
charge. were, for that he and his fellowship were sore annoyed in
the place where they were, as well with gun-shot, as with
shot of arrows, which they neither would nor durst abide;
or else, of great heart and courage, knightly and manly
advanced himself with his fellowship, somewhat aside-
hand the King's van ; and, by certain paths and ways
therefore before purveyed, and to the King's party
unknown, he departed out of the field, passed a lane, and
came into a fair place, or close, even before the King,
where he was embattled ; and from the hill, that was in
one of the closes, he set right fiercely upon the end
of the King's battle. The King full manly set forth
even upon them, entered and won the dyke, and hedge,
upon them, into the close, and, with great violence put
them up towards the hill, and so (did) also, the king's
vanguard in the rule of the Duke of Gloucester.
Here it is to be remembered, how that, when the King
was coming before their field,11 or he set upon them, he

11 " The local memorials of this
very decisive battle are but few.
The principal scenes of the action

are the meadow, which has since
received the appellation of the
" Bloody Meadow," (and is the

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 81
considered, that upon the right hand of their field there a.d. 1471.
was a park, and therein much wood, and he, thinking to ^™rh't*
purvey (provide) a remedy in case his said enemies had twTor vtc-
laid any 'bushment (ambush) in that wood of horsemen, tory-
he chose out of his fellowship two hundred spears, and
set them in a plump,12 together, near a quarter of a mile
from the field, giving them charge to have good eye upon
that corner of the wood, if case that any need were,
[and] to put them (selves) in devoir (service;) and, if
they saw none such, (then) as they thought most be-
hoveful for time and space, to employ themselves in the
best wise as they could ; — which provision came as well
to point at this time of the battle, as could well have
been devised ; for the said spears of the King's party
seeing no likelihood of any 'bushment in the said wood-
corner, (seeing also good opportunity to employ them
selves well) came and broke on, all at once, upon the
Duke of Somerset, and his vanguard, aside-hand, unad
vised whereof, they seeing the King gave them enough
to do before them, were greatly dismayed and abashed ;
and so took [them] to flight into the park, and into the The Duke of
meadow that was near, and into lanes, and dykes, where troops'giv"
they best hoped to escape the danger ; of whom never- way'
theless, many were distressed, taken, and slain. And, even
at this point of their flight, the King courageously set
upon that other field, where was chief, Edward, called
Prince, and in (a) short while put him to discomfiture The Prince
of Wales
and flight, and so fell in the chase of them, that many discomfited.
of them were slain, and namely at a mill in the meadow,
fast by the town, were many drowned. Many ran to-

close mentioned in the text,) and the
Vineyard. The former lies between
two gently descending banks, about
half a mile south-west of the town,
and was the spot where the slaugh
ter was greatest. The latter was
the place where Queen Margaret
lay, and where some intrenchments

are still to be traced." — (Dyde's
Tewkesbury.) 12 " Such as were chief officers
revolted by plumpes." — Golding ,-
quoted by Richardson as authority
for interpreting the word plump, as
mass.

82

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [ FLEETWOOD^

a.d. 1471. wards the town, many to the church, to the abbey, and
else where as they best might.
In the winning of the field such as abode handstrokes
Death of the were slain incontinent. Edward, called Prince, was
Wales, °e. of taken fleeing to the town [wards,] and slain in the
MeDorsete' field.13 There was also slain Thomas, called the Earl of
weniock. Devonshire ; John of Somerset, called Marquis Dorset ;
Lord Weniock, with many others in great number.
The King Thus this done, and with God's might achieved, the
gives thanks ( °
in the Abbey. King took the right way to the abbey, there to give
unto Almighty God laud and thanks for the victory, that
of his mercy he had that day granted, and given unto
him ; where he was received with procession, and so
conveyed through the church and the quire to the high
Altar, with great devotion praising God, and yielding
unto Him convenient laud. And, when there were fled
into the said church many of his rebels, in great number,
(  ) or more, (hoping there to have been relieved,
thofeTho an(^ saved from bodily harm) he gave them all his
tuarByht sanc" ?Tee pardon ; albeit there neither was, nor had [not] at
any time been granted, any franchise to that place for
any offenders against their prince having recourse thi
ther ; but that it had been lawful to the King to have
commanded them to have been drawn out of the church,
and (to have) had [done] them [to be] executed as his
traitors, if so had been his pleasure ; but, at the reve
rence of the Blessed Trinity, the most Holy Virgin

13 The manner of the death of Ed
ward, Prince of Wales, has, like that
of his father (see note 21) always
been a point of dispute with his
torians. The Lancastrian writers
either state boldly, or hint sufficient
ly intelligibly, that he was murdered
after the battle. There are two
sides to every question ; but the
evidence of the House of York
having reached us only through the
hands of its rival, (with the excep
tion of our present fragment, thus

strangely brought to light after the
lapse of ages,) it is necessary to weigh
well the motives of both parties , to be
enabled to judge correctly. Having
nothing to add to the reasoning of
the Earl of Orford, and Mr. Sharon
Turner on this subject, the reader is
referred to the " Historic Doubts"
of the former ; and the " History of
the Middle Ages" of the latter, for
the most satisfactory elucidation of
this question.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. S3
Mary, and the holy martyr Saint George, by whose a.d. 1471.
grace and help he had that day attained so noble a
victory ; and, at the same reverence, he granted the The Prince
corpses of the said Edward, and others so slain in the and other
n 11 . t , . Blaln decent-
field, or else where, to be buried there in church, or iy interred.
else where, (as) it pleased the servants, friends, or neigh
bours, without any quartering, or defouling their bodies,
by setting up at any open place.
This battle thus done and achieved, and the King's The Duke of
1 Somerset,
grace thus largely shewed, it was so that in the abbey, 'he Prior of
and other places of the town were found : Edmond, sir Thomas
1 Tresham, and
called Duke of Somerset,14 the Prior of St. John's, f}' 'erv,as,e
' ' Clifton taken
called Sir John Longstrother, Sir Thomas Tresham, Sir ™d oehead-
Gervase of Clyston ( Clifton) knights, squires, and other
notable persons, [divers] which all (at) divers times were
brought before the King's brother, the Duke of Glou
cester, and Constable of England ; and the Duke of
Norfolk, Marshal of England, their judges. And so
were judged to death, in the midst of the town, Ed
mond, Duke of Somerset, and the said Prior of Saint
John's, with many other gentles, that there were taken,
and that, of long time, had provoked, and continued the
great rebellion, that so long had endured in the land
against the King and contarry to the weal of the
Realm. The said Duke and others thus judged, were
executed in the midst of the town upon a scaffold there
fore made, beheaded every one, and without any other
dismembering, or setting up, licensed to be buried.
All these things thus done, the Tuesday, the seventh Edward pro-
day of May, the King departed from Tewkesbury to- Worcester.
wards his city of Worcester, and, on the way, he had
certain knowledge, that Queen Margaret 1S was found not ^.""aken"

prisoner.

14 " The Duke of Somerset, the
Prior of St. John's, and many
knights and gentlemen,were forcibly
taken out of Sanctuary and exe
cuted at Tewkesbury." — (Eng
land's Happiness, p. 1G1.) G

15 The MS. says, " that Quene
Margarete was nat founden far
from thens, in a powre religiows
place." — " On prit avec la Reine,
la Princesse de Galles, et la Du-
chesse de Clarence. La dernieYe
2

84

REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOODS

a.d. 1471. far from thence, in a poor religious place, where she had
hid herself for the safety of her person, the Saturday,
early in the morning, after her son Edward, called Prince,
was gone to the field, for to withdraw herself from the
adventure of the battle : of whom also he was assured
that she should be at his commandment.
The King, being at Worcester, had certain knowledge
also, that certain (of) his rebels of the north parts began
to make commotions, and assemblies of people against
him, in the quarrel of Henry, called King. For which
cause he kept not the right way to London, as he had
purposed, but, (intending to prepare a new fellowship
against the said rebels in the north, and to be in a good
strength of people, whatsoever should happen,) he de
termined himself to go to Coventry, as he so did the
eleventh day of the said month, where he refreshed well,
such as were left with him of his host, by the space of
and brought three days ; and thither was brought unto him Queen
Coventry. Margaret. He forgot not to send from thence his mes
sengers with writings, all about the countries near ad
joining, to such in especiall as he trusted best, that they
rte'battieof would do nim service. Truth it is, whilst the King in
^SK!17 a'l wavs tnus prepared a new army, came certain tidings
north.'" "" unto h™» h°w tney °f *ne north had heard the certainty
of his great victories, and how that he disposed him (self)
to come towards them, with a great army, and they,
sore dreading his good speed and great fortunes, (not
having any (one) of the Warwicks or Nevilles blood,
unto whom they might have rested (trusted), as they

fut rendue k son mari ; les deux
autres conduites a Londres. La
generalise Margueritte, resta encore
six ans dans les prisons d'Edouard,
jusqu'a ce que le Roi de Sicile, son
p£re, dans un traite qu'il fit avec
Louis XI. per lequel il lui ceda la
Provence, obligea ce Roi a payer
la ran con de cette Pi-incesse, qu'Ed-
ouard avoit fixt-e il 50000 Ecus.
La Reine fut mise en liberty, elle

ratifia le Traite de son pere, et
Louis lui assigna une pension mo-
dique, avec laquelle elle se retira a
Angers, aussi grande dans son mal-
heur par sa Constance, que sur la
Trfine par sa vertu." — (Histoire
des Deux Roses, p. 219.) The
Tewkesbury Chronicle, (Harl. MSS,
No. 545, p. 102,) also says the
Lady Anne was taken with the
Queen.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 85
had done before ;) knowing, also for certainty, that, the a.d. 1471.
Earl of Northumberland was nothing of their party but
that he would resist and withstand them at his utter
most power, utterly taking part with the King, and his
quarrel; the chieftains of them that were maliciously
disposed, and (ioho) for evil intent as above, had com
muned and begun to assemble the people, anon upon
this knowledge and considerations, they withdrew them
(selves) from any further proceeding to (wards) their
said rebellion, as folks not likely to maintain their false
quarrel and party. They left their bands and compa
nies, and divers of them made menes (intercession) to
the Earl of Northumberland, beseeching him to be (a)
good meane (mediator) to the King, for his grace and
pardon. Some of the scourers were taken, and put in
ward. The city of York, and other good towns, and York and
countries lowly submitting themselves and (giving) then submit.
to the King their due obedience. And so, by the four
teenth day of May, it was known clearly by such as were
sent unto the King from the Earl of Northumberland, v
from the city of York, and other divers places in the
north, that there was no rebellion in all the north begun,
but that it was so pacified, that it neither might, nor should,
annoy the King in any wise. Wherefore it was to him
thought, and to all his council, that for to go into the
north for any pacification or punishment of such persons,
it was not needful, as at that time; and so it was most
clearly declared the same day by the Earl of Northum
berland, (who came straight to the King at Coventry,
out of the north country,) at his departing well assured
that the country was in gpod and sure tranquillity, with
out any commotions or unlawful gatherings. Which
Earl came not accompanied greatly, but with a few folks,
and not arrayed in (the) manner of war ; for he had no
manner (of) knowledge, but that the King, after this his
great victories achieved, should have good peace, every
where in his realm. But it was not so, for the King

86

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [ FLEETWOOD'S

a.d. 1471. had knowledge, before that he came to Coventry, by
letters sent him by lords of his blood, being at London
The Bastard this season, that the Bastard Falconbridge,16 (which, a
bridge's little before that, had been sent to the sea by the Earl
of Warwick, and had distressed many merchant-ships of
Portugal, and taken the ships and goods to himself, in
breach of the amity that of long time had been betwixt
the realms of England and Portugal,) he had called unto
him, and to his fellowship, great parties and numbers of
mariners, out of every part and port of England, and
many other traitors and misgoverned men, of every
country of England, and also other countries, that had
great courage to attend to theft and robbery. It was
shewed the King, that daily his number drew greater
and greater, and that he was gone to Calais, and brought
many men with him from thence into Kent, where he
began to gather his people in great number, intending,
by likelihood, to do some great mischievous deeds. After
the King was at Coventry, he had daily messages from
the Lords at London, how that the Bastard had as
sembled great (numbers of) people, and, both by land
(with) many thousands, and by water with all his ships
full of people, he came before London, thinking to rob
and spoil, and do all manner of mischief; and thereto
many of the country of Kent 1? were assenting, and came
with their good will, as people ready to be applicable to
joinedbythe such seditious commotions. Others of (the) Kentish
Kentlshmen; , , . . -n
people, that would right fain have sat still at home, and
not to have run into the danger of such rebellion, (by
force and violence of such riotous people, as were of the

He lands In
Kent;

London, May
12th, 1471;

16 Thomas Neville, known by the
name of the Bastard of Falcon-
bridge, natural son of the Lord Fal
conbridge, had been made Vice-
Admiral of the Channel, by the Earl
of Warwick, on the restoration of
Henry VI. On his submission to
Edward the Fourth at Sandwich he

was knighted, and re-instated in his
office of Vice-Admiral. Edward's
policy was to get him quietly in his
power, and shortly after he was at
tainted of treason and beheaded.
17 Holinshed says his troops
consisted of Essex men, (p. 1341).

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 87
said Bastard's company, for fear of death, and other a.d. 1471.
great menaces, and threatenings,) were compelled some
to go with the Bastard in their persons, such 'specially
as were able in person, if they had array, and might not
wage to such as would go ; they were compelled, by like
force, to lend them their array and harness ; and such as
were unharnessed, aged, and unable, and of honour, they
were compelled to send men waged, or to give money
wherewith to wage (pay) men to go to the said Bas
tard's company. So that right in a short time the said
Bastard, and his fellowship, had assembled to the number
of sixteen or seventeen thousand men, as they accounted
themselves. Which came before London the twelfth and declares
for Henry VI.
day of May, in the quarrel of King Henry, whom they
said they would have out of the Tower of London, as
they pretended. And, for that cause, they desired the
citizens of London that they might have free entry into
the city, where first their intention was to have with
thein the said Henry, and after to pass peaceably through
the city, as they said, without any grievance to be done
to any person ; upon the intent from thence to go to
wards the King, wheresoever they might find him, him
to destroy and all his partakers, in the quarrel of the
said Henry, if they might have of him the overhand.
But, so it was, that the Mayor, Aldermen, and other The citizens
. , . deny him
officers, and citizens of London denied them their entry, entrance.
As this was in doing, over came from London fresh
tidings to the King, from the Lords, and the citizens,
which with right great instance, moved the King in all
possible haste to approach, and come to the city, to
the defence of the Queen, then being in the Tower of
London, my Lord Prince, and my Ladies, his daughters,
and of the Lords and of the City, which, as they all
wrote, was likely to stand in the greatest jeopardy, that
ever they (had) stood (in). In consideration [had for]
that great numbers of the persons within the city were
rather disposed to have helped, to have such mischiefs

88 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S
a.d. 1471. wrought, than to defend it : some, for (because) they
were maliciously disposed, and were in their hearts
partial to the Earl of Warwick's quarrel, and to the
party of Henry wherefore (for whom) were many ; some
for they were poor ; some men servants, men 'prentises,
which would have been right glad of a common robbery,
to the intent, they might largely have put their hands in
rich men's coffers.
Edward iv. These manner of writings moved the King greatly to
Ka haste him thitherwards ; but it was behoveful, before that
try!" °ve" he came there, he were furnished of as great or greater
host, than he had had at any time, since his coming
into the land ; nevertheless, for that such army might
not be prepared so soon as he would, the said fourteenth
day of May, he appointed a notable, and a well chosen
fellowship out of his host, and sent them unto the city
of London before his coming, to the number of fifteen
hundred men, well beseen (selected,) for the comfort of
and follows the Queen, the Lords, and the citizens. And himself
May^ioth. departed out of Coventry towards London the sixteenth
day of May.
Here it is to be remembered, that, when the Bastard
and his fellowship might not purchase of the Mayor,
and Citizens of London the overture (the throwing open)
of the said city, for their passage through as above,
neither for their promises, nor for great threatenings,
and menacings, they made semblance to pass over (the)
Thames, by Kingston Bridge, ten miles above London ;
Faiconbridge and thither drew them the whole host, leaving all their
marches to °
Kingston, ships, before St. Katherine's, a little from the Tower of
leaving his A '
Catherine's London ; pretending that they should come, and destroy
Westminster, and then the suburbs of London, and
essay the uttermost against the city, revenging that
their entry was denied them, and their passage through
the city, and so forth, with their whole multitude have
passed through the countries against the King. But,
so it was, as they were onwards in this journey the

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

89

Bastard had certain knowledge,18 that the King was a.d. 1471.
greatly assisted with all the Lords of the Realm in
substance, great number of noble men, and others in
greater number than in any time he had had before;
[they] greatly fearing his high courage and knighthood,
and the great victories that God had sent him, they
delayed with (their) wafar-wyne (wayfaring) and so
returned again, and came before London, and shewed
themselves in whole battle in Saint George's field. And He encamps
that for divers considerations ; for one, they doubted George's
greatly the rencounter with the King ; also, the multi- F'*
tude of them came rather for robbing than for revenging
by way of battle ; they doubted, also, to assail the city
on that other side of (the) Thames, for likely it was,
that in case they might not prevail, they of London
should lightly stop them their ways homeward unto their
country. And for to divide their host some upon the
one side of London, and some upon the other side, they
thought it folly, for so much as, with few folks, they
might have broken the bridges after them, and with
right few folks have kept and stopped their passage.

CHAPTER III.
Here followeth how the said Bastard Faiconbridge
with his fellowship assailed the City of London, and
set fire unto the Bridge of London, and burnt (a) great
part thereof, and unto other two gates of the said City,
and how they were honourably rencounterd, and discom-

18 In Warkworth's Chronicle we
have a curious key to this passage :
"And, for as much, as fair words
and promises make fools fain (wil
ling), the Bastard commanded all
his host to turn again." The King
found the numbers of the Bastard's

army might far exceed his own,
and thus rob him of the fruits of
his two great victories. He, there
fore, had false information conveyed
to his enemies, greatly exaggerating
the strength of his followers.

90 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S
a.d. 1471. fited, and driven to the water, and so the City delivered
from them.
Faiconbridge The Bastard and his fellowship thus returned again
Kingston"!!1 from Kingston Bridge, before London, purposing to
execute their great rancour and malice against the City
of London, and that in all haste, to the intent they
might have their prey before the King's coming, (which
they thought not to abide,) and it to carry away in their
ships, which were ready to attend for the same intent
of robbery, but a mile or two from the said city.
and lays Wherefore, incontinent, they assailed the city with
city'a'nd"16 great violence, with shot of guns, such as they had
bridge.6 brought out of their ships in great number, and laid them
on length (along) the water side, straight over against
the city ; wherewith they prevailed nothing, for the
citizens agaynewarde (towards them) in divers places laid
ordinance. Wherefore the Bastard provided another
means to annoy and grieve the said City sore, and there
fore ordained a great fellowship to set fire upon (unto)
the bridge, and to burn the houses upon the bridge, and
[through] thereby to make them (selves) an open way
into the said city. An other great fellowship he set
over the water with his ships, more than three thousand
Attacks men, which were divided into two parties; one party
Bishopsgate. went to Aldgate, meaning to have entered the city
there, by assault; another party went to Bishopsgate,
meaning to have entered there by another assault ;
where they shot guns and arrows into the city, and did
much harm and hurt. And at the last set fire upon the
gates, for to have burnt them, and so trusting to have
entered at large. Their burning at the bridge pro
fited them [of] nothing; albeit they burnt many houses
sixty houses to the number of IIIX,C' (sixty) ; — but the citizens had set
burnt on the . .
bridge. such ordinance in their way, that though all the way
had been open, it had been hard for them to have
entered by that way, but upon their lives. The Mayor,

MANUSCRIPT.

| THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 91

Aldermen, and worshipful citizens of the city were in a.d. 1471.
good array, and set to every part, where was behoveful,
great fellowship well ordered and ordained, for to with
stand the malice of these aforesaid rebels.
To the citizens, and defence of the City, came the The Eari of
Earl of Essex, and many knights, squires, gentlemen, hastens to
and yeomen, right well arrayed, which had right great city.
diligence in ordering the citizens, and first to prepare
and ordain for the defence and safety of the said city
and people thereof, where it was necessary ; and (then)
prepared how and where they might best issue out upon
them, and put them from their purpose. By which
mixing of gentlemen and lords servants with the citizens
in every part, the citizens were greatly encouraged to
set sharply upon them with one whole intent, where else
it had been likely they should not have willed to have
done so much thereto as was done. For as it is afore
said, great number of the city were there, that, with
right good will, would (that) they had been suffered to
have entered the city, to the intent to have fallen to
mischief and robbery with them. And so, after con
tinuing of much shot of guns and arrows a great while
upon both parties, the Earl Rivers, that was with the
Queen, in the Tower of London, gathered unto him a
fellowship right well chosen and habiled (able) of four or The Eari
r ° . v Rivers' sortie
five hundred men, and issued out at a postern upon from the
1 T7- • 1 T°Wer-
them, and, even upon a point, came upon the Kentish
men, being about the assaulting of Aldgate, and mightily
laid upon them with arrows, and upon them in (with)
hands, and so killed and took many of them, driving
them from the same gate to the waterside. Yet never- Defeat of the
0 «n rebels;
theless (in) three places fires were burning all at once.
The Mayor, Aldermen, and many of the said city, were
anon in their harness, and parted their fellowship into
divers parties, as them thought most behoveful : but a
great part of the citizens were at Aldgate, and with
them many gentlemen and yeomen, which all made the

92 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD S
a.d. 1471. defence that they best might, and shot many guns and
arrows among them ; but for this the Kentish men
spared (ceased) not to assail at both the gates, so that
the said Lord and citizens determined in themselves to
arredy (array) them (selves) in good array, and to issue
out upon them in hands, and put them to flight and
discomfiture. About three thousand, and more fell in
(took to) the chase of them, and slew more than seven
hundred of them. Many were taken and after (wards)
hanged ; the remainder went to the waterside, and took
their boats, and went to their ships, and over to that
other side again.
who retreat These heinous traitors and robbers, the Bastard and
heath, May his fellowship, seeing they could in nowise profit to their
and isth;' intents, by little and little, withdrew them (selves) to
the Blackheath to a hill three miles from London, the
sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth day of May,
there abiding by the space of three days ; but, there
abiding, they had certain knowledge that the King was
coming with great puissance, whereof they greatly adrad
(had dread), seeing that they might not have their prey
of London, neither having hardies (boldness) to abide
the King, and his puissance, they dispersed ; they of
and disperse Calais, to Calais, the soonest they could ; such as were
to Calais and «. .. , ¦ '' i> tt .. .
elsewhere, of other countries into theirs ; many ot Kent, to their
houses; the mariners, and mischievous robbers, rebels
and rioters with them, to their ships ; and drew down
to the sea coast with all their ships.
The King this season, well accompanied and mightily
with great lords, and in substance all the noblemen of
the land, with many other able men, well arrayed for the
war, to the number of thirty thousand horsemen, came
to the city of London, soon after the dispersing of the
Kentish host, the twenty-first day of May, the Tuesday ;
where he was honourably received of all the people, the
Mayor, Aldermen and. many other worshipful men,
Citizens of the said City. At the meeting of them the

MANUSCRIPT.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

93

King dubbed Knights, the Mayor, the Recorder, divers a.d. 1471.
Aldermen, with other worshipful persons of the said ™urnsnto
City of London, which as had manly and honourably £f,nt* °n'dMay
acquit (ed) themselves against the Bastard and his cruel Mayo' anS6
host ; honouring and rewarding them with the order of Ald"men-
his good love and grace, for their true acquital, [and] as
they had right well and truely deserved that time.19
Here it is to be remembered, that from the time of
Tewkesbury-field, where Edward, called Prince, was
slain, then, and soon after, were taken and slain at the
King's will, all the noblemen that came from beyond the
sea with the said Edward, called Prince, and others also
their part-takers as many as were of any might or puis
sance. Queen Margaret herself, (was) taken and brought
to the King, and in every part of England, where any
commotion was begun for King Henry's party, anon they
were rebuked, so that it appeared to every man, at once,
the said party was extinct, and repressed for ever, with
out any manner (of) hope of again quickening ; utterly
despaired (deprived) of any manner of hope or relief.
The certainty of all which came to the knowledge of the
said Henry, late called King, being in the Tower of
London. Not having before that knowledge of the said h™t vi.
° «... "les of me-
matters, he took it to so great despite, ire, and indigna- Mnch|3yd
tion, that of pure displeasure, and melancholy, he died ]J^'^"der^
the twenty third day of the month of May.20 Whom the ed"

19 " On the morrow that the King
was come to London, for the good
service that London had done to
him, he made Knights of the Alder
men, Sir John Stockton, Sir Ralph
Verney, Sir Richard Lee, Sir John
Yonge, Sir William Taylor, Sir
George Ireland, Sir John Stoker,
Sir Matthew Phillipp, Sir William
Hampton, Sir Thomas Stalbrooke,
Sir John Crosby, Sir Thomas Urs-
wick, Recorder of London." —
(Warkworth's Chronicle.)
20 The reader is here presented
with the various accounts of the

death of King Henry. " Also upon
Ascension eve King Henry was
brought from the Tower, through
Cheape,unto St. Pauls upon a bier:
and about the bier more glaives and
staves, than torches ; who was slain
as it was said by the Duke of Glou
cester; but how he was dead, thither
he was brought dead, and in the
church the corps stood all night ;
and on the morning he was con
veyed to Chertsey, were he was bu
ried." — (London Chron. Cotton.
Vitel. A. XVI.)
"I say not that in this interval

A.D. 1471.

The King
leaves town

94 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [FLEETWOOD'S
King did (order) to be brought to the friars preachers
at London, and there his funeral service done, to be
carried by water to an Abbey upon Thames' Side, six
teen miles from London, called Chertsey, and there
honourably interred.
The King incontinent after his coming to London,

of time the body of King Henry
was found dead in the Tower of
London : may God forgive, and
give him time for repentance, who
dared to place sacrilegious hands
even on the Lord's anointed." —
(Croyland Continualor.)
" Of the death of this prince
diverse tales were told : but the
most common fame went, that he
was struck with a dagger by the
hands of the Duke of Gloucester."
— (Fabyan, and Ilardyng.)
" And the same night that King
Edward came to London, King
Henry being in ward in prison in
the Tower of London, was put to
death, the 21st day of May, on a
Tuesday night, between 11 and 12
of the clock, (being then at the
Tower, the Duke of Gloucester,
brother to King Edward, and many
others) . ' ' — (Warkworth's Chroni
cle.) " Immediately after this battle
the Duke of Gloucester either killed
with his own hand, or caused to be
murdered in his presence, in some
spot apart, this good man, King
Henry." — (Commines.)
In the Issue Rolls we find money
paid to Hugh Price, on the 24th of
June, for the Expenses of. the Bu
rial of Henry VI., for carrying him
from the Tower to St. Pauls and
from thence to Chertsey. — (Devon's
Introduction.) According to our text King Ed
ward arrived in London on the 21st
of May j Ascension eve was the
22nd, and Ascension day the 23rd.
The King remained only one day
in London, and then proceeded to
Sandwich to suppress the revolt of
Faiconbridge. Henry, deposed and
childless, a prisoner, and his party

quite annihilated, was quite as
likely to die of grief on hearing
that the Queen Margaret was in
Edward's power, and his son killed,
as to have fallen by the hand of
Richard j who by this gratuitous
murder was not to reap any indi
vidual benefit, seeing that Edward
had a large family of children. It
is, however, quite in accordance
with the spirit of that day to sup
pose that Henry was murdered,
and not at all improbable by the
connivance of his rival, who
throughout this rapid campaign
seems studiously to have sought
the destruction of the leaders of
the Lancastrian party, and to have
spared their more lowly depend
ants. If the murder of King Henry,
therefore, were countenanced by
any member of the House of
York, it was Edward himself, and
not his brother, who was accessory
before the fact ; nor is it at all
likely that the Duke of Gloucester
would have become the instrument
of his brother's cruelty. His de
feat at the Battle of Bosworth
Field, and the consequent usurpa
tion of the throne by Henry VII.
in 1485 (for even his marriage with
the Princess Elizabeth in 1486 only
made him consort to the Queen ;)
is the cause why the character of
Richard the Third was blackened
by all Lancastrian writers, during
the reigns of the Tudor family.
The authorities quoted give the
21st of May, whilst our text men
tions distinctly the 23rd, as the
day of Henry's death. He was in
his fiftieth year, and the greatest
benefits conferred by his reign
were the foundation of Eton School
and King's College, Cambridge.

MANUSCRIPT.] THE RF.ION OF EDWARD IV. 95
tarried but one day, and went with his whole army, after a.d, w\.
his said traitors into Kent them to repress, in case they ithePreb'e'ist °f
were in any place assembled, and for to let (hinder) them
to assemble by any commotion to be made amongst them,
where unto they heretofore have oftentimes been accus
tomed to do. But, truth it was, that they were dispersed
as before (said), but the said Bastard Faiconbridge, with
great number of mariners, and many other mischievous
men, called his soldiers, or men of war, went straight to
Sandwich, and there kept the town with strength, and who »"»i
, . , P , . taken posses-
many great and small ships, about forty and seven, in sion of sanci-
the haven all under his rule. And, as soon as they un
derstood the King and his host approached near unto
them, the said Bastard sent unto him such means as best
he could, humbly to sue for his grace and pardon, and
them of his fellowship ; and by appointment willed there They offer
r J s. l ... - terms nnd
to be delivered to the King's behoof all his ships, and arepardoned.
became his true liegeman, with as straight (a) promise
of true allegiance, as could be devised for them to be
made, which, after deliberation taken in that part, for
certain great considerations was granted. Wherefore the
King sent thither his brother, Richard Duke of Glou
cester, to receive them in his name, and all the ships :
as he so did the twenty sixth day of the same month,
the King that time being at Canterbury. And thus, ™*™£«*1
with the help of Almighty God, the most Glorious Virgin May zoth.
Mary, His Mother, and of Saint George, and of the
Saints of Heaven, was begun, finished, and terminated,
the reentry, and perfect recovery of the just title and
right of our said Sovereign Lord, King Edward the
Fourth, to his realm and crown of England, within the
space of eleven weeks ; in the which season, moienaunt
(owing to) the help and grace of Almighty God, by his
wisdom and polygive (policy), he escaped and passed
many great perils, and dangers, and difficulties, wherein
he had been ; and by his full noble and knightly courage,
hath obtained two right-great cruel and mortal battles ;

9G

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

a.d. 1471. put to flight and discomfiture divers great assemblies of
his rebels, and riotous persons in many parts of his land ;
the which though all they also rigorously and maliciously
disposed, as they might be, (yet) they were nevertheless
so afraid and affeared of the very assured courage and
manhood that resteth in the person of our said sovereign
Lord, that they were, anon, as confused. Whereby it
appeareth, and faithfully is believed, that with the help
of Almighty God, which from his beginning hitherto
hath not failed him, in (a) short time he shall appease
his subjects through (out) all his realm ; that peace and
tranquility shall grow and multiply in the same, from
day to day, to the honour and loving of Almighty God,
the increase of his singular and famous renown, and to
the great joy and consolation of his friends, allies, and
well-willers, and to all his people, and to the great con
fusion of all his enemies, and evil willers.21
Here endeth the Arrival of King Edward the Fourth,
Out of Master Fleetwood's book, Recorder of London.

21 " Tout se pacifia a sa vue, et | Royaume perdu en onze." — (His-
il reconquit en vingt jours, ce | toire des Deux Roses, p. 217.)

THE CHRONICLE-HISTORY

OF THE UE1GN OF

KING EDWARD THE FOURTH
FROM HIS ACCESSION IN 1461 TO THE SUPPRESSION
OF LORD OXFORD'S REBELLION, 1473.

from dr. john warkworth s ms. additions to
caxton's chronicle.

(Preserved in St. Peter's College, Cambridge.)

ADVERTISEMENT.

In Leland's Collectanea, "Vol. II. p. 499, first edition,
1715, arc extracts "out of a Chronicle in St. Peter's
College Library, Cambridge." This Chronicle is a MS.
copy of Caxton's Chronicle of the Brute, with additions
from the pen of Dr. John Warkworth, who was Master
of St. Peter's CoUege from 1473 to 1498; and who,
from the register of donations, appears to have presented
the volume to the Library, A.D. 1483. His additions,
as a record of facts, though without strict attention to
Chronology, deserve attention, as he notes down several
minor occurrences, omitted by other writers, such as the
appearance of the comet in 1472, the severe frost, &c.
Dr. Warkworth, besides his own autograph, had a
duplicate, into which these additions were transcribed,
and this is the volume from which the following narrative
is taken. As it is probable that in Leland's time both
MSS. were in existence, the text, as now given, has been
carefully collated with his extracts, and all discrepancies
pointed out. What has become of the original MS. is
ii 2

100 ADVERTISEMENT.
not known ; the transcript, however, is authenticated by
having the autograph directions of the author prefixed,
and which we have given as " Monitum." Dr. Hunter,
in the Appendix to the Report of the Record Commis
sion, following the notice of Mr. Hartshorne, in his Book
Rarities of the University of Cambridge, pointed out the
existence of this curious volume, which has recently been
given by Mr. Halliwell as his contribution to the Camden
Society, in the original orthography. A few notes are
added to our modernized text, [to elucidate the discre
pancies between the rival accounts, furnished by the
partisans of York and Lancaster, amongst the latter of
whom our author must claim a distinguished jilace.

WARKWORTH'S CHRONICLE OF KING
EDWARD IV.

MONITUM.
As for all things that follow, refer them to my copy, The Regnai
iu which is wi'itten a remanente (residue) like to this ward com-
,/» • « i menced
foresaid work, that is to wit, that at the coronation of March s,
the 'foresaid Edward, he created1 and made Dukes, his

1 These Creations took place as
follows : — George, Duke of Cla
rence, 1461 — Richard, Duke of
Gloucester, 1461 — John Neville,
Lord Montacute, Earl of Northum
berland, 1464, and Marquis of Mon
tague, 1470 — Humphrey (not Wil
liam) Stafford, Baron Stafford of
Southwick, 1461, and Earl of De
vonshire, 1469 — Sir William Her
bert, Lord Herbert, 1461, and Earl
of Pembroke, 1468, and lastly Earl
of Huntingdon, 1479 — Edmund de
Grey, Lord Grey of Ruthyn, Earl
of Kent, in 1465 — Henry Bouchier,
Earl of Eu, Earl of Essex, 1461 —

John Stafford, Earl of Wiltshire, in
1470— Sir Walter (not Sir Thomas)
Blount, Lord Mountjoy, 1465 — Sir
John Howard, Lord Howard, 1459,
afterwards Duke of Norfolk, 1483
— William Hastings, Lord Has
tings, in 1461 — Richard Wood
ville, Earl of Rivers, in 1466 — John
Dinham, Lord Dinham, 1466. Thus
it will be seen that this paragraph
is full of inaccuracies. The Chro
nicle, known as Hearne's Fragment,
is far better authority, see p. 9. The
only earldoms bestowed by the King
at his coronation were conferred on
Henry, Lord Bouchier, Earl of Eu

102

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [WARKWORTTl's

a.d. 1461. two brothers, the elder George, Duke of Clarence, and
dur™ "the*"1 n's vounger brother, Richard, Duke of Gloucester ; and
Edward iv tlae Lorcl Montague, the Earl of Warwick's brother, the
Earl of Northumberland; and one William Stafford,
squire, Lord Stafford of Southwick; and Sir Herbert
Lord Herbert, and after (a while) Lord Earl of Pem
broke, and so the said Lord Stafford was made Earl of
Devonshire ; the Lord Gray Ruthyn, Earl of Kent ;
the Lord Bouchier, Earl of Essex ; the Lord John of
Buckingham, the Earl of Wiltshire ; Sir Thomas
Blount Knight, Lord Mount (joy) ; Sir John Howard,
Lord Howard ; William Hastings he made Lord Ilas-
tings, and great Chamberlain ; and the Lord Rivers ;
Dinham squire, Lord Dinham ; and worth as is before
shewed, and others of gentlemen and yeomen he made
Knights and squires, as they had deserved.

THE CHRONICLE.
Edward's And also the first year of his reign he ordained a
first parlia- "
ment attaints parliament,2 at which were attainted King Henry, and

in Normandy, who had married the
King's aunt, the Dame Isabelle of
York ; and the Earldom of Kent,
conferred on William Neville, Lord
Faiconbridge, in reward for his ser
vices at the Battle of Touton.
2 " And here it is to be remarked
that in this quarrel between the two
families of York and Lancaster, the
Parliament always took care to de
clare on the side of the Victor, be
cause they never had the liberty of
acting otherwise. They were not
consulted till the question was al
ready decided by arms ; consequent
ly it was in vain to allege acts of
parliament to support the Rights
either of the one house or the other."
— (Rapin's Acta Regia, p. 283.)
" And in the parliament held at
Westminster, on the * * * day of
November were attainted of High
Treason, those whose names fol

low : viz. King Henry VI ; Queen
Margaret ; Edward, their son ;
Henry, Duke of Exeter ; Henry,
Duke of Somerset ; Thomas Court
ney, Earl of Devonshire ; Henry,
late Earl of Northumberland ; Jas
per, Earl of Pembroke ; Thomas,
Lord de Roos ; John, Lord Clif
ford ; Robert, Lord Hungerford ;
Lionel, late Lord Welles ; William,
Viscount Beaumont ; John, late
Lord Neville j Thomas, Lord Grey
of Rougemont; Ralph, late Lord
Dacre ; Thomas Neville ; Thomas
Manning, Clerk j John Whelpdale j
John Lax j Father Robert Gaslee ;
John Preston ; Humphrey, Lord
Dacre, Knight; RalphBigot,Knightj
James Luttrell.Kt. ; Philipp Went
worth, Kt. ; John Fortescue, Kt. ;
Baldwin Fulford, Kt. ; Alexander
Hody, Kt. j William Talboys, Kt. j
Edmund Mountford, Kt. ; Thomas

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

103

all others, that fled with him into Scotland, out of Henry vi.
England ; and for so much as he found, in time of need, Novembe°r,'y'
great comfort in his Commoners, he ratified and con
firmed all the franchises given to cities and towns etc.
and granted to many cities and towns new franchises,
more than was granted before, right largely, and made
charters thereof to the intent to have the more good
will and love in his land.
Also Queen Margaret, Harry, Duke of Exeter, the The castiea
Duke of Somerset, and other lords that fled (from) «un hold out
T-, . ,.-» for Henry VI.
Jlmgland, had kept certain castles in Northumberland, andMarKaret.
as Alnwick, Bamburgh, Dunstanburgh, (Nawarth) and
also Warkworth, which they had victualed and stuffed,
both with Englishmen, Frenchmen, and Scotchmen ; by

Tresham, Kt. ; William Catesby,
Kt. ; W. Vaux, Kt. ; Robert
Balthorp, Kt. ; W. Gascoigne, Kt. ;
Edmund Hampden, Kt. ; Thos.
Fynderne, Kt. ; John Courtney,
Kt. ; Henry Lewis, Kt. ; Richard
Tempest, Kt. ; W. Carr, Kt. ; Thos.
Fulforth, Kt. ; Nich. Latimer, Kt. ;
Walter Nuttall, Kt. ; Henry Cliff,
Kt. -, John Heron de Forde, Kt. ;
Roger Clifford, Kt. ; Richard Tun-
stall, Kt. ; Henry Belingham, Kt. ;
Richard Duckett, Kt. ; W. Lee,
Kt. ; Robert Whittingham, Kt. ;
John Ormond, Kt. ; William Mill,
Kt. ; Simon Hanys, Kt. ; Roger
Ward, Kt. ; John Skidmore, Kt. ;
W. Harington, Kt. ; W. Holland,
Kt. ; Thos. Everyngham, Kt. ;
Henry Roos, Kt. Also: Hum
phrey Neville, Squire ; Giles Sant-
low, S. ; Edward Ellesmere, S. ;
John Mervyn, S. ; Thos. Phillipps,
S. ; Thomas Brampton, S. ; John
Audley, S. ; Thomas Tonstall, S. ;
W. Tonstall, S. ; Thos. Crayford,
S. ; John Sthakild, S. ; Will. Jo
seph, S. ; John Lynch, S. ; Richard
Waterton,S.; HawkinsCharnock, S.;
John Rough, S. ; Rob. Bolingham,
S. ; John Penycoke, S. ; W. Grims
by, S. Also .- Thomas Stanley,
late of Carlisle, Gent. ; Edward

Thornborough, of the same, Gent. ;
Gawin Lamplow, Gent. ; John Cat-
mill, Gent. ; W. Ferrer, Gent. ;
Thos. Whitwood, Gent.; John
Mandeville, Gent. ; Thos. Elwick,
Gent. ; W. Cailfere(Catocrr),Gent.j
W. Sampson, Gent. ; W. Byfield,
Gent, j Thos. Ormond, Gent. Also:
Ant. Nutshell ; John Wallis ; W.
Speak ; Thos. Daniel j John Dow-
biggin ; Edward Digby j Rd. Kirk-
by ; Thos. Danvers ; Thos. Corn
wall ; Thos. Milkby ; John Dawn-
son j Thos. Little; Henry Spencer;
John Snoting ; Thos. Sargenson ;
and 42 more, amounting in all to
153 persons." — (William Wyrces
ter, p. 490-92.)
" In the month of October Queen
Margaret came from France with a
fleet and 2000 warriors, and landed
near Bamburgh in Northumberland,
having with her Sir Piers de Bracy,
Lord of Manpeny, and pitched her
camp nearly, where she believed the
whole country would rise up for her,
which they, however, seeing the
power of the Queen so small did
not do. The Queen's troops, there
fore, laid siege to Alnwick, which
surrendered for want of victuals." —
(William Wyrcester, p. 494.) See
also : Hearne's Fragment, p. 13.

104

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARKWORTH'fl

A.D. 1462.

Sir Piers de
llraey wltlr
20,000 men
from Seot-
land.

The garrison
retires, July
JO, 1402.

the which Castles they had the most part of all Nor
thumberland. King Edward and his council, thinking
and un-(deT-)standing what hurt might happen thereof,
made commissions to the south and west country, and
had of them great money, with the which men made
ready, and besieged the same castles, in the month of
December, in the year aforesaid. And Sir Piers de
Bracy,3 Knight of France, and the best warrior of all
that time, was in Scotland to help Queen Margaret.
When he knew that the castles were besieged he had
twenty thousand of Scotchmen, and came towards
Alnwick,4 and all the other castles. And when King
Edward's host had knowledge, that Sir Piers de Bracy,
with the Scotchmen, were coming they removed from
the siege, and were afraid ; and the Scottish host sup
posed it had been done for some gain, and they were
afraid, also they durst not come nigh the castle ; for,
an[d] (if) they had come on boldly, they might have taken
and distressed all the lords and commoners, for they had
lain there so long in the field, and were grieved with
cold and rain, that they had no courage to fight etc.
. Never the lattere (nevertheless,) when they that were
in the castle besieged, saw that the siege was withdrawn
for fear, and the Scottish host afraid, they also came
out of the castle and left [them] (it) open etc., and so
afterwards King Edward's host entered into all the
whole castle,5 and kept it etc.
And after that, the castle of Bamburgh6 was yielded

3 See Hearne's Fragment, p. 12,
and note ".
4 " In the month of June the
Lord Hastings, Sir Ralph Grey,
and many others, laid siege to Aln
wick Castle, where (Sir) William
Talboys was Captain, and who sur
rendered it to them on condition,
that the garrison should evacuate it
in full array, with horses, goods,
harness, etc. And it was given to
the custody of Sjr Ralph Grey." —

(William Wyrcester, p. 493.)
6 This was not in the first year,
but July 30, 14C2. The loose way
in which Warkworth records these
events of the first years of the Reign
of Edward the Fourth would incline
one to attach little value to his nar
rative ; the subsequent portions are,
however, both accurate and impor
tant. 8 " And Nawarth Castle surren
dered to the Lord Montacute. Also

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

105

to the King, by treaty and appointment, by Harry,
Duke of Somerset, that kept it, and came into King
Edward's grace, which granted to him a thousand marks
by (the) year, whereof he was not paid ; therefore he
departed out of England after half (a) year into Scot
land, etc. And so King Edward was possessed of all
England, except a castle in North Wales, called Har
lech, which Sir Richard Tunstal kept, the which was
gotten afterwards by the Lord Herbert.
And in the third year' of the reign of King Ed
ward, and anno Domini 1463, there was one fervent
frost through (out) England, and snow, that men might
go over the ice, and a fervent cold. And also there was
holden a parliament at Westminster, in the which was
granted to the King an aid, which was as much money
as the fifteenth part of men's goods, and one half so
much more,8 whereof the people grudged sore.
Also the fourth year of King Edward, the Earl of
Warwick was sent into France, for a marriage for the
King, for one fair lady, sister9 [daughter] to the King of
France, which was concluded by the Earl of Warwick.
And, whilst the said Earl of Warwick was in France,
the King was wedded to Elizabeth Gray, widow, (the
which Sir John Gray that was her husband was slain at

A.D. 14(53.
The Duke of
Somerset
submits.

Harlech Cas
tle still holds
out for
Henry VI.

Severe frost.
A.D. 1463.

An aid
granted to
the King of
1-15 and 1-8
of a man's
property.

A.D. 1404.
The Earl of
Warwick
demands the
Princess
Bona In mar
riage for the
King.

the Lord de Dacres surrendered
upon certain conditions to the Lord
Montague." — (Will. Wyrcester, p.
493.) " And the Castles of Bamburgh,
Alnwick, and Dunstanburgh were
besieged in the month of Decem
ber, and on Christmas-eve the said
castles of Bamburgh and Dunstan
burgh were surrendered to the King,
upon these conditions : the safety
of life and limb, and that Richard
Percy should come into the Grace of
King Edward and have the custody
of the said castles. And at the same
time the Duke of Somerset, Henry
Lewis, and Sir Nicholas Latimer,

Kt., with many others, came into
KingEdward's grace, and repossess
ed their territories." — (William
Wyrcester, p. 495.)
7 King Edward'sRegnal year com
menced on the fourth of March. —
(Halliwell.) 8 " An hole quingisme and dis-
me." — (Pari. Rolls, v. p. 497.)
0 The word daughter is placed
over sister in the MS. with the a
(caret, or mark of omission). The
Princess referred to is Bona of
Savoy, Sister to the Queen of
France. See Hearne's Fragment,
p. 15, respecting this marriage.

106

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARKWORTIl's

A.D. U(i4.
The King
marries Elizabeth
Woodville, May 1, 1404.

The Seals
taken from
George Ne
ville, Bishop
of Exeter.

Somerset's Rebellion,
May, 1401.
Battle of
Hexham, May 15.

York field,10 in King Harry's party,) and the same
Elizabeth was daughter to the Lord Rivers, and the
wedding was privily (solemnized) in a secret place, the
first day of May, the year above said. And when the
Earl of Warwick came home, and heard thereof, then
was he greatly displeased with the King, and after that
arose great dissention, ever more and more between the
King and him, for that and other (causes) etc. And
then the King put out of the Chancellorship the Bishop
of Exeter,11 brother to the Earl of Warwick, and made
the Bishop of Bath (Robert Stillington) Chancellor of
England. After that the Earl of Warwick took (to)
him in fee as many knights, squires, and gentlemen, as
he might, to be strong; and King Edward did (all)
that he might to (en) feeble the Earl's power.12 And
yet they were accorded divers times but they never loved
together after. Also in the fourth year of the King
Edward, the month of May, the Duke of Somerset, the
Lord Roos, the Lord Molins, the Earl of Kyme, Sir
Philip Wentworth, Sir Thomas Fynderne, gathered a
great people of the north country. And Sir John Ne
ville,13 that time being Earl of Northumberland, with ten
thousand men, came upon them, and there the commons
fled, that were with them, and there the 'foresaid lords
were taken, and afterwards beheaded.14 But then the

10 Touton. — (Leland.) Also in
this year, the 1st of May, the King
wedded, Dame Elizabeth Gray, late
wife unto the Lord Gray of Groby,
and daughter to the Lord Rivers. —
(London Chron. MS. Cot. Vilell.
XVI. fol. 126'.) See also : Hearne's
Fragment, p. 15 — 17, and note 17.
11 George Neville, see note 28,
p. 57. Robert Stillington did not,
however, receive the seals till June
8, 14C8, previously to which Ro
bert Kirkham was keeper. — (J. G.
Nichols.) 12 This statement seems at va
riance with the act passed in the

same year, in which there is this
peculiar clause : " that the said act
be not prejudicial or hurtful unto
Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick."
—(Pari. Rolls, 4 Edward IV.)
13 See Hearne's Fragment, p. 14,
and also the curious document from
aMS.inthe College of Arms, quoted
by Mr. Halliwell. " Neville, Earl
of Northumberland. It was a little
while."— (Leland.) See the curi
ous document in the Introduction :
" Anno Edwardi IV. quarto, et
Mentis Mali die xxvii. scil. die S.
Trinitatis, etc."
" "On the 15th of May were

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

107

Lord Montague, the Earl of Warwick's brother, which a.d. 1404.
the King had made Earl of Northumberland, was mighty
and strong by the same, etc. And, for so much as the
King and his counsel thought, that he would hold with
his (brother the) Earl of Warwick, therefore the King
and his counsel made the country to desire, that they Restoration
might have the rightful heir, Percy," son to Henry g^u..
Percy, that was slain at York-Field, to be the Earl of «tatSor
Northumberland ; and so it was done. And after this £nd.humber'
the King made Lord Montague, Marquis Montague,
and made his son, Duke of Bedford, which should wed
the princess, the King's eldest daughter, which by pos
sibility should be King of England ; and so he had many
fair words, and no lordships, but always he promised he
would do etc. (Grant him Lordships.)
Also the same year and the year of our Lord 1464 Edward
King Edward changed the coin of England," by which SS"'"'
he had great geting (gain) ; for he made of an old noble
a royal, the which was commanded to go for ten shil
lings ; nevertheless (to) the same royal was put 8d. of
alloy, and so weighed 8d. more by delaying (alloying or
weakening) ; and smote him into a new print. Also, he
made of 3d. a groat, and also he (made) angels (into)

beheaded at Hexham, the Duke of
Somerset, Sir Edmund Fitzhugh,
Bradshaw, Walter Hunt, Black
¦ Jack. On the 17 th of May were
beheaded at Newcastle (on Tyne)
the Lord Hungerford, Lord Roos,
Sir Thomas Fynderne, Edward de
la Mere, Nicholas Massey. On the
lHth of May at Mcdetham (?) were
beheaded Sir l'hilipp Wentworth,
William Pennington, Ward de Top-
clifFe, Oliver Wentworth, William
Spiller, Thomas Hunt, (Footman
to King Henry). On the 25th of
May were beheaded at York Sir
Thomas Husscy, Thos. Gosse, Ro
bert Merfyn, Robert Water, (hall
porter to Henry VI,) John Butler,

Thomas Fenwick, Robert Cuck-
field, William Bright, William Daw
son, John Chapman. On the 28th
of May, at York, were beheaded :
John Elderbeck, Richard Cawer,
John Roselle, Robert Conqueror."
— (MS. Arund. Coll. Arm. V. folio
170 r.)
m Henry, Lord Percy, son and
heir to Henry Percy Earl of Nor
thumberland, who was killed at the
Battle of Touton. He was restored
to his title and possessions after
the battle of " Losecote Field," in
1470, upon which occasion Mon
tague was created a Marquis.
16 See Hearne's Fragment, p. 17.

108

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARKWORTIl's

A.D. 14(14.
Henry VI.
taken pri
soner and
conveyed to
the Tower.

The Earl of
Oxford, Lord
Aubrey de
Vere, and Sir
Thomas Tudenham executed.

Lord Hun
gerford be
headed, 1406.

Sir Thomas
Cooke and
others tried
July, 1467.

nobles of 6s. 8d. and by divers coins to the great harm
of the common people. Also the same year, King Harry
was taken beside a house of religion, in Lancashire, by
the means of a black monk of Abingdon,1? in a wood
called Cletherwood, beside Bungelley Hyppyngstones
(Steppingstones)18 by Thomas Talbot, of Basehall, and
John Talbot his cousin of Colebry (Salisbury), with
others more, which deceived ; being at his dinner at
Waddington Hall,19 and carried to London on horseback,
and his leg bound to the stirrup, and so brought, through
London, to the Tower, where he was kept (a) long time
by two squires, and two yeomen of the crown, and their
men ; and ever/y man was suffered to come and speak
with him, by licence of the keepers.
And in the fifth year of King Edward, the Earl of
Oxford,20 the Lord Aubrey, his son, and Sir Thomas
Tudenham, Knight, were taken and brought into the
Tower of London, and there was laid to them high
treason ; and afterwards they were brought before the
Earl of Worcester, and judged by law padowe (pother)
that they should be had to the Tower Hill, where was
made a scaffold, of eight feet high, and there were their
heads smitten off, that all men might see, whereof the
most people were sorry.
And in the sixth year of King Edward's reign, the
Lord Hungerford was taken and beheaded for high
treason at Salisbury.
And in the seventh year of King Edward, Sir Tho
mas Cooke,21 Sir John Plummer, knight, and alderman

17 Habington gives the same ac
count, almost verbatim. See also :
Hearne's Fragment, p. 14.
18 " These Steppingstones formed
a ford across the River Ribble.'' —
(Nichols.) 1 Never was a more disreputable
act countenanced by men of stand
ing than this perfidy towards tlie
unfortunate Henry, who was at

that time the guest of Sir John
Tempest of Bracewell. His host,
his son-in-law, Sir Thomas Talbot,
and Sir James Harington, were all
rewarded for the part they took in
the betrayal of their Sovereign and
Guest, by Edward IV.
20 This was in 1461. SeeHearne's
Fragment, pp. 11, 12.
21 Sir Thomas Cooke was Lord

CHRONICLE.]- THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

109

of London, and Humphrey Howard, and other alder
men, were arrested, and treason surmised upon them,
whereof they were acquit (ed), but they lost great goods
to the King, to the value of forty thousand marks,
or more ; and clivers times, in divers places of England,
men were arrested for treason, and some were put to
death, and some (es)caped.
And the eighth year of King Edward, a little before
Michaelmas, there appeared a blazing star in the west,
at four feet high by estimation, in (the) evening going
from the west towards the north, and so endured for five
or six weeks. And the same year Sir Thomas Hunger
ford, Knight, son to the Lord Hungerford, and Harry
Courteney, the Earl of Devonshire of right, were taken
for treason and beheaded at Salisbury ; and men said the
Lord Stafford22 of Southwick was cause of the said

A.D. 1467.

A comet
appears In
September,1468.

Sir Thomas
Hungerford,nnd Courte
ney, Earl of
Devonshire
beheaded at
Salisbury.

Mayor in 1462, and created a
Knight of the Bath in 1464 on
occasion of the Queen's Corona
tion. — (See Hearne's Fragment,
p. 18.) Besides the persons no
ticed in the text William Wyrcester
mentions the following : Thomas
Danvers ; Hugh Mill ; Peter Al-
frey ; Sir Gervase Clifton ; Hugh
Pakenham -, Nich. Hughes ; Tho
mas Portland ; Will. Bellknap ;
Robt. Knowles -, John Fisher, of
the Temple ; John Hawkins, ser
vant to the Lord Weniock ; and
others, who were accused by Cor
nelius the Cobbler, under torture,
of having held secret correspon
dence with Queen Margaret. "And
the said John Hawkins accused Sir
Thomas Cooke of treasonable com
munication with Hugh Mill, and
also said many things against his
own master, the Lord de Weniock.
And the said Sir Thomas Cooke
being arrested and committed to
the Tower of London, the doors of
his house were closed, and all his
goods carried away by the Lord
Treasurer and (Sir) John Fogge,
by authority of the timeserving
Mayor, before hewas found guilty."

" The prisoners were brought to trial
at Guildhall in July, before the
Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester ;
the Earls of Warwick, Northum
berland and Essex ; the Mayor,
and the Lord Chief Justice Mark-
ham j and the other Judges. Peter
Alfrey on being arrested acknow
ledged his treason ; Hugh Mill
pleaded a grant of pardon ; John
Hawkins was found guilty by the
verdict of the jury ; Thomas Cooke
was acquitted of treason ; but the
jury found him guilty of conceal
ment, which they adjudged to be
misprision of treason ; Hugh Paken
ham and Thomas Portland were ac
quitted ; and a certain John Norris,
found guilty of treason, was hung
at Tyburn with the said John Haw
kins, and there also the Lord Arch
bishop of York set Peter Alfrey at
liberty by a grant of the King's
pardon." — (William Wyrcester,
pp. 514, 15, 16.)
22 " He was created Earl of De
vonshire, May 7th, 1469 ; but be
headed by the Commons at Bridge-
water before the close of the year."
— (Nichols.)

110

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wAltKWORTIl's

A.D. 1468.

Harry Courteney's death ; for he would (then) be the
Earl of Devonshire, and so the King made him after
wards, and (he) had it not half a year.
The Duke of And in the ninth year of the reign of King Edward,
marriefthe at Midsummer, the Duke of Clarence passed the sea to
NCTMej^si! Calais to the Earl of Warwick, and there (was) wedded
(to) his daughter by the Archbishop of York, the Earl
of Warwick's brother, and afterwards came over again.
And anon, after that, by their assignment, there was
a great insurrection in Yorkshire,23 of divers knights,
squires, and commoners, to the number of twenty thou
sand ; and Sir William Conyers, Knight, was their cap
tain, which called himself Robin of Reddesdale, and
against them arose, by the King's commandment, Lord
Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, with [xliii.] forty-three
thousand24 of Welshmen, the best in Wales, and Hum
phrey Stafford, with 7000 of archers of the west
country ; and, as they went together, to meet the north-
men, at a town [there] (they) fell in (to) a variance
for (choice of) their lodging ; and so the Earl of Devon
shire departed from the Earl of Pembroke, with all his
Battle of men. And Robin of Reddesdale came upon the Welsh-
jiieiyg2C5C,°i469. men in a plain beyond Banbury town,25 and there they
fought strongly together, and there was the Earl of
Pembroke taken, and his brother with him, and two

Robin of
Redesdale's
insurrection

23 " And in September this same
year, there was a rising in York
shire upon account of a certain
Hospital in the city of that name,
to the maintenance of which, con
tribution was demanded from the
whole country. Though it was a
very trifling cause the people took
fire at it, as if it had been an affair
of the last importance. There were
no less than 15,000 men assembled,
who marched with one Robert Hul-
durn at their head direct for York.
But the Marquis of Montague being
informed of their design, went out
of the city with a few troops, and

attacking them, when they least
expected it, put them to the rout,
took their leader, and caused his
head to be cut off." — (Rapin's
Acta Regia, p. 285.) It must
therefore have been after the death
of this Robert Huldurn that Sir
William Conyers assumed the name
of Robin of Redesdale.
24 " The Roman, numeral is xliii.
This is probably a clerical error for
xiiii, fourteen." — (Halliwell.)
25 The Battle was fought on
Danesmoor, at present inclosed and
planted.

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

Ill

thousand Welshmen slain; and so the Welshmen lost a.d. i4ii».
the field, the twenty-sixth day of July, the same year.
The names of the gentlemen that were slain of (the) List of the
Welsh party in the same battle : — Sir Roger Vaughan,
-Knight; Harry (M)Organ,26 (his) son and heir; Tho
mas A prossehere (ap Richard) Vaughan, 'squire; Wil
liam Herbert, of Brecknock, 'squire ; Watkin Thomas,
son to Roger Vaughan ; Yvan ap John ap Merrick;
Davy ap Jenkin ap Limerick ; Harry Done ap Pikton ;
John Done of Kidwelly; Rise ap Morgan ap Ulston;
Jenkin Perot ap Scotsburgh ; John Eneand of Pem
brokeshire ; and John Contour (Courtor) of Hereford.
And of the north party there was slain Sir Harry
Latimer,27 son and heir to the Lord Latimer; Sir Roger
Pigot, Knight ; James Coniers, son and heir to Sir
John Coniers, Knight ; Oliver Audley (Dudley) 'squire ;
Thomas Wakes (his) son and heir ; William Mallery,
'squire ; and many other commoners, etc. And at that Lord Rivers
time was the Lord Rivers28 taken, and one of his sons, woodviiie,
, « p-r-. i, 1 -vri F.avl of Pem-
m the forest of Dean, and brought to Northampton ; broke and sir
and the Earl of Pembroke, and Sir Richard Herbert, beheaded.
his brother, were beheaded at Northampton ; — all four
by the commandment of the Duke of Clarence, and the
Earl of Warwick ; — and Thomas Herbert was slain at
Bristol, etc. And at that time was Stafford, that was Lord stairord
Earl of Devonshire but half a year, taken at Bridgwater
by the commons there in Somersetshire, and there right
(immediately) beheaded.
And after that, the Archbishop of York had under- Edward
standing, that King Edward was in a village29 beside, s'onerbythe
° ° ° Ahp.ofVork.

20 The spelling of Warkworth in
these names is so faulty, that it is
only by means of Leland's tran
script that several are intelligible.
Leland supplies : Morgan, for Or
gan ; ap Richard for Aprosschere ;
Harison ap Pikton, for Harry Done
ap Pikton ; and John Enerard, for
John Eneand.

27 " Rather Sir Henry Neville,
cousin-german to the great Earl of
Warwick."— (J. G. Nichols.)
28 See Hearne's Fragment, p.
24, 5.
29 " King Edward taken by a
train at Ulnay (Olney) Village by
side Northampton by the Bishop
of York." — (Leland.)

112

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wAKKWORTIl's!

a.d. 1469. Northampton, and all his people, he raised, were fled
from him ; by the advice of the Duke of Clarence, and
the Earl of Warwick, he rode with certain horsemen
harnessed with him, and took King Edward,30 and had
him (conveyed) unto Warwick Castle a little while, and
Escapes and afterwards to York city ; and there by fair speech and
London. promise, the King (es)caped out of the Bishop's hands,
and came unto London, and did what him liked. And
the same year, the twentyninth day of September, Hum-
frey Neville, Knight, and Charles, his brother, were
taken by the Earl of Warwick, and beheaded at York,
Free pardon the King being present. And in the same year [was]
made a proclamation at the King's Bench in West
minster, and in the City of London, and in all England,
(of) a general pardon to all manner of men, for all man-
Property-tax ner (of) insurrections and trespasses ; and also a whole
fifteenth should be gathered, and payed that same year,
at Martinmass, and at our Lady Day in Lent after ;
which annoyed the people, for they had payed a little
before a great tax, and the fifteenth part of every man's
goods, etc.
And in the tenth year of King Edward's reign, in
the month of March, the Lord Willoughby ; 31 the
Lord Welles, his son ; Thomas Delalande, Knight ; and

proclaimed.

levied.

Lord Welles
Insurrection
in Lincoln
shire,

30 This account of the captivity
of Edward differs from that usually
given by our historians. By them
it is affirmed that whilst the King
and the Earl of Warwick were ne
gotiating the terms of peace, the
Earl seized upon the person of Ed
ward, and had him conveyed to the
Castle of Midleham, to the custody
of his brother the Archbishop, to
whose care he intrusted him.
" There is great talking in this
country of the desire of my Lord
of York ; the people report full
worshipfully of my Lord of War
wick ; they have no fear here but
that he and others should show too

great favour to them that have been
rulers of this country before time."
— (Paston Letters, vol. iv. p.
177-9.) 31 See Hearne's Fragment, p. 25.
In the Excerpta Historica is given
the confession of Sir Robert Welles,
by which it appears that the object
of the conspiracy was " to dethrone
Edward and place the crown on the
head of the Duke of Clarence, and
that the Earl of Warwick, and the
Duke of Clarence had for some
time been urging Lord Welles and
his son, to continue firm to their
cause."

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 113
Sir Thomas Dymoke, Knight, the King's Champion, a.d. 1469.
drove out of Lincolnshire Sir Thomas a Burgh, a
Knight of the King's house, and pulled down his place,
and took all his goods and chatels, that they might find,
and they gathered all the commons of the shire, to the
number of thirty thousand, and cried " King Harry,1'
and refused " King Edward." And the Duke of Cla- counte-
rence, and the Earl of Warwick, caused all this, like as cmVenceLd
they did Robin of Reddesdale to rise before that, at
Banbury field. And when King Edward heard thereof,
he made out his commissions, and gathered a great
people of men, and sent his pardon to the Lord Wii
ioughby, and a commandment, that [they] (he) should
come to him, and so he did. And when the King was Edward's
i • • -i-i-.i treacherous
sure of him, he and all his host went towards Lincoln- conduct to
wards Lord
shire, (where) the Lord Welles, and all the other peo- wuioughby.
pie were gathered together ; and (he) commanded Lord
Wiiioughby to send a letter to his son, and to all the
people, that he (had) gathered, that they should yield
them (selves) to him, as to their Sovereign Lord, or else
he made a vow, that the Lord Wiiioughby should lose
his head ; and he wrote, and sent his letter forth, but
therefore they would not cease ; wherefore the King Lord wii-
commanded the Lord Wiiioughby 's head for to be headed.
smitten off, notwithstanding his pardon. And so the
King32 took his host, and went towards his enemies,
and loosed his guns of his ordinance upon them, and

33 At first Edward was in igno
rance as to the secret movers of
this revolt being the Duke of Cla
rence and the Earl of Warwick,
and " trusting they would have
aided him in subduing the insurrec
tions in Lincolnshire, as they had
promised, he had authorized them
to assemble forces and bring them
to him." His impetuosity did not
allow him to wait for Warwick, and
the Duke of Clarence, and having,
by this victory, completely discon
certed the plans of the conspirators,

instead of joining the King, they
retreated to Manchester in alarm.
Exasperated at their perfidy he ar
rayed the counties against them,
and issued orders for their arrest,
giving them, however, till the 28th
of March to come in and receive
his pardon. In the act of March 31,
1470, "he charges Warwick with
having treacherously excited Welles
to his insurrection." — (See the Do
cuments from the Close Rolls in
the Chapter on the Disputes of the
Royal Brothers.)

114

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [WARKWORTIl's

A.D. 1469.
Battle of ¦
Losecote
field, Oct. 1,
1469.

The Duke of
Clarence and
Earl of War
wick flee to
France.

Clapham and
others exe
cuted at
Southamp-

fought with them, and anon the commons fled away ;
but there were many men slain of Lincolnshire, and the
Lord Welles, Sir Thomas Delalande, and Sir Thomas
Dymoke, Knights, taken and beheaded. And when the
Duke of Clarence, and the Earl of Warwick heard the
field was lost, and how their counsel was discovered,
they fled westwards to the sea side,33 and took there
hire-ships, and sailed towards Southampton, and in
tended there to have a great ship of the said Earl of
Warwick's, called "the Trinity" ; but the Lord Scales,
the Queen's brother, was sent thither by the King's
commandment, and others with him, and fought with
the said Duke and Earl, and took there divers ships of
theirs, and many of their men therein, so that the Duke
and the Earl were fain to flee to the King of France,
where they were worshipfully received. And after this
the King Edward came to Southampton, and com
manded the Earl of Worcester34 to sit, and judge such
men, as were taken in the ships, and so twenty persons
of gentlemen and yeomen, were hanged,35 drawn, and
quartered, and headed ; and after that they hanged up
by the legs, and a stake made sharp at both ends,

33 After the Battle of Stamford,
Edward pursued his brother and the
Earl of Warwick as far as Exeter.
This we gather from the following
letter of the Duke of Suffolk,
(John de la Pole).
" To the Bailiffs, Constables, and
Chamberlains of our Borough of
Eye, and to every each of them. —
For as much as Edmund Lee, and
John Barker, which were waged for
your town, to await upon us in the
King's service to Lincoln field, and
from thence to Exeter and (back)
again ; and for that reason, as we
be informed, they are not yet fully
contented and paid of their wages ;
wherefore, upon the sight hereof,
we will and charge that ye without
any longer delay pay them their

whole duties according to (the) co
venant that ye made with them, and
ye fail not hereof, as ye intend our
pleasure. Written at Wingfield,
the 22 day of October (1470).—
Suffolk." — (Paston Letters, vol.
iv. p. 449.)
34 "Ti])etote(Jo7inTiptoft)Esir\
of Worcester." — (Leland.)
35 " Inter quos Clapham." "The
Earl caused the bodies of certain
condemned men, after they were
hanged, to be thrust through the
fundament up to the end with
stakes." — (Leland.) From Wark
worth's text it is evident that the
heads had been severed from the
bodies before the separate parts
were thus reunited by means of the
stake.

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 115
whereof one end was put in at bottokys, and the other a.d. 1409.
end their head were put upon ; for the which the people
of the land were greatly displeased ; and ever afterwards
the Earl of Worcester was greatly [be]hated among the
people, for their disordinate (illegal) death, that he used
contrary to the law of the land.
And when the said Duke of Clarence, and the Earl of a second
Warwick were in France, there appeared a blazing star tioned.mcu~
in the west, and the flame thereof like a spear-head, the
which diverse of the King's house saw it, whereof they
were full sore adrede (afraid). And there in France,
where the said lords were, they took their counsel what
was best for to do ; and they could find no remedy, but Marriage
to send to Queen Margaret, and to make a marriage Edward
betwixt Prince Edward, King Henry's son,36 and ano- wIum and
ther of the said Earl of Warwick's daughters, which AnneNeviiie.
was concluded, and (they ivere) in France worshipfully
wedded. And there it was appointed, and accorded,
that King Harry should rejpice (in) the Kingdom
of England again, and reign as well as he did be
fore, and after him his Prince Edward, and his heirs
of his body lawfully begotten; and, if it happened
that he deceased without heirs of his body lawfully
'gotten, then should the Kingdom of England, with
the Lordships of Ireland, remain unto George, the
Duke of Clarence, and his heir for evermore. Also it
was appointed and agreed, that Harry, Duke of Exeter,
Edmund, Duke of Somerset, brother to Harry, that was
slain at Hexham-field, the Earl of Devonshire, called
Courteney, and all other knights, squires, and all others,
that were put out and attainted for King Harry's quarrel,
should come into England again, and every man to re
joice (in) his own livelihood and inhabitants (inherit
ance). [Which] all these 'pointments aforesaid, were
written, indented, and sealed, betwixt the said Queen
Margaret, the Prince, her son, in that one part, and the
30 See Hearne's Fragment, p. 27, 8.
l2

116

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARKWORTll'.S

a.d. UG9. Duke of Clarence, and the Earl of Warwick on that
other part. And moreover to make it sure they were
sworn, and made great oaths to each other, which was
done by all (at the) King of France's counsel.
The Duke of And in the same tenth year aforesaid, a little before
theJEa'riofd Michaelmas, the Duke of Clarence, and the Earl of
ian'dTnCEng- Warwick,37 landed in the west country, and gathered
wo.'" UB' there a great people. The Lord Marquis Montague had
gathered six thousand men, by King Edward's commis
sion and commandment, to the intent to have resisted
the said Duke of Clarence and the Earl of Warwick.
Nevertheless the said Marquis Montague hated the
King, and purposed to have taken him ; and when he
was within a mile of King Edward, he declared to the
people, that were there gathered with him, how King
Edward had first given to him the Earldom of Northum
berland, and how he took it from him, and gave it (to)
Harry Percy, whose father was slain at York-field;
and how, of late time, he had made him Marquis of
Montague, and gave a pye's-nest to maintain his estate
with ; wherefore he gave knowledge to his people, that
he would hold with the Earl of Warwick, his brother,

37 Edward appears to have been
at York, when news reached him
of the threatened invasion, as we
learn from the following letter, di
rected :
" To our well-beloved William
Swan, Gentleman.
" R (ex) E (dwardus.) By the
King. Trusty and well-beloved we
greet you -, and for so much as we
be credibly ascertained that our an
cient enemies of France, and our
outward rebels and traitors be
drawn together in accord, and in
tend hastily to land in our country
of Kent, or in parts thereof near
adjoining, with great might and
power of Frenchmen utterly to de
stroy us and our true subjects, and
to subvert the commonweal of the
same our Realm : — We straitly
charge and command you, upon the

faith and liegeance that ye bear
unto us, that ye arredie (make
ready) you with all the fellowship
ye can make, and as soon as ye may
understand that they land in our
said county or near by, that ye draw
thither, as we have commanded
other our subjects to do, and put
you in uttermost devoir (endeavour)
with them to resist the malice of
our said enemies and traitors ; and
if they and ye be not of power so
to do, that then ye draw you to our
city of London, by which time we
trust to be there in our own person,
or nearby ; and if we be not that,
that then ye do farther all ye shall
be commanded by our Council
there, upon the pain above said.
" Given under our signet, at our
City of York, the 7th day of Sep
tember."— (1470.)

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

117

and take King Edward if he might, and all those that a.d. 1470.
would hold with him. But, anon, one of the host38 Edward
went out from the fellowship, and told King Edward all danger (ty
n - . -I,,,. . Jllcxanaer
manner of things, and bade him avoid, (flee,) for he Lceh
was not strong enough to give battle to (the) Marquis
(of) Montague ; and then anon King Edward hasted
him, in all that he might, to the town of Lynn, and
there he took shipping,39 on Michelmas day, in the
tenth year of his reign, with Lord Hastings, that was
the King's Chamberlain; Lord Say, with divers other
knights, and squires ; passed and sailed over the sea and nees into
into Flanders, to his brother-in-law, the Duke of Bur- "" e's'
gundy, for succour and help, etc.
Here is to know, that in the beginning of the month
of October, the year of our Lord 1470, the Bishop of
Winchester, by the assent of the Duke of Clarence,
and the Earl of Warwick, went to the Tower40 of Restoration
London, where King Harry was in prison, (by King Henry vi.
Edward's commandment,) and there took him from
his keepers, which was not worshipfully arrayed as a
prince, and not so cleanly kept, as should (be-) seem
such a Prince. They had him out, and new arrayed41
him, and did to him great reverence, and brought him
to the palace of Westminster, and so he was restored

33 See Hearne's Fragment, p. 30.
39 " He entered the ship without
bag or baggage, without cloth, sack
or mail, and perchance with a great
purse and little treasure, for he nor
his had no leisure to provide, ac
cording to their degrees and es
tates."— (Grafton, p. 688.)
¦to " Warwick came to the Tower,
and there delivered King Henry VI.
out of prison, and giving him his
robe of Majesty, brought him to
(St.) Paul's, the people rejoicing
on every side, and there thanked
God, for that it had chanced as they
would and desired." — (Hardyng's
Contin. 14.)

41 " On the 25th of October, the
Duke of Clarence accompanied by
the Earls of Warwick, Shrewsbury,
and the Lord Stanley, and other
Lords and Gentlemen, some for
fear, and some for love, and some
only to gaze at the wavering world,
resorted with great company to the
Tower of London, and thence with
great pomp brought King Henry
VI. apparelled in a long gown of
blue velvet, through the high streets
of London, to the Cathedral Church
of St. Paul, the people on the
right hand, and on the left hand,
rejoicing and crying : " God save
the King !" — (Grafton's Chronicle,
p. 690.)

118

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARICWORTTl's

a.d. 1470. to the crown again, and wrote in all his letters, writs,
Anno Regni and other records, the year of his reign, " Anno Regni
vi. 49. Regis Henrici Sexti quadragesimo nono, et Reademp-
tionis suse Regiae Potestatis primo.1' Whereof all his
good lovers were full glad, and the more part of people
(also). Nevertheless before that, at (the time when) he
was put out of his realm by King Edward, all England,
for the more part, hated him41 and were full glad to
Reasons for have a change ; and the cause was the good Duke of
me" unpopu- Gloucester was put to death, and John Holland, Duke
of Exeter poisoned, and that the Duke of Suffolk, the
Lord Say, Daniel Trevylian, and other mischievous peo
ple, that were about the King, were so covetous towards
themselves, and did no force42 (had no care) of the
King's honour, nor of his weal, nor of the common
weal of the land, where King Harry trusted to them,
that they should do, and labour in time of innocence
ever for the common weal, which they did contrary to
his will ; and also France, Normandy, Gascoigne, and
Guienne, was lost in his time. And these were the
causes, with others, that made the people to grudge
against him, and all because of his false lords, and
never of him; and the common people said, if they
might have another King, he should get all again, and
amend all manner of things, that was amiss, and bring
the realm of England in great prosperity and rest.
Nevertheless, when King Edward the Fourth reigned,
the people looked after all the foresaid prosperities, and
Reasons for peace, but it came not; but one battle after another,
popularity™' and much trouble and great loss of goods among the
common people; as first the fifteenth of all their

41 See the Kentish Memorial, in
the Introduction, in which all the
grievances which led to the ill-
feeling towards Henry are plainly
expressed. 42 " No force," is constantly used
by Chaucer to imply, " no care,"

" no matter," as in the following
instance : —
"I do no force of your divinity,
But o thing warne I thee, I wol
not jape,
Thou wolt algates wete how we
be shape." Frere's Tale, 7094.

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

119

goods,43 and then a whole fifteenth, and yet at every a.d. im.
battle (they had) to come far out (of) their countries
at their own cost; and these and such other (causes)
brought England right low, and many men said that
King Edward had much blame for hurting merchandize,
for in his days they were not in other lands, nor within
England, taken in such reputation and credence as they
were before, etc.
And (^e) twentysixth day of November, King iiem-ycaiisa
Harry called a parliament44 at Westminster, beinsr and tt,m,,ls
, _. ° the Acts of
there (jeorge, the Archbishop of York, Chancelor ofEa«"»d.
England, which (discussed) this proposition before the
King, and his Lords, and the commons, of that same
parliament assembled, " Revertiinini (Convertimini) [ad
me] filii revertentes, (dicit Dominus quia) ego [enim]
vir vester." Jeremiah, Chap. iii. (v. 14.) And in the T"e pro-
. « -n , /¦ t-i t-\ scribed No-
month ol February after, Harry, Duke of Exeter; hies return,
Edmund, Duke of Somerset; Lord John of Somerset,
his brother, Earl of Ormond; Jasper, Earl of Pem
broke, brother to the King Harry; and the Earl of
Richmond, with many other knights, and squires, gen
tlemen, and yeomen, came into England, and entered
into their lordships, and lands, which at the parliament
above said, and all other attainders, that were made in
King Edward's time, were annulled, and King Harry
was admitted to his crown, and dignity again, and all
his men to their inheritance. And then was taken the
Earl of Worcester,45 which was arrested, and arraigned,

43 The very heavy taxes and aids
levied by Edward had made him
unpopular. He had held forth
great promises, but instead of per
forming these he had oppressed the
nation more than his predecessor.
The continuator of Hardyng's
Chronicle places in the mouth of
the Earl of Warwick, however, the
greatest cause of Edward's unpo
pularity: "Wherefore I think it

will come to pass, that either he
will destroy all nobility, or else
nobility must destroy him." The
King himself afterwards acknow
ledged to Commines that such was
really his policy. — (See note m,
p. 128.
44 See page 36, note '.
45 Infinitely beyond the time in
which he lived was John Tiptoft,
Earl of Worcester, one of the most

120

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wAUKWORTIl's

The Earl of
Worcester executed.

a.d. 1470. before Sir John Vere, the Earl of Oxford, son and heir
to the 'foresaid Earl of Oxford, which was beheaded at
the Tower Hill, as before written ; and so the Earl of
Worcester46 was judged by such law, as he did to other
men, and when he was dead, his body and his head were
buried together, at the Black Friars in London, with all
the honours and worship, that his friends could do.
Queen Eiua- Also Queen Elizabeth King Edward's wife, which had
beth goes to ^- O >
w«tmauT.at wel1 vlctualed and fortified the Tower of London, when
8ter- she heard that her sovereign and husband was fled,47
she went secretly out of the tower into sanctuary at
Westminster, with all her children, and she herself was

learned and accomplished men in
Europe. The friend of .(Eneas
Sylvius (Pope Pius II.), like him
he was the great patron and en-
courager of literature in this coun
try, and by his liberality William
Caxton was enabled to introduce
the Art of Printing into England.
The printer's heart overflows in
gratitude, and in dropping a tear
over the untimely fate of his bene
factor, leaves a deplorable picture
of the ignorance of the bulk of the
nobility in the Reign of Edward
the Fourth. His words are : " In
Jtys tyme /lowered in verlue and
cunnyng none lyke hym emong the
lordes of the temporalilie, in scy-
ence and morall verlue." And
again : " The axe then dyd att one
blowe cut of more lernynge, than
was lefte in the heads of all the
survyvyng Lordes and nobilitie."
Lord Worcester was beheaded A.D.
1470, during the short restoration
of King Henry the Sixth, having
fled ou the departure of Edward
the Fourth. He was taken con
cealed in a tree in Weybridge
Forest. Besides the works enu
merated in Lord Walpole's Royal
and Noble Authors, I have seen in
the Library of the late John Haw
kins, Esq., a Manuscript Chronicle
of England with this title : " Chro
nica liegum Angliai ex Diversis
Historiographis per Dominum Jo-

hannem Wigornii Comitem sparsim
collecta." It is a closely written
4to volume, on vellum of different
texture, and consisting of 174
leaves. 46 " And in those days was taken
that cruel executioner, and dread
ful headsman, the Earl of Worces
ter, and imprisoned in the Tower
of London, and in a short time
after beheaded at the said Tower,
and buried obscurely at the Black
Friars (apud Fratres Predicatores)
near Ludgate."< — (MS. Arundel.
Coll. Arm. V. fol. 171b.)
47 " When the fame was spread of
King Edward flying, innumerable
people resorted to the Earl of
Warwick to take his part ; but all
King Edward's trusty friends went
to divers Sanctuaries, daily looking
and hourly harkening, to hear of
his health and prosperous return,
who afterwards served him manfully
and truly. Amongst others, Queen
Elizabeth, his wife, almost desperate
of all comfort, took sanctuary at
Westminster, and there in great
penury, forsaken of all her friends,
was delivered of » fair son called
Edward, which was with small
pomp, like a poor man's child,
christened and baptized, the god
fathers being the Abbot and Prior
of Westminster, and the godmother,
the Lady Scrope." — (Grafton's
Chronicle, p. 690.)

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 121
great with child, and was delivered there even of a son, a.d. 1470.
that was called Prince Edward of England ; and there
she abode still in great trouble, till King Edward came
in again to her.
And in the second week of March, the forty-ninth
year of the Reign of King Harry the Sixth, and in the
tenth year of the reign of King Edward, the Fourth,
the same King Edward took his shipping in Flanders,48 King Ed-
and had with him the Lord Hastings, and the Lord Say, shipping in
and nine hundred of Englishmen, and three hundred of
Flemmings, with hand-guns, and sailed towards England,
and had great trouble upon the sea with storms, and
lost a ship with horses; and purposed to have landed
in Norfolk, and one of the Earl (of) Oxford's brothers,
with the commons of the country, arose up together,
and put him aback to the sea again. And after that, as
he was so troubled in the sea, that he was fain to land in
Yorkshire, at Ravenspurne ; 49 and there rose against and lands at
him all the country of Holderness, whose captain was a spume,
priest, and a person in the same country called, Sir
John Westerdale, which afterwards for his abused dis
position, was cast in prison in the Marshalsea, at Lon
don by the same King Edward : for the same priest
met King Edward, and asked the cause of his landing ;
and he answered, that he came thither by the Earl of
Northumberland's advice, and shewed the Earl's letter by invitation
of the Earl
he sent to him etc. under his seal ; and also he came for of Northum-
berland.
to claim the Duchy of York, the which was his inherit
ance of right, and so passed forth to the city of York,
where Thomas Clifford let him in, and there he was
examined again ; and he said to the mayor, and alder- claims at
6 „ ...... first only his
men, and to all the commons ot the city, m likewise as Dukedom of
he was before in Holderness at his landing ; that was to
say that (he) never would claim no title, nor take upon

4S See note :, page 3fi. | l!l See Fleetwood's Manuscript, p. 38.

122

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARKWORTIl's

A.D. 1470.

and wears
Prince Edward's
badge.

At Notting
ham he is
joined by Sir
W. Stanley
and Sir W.
Norris ;

proceeds to
Leicester and
challenges the Earl of
Warwick.

Edward and
the Duke of
Clarence re
conciled, and
proceed to
London.

hand to be King of England,50 nor would have done (so)
before that time, but by (the) exciting and stirring of
the Earl of Warwick; and thereto before all (the)
people he cried : " A King Harry, A King and Prince
Edward," and wore an ostrich feather, Prince Edward's
livery. And after this he was suffered to pass the city,
and so held his way southward, and no man letted
(hindered) nor hurt him.
Afterward that, he came towards Nottingham, and
there came to him Sir William a. Stanley, with three
hundred men, and Sir William Norris, and divers other
men, and tenants of Lord Hastings, so that he had
[Mi. Mi.] two thousand men and more ; and anon after
he made his proclamation,51 and called himself King
Edward of England, and of France. Then took he his
way to Leicester, where were the Earl of Warwick, and
the Lord Marquis, his brother, with four thousand men
or more. And King Edward sent a messenger to them,
that if they would come out, that he would fight 52 with
them. But the Earl of Warwick had a letter from the
Duke of Clarence, that he should not fight with him, till
he came himself; and all (this) was to the destruction
of the Earl of Warwick, as it happened afterward. Yet
so the Earl of Warwick kept still the gates of the town
shut, and suffered King Edward (to) pass towards Lon
don; and, a little out of Warwick, met the Duke of
Clarence53 with King Edward, with seven thousand

60 See Fleetwood's MS., pp. 40,
4 1 , notes "' and c.
51 Leland says 4 M. men or
more ; The MS. merely Mi. Mi.
" This proclamation cast a great
shame and dolour into the hearts of
the Citizens of York, for that they
might apparently perceive, that
they were seduced and for their
goodwill unhonestly (if it might
be said) deluded and mocked." —
(Grafton, p. 699.)
62 " And the next day after this
he came thither, (to Coventry) his

men were set forward, and mar
shalled in array, and he valiantly
bade the Earl battle : which, mis
trusting that he should be deceived
by the Duke of Clurcnce (as he was
indeed), kept himself close within
the walls."— (Grafton, p. 700.)
63 "The Duke came with a great
power of men. The which, when
King Edward perceived, he made
towards him, and that it should not
be thought to be a made guile, set
his host in array, as though he
would fight, and so did the Duke.

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

123

men, and there they were made accord, and made a pro- a.d. 1470.
clamation forthwith in King Edward's name ; and so all
covenants of fidelity made betwixt the Duke of Clarence,
and the Earl of Warwick, Queen Margaret, Prince Ed
ward, her son, both in England, and in France, were
clearly broken and forsaken of the said Duke of Cla
rence ; (which in conclusion was destructive both to him,
and them ; for perjury shall never have better end with
out great grace of God. Vide finem, Src.) King Harry
then was in London, and the Archbishop of York,
within the Bishop of London's Palace.
And on the Wednesday next before Easter-day, King ai>p. of York
Harry, and the Archbishop of York with him, rode LonaoiTiti!
about London, and desired the people to be true unto "B
him; and every man said they would. Nevertheless
Urswyke, Recorder of London, and divers Aldermen,
such that had rule of the city, commanded all the people,
that wore in harness, keeping the city, and King Harry,
every man to go home to dinner ; and in dinner time
King Edward was let in, and so went forth to the
Bishop of London's palace, and there took King Harry,
and the Archbishop of York, and put them in ward,54
the Thursday next before Easter-day. And the Arch- Edward en-
bishop of Canterbury, the Earl of Essex, the Lord Ber- places King
ners, and such other as owed King Edward good will, the AbP. of
as well in London,' as in other places, made as many men ward.
as they might, in strengthening the said King Edward;
so then he was a seven thousand men (strong) , and there
they refreshed well themselves, all that day, and Good

But when they came in sight, Ri
chard, Duke of Gloucester, first
spake with the Duke privily, and
then came to Edward, and did the
same to him, and at the last peace
was proclaimed, whereby every man
putting down his weapons, King
Edward and his brethren embraced
lovingly one another, etc. etc." —
(Hardyng's Contin. p. 19.)

54 This differs from the account
in Fleetwood's MS. see p. CO ; and
Warkworth himself implies, in his
account of the Archbishop's mis
fortunes, hereafter narrated, that he
had made his peace with Edward,
before he reached London. If
therefore he was put in ward, it
must only have been done to keep
up appearances.

124

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARKWORTIl's

A.D. 1470.
Proceeds to
Barnet,

and meets
the Earl of
Warwick's
troops.

Rattle of
Barnet,
Easter Sun.
day, 14th
April, 1471.

Friday. And upon Easter Even, he and all his host
went toward Barnet, and carried King Harry55 with
him ; for he had understanding, that the Earl of War
wick, and the Duke of Exeter, the Lord Marquis (of)
Montague, the Earl of Oxford, and many other knights,
squires, and commons, to the number of twenty thou
sand, were gathered together to fight against King
Edward. But it happened that he, with his host, were
entered into the town of Barnet, before the Earl of
Warwick, and his host. And so the Earl of Warwick,
and his host, lay without the town all night, and each of
them loosed guns at (the) other all the night. And on
Easter day in the morning, the fourteenth day of April,
right early each of them came upon (the) other ; and
there was such a great mist, that neither of them might
see (the) other perfectly. There they fought from four
of clock in the morning, unto ten of clock (in) the fore
noon. And divers times the Earl of Warwick's party
had the victory, and supposed that they had won the
field. But it happened so, that the Earl of Oxford's
men had upon them their lord's livery, both before and
behind, which was a star with streams, which (was)
much like King Edward's livery, the sun with streams ;
and the mist was so thick, that a man might not per
fectly judge one thing from another ; so the Earl of
Warwick's men shot and fought against the Earl of

65 " The which fortune chanced
to him by many men's opinions, be
cause he was a very simple and in
nocent man, and that he had rather
in godliness and virtue excel others,
than in honour and rule ; so that
for the love that he had to Christ's
Religion, he looked for no dignity
or honour, which chanceth to few
that will not seek for. it, or regard
and keep it when they have it. But
his enemies said he was a coward,
and had not the heart or manliness
to be a King, or meet for that of
fice. So, that whosoever despiseth

what the common people alloweth
and marveleth at, is accounted for
a madman; contrarywise he that
doth agree to them, andin their tale,
he is a wise man, where indeed such
wisdom (as it is commonly said) is
foolishness before God. Also some
said, it was the will of God, that it
should so be, for his grandfather
Henry IV. got it by violency and
force of arms, so that it could not
be long enjoyed of him ; but that
fault of the grandfather did redound
on the heirs." — (Hardyng's Chro
nicle, Conlin. 14.)

CHRONICUi.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

125

Oxford's men, thinking and supposing, that they had a.d. 1471.
been King Edward's men ; and anon the Earl of Ox
ford, and his men, cried "treason ! treason ! !" and fled
away from the field with eight hundred men. The Lord
Marquis (of) Montague56 was agreed, and appointed with
King Edward, and put upon him King Edward's livery;
and a man of the Earl of Warwick's, saw that, and fell
upon him, and killed him. And, when the Earl of War- The Marquis
wick saw his brother dead, and the Earl of Oxford fled, siain.
he leaped on horseback, and fled to a wood by the field
of Barnet, where was no way forth ; and one of King
Edward's men had espied him, and one came upon him,
and killed him, and despoiled him naked. And so King
Edward got that field. And there was slain of the Earl Edward ob-
° _ # tains the
of Warwick's party, the Earl himself, Marquis (of) Mon- victory.
tague, Sir William Tyrell, Knight, and many others.
The Duke of Exeter fought man(/wZ)ly there that day,
and was greatly despoiled, and wounded, and left naked
for dead in the field, and so lay there from seven of (the)
clock, till four (in the) afternoon, which was taken up
and brought to a house * by a man of his own, and a
leech brought to him and so afterwards brought into
sanctuary at Westminster. And (of) King Edward's
party was slain the Lord Cromwell, son and heir to the
Earl of Essex; Lord Berners (his) son and heir, (Sir
Humphrey Bour elder ;) Lord Say, and divers other to the

60 This account of the battle dif
fers in all respects from Fleetwood's
MS. see p. 64, 5. The Continuator
of Hardyng's Chronicle, who ac
cuses the Marquis of treachery
prior to the battle, bears witness to
his proper conduct during the en
gagement. Finding the King's
forces greatly to outnumber his
own, and seeing fresh troops conti
nually replacing those he had driven
back, the Earl of Warwick, to com
fort and encourage his men, " most
valiantly came among the midst of
his enemies, and there killed and

slew many of them, when he him
self at last was stricken down, and
his brother, Lord Marquis, then
following him, after whose death all
the others fled and so were taken
most part of them." — (Hardyng's
Contin. p. 21.) Sir John Paston,
who was present in Warwick's army,
does not notice any treachery on the
part of the Marquis, but makes
honourable mention of him. — (See
note iB, p. 66.)
* " Called Rutheland." — (Le
land.)

126

THE REIGN OF. EDWARD IV. [wARKWORTIl's

a.d. 1471. number [of both parties] four thousand men. And after
of'theEari tnat the field was done, King Edward commanded both
and Maquis the Earl of Warwick's body, and the Lord Marquis'
e'^sed aBtue body, to be put in a cart, and returned himself with all
st. Paul's. njg j^j. agam iQ London . an(j there commanded the
said two bodies, to be laid in the church of (St.) Paul's,
on the pavement, that every man might see them ; and
so they lay three or four days, and afterwards were
buried.57 And King^Harry, being in the forward (in
sure ward) during the battle, was not hurt ; but he was
brought again to the Tower of London, there to be kept.
And Queen Margaret, and Prince Edward her son,
other knights, squires, and other men of the King of
France, had navy to bring them to England; which
when they were shipped in France, the wind was so con
trary unto them seventeen days and nights, that (they)
might not come from Normandy with unto England,
which with a wind, might have sailed it in twelve hours ;
which at the seventeen days end, on Easter day at the
Q^en^iar- even, the(y) landed at Weymouth, and so by land from
PrlncTof Weymouth the(y) rode to Exeter; and met with
w^| mnd here, at Weymouth, Edmund Duke of Somerset, the
i4th"i47iprl1 Lord John his brother,58 brother to Harry Duke of
Somerset slain at Hexham, and Courteney the Earl of
Devonshire, and many other. And on Easter Monday
were brought tidings to them, that King Edward had
won the field at Barnet, and that King Harry was put
into the Tower again. And anon right they made out
commandments, in the Queen's name and the Prince's,
to all the west country, and gathered great people, and

6? See Fleetwood's MS., p. 67.
" The common people said, that the
King was not so jocund, nor so
joyous, for the destruction of the
Earl, but he was more sorrowful
for the death of the Marquis, whom
both he knew, and it appeared to
others, to be inwardly his faithful
friend. For whose only sake, he

caused both their bodies to be with
their ancestors, solemnly buried at
the Priory of Bisham." — (Grafton,
p. 705.)
68 See Fleetwood's MS., p. 68,
et seq. " Thither (to Weymouth)
came to them Edmund Duke of
Somerset, the Lord John his bro
ther [uncle] etc." — (Leland.)

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

127

kept their way towards the town of Bristol. And when a.d. 1471.
the King heard that they were landed, and had gathered ™ 'jjKf d
so much people, he took all his host, and went out of
London the Wednesday in Easter week, and man(ful)\y
took his way towards them ; and (when) Prince Edward th«nce '°
.,,„.. , Gloucester,
heard thereof, he hastened himself, and all his host
towards the town of Gloucester ; but he entered not into
the town, but held forth his way to the town of Tewkes- and Tewkos-
bury, and there he made a field not far from the river "ry'
Severn. And King Edward, and his host, came upon
him the Saturday, the fourth day of May, the year afore
said of our Lord 1471, — and the eleventh year of King Battle of
Edward. And Edmund Duke of Somerset, and Sir May 4th,ury'
Hugh Courtenay, went out of the field, by the which the
field was broken ; and the most part of the people fled
away from the Prince, by the which the field was lost,
in their party.59 And there was slain in the field, Edward
Prince Edward,60 which cried for succour to his brother- Wales, and
in-law, the Duke of Clarence. Also there was slain, the Lancas-
trlans slain.
Courtenay, the Earl of Devonshire, the Lord John of
Somerset, the Lord Weniock, Sir Edmund Hampden,
Sir Robert Whittingham, Sir William Vaux, Sir Nicho
las Harvey, Sir John Delvis, Sir William Fielding, Sir
Thomas Fitzharry, Sir John Lewkenor, knights ; and
these were taken and beheaded afterwards, where the
King had pardoned them in the abbey-church of Tewkes- Edward's
bury, by a priest, that turned out at his mass, and the disregard of
..., , , T_. _,, , .. the most
sacrament in his hands, when King Edward came with sacred pro-
mises.
his sword into the church ; (who) required him by the
virtue of the sacrament, that he should pardon all those
whose names here follow: the Duke of Somerset, the
Lord of Saint John's, Sir Humphrey Audeley, Sir Ger-
vais of Clifton, Sir William Gremyby, Sir William Cary,

c» " This was the last Civil-battle
that was fought in King Edward's
days, which was fought the 3rd day

of May, then being Saturday." —
(Grafton, p. 710.)
60 See Fleetwood's MS., page 82,
and note 13.

128

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [WARKWORTH'S

A.D. 1471.

Sir Thomas Tresham, Sir William Newburgh, knights ;
Harry Tresham, Walter Courtenay, John Florey, Lewis
Myles, Robert Jackson, James Gower, James Delvis,
son and heir to Sir John Delvis ; which, upon trust of
the King's pardon,61 given in the same church, the
Saturday, abode there still, when they might have gone,
and saved their lives ; 62 which (however) on Monday
after were beheaded notwithstanding the King's pardon.
Queen Mar. And afterwards these ladies were taken : — Queen Mar-
princess of garet ; 63 Prince Edward's wife, the second daughter of
Wales taken. ° 7 °
the Earl of Warwick ; the Countess of Devonshire,
Dame Katherine Vane. And these were taken, and

The King's
perfidy and
perjury.

61 The promises of Edward ap
pear only to have been made to be
tray those who confided in them.
This entire want of Kingly faith
may account in some measure for
the great loss of life in these civil
wars, aB it was considered safer to
trust to the sword than to the
King's word.
62 Much noble blood would have
been spared but for the cruel policy
of Edward. He told Commines,
himself, that "it was his custom,
when the victory was decided, to
ride over the field, exhorting his
men to save the common people,
but to put the gentry to the sword."
63 Margaret was first conveyed to
the Tower, and thence to Windsor.
Having destroyed all her noble fol
lowers, the King appears to have
relaxed in his conduct towards her,
for on the 8th of January following,
Sir John Paston thus writes to his
mother : " As for Queen Margaret,
I understand that she is removed
from Windsor to Wallingford, nigh
to Ewelm, my Lady of Suffolk's
place in Oxfordshire." — (Paston
Letters, vol. ii. p. 89.) She was
thus committed to the custody of
the Duchess of Suffolk, her former
favourite, who was allowed five
marks per week for her mainte
nance. Here she remained till

1475, when Louis the XI. agreed to
pay the mercenary Edward fifty
thousand crowns; in five instal
ments, for her ransom, being the
sum to be paid to King Relne' for
ceding his right of inheritance to
Provence. The first instalment was
paid to the Lord Treasurer Howard
on November 13 thin that year, and
Margaret accompanied by the reti
nue of a private lady only departed
for France, landing at Dieppe in
the early part of January, 1470.
Hence she proceeded to Rouen to
fulfil her part of the stipulations of
the treaty, by which she renounced
all right and title to all inheritances
and privileges to which her mar
riage articles entitled her. " I,
Margaret, formerly married in the
Kingdom of England, hereby assign
all that I could pretend to in Eng
land by the articles of my marriage,
with all other things there to Ed
ward, now King of England." —
(Ryrner, vol. xii. p. 21.) Even in
this last act of Edward towards the
widowed Queen he would not allow
her any designation of royalty.
Margaret ended her eventful life at
the Castle of Damprierre, August
25th, 1482, aged 50. She founded
Queen's College, Cambridge. They
were taken on the 14th of May,
1471.— (MS. Arundel Coll. Arms,
V. p. 171\)

CHRONICLF..] THE REION OF EDWARD IV. 129
not slain; Sir John Fortescue, Sir John Sentlow, Sir a.d. 1470.
Harry Roos, Thomas Ormond, Doctor Makerell, Edward
Fulford, John Parker, John Basset, John Wallis, John
Thromere Throgmorton, and divers other men. And
there was taken great good (booty) and many good
horses, that were brought from beyond the sea.
And in the same time that the battle of Tewkesbury
was, Sir Walter Wrottyle (Qy. Russell) and Geoffrey ¦
Gate, knights of the Earl of Warwick's, (who) were
governors of the town of Calais, did send Sir George sirGeprge
Brooke knight, out of Calais, with three hundred of the Bastard
soldiers, unto Thomas Bastard Faiconbridge, that was bridgeTand
on the sea with the Earl of Warwick's navy, that he °
should the navy save ; and go into Kent, and to raise
all Kent, to that intent to take King Harry out of the
Tower, and destroy King Edward if he might ; which
Bastard came into Kent, to Canterbury, and he, with
(the) help of other gentlemen, they raised up all Kent,
and came to London the fifth day of May the year
aforesaid. But then the Lord Scales, that King Ed
ward had left to keep the city, with the Mayor and
Aldermen, would not suffer the said Bastard to come
into the city ; for they had understanding that Prince
Edward was dead, and all his host discomfited : where
fore the Bastard loosed his guns into the city, and and besiege
t-ii'-i p ^ London, May
burnt at Aldgate, and at London bridge ; for the •>, 1471 ;
which burning the commons of London were sore wroth,
and greatly moved against them ; for an (if) they had
not burnt, the commons of the city would have let them
in, maugre (notwithstanding) of the Lord Scales' heed,
the Mayor, and all his brethren. Wherefore the Bas
tard, and all his host went over at Kingston Bridge,64 thence pro-
ten miles westward, and had purposed to have destroyed ston,
King Edward, or to have driven him out of the land.
And if the Bastard had held forth his way, King Edward

64 See Fleetwood's MS., p. 90.
K

130

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [ WARKWORTH S

but
to Black
heath,

a.d. 1471. by possibility could not by power, have resisted the Bas
tard ; for the Bastard had more than twenty thousand
good men, well harnessed, and (where) ever as he went, the
people fell to him. The Lord Scales, and divers other
of King Edward's council, that were in London, saw that
the Bastard and his host went westward ; and that it
should be a greater jeopardy to King Edward, than was
Barnet field, or Tewkesbury field, (in so much when the
field of Tewkesbury was done, his host was departed from
(him) ;) wherefore they promised to the Bastard, and to
divers others that were about him, and in especial to one
Nicholas Faunt, Mayor of Canterbury, that he should
befooled entreat him to turn homewards again. And for as much
as fair words, and promises make fools fain, the Bastard
commanded all his host, to turn to Blackheath65 again ;
which was destruction of himself, and many others ; for
anon after, by the Duke of Gloucester in Yorkshire, the
said Bastard was beheaded,66 notwithstanding he had a
charter of pardon. And Nicholas Faunt was afterwards
ami thence to hanged, drawn, and quartered in Canterbury. And
and sand- when the Bastard and all his host, were come to the
Blackheath again, in the next morning, he with the
soldiers, and shipmen of Calais, to the number of six
hundred horsemen, stole away from the host, and rode
to Rochester ; and from thence to Sandwich, where the
Bastard abode the King's coming, and the soldiers
sailed over sea to Calais. And when the host un
derstood, that their Captain was stole from them, they
kept themselves together all a day and a night, and
then every man departed to his own house. And when
King Edward heard thereof he was glad, etc.
Here (it) is to (be) known, that King Edward made

05 Fleetwood's MS., p. 92.
60 Another instance of Edward's
perfidy. " On the 27th of Sept.
1471, he was beheaded," and his
head was put upon London Bridge,

looking into Kent ward ; and men
say, that his brother was sore hurt,
and escaped to Sanctuary to Be
verley. — (Paston Letters, vol. ii.
p. 83.)

CI1R0NICLB.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

131

out commissions to many shires of England; which in a.d. 1471.
a ten days there came to him, where he was, to the
number of thirty thousand, and came with the King to
London, and there he was worshipfully received. And
the same night that King Edward came to London,
King Harry, being in ward, in prison in the Tower of Murder of
London, was put to death,6? the twenty first day of theiixi 1"'7
May, on a Tuesday night, betwixt eleven and twelve of
the clock ; being then at the Tower, the Duke of Glou
cester, brother to King Edward, and many others ; and
on the morrow he was chestyde (coffined) and brought
to (St.) Paul's, and his face was open that every man
might see him. And in his lying, he bled on the pave
ment there; and afterward at the Black Friars was
brought, and there he bled (a)new and (a)fresh; and from
thence he was carried to Chertsey Abbey in a boat, and
buried there in our Lady Chapel. On the morrow that Edward, ou
the King was come to London, for the good service that td London,
London had done to him, he made knights of the Al- Aldermen.
dermen; — Sir John Stokstone, Sir Ralph Verney,'Sir
Richard Lee, Sir John Young, Sir William Taylor, Sir
George Ireland, Sir John Stoker, Sir Matthew Philip,
Sir William Hampton, Sir Thomas Stalbroke, Sir John
Crosby, (and) Sir Thomas Ursvvike, Recorder of Lon
don. And after that, the King and all his host rode into Proceeds to
Kent to Canterbury, where many of the country (people) and land'/
that were at Blackheath with the Bastard, were arrested
and brought before him. And there was hanged, drawn Nicholas
Fiiunt exc-
and quartered, one Faunt69 of Canterbury, that was cuted.

v See Fleetwood's MS., p. 93,
note 20. From " A Breviat Cro-
nicle, contaynynge all the Kynges
from Brute to this daye, etc." Can
terbury, 1553, is taken the fol
lowing extract : — " In this year,
also, upon the ascension even next
following the dead corps of King
Henry, the Sixth was brought from
the Tower of London where he lay

allnight. But how this prince came
to his death, there be divers say
ings ; but commonly it is said that
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, King
Edward's brother, slew him with a
dagger." 69 "In the Issue Roll of the
Exchequer, XI. Edw. IV. we find
the sum of £1 3s. 4d. paid to one
John Belle, for the value of a horse

132

THE TtETGN OF EDWARD IV. [WATHCWORTn's

A.D. 1471,

Lord Din-
1mm and Sir
John Fog ap
pointed to
try the
rebels, who
" hang the
rich by the
purse, and
the others by
the neck."—
(St otoe.)

Reappear
ance of the
comet.

loving to the Earl of Warwick, which entreated the
Bastard for to depart from his host ; and divers men of
the country were hanged and put to death. After that,
the King rode into Sandwich, and beside all the Earl of
Warwick's navy there, that the Bastard had rule of;
and took the Bastard with him, and returned again to
London. And immediately after that, was the Lord
Dinham, and Sir John Fog,70 and divers others made
commissioners, that sat upon all Kent, Sussex, and
Essex, that were at Blackheath, and upon many others
that were not there ; for some men paid two hundred
marks, some a hundred pounds, and some more and
some less, so that it cost the poorest man seven shil
lings, which was not worth so much, but was fain to sell
such clothing as they had, and borow the remainder,
and labour for it afterwards. And so the King had out
of Kent much good (booty) and little love. Lo ! what
mischief grows after insurrection ! etc.
And in (the) same eleventh year of the King, in the
beginning of January, there appeared the most marvel
lous blazing star that had been seen. It arose in the
southeast, at two of the clock at midnight, and so con
tinued a twelve nights ; and it arose easter and easter,
till it arose full east ; at rather71 and rather (sooner

and harness to conduct this Nicho
las Faunt from the Tower of Lon
don, to the King, then in Kent.
Hasted is one of the very few wri
ters who quotes Warkworth's Chro
nicle, which he does on this point :
History of Kent, vol. iv. p. 433."
— (Halliwell.) " And there was
Nicolas Faunte, the Mayor, and
many others executed." — (Leland.)
70 This Sir John Fog was a crea
ture of King Edward the Fourth's,
and had been employed by him in
the illegal seizure and appropria
tion of the property of the wealthy
citizens, accused of treason, parti
cularly of Sir Thomas Cook, who
had been Lord Mayor. — (See p.

109.) On the short restoration of
King Henry VI. Sir Thos. Cooke,
then one of the members for the
City, required restitution of the
22,000 marks he had lost, "and
casting (foreseeing) no perils, exe
cuted the utmost of his wrongs,
against such as he knew bare any
favour to King Edward, of which
he repented full sore afterwards,
and was fain to fly the land." —
(Stowe, p. 185.)
71 Comparative of the adverb :
rathe, soon, early. Concerning this
Comet, Mr. Halliwell refers to the
Nurembergh Chronicle, fol. 254 —
MS. Arundel. Brit. Mus. 220.

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN 01' EDWARD IV. 133
and sooner) ; and so when it rose plain east, it rose at ten a.d. 1472.
of clock in the night, and kept his course flaming west
ward over England ; and it had a white flame of fire fer
vently burning ; and it flamed endlong from the east to the
west, and not upright, and a great hole therein, whereof
the flame came out of. And after six or seven days, it
arose north-east, and so backwarder and backwarder ;
and so endured a fourteen nights, full little changing,
going from the north-east to the west, and some time it
would seem quenched out, and suddenly it burnt fer
vently again. And then it was at one time plain north,
and then it compassed round about the loadstar, for
in the evening the blaze went against the south, and in
the morning plain north, and then afterwards west;
and so more west, flaming up right. And so the star
continued four weeks, till the twentieth day of Fe
bruary ; and when it appeared yest (just) in the firma-
nent (horizon), then it lasted all the night, somewhat
descending with a greater smoke on the air. And some
men said that the blazings of the said star were of a
mile (in) length. And a twelve days before the vanish
ing thereof, it appeared in the evening, and was down
anon within two hours, and ever of a colour pale, (and)
steadfast ; and it kept his course rising west in the
north, and so every night, it appeared less and less till
it was as little as a hazel stick ; and so at the last it
vanished away the twentieth day of February. And
some men said that this star was seen two or three
hours before the sun('s) rising in December, four clays
before Christmas, in the southwest, so by that reason it
compassed round about all the earth, all way changing
his course, as is afore rehearsed.
And in the twelfth year of King Edward, he let call Resumption
. »f all Royal
a parliament to be holden at Westminster, the which grants.
began the eighth day after Michelmas the same year ;
in which parliament was a general resumption of all
lordships, tenements, and other possessions and fiefs
granted by the King, from the first day of his reign

134

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARKWORTH,S

A.D, 1472.

unto the day aforesaid. Also there was granted, in the
same parliament, that the tenth part of every man's
good(s), lands, tenements, rents, and fiefs, throughout
all England, the value thereof as for a year ; and also a
whole Vth. among the commons, to be raised of goods
and chatels ; and also .£51,700 to be raised, of all men's
lands, goods, and other possessions within the realm
Heavy taxes of England. Also there was granted to the King
by the spiritualty, in a convocation, two dismes and
priests' marks, throughout all England ; which all was
granted by the desire of the King, for he said he would
(go) over sea, and conquer his right and title in France,
Normanday, Gascoigne, and Guienne.72
Also in (the) thirteenth year of King Edward, there
was a great hot summer, both for man and beast, by the
which there was great death of men and women, that in
fields in harvest time men fell down suddenly, and uni
versal fevers, axes, (aches), and the bloody flux, in divers
places of England. And also the heat was so great,
that it burnt away wheat, and all other grains and grass,
in (the) south parts of the world, in Spain, Portugal,
Granada, and others etc., and that a bushel of wheat
was worth twenty shillings ; and men were fain in that
country, to give away their children for to find them
(selves, in food). But blessed be Almighty God, no
such dearth was neither in England, nor in France.
Also in the same year, Womere 73 water ran, hugely,

and impost
tions laid on
the people
for the war
with France.

The Hot
summer.A.D. 1473

The supei-sti
tion of the
Womere.

72 " And upon this KingEdward
took his voyage to France, taking
besides his aid, that he had, certain
money of the Lords of the realm,
which they of their own gentleness
gave unto him, (see Paston Letters,
vol. ii. p. 159-163,) to the suste
nance and maintaining of his army.
And for that, the King called that
tribute and levying of money, be
nevolence, which, nevertheless, was
given with evil will of many one."
— (Hardyng, fol. 2G.) A letter to
Sir John Paston from his brother,
about this time, shows how very un

palatable these subsidies were. " I
pray God send you the Holy Ghost
among you in the Parliament-
House, and rather the devil, we
say, than ye should grant any more
tasks." — (Paston Letters, vol. v.
p. 49.)
73 The Womere was a popular
superstition of the day, and is cir
cumstantially described in our text.
In Mr. Thorn's "Anecdotes and
Traditions " is another instance,-
p. 122, where he refers to Grimm's
Mythologie for more examples. It
must be borne in mind that the

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

135

with such abundance of water, that never man saw it a.d. 1473.
run so much before this time. Womere is called the
woe-water ; for Englishmen, when they did first inhabit
this land, also (as) sOon as they saw this water run,
they knew well it was a token of dearth, or of pesti
lence, or of great battle; wherefore they called it
Wemere ; (for we is in English tongue woe, and mere is
called water, which signifieth woe-water) for all that
time they saw it run, they knew well that woe was
coming to England. And this Womere is seven miles
from Saint Albans, at a place called Markayte ; and
this Womere ran at every field before specified, and
never so hugely as it did this year, and ran still to the
thirteenth day of June next year following. Also there
have run divers such other waters, that betoken likewise ;
one at Lewisham in Kent, and another beside Canter
bury called Nailbourn, and another at Croydon in Sus
sex, (Surrey) and another seven miles on this side the
castle of Dudley in the place called Hungervale; that
when it betokeneth battle it runs foul and troubled
water ; and when it betokeneth dearth or pestilence, it
runneth as clear as any water, but this year it ran right
troubled and foul water etc. Also there is a pit74 in
Kent, in Langley Park ; against any battle it will be
dry, and it rain ever so much; and if there be no
battle towards, it will be full of water, be it ever so
dry a weather ; and this year it is dry etc. Also this
same year, there was a voice crying in the air, betwixt
Leicester and Banbury, upon Dunmothe, (Dunchurch)
and in divers other places, heard a long time crying,
"Bowes! bowes!" (Woes) which was heard of forty
men; and some men saw that he that cryed so, was
a headless man; and many other divers tokens have

recording a superstition, which was
then universally credited, cannot
detract from the veracity of an
author; and that Sir Thomas More,
and Sir Matthew Hale believed as

firmly in witchcraft, as the eld
chronicler Fabyan, or the pedant
James. 74 " Fons superstitiosus." — (Le
land.)

136

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wARKWOHTll's

A.D. 1473.

Edward
covets the
possessionsof the Abp.
of York.

The Arch
bishop Im
peached.

been shewed in England this year, for amending of
men's living.
Also this year, or a little before, George the Arch
bishop of York, and brother to the Earl of Warwick,
was with King Edward75 at Windsor, and hunted and
had there right good cheer; and supposed (that) he
had stood in great favour with the King ; for the King
said to the said Archbishop, that he would come for to
hunt and disport with him in his manor at Moore;
whereof he was right glad, and took his leave and went
home to make purveyance therefore ; and sent out of
London, and divers other places, all his plate and other
stuff that he had hid after Barnet field, and Tewkesbury
field ; and also borowed more stuff of other men, and
provided for the King for two or three days, for meat
and drink and lodging, and arrayed as richly and as
pleasantly as he could. And the clay before the King
should have come to the Archbishop, to the said manor
of (the) Moor, which the said Archbishop had purchased,
and built it right commodiously 76 and pleasantly, the
King sent a gentleman to the said Archbishop, and com
manded him to come to Windsor to him ; and as soon
as he came, he was arrested and impeached of high
treason,77 (for) that he should help the Earl of Oxford ;

75 Nothing can extenuate the
thorough want of faith on the part
of King Edward the Fourth. In
the present day he would have been
utterly despised ; for his kingly
word was sacrificed whenever he
was prompted by hatred, avarice,
or revenge. He had entered Lon
don through the means of the
Archbishop of York, prior to the
Battle of Barnet, (see Fleehvood's
MS. p. 59), and having been guilty
only a few days before of the
grossest perjury, (see p. 121,) it is
to be wondered that the wily Arch
bishop had suffered himself to be
cajoled by the sacred promises of
the crafty Edward, who appears
never to have scrupled to make use
of falsehood and cunning, to ac

complish his great object, the utter
destruction of the Lancastrian
party. 70 Gale reads : commanding, for
commodiously. 77 " Now to the intent that Ed
ward the King might live in quiet
after this man's death, he went
about to search all the rebels, that
they might be weeded out of the
company of men, as pernicious and
unprofitable to the public weal. At
which time he took the Abp. of
York, the brother to the Earl of
Warwick, unil sent him prisoner to
Guisnes, where he long remained
in hold, but after dismissed, and
died shortly for thought and pen-
sifulncss of mind." — (Hardyng's
Contin p. 25.)

CHRONICLE

S.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 137

and anon right he was put to ward. And forthwith a.d. 1474.
Sir William Parr, Knight, and Thomas Vaughan, squire,
with many other divers gentlemen and yeomen, were
sent to the said manor of (the) Moor ; and there by the The manor of
King's commandment seized the said Manor into the >*izcd, "ud
T7- • ini ii *'le Arch
iving s hands, and all the goods that were therein, bishop's Pro-
. , . , l«rty con-
which were worth twenty thousand pounds or more, and uscated.
all other lordships and lands that the said bishop had
within England, and all his stuff and riches within all
his lordships ; and sent the same bishop over the sea to
Calais, and from thence to the Castle of Hammes, and
there he was kept prisoner many a day ; and the King
all that season took the profit of the Archbishoprick etc.
And anon after, the King broke the said Archbishop's
mitre, in the which were full many rich stones and
precious, and made thereof a crown for himself. And
all his other jewels, plate, and stuff, the King gave it to
his eldest son and heir Prince Edward ; for the said
Archbishop had been Chancelor of England many days,
and he and his brothers had the rule of the land, and
had gathered great riches many years, which in one day
was lost ; and all by the high judgement of righteous
ness (as many men said by him) for his great covetous-
ness, [and] (which) had no pity of (for) King Harry's
men, and was cause of many men's undoing for King
Edward's sake, if he might get any good by him.
Wherefore such goods as were gathered with sin, ivere
lost with sorrow. And also men supposed for cause he The Arch-
was double (treacherous) to King Harry, and kept him punished for
in London, when he would have been at Westminster ; to King
-ry. t-i i i i i • Henry VI.
he had a letter sent from King Edward, to keep him out
of sanctuary, and he had his charter sent him ; where
(as) had he been a true man to King Harry as the com
mons of London were, King Edward had not come into
London before Barnetfield etc.
Also in the thirteenth year of (the) reign of King Ea.-i of ox-
ford's rchpi-
Edward, Sir John Vere, Earl of Oxford, that withdrew iion.

138

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [wAIIKWORTIl's

a.d. 1471. himself from Barnetfield, and rode into Scotland, and
from thence into France [a] sailed, and there he was
worshipfully received. And in the same year he was in
the sea with certain ships, and got great good (booty)
and riches,78 and afterwards came into (the) west country,
seizes upon and with a subtle point of war, got and entered Saint
St. Michael's , . ~ „ , i
Mount. Michel s Mount in Cornwall, a strong place and a
mighty, and can not be geett (taken) if it be well vic
tualed with a few men to keep it, for twenty men may
keep it against all the world. So the said Earl, with
twenty score men save three,79 the last day of September
the year aforesaid, entered first into (the) said mount,
and he and his men came down into (the) country of
Cornwall, and had right good cheer of the commons etc.

78 " The Earl of Oxford was Sa
turday at Dieppe, and is purposed
into Scotland with 12 ships. I
mistrust that work. Item, there
be in London many flying tales,
saying that there should be a work,
and yet they wot not how." —
(Paston Letters, vol. ii. p. 133.)
" But beloved brother, I recom
mend me unto you, letting you weet
that as for tidings here, the King
ridethbriskly this day to Northamp
ton-ward, there to be this Easter ;
and after Easter he purposeth to be
much at Leicester, and in Leices
tershire. Every man seeth we shall
have ado (a tumult) ere May pass :
Hogan, the prophet, is in theTower;
he would fain speak with the King,
but the King says he shall not
avaunt (vaunt) that he ever spake
with him." — (Ibid. vol. v. p. 51.)
" I heard say, that a man was
this day examined, and heconfessed,
that he knew great treasure was
sent to the Earl of Oxford, whereof
a 1000.£ should be conveyed by a
Monk of Westminster, and some
say by a Monk of Charterhouse.
Item, that the same man should
accuse an hundred gentlemen in
Norfolk and Suffolk, that have
agreed to assist the said Earl at his
coming thither, which, as it is said,

should be within eight days ufter
St. Dunstan, if wind and weather
serve him." — (Ibid. vol. ii. p. 137.)
" As for tidings here, I trow ye
have heard, (on) your part, how
that the Earl of Oxford landed by
St. Osyth, in Essex, the 28th of
May, save he tarried not long ; for
if he had, the Earl of Essex rode
to him wards, and the Lords Din
ham and Duras (Galliard de Dure-
fort) and other more, which by
likelihood should have distressed
him ; but yet his coming saved
Hogan his head ; and his prophecy
is the more believed ; for he said
this trouble should begin in May,
and that the King should (march)
Northward, and that the Scots
should make no work, and him
battle."— (Ibid.)
" Men say that the Earl of Ox
ford is about the Isle of Thanet,
hovering, some say, with great com
pany, some say, with few. — (Ibid.
vol. ii. p. 143-45.)
70 The number is probably exa-
gerated at 397 men. " The Earl
of Oxford, in those days when For-
tescue was sheriff of Cornwall, took
possession of Mount St. Michael
with eighty men; etc." — (W.
Wyrceslre, Ilin. p. 122.)

CHRONICLE.] THE RF.IGN OF EDWARD IV.

139

The King and his council, saw (seeing) that thereof much a.d. 1474.
harm might grow, &c, commanded (Sir Henry) Bodrigan Bodrigan,
chief ruler of Cornwall, to besiege the said mount. And Cornwall,
so he did ; and every day the Earl of Oxford's men came Mount st.
, . . ... Michael;
down under truce, (to) speak with Bodrigan and his
men ; and at the last the said Earl lacked victuals, and
the said Bodrigan suffered him to be victualed. And
anon the King was put in knowledge thereof, wherefore
the said Bodrigan was discharged, and Richard For-
tescue, squire for the body, by authority of the King,
took upon hand to lay siege to the foresaid mount etc.
And so great division arose betwixt Bodrigan and For-
tescue, which Fortescue was sheriff of Cornwall etc. ; superseded
¦i-n 1 • i 0 i ri DV Fortescue,
and the said Jb ortescue laid siege &c. the xx[x]m rd day the sheriff,
of December the year aforesaid ; and for the most part
every day each of them fought with (the) other, and the
said Earl's men killed divers of Fortescue's men ; and
sometimes when they had well there fought, they would
take a truce for one day and a night, and sometimes for
two or three days etc.80 In the which truce each one
of them spoke and communed with (the) other. The who bribes
1 t y ' . the garrison,
King and his council, sent unto divers that were with
the Earl of Oxford privately their pardons, and promised
to them great gifts, and lands, and goods, by the which
clivers of them were turned to the King against the Earl ;
and so in conclusion the Earl had not [passynge ane]
(more than) eight or nine men that would hold with him;
the which was the undoing of the Earl. For there is
(a) proverb, and a saying, that a castle that speaketh,
and a woman that will hear, they be gained both ; — for
men that (have) been in a castle of war, that will speak
and entreat with their enemies, the conclusion thereof

™ " The Earl of Oxford is still
besieged ; nevertheless once he is
sued out, and took a gentleman,
and has him within : but now of
late he was busy, and one espied

him, and shot at him, and struck
him in the very face with an arrow.
I saw this day the same man, and
there I leave him." — (Paston Let
ters, vol. v. p. 65.)

140

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [WARKWORTIl'tl

A.D. 1474.
which capi
tulatesFebruary15th, 1474.

(is) the losing of the Castle ; and a woman that will
hear folly spoken unto her, if she assent not at one time,
she will at another. And so this proverb was proved
true by the said Earl of Oxford, which was fain to yield up
the said mount, and put himself in the King's grace ; 81
if he had not done so, his own men would have brought
him out. And so Fortescue entered into the said mount,
the fifteenth day of February, the year aforesaid, in the
which was victuals enough till midsummer after. And
so was the Earl aforesaid, (with) the Lord Beaumont,
two brothers of the said Earl's, and Thomas Clifford,
brought as a prisoner to the King, and all was done by
their own folly, etc. * * * * * *

(The End of Dr. Warkworth's MS. Additions to
Caxton's Chronicle.)

JOHN DE VERE, EARL OF OXFORD,
Suffered many and great hardships for his loyalty to the
House of Lancaster. The active part he look in the
restoration of King Henry the Sixth, rendered it neces
sary that he should quit the Country after the Battle of
Barnet. In the year 1473, April the 16th, he is men-

81 " Men say, that the Earl of
Oxford hath been constrained to
sue for his pardon only of his life ;
and his body, goods, lands, with all
the residue, at the King's will, and
so should in all haste now come
into the King ; and some men say
that he is gone out of the Mount,
men wot not to what place, and yet
left a great garrison there, well
provided in victual, and all other
things." — (Paston Letters, vol. ii.
p. 157.)
" King Edward sent the Earl
over the sea, to the Castle of Ham-
mes, where, by the space of twelve

years, he was in strong prison, mi
serably kept, and diligently looked
to." — (Grafton's Chronicle, p.
714.) " John de Vere, Earl of Oxford,
Lord Great Chamberlain and Lord
Admiral, was An. I. Hen. VII.
elected a Knight of the Garter, into
stall V. of the King's side, after the
Death of John Howard, Duke of
Norfolk. He died, Thursday,
March 10. Anno IV. 11. Hen. VIII.
at four o'clock in the morning at
Lymington Castle." — (Harl. MSS.
235.)

CHRONICLE.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

141

tioned by Sir John Patson, as fitting out an expedition
of 12 Ships for the purpose of going into Scotland. In
subsequent letters we find him landing at St. Osyth,
May 28th; but not having met with encouragement in
Essex, he re-embarked, and June the 3rd was hovering off
the Isle of Thanet. As we have seen he had seized upon
Mount St. Michael in Cornwall, a strong place, which
could be held by a small garrison. His men being bribed,
by promises of pardon and rewards on the part of the
King, he was compelled to surrender to Richard Fortes
cue* the Sheriff of the County, on the 15th of February,
1474, having stipulated that his life should be spared.
He was committed to the Castle of Hammesf in Picardy,
where he remained a prisoner for ten years, and in a
letter from Sir John Paston dated the 25th of Augt.
1478, it is implied, that he was disconsolate and wretched
and even attempted to commit suicide. He, however,
eventually escaped in 1484, and joining the Earl of
Richmond, attended him at Bosworth-field ; and on the
latter becoming King, as Henry VII., he was reinstated
in all his honours and estates. He continued to enjoy
the confidence and favour of Henry the VIII., and died
in the fourth year of that monarch's reign, aged 84.
" In 1485, Sep. 27th, the first year of King Henry
VII, he was constituted Admiral of England, Ireland,
and Aquiiaine, for the term of his life. He was Great
Chamberlain of England, and Constable of the Tower
of London; and he continued in those offices unto the
10th of March in the fourth year of King Henry VIII,
on which day he died.'1'1 — (MS. Brit. Mus. Faustina,
c. iv. sr otho, e. ix.)

* Lingard says Sir John For
tescue was employed in this expe
dition. Leland, to whom he refers,
merely says Fortescue. On Wark
worth's authority the name of Ri
chard has been retained, for, as Sir
John Fortescue was appointed Ser-
geant-at-law to Henry in 1430, he
must have been upwards of 70 years

of age at the period, when his at
tainder was reversed, in 1473.
f " In all which time the Lady,
his wife, might never come to him,
or had any thing, but what the
people of charity would give her,
or what she got with her needle."
—(Stowe, p. 186.)

142

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

Thus the only surviving adherents of the house of
Lancaster were, Queen Margaret, confined at Walling
ford ; the Duke of Exeter,* taken out of Sanctuary and
imprisoned in the Tower ; the Archbishop of York, shut
up in the Castle of Guisnes ; the Earl of Oxford, a
prisoner in the dungeons of Hammes ; the Earl of Pem
broke, the uterine brother of Henry VI., and his nephew
the young Earl of Richmond,-\ driven by storm on the
coast of Bretagne, where they remained under the pro
tection of Duke Francis, in a kind of honourable con
finement. Of the less prominent partisans of the Red
Rose, many were pardoned; for having now no fear of
a rival, since the death of Henry and the Prince of
Wales, Edward listened graciously to the petitions for
pardon, which poured in from all sides, and reversed
several attainders in the next Parliament. Thus he
secured to himself the services of several eminent men,
particularly of Dr. Morton, successively Master of the
Rolls, Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellor, and Cardinal
Archbishop of Canterbury ; and Sir John Fortescue,
Lord Chief Justice; authpr of one of the most celebrated
works on constitutional law : " de Laudibus Legum
Anglice."

* Henry Holland, Duke of Exe
ter and great grandson of John of
Gaunt, was married to Anne, eldest
sister of Edward IV. Upon this
reverse in his fortunes she obtained
a divorce, and married Sir Thos.
St. Leger. The Duke was at that
time in confinement. The next
year his dead body was found float
ing in the sea between Dover and
Calais. — (Stowe, p. 426.)

t Afterwards Henry VII. Ed
ward made many fruitless attempts
to get the young prince into his
power, and on one occasion sent
ambassadors, promising to give him
one of his daughters in marriage.
The Duke of Bretagne suffered him
to depart ; but led to believe Ed
ward merely intended to betray
him, sent messengers after him,
who overtook him at St. Mulo's.

EXTRACTS
FROM CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS AND
LETTERS
RELATING TO THE
LAST TEN YEARS
OF THE REIGN OF
KING EDWARD THE FOURTH,
A.D. 1473 TO 1483.

THE LAST TEN YEARS OF THE REIGN
OF KING EDWARD IV.

CHAPTER I.
His domestic Habits, courteous Demeanour, and
affectionate Care of his Children.
With the submission of the Earl of Oxford the Civil a.d.
Wars in the reign of Edward the Fourth were entirely
suppressed, and from this period the actions of the King
ceased to be of that selfish character, which had marked
his career from the Battle of Towton to the banishment
of the Archbishop of York. In the following extracts
the principal points which will strike the reader's atten
tion are. i. that the Civil Wars, by breaking; up the Fruits of the
Civil War j
power of the Barons, had given the Middle Classes, '• Rise of
1 ' e _ , ' the middle
consisting of the gentry and mercantile community, a classes.
stake in the country which, hitherto, they had never

146

THE REIGN OP EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

a.d. 1472. possessed; and consequently that Agriculture and Com
merce flourished to a degree,1 which enabled the King
(Hardyng's at his death, to leave the nation " which, through civil
sedition, had been greatly impoverished, both rich and
n. commer- plenteous :" — and ii. that, by rendering England the
cial enter- x ,
prize en- warehouse, not the workshop, of the world, he encouraged
couraged. L ..,...,
merchants from all countries to settle in his kingdom,
who brought with them a taste for Literature and the
Fine Arts, which rapidly spread through all ranks of
society, with the consequent increase of wealth and
knowledge.
invention of The introduction of the Art of Printing 2 into England,
no doubt, assisted much to foster this taste ; whilst the
King's natural inclinations lead him to adopt whatever
was splendid and costly, either in dress or decoration.3
(Croyi. cant. Thus the Croyland Doctor tells us, " that at the Christ -
The King's mas festivities he appeared in a variety of most costly
tusPtes.slve dresses,4 of a form never seen before, which he thought
displayed his person to considerable advantage ; " and
(Archaoio. the Lord of Grauthuse, Governor of Holland, an account
gta.vol. xxvi.
P.U76.) of whose mission to Edward, immediately after his re
storation in 1472, written at the time, has recently been
(SirFrede- published by Sir Frederick Madden,5 paints in glowing
den's Narra- colours the luxury of the English Court. On his arrival
live of Lord J .
Grauthuse.) at Windsor, my Lord Hastings received him and led

1 " Yet so much talent emerged
in his government, amid all his vo
luptuous relaxations, that the na
tion increased in strength, riches,
intellect, civilization, and literature,
duringhis reign." — (Turner.) "Al-
thoughhefound his kingdom greatly
impoverished, and almost empty
both of men and money, he left it
in all things rich and abundant."
— (Hall's Chronicle, p. 341.)
2 See note to Warkworth's Chro
nicle, page 119.
3 " His thoughts were wholly
employed upon the ladies, on hunt
ing, and on dressing. In his sum
mer's hunting, his custom was to

have tents set up for the ladies, in
which he treated them after a
splendid and magnificent manner."
(Commines, p. li)4.)
* " The new fashion that he chose
for the last state dresses was, to
have full wide hanging sleeves, like
amonk's, lined with most costly furs,
and so borne over his shoulders, as
to give his tall figure an air of great
grandeur." — (Croyland, Cont. p.
563.) 6 " Narrative of Louis of Bruges,
Lord Grauthuse," (whom Edward
created Earl of Winchester,) Ar-
cha>ologia, vol. xxvi. 1835.

OP EDWARD iV.] THE REIGN OP EDWARD IV.

147

him to the far side of the quadrant, (quadrangle) to a.d. 1472.
three chambers, where the King was there with the
Queen. These apartments were very richly hung with Description
cloth of gold arras ; and when he had spoken with the Castie" 8°
King, who presented him to the Queen's Grace, they
then ordered the Lord Chamberlain, Hastings to conduct
him to his chamber where supper was ready for him.
" After he had supped the King had him brought
immediately to the Queen's own chamber, where she and
her ladies were playing at the marteaux ; 6 and some of
her ladies were playing at closheys of ivory, and dancing,
and some at divers other games: the which sight was
full pleasant to them. Also, the King7 danced with my
Lady Elizabeth, his eldest daughter. — In the morning,
when Matins was done, the King heard, in his own
Chapel,8 Our Lady-Mass, which was most melodiously
chaunted, the Lord Grauthuse being present. When
the Mass was done, the King gave the said Lord Grau
thuse a cup of gold, garnished with pearl. In the midst
of the cup was a great piece of unicorn's horn, to my The uni-
.... ... -, , -. corn's horn
estimation seven inches in compass ', and on the cover was a preser
0 , , , . . „ vative from
of the cup a great sapphire. poison.
After breakfast the King came into the Quadrangle.
" My Lord Prince, also, borne by his Chamberlain, called
Master Vaughan,9 which bade the Lord Grauthuse wel
come. Then the King had him and all his company into

6 Marteaux was a game played
with small balls of different colours,
similar to our marbles ; the clo
sheys were ninepins, in which each
piece sometimes represented the
different state employments.
7 Edward seems to have been
particularly fond of his children ;
the Lady Elizabeth was then only
six years old, and like Henry the
Fourth of France, the King did not
suffer the presence of strangers to
interfere with the endearments of
parent and child. In the evening

the princess* uncle, the Duke of
Buckingham, danced with the little
" lady," who appears to have been
petted both by father and uncle.
In the sequel we shall see with
what anxious care he provided for
the education of the unfortunate
Edward the Fifth, and the marriages
of his daughters.
8 St. George's Chapel, Windsor
Castle. 9 Sir Richard Vaughan, after
wards imprisoned by Richard III.
at Pontefract Castle, where he was
beheaded, A.D. 1483.

148

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

A.D.1472. the little Park, where he made him have great sport;
"ark'. '" Ule ana" there the King made him ride on his own horse, on
a right fair hobby,10 the which the King gave him." —
Dinnerserved The King's dinner was ordained in the Lodge (in Wind-
in the Lodge. ° i i -i • i
sor Park). After dinner then they hunted again, and
the King shewed his guest his garden and vineyard of
pleasure. Then " the Queen did ordain a great banquet
in her own chamber, at which King Edward, her eldest
daughter the Lady Elizabeth, the Duchess of Exeter,11
the Lady Rivers, (and) the Lord of Grauthuse, all sat
with her at one mess ; and at the same table, sat the
Duke of Buckingham, my Lady, his wife, with divers
other ladies, my Lord Hastings, Chamberlain to the
King, my Lord Berners, Chamberlain to the Queen, (the)
son of Lord Grauthuse, and Master George Barthe,12
Secretary to the Duke of Burgundy, Louis Stacy, Usher
to the Duke of Burgundy, George Martigny, (and) also
certain nobles of the King's own court. There was a
side table, at which sat a great view (show) of ladies, all
on the one side. Also, in the outer chamber sat the
Queen's gentlewomen, all on one side. And on the
other side of the table, over against them, as many
of the Lord Grauthuse's servants, as touching to the
abundant welfare (plenty), like as it is according to such'
a banquet. And when they had supped my Lady Eliza
beth, the King's eldest daughter danced with the Duke
of Buckingham and divers other ladies also."
The rooms " Then, about nine of the clock, the King and the
riclilv fur- ^"^
nishedand Queen, with her ladies and gentlewomen, brought the
carpeted. °

10 Hobby, or hunting pony. In
Norfolk and Suffolk shooting po
nies are still called : hobbies.
11 The Duchess of Exeter was
sister-in-law to the Queen. The
Lady Rivers Was married to the
gallant Sir Anthony Woodville, the
Queen's brother, who became Lord
Scales in right of his wife, arrd on
the murder of his father in 1468,
(see p. 25,) Earl of Rivers, and was

executed at Pontefract in 1483.
The Duchess of Buckingham was
the Lady Katherine Woodville, sis
ter to the Queen. — (See Hearne's
Fragment, p. 16.) '
12 This Master George Barthe
accompanied the Lord Grauthuse,
and Sir Frederick Madden conjec
tures him to be the author of the
interesting memoir from which we
have so largely quoted.

OP EDWTARD IV. J THE REIGN OP EDWARD IV.

149

said Lord of Grauthuse to three chambers of plesance, a.d. 1472.
all hanged with white silk and linen cloth, and all the
floors covered with carpets.13 There was ordained a bed The st»««
beds de-
for himself, of as good down as could be gotten. The scribed.
sheets of Rennes (cloth and)1* also fine fustians; the
counterpane, cloth of gold, furred with ermines. The
tester and ceiler also shining cloth of gold ; the curtains
of white sarcenet ; as for his head-suit and pillows, they
were of the Queen's own ordonnance. In the second
chamber was likewise another state-bed, all white. Also
(in) the same chamber was made a couch with feather
beds, and hanged with a tent, knit like a net, and there
was a cupboard. In the third chamber was ordained a
bayne (bath) or two, which were covered with tents of
white cloth.
" And, when the King and the Queen 15 with all her
ladies and gentlewomen had shewed him these chambers,
they turned again to their own chambers, and left the
said Lord Grauthuse there, accompanied with the Lord
Chamberlain (Hastings), which despoiled (undressed)
him, and (they) both went together to the bath. — And Refresh-
v *" ° . ments served
when they had been m their baths as long as was their in the bath.
pleasure, they had green ginger, divers syrups, comfits,
and ipocras, and then they went to bed. And in the
morning he took his cup16 with the King and Queen,

13 We are told by those who rail
at what they call the extravagance
of the present day, " that Queen
Elizabeth knew naught of carpets,
but considered fresh rushes a lux
ury." Could she so far have de
generated since the days of her
grandmother, whose luxuriously
furnished rooms would even have
satisfied the fastidious taste of the
last of the Georges ? Indeed, both
Edward the Fourth, and George
the Fourth seem to have had a love
for the elegances of life, far beyond
any of the other sovereigns of this
country.

14 These Bretagne cloths were of
the finest texture.
16 The extreme attention lavished
by the Queen upon the honoured
guest of her husband, is in every way
to her credit. This courteous de
meanour of the Royal Family had a
most beneficial influence on the
manners of the age, and more than
anything else, served to banish the
ill-blood, which had been engender
ed by the Civil Wars.
16 The morning's meal was com
posed of solids, and the " cup"
from which it took its name would,
no doubt, have frightened Father

150

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

13 Oct. 1472.

Vote of
thanks to the

a.d. 1472. and returned to Westminster again. — And on St. Ed-
wSinste'r ward's day, 13th of October, King Edward kept his
royal state at Westminster Palace. And about X of
the clock, the forenoon, he came into the parliament in
his robes, on his head a cap of maintenance, and sat in
his most royal majesty, having before him his lords
spiritual and temporal. Also the speaker of Commons
QueTn.anri'to parliament, named William Allington, declared before
cirauihuse, the King and his noble and grave council the intent and
desire of his Commons, especially in their commendation
of the womanly behaviour, and great constancy of the
Queen, he being beyond sea ; also the great joy and
surety to his land, the birth of the Prince ; and the
great humanity and kindness of the Lord Grauthuse,
then present, shewn to the King when in Holland and
Flanders; etc."
With all due ceremony the King then created his
guest Earl of Winchester,1* the King's secretary Wil
liam Attcliffe reading aloud the letters patent. Thence
proceeding to the Palace of Whitehall accompanied by
the King, with the Queen, and the infant Prince borne
in the arms of hi3 Chamberlain, Sir Richard Vaughan,
they went to the Abbey and offered at the shrine of St.
Edward. " Then the King turned down the Choir,
where he sat on his throne." The Earl of Winchester,
bare his sword unto the time when they went to dinner.
The King created (Richmond) a new King-at-arms and
called him " Guienne;" and " Norroy" was called upon
to proclaim the largess of the new Earl, as " Garter"
had an impediment in his speech. The day concluded
with a "void,"18 after which the Lord Winchester re
tired from the Royal presence.

who is
created Earl
of Win
chester.

Mathew. The pegs in the tankard
marked the quantity, usually a
quart, between each, and it was not
uncommon to drink from peg to
peg at a single draught, though the
beverage was strong ale.
17 See Rymer's Foedera, vol. xi.

p. 765.
18 The " void," or parting cup,
from the verb to voide, to depart,
or go away, in which sense it is
used by Chancer, was served on a
tray, called an avoider, since cor
rupted into, " waiter."

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 151
When Edward was driven from the throne by the a.d. 1472.
confederacy of Clarence and Warwick he had taken
shipping at Lynn in Norfolk, " without bag or baggage, V™?'
without cloth, sack or mail, and perchance with a great »• m)
purse and little treasure," and indeed in such utter
destitution " but to have nothing to give the master of (Cbmmine*,
.... ob p, 194.)
the ship for his passage, but a gown lined with martins.'"
At that time the Easterlings 19 were at war both with
England and France, and had numerous war galleys on
the seas. Eight of these spying the three ships which
contained the fugitive King and his suite, bore down
upon him, in the expectation of an easy booty, and
chased him to the coast of Friezeland, to a little town ^use of the
7 Lord Grau-
called Aldmaer, and because the tide would not allow thUfle's yiBlt-
him to land, he anchored in the roads in shallow water.
The Easterlings also cast anchor, as near him as pos
sible, intending to attack him at high-water. " Happily
the Lord of Grauthuse, Governor in Holland, for the
Duke of Burgundy, chanced to be there, where Edward
desired to land, and hearing who he was from the men
who had landed, and of the danger he was in from the f™ff™'
Easterlings, he warned the latter not to approach him ;
and going on board the King's ship, he welcomed him
and conducted him to Land, and about 500 men with
him, amongst whom was the Duke of Gloucester, his
brother, who was afterwards King Richard." The Lord
of Grauthuse then conducted him to the Hague, where
he bore all his expenses] till he received the Duke of
Burgundy's orders.
Edward's gratitude for this prompt deliverance was ^^Jj1/'8
shown by inviting his preserver over to this country, ]^j££'
and creating him Earl of Winchester, in 1472, and to ^j;
this circumstance we are indebted for the interesting
account from which we have given a picture of three
days spent in the privacy of the Royal Circle. The

The Easterlings were corsairs of the Low Countries and Germany.

152

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

A.D. 1472.

(Sir Thomas
More, p. 160,
1.)

The King's
courtesy and
great beauty
of person.

(Fabyan's Chronicle,p. 612.)

(Contin. to
Hardyng'sChronicle,
p. 3,0.)

Manuscript itself is preserved in the British Museum. —
(Bib. Cotton. Jul. Cces. VI.)
" No prince was so heartily beloved by his people, nor
was he so especially loved as at the time of his death,
and that even some of the friends of Henry VI. had
grown into his favour. He was of a goodly personage,21*
and very princely to behold ; of visage lovely ; of body
mighty ; strong and clean made. Howbeit, in his latter
days, with over liberal diet, somewhat corpulent and
hurley, yet not uncomely. Albeit, all his reign he was
with his people so benign, courteous and familiar, that
pp part of liis virtues was more esteemed, yet, never
theless, this quality, in the end of his days, marvelously
in him grew and increased." " In July 1481," says
Fabyan, " the King invited the Mayor and part of the
Corporatipn to a hunt in Waltham Forest, and feasted
£hem with a rich dinner and wine, in a bower of green
boughs, and gave them plenty of venison at parting.
The next month he sent two harts and six bucks, to
the wives of the Mayor and Aldermen, with a tun of
wine to drink with them."
By his Queen "he had ten children, and of them
were left alive behind him Edward, Prince of Wales,
and Richard, Duke pf York, (and one bastard called
Arthur), and five daughters, Elizabeth, Cecily, Anne,

20 '.' This Edward was a goodly
man of personage, of statue high,
of countenance and beauty comely,
pf sight quick, broad breasted, and
well set, in every other part con
formable to his body; of a preg
nant wit, of stomach stout, and
hault (high) of courage ; of perfect
memory of such things as he con
ceived in his brain ; diligent in his
affairs and weighty business, in ad
ventures bold and hardy ; against
his adversaries fierce and terrible,
to his friends liberal and bounteous ;
having in all his wars most pros

perous and lucky success ; and not
eschewing all pleasure and sensu
ality, to the which he was by na
ture most prone unto; for the
which cause, and for the lowliness
and humanity, that was in him
engendered by nature most plen-
teously, he bore himself homely
amongst his private persons, other
wise than the degree or dignity of
his Majesty required, wherefore the
fame ran that he was poisoned,
which was not true." — (Hardyng's
Contin. p. 31.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 153
Katherine, and Bridget, which after were married all,
saving that Lady Bridget was a nun."
It was for the education of the Prince of Wales, his family.
that Edward, with the affectionate solicitude of a fond for their wei-
parent, drew up the following rules, which display part
of the best customs of the gentleman of that day : —
§ 1. He shall arise every morning at a convenient Rules for the
time, and till he be ready none but Earl Wales's con-
Rivers, his chamberlain, or chaplain, to (sioaneMS.
... , ' , , , . Brit. Mus-
enter Ins chamber, and one other chaplain No. 3479,
L quoted by
to sing mattins, then to go to his chapel or Sharon tur-
chamber to hear mass. p- 395-)
§ 2. That he hear, every holiday, divine service.
§ 3. That on principal feasts, sermons be preached
before him.
§ 4. That he breakfast immediately after mass, and
be occupied an hour at his school before
he go to meat, and to be at his dinner at a
convenient hour, and that to be reasonably
served, and his dishes borne by worshipful
folks, wearing our livery.
§ 5. That no man sit at his board, but as Earl
Rivers shall allow ; and that there be read
before him noble stories, as behoveth a
prince to understand ; and that the com
munication, at all times in his presence, be
of virtue, honour, cunning, wisdom, and
deeds of worship, and of nothing that shall
move him to vice.
§ 6. After his meat, in eschewing of idleness, that
he be occupied two hours at his school;
and after, in his presence, to be shewed all
such convenient disports and exercises, as
belong to his estate to have experience in.
§ 7. To go to his even song at a convenient hour ;
and soon after that to be at his supper.

154

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Rules for the
Prince of
Wales's con
duct.

His daugh
ters' mar
riages.

§ 8. After supper, that he have all such honest
disports as may be conveniently devised for
his recreation.
§ 9. That he be in his chamber, and for all night ;
and the travers (curtains) to be drawn by
nine of the clock, and all persons then from
thence to be avoided, except for attendance.
§ 10. That sure and good watch be nightly had and
kept about his person for safeguard.
§ 11. That discreet and convenient persons be ap
pointed to give attendance on his person,
from his rising to his going to bed.
Of the three sons of Edward and Elizabeth, George,
Duke op Bedford, died early and was buried at Windsor.
The fate of his two elder brothers, the unfortunate Ed
ward the Fifth, and Richard, Duke of York, has
already been noticed. Of his seven daughters, Mar
garet died young and was buried in Westminster Abbey;
and Mary,21 who had been betrothed to the King of
Denmark, died in her 15th year, before her marriage
was solemnized, and was buried at Windsor, — Eliza-
the Princess-Royal, married Henry VII;-

BETH,

Cicely, affianced during her father's lifetime to James,
Prince of Scotland, married i.) the Lord Welles, by
whom she had two daughters, and ii.) a Commoner of
the name of Kyme, by whom she had no issue. She
was buried at Quarr, Abbey, near Ryde, Isle of Wight ;
— Ann, contracted to Philip, of Austria by her father,
married after his death, Thomas Howard, Duke of
Norfolk, by whom she had two sons; — Katherine,

21 In the year 1810, when the
tomb of George III. and his family
was being prepared at the East
end of St. George's Chapel, two
stone coffins containing the bodies
of the Queen and her son George
were discovered 15 feet below the

surface. Shortly after the coffin of
the beautiful Princess Mary was
found. A curl of hair, of the most
exquisite pale gold colour had insi
nuated itself through the chinks of
the coffin. It was cut off, and is
in the finest preservation.

OF EDWARD IV.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

155

intended by the King for the Infant of Spain, married
William Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, by whom she
had Henry, created Marquis of Exeter, in 152S.
Bridget died a nun, at Dartford. The Queen, who had
ever retained her influence over Edward, and to whose
feminine attentions to his domestic comfort the happi
ness of the last ten years of his life must be ascribed,
survived him nine years, and died April 10th 1492, and Death of
was buried at Windsor. The tomb of Edward the beth wood-
vine.
Fourth is said to have been executed by Quintin Matsys.
It has the appearance of the most beautiful black lace
of the low countries and is composed of a gothic screen
between two towers, made of steel. On a flat stone at
the foot of the monument is this inscription :
ming l&foarti antf Ijts (Stacen IBlijalietfj asafobtlle.

CHAPTER II.
His Foreign Policy.
The high reputation of Edward as a warrior,1 was suffi- a.d. 1473.
cient to deter foreign potentates, and more particularly
his powerful rival the King of France, from entering into
open warfare with him. Accordingly we find, that when
in 1473, subsidies on a most liberal scale had been voted
for the purpose of enabling him to recover his French
possessions, and the new financial measure, called "bene- Benevolences
volences " 2 had filled his exchequer, Louis, the Eleventh, i«ted.

1 " He was ever victorious in all
the battles where he was present. ' ' —
(Habington.) 2 " This sort of aid levied after
this manner was called by the new
name of ' Benevolence,' intimating

that private persons had granted
it freely and of their own accord.
Mean while, these loans raised
without the authority of Parlia
ment, were of very dangerous con
sequence ; but as it was to make

156

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

a.d. 1474. employed every means to prevent the threatened inva
sion of his Territories. It is curious to observe the
anxiety of the gentry in England to prove their loyalty,
in contributing thus voluntarily, to the resources of the
King for carrying on the war ; and on the other hand
with what distaste they viewed the exaction of the sub-
(Fenn's Pas- sidies voted by the Parliament. In a letter from Wil-
voi.u. p. i6 i.) liam Paston to his brother Sir John, we have a pleasing
account of the intended progress of the King into divers
Counties in 1474, the motive of which was to raise, more
easily by his presence and cheerful address, " benevo
lences " upon his subjects towards the expenses of his
war with France. The County of Norfolk had been
particularly pointed out to the King for the riches and
hospitality of it's inhabitants, and, as an inducement for
the handsome and amorous Monarch to prolong his stay
amongst them, the beauty and agreeable behaviour of
the women had been peculiarly commended. Thus in
the letter alluded to we are told that : " on Monday (the
21st of March, 1474) he will lie at the Abbey of Strat
ford, and so to Chelmsford ; then to Sir Thomas Mont
gomery's ; then to Heveningham ; then to Colchester ;
then to Ipswich ; then to Bury ; then to Dame Anne
Wingfield's, and so to Norwich ; and there will he be
on Palm Sunday eve (3rd of April, 1474;) and so tarry
there all easter, and then to Walsingham ; 3 wherefore
ye had need to warn William Gogney and his fellows to
purvey (provide) them of wine enough ; for every man
beareth me in hand, that the town shall be drank as dry
as York was, when the King was there. Sir, Master
Sampson recommends him (self) unto you, and he hath

Beauty of
the Norfolk
women.
The King's
progress.

war on France there were no mur
murs." — (Rapin, vol. v. p. 95.)
" An unheard of mode of taxa
tion, that every one by way of Be
nevolence should give, what he
liked, or rather what he did not
like 1 By which means he collected

such vast sums, as greatly to ex
ceed any thing seen before, or likely
to be seen hereafter." — (Croyl.
Contin. p. 558.)
3 " I suppose to pay his devo
tions to the image of our Lady
there.'' — (Sir John Fenn.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 157
sent you a ring by Edmond Dorman ; and besides that, a.d. 1474. '
he required me to write unto you, that it were best for
you to purvey you of some gentlemanly things against
the King's coming, for sure he will bring you guests
enough, and therefore purvey you thereafter, (provide
accordingly.) Also, he sendeth you word, that it is my
Lord's mind, that my sister, with all goodly folks there
about, should accompany Dame Elizabeth Calthorp,4 be
cause there is no great Lady there about, against the
King's coming ; for my Lord hath made great boast of
the fair and good gentlewomen of the country ; and so
the King said he would see them sure."
• Hall and Holinshed quote a remarkable instance otaioiimhcd
his popularity and attractive manners. "He asked a
rich old lady what she would give him towards the war.
* For thy lovely face,' she replied, ' thou shalt have
twenty pounds,' being twice as much as the King ex
pected; whereupon he thanked and kissed her, upon
which she doubled the sum she had promised.1'
These benevolences, however, impoverished the country
for there was a spirit of emulation in taxing themselves
to the utmost, and William Paston in the letter quoted
above, urges his brother " to let the Lancashire men,"
who accompanied the King, " see, that there be gentle
men of so great substance, that they shall be able to buy
all Lancashire." " By this method he extorted money (SirJoim
'01 , 1 p -i- Fenn, vol. v.
so plentifully, as to lower the prices of most commodi- p. 00.)
ties, not leaving a sufficient quantity with his subjects to
pay for them as they had done before." It will be seen,
from the following letter of Margaret Paston, that this
was the case in Norfolk; for she could not dispose of
her wood though " before the King's coming," she
writes, " I might have had chapmen to have bought it (Fenn's Pas.
a gret (by the great, or lot,) for twelve score marks, vol. v. n. tto.)

4 " Widow of Sir John Calthorp, and daughter of Roger Wentworth,
Esq."— (Fenn.)

158

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [l.AST X YEARS

A.D. 1474.

Low price of
provisions,
Jan. 1474.

(160i?.) and now there will no man buy it a great, be
cause of the great good (large sums) that the people is
laid to for the King ; wherefore we are about to retail
it as well as we may, and as well as it can be brought
to ; and send you word how we shall do, as hastily as I
may." " As for your barley, in this country, it cannot be sold
above lOd. or lid. (per comb) that is the greatest price
of barley here, and but (unless) it be at a better price, I
purpose for to do it malt (malt it) ; and as for money, I
could not get yet of Peacock but £3. ; for he saith that
by then that the outcharges be born, and the reparation
of the mill at Winterton, we are like to have little more
money, beside the barley. Malt is sold here but for
13d. and wheat 2s. or 26d. at this time, and oats 12d.5
There is none outload suffered to go out of this country
as yet; the King hath commanded that none should
go out of this land. I fear me that we shall have right
a strange world ; God amend it when his will is."
In confirmation of the distaste with which the parlia
mentary subsidies were viewed, an extract from a letter
(Fenn's Pas- 0f John Paston to his brother will be sufficient : " Sir,
tun Letters, > , c .
vol. v. p. 49.) it is so that my cousin John Bleverhasset 6 is informed
that for very certain he is chosen to be one of the Col
lectors of the Task in Norfolk, whereas in very truth he
hath not a foot of land within the shire ; wherefore I
beseech you, that as hastily as ye may, after sight of this
bill, that it may please you to take the labour to com-

s In the May following prices
were lower still: "-By my troth, 1
wot not how to do; the King goeth
so near us in this country, both to
poor and rich, that I wot not how
we shall live, but if (unless) the
world amend. I neither can sell
corn nor cattle to no good preve
(proof). Malt is here but at lOd.
a comb ; wheat a comb, 28d. ; oats
a comb, lOd. and thereof is little

to get here at this time." — (Paston
Letters, vol. v. p. 107.)
6 " John Bleverhesset, Blenner-
hasset, and for shortness often
called Harsset, of Ferns, married
i. Jane, daughter of Thomas High-
ham, Esq. ; and n. Jane, daughter
of Sir Thomas Tindal, of Hock-
wold, Kt. He died in 1510, aged
87."— (Sir John Fenn.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OP EDWARD IV. 159
mune with Sir Richard Harcourt, and let him have a.d. 1474.
knowledge that this gentleman hath nought within the
shire ; and that ye twain may find the means to get him The collec-
J J ° ting the sub-
Out of that thankless office, for I promise you it encum- 8iuii!3 a
. . . thankless
bereth him evil, and my mistress his wife, and all us his office-
friends here ; and if so be that ye and Sir Richard Har
court may not find the mean betwixt you, that then it
may please you to move my Lord Chamberlain with this
matter, and so Master Harsset (Bleverhasset) prayeth
you, and Mistress Jane his wife also, for she liketh
nothing by the office. I pray God send you the Holy
Ghost among you in the Parliament House, and rather
the devil, we say, than you should grant any more tasks."
These, however, were not the only means adopted by other means
the King to fill his coffers. One of the first acts of the the'king to
new parliament, which assembled Oct. 6. 1472, was to (liymer, vol'.'
attaint the persons and confiscate the estates of his * ' P'
rebels and enemies. To gain the affections of the Clergy,
ho pardoned several bishops who had been engaged
against him in the recent contest. But his expensive
tastes, which now, that the engrossing object was a war
with France, had somewhat abated, broke out with fresh
force after his return from Calais ; " and his avarice, (Hist, croyi.
which daily increased, prompted him to employ a variety P. 559.)
of methods, some of them very oppressive, and others
quite unworthy of his station to attain his object. But
though he plundered his subjects himself without mercy,
he was remarkably severe in punishing private robbers Punishes
J A ° L robbers and
and plunderers, a class of persons always numerous and plunderers.
difficult to manage after a long succession of civil com
motion." Amongst those who suffered most severely by
the attainder, were the Archbishop of York, and the
Earl of Oxford. The former, as has been already no
ticed in Dr. Warkworth's Chronicle, p. 137, was utterly (Warimorth,
despoiled and imprisoned in the. castle of Guisnes, where W«.,'a"
he died in want and wretchedness. The latter had p'
stipulated, when surrendering Mount St. Michael, for

160

THE REIGN OP EDWAUD IV. [l.AST X YEARS

A.D. 1474.
(Hall, p. 35.

Subsidiesgranted by
Parliament.
— (Prynne's
Tower Re-
cords.p.bW.)

(Prynne's Tower Re-
cords,p.Wl.)

His com
mercial treaties.

his life ; but his estates were confiscated and himself
imprisoned in the Castle of Hammes ; " whilst his
Countess, sister to the late Earl of Warwick, was re
duced to the necessity of earning a scanty subsistence by
her needle."
In the same parliament " the last day of November
the Commons grant to the King 14,000 Archers,7 to
serve the King at their costs, for one year, the same to
be levied out of all men's lands, according to a propor
tion. The Lords Spiritual and Temporal by themselves,
grant unto the King, towards the furniture aforesaid,
the tenth part of one whole year's revenue, of all and
singular their possessions." " In the year following, April
the 8th 1473, the commons grant unto the King one
fifteen and one disme, except dtJ6000. to be distributed
to certain decayed towns." Heavy as these exactions
were felt at the moment, that they were levied, it was
by them chiefly that Edward was enabled to recover the
country from the exhausted state into which it's exche
quer had fallen, and ultimately to place it in the enviable
position in which he left it at his death.
His Commercial Treaties were dictated by great fore
sight and talent. He laboured incessantly to make Eng
land the warehouse of the World.8 The Hanse towns,9

7 " The eighteenth day of July
1473. the Commons grant to the
King, one Disme, and one Fifteen,
and ^£51,117. 4s. Id. ob. q. in full
payment of the wages for 14,000
Archers granted before, towards the
payment whereof every County,
City, and Town is severally taxed.
The grant is very long." —
(Prynne's Tower Records, p. 696.)
8 " In consideration of £23,000.
due by the King to the Mayor and
Merchants of the Staple, the King
by a long act granteth to them a
Fifteen as Anno 7 E. 4. tit. 9." —
(Tower Records, p. 692.)
9 " The hostility and contention
which was between the King and

the Merchants of England of the
one part, and the Duke of Hanse,
or the Stilliards of the other part,
from the 21st day of November in
Anno E. 4. unto the 19 day of
September in Anno 13 E. 4. are
utterly appeased, so as every Mer
chant of either part to the said 19th
day, may lawfully require of the
other part his own, and a free in
tercourse between those Countries
and Merchants, for ever to be had.
" To which end the King, by his
letters Patents, confirmeth to the
said Merchants of the Stilliard their
old liberties granted to all Mer
chant strangers, of every Country
by name, by King E. I. but after

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 1 61
the most powerful league of merchants ever formed, a.d. 1474.
consisted at one time of no less than 72 of the principal Towns"-6
trading cities of Europe, whose general staples were : fSfa]
London, Bruges in Flanders, Bergen in Norway, and "739.')
Novgorod in Russia. It originated in Bremen, in the
year 1164, and probably at that time consisted only of
the principal towns of Germany. When their power be
came at length so great as to be dreaded by the Sove
reigns, in whose countries they were established, the
number greatly decreased, and at the period of Edward's
reign Hamburgh, Bremen, Luebeck, Cologne, Dantzick
and Rostock were the chief. During the Civil wars the
English had injured the merchants of these towns, and
violated their privileges several ways ; upon which having
obtained letters of marque from their magistrates, they
levied war upon their oppressors, which proved destruc
tive to both parties. At length the Civil wars being
ended the Hanse towns sent ambassadors to Edward to
demand satisfaction for their losses, and to propose a
renewal of alliance, to confirm their privileges, and to
secure the trade and navigation of the English in the
Northern Seas. The Ambassadors were graciously re
ceived by the King and all differences ultimately satis
factorily arranged by a congress held at Utrecht for that
purpose. Shortly after this, by letters patent the King
confirmed the ancient alliance between Richard II. and Treaty with
Portugal. —
Don John of Portugal, for them and their successors, (/wd.p.741.)
receiving similar letters from King Alphonso, bearing
date August 30th 147j|. The differences between the The Flemish
1 , t-u 'in i differences
English merchants and the Flemings 10 were, also, ar- reconciled.

granted by especial name to the
Merchants of the Stilliard, by E. II.
wherein is to be seen their Customs
rated and the King's grant not to
raise the same ; all which by act of
Parliament is confirmed." — (Ibid.
693.) " The house called the Style-
house, otherwise the Stilliards, in
the parish of Allhallowsin London,

is by authority of Parliament as
signed to the Merchants of the
Hanse, and to their successors for
ever, together with other Tenements
to the same belonging, yielding
yearly to the Mayor of London
£70. and other rents to others." —
(Ibid. 697.)
10 " The renovation of the trea
ties of Truce and Commerce be-

M

162

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

a.d. 1474. ranged in negociating a final Peace with the Duke of
Truce with Burgundy. A truce was concluded between England
Scotland.— ° ' , ,, . . . „ . ...
(Rymer, and Scotland by the plenipotentiaries ol both nations till
vol.xi.p.758.) ...
July 1473, to enable the negociations to proceed.
Preparations Edward now turned his attention to the recovery of
for war with J
France. his French dominions. In the speech from the throne
A.D. 1474. 1
he stated his intentions, and many eloquent orations
assisted the warlike fever ; whilst his financial measures,
and the loyalty and liberality of Parliament opened the
way to a brilliant campaign. Louis XI, the crafty and
deceitful King of France had by every means, legal and
illegal, diminished the power of the great vassals of the
crown, and given the kingly office that superiority in the
nation, which it never lost till the death of Louis XVI.
(Rymer, His movements were jealously watched by his neigh-
voi.xip.804.) jDOUrS) an(j Edward and Charles of Burgundy had entered
into a treaty, offensive and defensive, against him. In
147| he appears to have contemplated hostilities, for in
a letter of Sir John Paston to his brother, in communi-
(PastonLei- eating the news of the day, he writes: "Furthermore
pe.™2™) ' '' men say, that the French King is with his host upon the
water of Somme (in Picardy),11 a 60 miles from Calais."
And in another letter of the same period : " Men say
that the French King, with a great host, is at Amiens,
but three score miles from Calais ; and if he, or his, rode

tween England and Bretagne, which
were interrupted during the usur
pation of the Earl of Warwick, is
dated Sep. 30th 1471."— (Rapin's
Acta Regia, p. 298.) These dif
ferences were, however, not com
pletely reconciled till July 12th
1478, on which day the treaty was
signed at Lisle. " This treaty,"
given in Rymer's Foedera, vol. xii.
p. 67, "might be of singular ser
vice for merchants, or for those
who would write a History of the
Commerce betwixt England and the
Netherlands ; for in it we find the
particular grievances complained of
on both sides by the inhabitants of

the Netherlands, and by the English
Merchants, who kept the Wool-
staple of England at Calais ; toge
ther with the tricks and frauds
practised by each party." — (Acta
Regia, p. 316.)
11 Louis appears at the conclu
sion of the truce to have again re
turned to this position. " The
French King men say is coming
nigh to the water of Somme, with
4000 Spears, and some men trow
(think) that hewill.the day of break
ing of truce, or else before, set upon
the Duke'sCountries here." — (Pas
ton Letters, vol. ii. p. 177.)

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

163

before Calais, and I not there, I would be sorry." What- a.d. 1474.
ever were Louis' real intentions they were masked for
the time, for Sir John thus writes on the 16th of April,
then on his way to Calais; "there was a truce taken at Truce for one
Brussels, about the 26th of March last past, between the March 26,
Duke of Burgundy and the French King's ambassadors,
and Mr. William Attclyffe, for the King here ; which (Paston Let.
is a peace by land and water till the 1st day of April, p- iss.)
now next coming, between France and England, and
also the Duke's land."
Towards the end of 1474 an embassy was sent over French em.
from Louis to Edward, but was not received " into the dra7i474.—
King's presence,12 for men say, that the chief of them is P'
he that poisoned both the Duke of Berri, and the Duke
of Calabria ; " and Sir John adds : " there never was
more likelihood that the King should go over sea, this
next year, than was now."
" The war contemplated by the King was no common (Acta Regia,
war, or a war from motives that were trifling. He p'
seemed determined to reconquer by the sword, what had
been wrested by the sword from his predecessor. With
the assistance of the Duke of Burgundy, who was as The nukes
much concerned as himself, he at least hoped to re- andBretagne,
r*t . ,T , . . and the Con-
possess Guienne and Normandy, the ancient patrimony stable st. Poi
-in-nii-i-i join Edward.
of his ancestors. The Constable de St. Pol had pledged

12 " For the better understanding
of this curious passage, which re
flects honour upon King Edward,
both as a sovereign prince and a
man, it will be necessary to inform
the reader, that in 1472, Louis XI.
finding himself drawn into a war
with the Duke of Burgundy, in or
der to bring about a marriage be
tween his brother, Charles, Duke of
Berri and Guienne, and Mary the
Daughter and heir of that Duke,
employed proper persons to destroy
his brother, and by that means to
extricate him from these troubles.
The death of the Duke de Berri was
effected by a slow poison, of which

he died jn May, 1472, aged about
26 years. Mary, the richest heiress
of her time, was born in 1457, and
by her father, the Duke of Burgundy,
was promised in marriage to various
potentates, and amongst the rest to
Nicholas of Anjou, Duke of Cala
bria and Lorraine. This prince died
in August, 1473, aged about 25,
here said by poison, administered
by the same hand that took off the
Duke de Berri." — (Sir John Fenn.)
After the death of her father at
Nanci, in 1477, she married Maxi
milian, Archduke of Austria, and
died, after a fall from her horse,
within 4 years afterwards.
2

164

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

p. 2B2.)
Edward lands
in France,
June 20 to
July 10,
A.D. 1475.

a.d. 1475. himself to deliver up St. Quentin to the English ; and
the Duke de Bretagne was persuaded to join the League
against France. Thus Louis saw himself beset by three
powerful enemies, at a moment when his government
had become hateful to his most powerful vassals."
(Commines, These arrangements being completed, Edward passed
over to Calais,13 and entered France in June 1475,
" attended by the flower of the English Nobility, being
1500 persons in full armour, and each with several
horsemen in their retinue ; 15,000 archers on horseback,
and a great number of infantry, with artillery. There
was not one useless person in the army ; and 3000 men
besides were to have been landed in Bretagne."
" As soon as Edward was arrived at Calais, he sent a
herald u to declare war against the King of France.
by Louis returned a very mild answer and bid the Herald
¦?tUAn„s?,|f tell his master, that the Duke of Burgundy and the
Constable de St. Pol would infallibly deceive him. But
before he dismissed the Herald, he asked him a great
many questions; and the Herald in his answers took
occasion to tell him either of his own head, or from some
private instruction, that if he had any proposal of peace
to make, he must apply to the Lords Howard and Stan
ley, who had both great interest with the King. Louis,
who was a man of great penetration, suspected that the
Herald did not say this without a meaning. In the
interim, to let the English lords see how liberal he was,
who is bribed he ordered the Herald who came to declare war against
by Louis. °

(Acta Regia.
p. 300.)
Sends a de
fiance to
Louis X]

13 Commines adds, that " whilst
Edward was with his army at Dover,
the Duke of Burgundy sent him 500
flat-bottomed boats, without decks,
well suited for the conveyance of
horses, which boats were called
'sentines;' and notwithstanding
this great number, added to all which
the King, himself, could command,
it took him three weeks to cross
from Dover to Calais, which is only

7 miles across." — (p. 264.)
14 Commines says, " he des
patched a single herald from Dover,
named Jartiere (Garter) who was a
native of Normandy. He conveyed
a letter of defiance from the King
of England, composed in beautiful
language, and pure style, which I
will never believe was written by an
Englishman." — (p. 264.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

165

him, a present of three hundred crowns for his pocket a.d. 1470.
and thirty ells of velvet to make him a gown."
"Edward expected the Duke of Burgundy would Edward di
come at the head of an army to join him ; but though Burgundy-i
in confidence thereof he was already on the march he
heard no news of him, which obliged him at last to send
an express to him to know the cause of his delay. The
Duke was still employed in the Electorate of Cologne,
at the siege of Nuz15 which he undertook in hopes of who am-
,. ,. .- 0 , , , . 1 tinues at tin
making himself master of that place time enough to siege of nuz
join the English. But the length of the siege, which
held ten months, and his own obstinacy broke all his
measures ; for while he was untimely bent on an affair of
so little consequence, he suffered very great losses else
where ; the Duke of Austria took the county of Fer- and loses
rette l6 from him ; the Duke of Lorrain ravaged Luxem- vinces. pr°"
bourg and Lewis XI. seized Roye and Mondidier. At
last when he was just upon the point of being master of
Nuz, he was so pressed by Edward's importunity that he
consented the place should be deposited in the hands of
one of the Pope's legates. But his army was in so poor
a condition to begin a fresh campaign that he was
obliged to put it into quarters of refreshment ; after visits Ed-
which he went to find out Edward, in order to make an
apology for his backwardness."
Whilst Edward lay in his camp near Peronne rumi
nating on the unaccountable conduct of the Duke, " the

15 " To-morrow I purpose to ride
into Flanders to purvey me Horse
and Harness, and perchance I shall
see thesiege of Nuz erelcome again,
if I have time. God send me good
speed to appoint with the King and
my Lord , for such retinue as I should
have now in these wars into France ;
wherefore I pray you in Norfolk,
and other places, commune with
such as you think likely for you and
me that are disposed to take wages
in gentlemen's houses, etc." — (Pas-

ion Letters, vol. ii. p. 177.)
lfi "The siege ofNuzlasteth still,
and the Emperor hath besieged also,
not far from thence, a castle and
another town in like wise, wherein
the Duke's men be." — (Ibid.)
"The King's Ambassador, Sir
Thomas Montgomery, and the Mas
ter of the Rolls be coming home
ward from Nuz, and as for me, I
think I shall be sick but if I see
it."— (Ibid.)

166 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
a.d. 1475. King of France caused a certain person of no note (' un
Louu sends varlet, simple serviteur'') belonging to the household of
a herald tor, ,,-,. tt i -i , -i -i i
the King, M. de Salles, to be clothed m a Herald s tabard, and
August 12th,
(Commines, having fully instructed him, despatched him to the
English camp, to demand a safe conduct for ambassa
dors, desiring him to address himself for that purpose to
the Lords Howard and Stanley. Arrived in the English
quarters, with his tabard on his back, he was immediately
arrested and conveyed to the Royal tent." Upon being
questioned as to the purport of his coming, he replied :
" he was charged on the part of the King his master
with a message to the King of England, and to the
whoisgra- Lords Howard and Stanley.11 He was then hospitably
ciously re- . , T . ,
ceivcd. entertained at dinner in a tent, and upon the King s
rising from table, who happened to be dining when the
Herald arrived, he was admitted into the King's pre-
his speech to sence, and told him: "That he was ordered by the
the King. J
King his master to represent to him, that the war be
tween their two kingdoms could not but be destructive
to both, and that the mutual commerce (intercourse) of
the two nations was on the contrary a manifest advan
tage, which ought to be cherished. Then he excused
the countenance given by France to Warwick, affirming
that it was not done out of ill will to Edward, but on
account of the Duke of Burgundy his master's irrccon-
cileable enemy. He added that the Duke's insincerity
was as apparent as the Constable's; but that it was
unnecessary to mention this as the King himself was
then suffering from the ill effects of it. By this time he
must see that he was come into a country where he had
neither castles nor friends, and he left it to him to judge
whether the conquest of France were as easy as he had
been led to believe. The King his master, however,
knowing so vast an armament could not be made without
great expense, was willing to make him such amends, as
should be satisfactory to him; and therefore he de
manded a safe conduct for Ambassadors with a train of

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 167
one hundred horse, that they might inform him of his a.d. w&.
master's wishes; or, if more in accordance with the
pleasure of the King of England, that a meeting should
take place in some village, situate between the two
armies, of Ambassadors from both, the King of France
would also grant a safe conduct on his part."
This proposal was most acceptable to Edward under He is d»-
the circumstances in which he found himself, and accor- "ife'clduct
dingly the Herald was dismissed with a present of four sado™.""*
nobles, accompanied by a Herald, on his part, to claim a
safe conduct similar to the one he had granted. Next
day the King held a great council in his army, wherein
it was determined to make a truce with France, on cer
tain conditions, and the Lord Howard, Sir Thomas St. The English
Leger, and Dr. Morton, the Master of the Rolls, (after- dors.089""
wards Abp. of Canterbury) were appointed to hold a
conference with the French ambassadors betwixt Amiens
and Peronne. Their instructions were given them in (Acta Regia,
writing, signed by the King and twenty two Lords, so page "'
that they had not power either to add or diminish, and
the King of France had nothing to do but to accept
the terms, as offered by Edward, or else refuse them.
There is no doubt that Edward would not have fallen Reasons for
so easily into the views of the wily Louis, had the Duke compliance.
of Burgundy kept faith with him and joined him upon
his landing in France. To repeated messages sent by
the King, twice by the Queen's brother, the Lord Rivers,
he had replied that his honour was concerned in the
reduction of the fortress of Nuz, and he could not meet
the King of England as the repulsed assailant of so
inconsiderable a fortification. When he did arrive, he
came with but a slender retinue, and on Edward's send- The con
ing a detachment to occupy the town of St. Quentin the Poi'Se
Constable St. Pol, whom the Duke had represented as reac ery'
an ally, fired upon it from the Walls. The King no [Lingard,
longer able to check the expression of his disappointment

168 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
a.d. 1475. exacted from the Duke a promise to return in a short
time at the head of a numerous army.
Louis took advantage of this circumstance, and the
success of his measures equalled his expectations. He
The French appointed the Bastard of Bourbon, the Admiral of
£d£f." France, the Lord St. Pierre, and the Bishop of Evreux,
surnamed Heberge, to meet the English Ambassadors.
(Acta Regia, The Treaty was concluded on the 29th of August, on
P"101') the terms that Edward had proposed it, without any
The terms alteration. These were I. That Louis should pay the
EZardd-y King, within a fortnight, 75,000 crowns, and from
voi?Tp.9D.) thenceforward 50,000 crowns yearly,17 in two payments,
as tribute, during the life of the two Kings. II.
That the King of France should wed his son, the
Dauphin, to the Princess Elizabeth, the King's eldest
daughter, and should allow his said daughter-in-law,
60,000 livres a year. Upon these two conditions, the
Ambassadors were empowered to promise in the King's
name, that he would return into England with his troops,
immediately after the receipt of the 75,000 crowns, and
sign a treaty of alliance against the rebellious subjects
of the two Kings, and also sign a truce for seven years.
Hearing of the intended peace the Duke of Burgundy
hastened to Edward's camp to ward off the blow this
would be to his interests. He arrived too late, the
The Dukes truce was signed, and all the consolation he received was
and Bretagne the knowledge that he was included in it. Not having
included in ,-i-itii 1
the Truce, been asked for his concurrence by Jidward, he stood out
(commines, for some time, but at last accepted a separate truce
offered him by Louis, for nine years. The Duke de
Bretagne was also included in the truce, and on the

17 The papers relating to this | and the Bank of the Medicis gua-
treaty will he found in the 12th ranteed the payment, p. 20. These
volume of Rymer, p. 14 to 20. The payments were regularly made up to
50,000 crowns were to be paid in 1482, the last receipt bearing the
London at Easter and Michaelmas, | dale of August 25th in that year.

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 169
French King earnestly pressing Edward to desert his a.d. 1475.
ally he replied that " he would, on the contrary, de
fend him by every means in his power." 18 The Con
stable St. Pol met with a just retribution for the double
part he had played. He was forsaken by all, and forced (iua. p.349.;
to retire into the country of the Duke of Burgundy, st. Poi be-
upon the faith of a safe conduct, in defiance of which,
nevertheless, he was delivered up to Louis, and immedi
ately beheaded.
The Duke of Burgundy, ever restless and greedy after Death of the
fame, plunged into needless hostilities with the Swiss, and Burgundy.
lost in one year three successive battles, in the last of
which, at Nanci, January 15th 1477, he was killed. The
consequences of this event will be referred to hereafter,
when considering the domestic Quarrels of Edward, and
his brothers.
But to return to the French Treaty, Louis stipulated Louis ™n-
. sums Queen
in addition to pay Edward 50,000 crowns as the ransom Margaret.
of the unfortunate Queen Margaret, and that all dif
ferences between the two Kings should be submitted to
four arbitrators : — the Cardinal Archbishop of Canter
bury, and the Duke of Clarence on the part of Edward ;
and the Archbishop of Lyons, and the Count Dunois on
his own part ; who should be bound to pronounce their
award, within the course of three years. After the Meeting of
Peace had been signed an interview was arranged be- andTJuisxi.
tween the two monarchs19 at the bridge of Pecquigni, — (iPfaxaU'i
- ¦ lois,vol.i.9b.)

18 •< in 1481 Edward made an al
liance with the Duke of Bretagne,
on condition of receiving from him
the 50,000 crowns per annum, if
differences with Louis should sus
pend his payments ; and he engaged
to obtain of Louis a truce for the
Low Countries, or to make war." —
(Turner, vol. v. p. 387.)
19 " Here the monarchs met each
other, shook hands through the
grating, and swore on the Missal to
observe their engagements. They

then entered into familiar conversa
tion ; and Louis incautiously invited
his new acquaintance to Paris. Ed
ward, eager in the pursuit of pleasure,
did not refuse ; and it required all
the address of the French monarch
to postpone the intended visit to an
indeterminate period. The English
Kings, he afterwards observed to
his confidents, had been too much in
the habit of visiting France ; he liked
them best on their own side of the
water." — (Lingard,yo\. iii. p. 553.)

170

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Edward re-
embarks for
England,Sept. 4, 1475.

a.d. 1475. near Amiens. " A grated barrier was erected on the
middle, and two boxes raised for the purpose. Louis,
whose pliant genius accommodated itself to every situa
tion of politics, and who thought no submission top mean
Louis natters for the attainment of his views, flattered the English
Edward and ... . .
bribes hts Prince, invited him with all the apparent cordiality of
ministers. ...
friendship to his capital, and at the same time secured
by presents the principal nobles in his interests."20
The immediate conditions of the treaty having been
faithfully performed Edward commenced his march to
the coast, and thus ended this expedition, for the un
dertaking of which he had been collecting money from
his subjects in England, by subsidies and benevolences
for two years. Sir John Paston, who accompanied him,
(Paston Let. wrote from Calais, on the 11th of September : " Blessed
p. ii3.)' be God, this voyage of the King's is finished for this
time, and all the King's host is come to Calais as on
Monday last past ; (Sep. 4>th) and as this day many of
his host be passed the sea into England again, and in
especial my Lord of Norfolk and my brethren."
With this expedition the Wars of Edward may be
considered to have ended; for the rupture with Scotland
in 1480, and the breach with France in 1483, the latter
of which led to the ultimate discomfiture of the House
of York, and the exaltation of the Family of Tudor to

20 Louis, to escape from this dan
gerous war, secured the ministers
of Edward by bribes, who did not
hesitate to follow the example of
their master. Amongst them he
divided 16,000 crowns per annum
as pensions ; and Commines men
tions the Lords Howard and Che
ney, the Marquis Dorset, the Lord
Chamberlain, the Chancellor and
Master of the Rolls, as partici
pating in the booty. To Lord
Howard, besides his pension, Louis
gave, in two years, above 24,000
crowns ; and to Lord Hastings,

1000 crowns in plate, and a pension
of 2000 crowns a year. He affirms
that Edward's Lord Chamberlain,
Chancellor, Admiral, Master of the
Horse, and other great Lords, were
all pensioners at the same time to
the King of France. The Lord
Hastings alone refused to give a re
ceipt for his pension. " If you wish
me to receive it," he said, " you may
put it into my sleeve ; but you shall
have neither letter, nor acquittance
for it, from me." " The other re
ceipts," adds our author, " are still
in the Office of Accounts, at Paris."

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 171
the Throne, more properly belong to the Reign of a.d. 147c
Richard the Third.

CHAPTER III.
His Domestic Policy.

" The English is not an absolute but a limited Mon- tub En-
archy, arising from the free election of men for their stitution.-
0 , , . . , . , ., Tr. (Fortescue de
own safety and convenience, in which the King can Laudiius
neither make laws, nor take the goods of his subjects Jingi.)
without their consent." The Constitutional manner of
obtaining the sanction of the country was through the
parliament, and Edward invariably "had thanks given (Tower Rc-
to the Commons, by the King's commandment, for the cor
subsidies they granted, before each prorogation." On
his restoration in 1471, an act was passed "that upon (md.)
urgent cause of the King's moving, the King may at any
time before the day appointed for the reassembling of
Parliament, call and reassemble the said Parliament,
sending forth writs 20 days before to proclaim." We
have seen in the previous chapter, that the heavy taxes, \Fcvp'suras-
subsidies and benevolences had impoverished the country ™'j jy-.89
to that degree, that no buyers could be found for the
common necessaries of life. These taxes had been levied
for the popular measure, the recovery of the French
Provinces of the crown, which had been wrested from
the grasp of his predecessor. Great x therefore was the
disappointment felt by the army and people " who openly tr^la"d.
murmured at the avarice of the King, and threatened Discontent
o' and disorders
with public vengeance the ministers, who had allowed °n fjje ci°»e
themselves to be bribed by the French King. They

1 See Lingard's History, vol. iii. I this account, admirably abridged
p. 555, from whom we have copied | from the Monk of Croyland.

172 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
a.d. 1476. were, however, carefully watched, and many severely
punished for the imprudence of their language. Others,
as soon as the army was disbanded, formed associations,
extorted money by violence, and threw several counties
(Lingard, into confusion by repeated robberies and murders. To
vol.lil.p.555.) . \
suppressed suppress these disorders the King directed the laws to
by the King's ,.. „ , . , ...
vigorous be strictly enforced, accompanied the mdges in their

measures.

circuits, and inexorably refused mercy to every delin
quent, whatever might have been his station or services.
But the dissatisfaction of the people supplied a source of
deeper disquietude. It was evident that they wanted
but a leader to guide their efforts, and that the imposi
tion of new taxes would infallibly goad them to insur-
Tim rbmis- rection. Hence it became the great obiect of the King's
SION OF ...
taxes policy to provide for the expenses of his household, and
of the government, without laying any additional burthen
effected by on the nation. With this view he ordered the officers
customs, etc. of the customs to exact the duties with severity, extorted
frequent tenths from the clergy, levied large sums for the
restoration of the temporalities of abbots and bishops,
resumed most of the grants lately made by the crown,
and compelled the holders of estates, who had omitted
any of the numerous minutiae of the feudal tenures, to
compound by heavy fines, for the rents which they had
hitherto received. Neither did he disdain the aids
which might be derived from the transactions of com-
and trading merce. His ships were annually freighted with tin, wool,
himself as a
merchant, and cloth ; and the merchandise of the King of England
was publicly exposed to sale in the ports of Italy and
Greece. In a short time he became rich ; though indi
viduals might complain, the nation was satisfied ; and
men grew insensibly attached to a prince, who could
support the splendour of the throne without making any
demands on the purses of his subjects." To understand
the Commercial Policy of Edward it will be necessary
to consider the principal resources of the country, and
to point out the means the King adopted in carry-

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

173

Cunt. p. 559.)

ing out his views to render London the great mart of a.d. i47c.
Europe. I. Wool had always been one of the staple commodi- Wool.
ties of England, and particularly the sheep of the western
Provinces were considered to yield a finer quality than
any other. In the third year of the King's reign he had
"granted a licence for certain Cotswold2 sheep to be (Haivs
transported to Spain, as people report, which have there P. 266.)
so multiplied and increased, that it hath turned the
commodity of England much to the Spanish profit, and
to the no small hindrance of the gain, which was before-
times in England raised of wool." To meet this evil
various acts were passed, and Edward encouraged the (Croykmd
trade himself by shipping large quantities both of the
raw and manufactured article to Italy and Greece. He
had several ships that were his own private property,
and following the example of the Earl of Warwick, who
had in a great measure recovered the dominion of the
sea, which had been lost in the long inglorious reign of
Henry the Sixth, " he sometimes used them in the pro- (Bm„Jt
tection of the trade of his subjects, and at other times vo1-x-p-245->
employed them in trade, as a merchant, which contri
buted not a little to his great wealth." II. The Woollen wooi.lkn
, . -, , . Goous.
manufacture was much improved, and, in consequence,
greater quantities of woollen cloths were exported, than
at any former period. III. Corn had also since the corn.
year 1425, been largely exported, and the trade pro
tected by Royal privileges. In 1463, the Easterlings,3

2 " Has the late Merino breed,
introduced into this country and
France from Spain, proceeded from
these." — (Turner, p. 310.)
3 It is a curious fact here record
ed, that a free trade in corn had
nearly proved the ruin of the Agri
cultural interest in the fifteenth
Century. In consequence of the
large importations of corn by the
Easterlings in 1463, the prices
were : —

" In London .-

£ s.

d.

Wheat, per quarter 0 2
Barley, ditto . 0 1
Peas, ditto . 0 3

0
10 4

Oats, ditto

0 1

2

In Norfolk .-
Wheat, ditto

0 1

8

Barley, ditto
Malt ditto

0 1
0 1

08

Oats, ditto

0 1

0

whereas in 1460, wheat

was 8s."

—

(Fleetwood's Ch. Pr. p.

112.)

174

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [l,AST X YEARS

A.D. 1476.
(Statutes,3 Ed. IV.
cap. 2.)

Corn Laws
for the pro
tection of the
farmer.

(Henry,
vol.x. p.272.)

(Fleetwood'sChronicon
Preciosum,p. 98— 113.)
Animal Food.

Alb and
Wink.

or Merchants of the Steel-yard, by importing large
quantities, had greatly reduced the price of that com
modity, so that the English Farmer was in danger of
being ruined. The Country members of the House of
Commons complained, and to prevent the serious injury
thus threatened, it was enacted " that when the quarter
of wheat did not exceed the price of 6s. 8d.; rye, 4s. and
barley 3s. no person should import any of these three
kinds of grain, upon forfeiture thereof." The average
price of a quarter of wheat at this period " appears to
have been 5s. which multiplied by 10s. produces 50s.
which is not considered a very high price at present."
By the same calculation a quarter of wheat at 6s. 8d.
would be equivalent to 31. 6s. 8d.4 of our money, and all
wheat imported when the market price was less, was
forfeit to the crown ; and not allowed, as at present, to
remain in bond, a measure which has at length proved
itself equally ruinous to the grower and importer. In
Fleetwood's Chronicon Preciosum, p. 98 to 113, the
reader will find the price of animal food etc. from the
year 1401 to 1500, from which the following averages
may be drawn : — An ordinary cow, 7s. — a calf, Is. 8d. —
an ox, 13s. 4d. — a sheep, 2s. 5d. — a hog, 2s. — a goose,
3d. IV. Liquors were cheaper, in proportion, than
either corn or butcher's meat, for: Ale, cost lgd. per
gallon, and Claret, Is. per gallon. The act which re
gulated the price of the former, which, before the intro
duction of tea and coffee, formed as necessary an article
as bread itself, ordains that " when a quarter of barley
was sold at 2s. then Ale might be afforded 4 quarts for

4 To understand this calculation,
" we have only to reflect : I. that
one nominal pound sterling, in the
15th Century, contained as much
silver as two pounds contain at pre
sent ; and therefore a person, who
had then an income of ,£J10 a year,
had as much silver to expend as one
who hath now an income of £20

a year ; and,
II. that the same quantity of sil
ver, suppose a pound weight, would
then have purchased as many of the
necessaries of life as live times that
quantity, or five pounds weight of
silver, will purchase at present." —
(Henry, vol. x. p. 271.)

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 175
Id. And when Barley was at 2s. 6d. then Ale was to a.d. we,
be 7 quarts for 2d. and so to increase and decrease after
the rate of 6d. the quarter."
V. Inland manufactures were protected by prohi- inland
biting the importation of similar articles, wherever par- turks, Pro-
liament considered the prohibition beneficial. Thus
A.D. 1483, upon the petition of the Manufacturers of
London and other towns, representing the great damage
they sustained by the importation of the articles they
manufactured, an act, embodying these prohibitions, was
passed against the importation of : " girdles ; harness,
wrought for girdles ; points ; leather laces ; purses ;
pouches ; pins ; gloves ; knives ; hangers ; taylors' shears ;
seissars, and irons ; cupboards ; tongs ; fire-forks ;
gridirons; stock locks; keys; hinges; garnets; spurs;
painted glass ; painted papers ; painted forcers ; painted
images ; painted cloths ; beaten gold and silver, wrought
in papers, for painters ; saddles and saddletrees ; horse-
harness ; boots ; bits ; stirrups ; buckler-chains ; latten
nails, with Iron shanks ; turners ; hanging candlesticks ;
holy water stops ; chaffing dishes ; hanging-leavers ;
curtain-rings ; wool-cards ; roan-cards ; buckles for
shoes ; shears ; broaches for spits ; bells ; hawks-bells ;
tin and leaden spoons; wire of latten and iron; iron
candlesticks ; grates ; and horns for lanthorns."
VI. In that curious tract " the Prologue of English imports.
Policie" contained in Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages (Hakiuyt.)
and Discoveries, etc., we have a contemporary account
of the commodities imported into England by the mer
chants of different countries, from which we gather that
Spain and Portugal, supplied us with : figs, raisins,
wine, oil, soap, dates, liquorice, wax, iron, wool, wadmote
(prepared woad), goatfell, redfell, saffron, and quicksil
ver : — Bretagne : wine, salt, crest-cloth, (linen), canvass:
— Germany, Prussia, and the Hanse Towns: — corn,5
6 These articles were afterwards I to come in unless wheat was 6s. 8d.
prohibited. Corn was not allowed | the quarter.

176

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

A.D. 1476.

(Hakluyt.)

Discou-
raokmknt
op Ma
chinery.

iron, steel, copper, osmund (a plant), bowstaves,6 boards,
wax, pitch, tar, hemp, flax, peltry,6 thread, fustian,
buckram, canvass, and wool-cards :5 — Genoa: gold, cloth
of gold, silk, cotton, oil, black pepper, rock allum, and
woad: — Venice, Florence and the rest of Italy: spices,
and grocery wares, sweet wines, sugar, drugs, with
" Apes and japes, and marmusits tayled,
And riflis and trims that little have 'vayled."
VII. To find employment for the poor has always
been the most difficult task of statesmen. Throughout
his reign Edward had been popular with the lower orders.
His affability and courteous demeanour to them in peace,
his sharing their toil, perils, and rations in war, and
abovo all his careless and unflinching bravery, rendered
him the idol of the working classes. Finding their ma
nual labour superseded in the manufacture of an article
of great consumption by the introduction of Machinery,
an act was passed in the twenty-second year of his reign
22 Ed. iv.) f0 prevent the employment of Fulling Mills, "which,
by the subtle imagination of man, work the destruction
of the original makers of hats and bonnets by man's
strength, that is with hands and feet," and accordingly
the use of this mechanical contrivance in the said manu
facture was prohibited. The preamble to another act
shows the spirit of the times in providing for the poor,
and runs thus : " And for that Artificers and other poor
people, labouring for their living in divers occupations,
have competent gain; and to the satisfaction of them
and their households, live without miserable and intolle-
rable poverty, be it enacted," etc.
How much at variance was the public opinion of that
day with the Science of Political Economy of the 19th

(Statutes,

6 Osmund, a plant used in Medi
cine, sometimes found in England.''
—(Miller.) Peltry is interpreted by Richard

son "as things as common as the
wool or hair of a skin or hide ;
(perhaps)the refuse of askin-yard."
It probably here means merely un
dressed hides.

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

177

Century ! Machinery, which, in its rapid strides in our a.d. i470.
time, promises to supersede the manual labour of the
poor, in every occupation, from the wheeling a barrow to
the mysteries of watchmaking and printing, and which
daily sacrifices the infant of a few years and its squalid
parent to a premature grave, was looked upon in " the
cruel and ferocious age " of the Plantagenets as the
demon of future misery and want.
The Merchant King made trade an honourable calling, Edward a
and there are few of our proudest nobles, who do not
trace their origin to its followers. To Edward the
Third, who has justly been called " the Father of English
Commerce," we are indebted for that sound policy, which
enabled the merchants and manufacturers of England to
amass by the silent operations of art and trade, those
treasures which would otherwise have been quite dissi
pated in the struggles for foreign conquest and dominion,
in which this country had been engaged for more than a
century. But Edward the Fourth, improving the theories
of his ancestor, amassed riches as a trader himseh, by
which he was enabled to defray the expenses of his
Government, without calling upon his subjects for fresh
subsidies. It is in reference to this, that the old Chro
nicler says : " that he had left all gathering of money (Grafton,
(which is the only thing that withdraweth the hearts
of Englishmen from their prince) nor any thing entered
he in hand, by which he should be driven thereto." The
riches of the English merchants,7 in his reign, enabled

7 " William Taylor, late Mayor,
gave the city of London certain te
nements, for the which the city is
bound to pay for ever, at every fif
teenth granted to the King, for all
such as shall dwell in Cordwainers'
Street Ward, rated at 12d. a piece,
or under." — (Stowe, p. 183.)
" Sir John Crosby, late Sheriff,
built Crosby Place in London. He
gave 300 marks to repair his Parish
Church of St. Helens ; to poor
householders ?>0£. and contributed

to the repairs of London Wall, the
tower on London bridge, etc." —
(Ibid. 184.)
" Edmond Shaw, late Mayor,
newly built Cripplegate from the
foundation, which gate in old times
had been a prison, whereto the ci
tizens aud others, as were arrested
for debt, and like trespasses were
committed."— (Ibid. 189.)
" Thomas Hill, (afterwards
Mayor) built the Conduit in Grace
(Church) Street."— (Ibid. 191.)

178 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [i.AST X YEARS
a. d. 1476. them at their individual costs to erect many splendid
fhlintf mer" buildings for the use and ornament of their native cities,
71na^rsm's both in London and elsewhere. William Canning, who
™iTPT7i.) was five times Mayor of Bristol, was perhaps the first
merchant of the day, and a great benefactor to that city.
For some misdemeanour in trade Edward took from him
at once 2470 tons of shipping, amongst which there was
one ship of 900 tons, one of 500, and one of 400, the
rest being smaller. As this anecdote is inscribed upon
his tomb, we may naturally suppose there was nothing
dishonourable in the act, which caused the confiscation.
(Prologue of The great fairs of Brabant were frequented by merchants
Fwlis/t Po- -
ne,J, p. i»7.) from all parts of the world, but the English were the
greatest buyers and sellers.
cnARTBRED The Hanse towns,8 which had been at war with both
Hans* '' ' England and France, had sent ambassadors to Edward
towns. on tne conciusion 0f the Civil wars in 1472, and all their
grievances were redressed at the Congress of Utrecht in
1474. They enjoyed great privileges, being exempt from
all subsidies, fifteenths and tenths, and were not sub
jected to the additional duties imposed from time to time,
on goods exported and imported, paying only the original
small customs agreed upon at the time of their first esta
blishment. They had Factories on the Eastern coast of
England, besides the Steel-yard in London, the principal
of which were at Lynn, in Norfolk ; and Boston, in Lin
colnshire.
mkrchants The Merchants of the Staple, originally composed of
staple. Foreigners, had by degrees admitted several Englishmen
into their corporation. They were strictly bound by their
charter to carry all exports to the Staple at Calais ; and
to land them elsewhere was made felony by act of Par-
(Andersm's liament. They must have been at this period in a flou-
voi.i. p. 276.) rishing condition, for they paid customs in one year,
upon wool, woolfells, woollen cloths, leather, tin and lead,
8 See p. 160, and note s.

OF EDWARD IV.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

179

exported, no less than £68,000, (or £136,000 of our a.d. U76.
money ; equivalent to £680,000 of present value).
The Brotherhood of St. Thomas, established about brother-
,,«,,. , . -,, noon of St.
the end of the thirteenth century was incorporated by Thomas.
royal charter in 1406. Originally it was formed for the i^"^"0"-
exportation of woollen cloths only ; but, being composed
of English and Irish subjects it was favoured both by the
crown and the nation at large, and ultimately engrossed
the whole of the trade of the merchants of the Staple.
These were the principal chartered Companies of British
Merchants in the Reign of Edward the Fourth, resident abroad.
in London ; but British factories were established in
several of the principal cities of Europe. To each of
these Factories was attached a governor,9 whose office
and power seem to have been similar to those of our
modern Consuls, which name they assumed in the Reign
of Richard III. A.D. 1483, when Lorenzo Strozzi was
appointed English consul in Pisa.
The natural indolence and love of pleasure of the King the post
led to the establishment of one of the most useful and
beneficial institutions of civilized life. " During the (Cmyiand
Scottish campaign, in order to enable the Duke ofp-wi-)
Gloucester to be in constant communication with his
Royal brother, posts were first established in England.
Horsemen were placed at the distance of Twenty miles
from each other, on the road from Scotland to London.
They delivered the Despatches from one to another,
which by this means journied at the rate of 100 miles
per day."
The rigid and indiscriminate enforcement of the laws, Authority
o OP THE
against all transgressors, of whatever rank or station, courts
O o ^ restored.
had become of the utmost importance to the security of
property. For upwards of Seventy years of civil strife,

9 In the " Notice sur Colard
Mansion," by Mons. "Van Praet, p.
89, is a curious document dated 1469
in which William Caxton, the first
English Printer, is proved to have

heldsuch an appointment at Bruges,
being termed: " Maistre et Gou
verneur des Marchands de la Nation
d'Angleterre."

N 2

180 THE REIGN OF EDWARD iv. [last x years
a.d. 1470. persons in the upper ranks of society had been led to
consider themselves as not amenable to the civil tribu
nals of the country. To check this disposition by all
means in his power, and to restore the authority of the
courts, Edward accompanied the judges on the circuits,
and inexorably refused mercy to all delinquents, when
convicted. Mr. Sharon Turner has given the following
instances of lawless aggression committed by the higher
classes, from 1410 to 1477, which will be found in a
note at page 418, vol. III. of his History of the Middle
Ages.
instances of An abbot, having been three years in possession of
lenceVfrom his abbey, was oustgjjl forcibly by another, who had ob-
the Pari. , _ . .
uoiis. tamed the Popes grant of it over his head, lhe dis
possessed abbot, with his brother and forty friends,
armed from head to. foot, attacked the other ; shot at
him several barbed arrows to kill him, wounded him and
three of his followers, and took away his jewels, plate
and property. — (Rolls, Pari. 4, p. 28.)
The prior and canons of Bernewell, claiming the
tenants of Chesterton as their bond ceorlcs, who denied
their right of slavery, six priests and canons, at the in
stigation of another priest, laid in wait for one of the
resisting tenants, on the King's highway, beat and
wounded him almost to death, took away his books and
bills, and kept him in prison seven years : the marks of
his wounds still remaining when he petitioned Parlia
ment for relief. — (Ib. p. 61.)
The oxford It was stated to Parliament, that a great number of
bers and scholars and clerks of Oxford, armed and arrayed for
marauders. p t i
war, often dispossessed and ousted many persons of the
contiguous counties of Oxford, Berks, and Buckingham,
of their lands and tenements, so that their owners could
not live on them. — (Ib. 131.)
sir John Another petition complained, that in Herefordshire,
Talbot's con- . „ , . ., , .
duct in Here- even before the civil wars, besides divers extortions, op-
iVmlshire. - L
pressions and murders, various persons were lawlessly

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 181
deprived of their lands and goods, and their women and
children carried off and kept in dungeons, till they ran
somed themselves. Sir John Talbot, his brother Sir
William, and 49 other Persons are named as pursuing
these practices. — (Ib. p. 254.)
In Cambridge, its county, and in Essex, several per- The ca.,..
sons sent orders to many people, commanding them to dentlVxact
put great sums of money in certain places, or their mail"."
houses should be burnt. Many mansions were robbed
and destroyed accordingly. The Irish, Welsh and
Scotch Scholars at the University, are declared to be
the authors of these atrocities. — (Ib. p. 358.)
In 1430 the House of Commons called the attention The Mhiiand
p , . Counties.
ot the government to the murders, rapes, robberies and
burnings, that pervaded the Counties of Salop, York,
Nottingham, Derby and Sussex. — (Ib. p. 421 .)
A lady of quality's house was attacked by a gentle- Forced
man, with an armed party, who forced an entrance at five "mrr ases'
in the morning, carried her away from her bed, in her
linen and kirtle only; took her to a church and insisted
on the priest marrying her. She refused ; he menaced.
The priest read the ceremony in spite of her resistance ;
and she was taken to the wild and desolate part of
Wales.— (Ib. pp. 497-8.)
In 1439, another lady of distinction complained of
her late husband's great friend, who had undertaken to
conduct her to her sick mother. On the way, an armed
ambush, he had secretly provided, started into the road,
smote her on the arm, and beat down her servant. Her
friend pretended to relieve her, but it was only to carry
her to the marshes of Wales, where he kept her without
any meat or drink but a little whey, till she was nearly
dead, that she might consent to marry him. On her
refusal, she was put into a dungeon at Glamorgan and
threatened to be transported to the Snowdon mountains.
Though she was pregnant she was forced to a church ;

182

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IY. [LAST X YEARS

Yorkshire
murders.

she persisted in her refusal; and notwithstanding her
outcries was taken off. — (Rolls, Pari. 5, p. 15.)
The Deputy In 1 472, as the deputy of the duchy of Cornwall was
attacked in sitting on the bench, holding its legal court, a gentleman
murdered, who had malice against him for the office, suddenly with
14 armed men attacked and grievously wounded him and
his servants ; tore the official rolls, and robbed and
imprisoned him without relief that he might bleed to
death, till they had compelled him to give the release
and pecuniary bonds which they desired. After they
had let him go, the same person procured others to way
lay him at a fair ; killed him, clove his head into four
pieces, and cut off one of his legs and arms and head, and
stripped his body of all his money. — (Ib. 6, p. 35-7.)
In the same year, as another person was travelling in
Yorkshire, three brothers, for some grudge, suddenly
thrust at him with a spear; and when he had fallen
from his horse, with their swords they smote off both
his hands and one of his arms and hamstrung his legs ;
and left him bleeding and dying, taking away his
armour. They then endeavoured to get into the Duke
of Gloucester's service, to have his protection against
all legal consequences. — (Ib. p. 3S.)
About the same time as Sir John Asheton, with his
lady and family and friends, were at his manor house,
she then in child-bed, a squire, at the head of 200 per
sons in arms and sounding their horns and trumpets at
two in the morning attacked his fortified house ; broke
down the walls, and, with fire that they had brought
with them in a salette set fire to the gates. To save his
wife's life, and stop the outrages, he was compelled to
come forth and submit to them. They carried him to
Pomfret Castle and extorted from him a bond of
l,000£.—(lb. p. 51.)
As a Cornish gentleman, with his wife and family,
were going on a pilgrimage, they were attacked by ten

Sir John
Asheton's
house be
sieged.

Cornish
aggressions.

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 183
others with bows and arrows, swords and bills, acting a.d. 1477.
under the orders of a neighbouring gentleman. They
escaped much wounded, but were afterwards again as
sailed by them, when reinforced by 30 others, a part of
whom afterwards assaulted and plundered his mansion.—
(Ib. p. 54.)
In 1477 a gentleman headed 24 persons, by the com- The Duke of
mand of the duke of Clarence, broke into a lady's house, lam":e'
and carried her off violently to Bath ; took all her jewels
and money ; separated her from all her servants and im
prisoned her ; and then caused her to be indicted on an
absurd charge of contriving the death of the duchess. —
(Ib. p. 173.)
Even official men used their power to give effect to j0i>n New.
their rapacity. The inhabitants of the Isle of Wight iTti.e lT'ol-
complained to Parliament, that John Newport, the W'sl"'
steward of the isle, though he had but ten marks a year
from his office, and had no other livelihood yet kept an
household and a countenance like a lord, with as rich
wines as might be ; naming himself Newport the gal-
launt, or Newport the rich. To maintain this style, he
so acted that the country daily cursed him, that ever he
came there. — (Ib. 5, p. 205.)
In cases of disputed titles to property the sword was settlement of
appealed to in preference to the uncertainty of the law, utie Ey arms
and as an illustration of the manners of the period, two law.
curious letters preserved in tho Paston Correspondence,
respecting the private siege of Caister, by the Duke of
Norfolk for such a purpose, may not be unacceptable to
the reader: — " To Sir John Pastofi, Knight.
I greet you well, letting you weet that your brother siege of
and his fellowship stand in great jeopardy at Caister, and maroaret
lack victuals, and Dawbeney 10 and Berney be dead and lkti-kr to
 her Son.
10 " This John Dawbeney, whose I tleman of a good family in the
death is here mentioned, was a gen- | County of Norfolk, and was pro-

184

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Siege of
Caister.

divers other greatly hurt; and they fail Gunpowder, and
Arrows, and the place (is) sore broken with guns of the
other party, so that, but (unless) they have hasty help,
they be like to lose both their lives and the place, to the
greatest rebuke to you, that ever came to any gentleman ;
for every man in this country marvelleth greatly, that ye
suffer them to be so long in so great jeopardy, without
help, or other remedy.
The Duke n hath been more fervently set thereupon,
and more cruel since that Writtil,12 my Lord of Cla
rence's man, was there, than he was before ; and he hath
sent for all his tenants from every place, and others to
be there at Caister, on Thursday next coming, that there
is then like to be the greatest multitude of people, that
came there yet ; and they purpose then to make a great
assault, for they have sent for guns to Lynn, and other
places, by the sea's side ; that with their great multitude
of guns, with other shot and ordnance, there shall no
man dare appear in the place, they shall hold them so
busy with great (number of) people, that it shall not lie
in their power within to hold it against them, (without
God help them, or (they) have hasty succour from you ;)
therefore, as ye will have my blessing, I charge you, and
require you, that you see your brother be holpen in
haste, and if ye can have none mean, rather desire
writing from my Lord of Clarence, if he be at London,
or else of my Lord Archbishop of York,13 to the Duke
of Norfolk, that he will grant them that be in the place,
their lives, and their goods, and in eschewing of insur-

bably an ancestor of a family now
residing at Coulton, in the same
County, who write themselves Da-
veney." — (Sir John Fenn.)
" " John Duke of Norfolk,
claimed this Manor, and Castle of
Caister, under an agreement for a
purchase which had passed between
him and Sir W. Yelverton, and

Thos. Howys, two of Sir John Fas-
tolff's executors.'' — (Sir J. Fenn.)
12 11 V7rittel was a servant of the
Duke of Clarence's, and appears to
have been sent down to endeavour
at an accommodation between the
besiegers and the besieged, during
the short truce." — (Sir J. Fenn.)
13 George Neville, brother to the
Earl of Warwick.

OF EDWARD IV.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 185
rections with other inconveniences that be like to grow siege of
within the Shire of Norfolk, this troublous werd (tumul
tuous world), because of such conventicles and gather
ings within the said Shire, for cause of the said place,
they shall suffer him to enter upon such appointment or
other like, taken by the advice of your counsel there at
London, if ye think this be not good, till the law hath
determined otherwise, and let him write another Letter
to your brother to deliver the place up, on the same ap
pointment ; and if ye think, as I can suppose, that the
Duke of Norfolk will not agree to this, because he granted
this afore, and they in the place would not accept it,
then I would the said messenger should, with the said
Letters, bring from the said Lord of Clarence, or else
my Lord Archbishop, to my Lord of Oxford, other Let
ters to rescue them forthwith, though the said Earl of
Oxford should have the place during his life for his
labour; spare not this to be done in haste, if ye will
have their lives, and be set by (esteemed) in Norfolk,
though ye should lose the best manor of all for the
rescues.14 I had lever (rather) ye lost the livelihood,
than their hves ; ye must get a messenger of the Lords,
or some other notable man to bring these Letters ; do
your (en)deavour now, and let me send you no more
messengers for this matter ; but send me by the bearer
hereof more certain comfort, than ye have done by all
other that I sent before ; in any wise let the Letters,
that shall come to the Earl of Oxford, come with the
Letters, that shall come to the Duke of Norfolk, that if
he will not agree to the one, that ye may have ready
your rescues, that it need no more to send, therefore God
keep you. Written the Tuesday next before Holy Rood
day in haste. By your Mother
Norwich, Tuesday, Margaret Paston.'"
12th of September, 1469.
11 The rescue here alluded to was I for life to the Earl of Oxford, if he
the giving up the Manor of Caister | should succeed in raising the siege.

186

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Siege of
Caister.

Sir John
. Paston's KhJ'J.V.

" To Margaret Paston.
Mother, upon Saturday (that) last was, Dawbeney
and Berney 15 were alive and merry, and I suppose there
came no man out of the place to you since that time,
that could have ascertained to you of their deaths ; and
as touching the fierceness of the Duke, or of his people,
shewed, since that time that Writtill departed, I trow it
was concluded, that truce and abstinence of war should
be had ere he departed, which shall endure till that day
sev'night after, by which time, I hope of, a good direction
shall be had ; and whereas ye write to me that I should
sue for letters from my Lords of Clarence and York, they
be not here, and if they wrote to him as they have done
two times, I trow it would not avail ; and as for to la
bour those letters and the rescue together, they be two
sundry things, for when the rescue is ready, that the cost
thereof is done, for if I be driven thereto to rescue it, ere
they come there that should do it, it shall cost a thou
sand scutes (£166. 13s. 4d.) and as much after, which
way were hard for me to take, while that I may do it
otherwise ; but as to say, that they shall be rescued if
all the lands that I have in England, and Friends may
do it, they shall, and (if) God be friendly, and that as
shortly as it may goodly and well be brought about ; and
the greatest default earthly is money, and some friends
and neighbours to help, whereof I beseech you to send
me comfort with what money ye could find the means to
get or chevise (borrow upon interest) upon surety suf
ficient, or upon livelihood to be in mortgage or yet sold,
and what people by likelihood your friends and mine

15 " Osbert Berney, was not
killed at this siege; he survived,
and died without issue some years
after, when he was buried in Bra-
deston Church, in Norfolk, there
being a brass plate in the Chancel,
having the following inscription to
his memory : —

%ic jacct ©jShertiiiJ, ttiiuj jjolj.
aJerneji, armtcr. Be 3&eBe-
ftam, mni. et to Xrag jtan.

He was son of John Berney Esq.
by Catherine, daughter of Osbert
Mundeford, of Hockwell Esq."—
(Sir J. Fenn.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 187
could make upon a short warning, and to send me word siege of
in all the haste as it is needful ; but, Mother, I feel by
your writing that ye deem in me, I should not do my
(en)deavour without ye wrote to me some heavy tidings,
and, Mother, if I had need to be quickened with a letter
in this need, I were of myself too slow a fellow ; but,
Mother, I ensure (assure) you that I have heard ten
times worse tidings since the siege began, than any
Letter that ye wrote to me, and sometimes I have heard
right good tidings both ; but this I assure you that they
(who) be within have no worse rest than I have, nor
casteth more jeopardy ; but whether I had good tidings
or ill, I take God to witness, that I have done my (en
deavour, as I would be done for in case like, and shall do
till there be an end of it.
I have sent to the King to York, and to the Lords,
and hope to have answer from them by Wednesday at
the furthest, and after that answer shall I be ruled, and
then send you word, for till that time can I take none
direction ; and to encomfort you despair you not for lack
of victuals nor of gunpowder, nor be not too heavy nor
too merry therefore ; for and (if) heaviness or sorrow
would have been the remedy thereof, I knew never matter
in my life that I could have been so heavy or sorry for,
and with God's grace it shall be remedied well enough,
for by my troth I had lever (rather) lose the Manor of
Caister than the simplest man's life therein, if that may
be his salvation, wherefore I beseech you to send me
word what money and men ye think that I am like to get
in that country ; for the hasty purchase of money and
men shall be the getting and rescue of it and the salva
tion of most men's lives, if we take that way.
Also, this day I purpose to send to York to the King
for a thing, which same only may by likelihood be the
salvation of all ; ye must remember that the rescue of it
is the last remedy of all, and how it is not easy to get ;
and also ye send me word that I should not come home

188

THE HE1GN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Siege of
Caister.

without that I come strong, but if I had had one other
strong place in Norfolk, to have come to though I had
brought right few with me, I should with God's grace
have rescued it by this time, or else he should have been
fain to have besieged both places ere yet, and (if) the
Duke had not kept Yarmouth out : but, Mother, I be
seech you send me some money for by my troth I have
but ten shillings, and wot not where to have more ; and
moreover I have been ten times in like case, or worse,
within this ten weeks.
I sent to Richard Calle for money but he sendeth me
none ; I beseech you to guide the evidence that Peacock
can tell you of, and to see it safe, for it is told me that
Richard Calle hath had right large language of them ;
I would not they come in his fingers : I have no word
from you of them, nor whether ye have yet in your
keeping the evidence of East-Beckham out of his hands,
nor whether ye have sent to my Manors that they should
not pay him no more money or not ; also that it like you
to give credence to Robin in other things.
Written the Friday next after Holy Rood day.
London, Friday, John Paston, Knight.'"'
15th of September 1469.

caistercastie Caister16 is thus described by William Wyrcester, the
John Fastolf, Executor of Sir John Fastolf, the builder of the mansion,
and friend of the owner Sir John Paston. " It is a
noble castellated house, forming a rectangular parallelo
gram, and is entered by a drawbridge over a moat, which
by means of a creek, communicates with the sea. At
the north-east corner is a tower, 100 feet high." This
tower is still standing, and also part of the west and north

111 These letters having been merely
adduced to show the lawless spirit
of the times, it would much exceed
our limits to give the History of the
Dispute between the Duke of Nor
folk and Sir John Paston. Mr.

Chalmers, in an admirable article
on Sir- John Fastolf in his Biogra
phical Dictionary, occupying twelve
closely printed pages, enters fully
upon the subject, and to him the cu
rious reader is, therefore, referred.

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 189
walls, supposed to be the oldest specimen of a brick man- siege of
sion in the kingdom. After the house passed into the
hands of Sir John Paston it was twice besieged; as we
have seen above by the Duke of Norfolk, and afterwards
by the Lord Scales. The founder, Sir John Fastolf, was
one of the bravest commanders in the French Wars,
and must on no account be confounded with the poetical not the sir
. . 0 J°l,n Falstaff
Falstaff of the immortal Shakspere. The latter is one of of shakspere.
the happiest creations of the poet's brain, who represents
him as a man of three-score years of age at the battle of
Shrewsbury, in 1403, when the owner of Caister was little
more than twenty-six. In a subsequent letter to the
one last quoted Sir John Paston writes to his brother (Paston Let.
1 ters, vol. iv.
to encourage him to hold out Caister Castle as long as p- sss.)
lie has hopes of relief. He tells him of the good opinion
entertained of the courage of the besieged, and that the
besiegers arc represented in a very different light. Cais- Caister sur
fer, however, at length yielded to the Duke of Norfolk; the Duke of
upon Capitulation, and the Duke's letter from Yarmouth,
dated Sep. 26. 1469, granting honourable terms to the
besieged, is given in vol. II. of Sir John Fenn's collec
tion, page 27. In communicating to his brother this (Paston uu
result John Paston, Junr. proves himself a brave soldier p. 411.)
and a kind and generous master, and as the letter is short,
it is here transcribed entire.

" Caister yielded.
To Sir John Paston, Knight.
Right Worshipful Sir ! I commend me unto you, j0un pas-
and as for the certainty of the deliverance of Caister, ter.
John Chapman can tell you how that we were enforced
thereto, as well as myself; as for John Chapman and his
three fellows, I have provided that they be paid each of
them forty shillings (equal in value to 2§£ in the pre
sent day) with the money they had of you and Daubeney ;
and that is enough for the season that they have done

190 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
siege of you service ; I pray you give them their thank, for by my
troth they have as well deserved it as any men that ever
bear life ; but as for money ye need not to give them
without ye will, for they be pleased with their wages.
Writtel promised me to send you the certainty of the
appointments ; we were sore lack of victuals (and) gun
powder ; men's hearts lack of surety of rescue, (were)
driven thereto to take appointment.
If ye will that I come to you, send me word, and I will
provide me for to tarry with you a two or three days.
By my troth the rewarding of such folks as hath been
with me during the siege, doth put me in great danger
for the money. God preserve you, and I pray you be of
good cheer till I speak with you, and I trust to God to
ease your heart in some things.
September, 1469. John Paston."

To follow the King into the scenes and follies of his
youth forms no part of our plan ; we shall therefore con
tent ourselves with quoting the words his historian places
(Grafton's in his own mouth : " that he had three mistresses, which
Chronicle, . ... - .-.
p. 784.) m divers properties diversly excelled. One the merriest,
the other the wiliest, the third the holiest harlot in the
realm." The merriest was the beautiful Jane Shore, the
names of the others never passed the King's lips.

CHAPTER IV.
Literature and the Arts, in the Reign of Edward the
Fourth.
The Civil Wars of York and Lancaster were a great
discouragement to Learning, and accordingly we find but
few authors worthy of being handed down to posterity.

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

191

Hence likewise the few authentic records of the transac
tions of the Reigns of Henry V I . Edward IV. and Richard
III. " are confused, mutilated, and disjointed ; for they (Eius's oh-
'. J ' J ginal Letters,
who wrote History in those days had no talent for the vol. i. p.94.)
task." It is not a little singular that our chief informa
tion relating to this period is gained from anonymous
writers, the principal of which, with the exception of the
continuator of the Croyland History, are contained in the
present volume.
The principal Historians of whom we have any accu- Historians or
rate knowledge are, William Botoner, called Wyrcester ;
John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester ; John Rous, or Ross,
of Warwick ; Robert Fabian, and John Hardyng, the
Chroniclers ; Bishop Morton, to whom the anonymous
continuation of the latter is attributed ; and William
Caxton, the first English Printer.
William Botoner, from whom we have quoted largely wh.liam "Wy JICKSTK R.
under the name of Wyrcester, and who signed his letters
frequently : " William Botoner, dit Worcester," was the
son of William de Worcester, and Elizabeth Botoner.
He was born at Bristol in 1415, and was educated at
Hart's Hall in Oxford in 1434, at the expense of Sir
John Fastolf, with whom he afterwards lived at Caister
in Norfolk, and to whom he was Esquire, Historian, and
Executor. He was a man of great application to Learning, (Fenn's Pas-
versed in various sciences, and indefatigable in the study vol. 1. p. 105.)
of the Antiquities of the Kingdom.1
He wrote many books, and was alive in 1480, and is
supposed to have died about 1490. I. He translated

1 In a letter of Henry Wyndesore,
who stiles himself brother to William
Wyrcester, preserved by Sir John
Fenn, vol. I. p. 170, we have a
pleasing account of William's love
for learning, poetry and books, and
of his anxiety for acquiring a per-
fectknowledge of the French tongue.
The writer surmises that the poor
student, in his thirst for knowledge,
had put himself in danger (debt) to

Karoll Giles, a Lombard, from whom
he appears to have taken lessons,
" every day two times or three, and
had bought divers books of him."
He adds : " I made a motion to
William to have known part of his
business, and he answered and said ;
that he would be as glad and as fond
of a good book of French, or of
Poetry, as my Master Fastolff would
be to purchase a fair manor."

192 THE reign OF EDWARD iv. [last X YF.ARS
"• Cicero de Senectute," from the French, which he ad
dressed to William Wainfleet, Bishop of Winchester.
He tells us, himself, that he presented it to the Bishop at
Esher, Augt. 10, 1475, but received no reward from him.
List or his He was also the author of II. Antiquities of England ;
III. Abbreviations of the Learned; IV. Medicinal
Collections; V. De Astrologia ; VI. De Astronomia;
VII. Acta Domini Joannis Fastolf; VIII. The Acts
of John, Duke of Bedford ; IX. Polyandrium Oxonien-
sium, or Memoirs of Oxford Students; X. Annates
Rerum Anglicarum ; XI. Itinerarium Britanniae ; XII.
Comedia ad Monasterium Hulme; and various other
minor pieces. His Annals and various Fragments, were
printed by Hearne, at the end of his edition of the Liber
Niger Scaccarii ; and his Itinerary, the ballad mentioned
above as No. XII., and other minor pieces were pub
lished by Mr. James Nasmyth, in 1778. His translation
of Cicero de Senectute was printed by Caxton, in 1481.
Many of his Letters are contained in Sir John Fenn's
Collection of the Paston Letters, from which he appears
to have written in a purer style of English than most of
his contemporaries.
John tip- John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, who has frequently
TOKT. \". A It I.
'ofwor. been mentioned in the preceding pages, wrote I. An

cestrr.

History of England hitherto unpublished, the only known
Manuscript of which has been recently sold in the library
of the late John Hawkins, Esq.,2 where it is thus de
scribed :
his unpuu. " Worcester's (John Tiptoft, Earl of) Chronicle of
lished Chro- v ' '
nicle. HiNGLAND, FROM KlNG IjRUTE TO THE SIXTEENTH YEAR
of King Henry the Sixth. — Chronica Regum Angliae
ex Diversis Historiography per Dominum Johannem
Wigornii Comitem sparsim collecta. — Sheldwich. —
De Orbis Indagatione, Divisione, et Descriptione

2 " Catalogue of the Library of I F.S.A. sold by Mr. Fletcher, May
the late J. Sidney Hawkins, Esq., [ 8th, 1843."

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 1 93
per Julium Ca3sarem in Provincias ac Regiones facta,
inter quas hie liber maxime de Regno Anglorum et
Regibus ejusdem, (scilicet de Bruto usque in Annum.
Decimum Sextum Henrici Sexti) qua; magna,
famosa, et rara sunt, declarat."
It is a small Quarto volume of 174 leaves, containing
little more than a chronological table of English History,
and appears even in the latter years to be nothing but
one of those volumes, so commonly compiled in the 15th
Century by the more oppulent citizens for the facility of
reference. II. He translated "Cicero de Amicitia,'" his other
works.
published originally without the name of the printer, and
afterwards reprinted by Caxton in 1481. HI. " Two
Declarations made by Pub. Corn. Scipio, and Gayus
Flamineus, competitors for the Love of Lucrece," which
he dedicated to Edward IV. He also wrote IV. " Ora
tions and Epistles," and translated V. " Casar's Com
mentaries as touching British Affairs," published with
out name of the printer, in 1530, probably by Rastell,
with the original text in the margin. By command of
Edward he drew up VI. " Orders for placing the No
bility in all proceedings ;" and VII. " Orders and
Statutes for Justs and Triumphs ;" both which MSS. are
preserved in the Cotton Library in the British Museum.
In the Ashmolean Collection will be found VIII. " Ordi
nances, Statutes and Rules; made by John Tiptoft,
Earl of Worcester, and Constable of England, by the
King's Commandment, at Windsor to be observed in all
manner of Justs of Peers within the Realm of England;"
which were again revised in the Reign of Queen Eliza
beth, and published by Mr. Park in his edition of Har
rington's Nugse Antiquse. He is also said to have
written IX. " A Petition against the Lollards," and X.
" An Oration to the Citizens of Padua." Horace
Walpole says that in the Cathedral Library of Lincoln
is a volume of Letters addressed to the Earl of Worces
ter, which also contains four of his Epistles.

194 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
his patron- , During a visit of the Earl to Rome, he is said by the
caxton. elegance of his oratory to have drawn tears from the eyes
of the Pope, Mneas Sylvius, Pius II., on occasion of
visiting the Vatican Library. He is also said to have
brought over to England, and to have presented to the
University of Oxford MSS. to the value of 500 Marks.
To his Patronage of William Caxton we owe the intro
duction of the Art of Printing into England, and the
grateful heart of the printer thus records the Earl's
merits. " In hys tyme flowered in vertue and cunnyng
none lyke hym emong the lordes of the temporalitie in
scyence and moral vertue," and again " The axe then did
att one blowe cut off more learnyng than was lefte in the
heads of all the survyvyng nobilytie." The Earl of Wor
cester was executed by the secret orders of the Earl of
Warwick, conveyed to the Earl of Oxford, by whom he
was judged, A.D. 1470, during the short restoration of
King Henry the Sixth, at which time he was in his 42nd
year. Having already spoken of him in reference to his
political conduct, it is only necessary to refer to page 114
of the present volume, to prove that notwithstanding his
devotion to literature, he had imbibed the cruel and
ferocious temper of the times in which he lived. That
he early exhibited a love of learning is evident from the
following passage in Ross of Warwick's History, page
(Rossiivano. 5, " I prevailed upon John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester
to visit the Holy Land, a man of vast erudition, whom I
knew in my time as a fellow student in the University
of Oxford."
John noss Credulous and unsuspicious, old gossipping John
Rous, the antiquary of Warwick must, nevertheless, be
consulted by those who seek information respecting the
reigns of the Lancastrian and Yorkist sovereigns. In
his History of the Kings of England, which he com
mences with the Creation of the World, he incidentally
mentions many curious particulars concerning the state
of England, and the manners of its inhabitants in his

or Rous.

OF EDWARD IV.J THF. REIGN OP EDWARD IV. 195
own times. The lover of early typography will be
amused with his veneration for that splendid volume : —
" Peregrinationes Sanctae ad Sepulchrum Dominicum Breydenhach
in Hierusalem," etc. by Bernard de Breydenhach, whom n™<«-
he evidently considers of equal authority in the early
History of the World with Moses ; for he seems to
prefer the learned Dean's account of the antedeluvian
cities to that of the inspired writer. This singular
History of England was edited by Thos. Hearne, the
Antiquary, and published at Oxford in 1716, the im
pression limited only to 48 copies. Its rarity induced a
reprint in 1745, but its intrinsic merit does not appear
to have made this second edition much sought after.
He likewise wrote an History of the Earls of Warwick,
the MS. of which is preserved in the Bodleian Library
at Oxford. He died at an advanced age, Jan. 14th,
1491. Robert Fabyan, an opulent merchant and alderman Robert
1 # Fabvan.
of London has left us, under the title of " Concordance
of Stories" a Chronicle of England and France, from
the coming of Brutus to the 20th year of King Henry
VIL, A.D. 1504. Though the White Rose of York
is made to reflect the colour of it's rival, and the prin
ciples of Lancaster necessarily predominate, still it is
valuable for the plainness and sincerity with which it is
written, and particularly for the mass of local informa
tion it affords respecting London in the 15 th Century.
He died February 28th, 1512, and lies buried in the
Church of St. Michael's, Cornhill. Previous to his Buried at st.
' Michaels,
death he appears to have suffered some reverses of for- cornhiu.
tune ; for in 1502 he resigned his gown on the plea of
poverty and retired to his mansion in Essex. The
author of the curious Fragment which we have given
in the present volume from Hearne's edition of Sprott,
alludes to the circumstance of the first edition of Fa- his chronicle
¦ burnt by
byan's Chronicle having been burnt (by order of Cardinal ^"^
Wolsey,) see pages 16 and 17. It is this circumstance <""«•
o 2

196 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
which may account for the great rarity of Pynson's
edition of 1516. .
John The Metrical Chronicle of John Hardyng as a record
of facts is of the utmost importance to the English
Antiquary. He was born in 1378, and brought up in
the household of the celebrated Harry Hotspur, Earl of
Northumberland. His accounts of the transactions of
the reigns of the three Lancastrian Kings, Henry IV.
V. and VI. are therefore entitled to all the credit due to
an eyewitness, for he was present in many of the battles
he records. To Sir Henry Ellis, we are indebted for
journal of his " Journal of the March which preceded the memo-
the inarch to , .
Agincourt. rable battle of Agmcourt, m 1415. He appears to
have rewritten his Chronicle for Richard, Duke of York,
after whose death he presented it to his son, King Ed
ward the Fourth, in 1465, when he must have been in
his 87th year. The exact time of his death is not
He is em- known. He was employed at Rome in 1424 to investi-
ployeu at *¦ *
Rome. ga^e an(j collect documents to ascertain the fealty due
from the Scottish Kings. It was for this, which appears
to have been a perilous service, that he was, probably,
first rewarded by Henry VI. with a pension of ten
pounds per annum ; which in 1457 was raised by letters
patent to 20^. per annum for his life, secured upon the
revenues of the county of Lincoln.
cardinal To John Morton, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury,
AlORTON. L J1
the Life of Richard the Third, put out by Sir Thos.
More has been frequently attributed. With much
greater probability, however, Sir Henry Ellis has ascribed
the continuation of Grafton's Chronicle to his pen.
his early life. He was born at Bere in Dorsetshire in 1410, and edu
cated at Cerne Abbey, whence he removed to Baliol
College in 1446. Having entered upon Holy Orders he
rose rapidly in the Church and Law. After the Battle
of Tewkesbury his attainder was reversed and he ac
companied Edward in his expedition to France in 1475.
He was rector of St. Dunstan's in the East in 1472, one

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF HDWARD IV. 197
of the Prebends of St. Paul's in the same year, Master
of the Rolls in 1473, and Archdeacon of Winchester in
the year following, retaining his prebendal stall in Salis
bury which had been granted him in 1458. In 1474 he Rapid rise
was Archdeacon of Chester, the next year Archdeacon me"t»-
of Huntingdon, and a prebend of Well's Cathedral. In
1476 a prebend of York, and Archdeacon of Berkshire ;
and in 1477 Archdeacon of Leicester. His great patron,
the Cardinal Archbishop Bourchier, introduced him to
King Henry VI. who made him one of his privy coun- Privy Coun
cil. During the life of his sovereign he adhered entirely Henry vi.
to his interests with so great fidelity, that on that account
Edward admired him the more, and sought to attach courted hy
i • , • -i .i-iii. , Edward IV.
him to his person, and was guided by his counsel. He
was Master of the Rolls, and keeper of the great seal in
1473, and in 1475 was appointed one of the commis
sioners for carrying out the treaty with France. In
1478 he was made Bishop of Ely and Lord Chancellor of
England, and to mark his high esteem for him, the King
appointed him one of his executors. After the death of
Edward the Fourth he was placed in confinement by imprisoned
T . UY Richard
command of Richard III. along with the Archbishop m.
Rotheram, the Lord Stanley and others. The Univer
sity of Oxford, however, petitioned for his liberation in
a long Latin epistle to Richard, and he was, in conse
quence, given in ward to the Duke of Buckingham, then
a strong partizan of the Usurper, whom, nevertheless,
he completely brought over to the other side by his
arguments. He was sent to the Duke's castle in Breck
nockshire, whence he escaped, and joined the Earl of
Richmond on the Continent. It was by his advice that
the marriage of the young Earl with the eldest daughter
of the late King was then determined on ; and to him
therefore is due the policy of having thus cemented the
interests of the White and Red Rose, by which those
cruel and sanguinary Civil Wars were happily brought
to a close.

198 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
Employed by After the battle of Bosworth-field Henry the Seventh
iieury vn. ^^ fof Bjghop ]y[ortoll) an(j ca\lerl him to his privy
Council. On the death of Cardinal Bourchier in 1486,
he succeeded to the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and
was made a Cardinal by Pope Alexander the Sixth in
1493, and was elected Chancellor of the University of
Oxford in 1494. He died Sep. 15th 1500, in his 90th
year.
Hiscim- He is considered one of the greatest statesmen of
""''''' his time, and united in himself those great requisites,
learning, probity, liberality and spirit. The latter qua
lity enabled him to repress, in some measure, the King's
avarice ; for he never lacked courage to give him his fair
and honest opinion upon any proposal which came before
His benefac- him. The emoluments he derived from the lucrative
country. s offices he held were employed greatly to the advantage
of posterity. The famous drain from Peterborough to
Wisbeach, a distance of 12 miles across a fenny country,
and still called " Morton's Leame," was completed at
his sole expense, for the benefit of the country. He is
said to have built the Tower of Wisbeach Church, and
to have rebuilt Rochester Bridge ; to have repaired the
Canon-Law-School at Oxford, and to have completed the
building of the Divinity Schools, and the rebuilding of
St. Mary's Church. The Episcopal residences at Can
terbury, Lambeth, Maidstone, Allington Park, Charing,
and Ford, the latter in particular, were put into thorough
repair at his own individual cost and charges.
wilmam William Caxton, a name not to be spoken, but with
Caxton. r
feelings of the purest gratitude, and veneration, claims
our notice as an Annalist of this period. It would be
out of place to enter here into the controversy of the
first invention of Printing. The curious reader will learn
with pleasure, that a forthcoming publication, the quiet
investigation of a whole life, devoted to this subject by the
late Mr. S . Sotheby, will probably put this question at rest.
Some idea of the state of Literature, and the scarcity of

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

199

Books, at the period of the introduction of the Art of state of
Printing may be formed from "terature'
The Inventory of English Books, of John Paston, made (Fenn's Let.
the 5th day of November Anno IX. (1469) Regnitw™)""'
Regis Edwardi Quarti.3

1.

A Book had of my Hostess of the George.

Catalogue of

Of the Death of Arthur, beginning at Cassibelan ; "" R"g"B"-

Guy Earl of Warwick ; Richard, Coeur de Lyon ;
a Chronicle to Edward the Third.
2. Item, a Book of Troilus (by Chaucer) which William
B(ottone)r hath had near ten years, and lent it
to Dame Wingfield, and there I saw it.
3. Item, a black book, with the Legend of (the beautiful)
Lady sans Mercy ; the Parliament of Birds ; the
Temple of Glass, Palatyse and Scitacus; The
Meditations of (Saint Augustine); the Green
Knight.
4. Item, a Book in print of the Play of (Chess).
5. Item, a Book lent Middleton, and therein is :
Belle Dame sans Mercie ; The Parliament of
Birds; Ballad of Guy and Colbrond; (The Horse,)
the Goose, the (Chorle and the Bird;) the Dis
puting between Hope and Despair; * *
Merchant; the Life of St. Crj(styne de Pisa).
6. A red book that Percival Robsart gave me :
Of the Meeds of the Mess ; the Lamentation of
the Child Ypotis ; a Prayer to the Vernicle,
called the Abbey of the Holy Ghost.
7. Item, in quires, Tully de Senectute : — in divers
(places) whereof there is no more clear written —
8. Item, in quires, Tully, or Cypio (Cicero) de Amicitia ;
left with William Wyrcester.
9. Item, in quires, a book on the Policy of I.

gentleman's
library.

3 Several of these manuscripts
were copied expressly for Sir John
Paston, by William Ebesham, whose

account for the same is given by Sir
John Fenn in the second volume of
the Letters of the L'aston Family.

200

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

10. Item, in quires, a book de Sapientia, wherein the
second person is likened to Sapience. (Lydgate's
Werke of Sapience.)
11. Item, a Book de Othea (on Wisdom) text and gloss,
in quires. Memorandum.
Mine old Book of Blazoning of Arms.
Item, the new Book, pourtrayed and blazoned.
Item, a Copy of Blazoning of Arms, and the. Names
to be found by letter. (Alphabetically.)
Item, a book with arms pourtrayed in paper.
Memorandum.
My Book of Knighthood ; and the Manner of
making of Knights ; of Justs ; of Tournaments ;
fighting in Lists ; paces holden by Soldiers ;
Challenges ; Statutes of War ; and de Regimine
Principum.
Item, a Book of New Statutes from Edward IV.

(Sir John
I'ejm, vol. ii,
p. 10.)

We have here the Catalogue of the Private Collection
of an English Gentleman, fond of books,4 who had em
ployed persons to transcribe manuscripts for him. It is
evidently the inventory of the entire Collection, for he
enumerates those volumes which he had lent to his
friends. Most of the works are well known and are
noticed by Mr. Warton in the History of English Poe
try. " Before the invention of the Art of Printing,
the number of writers or copiers was very great. Most

4 We gather his love of books
from several of his letters. In one
dated Oct. 1474 he writes : " As
for Sir James (Glois') books, if it
like you that I may have them, I
am not able to buy them. But
somewhat I would give, and (for)
the residue with a good and de
vout heart, by my troth, I will pray
for his soul. Wherefore, if it like
you, by the next messenger or car

rier, to send them in a day, 1 shall
have them (ad)dressed here ; and
if any of them be claimed hereafter,
in faith I will restore it." In the
answer to this letter the price of the
books is ascertained " to be 20s. and
6d. but the best of all, and the fair
est is claimed." In reply to this
communication the purchase is de
clined, but with evident regret, as
he was pressed for money matters.

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

201

Monasteries and Religious Houses, had an office called
a Scriptorium, wherein several writers were almost con
stantly employed in copying Books on various subjects,
Missals and Books of Psalms, etc. richly and elegantly
adorned with Illuminations. Men of Fortune and
Learning likewise occasionally employed copiers to tran
scribe books for their libraries." In the Paston Corre
spondence, vol. II. p. 11, is a letter from a person of this
description, praying Sir John Paston for the settlement
of his account, which he furnishes at the same time.
From this and another curious document, we gather Expenses of
that 2d. per leaf (4>d. of our money, and equivalent in Lnofbooks,
value to Is. 8d. of the present day) was the price paid to Printing*. '°
copyists ; that vellum was 20d. per quire, (equal in value
to 16s. 8d. at present,) and that each quire consisted of
four sheets or eight leaves. To these expenses had to
be added the rubricating, flourishing of capitals, orna
mental borders, and the binding. The latter appears to
have been a most expensive process, for a single volume Binding very
small folio is charged at 12s. (in the present day equal to Mpi!I"""
£6. taking the market price of wheat as the means of
calculating the relative value,) but as the volume was
richly illuminated, and executed for Sir John Howard,
afterwards Duke of Norfolk, it may have had silver clasps
and ornaments, though not mentioned in the account.
Such was the expense and trouble incurred in obtaining
even some eighteen or twenty volumes, that very few
private collections were so extensive as that of which we
have just given the catalogue. The art of printing, by
the facility with which it multiplied books, enabled the
higher classes to indulge in a luxury, which had already
been enjoyed by their continental neighbours for up
wards of twenty years. The chief productions of the
press of Caxton5 were :

5 A List of Works from the Press
of Caxton, taken from the Biblio
grapher's Manual of Mr. Lowndes.

" Fevre, Raoul le. Recueil des
Histoires de Troyes.
Russell, Joh. Propositio.

202

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Cax ton's
Publications.

I. Raoul le Fevre Recueil des Histoires de Troyes ;
II. an English Translation of the same by himself ; Lord

Fevre, Raoul le. Recuyell of
the Historyesof Troye.
Chess. — The Game and Playe of
the Chesse. Two editions.
Fevre, Raoul le. Boke of the
hoole Lyf of Jason.
Philosophy. — The Dictes and
Sayengis of Philosophers. Three
editions. Christine of Pisa. The moral
Prouerbes of Cristyne.
Cordyale, or Memorare novis-
sima. Caxton, William. The Chro-
nycles of Englond. The Discrip-
cion of Britayne.
Mirror of the World. — Thymage
or Myrrour of the World. Two
editions. Reynard the Fox. — The Historye
of Reynard the Foxe.
Cicero. The Boke of Tulle of
old Age, &c.
Godfrey of Bullogne. — The last
Siege and Conqueste of Jherusalem.
Higden, Ranulph. Polycroni-
con. Goileville, Guil. de. Pylgre-
mage of the Sowle.
Festival. — Liber Festivalis. Qua-
tuor Sermones. Two editions.
Gower, John. Confessio Aman-
tis. Voraqine, Ja. de. The Golden
Legende. Three editions.
Cato, Dion. The Book callyd
Cathon. Cato. — Parvus Catho.
Tour-Landry, GeofTroy de la.
The Knyght of the Toure.
jEsop. The subtyl Historyes
and Fables of Esope.
Chivalry.— The Book of the Or-
dre of Chyualry or Knyghthode.
Royal Book.— The Ryal Book ;
or a Book for a King.
Arthur, King of Great Britain. —
A Book of the noble Historyes of
Kynge Arthur and of certeyn of his
Knyghtes. Charles the Great.— The Lyf of
Charles the great.

Paris. — Thystory of the Knyght
Parys and of the fair Vyene.
Le Grand, Ja. The Book of
good Maners.
Roye, Guy de. Doctrinal of
Sapience. Christine of Pisa. The Fayt
of Armes and of Chyualrye.
Gerson, John. The Arte and
Crafte to knowe well to dye.
Virgil. The Boke of Eneydos.
Chaucer, Geoffrey. The Book
of the Tales of Cauntyrburye. Two
editions. Infancia Salvatoris.
Boethius, A. M. T. S. The
Boke of Consolacionof Philosophie.
Chaucer and Lydgate's Mi
nor Poems.
Chaucer, Geoffrey. The Book
of Fame.
Chaucer, Geoffrey. Troylus
and Creside.
Travels. — A Book for Travellers.
Katherine of Siena. The Lyf
of Saint Katherine of Sene, with the
Reuelacyons of Seynt Elysabeth the
Kynges Daughter of Ilungarye.
Bonaventure, Saint. Specu
lum Vitae Christi.
Directorutn Sacerdotum.
Lydgate, John. TheWerkeof
Sapience. Book. — A Boke of diuers fruyt-
ful ghostly Matters.
Chartier, Alain. The Curial
made by Mayster Alain Charretier.
Lydgate, John. The Lyf of our
Lade. Wenefrede, Saint. — The Lyf of
Saynt Wenefryde.
Lucidary. — A lytel Tretise, in-
tytuled or named, The Lucedarye.
Blancbardin and Eglantine. —
The Historye of Kynge Blanchar-
dyn and Queen Eglantyne his Wyfe.
Rhodes. — The Siege of the Cytee
of Rhodes.
Statuta ap'dWestmonasterifi edi-
ta Anno primo Regis Ricardi tercii.
Statutes, i. ii. iv. Henry VII.
Chastising of God's Children. —

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

203

Rivers' Dictes and Sayings of Philosophers ; Lord
Worcester's Translation of Cicero ; His own Chronicle
of England ; the works of Gower, Chaucer and Lydgate ;
a translation by himself of Virgil, from the French;
Ovid; Boethius; Aesop's Fables ; Cato; Higden's Po-
lycronicon ; the Legenda Aurea, or Lives of the Saints ;
various devotional works, and a 'whole library of Ro
mances. He was, also, the King's printer, which office
he continued to hold in the reigns of Richard III. and
Henry VII, the Acts of both sovereigns being included
in the list of his publications given below.
William Caxton was born in the Weald of Kent, about his birth and
T • . . early life.
the year 1412. His father gave him a better education
than usually fell to the lot of persons of his station, and
afterwards apprenticed him to Robert Large, a mercer
and merchant of considerable eminence. It has been
conjectured that his master received consignments of
books, which the infant art of printing on the continent
already rendered an important article of commerce.
Hence Caxton 's love of Literature, which never forsook
him in after life. It is much to his credit that in his
master's will he was remembered by a legacy of 20
marks, a considerable sum of money in those days.
Though a freeman of the Mercers' Company he does not
appear to have followed that calling, and in 1464 we find
him employed by the King, with Richard Whitehill, as
"ambassadors and special deputies" to conclude a treaty Ambassador
of trade and commerce between Edward and Phdip, Burgundy.
Duke of Burgundy. Mons. van Praet, in his " Notice (SeeP- 179->
sur Colard Mansion," already quoted, says he held an
office, similar to our present Consuls, at Bruges, in 1469. £™3^at
He appears to have accompanied the Princess Margaret J^J^'"
to Burgundy in 1468, and from the freedom she uses in uuchessof

The prouffitable Boke for Manes
Soule,— called the Chastysing of
Goddes Children.
Love. — Tretyse of Loue, &c.
Health.-Gouernale of Helthe, &c.

Horse.Ballad. — A fragment of a ballad
printed by Caxton is in the British
Museum.

204

. THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Burgundy's
household.

His transla
tion of Raoul
le Fevre.

His style.

His press
produces English
books.

finding fault with his English, and desiring him to cor
rect it, he was probably of her household. It was a
fortunate circumstance for him that his Royal Mistress
thus interested herself in his literary pursuits. She de
sired to see his translation of Raoul le Fevre 's French
History of Troy, and although she pointed out the un-
couthness of his style', she encouraged him to proceed
with it, and amply rewarded him upon its completion.
The prologues and epilogues furnish us with many par
ticulars of himself, for instance, that at the time of his
finishing his labours, his eyes " were dimmed with over
much looking on white paper ; that his courage was not
so prone and ready to labour as it had been ; that age
was creeping on him daily ; that he had practised and
learnt, at his great charge and expense, to ordain this
said book in print, after the manner and form as we
there see it, and not written with pen and ink as other
books be."
His style is, on the whole, fluent and simple; and,
even occasionally, forcible and melodious. His criticisms
are sound, and that on Chaucer is more clearly and justly
expressed than, perhaps, any similar production of the
period. His want of knowledge of the learned languages
has been fully compensated to us by the obligation he
was thus under of confining the productions of his press
to works, with few exceptions, written in the vernacular
tongue. This circumstance, no doubt, greatly encou
raged a taste for English Literature, and the press of
Caxton may thus be said to have created a school 6, by

6 As an illustration of the great
improvement in style at this period
the following verses, preserved in
the Paston Letters, vol. ii. p. 305,
maybe taken. They were addressed
to her lover by a lady, during his
absence in the wars. I.
" Myrightgood Lord, most knightly
gentle Knight,

Unto your Grace, in my most
humble wise,
I me commend, as it is due and
right!
Beseeching you at leisure to advise
Upon this bill, and pardon mine
emprize
Grounded on Folly, for lack of
providence,
Unto your Lordiship to write with
out license."

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

205

which the language of his country was enabled to com- AD- u>7-
pete with those of Greece and Rome. His first produc
tions were completed during his residence abroad in
1471 ; but the exact period of his establishment in
Westminster has never been ascertained. He continued
to pursue his industrious calling till tlie time of his death
in 1491 or 1492, having translated no less than 5000 his death
closely printed pages, besides attending to the labours of
his printing office, and the consequent toil of compila
tion. His original works are : The Chronicles of England his chroni-
, , to cles of
and the Description of Britain ; printed in the same England.
volume in 1480. The list of his publications given be
low is a triumphant record of his editorial labours. Till
of late years no monument recorded the spot where he
first exercised that art,
" Which breathes a soul into the silent walls,"
and even at this moment the few inches of white marble,
placed by the Roxburghe Club on as many inches of the
walls of Westminster Abbey, (which were purchased,
and not granted,) is passed over by the stranger who
visits this venerable pile without noticing that it was
here that the first printing press in England was esta
blished.

II.
" But when a man doth with a fever
shake,
Now hot, now cold, as falleth by
adventure, —
He in his mind conjecture will,
and take
The nighest means to work (or
aid) his cure,
More patiently his pains, (thus) to
endure ;
And right so I, so it you not dis
please,

Write in this wise, my pains (so)
to appease."
The entire poem consists of eight
similar verses, and embodies seve
ral natural, tender, and affecting
thoughts, which will repay the pe
rusal of such as are curious in
these matters. The words intro
duced in italics were necessary to
render the metre complete, when
copied into modern spelling, the
word peynys, pains, being of two
syllables in the 15th century.

20G

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Inscription
In West
minsterAbbey.

RichardArnold.

His Chro
nicle.

TO THE MEMORY OF
WILLIAM CAXTON,
WHO FIRST INTRODUCED INTO GREAT BRITAIN
THE ART OF PRINTING,
AND WHO, A.D. 1477, OR EARLIER,
EXERCISED THAT ART
IN THE ABBEY OF WESTMINSTER,
THIS TABLET
IN REMEMBRANCE OF ONE
TO WHOM
THE LITERATURE OF HIS COUNTRY
IS SO LARGELY INDEBTED,
WAS RAISED
ANNO DOMINI MDCCCXX.
UY THE ROXBURGnE CLUB.
EARL SPENCER, K.G. PRESIDENT.
Another Chronicler of the period was Richard Arnold,
who compiled a miscellany of information, under the
title of : " The Names of the Bailiffs, Custos, Mayors,
and Sheriffs of the City of London from the Time of
King Richard the First, etc.," which gives no idea of
its curious contents. It preserves family recipes of the
time, the various lists mentioned on the titlepage, muni
cipal regulations, assizes of Bread, and that most charm
ing piece of old poetry, "the JitutbiOuin JWaflJ." He
appears to have died, aged about 70 years, in 1521, and
to have been a merchant trading to Flanders, a member
of the Haberdashers' Company. In 1488 he was con
fined in the castle of Sluys, in Flanders, as a spy, and has
given in his volume, among the forms and precedents,
a charter of pardon granted to him for treasonable prac
tices. The first edition of his book was printed at Ant
werp by John Doesborowe, about 1 500.

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

207

Dr. John Warkworth, whose Chronicle we have dr. joun
given at page 101, was Master of St. Peter's College, worth.
Cambridge, from 1473 to 1498.
Though the Inns of Court and Chancery were crowded
with law students during the reign of Edward the Fourth,
only two names occur amongst them, worthy of being
recorded : Sir Thomas Littleton,' the author of the best Sirt T»°s-
LlTTI.BTON.
book on Land Tenures, and Sir John Fortescue, tutor 8iu ,t„„n
to the unfortunate Edward, Prince of Wales, for whose cmTISS01"'-
instruction he compiled his admirable work : " de Laudi-
bus Legum Anglice,"8 during the exile of Margaret and
her son in France after the battle of Towton. Little
ton died in 1481, leaving three sons and an ample for
tune. Fortescue accompanied the Queen and his charge
on their return to England in 1471, and after the battle
of Tewkesbury submitted to Edward the Fourth, and
died at the advanced age of ninety. He was the greatest
ornament of his profession, and one of the best and most
learned men of the age in which he lived.
Anthony Woodville, Lord Scales and Earl Rivers, AnthonyWOODVII.I.K,
the Queen s brother, whose chivalrous and courteous be- earl
. ,111 ItlVBRS.
haviour, daring and invincible courage, and loyal and
devoted attachment to his sovereign, have been already
so fully recorded, again claims our attention as occupy
ing the highest rank in the Literature of the period in
which he lived. Like the great Earl of Worcester he
was the early patron of Caxton, and had the additional Patron of
J L Caxton, who
gratification of beholding his own labours issue from that prints his
press, which his countenance had called into being, and
which the cruelty of the times had denied to his rival.
His srateful printer thus notices his works : " The noble (Caxton's
o i Preface to
and virtuous Lord Anthony, Earl Rivers, Lord Scales, cordyaie.or
•* Memorare
and of the Isle of Wight, Uncle and Governour to my novisdma.)
Lord Prince of Wales — notwithstanding the great labours

7 First printed in 1481 , by Lettou
and Machlinia.
8 After remaining long in MS.

it was edited by a descendant and
published in 1714.

208

. THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [l.AST X YEA as

111b works
enumerated.

(Preface to
Victis or
Saynges.)

His auto-
Sraph In the
rit. Mils.

and charges that he hath had in the service of the King
and the said Lord Prince, as well in Wales as in England,
which hath been to him no little thought, and business,
both in spirit and body, as the fruit thereof experimen
tally sheweth ; yet over that to enrich his virtuous dis
position, he hath put him(self) in (en)deavour, when he
might have a leisure, which was but starte-mele (at inter
vals) to translate divers books out of French into English.
Amongst others, passed through mine hands, ' the Booke
of the Wise Sayings, or Dictes of Philosophers,'— and
1 the wise wholesome Proverbs of Christine of Pisa,1 9 set
in metre : — Over this he hath made ' divers Ballads
against the Seven Deadly Sins.' — Furthermore, he took
upon him the translating of this present work, named :
' Cordyale,' trusting that both the readers and hearers
thereof, should know themselves hereafter the better, and
amend their living."
Earl Rivers thus expresses himself respecting his
" Dictis or Saynges of Philosophers : When I had
heeded and looked upon it, as I had time and space, I
gave thereto a very affection. And especially because of
the wholesome and sweet sayings of the paynims, which
is a glorious fair mirror to all good christian people to
behold and understand. Over that (besides) a great
comfort to every well disposed soul. It lauds virtue and
science ; — it blames vices and ignorance." It was this
book that the Earl presented to the King, accompanied
by Caxton. Horace Walpole has given, as frontispiece
to his Royal and Noble Authors, the facsimile of an illus
tration representing this event, which contains the only
authentic portrait of Edward the Fifth. I cannot refrain
from calling attention to the Earl of Rivers' autograph

9 " In this translation the Earl
discovered new talents, turning the
work into a poem of 203 lines, the
greatest part of which he contrived
to make conclude with the letter E :

an instance at once of his Lordship's
application, and of the bad taste of
the age, which had witticisms and
whims to struggle with as well as
ignorance." — ( Walpole.)

OF EDWARD IV.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

209

preserved in the volume numbered 4431 in the Harlcian Eaii Rivers.
Collection, which contains the Works of Christine de
Pisan, of which a facsimile has been given by Sir Frede
rick Madden in the Archseologia, vol. XXVI. p. 273.
The Earl Rivers was beheaded at Pontefract in 1483, Beheaded in
in his 41st year, by order of Richard III. The night im'
before his execution he composed the following some- (Rossi
what irregular lines, which have been preserved by John Historia,
T> l J p. 214.)
Kous : —

Somewhat musing
And more mourning
In remembring The uusteadfastness
This world being
Of such wheeling
Me contrarying, What may I guess !
II.
I fear doubtless
RemedilessIs now to see
My woful chance !
(For unkindness,*
Without the less,
And no redress
Me doth advance !
III.
With, displeasance
To my grievance
And no 'surance
Of remedy.)

Lol in this trance
Now in substance
Such is my dance,
Willing to die !
IV.
Methinks truly
Bounden am I
And this greatly
To be content ; —
Seeing plainly
That fortune doth wry
All contrary From mine intent !

My life was lent
Me to one intent,
It is not spent ;
Welcome Fortune !
But I ne'er went (weaned)
Thus to be shent (killed)
But so it ment,
Such is her Won(£.)

Verses writ
ten just pre
vious to
execution.

" The hair shirt which he wore next his skin, shows
that he complied with the forms of his creed ; it was
hung up before the image of the Holy Virgin Mary, in
the Carmelite Friary at Doncaster," after his execution.
Thus by a similar fate fell both the restorers of literature
in England, " whose countenance and example must (WaipoUU
have operated more strongly in its cause, than the |* au-
attempts of an hundred professors, Benedictines and Com-

* Supplied from Ritson's Songs.
1"

210

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [l.AST X YEARS

Eari Rivers, mentators ." Like Boethius of old, the Earl Rivers felt
the consolations of Philosophy and Learning, even in the
hour of an ignominious death, which by their means was
deprived of its greatest bitterness.
His continual presence about the King and Queen,
cherished a love for literature in the former, who feeling
how much his own education had been neglected, had
already provided that both his brothers, Clarence and
Gloucester should derive all the advantages in that
respect, which it was in his power to bestow. Towards
the close of his reign his anxiety was manifested that his
son, the Prince of Wales should possess every accom
plishment necessary to qualify him for the high station,
to which he was born ; and the rules already quoted,
show him to have been no mean judge of the requisites of
Ean Rivers the Kingly office. The Earl Rivers was appointed Cham-
chamb'e'rtain berlain to the Prince, and the Cardinal Morton tutor,
and in the King's will the latter was nominated one of his
executors. Amongst the Clergy Archbishops Bouchier and Ro-
theram, and Bishops Stillington, Russell, Alcock, Wain-
fleet, Martin, Storie,11 Peacock, and Morton deserve
particular notice. Most of these will claim our at
tention in a subsequent chapter, when considering the
state of parties in the court of Edward, after the death
of the Duke of Clarence.
The revival of Letters had led to the founding and
endowment of several Colleges, both at Oxford and
Cambridge, but these owe their rise chiefly to Henry VI.
and Queen Margaret, to whom also the country is in
debted for the establishment of Eton College. Both
Edward and his Queen, however, were munificent
patrons to them, and the royal taste is discernible in the

to Edward
Prince of
Wales.

TheCleroy.

Architecture.

11 Edward Storie, or Story, was
consecrated Bishop of Carlisle in
1468, and translated to Chichester
in 1477. He was Confessor to the

Queen, and died in 1502. The
beautiful cross at Chichester was
erected by his munificence.

OF EDWARD IV.] THE RRIGN OF EDWARD IV.

211

exquisite Architecture of King's College Chapel, Cam- architec.
bridge, the Chapel of Eton College,12 and St. George's
Chapel at Windsor,13 the latter of which was built by
Edward the Fourth. The Divinity School at Oxford,
completed in 1480, the Public Schools in Cambridge,
finished in 1475, and the Collegiate Church of Fotherin-
gay, besides numerous other Ecclesiastical edifices, prove
that Gothic Architecture had arrived at it's highest
perfection during his reign.
The progress made in the Art of Gunnery was slow gunnery.
and gradual. To Edward we are, however, indebted for
the introduction of hand culverines,14 which were first
brought into England by him on his return from Flan
ders in 1471, and to these he was probably indebted for
the signal success which attended his brilliant campaign
for the recovery of his throne. He had paid particular
attention previously, to the construction of his field-
pieces, introducing font-metal or bronze, instead of iron.
With what advantage he employed his ordinance has
been already recorded at page 113, where he dispersed
the Lincolnshire rebels ; and also how he dislodged the
Duke of Somerset at Tewkesbury by means of " his
gun-shot, and shot of arrows."
The numerous images which were placed in the scolpturh.
churches, the magnificent tombs erected to the memory
of the great, and the employment of statues for exterior
decoration, in the rich gothic architecture of those
days, must have produced many artists, whose works
and names perished at the period of the Reformation.
Horace Walpole has, however, preserved a curious de
scription of a " new Sepulchre, well gilt," made for the

12 In Queen's College, Cambridge,
is a coeval portrait of Queen Eliza
beth Woodville, who was the second
foundress. Jane Shore, may be con
sidered the second foundress of
Eton College ; for by her interces
sion the lands of which the college
had been despoiled by Edward, were

restored. A contemporary Portrait
of her is preserved in the College.
13 See Pote's History of Windsor,
p. 50. He appointed the Bishop of
Salisbury, Richard Beauchamp,
Master and Surveyor of the Works,
14 See Warkworth's Chronicle, p.
121 , where they are called handguns.

P 2

212 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
Church of St. Mary, Redcliffe, Bristol, by " Master
Cumings," in the year 1470.
paintino. Painting seems to have been confined to mere lim
ning, with exception of the decorations employed in
books. Many of these are exquisitely finished, and
though somewhat stiff in the drawing, they display con
siderable taste in grouping, and in the disposition of
light and shade. To us, however, they possess a value
Book niumi- beyond this in preserving portraits of celebrated per-
"" ,on3' sonages, and the costume of the latter part of the 15 th
century. The Manuscript in the Library at Lambeth
Palace mentioned at page 208 preserves portraits of
Edward, the Queen, the Prince of Wales, the Duke of
Gloucester, and other members of the Court, and Mr.
Strutt in his Regal and Ecclesiastical Antiquities has
given facsimiles from numerous others, chiefly preserved
in the British Museum, whilst the elegant plates of Mr.
Shaw, taken from the same source, but more accurately
facsimiled than those of his predecessors, show to what
perfection the art of illuminating had arrived in the
reign of Edward the Fourth.

CHAPTER V.
The Royal Brothers, Edioard IV. Clarence and
Gloucester.
Edward, whatever his other faults may have been,
was kind and affectionate in his conduct to his younger
The family brothers. Richard, Duke of York had a numerous fa
ct- Richard ., - - . .„ -,,
?orkk °f y' y ' Clcety' daughter of the Earl of West
moreland, seven sons, and four daughters, who were all
younger than Edward, with the exception of Anne,
Duchess of Exeter, and Henry, who died young. Of
this large familyi, Edmund, Duke of Rutland, was slain
1 The following Royal Genealogy is translated from William
Wyrcester, as published by Hearne, p, 525-527.

OF EDWARD 1V.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 213
with his father in the Battle of Wakefield, Dec. 30, The Royal
14G0, in his 17th year ; and William and John died in Fam"y'
early life. Of the daughters, Anne was married to
Henry Holand, Duke of Exeter, from whom she was

" The Generation of the most Illustrious Prince, Richard, Duke
of York, etc. by his wife, the most gentle Princess, Cecilia,
daughter of the illustrious Lord, Ralph, Earl of
Westmoreland, by his second wife the most
Noble Lady, Joan, daughter of the
most potent Prince, John, Duke
of Lancaster, Son of
King Edward III.
The Lady Anne, the firstborn of the most Illustrious Prince, Anne,
Richard, etc. was born at a certain manor of the Lord Bishop of Exeter? °
Ely, called Hatfield; on the 9th of February, A. 1441, in the after
noon, the 17th hour (Jive o'clock, a. m. Feb. 10th.).*
["A.D. 1441. Henry, eldest son of Richard, Duke of Henry rian-
York, was born at Hatfield, on Friday, the 10th of February, at ug™e '
five in the morning." — (Annates, p. 461.)]
The Lord Edward, the second son of the Illustrious Prince Edward iv.
Richard, was born in the City of Rouen, on the 27th of April, in
the year 1442, in the afternoon, the 14th hour and 45 minutes, (45
minutes past 2 o'clock, a. m. April 28th.).f
The Lord Edmund, the third son of the Illustrious Prince Edmund,
Richard, was born in the city of Rouen, on (Monday) the 17th of Rutland,
May in the year 1443, the 7th hour of the afternoon, and was
Christened in the long font of Rollo, in which none other but him
has been baptized from the time of the said Rollo. He was slain
with his father in the Battle of Wakefield (Dec. 30, 1460).
Elizabeth, the second daughter of the said Prince, was born Elizabeth,
c , • i , Duchess of
at Rouen, the 21st of September m the year 1444, exactly at the Suffolk.
14th hour in the afternoon (2 o'clock, a. m. Sep. 22nd.).%

* In his Annals Wyrcester says :
Anne, Duchess of Exeter, daughter
of Richard Duke of York, and
Cicely his wife, was born at Fo-
theringay, on Tuesday the 10th of
March, 1441, between the hours of
five and six, in the morning. — (p.
4G0.) f In the Annals our author
says that Edward was born on

Monday the 28th of April, 1442,
two hours after midnight, and adds
naively: " qui conceptus est in ca
mera proxima capellae palacii de
Hatjield."— (p. 462.)
J Here is a discrepancy between
this account and his Annals. He
there gives Tuesday, April 22nd, at
2 o'clock in the morning, as the
time of her birth. — (p. 402.)

214

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [l.AST X YEARS

The Royal
Family.

divorced after the Battle of Barnet, and married secondly
Sir Thomas St. Leger, who accompanied Edward in his
expedition against Louis XL; — Elizabeth married Wil
liam de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk ; and Margaret, after
Edward's accession, was wedded with great pomp to
Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy. Ursula the
youngest child died young. George, at the time of his
brother's accession was in his twelfth year, and was
immediately created Duke of Clarence. Richard, then
in his ninth year, was created Duke of Gloucester.

Marguret.Duchess of
Burgundy.

William Plnntugenet.John Pluntagenet.

George, Duke
of Clarence.

Richard III.

The Lady Margaret, the third daughter of the said most
noble Prince was born at Waltham Abbey, on (Tuesday) the 3rd of
May in the year 1446.
The Lord William, the fourth son of the said Prince, was
born in the Castle of Fotheringay, the 7th of July, 1447.
The Lord John, the fifth son of the said Prince, was. born at
Nexte,* near London, in the Manor of the Abbot of Westminster,
on the 7th of November, in the year of our Lord 1448, and was
baptized at Chelsea.
The Lord George, the sixth son of the said Prince was born
in the castle of Dublin in Ireland, on the 21st of October in the
year of our Lord 1449, at mid-day, and baptized in the church of
St. Saviour's."
[This account of the Family of York must have been drawn out
by W. Wyrcester before the year 1452, in which year he records
in his Annals : " On Monday the 2nd of October Richard, (son
of Richard, Duke of York) was born at Fotheringay.
Anno 1455, Ursula, daughter of Richard, Duke of York, was
born on St, Margaret's day, July 20th." — (Wyrcester Annates,^.
577-)]

Edward IV.
King of
England,
France, and
Ireland.

Genealogy of Edward IV.
The Noble Edward, dating from the Conquest, the Fourth
(of that name) King of England and France ; and true heir of
Castile and Leon ; Duke of Normandy, Aquitaine and Angiers ;
and Lord of Ireland, was son and heir of the most Illustrious
Prince, Richard Plantagenet, late Duke of York, son and heir of

* In his Annals he calls this place Neyte, (probably our present
Knightsbridge).

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV, 215
As the young princes approached towards manhood,
they appear to have looked upon the Queen's relations
with a jealous eye, and to have been more frequently the
inmates of the Earl of Warwick's house, than of their
brother's palace. The Earl was possessed of almost un
bounded power, and his immense wealth and landed
estates would devolve on his death to his two daughters,
the ladies Isabella and Anne Neville. The vice of ava
rice seems to have pervaded all ranks and ages at that
period, and the wealthy heiresses of Warwick attracted
crowds of Nobles to the magnificent mansion of their
father. " The King continued to look upon the Earl,"
says a contemporary, "with a lurking displeasure, for
Anne, daughter and heiress of Roger Mortimer, Earl of Marche, son
and heir of Phillippa, daughter and heiress of Lionel, second son
of Edward the Third, which Edward was the true and undoubted
King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland.
Also, this Edward was son of the said Richard Plantagenet, who King of
was son and heir of Richard, Earl of Cambridge, who was son and Leon.
heir of Edmund Langley, Duke of York, and of Isabel, his wife,
the daughter and heiress of Peter, the true and undoubted King of
Castile and Leon.
Also, this Edward was son of the said Richard Plantagenet, son Duke of
of Anna, daughter of Roger Mortimer, son and heir of Phillippa <""""" '
and Edmund Earl of Marche, who was son to Earl Roger, who was
son to Earl Edmund, who was son to Roger, the first Earl of
Marche, who was son to Gladesduy, who was daughter and heiress
of Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, and wife of Sir Ralph Mortimer,
Knight, who was son of Roger, who was son of Hugh de Mortimer
and Maud, his wife, daughter of William Longa-spata (Longsword)
who was son and heir of Rollo, the first Duke of Normandy.
Also, this Edward is Duke of Angiers, through his father Duke of
Richard Plantagenet, who was son of Anna, who was daughter of ng crs
Roger, who was son of Phillippa, who was daughter of Lionel, who
was son of Edward III, who was son of Edward II, who was
son of Edward I, who was son of Henry III, who was son of John,
who was heir of Richard, who was son of Henry II, who was son
of Geoffrey Plantagenet, Earl of Angiers, who was son of Fulke,
who was son of Geoffrey, who was son of Fulke, who was son of
Rechin, who was son of Geoffrey, who was son of Fulke, the first
Earl of Angiers.

216 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [ LAST X YEARS
he had discovered a secret betrothment between the
Duke of Clarence and the daughter of the Earl, whose
object he had long suspected was to bring about such a
marriage. Master Lacy had been sent to Rome for a
dispensation, on account of their consanguinity, so that
this marriage might be accomplished, but it could not be
listened to by the Pope." Edward did all in his power
to prevent it, for Clarence was yet next heir male to the
crown, and he feared Warwick's ambition might seek to
place his son-in-law on the throne. His efforts, however,
Clarence's were ineffectual, and the marriage took place, without
at Calais, his consent, in the Church of St. Nicholas at Calais, the
by the Arch
bishop of Bride's uncle, who had been "superseded in his office
(wuiiam 0f Chancellor by the Bishop of Bath and Wells,2 the
Wyrcester, ** *
p. 508.; Archbishop of York performing the ceremony." Where-
( Hearne's fore the King took a great displeasure with them, and
p. 23.) thereupon were certain unkind words betwixt them, in
so much that after that day there was never perfect love
causes an betwixt them. " This caused an estrangement between
between the the two elder brothers, and persuaded by Warwick,
(wuiiam Clarence joined in the Conspiracy, then forming, to
p. 571.) ' dethrone his brother. It was about this time that a
messenger with letters from Queen Margaret was cap
tured in Wales, near Harlech Castle, and was sont to
London to the King, by the Lord Herbert, where he
accused many persons of treason against the King, and
amongst others the Earl of Warwick, and stated that
he had heard beyond seas, it implied that the Earl
favoured the part of Queen Margaret. Wherefore the
King sent him to the Earl, who came not now under the
shelter of his roof, to my Lord at Middlcham. In the
sequel, however, the matter was pronounced frivolous.
Nevertheless the King appointed 200 well tried and
brave English archers, with a pay of 8d. per clay (equal
in value to 7s. at present) to ride and attend upon his
person, and thus accompanied he journeyed to Coventry."

Robert Stillington, see Warkworth's Chronicle, page 106, note ".

OF EDWARD 1V.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 217
" The King, Queen, and many noble personages kept (iim. 012—
Christmas in the Abbey at Coventry, and for six days 13,)
the Duke of Clarence dissembled there."
" And shortly after the feast of Epiphany, by the nccondiiu-
mcans of secret friends, the Archbishop of York and the parties.
Earl of Rivers met at Nottingham, and so were recon
ciled ; upon which the Archbishop accompanied the Earl
of Warwick to the King in Council at Coventry, in the
month of January, when the Earl, the Lords Herbert,
Stafford and Audley were reconciled. And there the
King also restored to the Archbishop the lands of Penley
and Winstone, the grant of which he had previously re
sumed from him."
Matters seemed thus again settled, and the King,
never fond of business, gave himself up once more to
the gratification of his personal pleasures. The Earl on
the contrary, still continued to foment the disaffection to
wards the King. Edward met his parliament in June,
and assured the Commons, through the Earl of Rivers, of
the enjoyment of their liberties and privileges. He then
addressed them himself, " declaring his intention to live (Pariia-
upon his private revenues, and not to levy taxes upon his uoiis, P.672.)
, . ; . , , . , , , The King's
subjects but in great and urgent cases, which would speech,
,. ,,-ir. 0 June, 1469.
concern their own weal, and the defence of the Kingdom
more than his pleasure. For their good will, kindness.
and true hearts he thanked them heartily and promised
to be a good and gracious King to them, and to reign as
right wisely over them, as did any of his progenitors ;
and also, in time of need to apply his person for t.he weal
and defence of them and the realm, not sparing life or
body for any jeopardy that may happen to the same.'"
It was in the midst of this session that London was
visited by the plague, and parliament was consequently
adjourned till November, and again prorogued to the 5th
of May at Reading, and eventually met on the 17th of
May at Westminster.
The Bishop of Bath and Wells addressed it as Chan- Wfy g

218 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
cellor, and contrasted in glowing colours the prosperity
of England, with its distressed state at the King's ac
cession. " Then it was naked and full barren of justice;
the peace not kept, nor the laws duly administered.
war with The Duchies of Normandy, Gascony and Guienne had
ten'piaieu!!' been seized upon by France, and enemies surrounded us
on all sides. The King on the contrary had concluded
a perpetual peace with Spain ; made Commercial trea
ties with Denmark, Germany and Naples ; made peace
with Scotland for fifty years ; and had begun a treaty
with the King of Arragon, and an amity with Bretagne;
whilst by the marriage of his sister with the Duke of
Burgundy a friendship had been firmly rivetted with that
Court. In doing this he declared it was the King's
intent to minish and lessen the power of his ancient
adversary of France. He avowed his master's intention
of crossing the seas to subdue his great and rebel adver
sary, Louis, the usurping King of France, and in con
clusion, noticed the invitations he had received for that
purpose, both from Burgundy and Brittany, calling upon
parliament for its assistance and cooperation." A liberal
supply was voted by the commons, but the secret influence
of Warwick and his confederates defeated the King's
prevented hy measures. An insurrection as unlooked for, as it was
the rebellion • , -vr 1 -xti i />/\ ^/\ -,
in the North, sudden, sprang up m the JNorth. No less than 60,000
men appeared in arms, under a leader, whom they named
Robin of Redesdale, and dispersing papers, specifying
the causes of their assembling, marched on towards Lon
don. The result of this sudden outbreak has already
been given in Hearne's Fragment and Warkworth's
Chronicle,3 and the consequent Battles of Hedgecote and
Stamford. The following proclamations connected with
these events, are of great importance, and give a true
and curious picture of the times.

See Hearne's Fragment, p. 24-5 ; and Warkworth's Chronicle, p. 110.

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 219
" The Duke of Clarence, the Archbishop of York, and
the Earl of Warwick.
Right trusty and well beloved, we greet you well ! The com-
And well ye wit (know), that the King our Sovereign tition
Lord's true subjects of divers parts of this his realm of Barons.—
England, have delivered to us certain bills of Articles, mt/ieAsh-
which we suppose that ye have in those parts, remem- Mmeum,
bering in the same the deceivable covetous rule, and quoiedbyMr.
.......... ' Halliwell.)
guiding, of certain seditious persons ; that is to say :
the Lord Rivers ; the Duchess of Bedford his wife ; Sir
William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke ; Humphrey Staf
ford, Earl of Devonshire ; the Lords Scales, and Aud
ley; Sir John Woodville, and his brethren; Sir John
Fogg ; and others of their mischievous rule opinion and
assent, which have caused our said sovereign Lord, and
his said realm, to fall in (to) great poverty of misery,
disturbing the 'ministration of the laws, only attending
to their own promotion and enriching. The said true
subjects, with piteous lamentation, calling upon us and
other lords, to be means to our said Sovereign Lord for
a remedy and reformation ; wherefore we, thinking the
petition comprised in the said articles, reasonable and
profitable, for the honour and profit of our said Sove
reign Lord, and the common weal of all this his realm,
fully purposed with other lords to show the same to his
good grace, desiring and pray(iw^) you to dispose, and
array yourselves, to accompany us thither, with as many
persons defensibly arrayed as ye can make ; letting you
weet (know) that by God's Grace we intend to be at
Canterbury upon Sunday next coining. Written under
our signets and sign manuels the twelfth day of July,
Anno 1469." 
" In three the next articles underwritten, are comprised References
- - , t0 causes of
and specified the occasions and very causes oj the great discontent in
inconveniences and mischiefs that fell in this land, in the reigns.
days of King Edward the Second, King Richard the

220 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. . [LAST X YEARS
Second, and King Henry the Sixth, to the destruction
of them, and to the great hurt, and impoverishing of
this land."
i. " First, the said Kings estranged the great lords of
ment of the their blood, from their secret council and (were) not
Kings from , _ -
their kin. advised by them ; and taking about them, others not ot
dred. J °
their blood, and inclining only to their council, rule, and
advice, the which persons took not respect, nor conside
ration to the weal of the said princes, nor to the com
monweal of this land, but only to their singular lucre,
and enriching of themselves, and their blood, as well in
their great possessions, as in goods ; by the which
(means) the said princes were so impoverished, that they
had not sufficient of livelihood, nor of goods, whereby
they might keep and maintain their honourable estate,
and ordinary charges, within this realm.
n. Also, the said seditious persons, not willing to leave
the possessions that they had, caused the said princes
to lay such impositions and charges, as well by way of
untrue appeasements to whom they owed evil will unto,
Heavy taxes, as by dismes, taxes, and priests nobles, and other in
ordinate charges, upon their subjects, and commons, to
the great grudge and impoverishing of them, which
caused all the people of this land to grudge.
in. And also, the said seditious persons by their mainte-
ministration nances, where they have (had) rule, would not suffer the
of the laws. i , , ,
laws to be executed, but where they owe(a) favour,
moved the said princes to the same ; by the which there
were no laws at that time duly 'ministered, nor put in
execution, which caused great murders, robberies, rapes,
oppressions, and extortions, as well by themselves, as by
their great maintenances of them to be done, to the
great grudge of all this land.
The private It is so, that where the King our Sovereign Lord hath
property of i ¦, r -i . .
the crown had I al great livelihoods and possessions, as ever had
sufficient for T V^ L '
its expenses. King of England ; that is to say, the livelihood of the
Crown, Principality of Wales, Duchy of Lancaster,

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 221
Duchy of Cornwall, Duchy of York, the Earldom of
Chester, the Earldom of Marche, the Lordship of Ire
land, and others, with great forfeits, besides Tonage and
Poundage of all this land, granted only to the keeping
of the sea. The Lord Rivers, the Duchess of Bedford, The King's
his wife, and their sons ; Sir William Herbert, Earl of "
Pembroke ; and Humphrey Stafford, Earl of Devon
shire ; the Lord Audley, and Sir John Fogg, and others
of their mischievous assent and opinion, which have
advised and caused our said Sovereign Lord to give of
the said livelihood and possessions to them, above their
desserts and degrees, so that ho may not live honourably
and maintain his estate and charges ordinary, within
this land.
And also, the said seditious persons next before ex
pressed, not willing to leave such large possessions
and goods, as they have of our said Sovereign Lord's
gift, have, by subtle and deceivable imaginations, moved
and caused our Sovereign Lord to change his most rich his tamper.
,,..,-,. ° , Ing with the
coin, and mmished his most royal household to the great coin,
abasing of his estate and the commonweal of this land.
Also, the said seditious persons continuing in their
most deceivable, and covetous disposition, have caused
our said Sovereign Lord to ask, and charge us, his true and inordi. ,
Commons, and subjects, with such great impositions,4 otion.
and inordinate charges ; as, by means of borrowing with
out payment ; taking goods of executors of rich men ;
taxes ; dismes ; and priests nobles ; taking great goods
for his household, without payment ; impeachments of
treasons to whom they owe any evil will ; — So that there Perversion of
. . . . . the law-
can be no man of worship or riches, either spiritual or
temporal, knights, squires, merchants, or any other
honest person, in surety of his life, livelihood, or goods,
when the said seditious persons, or any of them, owe
any malice, or evil will, to the great dread, and unport-
* The taxes voted for the wars with France were two fifteenths and
two tenths (dismes).

222

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [f.AST X YEARS

The Pope's
revenues
despoiled.

Undue ad
ministration
of the laws.

Estrangement from
his kindred.

able charges, and the utter impoverishing of us, his true
Commons, and subjects ; — and to the great enriching of
themselves, the premises amounting to two hundred
thousand marks (this year) and more.
Also, the said seditious persons have caused our
said Sovereign Lord to spend the goods of our Holy
Father, the which were given him for defence of Chris
tian faith, of many goodly disposed people of this land,
without repayment of our said Holy Father, for the
which cause this land standeth in jeopardy of Inter
dicting. Also, the said seditious persons, by their maintenances
in the countries where they dwelt, or where they here
rule, will not suffer the King's laws to be executed upon
whom they owed favour unto ; And also moved our said
Sovereign Lord to the same ; by the which the laws be
not duly 'ministered, nor put in execution ; by the
which great murders, robberies, rapes, oppressions, and
extortions, as well by them, as by their great mainte
nances of their servants, to us daily (are) done, and re
main unpunished, to the great hurt and grudge of all
this land.
Also, the said seditious persons have caused our said
Sovereign Lord to estrange the true Lords of his blood,
from his secret Council, to the intent, that they might
attain and bring about their false and deceivable pur
poses, in premises aforesaid, to the great enriching of
themselves, and to the great hurt and poverty of our
said Sovereign Lord, and to all us his true subjects and
commons of this land."

The com- " These underwritten are the petitions of us true and
monsjiet- j-^^j-^ gy^jg,.^ an^ COmmonS} 0f (fog land for fig
(MS. Roll, j 7 7 /- 7 -rr-
Ashmoiean great weal and surety of the King, our Sovereign Lord,
no. i mo, and his heirs, and the Commonweal of this land, ever to
quoted by Mr. - */ 7
Haiiiweii.) be continued. After humble praying of true Lords,
Spiritual and Temporal, to give assistance and aid in

OF EDWARD IV.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 223
this our true and goodly desires ; for we take God to TheCor,,-
record, we intend but only for the weal and safety of the uoT' Pe""
King, our Sovereign Lord, and the common-weal of this
land." " First, that the said seditious persons above named,
which by their subtle and malicious means have caused
our said Sovereign Lord to estrange his good grace from
the Council of the noble and true lords of his blood,
moved him to break his laws and statutes, 'minished his
livelihood and household, changing his [most] richest
coin, and charging this land with such great and inordi
nate impositions, as is above expressed ; to the great
appeirement5 (injury) of his most Royal estate, and im
poverishing of him and all his true Commons, and sub
jects, and only to the enriching of themselves ; may be
punished according to their works and untruths, — so
that all others hereafter shall take example by them.
Also, in eschewing the occasions and causes of the
great inconveniences, and mischiefs, that by the same
have fallen in the King's days, above expressed, as well
upon themselves, as upon this land, and that in times
hereafter might fall ; We the King's true and faithful
Commons and subjects of this land, meekly beseech his
good grace, that it will like him for the great weal of
himself, his heirs, and the commonweal of us his true
subjects, and Commons, for ever to be continued by the
advice, and authority of his Lords Spiritual and Tem
poral to appoint, ordain, and establish for ever, to be The King to.
had such a sufficient of livelihood and possessions, by the revenues of
which he and all his heirs after him may maintain and lands,"™"
keep their most honourable estate with all other ordi
nary charges necessary to be had in this land. So that
he, nor none of his heirs, hereafter, of necessity, need to and thus
charge and lay upon his true Commons and subjects such av
great impositions as before is expressed : Unless that it
' (
6 See the word : pair, or peir, in bichardson's Dictionary.

224 THE nEIGN OF- EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
were for the great and urgent causes concerning as well
the weal of us, as of our said Sovereign Lord : — Accor
ding to the promise that he made in his last parliament
openly with his own mouth unto us.
ah persons Also, to be established by the said authority, that if
crown lands any person of what estate, or degree that he may be,
punished, after the said establishment so ordained, and made, (ex
cept the King's issue and his brethren,) presume, or.
take upon them to ask, or take possession, of any of the
livelihood so appointed, that by the said authority, he be
taken and reputed as he that would 'minish and appair
(impair) the royal estate of his Sovereign Lord, and the
commonweal of this Land. And went (wanting) pardon
so to be punished.
The revenues Also, that the revenues of Tonage and Poundage,
and pound- may be employed in the keeping of the sea, as it was
the seas. granted, and to none other use, for the safety of inter
course of merchandize to (the) great enriching of this
land, and also for the defence [of the] (against) enemies.
Keeping of Also, that the laws and the statutes, made in the
days of your noble progenitor King Edward the Third,
especially for the concerning and keeping of this land in
good health and peace, as well Wales as England, be
duly kept, observed, and executed, for the conservation
of us your true Commons and subjects in peace, and the
commonweal of this, our land."
<Hnm'a ^r" Black, in the Excerpta Historica gives the Con-
p.282.) ' fession of Sir Robert Welles. From this it appears
that a 'squire of the Duke of Clarence's was in the
Battle, and assisted Sir Robert Welles with his advice,
and that the real object of the rebellion was to place the
crown upon Clarence's head. Upon the defeat of Sir
Flight of Robert Welles, and his subsequent confession, the Duke
Clarence and 1 '
Warwick. 0f Clarence and the Earl of Warwick fled to the conti
nent, upon which the King issued the following procla
mations, addressed to the Lord Lieutenants of the
various Counties.

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 225

De Proclamationibus faciendis.
Rex Vicecomiti Warwicensi et Leicestrensi salutem. (Close Roiu,
Tt . . .,.,.... . Id Edward
Jfrcecipimus tibi jirmiter injungentes, quod statim, post ir.motedhy
receptionem prasentium, in singulis locis infra ballivam «*•«•)
tuam, tarn infra libertates quam extra, ubi tnagis expe-
diens videris, ex parte nostra publicas proclamationes
fieri facias, in hac verba : —
Forasmuch as it hath pleased God of his goodness The King's
J , n-T-i-i- 0 FroclQma-
ana grace to send to our Sovereign Lord the victory of tion.
his Rebels and Traitors of his shire of Lincoln, late
assembled in great numbers, levying war against his
Highness, contrary to their allegiance and duty ; Our
said Sovereign Lord, therefore, not willing his subjects,
other than such as now attend upon his most Royal
Person, to be put to charge, labour, and business, by
virtue of his commissions of array, and other writing, ( of)
late addressed to divers shires, cities, and towns, for the
resistence of the malicious and traitorous purposes of the
said Rebels, wills, and in the most strait wise chargeth,
that none of his subjects presume, nor take upon him,
to raise nor make any assembly, or gathering, by reason
of any of the said commissions, or writings, nor by
money, stirring, writing, or commandment made, or
hereafter to be made, by any person, or persons, of what
estate, degree, or condition soever he be of, 'less than
it be by the King's commission, Privy-seal, or writing
under his signet, of new to be made after this the thir
teenth day of March.
And if any person, or persons presume, or take upon
them, or him, to do the contrary hereof, our said Sove
reign Lord will repute, and take him, and them so doing,
as his Enemies and Rebels, and will proceed to their.
lawful punishing, in the [most] straitest wise, according
to his Laws and Statutes in such case ordained.
Q

22G THE IlKIGX OF EDWARD IV. [[.AST X YEARS
Et hoc nullatenus omittas. Teste Rege apud Stamford
xiii. die Martii.

(Cie,e Bom, "Per Ipsdm Regem."
HI Edward
IV-) (Here follow the names of counties.)
De Proci.amationibus faciendis.
Rex Vicecomiti Eborum salutem. Prcecipimus tibi,
quod statim post receptionem prasentium, in singulis locis
infra ballivam tuam, tarn infra libertates quam extra,
ubi magis expediens videris, ex parte nostra publicas
proclamationes fieri facias in hcec verba : —
The King's Howbeit the King our Sovereign Lord granted unto
against1"11011 George, Duke of Clarence, and Richard, Earl of War-
wurwiuk. wick, his pardon general of all offences committed, and
done against him, before the feast of Christinas, last
passed ; trusting thereby to have caused them to have
shewed unto him their natural love, allegiance, and duty;
and to have assisted his Highness, as well in subduing
(the) insurrections and rebellions, late made against him
in the county of Lincoln, as in all other things con
cerning the surety of his person ; and, in trust that they
so would have done according to their promises to him
made, his said Highness authorized them by his commis
sion under his great seal to assemble his subjects in
certain shires, and them to have brought to his said
Highness, to the intent aforesaid ; — yet the said Duke
and Earl, unnaturally, unkindly, and untridy intending
his destruction, and the subversion of his realm, and the
commonweal of the same ; and to make the said Duke
King of this his said Realm, against God's law, man's
law, and all reason, and conscience, dissembled with his
said Highness, and, under colour thereof, falsely and trai-
terously provoked and stirred, as well by their writings
as otherwise, Sir Robei-t Welles, late calling himself

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 227
Great Captain of the Commons of the said shire of Lin
coln, to continue the said insurrections and rebellions,
and to levy war against him, as they, by the same, so
did with banners displayed, advancing themselves in
plain battle, until the time his said Highness, by the help
of God, put them to flight ; wherein the said Duke and
Earl promised to the said Sir Robert and Commons to
have given them their assistance to the uttermost of
their powers, and so would have done, if God had not
given unto him the said victory, as the same Sir Robert confession
Welles, Sir Thomas De la Lande, Richard Warren, weiies, sir
' ' Thos. De la
and others have openly confessed ; and shewed before Li>nde, ami
, . . others.
his said Highness, the Lords of his blood, and the mul
titude of his subjects attending upon him in his host at
this time ; which Sir Robert Welles, and the said other
petty captains, affirmed to be true at their deaths, un-
compelled, unstirred, or undesired so to do ; and as by
the confession of the said Robert Welles, made under his
writing and sign manual, it appeareth. And after that
the said Duke and Earl, understanding and seeing that
this their said labours would not serve to the performing
of their false and traitorous purpose, before declared,
laboured by their writings and messages sent into York
shire unto divers persons there, them straitly charging
to [do] make open proclamations in their own names,
without making mention of his said Highness, that all
manner (of) men upon pain of death should come unto
them, and give them their assurance in resisting of him;
whereupon his said Highness sent unto the said Duke
and Earl, by Garter, King of Arms, summonition and
warning of their said accusations under his privy seal,
straitly charging them to come unto his said Highness,
reasonably accompanied according to their estates, and
degrees, to answer unto their said accusations; which
to do they presumptuously refused, and withdrew them
selves, and fled with their fellowship into Lancashire ; so
as his said Highness with his host for lack of victual
q 2

5!28 THE REIO.V OF EDWAED IT. [f.JLHT I Tl.'. i.-.
might not follow them, to the intent that tl.-;; ::.-.-f:.~.
gather his subjects in greater number, and to be able :•:>
perform their said false, and traitorous purpose, and
intent ; for the which causes they have deserved to be
published, as false traitors and rebels, and to have the
uttermost punition of the law ; yet never the less, our
said Sovereign Lord considering the nighness of blood,
that they be of unto him, and the tender love, which he
hath afore time borne to them, were therefore loath to
lese (lose) them, if they would submit them (selces) to
his grace, and put him in surety of their good demeaning
hereafter.
offer of con- Wherefore our said Sovereign Lord will, and in the
don°to par" [most] straitest wise chargeth, the said Duke and Earl,
Warwick that they, in their persons, come in humble and obeisant
wise, and appear before his Highnass, the twenty eighth
day of this present month of March, Wednesday next,
or before, wheresoever he then shall be, to answer unto
the said accusations ; which if they will so do, and come
(and) declare themselves not guilty, his Highness will
be thereof right glad, and have them in his grace and
favour; and if they refuse thus to do, then our said
Sovereign Lord reputeth, taketh, and declareth them
as his rebels and traitors, willing and straitly charging
all his subjects to do the same, and that none of his
Their feiiow- subjects from that time forth receive them, nor either of
nounced. them aid, favour, nor assist with meat, drink, nor money,
nor otherwise, nor none other person which, after the
said Duke and Earl have refused to come to our said
Soyereign Lord as is aforesaid, abideth with them, or
aideth them, or assisteth in any wise; but that every
(one) of the King's subjects put him (self) in effectual
(ew)deavour to take the said Duke and Earl, and all others
so abiding with them, or aiding or assisting them, as is
abovesaid, and them surely bring to his Highness upon
Reward for pain of death; — And he that taketh and bringeth the
said Duke or Earl shall have for his reward ; to him and

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

229

his heirs, a hundred pounds worth of his land of yearly hension of
value, or a thousand pounds6 in ready money, at his
election ; and for a knight twenty pounds worth of his
land, or a hundred marks in money; and for a squire
ten pounds worth of his land, or forty pounds in money ;
and over that cause our said Sovereign Lord to have him
and them, so doing, in the more tender favour of his
good grace at all times hereafter.
Et hoc sub periculo incumbenti nullatenus omittas.
Teste Rege apud Eborum 24 die Martii.
Similar Proclamations were issued from Nottingham
and other towns, and had Edward followed them up with
the necessary energy to give them effect, and have at
tended to the warning voice of the Duke of Burgundy,
who had carefully watched the movements of Clarence
and Warwick, he would not have been subjected to the
singular vicissitude which befel him in the September
following, by which he lost his kingdom without striking
a blow, and fled in so miserable a plight that he had not
wherewithal to pay his passage.7
The Earl of Warwick on the contrary was indefatigable Warwick's
• tt i -ii i active con-
m his exertions to restore Henry to the crown, as wili be duct at
Anglers.
seen by the following contemporary Account of: —
" The Manner and Guiding of the Earl of War- (Stowe's
7 77 r t 7 7 • 7 Transcripts,
wick at Angiers, from the xvth day of July to the ivth ms. iiari.
of August 1470, which day he departed from Angiers." quoted iy sir
" First, by the mean of the King of France,8 the
said Earl of Warwick purchased a pardon of the Queen

6 The reward being JE100 per.
annum in land, or £1000 in money,
shows the value of land to have
been then equal to a ten years'
purchase. This was a reward equal
to £10,000 of present value.
7 See Hearne's Fragment, p. 26
et seq., and Warkworth's Chroni
cle, p. 114 et seq.

8 " Louis, who dreaded Edward's
military abilities, and knew that
he had publicly urged a descent in
France, entered earnestly into War
wick's plans ; and sought to effect
a reconciliation between the Earl
and the Queen, without which no
thing effectual against Edward could
be accomplished." — (Turner.)

230

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

The Eari's Margaret and of her son. Secondly, by the said mean
proposition. wag treate(j tne marriage 0f the said Queen's son called
Prince of Wales, and the Earl of Warwick's second
Daughter. Thirdly, there was appointed upon his pas
sage over the sea into England with a puissance.
" Touching the first point, the said Queen was right
difficile (difficult,) and showed to the King of France,
being present the Duke of Guienne and many others,
that with the honour of her and her son, he, neither she,
Queen Mar- might [not,] nor could [not] pardon the said Earl, which
feTtLis. " hath been the greatest causes of the fall of King Henry,
of her, and of their son, and that never of her own cou
rage she neither might be contented with him nor pardon
him. " Item the said Queen shewed to the King and others
aforesaid that it should be (a) thing greatly hurting and
prejudicial to the King Henry, her, and her son, to par
don the said Earl of Warwick, [n]or to take party with
him. And over this, that the King Henry, she, and her
son had certain parties and friends which they might
lightly lose by this mean, and that should be a thing that
greatly might grieve them, and do them more harm and
hinderance than the said Earl and his Allies might bring
or bear unto them profit or advantage. Wherefore she
besought the King that it would please him to leave off,
or further to speak or labour for the said pardon, amity,
or alliance aforesaid."

The Earl's
excuse.

" The Excuse and Answer of the Earl of Warwick
unto Queen Margaret, Sfc, in these two Articles fol
lowing:" "The Earl of Warwick, all these things (having) heard,
said unto the Queen that he confessed well, that by his
conduct and men the King Henry and she were put out of
the Realm of England ; but for an excuse and justifica
tion thereof, he shewed that the King Henry and she by
their false Councel had enterprised the destruction of

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 231
him and his friends in body and in goods, which he never
had deserved against them. And (to) him seemed that
for such causes, and the great evil will that they have
shewed him he had a righteous cause to labour their
undoing and destruction, and that therein he had not
done but that (which) a nobleman outraged and dig-
perred (impaired) ought to have done. Also he said
over that, and well confessed that he was causer of the
upsetting (on the throne) of the King of England that
now is ; but now, seeing the evil terms that the King
hath kept (with) him, and cast him out of the Realm,
and, as much as he hath been with him in times past,
now he will be as far contrary, and enemy unto him here
after : beseeching there the Queen, and the said Prince,
that so they would take and repute him, and forgive him
that (which) in time past ho had done and attempted
against them : offering himself to bo bound, by all man
ner of ways, to be their true and faithful subject in time
to como, and upon that he would set for surety the
King of France.9 Whereunto the said King then being
present agreed himself to be surety for all the promises
with good will, praying the said Queen, that at his
request she would pardon the said Earl of Warwick,
shewing the great love that he had unto him, and that
he was bound and beholden to the said Earl more than
to any other man, and therefore he would do as much
and more for him than for any man living."
"The Earls of Warwick and Oxford pardoned of The Queen
Queen Marqaret and of her son Prince Edward? Warwick and
* J Oxford.
" And so the Queen, thus required by the King, as it
is said, counselled also by the servants of the King of

9 ** Louis, who despised all feel
ings but those of personal advan
tage, and who built his reign on
selfish ends, and unprincipled po

licy, willingly offered himself to
Margaret, as the pledge of the
Earl's fidelity." — (Turner.)

232

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

Treaty of
marriage
between the
Prince of
Wales and
Anne Ne
ville.

Sicily her Father, after many treaties and meetings,
pardoned the Earl of Warwick, and so did her son also.
And after that they pardoned the Earl of Oxford being
with the Earl of Warwick ; to whom the Queen said,
that his pardon was easy to purchase, for she knew well
that he and his friends had suffered much [thing] for
King Henry's Quarrels."
" Touching the manner of the Treaty of Marriage be
tween the Prince and the Earl of Warwick's second
daughter, with the Answer of Queen Margaret?
" Touching the second point, that is of marriage, true
it is that the Queen would not in any wise consent
thereunto for offer shewing, or any manner of request
that the King of France might make her. Some
times she said that she saw neither honour nor profit
for her, nor for her son the Prince. At others she (al)-
ledged that and (if) she would, she should find a more
profitable party and of a more advantage with the King
of England. And indeed, she shewed unto the King of
France a letter which she said was sent her out of Eng
land the last week, by the which was offered to her son
my Lady the Princess ; 10 and so the Queen persevered
fifteen days ere she would any thing intend to the said
Treaty of Marriage, the which finally, by the means and
conduct of the King of France and the councilors of
the King of Sicily being at Angiers, the said marriage
was agreed and promised; present the King of France
and the Duke of Guienne, by means of certain articles
hereafter following."

10 " There were no princesses then
in England, butEdward'sdaughters ;
and of these the eldest only, Eliza
beth, could be thought of in such a
project as this. The writer ex

presses himself as if a part of her
household ; and if so, this was an
early plan to unite the houses of
York and Lancaster, though by Ed
ward's deposition." — (Turner.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 233
" The Oath of the Earl of Warwick at Angiers TheEari-s
Tr. tt '' oath of fealty
sworn to King Henry. to Henry vi.
" First, the Earl of Warwick sware upon the verrey
(true) Cross in Saint Mary's Church of Angiers, that
without change he shall always hold the party and quar
rel of King Henry, and shall serve him, the Queen and
the Prince, as a true and faithful subject oweth to serve
his Sovereign Lord.
" The Oath of the King of France, and of his Brother, The oaths of
and of the Queen Margaret. Queen Mar
garet, etc.
" Item, the King of France, and his Brother, clothed in
canons robes in the said Church of Saint Mary, sware
that they should help, bear and sustain to their power
the said Earl of Warwick holding the said quarrel of
Henry. And after this the said Queen sware and pro
mised from henceforth to [en]treat the said Earl as true
and faithful to King Henry here, and the Prince, and for
the deeds passed never hereafter to make him reproach.
" Item, in treating the foresaid marriage, it was pro-
missed and accorded that after the recovery of the
Realm of England, for and in the name of the said King
Henry, he holden and avouched for (as) King, and the
Prince for Regent and Governor of the said Realm, my
Lord of Clarence shall have all the lands that he had
when he departed out of England, and the Duchy of
York, and many others, and the Earl of Warwick his,
and others named in the appointment."
" Touching the time when the Marriage shall be put in Time when
ure11 (practice)." shainake"^
place.
" Item that from thence forth the said daughter of the
Earl of Warwick shall be put and remain in the hands
and keeping of Queen Margaret, and also that the said
11 Ure, is used in this signification by Hooker.

234 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. . [f.AST X YEARS
marriage shall not be perfected to (till) the Earl of
Warwick had been with an army over the Sea into
England, and that he had recovered the realm of Eng
land in the most part thereof for the King Henry.
Many other points were spoken of in the said Treaty of
Marriage which were over long to (be) put in writing.
The French " The aid of the French King, for the passage of the
Earl of Warwick into England."
" Touching the point concerning the Earl of War
wick's passage, truth it is that the Earl every day gave
to understand, and yet doth to the King of France, that
he hath Letters often from Lords of England containing
that as soon as he shall be landed there, he shall have
more than fifty thousand fighters at his commandment ;
wherefore the said Earl promised the King that if he
would help him with a few folk, ships and money, he
shall pass over the sea without any delay, and upon these
his words and promises to the King, he hath spent and
daily spendeth great sums of money for entertaining
the state of him and his, and beside that, hath helpen
in victual for his ships of sixty-six thousand scutes,
containing two thousand frank (French) archers,
etc. . ."12
Of the following letter says Stowe, " divers copies
were made and set upon the Standard in Cheap, upon
the stulpes on London bridge, and upon divers church
doors in London, and in other places of England, before
the coming in and landing of the said Duke and Earl
out of France, to the enlarging of King Henry out
of the Tower of London, and to the upsetting of him

12 " The original of Charles
Duke of Guienne's engagement to
assist Henry the Sixth, Queen Mar
garet, and Edward Prince of Wales,
approving also of the marriage of

the Prince with the Earl of War
wick's daughter, signed by himself
at Angiers, July 30th, 1470, is still
preserved in the Cottonian MS.
Vesp. F. III."— (Sir H. Ellis.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

235

again unto his estate and dignity royal in the time of
Richard Lee, grocer, then being Mayor, the which took
down the said letters, and would not suffer them to be
openly known, nor seen to the commons."
George Duke of Clarence 13 and Lord of Rich- (stowe's
mond, and Richard, Earl of Warwick and Salisbury, «",'"'
Great Chamberlain of England and Captain of Calais, qm'e'd by sir
to the worshipful, discreet, and true Commons of Enq- The »"*° °f
77 . T . - - , . Clarence's
tana, greeting. It is we doubt not notanly (notoriously) "nd war-
^ v J ' wick's letter
and openly known unto you all, how uncourteously that from Frnnce-
in late days we have been entreated, taken and accepted
for the true hearts, tender zeals, loves and affections that
God knoweth we have ever borne and entend before all
things earthly, to the weal of the Crown and the ad
vancing of the Common Weal of England ; and for re
proving of falsehood and oppression of the poor people ;
God and our deeds our Judge. Estranged also there
fore from our friends and livelihood not (a) little, and
from the land and natural place of our births, by the
false means and subtle dissimulations of such certain The King's
covetous and seditious persons, as have guided and been denounced.
about the estate Royal of the Realm, which have ever
had a more particular respect to their own singular and
insatiable covetousness, and to the magnifying of their
friends and adherents, than they have had to the Majesty
Royal, or to the things publick of the true commonality
of the Realm ; as daily and hourly is now by their deeds
proved amongst you by experience, to the great hurt,
impoverishing and the utter destruction of you and the
Realm, like to be aliened and governed by strangers and
outward nations if the said covetous persons may rule as

13 " In this address, it is mani
fest, that they attempted to delude
their supporters into a belief, that
they intended no personal attack
upon Edward, but only on his ob
noxious friends ; and it was this
deception, which dethroned him ;

for they who would have fought
zealously for his person and crown,
would not oppose those whom, they
thought, only wished to produce his
reformation, and better govern-.
ment. " — ( Turner.)

236 the reign of edward iv. [last x years
they have done; and never \ike(ly) to be recovered
without God's help ; the most lamentable and piteous
thing to be abhorred with every true christian man dread
ing God, or loving the weals of his Realm and his neigh
bours, that ever was. We, therefore, established and
steadfastly persevering in our old customs, bearing and
having faithfully toward the said Crown and common
weal of England as fervent zeal, love and affection as
ever we had, begrudging of the great enormities and
inordinate impositions, contrary to law and all good
customs, newly laid upon you, and also greatly sorrow
ing and abhorred of the cruel and detestable tyranny, the
vengefid murder and manslaughter reigning among you.
Wherefore we intend, by the Grace of God, and the help
of every well disposed man, in right short time, to put
us in deboure (endeavour) to the uttermost of our
powers, to subdue and put under falsehood and oppres
sion ; chastise and punish the said covetous persons in
perpetual example to all others ; and to set right and
justice to (in) their places, to see them equally ministered
and indifferently, without mede (reward) or dread, as
they ought to be, and to reduce and redeem for ever
the said Realm from thraldom of all outward nations,
and make it as free within itself as ever it was hereto
fore. And for the furthering and more perfect perfor
ming hereof, we call first to our aid, help and assistance
of Almighty God, his blessed Mother and glorious Virgin
Saint Mary, with all the whole Company of Heaven ;
secondly the blessed and holy Martyr Saint George, our
patron, and every true Englishman dreading God, loving
his realm and the weal of his neighbours ; and thirdly
we shall for our discharges in that behalf both against
God and man, put us in our uttermost duty, that we can
or may ; and thereupon jeopardize) both our lives,
bodies, and goods. In witness whereof to this our
writing we have put our signets, and subscribed it with
our own hands."

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 237
Upon the receipt of this letter, King Edward sent
the following summons to the Duke of Clarence and the
Earl of Warwick :
" Brother we (have) been informed how ye have (.stowe's
. , , J Transcripts,
laboured, contrary to natural kindness and duty of alle- ?». M»v«.» ,
. ,. J Harl. MSS.)
giance,14 divers matters of great poise (iceight) and also ~^Vf ,fdJ'
how Proclamations have been made in your name and of
our cousin of Warwick, to assemble our liege people, no
mention made of Us. Furthermore letters missives sent
in like manner for like cause. Howbeit, we will not for
get that (which), to us appertaineth, and that is to call
you to your declaration in the same, and to receive you
thereunto if ye will come, as it fitteth a liege man to come
to his sovereign lord in humble wise ; and if ye so do, in
difference and equity shall be by us well remembered,
and so as no reasonable man, godly disposed, shall more
think, but that we shall [en] treat you according to your
nighness of blood and our laws. Wherefore, our dispo
sition thus plainly to you declared, We will, and charge
you, upon the faith and truth that ye naturally owe to
bear unto us, and upon pain of your allegiance that ye,
departing your fellowship in all haste, after the sight of
this, adress you to our presence humbly and measureably
accompanied, and so as is convenient for the cause above-

14 Commines gives an insight
into the intrigues of the period.
" About this time," he says, " a
lady of the household of the
Duchessof Clarence came to France,
who brought secret overtures of
peace from King Edward." — "The
secret, with which this lady was
entrusted, was to remonstrate with
Clarence that he should not cause
the destruction of his own house,
by aiding to replace the authority
of that of Lancaster ; that he should
consider their ancient enmity and
offences -, and that he would easily
perceive by the Earl's having mar
ried his daughter to the Prince of
Wales, it was, no doubt, his inten

tion to make him King, and had
already paid homage to him." —
" And so well did this lady execute
her mission, that the Duke of Cla
rence promised to side again with
his brother, when he should have
returned to England." — (Com
mines, p. 190.) This secret under
standing was kept up by the King
and his brother during the exile of
the former, till they were publicly
reconciled at Warwick ; for in the
contemporary account, given at
page 50, will be seen the various
means employed during the whole
period, to accomplish this object,
by the different members of the
Royal Family.

238 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
said ; letting you weet (know) that if ye do not so, but
continue the unlawful assembly of our people in pertur
bation and contempt of our peace and commandment, we
must proceed (that (which) we were loath to do) to the
punishment of you, to the grievous example of all other
(of) our subjects. Upon the which if there follow any
effusion of Christian blood of our subjects of this our
Realm, we take God and our blessed Lady, Saint George,
and all the Saints in Heaven to our witness, that ye be
only charged with the same, and not We.
Given, etc.
" To our brother Clarence;" and the
like Letter (mutatis mutandis) " to
the Earl of Warwick."
*' This Letter," says Sir Henry Ellis, " is again fol
lowed by the Proclamation which was issued by the
Duke and Earl upon their landing ; the form of the safe
conducts which they granted ; and the Articles of ad
vertisement sent by the Prince to the Earl of Warwick,
his father-in-law to be shewn to King Henry, for es
tablishing a new Council and Household; the latter
upon a reduced scale. The following is the last of these
articles ; ' Item forasmuch as the King is now in great
poverty, and may not yet sustain the expenses of so
great a household as he kept sometime, nor he is yet
purveyed of vessel and other hostlements of household
honourable and convenient for him, and also his costs
now upon establishment will be greater than any man can
certainly esteem, it is thought good that it will please his
Highness to forbear all this first year the keeping of his
worshipful and great Household ; and be in all that time
in such a sure place or places, as his most noble Grace
can think best for his health and pleasance, with little
(few) people, and without resuming and taking again in
all that year of the servants of his old household, but
such as necessity shall cause him. For if he take within

OF EDWARD IV.] TllE RF.IGN OF EDWARD IV,

239

that time any of them, the remnaunte (remainder) will
grudge for their absence ; and also they that he (who)
be thus taken will not leave importune (importunity) to
have unto them all, their old fellowship, which shall be
noyfull (hurtful) and great noye (hurt) to himself and to
all those that shall be about him for that year.' "
Having landed in August 1470,15 Warwick threw off
the mask, and openly proclaimed his intention of re
storing Henry the Sixth, his former letter, sent from
abroad, having studiously avoided all mention of a per
sonal attack upon Edward. He immediately issued this
Proclamation :
"JESVS. MARIA. JOHANNES.
" - - - The most noble and Christian Prince, our most (chart. Am.
dread Sovereign Lord, King Harry the Sixth, very true Mm. no" '
undoubted King of England and of France, now being in qwtehbyMr.
the hands of his rebels, and (of) great enemy, Edward, Proclamation
i V^/6 •" 'in favour of
late the Earl of Marche, usurper, oppressor, and destroyer Henry sixth.
of our said Sovereign Lord, and of the noble blood of the
realm of England, and of the true commons of the same,
by his mischievous and inordinate new founded laws and
ordinances inconvenient, to the uttermost destruction of
the good commons of the said realm of England ; if it so
should continue for the reformation whereof, in especial
for the commonweal of all the said realm, the right high
and mighty Prince George, Duke (of) Clarence, Jasper,
Earl of Pembroke, Richard, Earl of Warwick, and
John, Earl of Oxford, as very and true faithful cousins,
subjects, and liege men to our said sovereign Lord King
Harry the Sixth, by sufficient authority committed unto
them in this behalf, by the whole voice and assent of the
Most Noble Princess Margaret, Queen of England, (and
the Right High and Mighty Prince Edward,) at this
time being Queen,16 unto this realm to put them in their

15 In a letter dated Augt. 5th,
Sir John Paston writes : " the
Lords Clarence and Warwick will

essay to land in England every day,
as folks fear."
16 Thus in the MS.

240 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [l,,AST X YEARS
most uttermost [en]deayour to deliver our said Sovereign
Lord out of his great captivity, and danger of his ene
mies, unto his liberty, and by the grace of God to rest
him in his Royal estate, and crown of this his said realm
of England, and reform .... and amend all the great
mischievous oppressions, and all other inordinate abuses,
now reigning in the said realm, to the perpetual peace,
prosperity, to the common welfare of this realm. Also
it is fully concluded and granted that all mail men within
the realm of England, of what(ei>er) estate, degree,
condition that they be of, be fully pardoned of all man
ner (of) treason or trespass imagined or done, in any
manner of wise contrary to their legeyns, (allegiance)
against our sovereign Lord the King, the Queen, and
my Lord the prince, before the day of coming and entry
of the said Duke and Earls in this said realm ; so that
they put them in their uttermost [en]deavour, and at
this time draw them to the company of the said Duke and
Earls, to help and to fortify them in their purpose and
journey; except such persons as be capital enemies to
our said Sovereign Lord, without punishment of the
which, good peace and prosperity of this realm cannot
be had ; and except all such as at this time make any
resistance against the said Duke and Earls, or any of
them, or of their company. Also the said Duke and
Earls, in the name and behalf of our said Sovereign
Lord, King Harry the Sixth, charging and commanding
that all manner of men, that be between sixteen years
and fifty, incontinently and immediately after this procla
mation (be) made, be ready, in their best array defen
sible, to attend and await upon the said Duke and Earls,
to assist them in their journey, to the intent afore re
hearsed, upon pain of death and forfeiture of all that
they (may forfeit) within the realm of England, except
such persons as be visited with sickness, or, with such
noune (not of) power that they may not go."
(commines, " Within five or six days after the landing of the Earl
of Warwick, he found himself all powerful, and within a

p. 191.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 241
few miles of King Edward, who still had considerable
forces." And further on he says, " one evil is always
followed by another. Fifteen days ago Edward was in
full power, and had any one told him that the Earl of
Warwick should drive him from the throne, and within
eleven days obtain the dominion, he would have laughed
at him, as he did at the Duke of Burgundy's expending
his money in defending the seas against him, saying :
" let him but land, and then I shall have nothing to
fear." Edward, however, having been forced to fly
to the continent, Warwick's Proclamation of the re
storation of King Henry the Sixth, made Clarence
aware of the false step he had taken, and assisted to
pave the way to the ultimate reconciliation of the
brothers.

CHAPTER V.
The Royal Brothers, Edward IV. George, Duke of
Clarence, and Richard the Third.
The events subsequent to the flight of Edward into Disputes be-
. • 1 ^-,1 i tween clQ-
Holland, — his return, reconciliation with Clarence, and rence and
' , 0 -f-. i Gloucester.
reconquest of the country ; the Battles of Barnet, and
Tewkesbury ; the Deaths of Warwick, Edward, Prince
of Wales, and Henry VI., all followed in rapid succes
sion, and have been already fully detailed.1 His nego-
ciations for the internal welfare of the country, it's
commercial prosperity, and the reduction of taxes ; his
treaties of Peace with Scotland and France, and of
Alliance with Burgundy and Bretagne, have also been
related in the preceding pages.

1 See Fleetwood's MS., wherein all these events are detailed with the
minuteness of an eye-witness. R

242

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [l.AST X YEARS

Richard de- The death of the Earl of Warwick, and the Prince of
Anne Neviiie Wales gave rise to Edward's youngest brother, the Duke
In marriage, i r* 1 t i a
of Gloucester, demanding the hand ot the Lady Anne
Neville, the daughter of the former, and betrothed2 of
the latter, in marriage. The immense property of the
Earl of Warwick had been derived from two sources,
his inheritance from his father, the Earl of Salisbury,
and the possessions of his wife, Anne, sole heiress of the
princely estates and revenues of the Beauchamps. Since
the death of her husband she had taken sanctuary at
(Paston Let- Beverley, and had been " conveyed northward by Sir J.
p. 145.) ' Tyrrel, men say by the King's assent, whereto some men say,
that the Duke of Clarence is not agreed." This lady was
the undoubted heiress to the property of her father and
late brother, and entitled to the dower settled upon her
by her late husband. Nevertheless her claims were entirely
overlooked, and to obtain a portion of the immense
wealth of the Nevilles was now the chief cause of
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, seeking the alliance with
the sister of his brother's wife. Clarence, in right of his
wife, sought to claim the whole of the inheritance ; whilst
Gloucester determined to create as good a title to it
by marrying the Lady Anne. To prevent this Clarence
disguised and concealed her ; but Richard, having found
her, in the dress of a menial, had her conveyed to the
(Croyicmt. sanctuary of St. Martin's-le-Grand, for greater security.
The King then expostulated with Clarence on his con-
°'ctse tTadu cmc*> wnen *ne latter, forgetting both equity and his
Eari'" pro!16 own honour, replied: "he may ivell have my Lady, sister-
V(PMi™Let. in-law, out we shall part no livelihood." Matters con-
Pn92.V)01' "" tinued in this state for some time, and from the Paston
Letters we glean that it was more than probable that

whom he
rinds dis
guised as a
menial.

2 It is clear from the MS. quoted
at page 233, that, what is usually
termed the marriage of the Prince
of Wales with the Lady Anne

Neville, was only a conditional
betrothment. See also Turner's
Middle Ages, vol. iii. p. 327.

OF EDWARD IV.] TIIF. REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 243
both parties would resort to arms to bring this quarrel a.d. im.
to an issue.
In 1473 Sir John Paston writes thus: "The King Edwardtakes
hath sent for his great-seal; some say, we shall have a seaiwith
new Chancellor, but some think, that the King doth as he (Paston Let-
did at the last fields, he will have the Seal with him, but p. 127.)
this day Doctor Morton, Master of the Rolls, ridcth to
the King, and beareth the seals with him." It was al
ways Edward's practice to carry the great-seal with him
in the Civil wars to prevent its falling into improper
hands. In the same letter the cause of his doing so on
this occasion is hinted at, " for the world seemeth queasy
(unsettled) here ; for the most part (they) that be about
the King have sent hither for their Harness, and it (is)
said for certain, that the Duke of Clarence maketh him
(self) big in that he can, shewing that he would but
(merely) deal with the Duke of Gloucester; but the
King intendeth, in eschewing all inconvenience, to be as and deter
-iityi ,1 1 mines to 1
big as they both, and to be a stimer atween them ; and stinier he
O J 111,1 IwPPn t.hf
some men think, that under this, there should be some
other thing intended, and some treason conspired."
The Duke of Gloucester, however, ultimately married Mnrriage of
the Lady Anne without the Duke of Clarence's consent,
and by the mediation of the King matters were appa
rently amicably adjusted, though as will be seen in the
sequel, the brothers never after looked upon each other
with affection.
The following acts of Parliament settled the division
of the property. " The King by the common consent, (Prynm's
granteth, that Georqe Duke of Clarence, and Isabel, his coTdT.)
° I ~. , , *x^ i 0 ry, , i a l • Settlement
wife, and Richard Duke of Gloucester, and Anne, his of the pro-
wife, daughters and heirs to Richard Neville, late Earl
of Warwick, and daughters and heirs apparent to Anne
Countess of Warwick, shall enjoy to them, and to the
heirs of their said wives, all the hereditaments belonging
to the said Anne, in such wise as if the said Anne were
dead ; and that their said wives should be of blood to
r2

mines to be a
stifller be
tween them.

244

TIIR

REION OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

a.d. 1474. the said Anne, and enjoy all benefits accordingly, and the
said Anne therefore for ever barred.
" That the said Dukes and their wives, and the heirs of
their said wives, may make partition of the premises to
be good in Law ; and that the said Dukes, or either of
them, over-living his wife, shall during his life enjoy her
property. " That all alienations, discontinuances, charges, and
incumbrances, suffered by any of the said Dukes, or their
wives, to debar the other of their said properties, to be
utterly void."
" That if the said Duke of Gloucester be at any time
after divorced from tke said Anne, after newly her mar
riage, and suffer any such incumbrances, as above, to be
void. And further, if the said Duke Richard, upon such
divorce, doth the uttermost 3 to be reconciled during his
wife's life, that then after the death of his said wife, he
shall enjoy her property. A provision that the said
Dukes, and their wives, might exchange with the King
the Lordship, Manor, and Wapentake of Chesterfield
and Scurnsdale with the appurtenances in the same."
" At the Petition of Richard, Duke of Gloucester,
the King spareth the attainting of John Neville, late
Marquis Montacute,4 and by authority of Parliament
giveth to the said Duke, and to the heirs of his body,
sundry honours, Baronies, Castles, Manors, and other
hereditaments which late were Richard Neville's late
Earl of Warwick's.
" The like estate, by authority of Parliament, the
King giveth to his brother George Duke of Clarence,
of and in the Manors of Clavering with the appurtenance

3 There was some informality in
the marriage, which may be inferred
from the whole of this passage
printed in Italics.
4 *' To 'preclude any claim from
tlie son of the Marquis of Monta

gue,' Warwick's brother, it was
enacted that Clarence and Glou
cester, and their heirs, should en
joy certain lands, the former pro
perty of the Earl, as long as there
should exist any male issue of the
body of the Mariiuis." — (L,inyard.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE IIEIGN OF BDWAltD IV.

245

in Essex, and Mantion, or Meason called the Harber a.d. 1474.
and two Houses adjoining thereto in London, which late
were the said Earls of Warwick."
Thus ended this pecuniary struggle of the brothers in (Croyland
¦i.ifT.<i 1/-N J ob Contin.
1474, but the Croyland Doctor observes " this dissention p- 557.)
was an incurable affair."
We now come to the darkest blot in the character of a.d. 1476.
Dec. 2li.
Edward. He had never forgiven Clarence his treason Quarrel' of
1 1 • • -i 1 -n 1 0 tit- • 1 mi Edward and
when he joined the Earl of Warwick. The recent dis- ciarence.
putes respecting the property of the great Earl though
apparently settled to the satisfaction of all parties, still
rankled in the breasts of each of the brothers. Shortly
after his return from France, the King resumed several
Royal grants, formerly made to Clarence, upon which the
Duke began to withdraw himself, by degrees, from the
King's Court and Council. Being now a widower, (for
after the birth of her third child, the Duchess fell into
a state of debility,5 which carried her off, within two Death or the
• i 1 • t Duchess.
months,) he resided chiefly upon his estate, attending to
the education of his son Edward, the unfortunate Earl of
Warwick, who was basely murdered by the heartless
Henry, in November 1499, after having been kept a
prisoner in the Tower for fourteen years, his only crime
consisting in his being the last of the Plantagenets.
It was at this period that the Duke of Burgundy was ciarence
killed at the Battle of Nanci, and his immense posses- marry his
, i 1 TT niece, Mary
sions devolved on Mary, his only daughter. Her ino- of Burgundy.
„,".,, 11 —(Croyland
ther," says the Croyland Chronicle, " sought to wed her cw™.

6 Anckenett Twyndowe, one of
her female servants, was tried, con
demned, and executed on the charge
of having administered poison to the
Duchess. The injustice of the sen
tence was afterwards acknowledged
by Parliament, for, " at the Petitiou
of Roger Twyndowe, Esquire, cou
sin and heir of Anckenett Twyn
dowe, late wife of William Twyn
dowe, Esquire, deceased ; viz. son of
John, son of the said William and

Anckenett, the judgement, and pro
cess had against the said Anckenett
at Ware, Anno 1G. E. 4. for poison
ing of Isabel, late the wife of George
Duke of Clarence, is utterly re:
pealed." " It is to be noted, that the said
Anckenett suffered death for the act
aforesaid at Ware, whose indictment,
and process thereon, is annexed to
the record." — (Prynne's Tower Re
cords, p. 703.)

24G THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
a.d. 1476. to the Duke of Clarence, who had always been her favou
rite brother." The Queen solicited the King to second
her views in favour of her brother, the Earl Rivers, and
Edward, jealous of the power which the possession of
Burgundy would confer upon his brother, whose am
bition he dreaded, readily acquiesced, but his offer was
repulsed with disdain by Margaret. This decided oppo
sition to Clarence's wishes on the part of the King led
to a greater estrangement between the brothers, and
from an allusion in a letter of Sir John Paston's, dated,
Feb. 14th 1476, it is probable that it was considered
likely to lead to an open rupture.
(Paston Let. " To John Paston, Esquire, at Norwich, in haste.
ters, vol. ii.
p. 2U5.) j recommend me to you, letting you weet, that yester
day began the great Council, to which all the Estates of
the Land shall come [to], but if (unless) it be for great
and reasonable excuses; and I suppose the chief cause
of this Assembly is, to commune what is best to do, now
upon the great change by the death of the Duke of Bur
gundy, and for the Keeping of Calais, and the Marches,
and for the preservation of the Amities taken lately, as
well with France, as now with the members of Flanders ;
Threatened whereto I doubt not there shall be in all haste both the
between the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, whereof I would that
brothers. my brother Edmund wist. ... I hear this day great
likelihood that my Lord Hastings shall hastily go to
Calais with your Company. ...... It seemeth that
the world is all quavering , it will reboil somewhere, so
that I deem young men shall be cherished, take your
heart to you !
I fear that I cannot be excused, but that I shall forth
with my Lord Hastings over the Sea, but I shall send
you word in haste, and if I go, I hope not to tarry
long  John Paston, Knight.
London, Friday, Feb. 14. 1466.

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

247

At the Council alluded to in the above letter, vigorous a.d. 1477.
measures were recommended to be adopted against Louis
the Eleventh, whose troops were already overrunning the
inheritance of Edward's niece. " Edward, however, had (Commines,
no mind to involve himself in a new war. The 50,000 Artrui con-
. . . t, duct of
crowns being also punctually paid him by the French L°»is-
King, softened his heart, and hindered him from con
cerning himself in that affair. Besides, his ambassadors
were always bribed, entertained so nobly, and left the
French court so well satisfied, that no exceptions could
be taken, though the answer of Louis was always uncer
tain, in order to gain time, assuring them, that in a few
days he would send an embassy of his own, that would
satisfy their master in every point." Accordingly we His cam-
find the French King continued his conquest of the gundy s—
0 1 (Paston Let.
orphan's territory, and on the 14th of April, 1477, Sir fcr£J°'- "¦
John Paston thus writes from Calais : " the French
King hath gotten many of the towns of the Duke of
Burgundy, as St. Quinten, Abbeville, Montreuil; and takes st.
now of late he hath gotten Bethune and Hedynge *bb0Tinjjj
(Hesden) with the Castle there, which is one of the Bethune, and
most regal castles in the world ; and on Sunday, at even,
the Admiral of France, laid siege at Boulogne ; and this Besieges
, ,1 1 • 1 Boulogne,
day, it is said, that the French King shall come thither;
and this night it is said, that there was a vision seen
about the walls of Boulogne, as it had been a woman with
a marvellous light ; men deem that our Lady there, will
show herself a Lover to the town : God forefend that it
were French ; it were worth 40,0006c?. that it were
English."  And in another letter, from Sir
Edward Bedingfield,6 dated Aug. 17th, " the French
King lieth at Siege at St. Omers, on the one side of the g>^-_
town a mile off, but he hath no great ordnance there ; cm* P. 253.)
and they of the town skirmish with them every day, and

6 Sir Edmund Bedingfield was
created a Knight of the Bath, at the
Coronationof Richardthe Third. He

was highly in favour with Henry VII.
who paid him a Royal Visit at Ox-
burgh, in Norfolk. He died in 1496.

248

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

A.D. 1477.

Ravages Cas-
sell and the
countryabout.

CrevecceurdestroysFynes.

Measures of
defence.

Archduke Maximilian
at Ghent.

keep a passage half a mile without the town ; and the
French King hath brenned (burnt) all the towns and
fair abbies, that were that way about St. Omers, and
also the corns, which are there.
And also, as it is said for certain, the French King
hath burned Cassell, that is my old Lady of Burgundy's
Jointure, and all the Country thereabout, whereby she
hath lost a great part of her livelihood ; and that is a
shrewd token that he meaneth well to the King,7 our
Sovereign Lord, when he intendeth to destroy her.
Moreover Sir Philip de Crevecceur hath taken them
that were in Fynes within this four days to the number
of fourteen persons, and the remanent were fled, and he
had them to the French King, and he hath burnt all
the place, and pulled down the Tower, and a part of the
wall, and destroyed it. And as it is said, if the French
King cannot get St. Omers, that he intendeth to bring
his Army through these Marches into Flanders, where
fore my Lord hath do broken (ordered to be broken)
all the passages, except Newham Bridge, which is
watched, and the Turnpike shut every night.
And the said French King within these three days
railed greatly of my Lord to Tiger Poursuivant openly
before two hundred of his folks ; wherefore it is thought
here, that he would feign a quarrel to set upon this town
if he might get advantage. And as I understand, the
Emperor's son is married at Ghent as this day, and there
came with him but four hundred Horse, and I can hear
of no more that be coming in certain ; and in money he
brought with him a hundred thousand ducats, which is but

1 " Edward, soothed with the hope
of his daughter's aggrandizement,
looked on without any other inter
ference than sending ambassadors to
mediate a peace for Burgundy. Louis
spoke kindly, and treated them mag
nificently; but instead of abstaining
from the gratification of his ambi
tion, invited Edward to share the spoil

with bim. Edward did not disdain
the partition ; but wished Picardy,
which adjoined Calais, instead of
Flanders and Brabant, that had to
be conquered, for his part. Louis
preferred Picardy for the same rea
sons which made the King of Eng
land desire it." — (Turner.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

249

a small thing in regard for that he hath to do ; where- a.d. un.
fore I fear me sore, that Flanders will be lost ; and if St.
Omers be won, all is gone in my conceit ; nevertheless
they say there should come great power after the Em
peror's son, but I believe it not, because they have been
so long of coming."
By her marriage with the Archduke Maximilian Mary Marriage of
of Burgundy was provided with a natural protector, by Burgundy.
whose means her country was preserved from utter anni
hilation. About the same period that these events took
place upon the continent, the animosity between the Further
King and Clarence increased to such a degree, as to de- t»«n
ai 1 • 1 « 00 n, . Clarence and
stroy the slight remains of fraternal affection which still tue Ring.-
. - , (Contin.
existed between them. " While they were thus irritated cmyUmd, p. 601, 562.)
against each other, says Lingard, " whether it were the
effect of accident, or a preparatory step to the ruin of
Clarence, Stacey, one of his clergymen, was accused of
practicing the art of magic, and of melting certain images
of lead to accelerate the death of the Lord Beauchamp.
On the rack he named as his accomplice Thomas Bur
dett, a gentleman of the Duke's household. They were
arraigned together before the judges and most of the
temporal peers ; and after a short trial were condemned Execution of
and executed. But on the scaffold both protested vSu?
against the sentence : Clarence 8 immediately professed ciarence de-
himself the champion of their innocence : and the next
day Dr. Goddard, an eminent divine, was introduced by
him into the council chamber to depose to their dying

8 The act of attainder, in 1477,
after mentioning the previous con
duct which the King had forgiven,
accused him " of contriving the
destruction of the King and his is
sue, to subvert the government ; of
causing his servants to sow sedition ;
of giving his retainers money to as
semble the people, and feast them
on venison dinners; and to persuade
them that his esquire, Burdett had
been wrongfully put to deatli ; of

saying that the King poisoned his
subjects by necromancy; and de
claring that the King was illegiti
mate, from the incoutinency of his
mother, and had taken his livelihood
from him, and intended to consume
him as a candle perishes in burning ;
of inducing several of the King's
subjects to swear fealty to himself;
and of attempting to get a strange
child into his castle to pass for his
son.'' — (Turner.)

250

THE REIGN OF EDWTARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

a.d. 1477. declarations. When these particulars, exaggerated per
haps by officious friends, had been communicated to
Edward, he hastened from Windsor to London, sent for
the Duke, upbraided him with insulting the administra
tion of justice, and in the presence of the mayor and
sheriffs committed him to the Tower."
The bill of attainder, in the Parliamentary Rolls, a
long and laboured document, put forth by the King him
self has been already quoted.8 At the trial Edward
appeared in person as prosecutor, and the peers, per
suaded by the eloquence of the Royal accuser, pronounced
Clarence guilty ; and the Duke of Buckingham, who had
been sworn in Lord High Steward for the occasion
passed the sentence of death upon him. Immediately
after this, the sentence on Anckenett Twyndowe was
reversed,7 and the Commons petitioned the King to exe
cute justice on his brother. In the same parliament all
the acts passed during the short restoration of King
Henry the Sixth were repealed ; and the young Duke
of Bedford, George Neville,9 son of the Marquis of
a.d. 1471, Montague, to whom the Princess Elizabeth had been
(Pari. Roils, originally affianced, was deprived of his title, on the pre-
p. is5."> tence that he had not an income equal to the support
of it.
Edward was averse to carry out the sentence, but the
servile parliament, now urged on by the family of the
Queen, represented to him " that justice was a virtue of
the Most High, which the King was bound to follow,
first, for his own security ; secondly, for the defence of
the Church ; and thirdly for the public good." On the
Execution of 17th of February 1478 it was reported that the Duke
17 Feb. 1478. had died in the Tower, and the Croyland historian, the

9 " Whereas the King had created
George Nevil, the son of John Ne-
vil, late Marquess of Montacute,
and made him Duke of Bedford, the
King, by authority of Parliament,

revoketh the said Creation, and all
titles of honour, as well from the
said George, and from the said
John.'' — (Prynne's Tower Re
cords.)

OF COWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EOWARD IV.

251

only contemporary authority at that time resident in a.d. 1478.
England, merely says : " whatever was the manner of it,
justice was executed upon him."10 The story of the
butt of malmsey takes it's rise from a digression on
English Affairs, in the First Book of the Memoires of
Philippe de Commines, from whence it was copied by ((*»»«,
Fabian, Hall and Grafton. As there is no authentic
account of this execution preserved in any of our public
documents, and as the only contemporary English Au
thority does not mention that such a report was in cir
culation at the time, we may conclude that the manner
of his death was a state secret, and gave rise to various
conjectures.11 Commines, who wrote in the Reign of
Henry VII, merely recorded what was the prevalent opi
nion at that period ; and as well might Voltaire's story
of the Iron-mask be adduced as veracious history, as the
Malmsey butt be considered the authentic manner of the
execution of Clarence.12
There is one circumstance to which reference has been The cause of
Edward's
made, which probably will account for the execution of cruelty and
A * Injustice to
Clarence. In the parliament which met immediately his brother.
after the restoration of Henry the Sixth, on the 26th of
November 1470 Edward had been declared an usurper,
and all his goods confiscated, etc. The succession of the [Cropland
o ' Contin.
crown was settled upon the Prince of Wales, Son ofi>-662->

10 " Factum est id, qualemcunque
erat, genus supplicii." — (Croyl.
Contin. p. 562.) His body was in
terred by the side of his Duchess,
at Tewkesbury.
11 Shakspere represents him as
having been first stabbed by one of
the murderers, after which Ms body
was hid in the butt of Malmsey, to
conceal the murder ; a story quite
as probable as the other.
12 There is another story, more in
accordance with the spirit of the
times, though equally improbable,
connected with the fate of Clarence.

"Some have reported," says Holins-
hed, " that the cause of this noble
man's death rose out of a foolish
prophecy, which was that after King
Edward should reign, one whose
first letter of his name should be G ;
wherewith the King and the Queen
were sore troubled, and began to
conceive a grievous grudge against
the Duke, and could not be in quiet
till they had brought him to his
end.'' Commines says, " the Eng
lish were ever furnished with some
prophecy, by which they accounted
for every event."

252

.THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

A.D. 1478.

Clarence the
idol of the
people.

( Hardyng's
Chronicle,
folio 29.)
Clarence's
family, Margaret
Countess of
Suffolk and
Edward Earl
of Warwick.

Henry the Sixth, and his issue, and in default, upon the
Duke of Clarence and his issue. Although seven years
had elapsed since the passing of that act, it was still un
repealed, and therefore according to the constitution of
the Kingdom, the Duke of Clarence was now the law
ful King " de jure^ though Edward, by right of con
quest was King "de facto." That Edward must have
had some misgivings, about this time, as to his legal
title to the throne, is evident, for immediately after the
conviction of his brother, he was most careful to have
" all the Acts of the 4<9tk year of tke Reign of King
Henry VI repealed."13 Clarence, after the death of
Warwick, had enjoyed great popularity which brought
upon him the envy of the King, of the Duke of Glou
cester, and of the Queen's family. " On the death of
Clarence," says the Croyland Chronicle, "all the idols
were now exterminated, on which the eyes of the people,
ever desirous of novelty, were accustomed to be turned."
May we not, therefore, reasonably conclude that the
officious meddling of those about the King may have
coupled the popularity of Clarence, and the danger from
the unrepealed act of attainder of himself, together in
the King's mind, and thus have caused Edward to com
mit an act of cruel injustice, which he ever after bitterly.
repented, for " when any man had kneeled to him, and
asked pardon for an offender, he would say : " Oh ! un
fortunate brother, that no man would ask thy pardon ! "
Clarence left " two children, one the Lady Margaret,
that was afterwards married to Richard de la Pole (Earl
of Suffolk) the other Edward, whom the King made
Earl of Warwick, but this child following the fate and

13 The last article in the act of
attainder seems to refer to this as
the real cause of the trial of Cla
rence ; for in it he is accused " that
he had openly shown his design
to dethrone the limy, iu procuring

an authentic copy of the acts of
parliament passed during the Earl
of Warwick's usurpation, whereby
the Crown was adjudged to him,
after the death of Warwick." —
(llapin, vol. v. p. 110.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

253

destiny of his father,14 was afterwards put in prison and
after that put to death ; and so was the daughter sixty
years after."15 The rival of Clarence for the hand of
the Princess Mary of Burgundy, Anthony, Earl of
Rivers, obtained most of his confiscated estates, though
a few were given to the Duke of Gloucester, and to Lord
Howard. The wardship of his heir was entrusted to the
Marquis of Dorset,16 the Queen's son. Whoever the
parties were that poisoned the royal ears against him,
the real murderers of the Duke of Clarence were the
two servile houses of parliament, who throughout the
struggle of the Rival Roses appear only to have con
sulted the wishes of the party in power.

A.D. 1478.

Earl Rivers
obtains his
confiscatedestates. —
(Ca/ Rot.
p. 323.)

The Marquis
of Dorset
made guard
ian to his
son. — (Ibid.
326.)

His death a
legal murder.

14 See p. 245.
15 This murder took place in her
70th year, May 27th 1541 by com
mand of her unnatural relative, the
tyrant Henry VIII, who to revenge
himself on her 6on, the celebrated
Cardinal Pole, had already executed
his brother, the Lord Montague
in Jan. 1539, and banished his
younger brother, Sir Geoffrey Pole,
who under the infliction of the tor
ture was made to confess crimes of
which he was guiltless, and at the
same time to accuse his brother, the
Lord Montague, the Marquis of
Exeter, and Sir Edward Neville, for
which he obtained his life, whilst
they were executed Jan. 9, 1 539.
10 "In the Parliament begun, and
holden at Westminster the sixth
day of October in Anno 12 Ed. IV.
and by sundry prorogations con
tinued unto the sixth of June in
Anno 14 Ed. IV. It was enacted,
that Katherine, the wife of William
Hastings Knight, Lord Hastings,
and before the wife of Bonville late
Lord Harrington the youngerCousin
andheir to William Lord Harrington
the youngerand cousin and heir appa

rent of William-before Lord Bonville
should for, and during her life, en
joy the Manors of Chatou.Thurle-
Bare, and Mariot in Somersetshire,
and certain lands in Foxhill in De
vonshire, together with the Domi
nion or Manor of Aldingham, the
Manor, or Castle of Gleston, with
lands in sundry other Counties, to
the value of 500 marks, parcel of
the inheritance of the said Lord
Bonville and Harrington and to her
assured. And where the said Lord
Harrington, andBonvilletheyounger
had issue by the said Katherine one
only daughter called Cecil, a mar-
riageshould he had; Itwas accord
ed, that at the age of 13 years of
the said Cecil a marriage should be
had between the said Cecil, and
Thomas the eldest son of the Queen,
between whom if there were no
mutual society, that then the said
Cecil should marry with Richard
the brother of the said Thomas.
" It is also enacted, that the said
Cecil at the age of 14 years may as
sure all her hereditaments to the
said Thomas and Richard, for, and
during their lives, as aforesaid." —
(Prynne's Tower Records.)

254

THE ItEIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEAHH

A.D, 1478.

RichardDueis np
Glouces
TER.

CHAPTER VII.
The Royal Brothers, Edward the Fourth, and Richard
Duke of Gloucester.
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, after the death of
Clarence was considered the head of the ancient nobility,
who since the fall of Warwick had become almost as
formidable to the crown, and the Queen's family, as
the Beauforts, Nevilles and Courtneys had been in the
earlier stages of the King's reign. Edward steadily
pursued his object of raising a barrier around the throne,
to emancipate it from the controul of the aristocracy,
by heaping titles and honours on the Queen's family.1
" In thus pursuing a wise object in an unwise manner,"
he left the latter and the old nobility, at his death, in as
complete a state of hatred and envy, as had formerly
existed between the adherents of the rival Roses.
As the death of the Duke of Clarence paved the way
by which Richard ultimately mounted the throne,2 it
may be necessary here to consider the state of the
Divided state Kinrr's Court, when that event occurred; and by di-
of Edward's .,..,.., . ,, 1 -i 1 ,
court. viding it into two great parties, the one headed by
Gloucester and Hastings, and the other by Earl Rivers,
the Queen's brother, we shall be enabled the better to

1 The favours heaped by Edward
on his wife's relatives immediately
after Clarence's death have led to the
supposition that they were the par
ties by whom he was accused. This
opinion, however, cannot be main
tained, for it was the policy of the
King, on all occasions, to make their
aggrandizement a means of lessen
ing the power of the more potent
nobles, and in conferring Clarence's
estates uponLords Rivers, and How
ard, and the guardianship of his son
on the Marquis of Dorset, he was

merely pursuing that line of conduct
which he thought most conducive
to the accomplishment of his great
object. 2 One of the articles laid before
parliament at the trial of Clarence
was that " he had affirmed, that the
King was not the son of the Duke
of York, but of an adulterer admit
ted by the Duchess, their mother
to her bed." Richard afterwards
availed himself of this suspicion
cast upon his own parent, when set
ting up his claim to the throne.

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. 255
unl-avel the confused web, which obscures this portion of a.d. ws.
our history.
The heads of these two great parties we are told, on (croyland
competent authority, had long existed in open hostility, p. 665.)
Indeed to such an extent had this feeling of jealousy Differences
been carried, that Edward had been prevailed upon to lobdHas-
send his favourite, the Lord Hastings, to the Tower,3 on Earf" Rivers.
the accusation of Earl Rivers, where his treatment led
him daily to expect his death warrant. He had first
risen into public notice under Edward's father Richard,
Duke of York, in 1455, who in that year appointed him
ranger of Ware, in Salop. The King's favourite was
courted by all the nobility, who sought to ingratiate
themselves on Edward's accession in 1461. Amongst
these Dugdale particularly enumerates the Duchess of ^"ff"[fj'
Buckingham, and her eldest son ; the Lord Lovell, the p- 580->
Lord Rivers, the Duchess of Bedford, and others. The
King himself employed him on various Embassies and
threw other lucrative posts in his way. He possessed
the extraordinary virtue, in a courtier, of gratitude, and
to his personal bravery Edward was indebted for his
escape from Middleham. He shared his exile with his
Royal Master, and at the Battle of Barnet commanded
the rear guard consisting of 3,000 horsemen. Married
to Katherine, daughter of the Earl of Salisbury, ho
became identified with the old Nobility, and the Offices
of Lord Chamberlain, and Governor of Calais gave him
great power. When the King entered upon the French (/<*<.
Expedition, the Lord Hastings was accompanied by two
lords, nine Knights, fifty eight esquires, and twenty
gentlemen, a sufficient evidence of his popularity. We
have seen that he alone, on receiving the bribes of Louis
the Eleventh, refused to give an acknowledgement, and
Commines who had prevailed upon him to accept a

3 In allusion to this Gloucester 1 " But who comes here ? the new-
says: (Richard III. Act I. Scene I.) \ delivered Hastings ?"

256

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

A.D. 1478.
(Commines,
p. 283.)

Lord Stan
ley.

( Poiydore
yirgil.)

Duke of
Buckingham.

Lords LO
VELL AND
Howard.

The Earl
op Rivers,

pension from the Duke of Burgundy of 1000 crowns
a year says " it was with great difficulty and solicitation,
that he was made one of the French King's pensioners ;
but Peter Cleret, being privately admitted into his house
in London, presented him 2000 crowns in gold ; 4 for to
Foreign Lords of great quality, the King never gave
any thing else." The same author has left on record
that " he was a man of singular wisdom and virtue."
Lord Stanley,5 the brother-in-law of the great Earl of
Warwick, was a staunch Yorkist, and notwithstanding
the importunities of his wife's brothers, remained faithful
to Edward during his troubles. On the King's resto
ration he was appointed to several posts of honour. His
conduct was always honourable, and he was held in great
esteem, which gave him a degree of influence with all
parties, beyond that enjoyed by any of his compeers.
To this party belonged also, the aspiring Duke of Buck
ingham,6 then about twenty four years of age, who had
been appointed Lord High Steward on the trial of Cla
rence, and whose attachment to the house of York only
lasted whilst it tended to his interest ; John, Lord
Lovell, afterwards created Viscount Lovell; and the
Lord Howard,7 who sealed his loyalty to the White
Rose with his death at Bosworth Field. The events of
the subsequent reign fully prove that these nobles acted
in unison to obtain the destruction of the Woodvilles,
and that they looked upon the Duke of Gloucester as
the natural head of their party.
The Earl of Rivers, whose character has been already

* See p. 170, note *>.
5 Lord Stanley has been already
referred to as favouring the negocia-
tions of Louis for a peace, during
Edward's invasion of France. On
the death of his first wife, the sister
of the Earl of Warwick, he married
the widowed Duchess of Richmond,
whose son was still in a state of
honourable confinement in Bretagne.

We shall see in the sequel that by
his means this Henry of Richmond
ultimately obtained the crown, and
took the title of Henry the VII.
6 See Turner's Middle Ages, vol.
iii. pp. 497—499.
7 See page 22, note 27. He is the
same Lord Howard, mentioned by
Commines, as favouring the secret
negociations of Louis, in 1475.

iF EDWARD IV.J Till! REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

257

sketched enjoyed the greatest influence in the Royal a.d. \m.
Councils. His nephew the Marquis of Dorset,8 the the Mimpiis
Queen's son by her former marriage, a youth of the"
most aspiring ambition ; and the brother-in-law of the
Queen, the Lord Lyle,9 together with Lord Richard the Lords
Grey and several other members of the Woodville family, crey.
supported on all occasions the views of Elizabeth, who,
with the most consummate skill, avoided all public in
terference in state affairs, carrying out her plans through
the instrumentality of her blood relations.
The Archbishops Bouchier10 and Rotheram,11 and the the
Bishops Morton, Stillington,12 Alcock,13 and Russell,14
though not on all occasions to be relied upon by the
court party, seldom interfered with the policy of the
Earl of Rivers, whose love of literature led him fre
quently to enter into pursuits which called upon him to

8 He was created Marquis of Dor
set 18 April, 1475, long before he
reached his majority. He was Go
vernor of the Tower at the time of
Edward's death in 1483.
9 See Dugdale's Baronage, vol. i.
p. 719. Edward Grey was summoned
as Lord Lisle of Kingston Lisle, in
Berkshire, in right of his wife, Eli
zabeth, daughter and heiress of
Thomas Talbot, Viscount Lisle.
10 Son of the Earl of Eu and Es
sex. He was Bishop of Worcester
in 1433, translated to Ely in 1444,
and to Canterbury in 1454. He was
elected a Cardinal, and made Chan
cellor in 1465. He crowned three
Kings, Edward IV. Richard III.
and Henry VII.
11 Thomas Scott, surnamed Ro
theram, was Bishop of Rochester in
14C7, translated to Lincoln in 1471,
and to York in 1480. He was Lord
Keeper and afterwards in 1475
Lord Chancellor.
12 Robert Stillington was made
Bishop of Bath and Wells in 1465,
and 1468 Lord Chancellor. As will
be seen in the sequel it was this pre
late, who foreswore himself to assist

the Duke of Gloucester in his plans
to secure to himself the throne of
his nephew.
ls Bishop Alcock, preceptor to the
young Prince of Wales, Master of
the Rolls, was made Bishop of Ro
chester, in 1472, translated to Wor
cester in 1470', and to Ely in 1486.
He was Lord Keeper in 1475, and
Lord Chancellor in 1486.
14 He was made Bishop of Lincoln
in 1480, and Lord Chancellor in
1484. His name is connected with
the introduction of the Art of Print
ing into this country. He was sent
as Ambassador extraordinary, to
compliment tlie Duke of Burgundy
on his receiving the order of the
Garter. His " Proposilio" on this
occasion was printed by Caxton in
1470, a tract of only five leaves.
A single copy of this performance
only is known, which is now in the
collection of Earl Spencer. It was
sold by Mr. Evans, of Pall Mali,
in the White Knights sale for 120
guineas, having been purchased by
the late Duke of Marlborough for
fifty guineas of a bookseller who gave
as many shillings for it.

258

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS

a.d. 1478. consult their tastes, in doing which he possessed the
happy art of appearing to defer to their judgment, as
more matured than his own, and by which he conciliated
the friendship of this influential party.
The King From this divided state of Edward's court arose all the
alliances for miseries of the succeeding reigns. The King was himself
' well aware of these differences, and sought to heal them by
a public reconciliation of the parties in his presence ; and
to render the throne more secure by alliance with foreign
courts, he negociated marriages for his children almost
the moment' they were born. His eldest daughter, Eli
zabeth, was contracted to the Dauphin of France, during
the negociations in 1475 ; Cecily to James, Prince of
Scotland and heir to the throne ; Anne, to Philip the
infant son of Maximilian, Archduke of Austria; Mary
to the King of Denmark ; and Catherine to the Infante
of Spain. In all these projects his ambition was disap
pointed, and in the two most important he was com
pletely overreached. His eldest son Edward, Prince of
Wales was affianced to the daughter of the Duke of
Bretagne, and Richard, the Young Duke of York, was
married in early childhood to Anne, daughter and heiress
of John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk,15 in order that he
might become possessed of the titles and estates of the
Duke of Norfolk, and accordingly in 1476 he was created
Earl of Nottingham, and in 1477, Earl of Warren and
Surrey. The King, when his daughter Cecily was affianced to

His disap.
pointmcnts.

ls "An act (Anno 17 Edwardi
IV.) showing how the King, had
created Richard his second son,
Duke of York and Norfolk, Eurl
Marshal, and (Earlof ) Warren (and
Surrey) and Nottingham, and had
appointed his said son to marry with
Anne, the daughter and heir of John,
late Duke of Norfolk, the said Anne
being then of the age of six years.
Wherefore it is enacted, that if the

said Anne should happen to die be
fore issue had by the said Duke of
York ; that then the said Duke
should enjoy during his life, sundry
baronies, honours, castles, manors,
knight's fees, and other heredita
ments by name in Wales, Sussex
and other countries, parcel of the
inheritance of the said Anne, etc.
etc." — (Prynne's Tower Records,
p. 702.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

259

the Crown-prince of Scotland had agreed to pay her a.d. ueo.
dowry by instalments. These were regularly paid for JJ^JJ™"
some years, but in 1478 they wer.e suspended and in
1480 war was declared between Scotland and England.
Edward had thus furnished his enemy with the means
of carrying on the war, which had been promoted by
Louis, who secretly stimulated James to break his alli
ance with Edward. The dissensions of the Scottish
King and his nobles have been fully detailed by the
Historians of Scotland,16 and the part taken by his
brothers, the Duke of Albany and the Earl of Mar led Death or ti,e
to the execution of the latter, who was publicly bled to EarlofM"r-
death by the opening of a vein at the Cannongate. The The Duke of
Duke of Albany solicited the protection of Edward, and iicits"tne0"
on the plea of the illegitimacy of James,17 he was pro- Edward.
claimed King of Scotland. Edward stipulated that he juneio.uaa.
should hold the crown as the vassal of England, and
marry one of his daughters. The Duke of Gloucester Dukes of
was despatched with an army of 22500 men, who pro- Gloucester at
. Berwick.
ceeded to Berwick on Tweed, accompanied by the Duke
of Albany. The town threw open its gates, but the
castle made an obstinate resistance. The Scottish King The scouuit
hastened to its assistance,- when a sudden rebellion broke
out amongst his followers, who seized the Royal favou
rites, hanged them at the bridge of Lauder,18 and con
veyed the King prisoner to Edinburgh.
Upon this unexpected news reaching Berwick, the.

16 See Abercrombie, vol. ii. p.
446, and Buchanan, p. 234.
17 His mother, Mary of Gueldres,
seems to have been far from an im
maculate person. — (Wyrcester, p.
492.) 13 "It was generally during a mi
litary expedition that the Scottish
barons made a successful stand
against the authority of the Sove
reign. They were then assembled in
a body ; they were surrounded witli

their clans and retainers ; and if they
were united among themselves, they
always proved more than a match
for the power of the crown. They
had met to consult in the Church of
Lauder, when Cochran, the Archi
tect, whom the infatuated James had
lately created Earl of Mar, incau
tiously joined the assembly. He was
instantly seized : six more of the
royal favourites were dragged from
the King's tent : and all were hanged
over the bridge." — (Lingard.)

200 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [r.AST X YEARS
a.d. i48.i. Dukes of Gloucester and Albany hastened to Edinburgh,
uon°o"cJarnes an^ were received with open arms. But to the astonish-
and Albany. ment Qf everv one> Albany signed an agreement, by
which he obtained his pardon, and the restitution of his
estates, and seizing upon the Castle of Edinburgh, libe
rated his brother. To satisfy Edward it was stipulated
that the provost and merchants of the city, should repay
Berwick all monies advanced on account of the marriage portion
ceded to 1
Tcm'aiid °* Cecny> which was faithfully done, and that he should
6'"',;J.'|'- have possession of the Castle of Berwick. " The King
was not pleased with the result of the expedition, upon
which he had expended upwards of =£"100,000 ; for
though the possession of Berwick was an advantage, the
expense of maintaining it amounted to 10,000 marks
yearly.11 The Duke of Albany shortly afterwards re
newed his traitorous designs, and was compelled to seek
refuge in France, and was ultimately attainted by the
Parliament of Scotland.
Louis's treo- But the severest blow to the policy of the King was
sleeting the still in reserve for him. According to the stipulations
treuty. with Louis the Princess Elizabeth was to be conveyed
to France at the age of 1 2 years, previous to her mar
riage with the Dauphin, and to have the sum of 60,000
francs per annum, settled upon her. The Princess was
now in her sixteenth year, and though repeatedly expostu
lated with, Louis always found some excuse to put off the
marriage. As the tribute of 50,000 crowns was regu
larly paid, Edward refused to suspect the sincerity of
the French King, when both he and the Queen were
suddenly made aware of the perfidy of Louis by an event
(Commines. as unexpected, as, apparently, improbable. The Arch
duke Maximilian, afterwards Emperor of Germany, had
two children by his deceased Duchess, the niece of
Edward, and daughter of Charles the Bold, Duke of
Burgundy, whom she succeeded. Upon her death Louis
sought all means to bring about a marriage between the
Dauphin and her daughter, the infant Margaret. Maxi-

OF EDWARD 1V.J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

261

milian hesitated, but the citizens of Ghent, to whom the a.d. hss.
care of the children had been confided, at length ob
tained his consent, and the Princess was delivered over The Dauphin
to the Duke and Duchess of Bourbon, who conveyed her Cgaretof
to Amboise, where she was affianced to the Dauphin.^ Burgundy'
"^ Notwithstanding the joy this marriage diffused on all (Commines,
sides, it was a bitter disappointment to the King 0fp-4iJ5J
England, for he thought himself deluded and baffled and
in danger of losing his pension, or "the tribute " as the
English called it. He feared likewise it would render
him contemptible, and despised at home, and perhaps
occasion some outbreak, because he had rejected the
Remonstrances of his Parliament. Besides he saw the
King of France incroaching upon, and ready to invade
his Dominions, with a very great force ; all which made
such a deep impression upon his spirits, that he fell sick Edward's
upon it immediately, and died not long after ; tho' some .ummnrVof
say of a catarrh. But let them say what they please, went?.™""
the general opinion was, the Consummation of this mar
riage killed him in the month of April 1483. It is a
great fault in a Prince to be obstinate, and rely more
upon his own judgment, than upon the opinion of his
Council ; which oftentimes occasions such losses and
disappointments, as are never to be repaired. Our King
was presently informed of King Edward's Death ; but
he still kept it secret and expressed no manner of joy
upon hearing the news of it. Not long after he received
Letters from the Duke of Gloucester, who was made
King, stiled himself Richard III,20 and had barbarously
murdered his two nephews. This King Richard de
sired to live in the same friendship with our King, as
his Brother had done, and I believe thought to have had
his pension continued ; but our King looked upon him

w The provinces of Artois, and
Burgundy, and the countries of Mas-
cannois,' Charolois and Auxerrois,
were assigned to Louis as her mar

riage portion." — (Commines.)
511 See the Appendix for the Pro
clamations connected with this evenf.

262 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [LAST X YEARS
a.d. 1483. as an inhuman and cruel person, and would neither an
swer his Letters, nor give audience to his Ambassador ;
for King Richard, after his Brother's death, had sworn
allegiance to his Nephew, as his King and Sovereign,
and yet committed that inhuman action not long after,
and in full Parliament caused two of his Brother's
daughters, who were remaining, to be degraded and de
clared illegitimate, upon a pretence, which he justified
by the Bishop of Bath, who having been formerly in
great favour with King Edward, had incurred his dis
pleasure, was cashiered, imprisoned and paid a good sum
for his releasement. This Bishop affirmed, that King
Edward being in love with a certain lady, whom he
named, and otherwise unable to have his desires of her,
had promised her marriage ; and had caused him to con
tract them, upon which he enjoyed her, though his pro
mise was only to delude her; but such delusions are
dangerous as the effects frequently demonstrate. This
malicious Prelate smothered this revenge in his heart
near twenty years together, but it recoiled upon him
self ; for he had a son, whom he was extremely fond of,
and to whom King Richard designed to give a plentiful
estate, and to have married him to one of the young
ladies, whom he had declared illegitimate, who is now
Queen of England and has two fine children. This
young Gentleman being at sea, by Commission from
King Richard, was taken upon the coast of Normandy
and upon a dispute between those, who took him, he was
brought before the Parliament of Paris, put into the
Petit Chastellet, and suffered to lie there till he was
starved to death. This King Richard himself reigned
not long, for God on a sudden raised him up an enemy
without power, without money, without right (according
to my information) and without any reputation, but what
his person and deportment contracted ; for he had suf
fered much, had been in distress all the days of his life,
and particularly as prisoner in Bretagne to Duke Francis,

OF EDWARD IV. J THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

263

from the eighteenth year of his age, who treated him as a.d. hss.
kindly as the necessity of his imprisonment would permit.
The King of France having supplied him with some
money and about 3000 Normans, the loosest and most
profligate Persons in all that country, he passed into
Wales, where his Father-in-law, the Lord Stanley joined
him with 26,000 men, at the least ; and in three or four
days' time, he met the bloody King Richard, fought
him, slew him in the field of battle, crowned himself
King of England, and reigns at this present time.11
But to return to King Edward. " One of the per- (Hist. Croyi.
sonal results of his voluptuous life attacked him at on'v""
Exeter, and on the 9th of April, 1483, he suddenly The King
expired, before he had completed his 41st year, in the i48.iin'the'
co a 0 i • ¦ »> i i'-i-i Ala\. year of
2d™ year ot his reign, and was buried with great i>is age.
pomp at St. George's Chapel, Windsor, " having been (sand/ord's
exposed immediately after his death upon a board, naked History?)0
from the waist upwards, during ten hours, that he might
be seen by all the Lords, spiritual and temporal, and by
the Mayor and Aldermen of London.1'
In Edward were combined qualities of the most dis- His cha-
cordant nature. The greatest personal bravery and
invincible courage brought him off victorious in every
battle in which he commanded ; but no sooner was the
victory achieved, than throwing aside his coat of mail,
he courted the smiles of the fair, attired in the gaudy
silk trappings furnished by his Italian Tailor.21 Shouts
of victory still resounded on all sides ; crowds sought to
pay homage to the conqueror ; regal pomp and grandeur

21 " His tailor had a shilling a day,
and five pounds a year for his house.
His name implies him to have been
a foreigner — ' Guillini Pault.' " —
(Turner, and Pari. Rolls, vi. p. 89.)
His love of the chase is often men
tioned by contemporary historians,
and is recorded in the first verse of
the ballad of " The Tanner of Tam-
worth :"

" In summer time, when leaves grow
green,
And blossoms bedeck the tree,
King Edward would a hunting ride,
Some pastime for to sec."
This ballad is an agreeable illustra
tion of the affable manners of the
King, and is printed in Percy's Rc-
liqucs, vol. ii. p. 83.

A.D. 1483.
His ClIA-

264 THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. [l.AST X YEARS
awaited his return ; but tearing himself from all these,
the King hastened to join the hunt "in the merry
greenwood ;" to luxuriate in the enjoyments of the
table ; or, in the obscurity of the house of the wealthy
goldsmith, and the endearments of its beautiful mis
tress, to forget the cares and anxieties of his Kingly
office. His indolence and love of pleasure, the moment
he found himself seated again firmly on the throne, after
the death of Warwick, led eventually to those disastrous
events, which placed the crown on the head of his
brother, and set aside his own offspring as illegitimate.
The Duke of Gloucester22 had been too long in the
enjoyment of almost regal power, to resign it quietly
into the hands of the young child thus suddenly raised
to the throne ; and acting with the most cautious dis
simulation, he succeeded in the object of his ambition,
with the apparent approbation of the country. The mi
norities of Richard the Second, and Henry the Sixth,
had led to the disastrous Civil Wars, which had deluged
the country with blood for nearly one hundred years.
This experience was not thrown away upon the nation,
now recovered from it's severe losses, and willing to avoid
similar evils, which would surely result from a contest
between the Uncles of the young King, for the guardian
ship of his person, it suffered the Earl of Rivers23 to be
the first sacrifice to the ambition of Gloucester, without
a murmur, and looked on with a kind of apathy, whilst
he removed every obstacle which impeded his way to the
throne. The lights and shadows of the character of Ed
ward stand out in bold relief. He was brave and cou-

22 " Even in his youth, while he
was fighting for the throne, he was
always the last to join his adhe
rents : and in manhood, when he
was firmly seated on it, he entirely
abandoned the charge of military
atTairs tp his brother, the Duke of
G loucester." — -(Linyard. )

33 He was executed without even
the mockery of a trial at Pontefract
on the 13th of June, 1483, on the
same day that the Lord Hastings
was beheaded at the Tower by order
of the Duke of Gloucester. —(Croyl.
Cortt. p. 507.)

OF EDWARD IV.] THE 1II5IGN OF EDWARD IV.

265

rageous in the field, — luxurious and foppish in his court ; 24 a.d. usd.
he was courteous and affable in demeanour, — vindictive "ACTk',u'
and cruel in his heart ; 25 liberal and ostentatious in his
household,26 — exacting and mean in his commercial
transactions ; 27 affectionate and kind to the Queen and
his children, — licentious and low in the gratification of
his pleasures ; 28 placing his confidence without sufficient
investigation, — fearful and suspicious upon slight autho
rity.29 Born to be a great King, he was content to be
a common one. With power and abilities to have con-
trouled the destinies of Europe, his indolence and love
pf pleasure made him the dupe of the King of France.30

-* " He gave so much attention
to dress, as to procure an act, making
it a mark of every one's quality, and
keeping down the inferior degrees
from intruding on the splendour of
the upper classes. Thus it was, in
his last year, enacted, that none but
the royal fumily should wear cloth
of gold, or silk of a purple colour.
None, under a Duke, any cloth of
gold or tissue : none under a Lord,
any plain cloth of gold : none under
a Knight, any velvet, nor damask,
nor satin, in their gowns ; none,
under an esquire or gentleman, any
damask or satin in their doublets,
nor gowns of camlet : none, under
a lord, any woollen cloth made out
,of England, nor furs of sables. No
labourer, servant, or artificer, were
to have any cloth above two shillings
a yard ; but this Act was not to ex
tend to any woman, but the wives of
the latter." — (Statutes, vol. ii. p.
469.) 25 He never pardoned those nobles
who fell into his hands, after the
battle was over, but ordered their
immediate execution ; and in some
cases, as at Tewkesbury, he fore
swore hi mself , and violated sanctuary
to gratify his revenge.
20 "To John Clylf, mnreschal of
the office of minstrels, he gave an
annuity of ten marks, and the like

sum to six other minstrels." — (Tur
ner.) See the luxurious description
of Windsor, p. 147 — 151 of the
present volume.
27 He ordered the customs to be
exacted with the utmost severity,
and imported prohibited goods in his
own private vessels.
28 Commines says, " he indulged
himself in a larger share of ease and
pleasure than any prince of his time,
and that after the death of Warwick
he indulged himself in them more
violently than before.''
20 This is particularly proved by
his treatment of Warwick and Mon
tague, Clarence and Gloucester; and
his imprisonment of Hastings on the
accusation of Rivers. " After the
death of Clarence he distributed in
all parts of the realm in the cus
todies of the castles, manors, forests
and parks, trustworthy persons, that
nothing might be done, even by the
greatest, without his immediate
knowledge." — (Croyl. Contin. p.
562.) 30 Commines says, his ambassa
dors were always bribed, "and left
the court so well satisfied, that no
exceptions could be taken, though
the answers of Louis, who was a
politic King, were always uncertain,
in order to gain time."

266

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

[

LAST X YEARS

A.D. 1483.
His ClIA-
RACTt.Lt,

Guilty of the most heinous crimes, he was strict in the
outward observance of ceremonial religion.31 Unscru
pulous in the means employed to gain his end, yet
grateful and generous to those who befriended him in
trouble.32 Commines, who knew him well has left the
following sketch of him, which is subjoined for the grati
fication of the reader.
" Edward the Fourth, King of England, was a great
and powerful Prince. In his minority he saw his father,
the Duke of York, defeated and slain in battle, and with
him the Father of the Earl of Warwick, who governed
the King in his youth, and managed all his affairs, and,
to say the truth, it was the Earl of Warwick, who made
Edward King, and dethroned his old master, King
Henry the Sixth, who had reigned many years in that
kingdom, and (in my judgment and the judgment of the
world) was their lawful King. But in such cases the
disposition of kingdoms, and great states, is in the hands
of God, who orders them as He pleases ; for indeed all
things proceed from Him. The reason of the Earl of
Warwick's espousing the interest of the House of York
against King Henry, who was of the Lancastrian Family,
was upon a difference, that happened at Court betwixt
the Duke of Somerset, and the Earl of Warwick. The
King not having wisdom enough to compose it, it grew
to that height, that the Queen (who was of the House
of Anjou, and Daughter to Rene, King of Sicily,) inter
posed in it, and inclined to the Duke's party against the
Earl of Warwick; for every body had acknowledged

31 See his observances of Cere
monial Religion at Daventry, (pp.
54, 55). In 1471 we find " the
King and Queen are gone to Canter
bury onpilgrimage," — (PastonLet-
ters, vol. ii. p. 83) : and in 1472
" the King, Queen, and Gloucester
are gone to Sheen to pardon." —

(Ibid. 91.)
32 His infamous breach of faith to
Lord Welles, and, after the battle
of Tewkesbury, to the Duke of So
merset and others ; and his lavish
gifts to Lord Hastings, the Lord of
Grauthuse and the Earl of Rivers.

S I'll A-
HACTICH.

OF EDWARD IV.] .THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV. ;267
Henry, his Father, and Grandfather, for their King. a.d. hbs.
The Queen had acted much more prudently in endea- "A
vouring to have adjusted the dispute between them,
than to have said '/ am of this party and will maintain
it;' and it proved so by the event; for it occasioned
many battles in England, and a war, which continued
nine and twenty years, and in the end all the partisans
of both sides were destroyed. So that Factions and
Parties are still very fatal, especially to the Nobility,
who are too prone to propagate, and foment them. If
it be alledged, that by this means both Parties are kept
in awe, and the secret minds of the subject are discovered
to the Prince, I agree that a young Prince may do it
among his ladies, and it may be pleasant and diverting
enough, and give him opportunity of finding out some of
their intrigues ; but nothing is so dangerous to a Nation,
as to nourish such Factions and Partialities, among Men
of courage and magnanimity ; it is no less than setting
one's own house on fire ; for immediately one or the
other cries out : ' The King is against us,' seize upon
some fortified town, and correspond with his Enemies.
This King Edward was a very young Prince, and one of
the most beautiful men of his age. As soon as he had
overcome all his difficulties, he began to give himself
up wholly to pleasures, and took no delight in any thing
but Ladies, Dancing, Entertainments, and such like effe
minate Diversions ; and in this voluptuous course of life,
if I mistake not, he spent about sixteen years, till the
quarrel happened between him and the Earl of War
wick, in which contest, though the King was driven out
of the Kingdom, yet his misfortune lasted not long ; for
he quickly returned, fought his adversary, defeated and
killed him, and re-assuming the Government, fell again
to his pleasures, and indulged himself in them after a
more violent manner than before. From this time he
feared nobody ; but living a luxurious life, he grew very

268

THE REIGN OF EDWARD IV.

a.d. 1483. fat,33 and his excess inclining him to diseases, in the very
Aprii'uth, flower of his age he died suddenly, (as it was reported,)
just entered of an apoplexy, and his Family lost the Kingdom, (as
airdyeiir of you have heard,) as to the succession in the male line."
his reign.

33 " In homine tam corpulento,
tantis sodalitiis vanitatibus, crapulis,
luxui, et cupiditatibus dedito." —
(Croyl. Contin. p. 504.) The anony
mous author of the Croyland Chro
nicle, from whom we have borrowed
so largely, tells us himself, that he
was a doctor of Canon Law, a mem

ber of the Council of King Edward
the Fourth, and occasionally em
ployed by him on foreign missions.
— (p. 557.) He compiled his an
nals "without any intermixture of
hatred, favour, or falsehood." —
(p. 575.)

APPENDIX.

ROLL OF INVITATION FROM PARLIAMENT,
ANO
PROCLAMATION ISSUED BY
KING RICHARD THE THIRD,
SETTING FORTH HIS RIGHT TO THE CROWN,
A.D. 1483.

APPENDIX.

The short reign of Edward the Fifth was comprised Edward
in the space of two months and ten days. The two docu- a.d.' usx
ments printed here by way of Appendix, show that
Richard's usurpation was countenanced by Parliament,
and that the public having suffered too much in the Reigns
of Richard the Second, and Henry the Sixth, by long
minorities, preferred the warlike Richard to the infant
Edward.

Anno Primo Ricardi Tertii.
In Rotulo Parliamenti tenti apud Westm. die Veneris ricuahi.
. . in.
vicesimo tertio die Januarii, Anno Regni Regis, Ri- a.d. mi.
cardi Tertii, primo, inter alia continentur, ut sequitur. ^";!""'iil.
Memorand. — quod qucedam Billa exhibita fuit coram ™'7iV-7i9.)
Domino Rege in Parliamento pradicto in hcec verba.
Whereas late heretofore, that is to say, before the itoii or rar-
. . 0 c llamenl.
consecration, coronation, and mthronization of our So
vereign Lord, King Richard the Third, a Roll of Parch
ment, containing in writing certain articles of the tenor
under-written, on the behalf, and in the name of the
Three Estates of this Realm of England, that is to say,
of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and of the Com
mons by name, and divers Lords Spiritual and Temporal,
and of the Commons by name, and other Nobles and
Notable Peisons of the Commons in great multitude,.
was presented and actually delivered unto our said Sovc- Presented to
-in. li-i IHoluinl
reign Lord, the intent and effect expressed at large in the »m«- «(
b . , ... Clomester.
same roll, to the which roll, and to the considerations,
and instant petition comprised , in the same, our said

272 APPENDIX. [KING RICHARD
a.d. ue.i. Sovereign Lord for the public weal, and tranquillity of
this land, benignly assembled.
Now for as much as neither the said three Estates,
neither the said persons, which in their name presented,
and delivered as it is aforesaid the said roll unto our said
Sovereign Lord the King, were assembled in form of
Parliament ; by reason whereof divers doubts, questions,
and ambiguities (have) been moved and ingendered in
the minds of divers persons as it is said.
Therefore to the perpetual memory of the truth and
declaration of the same, be it ordained, provided, and
its infor- established in this present Parliament that the tenor of
the said roll with all the contents of the same presented
as is abovesaid and delivered to our abovesaid Sovereign
Lord the King, in the name, and in behalf of the said
three Estates out of Parliament : Now by the said three
The arst Estates assembled in this present Parliament and by
of Richard authority of the same, be ratified, enrolled, recorded,
the'roii. 1LS approved, and authorized to the removing of the reca-
sions of doubts, and ambiguities, and to all other lawful
effects that shall now thereof ensue, so that all things
said, affirmed, specified, desired and remembred in the
said roll, and in the tenour of the same, underwritten in
the name of the said three Estates to the effect ex
pressed in the said roll, be of the like effect, virtue and
force, as if all the same things had been so said, affirmed,
specified and remembred in full Parliament, and by
authority of the same accepted and approved, the Tenor
of the said roll of parchment whereof above is made
mention followeth and is such :
To the High and Mighty Prince, Richard Duke of
Gloucester.
tuk Rom.. Pleaseth it your Noble Grace to understand the Con
siderations, Election, and Petition under written of us,
the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of this
Realm of England, and thereunto agreeable to give your

THE THIRD.] APPENDIX. 273
assent to the Common and Public Weal of this land, and AD- 1«
to the comfort and gladness of all the people of the same.
First, we consider, how that heretofore in time passed The former
this land for many years stood in great prosperity, up^htlnd
1 -I , ¦,•, ... . wise.
honour and tranquility : which was caused for so much
as the Kings reigning used and followed the advice and
counsel of certain Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and
other persons of approved sageness, prudence, policy and
experience, dreading God, and having tender zeal and
affection to indifferent administration of justice, and to
the common and public weal of the land : Then our
Lord God was dread, loved, and honoured ; then within
the land was peace and tranquility, and among the
neighbours concord and charity; then the malice of
outward enemies was mightily resisted, and repressed,
and the land honourably defended with many great and
glorious victories ; then the intercourse of Merchants The <-r.""try
was prosper-
was largely used and exercised : by which things above nU„'rl^"|Jj
remembered, the land was greatly enriched, so that as "",d,1'01?c|]oor
well the Merchants as the Artificers, and other poor
people, labouring for their living in divers occupations,
had competent gain, to the satisfaction of them and
their households, living without miserable and intollerable
poverty. But afterwards, when as such had the rule But. in the
and governance of this land, delighting in adulation, and i«t« King.
flattery, and led by sensuality and concupiscence, fol- e'mn up t0
lowed the counsel of persons insolent, vicious, and of
inordinate avarice, despising the counsel of persons good
virtuous and prudent, such as above be remembered ;
the prosperity of this land decreased daily, so that our
felicity was turned into misery, and our prosperity into
adversity, and the order of policy, and the Laws of God
and man confounded, whereby it is likely (for) this everything
. , . . . was reversed.
Realm to fall into great misery and desolation, (which
God defend) without due provision of convenable remedy
be had in this behalf in all godly haste.
Over this, among other things more special, wo con-

274 APPENDIX. [KING RICHARD
a.d. 1483. sider how that the time of the reign of Edward the
marriageadis- Fourth late deceased, after the ungracious pretended
puled- marriage (as all England hath cause to say) made be
twixt the said King Edward and Elizabeth, sometime
Wife to Sir John Grey Knight, late naming her self and
many years heretofore, Queen of England, the order
of politique rule was perverted, (the laws of God, and of
God's Church, etc. also the laws of nature and of
England, and also the laudable customs and liberties of
the same, wherein every Englishman is inheritor,) is
broken, subverted, and contemned, against all reason and
justice, so that the land was ruled by self-will, and
pleasure, fear and dread, all manner of equity and law
laid apart and despised, whereof ensued many inconve
niences and mischiefs, as murders, extortions and oppres-
insecnnty of sions, namely of poor, and impotent people : so that no
peny. man was sure of his life, land, or livelihood, nor of his
wife, daughter, or servant, every good maiden, and
woman, standing in fear to be ravished and deflowered.
And besides this, what discords, inward battles, effusion
of Christian men's blood, and namely, by the destruction
civil dis- of the nobles' blood of their land, was had and committed
cords. within the same it is evident, and notorious through all
this realm, unto the great sorrow, and heaviness of all
Elizabeth true English-men. And here also we consider, how
und her ° ,
mother that the said pretended marriage betwixt the above-
abont the named King Edward, and Elizabeth Grey, was made of
marriage by ° •/ 7
witchcraft, great presumption, without the knowing and assent of
the Lords of this land, and also by Sorcery and Witch
craft committed by the said Elizabeth, and her mother
Jacquetta, Duchess of Bedford, as the common opinion
of the people, and the public voice and fame is through
out all this land, and hereafter if the cause shall require,
shall be proved sufficiently in time and place convenient.
Themarriage And here also we consider, how that the said pretended
not legally , L
solemnized, marriage was made privily, and secretly without edition
(publishing) of banns, in a private chamber, a profane

THE THIRD.] APPENDIX. 275
place, and not openly in the face of the Church, after the a.d. uss.
law of God's Church, but contrary thereunto, and the
laudable custom of the Church of England ; and how also
at the time of the contract of the same pretended mar
riage, and before and long time after, the said King Ed- Edward pre-
ward was and stood married, and trothplight to one Dame riedto Elinor
Elinor Butler, daughter to the Earl of Shrewsbury, with
whom the said King Edward had made a pre-contract of
matrimony, long time before he made the said pretended
marriage with the said Elizabeth Grey, in manner and
form aforesaid. Which premises being true, as in very
truth they be true, it appeareth, and followeth evidently,
that the said King Edward during his life, and the The King
said Elizabeth, lived together sinfully and damnably i>eth lived
in adultery, against the law of God, and of his Church ; adultery.
and therefore, no marvel that the sovereign lord and
head of the land being of such ungodly disposition,
and provoking the ire and indignation of our Lord
God, such heinous mischief and inconveniences as are
above remembered were used, and committed in the
realm amongst the subjects. Also it appeareth evidently, T"e children
and followeth, that all the issue, and children of the bastards con.
' not inherit.
said King Edward be bastards and unable to inherit, or
claim any thing by inheritance by the law and custom
of England.
Moreover, we consider how that afterwards by the
three estates of this realm assembled in Parliament,
holden at Westminster, Anno XVII. of the reign of the
said King Edward the Fourth, he then being in pos
session of the Crown, and royal estate, by act made in
the same Parliament, George Duke of Clarence, brother The Duke of
° % Clarence
to the King Edward now deceased, was convicted, and having been
o ' convicted of
attainted of High Treason, as in the said act is contained ?srse^0d"'s.his
more at large ; because and by reason whereof, all the ^lfTi£°™
issue of the said George was, and is disabled, and barred the crown-
of all right and claim, that in any case they might have,
or challenge by inheritance, to the Crown and Dignity
t 2

276

APPENDIX.

[KING RICHARD

His kingly
qualifica tions.

a.d. 1483. royal of this realm, by the ancient laws and customs of
this same realm.
Richard Over this, we consider, that you, be the undoubted
therefore the
rightful heir, heir of Richard Duke of York, very inheritor of the said
Crown, and dignity royal, and as in right King of Eng
land by way of inheritance ; and that at this time the
premises duly considered, there is none other person
living but you only, that may claim the said Crown and
dignity royal, by way of inheritance and how that you
be born within this Land ; by reason whereof, as we
deem in our minds, you be more naturally inclined to
the prosperity and common-weal of the same, And all
the three estates of the land have and may have more
certain knowledge of your birth and filiation aforesaid.
We consider also the great wit, prudence, justice,
princely courage, and the memorable and laudable acts
in divers battles, which as we by experience know you
heretofore have done, for the defence, and salvation of
this realm, and also the great nobleness and excellency
of your birth, and blood, as of him that is descended of
the three most royal houses of Christendom, that is to
say England, France, and Spain. Wherefore these pro
mises duly by us considered, we desiring effectually the
peace tranquillity, and weal public of this land and the
reduction of the same to the ancient honourable estate
and prosperity. And having in your great prudent jus
tice, princely courage, and excellent virtue, singular con
fidence have chosen in all that in us is, and by that our
writing choose you, high and mighty Prince, our King
by tiie three and Sovereign Lord etc. to whom we know of certain, it
estates, °
appertaineth of inheritance so to be chosen. And here
upon we humbly desire, pray, and require your most
noble Grace, that according to this election of us, the
three Estates of your land, as by inheritance you will
accept, and take upon you the said Crown and royal
dignity with all things thereunto annexed, and apper
taining, as to you of right belonging, as well by inherit-

Rlchord is
chosen King

him allegi
ance and
service.

THE THIRD.] APPENDIX. 277
ance as by lawful election ; and in case you so do, we a.d. im.
promise to assist and serve your Highness, as true, and who promise
faithful subjects and liege-men and to live and die with i
you in this matter, and in every other just quarrel ; for '
certainly we be determined rather to adventure and
commit us to the peril of our lives, and jeopardy of death,
than to live in such thraldom and bondage as we have
done long time heretofore, oppressed and injured by ex
tortions, and new impositions, against the law of God,
and Man, and the liberties, and old policy and laws of
this land, wherein every Englishman is inherited.
Our Lord God, King of all Kings, by whose infinite Prayer for
goodness, and eternal providence all things (have) been
principally governed in this world, lighten your soul, and
grant you grace to do as well in this matter as in all
other, that which may be according to his will and plea
sure, and to the common and public weal of this land.
So that after great clouds, troubles, storms and tempests,
the sun of justice and of grace may shine upon us, to
the joy and comfort of all true-hearted Englishmen !

Albeit that the right, title, and estate which our So- his right to
vereign Lord King Richard the Third hath, to and in just"nd"1
the Crown and royal dignity of this realm of England,
with all things thereunto within the same realm, and
without it annexed and appertaining, being just and
lawful, as grounded upon the laws of God and nature,
and also upon the ancient laws and laudable customs of
this said Realm ; and also taken, and reputed by all such
persons, as (have) been learned in the above-said laws
and customs.
Yet nevertheless, for as much as it is considered, that and recog-
the most part of the people is not sufficiently learned in PariianJent
the abovesaid laws and customs, whereby the truth and
right in this behalf of likelihood may be hid, and not
clearly known to all the people and thereupon put in
doubt, and question. And over this, how that the court

278 APPENDIX. [KING RICHARD
a.d. 1483. of Parliament is of such authority, and the people of
this land of such a nature and disposition as experience
teacheth, that manifestation and declaration of any truth
or right, made by the three Estates of this realm as
sembled in Parliament, and by authority of the same,
maketh before all other things most faith, and certain
quieting of men's minds, and removeth the occasion of
doubts, and seditious language.
Therefore, at the request, and by the assent of the
three Estates of this realm, that is to say, the Lords
spiritual and temporal, and Commons of this land as
sembled in this present Parliament, and by authority of
the same, be it pronounced, decreed, and declared, that
our said Sovereign Lord the King was and is the very
undoubted King of this realm of England, with all
things thereunto within the same realm, and without it,
by consan- united annexed and appertaining, as well by right of
i.eritan'ce consanguinity and inheritance, as by lawful election, con-
and lawjal . , .
election. secration and coronation.
And over this, that at the request, and by the assent
and authority above said, be it ordained, enacted, and
established that the said Crown, and royal dignity of this
realm, and the inheritance of the same, and all other
things thereunto within this realm, or without it, united
and annexed, and now appertaining, rest and bide in
the person of our said Sovereign Lord the King, during
Thesucces- Lis life, and after his decease in his heirs of his body
upon his son, begotten, in especial at the request, and by assent and
his'heirs. the authority aforesaid, be it ordained, enacted, esta
blished, pronounced, decreed and declared, that the high
and excellent Prince Edward, son of our said Lord the
King, be heir apparent of the same our Sovereign Lord
the King, to succeed to him in the abovesaid Crown
and royal dignity, with all things (as is aforesaid) there
unto united, annexed and appertaining, to have them
after the decease of our said Sovereign Lord the King,
to him, and to the heirs of his body lawfully begotten.

THE THIRD.] APPENDIX. 279
Quae quidem Billa Communibus Regni Anglice indicia
Parliamento existentibus transportata fuit, cui quidem
Billce idem Communes assensum suum prmbuerunt sub hi
is verbis : A ceste Bille les Communs sont assentes ;
quibus quidem Billa et assensu coram Domino Rege in
Parliamento prcedicto, lectis, auditis, et plene intellectis,
et de assensu Dominorum Spiritualium et Temporalium
in dicto Parliamento similiter existentium, et Communi-
tatis prcedicta: ; necnon authoritate ejusdem Parliamenti
pronunciatum, decretum, et declaratum existit, omnia, et
singula in Billa prcedicta contenta fore vera et indubia,
ac idem Dominus Rex, de assensu dictorum trium Sta-
tuum Regni, et authoritate prcedicta, omnia et singula
pramissa in billa prcedicta contenta concedit, et ea pro
vero et indubio pronunciat, decernit, et declarat.

PROCLAMATION.

1} -.,. . „~ tj Thb Kino's
Richard R. . procama-
tion against
Richard, etc. wisheth health, we command you. etc. theTudors.—
t » J > (benivs I* as-
Forasmuch as the King, our Sovereign Lord, hath v°0". ^"%'i.)
certain knowledge that Piers, Bishop of Exeter, Jasper
Tyddcr (Tudor), son of Owen Tydder, calling himself
Earl of Pembroke, John, late Earl of Oxford, and Sir
Edward Woodville, with others diverse, his Rebels and
Traitors, disabled and attainted by the authority of the
High Court of Parliament, of whom many be known for
open Murderers, Advowterers (Adulterers) and extor
tioners, contrary to the pleasure of God and against all
truth, honour and nature, have forsaken their natural
country, taking them first to be under the obeysance of
the Duke of Bretagne, and to him promised certain
things, which by him and his Council, were thought
things too greatly unnatural and abominable for them to
grant, observe, keep, and perform, and therefore the
same utterly refused.

280 APPENDIX. [KING RICHARD
a.d. 1463. The said Traitors seeing the said Duke and his Coun
cil would not aid nor succour them nor follow their ways,
privily departed out of his country into France, and to
abuse and blind the Commons of this said Realm, the
said Rebels and Traitors have chosen to be their Captain
Richmond one Henry Tydder (Tudor), son of Edmund Tydder, son
claims the 0f Owen Tydder, which of his ambitious and insatiable
crown. -* 7
covetise (Covetousness) encroacheth and usurpeth upon
him, the name and title of Royal Estate of this realm of
England ; whereunto he hath no manner of interest,
right, title, or colour, as every man well knoweth ; for he
lie is de- is descended of bastard blood, both of father's side, and
scendeu of
bastard wood 0f mother 's side ; for the said Owen the Grandfather, was
on both '
sides- bastard born ; and his mother was daughter unto John,
Earl of Somerset, son unto Dame Katherine Swynford,
and of their indouble avowtry gotten ; whereby it evi
dently appeareth, that no title can nor may vest in him,
which fully intendeth to enter this realm, proposing a
conquest ; and if he should atchieve his false intent and
purpose, every man's life, livelihood, and goods, shall be
in his hands, liberty and disposition ; whereby should
ensue the disheriting and destruction of all the noble and
worshipful blood of this realm for ever.
And to the resistance and withstanding whereof every
true and natural Englishman born, must lay to his hands
for his own surety and weal.
And to the intent that the said Henry Tydder might
the rather atchieve his false intent and purpose by the
aid, support, and assistance of the King's ancient enemy
His treaty of France, (he) hath covenanted and bargained with
with France v • , .. -n .
for succour, him, and all the Council of b ranee, to give up and re
lease in perpetuity all the right, title, and claim, that
the King of England have had, and ought to have, to
the Crown and Realm of France, together with the
Duchies of Normandy, Anjou and Mayne, Gascoigne
and Guisnes, Cassell, and the towns of Calais, Guisnes,
Hammcs, with the Marches appertaining to the same,

THE THIRD.] APPENDIX. 281
and exclude the Arms of France out of the Arms of a.d. mss.
England for ever.
And in more proof and shewing, of his said purpose of He bestow.
conquest, the said Henry Tydder hath goven (given), as °f church
well to divers of the said King's Ennemies, as to his UDOn hls
. followers.
said Rebels and Traitors, Archbishopricks, Bishopricks,
and other Dignities spiritual ; and also the Duchies, Earl
doms, Baronies, and other possessions and inheritances
of Knights, esquires, gentlemen, and other the King's
true subjects within the realm ; and intendeth also to
change and subvert the Laws of the same, and to enduce
(introduce) and establish new laws and ordinances
amongst the King's said subjects.
And over this, and besides the alienations of all the
premises into the possession of the King's said ancient
enemies, to the greatest angutishment, (dishonour)
shame, and rebuke, that ever might fall to this said land,
the said Henry Tydder and others, the King's rebels his evil
m • 0 ¦ i -in Intentions
and Iraitors aforesaid, have extended (intended) at should he
land.
their coming, if they may be of power, to do the most
cruel murders, slaughters, and robberies, and disherisons,
that ever were seen in any Christian realm.
For the which, and other inestimable dangers to be
eschewed, and to the intent that the King's said Rebels,
Traitors, and ennemies, may be utterly put from their
said malicious and false purpose, and soon discomforted,
if they enforce (endeavour) to land.
The King our Sovereign Lord willeth, chargeth, and KingRichard
° ° ° culls upon
commandeth, all and every of the natural and true sub- his subjects
' •* # to resist hnu.
jects of this his realm, to call the premises to their
minds, and like good and true Englishmen to endow
(furnish) themselves with all their powers for the de
fence of them, their wives, children, and goods, and
hereditaments, against the said ancient enemies have
made with the King's said Rebels and Traitors, for the
final destruction of this land, as is aforesaid.
And our said sovereign Lord, as a well willed, dili-

282

APPENDIX.

gent, and courageous Prince, will put his most royal
wiif tak°Bthe person to all labour and pain necessary in this behalf, for
the resistance and subduing of his said enemies, rebels,
and traitors, to the most comfort, weal, and surety of all
his true and faithful liege men and subjects.
And over this, our said Sovereign Lord willeth and
commandeth all his said subjects, to be ready in their
most defensible array, to do his Highness service of war,
when they by open proclamation, or otherwise shall be
commanded so to do, for resistance of King's said rebels,
traitors, and enemies.
Witness myself at Westminster, the 23rd day of June
in the second year of our Reign.

command in
person,

All men to
be ready to
do service.

INDEX.

Abbeville, 247.
Abingdon, 74 n. G, 108.
Albany, Duke of, 259, 2G0.
Alcmar, 30, 151.
Alcock, Bishop of Rochester, 210, 257 n. 13.
Aldgate, 90, 91,129.
Alfrey, Peter, 109 n. 21.
Allington, William, 150.
Alnwick, Siege of, 12, 103, 104 n. 4—6.
Alsford, William, 20 n. 23.
Amiens, 162, 167.
Angiers, the manner and guiding of the Earl of Warwick at, 229 ; the excuse
and answer of the Earl of Warwick unto Queen Margaret, 230 ;
the Earls of Warwick and Oxford pardoned of Queen Margaret
and of her son Prince Edward, 231 ; treaty of marriage between
the Prince of Wales and Anne Neville, 232 n. 10 j oath of the
Earl to King Henry, 233 ; oath of the King of France, his bro
ther, and Queen Margaret, ib. ; time when the marriage shall
take place, ib. u. 11 j the aid of the French King, 234 n. 12 ;
Clarence and Warwick's letter from France, 235 n. 13 ; Ed
ward's reply, 237 n. 14.
Angus, George, 11 n. 11, 13 n. 12.
Anjou ceded, xvi.
Anne, daughter of Edward IV., 152, 154, 258.
Architecture, Improvements in, 210.
Arnold, Richard, 206.
Arthur, son of Edward IV., 152.
Arundel, Sir John, lxxxv, 71.
Asheton, Sir John, 182.
Astley, Sir John, lxxxviii.
Attainders, List of, 102 n. 2, 250 n. 8.
Attcliffe, William, 150, 163.
Aubrey, Lord, 108.
Audley, Lord, Ixviii, lxxiii, 28, 217, 219.
Audley, Sir Humphrey, 127.
Austria, Duke of, 165.
Avranchcs, xxi.
Bamborough Castle, Account of the siege of, lxxxvi, 13, 14, 103 n. 2, 104
u.6.

284 INDEX.
Banbury, 110, 135.
Banbury, Battle of, 24, 51.
Bardolf, Lord, 46.
Barnet, 62 n. 31, 67 n. 39, 124.
Barnet, Battle of, G3, ib. n. 32.
Barthe, Master George, 148 n. 12.
Basset, John, 129.
Bath, 71 n. 4, 74.
Bath, Earl of, 50.
Bath, Knights of the, 17 n. 16.
Bayeux, xxi.
Baynard's Castle, lxiii.
Beauchamp, John Earl of, xxxvii.
Beauchamp, Richard, 76 n. 7, 77.
Beaufort, Cardinal, xiii, xiv n. 3, xv n. 4.
Beaufort, John, Earl of Somerset, xxxv.
Beaufort, John, 74 n. 6.
Beaulieu Abbey, 70 n. 3.
Beaumont, Lord, xiv, lix, Ixxvii, 74 n. 6, 140.
Bedford, Duchess-dowager, mother to the Queen, 16, 18, 219, 255.
Bedford, George NeviUe, Duke of, 107, 250.
Bedingfield, Sir Edward, 247 n. 6.
Bergavenny, xxxvii.
Bergen, 161.
Berkeley, 75, 76.
Berkshire, 74.
Bemers, Lord, 123, 125, 1 18.
Bernewell, Prior of, 180.
Berney, 183, 186 n. 15.
Berri, Duke of, 163 n. 12.
Berwick, 13, 259, 260.
Bethune, 247.
Beverley, 40, 242.
Bisham, 126 n. 57.
Bishopsgate, 9, 90.
Blackfriars, 120 n. 46, 131.
Blackheath, xxx, xxxi, xlii, 92, 130, 131.
Bleverhasset, John, 158 n. 6, 159.
Blorcheath, Battle of, lxviii.
Blount, Sir Thomas, lxxviii.
Bodrigan, Sir Henry, 139.
Boleyn, Sir Godfrey, lxiv.
Bolingbroke, Usurpation of, xiii.
Bonville, Lord, xxxvii, lviii.
Booth, Lawrence, xxxviii, lviiii.
Bosworth Field, Battle of, xiii.

INDEX. 285
Boston, Hanse Town Factory, 178.
Botoner, William, see Wyrcester.
Boulogne, 247.
Bourbon, Charles, Archbishop of Lyons, 28.
Bourbon, Duke of, (Bastard,) Admiral of France, sent as Ambassador to
England by Louis XL, 21 n. 26 ; receives Clarence and Warwick
at Honfleur, 26 ; meets the English Ambassadors, 168 ; besieges
Boulogne, 247.
Bourchier, Cardinal, Archbisliop of Canterbury, xxx, 50, 67, 123, 169,
197, 210, 257 n. 10.
Bourchier, Edward, lxxi.
Bourchier, Sir Humphrey, 66 n. 38, 125.
Bow Bell, lxi.
Brabant, Great fairs of, 178.
Bracy, Sir P. de, xxviii, lxiii, 12, 13 n. 13, 103 n. 2, 104.
Bremen, 161.
Bretagne, Duke of, 164, 168, 169 n. 18, 279.
Bridget, daughter of Edward IV., 153, 154.
Bridgewater, 24, 111.
Bristol, 75, III.
Brooke, Sir George, 129.
Bruges, 161.
Bruton, 74.
Buckingham, Anne Duchess of, 6.
Buckingham, Duke of, 148, 250, 256 n. 6.
Buckingham, Humphrey Stafford Duke of, xiii, xxxviii, li, Iii, lxi, lxiv,
Ixxvii.
Buckingham, Katherine Duchess of, 148 n. 11, 255.
Bungay, Friar, 64 ii. 33.
Bungerley stepping stones, 108 n. 18.
Burdett, Thomas, 249.
Burgh, Richard, 42.
Burgh, Sir Thomas a, 45 n. 12, 113.
Burgundy, Bastard of, 18, 19 n. 21.
Burgundy, Philip Duke of, dies at Bruges, 20.
Burgundy, Charles Duke of, 18, 20 n. 2, 36, 162, 163 n. 12, .167, 168,
169, 229, 241 ; killed at the battle of Nanci, 245.
Burgundy, Duchess of, her marriage, 20, 50, 214 n. 1, 246; called the
Old Lady of, by Sir John Paston, 248.
Burgundy, Mary of, only daughter of the Duke of Burgundy, 245 ; marries
the Archduke Maximilian, 249, 252.
Burgundy, Margaret of, daughter of Mary and Maximilian, affianced to the
Dauphin, 261 n. 19.
Bury, xiv n. 2, 3, 46 n. 13, 156.
Cade's Rebellion, xxx n. 15.

286 INDEX.
Caen, xxi.
Caister, Siege of, 183, 184 n. 11, 12 ; yielded to Duke of Norfolk, 188,
189.
Calabria, Duke of, 163 n. 12.
Calais, xxi, xxvii, lxii, 53, 86, 92, 129, 130, 137, 162, 178.
Calle, Richard, 184.
Calthorpe, Dame Elizabeth, 157 n. 4.
Cambridge, Queen's College, 128 n. 63, 211 n. 12; King's College, xv;
Chapel built by Edward IV., 211.
Cambridgeshire, 46.
Canning, William, 178.
Cannon, or the King's great guns, lxxxvii.
Canterbury, 95, 129, 130.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, Cardinal, see Bourchier, lviii, lxiv, lxv, lxxvi,
Ixxvii.
Cantlow, William, 14.
Carlisle, Alexander, 29, 30.
Carpets in use, 148 n. 13.
Cary, Sir William, 127.
Cassell, 248.
Caxton, William, the first English Printer, 198; scarcity of books, 199;
expense of producing MSS. of binding, 201 ; list of the Produc
tions of his press, ib. ; his own publications, 202 ; his birth and
early life, 203 ; freeman of the Mercers' Company, ib. ; sent as
special deputy to conclude a treaty of commerce with Burgundy,
ib. ; Consul at Bruges in 1469, ib. ; Margaret of Burgundy
his great patroness, 204 ; his patrons, John Tiptoft, Earl of
Worcester, 194 ; and Anthony Earl of Rivers, 207 ; his eyesight
fails, 204 ; his style, ib. ; his original Works, 205 ; his monu
ment, 206 ; his praise of the Earl of Worcester, 194 ; and
of the Earl of Rivers, 207 ; his want of knowledge of the
learned languages beneficial to English literature, 205 ; his
death, ib.
Cecily, Daughter of Edward IV., 152, 154, 258.
Cerne Abbey, 70 n. 3, 196.
Chabanes, Marshal, xliv.
Chamberlain, Sir Robert, 37.
Charing, lxiii.
Charles of Anjou, xvi.
Charles VII. of France, xx, xxi.
Chatillon, xliii, xliv.
Cheapside, lx.
Chelmsford, 156.
Cheltenham, 79.
Cherbourg, xxi.
Chertsey, 94, 131.

INDEX. 287
Cheshire, 73, 77.
Chester, lix.
Cirencester, 74.
Clapham, 24, 29 n. 37, 114 n. 35.
Clarell, 24.
Clarence, George Duke of, Ixxviii, 5, 6 ; created Duke, 10, 23 n. 29, 214
n. 1 ; his marriage, 110, 216 ; conspires with Warwick, 26, 110,
112, 113, 216; his treason detected, flies with his wife into
Normandy, 26, 114 n. 33 ; welcomed by Louis, 27, 115; re
turns to England, 116 ; intrigues against Warwick, 50, 122 n.
52; reconciled to Edward IV., 51, 123 n. 53; attempts to reunite
Edward IV. and Warwick, 52 ; battle of Tewkesbury, 79 n. 10 ;
arbitrates between Edward IV. and Louis XL, 169 ; encourages
lawless violence, 183 ; interests himself in the siege of Caister,
184 n. 12; disputes with Gloucester, and conceals Lady Anne
Neville from him, 242 ; settlement of property by act of Par
liament, 243 ; the Manors of Clavcring, Mantion, and two houses
in Loudon belonging to the Earl of Warwick, are given Mm by
the King, 244 ; his treason never forgiven, gives rise to his
quarrel with Edward IV., 245 ; death of the Duchess, ib. u. 5 ;
seeks to marry his niece, Mary of Burgundy, 246 ; opposed by
the King, which leads to an open rupture, ib. ; defends Stacey
and Burdett when under sentence of execution, 249 n. 8 ; com
mitted to the Tower by order of King Edward IV., 250 ; sentence
of death passed upon him by the Duke of Buckingham, ib. ; his
execution, 351 n. 11, 12; interred at Tewkesbury, ib. n. 10;
reasons for the King's injustice, 252 u. 13 ; his family, ib. ; his
estates confiscated, 253.
Clarence, Lionel Duke of, xxxvi.
Cleret, Peter, 256.
Clergy, The, 210.
Clermont, Count de, xx.
Clermont, Count, xxviii.
Clctherwood, 108.
Cleyer, John, Ixxvii.
Clifford, Lord, li, Iii, lxiii, lxxi, lxxxiii.
Clifford, Robert, 42.
Clifford, Thomas, 121, 140.
Clifton, Sir Gervase, 83, 109 n. 21, 127.
Clinton, Lord, lxxi.
Cobham, Lord, xxxvii, 1, liii.
Coinage, Change of the, 17, 107.
Colchester, 156.
Cologne, 161.
Comets, 109,115,132.
Comines, Philip de, his character of Edward IV., 266, &c.

288

INDEX.

Commerce encouraged, 146 n. 1; treaties formed, 166.
Coniers, James, 111.
Coniers, Thomas, Recorder of York, 41,42.
Conyers, Sir John, lxxi.
Conyers, Sir William, 110.
Cooke, Sir Thomas, Mayor of London, 18, 108 n. 21, 129.
Corn exported, 173 n. 3; Corn laws enacted, 174.
Cornwall, 70, 71.
Cotswold, 6, 76, 78 n. 9.
Cotswold sheep sent into Spain, 173.
Courtenay, Harry, 109.
Courtenay, Sir Hugh, 71, 74 n. 6, 127.
Courtenay, Walter, 128.
Courts of Law, 179.
Coutour, John, 111.
Coventry, lxii, 46, 48, 84, 85, 86, 88.
Creations of Peers, 101 n. 1.
Crevecceur, Sir Philip de, 248.
Cromer, 37.
Cromer, Sir James, xxx.
Cromwell, Lord, xxxvii, lvi ; slain at Barnet, 66, 125.
Crosby, Sir John, 93 n. 19, 131, 177 n. 7.
Croydon, Spring at, 135.
Croyland, character of the anonymous writer, 268.
Dacres, Lord, 9 n. 8, 105 n. 8.
Damprierre, Castle of, 128 n. 63.
Danesmoor, 110 n. 25.
Dantzick, 161.
Danvers, Thomas, 109 n. 21.
Daventry, 54.
Dawbeney, John, 183 n. 10, 186, 189.
Dean, Forest of, 111.
Debenham, Sir Gilbert, 37.
Delalande, Thomas, 112, 114, 226.
Delvis, James, 128.
Delvis, Sir John, 127.
Devizes, Castle of, xiv.
Devonshire, 70, 71.
Devonshire, Countess of, 128.
Devonshire, Thomas Courteney Earl of, xxix, xxxvii, lviii, 9, 56 n. 24, 71,
74 n. 6, 79 n. 10,82, 126,127.
Dimmock, Sir Thomas, 25, 113, 114, 115.
Dinham, Lord, lxxi, lxxii, lxxiii, 132.
Doncaster, 45.
Donne, Harry and John, 111.

INDEX. 289
Dorman, Edmond, 157.
Dorset, Marquis, Iii, liv, see Lord John of Somerset.
Dorset, Marquis, son of the Queen, appointed Guardian to Clarence's son,
253 n. 16, 257 n. 8.
Dorsetshire, 70.
Dover, xxvii, xxviii, xxix.
Dublin, lxxiii.
Dudley, Lord, liv.
Dudley, Oliver, 111.
Dumas, Lord, 18.
Dunchurch, 135.
Dunois, Count, xx, 169.
Dunstonbrough Castle, 103, 105 n. 6.
Durham, 10.
Easterlings, 151, 174.
East Beckham, 188.
Edgcote or Hcdgccote, lxxxvi; near Banbury, Battle of, 24 n. 30, 218.
Edinburgh, 259, 260.
Edward I., xxxv.
Edward II., xxxv; troubles resulting from the reign of, 219.
Edward III., xxxv, xxxvi, 177 ; his laws, 224.
Edward IV., Pedigree, xxxvi; flight from Ludlow into Devonshire, lxx,
5 ; attainted as Earl of March, lxxi ; seeks refuge in Guernsey,
and proceeds to Calais, lxxi ; personally abuses the Earl Rivers,
and his son, lxxii ; reasons for the enmity of the Nevilles and
Woodvilles, lxxii ; enters London in 1460, lxxvi ; Battle of
Northampton, Ixxvii ; murder of his godfather, the Lord Scales
Ixxvii; places his brothers and sister in the house of John
Paston, Ixxviii ; after his father's death marches from Glou
cester to London, lxxxiv ; Battle of Mortimer's Cross, lxxxiv ;
enters London and is proclaimed King, lxxxv, 7,8; born
at Rouen, 5, 213 n. 1 ; departs into Devonshire, and from
thence to Guernsey, Calais, &c, ib. ; arrives in London, 7,
and n. 5 ; chosen King, 8 ; Battle of Touton, 9 -, visits the
North, 10, 104 ; crowned at Westminster, ib. 101 ; first
speech from the throne, 11 u. 8; his marriage, 15, 105;
changes the coin, 17, 107, 221; quarrels with Warwick, 23;
Lose-cote Field, 25, 114 ; his escape from the Palace of the
Moor, 26; meets parliament in June, 1469, 217; rebellion in
the North, 29, 116, 218 ; warned by Carlisle and Lee, ib. 117;
lus escape from Lyme into Flanders and return to England, 30,
36, 37, 117 n. 39, 151, 229 ; lands at Ravenspurne, 31, 121 ;
marches to York, 39, 121 ; claims only to be Duke of York, 40,
121 ; arrives at York, 41, 122 ; departs for Tadcaster, 42 ; issues
a proclamation at Nottingham, 45 n. 12, 122 n. 51 ; goes to
u

290 INDEX.
Leicester, 47, 122 ; issues proclamations at Warwick, 48, 50, 53 ;
reconciled to Clarence, 51, 122 n. 53, 217 ; offers terms to the
Earl of Warwick, 52 ; marches with his army towards London,
53 ; reaches Daventry, 54 ; procession to the parish church, 54 ;
proceeds to Northampton, 56 ; continues his journey and sends
messages to the Queen at Westminster, 57 ; arrival at St. Alban's,
58 ; reconciled to the Archbishop of York, 59, 217; the Tower
of London secured in his name, 59 ; rides to St. Paul's Church,
60 ; his meeting with the Queen, 60 ; lodges at Baynard's Castle,
61 ; meets Warwick at Barnet, 63, 124; Battle of Barnet, 63,
124 ; gains the victory, 65, 125 ; thanksgiving at St. Paul's-, 67;
leaves London for Windsor, 72 ; issues a proclamation at Abing
don, 74 n. 6 ; marches with his host to Sodbury, 75 ; secures the
town of Gloucester, 76, 127 ; crosses Cotswold Plains to Chelten
ham, 78; Battle of Tewkesbury, 79 n. 10, 127 n. 59; thanks
giving for the victory, 82 ; departs from Tewkesbury to Wor
cester, 83 ; takes Queen Margaret prisoner, 84 ; goes to
Coventry, 84 ; his policy with regard to Faiconbridge, 86 n. 16,
89 n. 18, 129 ; returns to London, 24 n. 20, 88, 93 n. 19, 131 ;
pursues the rebels into Kent, 95, 131 ; thanksgiving at Canter
bury, 95 ; attainders in his first parliament, 102 n. 2, 103 ; taken
prisoner at Olney, 111 n. 29, 112 n. 30 ; his escape, 112 ; levies
a property tax, 112; his treachery to Lord Wiiioughby, 113;
goes to Southampton, 114 ; at York when Clarence and War
wick landed, 116 n. 37 ; his unpopularity, 118, 119 n. 43 ; his
acts annulled, 119; takes prisoner Archbishop of York and King
Henry, 124 n. 54, ib. ; his perfidy after the battle of Tewkesbury,
127, 128 n. 61, 62, 130 n. 66, 136 n. 75 ; makes out commis
sions, 131 ; general resumption of all royal grants, 133, 142 ; taxes
for the war with France, 134, ib. n. 72, 221 n. 4; arrest of
Archbishop of York, 136 n. 75, 77 ; confiscates all his posses
sions, 137, 159 ; puts down Oxford's rebellion, 139, 140 n. 81 ;
grants a general pardon and reverses attainders, 142; end of the
civil war, 143. His domestic habits and love of his children, 146
n. 1, 3, 4 ; reception of Lord Grauthuse, 146 n. 5 ; keeps royal
state at Westminster Palace, and creates Lord Grauthuse Earl of
Winchester, 150 ; his courtesy and personal beauty, 152 n. 20 ; his
rules for the education of the Prince of Wales, 153 ; his daugh
ters' marriages, 154 ; benevolences first collected, 155 n. 2, 157;
his progress through Norfolk, 153, 157; the low price of food,
158 n. 5 ; adopts other means to raise money, 159 ; his commer
cial treaties, 160 n. 8 ; peace concluded with the Duke of Bur
gundy, 162 n. 10 ; truce with Scotland, 162 n. 11 ; prepares for
war with France, 162 ; truce concluded, 163 ; receives an embassy
from Louis XL, 163; reasons for the war, 163; goes to Calais,
164 n. 13 ; declares war, 164 n. 14 ; disappointed by the Duke

INDEX. 291
of Burgundy's delay, 165 ; remains at Peronne, 165 ; receives a
Herald from Louis XL, 1G6 ; a meeting arranged between the
French King and himself by the Herald, 167 ; treachery of the
Constable de St. Pol, 167 ; treaty concluded, 168 n. 17 ; stipu
lates for the ransom of Queen Margaret, 169 ; meets Louis at
Peequigni, 169 n. 19; returns to England, 170; termination of
the wars of Edward IV., 170; his domestic policy, 171 ; remis
sion of taxes, 172; trades with his own ships as a merchant,
172, 177 ; imports wool from Spain, 173 n. 2 ; trades with Italy
and Greece, 173; corn exported, 173 a. 3 ; regulation of the
prices of animal food, ale and wine, 174 n. 4; his popularity
with the poor, and discouragement of machinery, 176; makes
trade an honourable calling, 177; establishes British Factories
abroad under Consuls or governors, 179 n. 9; establishes the
Post, 179; accompanies the Judges on the circuits to repress the
lawless violence of the times, 180 ; encourages architecture,
210; introduces hand culverines from Flanders, 1471, 211 n.
14; employs font-metal or bronze, instead of iron, in his field
pieces, 211 ; his affectionate care of his younger brothers,
212 ; Royal Genealogy translated from William Wyrcester, 212,
n. 1 ; Genealogy of Edward IV., 214 n. 1 ; original cause of
estrangement between him and Clarencc, 210 ; his treaties with
foreign powers recapitulated, 218 ; expostulates with Clarence
on his conduct to Lady Anne Neville, 242 ; carries the great
seal with him in the civil wars but now entrusts them to Dr.
Morton, Master of the Rolls, 243 ; divides the property of
Warwick to the exclusion of the Countess, between her daugh
ters Isabel and Anne, 243 ; cause of quarrel with Clarence,
245 ; jealous of his brother's power and influenced by the
Queen, he opposes the marriage of Clarence with Mary of Bur
gundy, 246 ; Louis XL overruns her territory, but Edward is
too well satisfied by the payment of 50,000 crowns to risk a
war with France, 247 ; soothed by the kind words of Louis XL,
248 n. 7 ; increased animosity with Clarence, 249 ; imprisons
him in the Tower, 250 ; appears in person as the prosecutor of
Clarence, ib. ; repeals all the acts made during the restoration
of Henry VI., ib. ; cause of his injustice and cruelty to Cla
rence, 251; his grief and repentance, 252; emancipates the
throne from the control of the aristocracy, 254 n. 1 ; division of
parties at court, 255 ; seeks to reconcile their differences, 258 ;
allies his children with foreign powers to strengthen his throne;
ib. ; war with Scotland, 259 ; the Duke of Albany solicits his
protection, ib. ; Berwick is ceded, 266 ; his disappointment at
Louis' treachery, 260 ; his fears, illness, and death, 261 ; buried
at St. George's Chapel, Windsor, 263; his character, ib. n. 21,
u 2

292 INDEX.
22; its lights and Bhadows, 265 n. 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30,
continued 266 n. 31, 32 ; 267, 268 n. 33 ; the legality of his
marriage disputed, 274 ; his children declared illegitimate, 275.
Edward, Prince, (son of King Edward,) born in Sanctuary at Westminster,
60 n. 30, 120 n. 47 ; carried by Sir Richard Vaughan to West
minster Abbey, 150 ; rules for his conduct, 153 ; affianced to the
daughter of the Duke of Bretagne, 258 ; his reign, Appendix,
271.
Edward, Prince of Wales, (son of King Henry,) lxxxiv, lxxxv ; born, xlvi ;
created Prince of Wales, xlviii, liv, lxxix ; accompanies Margaret,
his mother, to Amboise, 27 n. 35 ; stands godfather to Louis'
son, Charles VIII. , 28 ; marries Anne, daughter of the Earl of
Warwick, 28 u. 36, 115; windbound at Harfleur, 56, 126;
lands at Weymouth, 69, 126 ; proceeds to Bristol and Exeter,
70, 127; proscribed by Edward's proclamation, 74 n. 6; Battle
of Tewkesbury, 79 n. 10, 127 ; slain in the field, 82 n. 13, 127 ;
interred, 83, 242.
Egremont, Thomas Percy Lord, xxxvii, lxiii, Ixxvii.
Elizabeth, Queen of Edward IV., 15 n. 17 ; her marriage with Edward IV.,
16 andn. 6, 105; crowned at Westminster, 17 ; birth of the Prin
cess Royal, 18 ; goes to Sanctuary, 120 n. 47 ; receives the King in
Sanctuary at Westminster, 60 n. 29 ; returns with him to Bay
nard's castle, 61 ; remains in the Tower during the insurrection
of Faiconbridge, 87 ; entertains the Lord of Grauthuse at Wind
sor Castle, 147 n. 6; her courtesy, 149 u. 15; retains her
influence over Edward, whom she survived nine years, 154 ;
buried at Windsor, 155.
Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV. born, 18 ; christened at Westminster,
ib.; betrothed to the Duke of Bedford, 107, 250 ; joins in the
amusements at Windsor, 147, 148 ; betrothed to the Dauphin,
168, 258 ; deceived by the perfidy of Louis IX., 260; married
to Henry VII., 154, 197.
Eneand, John, 111 ii. 26.
Essex, 46, 132.
Essex, Earl of, 11, 50, 90, 123, 125.
Eton College founded by Queen Margaret, xv, 210; Chapel of, built by
Edward IV, 211.
Exeter, 70, 71, 126, 142, 213.
Exeter, Duke of, lxi, lxiii, 20 n. 22, 46, 53, 65 n. 37, 115, 118, 119, 124,
125.
Exeter, Anne Duchess of, 50 n. 19, 148 n. 11, 212, 213 n. I.
Exeter, Piers Bishop of, 279.
Fabyan, Robert, 191 ; his literary works, 195.
Factories, British, established abroad, 179 n. 9.

INDEX. 293
Faiconbridge, Lord, xxxvii, liii, lxxi, 9 n. 8 ; created Earl of Kent, 11.
Faiconbridge, the Bastard, 86 n. 16, 87, 88, 89 n. 18, 90, 92, 95, 129,
130 n. 66, 132.
Fastolf, Sir John, xxxi, xxxii, lxiv, 184 n. 11, 188, 189.
Faunt, Nicholas, mayor of Canterbury, 130, 131 n. 69.
Ferrette, county of, 165.
Ferrybridge, Battle of, lxxv.
Fielding, Sir William, 127.
Fitzharry, Sir Thomas, 127.
Fitzhugh, Lord, 29.
Fitzwalter, John Ratcliff Lord, 9 n. 7, 26 n. 25.
Flanders, 249.
Fleet Street, lxiv.
Fleetwood, Mr. Recorder, end of Manuscript, 96.
Florentines, lx.
Florey, John, 128.
Flushing, 36.
Fogg, Sir John, 109 n. 21, 132 n. 70, 219.
Fortescue, Richard, 139, 140, 141.
Fortescue, Sir John, 129, 142, 207 n. 8.
Fotheringay, 211.
Fougeres, xvi.
Fourmigny, xx.
France, King of. See Lewis XI.
France lost to England, 118, 134.
Frost, Great, 105.
Fulford, Edward, 139.
Fulford, Sir Baldwin, 12.
Fynderne, Sir Thomas, 14 n. 15, 107 n. 14.
Gascoignc, Dr., Chancellor of Oxford, xv.
Gascoignc lost to England, 118, 134.
Gate, Sir Jeffrey, 29, 129.
Gaunt, John of, xxxv, xxxvi.
Ghent, 248, 264.
Glastonbury, 24, 71, 73.
Gloucester, 73, 75, 76, 77, 127.
Gloucester, Abbot of, xvii.
Gloucester, Humphrey Duke of, xiv, xxvi, lxxv, 118.
Gloucester, Richard Duke of, lxxiii, 6 ; created Duke of, 11, 214 n. 1 ;
accompanies Edward IV. in his flight to Friezeland, 30, 151 ;
returns to England, 38 ; reconciled to Clarence at Banbury, 51,
123 n. 53; Battle of Barnet, 64 n. 34 ; Battle of Tewkesbury,
79 n. 10, 80; sent by the King to receive the submission of
Faiconbridge at Canterbury, 95 ; causes him to be beheaded,

294 INDEX.
130 ; present at the death of Henry VI., 131 n. 67 ; to facilitate
his communication with Edward IV. during the Scottish cam
paign, the Post was established, 179 ; demands Lady Anne
Neville in marriage, 242 n. 2 ; his marriage, 243 ; settlement of
property by act of parliament, ib. ; provision made in case of his
divorce, 244 n. 3 ; obtains part of Clarence's estates, 253 ; Ms
increase of power, 254 n. 2 ; despatched with an army to
Berwick-upon-Tweed, 259 ; joyously received with Albany at
Edinburgh, 260; upon the death of Edward IV. writes to Louis
XL, styling himself Richard III., 261, 262; his usurpation,
(Appendix) 271 ; the roll ratified by parliament, 272, 273, 279 ;
issues a proclamation against the Tudors, ib. ; Henry of Rich
mond asserts his claim, 280 ; calls upon his new subjects to
resist this claim, 283 ; takes the command in person and orders
all men to do him service, 282.
Goddard, Dr., 249.
Gogney, William, 156.
Gough, Matthew, xxx.
Gower, James, 128.
Grafton, Manor of, 16.
Grauthuse, Lord of, 146 n. 5, 151.
Gray, Bishop of Ely, lxxvi.
Greece, 173.
Gremyby, Sir Wuiiam, 127.
Gresham, James, xxxviii.
Grey Friars, lxiv.
Grey, Elizabeth. See Elizabeth, Queen to Edward IV.
Grey, Sir John, lxxxv, 15, 105.
Grey, Lord Richard, 257.
Grey, Lord de Ruthyn, xxxiv, lxx, Ixxvii.
Grey, Sir Ralph, Governor of Bamburgh Castle, Ixxxvi, 14 n. 15, 104 n. 4.
Guienne lost to England, xxi, 118, 134, 163.
Guildhall, lx, lxi, lxii.
Gunnery, Art of, 211.
Hall, The Chronicler, 6.
Hamburgh, 161.
Hammes Castle, 137, 140 n. 81, 141, 142, 160.
Hampden, Sir Edward, 127.
Hampshire, 73.
Hampton, Sir William, 93 n. 19, 131.
Hanse Towns, 160 n. 9, 161, 178.
Harcourt, Sir Richard, 159.
Harding, John, 191 ; Ms literary works, 196.
Harfleur, 56 n. 25.

INDEX. 29.5
Harlech Castle, siege of, 105, 216.
Harrington, Sir James, 45 n. 12, 46, 108 n. 19.
Harrington, Sir John, verses, 11 n. 1G,
Harrington, Sir Thomas, lxxi.
Hastings, Lord, rvii, 1.
Hastings, Lord Sir WiRiam, lxxi; besieges Alnwick, 12, 104 n. 4; flies with
Edward IV. to Friezeland, 30, 117 u. 39; returns to England,
38, 121 ; reconciles Edward IV. and Clarence, 50, 51 ; Battle of
Barnet, G3 n. 32, 255 ; Battle of Tewkesbury, 79 n. 10 ; with
the King at Windsor Castle, 148 ; marries Catherine Bonville,
253 n. 16 ; committed to the Tower by the King on the accusa
tion of Earl Rivers, 255 n. 3 ; his honesty, bravery and grati
tude, 255 ; beheaded at the Tower by order of Richard III.,
264 n. 23.
Heberge, Bishop of Evreux, 168.
Hedyngc (Hesden), Castle of, 247.
Henry III., xxxv.
Henry IV. Bolingbroke's usurpation, xiii ; Ms pedigree, xxxv.
Henry V., lxxx, lxxxi.
Henry VI., marriage with Margaret of Anjou, xiii ; declines the bequest of
Cardinal Beaufort, xv ; his marriage unpopular, xv ; progress
tlirough Kent after Cade's rebellion, xxxi ; encamps on Black
heath, xiii ; pardons the Duke of York, Tliii ; summons a parlia
ment, March 6th, 1452, xlm ; Ms illness, xlvi ; visited by the
Peers, xlvii ; Ms recov.ery, xlviii ; his character, xlix ; his spirited
reply to the rebels at St. Alban's, li ; taken prisoner by York,
Iii ; Ms second illness, lvii, Iviii ; recovers and dismisses York,
lix ; his progress into Warwickshire, lxii ; his endeavours to re
concile the rival parties, bdii ; public procession to St. Paul's,
lxv ; assembles his forces in Leicester, lxviii ; offers terms to the
rebels at Ludlow, lxix ; addresses his followers, lxx ; takes Lud
low, lxxi, 5 ; he i3 taken prisoner at Northampton, Ixxvii ; de
fends his title to the crown, lxxxi ; restored to his family at the
second battle of St. Alban's, lxxxv ; dethroned by Edward IV.,
lxxxv ; seeks refuge in Scotland after the battle of Touton, 9 ;
Ms grant to the Earl of Angus, 12 ; prepares an army to re-enter
England, 14 ; taken after the battle of Hexham, 14 n. 16, 17,
108 n. 1 ; attainted 102 n. 2 ; restored to the tMone, 36, 117
n. 40, 41 ; holds a parliament, 119 ; constitutes Warwick Lord
Lieutenant, 47 n. 14 ; is paraded tlirough the city of London,
58 n. 27, 123 ; betrayed by Archbishop of York, 60 n. 28, 123
n. 56; carried prisoner to Bamet Field, 62 n. 30, 124 n. 55;
imprisoned again in the Tower, from whence the Bastard Fai
conbridge endeavours to rescue Mm, 87, 126, 129 ; his death,
93 n. 20, 131 n. 67 ; his body exposed at St. Paul's, 131 ; buried

296

INDEX.

honourably in Chertsey abbey, 93 n. 20, 131 ; his body rein-
terred by Henry VIL, at Windsor, xc ; troubles caused by his
reign, 220, 264.
Herbert, Lord, Earl of Pembroke, lxxxvii, 24, 105, 110, 111, 216, 219.
Herbert, Sir Richard, 111.
Herbert, Thomas, 111.
Herbert, WiMam, 111.
Hervey, Sir Nicholas, 127.
Heveningham, 156.
Hexham, Battle of, Ixxxvi, 14, 106, 115.
Hill, Thomas, 177 n. 7.
Hobby (riyht fair), 148 n. 10.
Holand, 50.
Holand, Henry. See Duke of Exeter.
Holderness, 121.
Hot summer and dearth, 134.
Howard, Humphrey, 108.
Howard, Lord, 164, 1G6, 167, 253, 256 n. 7.
Humher-head, 38, 39.
Hungerford, Robert Lord, 14 n. 15, 108.
Hungerford, Sir Thomas, 109.
Hungerford, Thomas Lord, lxxvi, Ixxvii, 109.
Hunger-well, in Staffordshire, 135.
Huntingdonshire, 46.
Huntingford, Lord, 14.
Huntley, Earl of, 13 n. 12.
Imposts, 1 75 n. 5.
Insurrection in the North, lxxxii, lxxxv, 25, 104, 113, 218.
Ipswich, 156.
Ireland, Sir George, 19, 93, 131.
Isabel, Countess of Essex, 11.
Isabel, daughter of Warwick, marries Clarence, 23, 215.
Isabell, sister of King Harry of Castile, married unto Ferdinand Prince of
Arragon, 15.
Italy, lx, 173.
Jackson, Robert, 128.
James, King of Scots, 17, 258; breaks his alliance with Edward IV.,
259; the Scots revolt, ib. n. 18.
Johns, Sir Lewis, 66 n. 88.
Josselyn, Ralph, 18.
Julius Caesar, 44 n. 11.

* INDEX. 297
Katherine, daughter of Edward IV., 152, 154, 238.
Kemp, Cardinal, Archbishop of Canterbury, xxx, xlvii.
Kent, 86, 129, 132.
Kent, Edmund Gray Earl of, 102.
Kent, William Neville Earl of, 102.
Kentish memorial, Ixxiv.
Kidwelly, John Done of, 111.
Kingston Bridge, 88, 90, 129.
Kingston-upon-Ilull, 40.
Kyme, Earl of, William Talbois, 14 n. 15, 106.
Kyriel, Sir Thomas, xx, xxviii.
Lacy, Master, 216.
Lancashire, 73, 77.
Langley, 26.
Langley Park, Kent, spring near, 135.
Laon, Bishop of, Ambassador from Lewis XL, 21.
Latimer, Harry, 111 n. 27.
Latimer, Lord, xxxvii, 24, 105 n. 6.
Lee, Alexander, 29 n. 38, 30, 117, 131.
Lee, Sir Richard, 93 n. 19, 235.
Leicester, xxiii. xxiv, xxix, xlix, 47, 122, 135.
Leland's Transcript necessary to read the names in Warkworth's Chro
nicle, 111.
Leukenor, Sir John, 127.
Lewis, Henry, 105 n. 6.
Lewis XL, King of France, 18, 116, 128 n. 63, 162 n. 11, 163, 164, 165,
169 n. 18, 170 n. 20, 229 n. 8, 233, 247, 248 a. 7.
Lewisham, Well at, 135.
Limerick, Davy ap Jenkin ap, 111.
Lincolnshire, 25, 39, 46, 113, 114.
Literature and Fine Arts encouraged, 146 n. 1 ; state of, 190, 199 n. 3,
201.
Littleton, Sir Thomas, 207 n. 7.
London, xxx; Edward IV. triumphal entry, 10 ; his return after his flight
into Holland, 57; besieged by Faiconbridge, 90, 129; relieved
by Edward IV., 92; general staple, 161; the great mart of
Europe, 173 ; visited by the Plague, 217; serious riots, lx.
Lorrain, Duke of, 165.
Losecote Field, 25, 114 n. 33.
Lovell, Lord, 255, 256.
Lovelace, Lord, deserts the Earl of Warwick, 6 n. 4.
Luccaens, lx.
Lucy, Sir William, Ixxvii.
Ludlow spoiled by Henry VI., lxxi, 5.

298 INDEX. a,
Luebeck, 161.
Luxembourg ravaged, 165.
Lyle, Lord, xxxix, 257 n. 9.
Lynn, 117 n. 39, (Hanse Town Factory) 178.
Lyons, Archbishop of, 169.
MacMnery repressed, 177.
Mackerel, Dr., 129.
Male Castle set on fire, 20.
Mallery, William, slain at Edgcote, 111.
Malmsbury, 75.
Manufactures, Inland, 175.
Mar, Earl of, 259 n. 18.
March, Roger Mortimer Earl of, xxxvi.
Margaret of Anjou, Queen to Henry VI., xiii n. 1 ; unpopularity of her
marriage, xv ; her conduct in the quarrel of the Duke of Suffolk,
xxiii ; her distress on learning his murder, xxix ; welcomes the
return of Somerset, xxxiv ; suspects the true motives of York,
xxxviii ; her progress tlirough Norfolk, xiv ; birth of the Prince
of Wales, xlvi ; accompanies the King to Hertford, liii ; her en
deavour to break up the Yorkist confederacy, lxii ; walks hand
in hand with York in the procession of Concord and Unity, lxv ;
seeks to arrest Warwick, lxvii ; seeks refuge after the battle of
Northampton at Eccleshall, Harlech, and in Scotland, lxxii ;
lxxix ; on York's being appointed Lord Protector, and heir to
the tMone, she raises an army in the North ; Ixxxii ; Battle of
Wakefield, lxxxiii ; proceeds to York, lxxxiv ; reaches St.
Alban's, lxxxiv; Battle of St. Alban's, and recovery of the
King's person, lxxxv; her bad policy in allowing the town to
be plundered, lxxxv ; wins the battle of St. Alban's, 6 ; sends to
London for victuals, wMch are stopped by the Commons, 7 ;
retreats to York, 7 ; attainted by parliament, 102 n. 2 ; escapes
to Scotland, 9, 104 her unpopularity, 7 n. 5 ; returns into
Scotland from France, 13, 17 ; meets Clarence and Warwick at
Amboise, and is reconciled, 27 u. 35, 115 ; detained on the
French coast by contrary winds, 50 n. 35, 126; lands at Wey
mouth, 69 n. 1, 126 ; proceeds to Bristol and Exeter, 70, 126 ;
she sends out emissaries to mislead, 73 ; proscribed by Edward's
proclamation, 74 n. 6 ; returns to Bristol, 75 ; changes her pur
pose and travels to Berkeley and Gloucester, 75 ; arrives at
Tewkesbury, 77 ; her troops exhausted, 78 n. 8 ; Battle of
Tewkesbury, 79 n. 10, 127 ; taken prisoner, 83 n. 15, 128 n.
63 ; conveyed to Edward IV. at Coventry, 84 ; imprisoned at
Wallingford, 142 ; ransomed by Lewis, 169 ; incidentally men
tioned, 229—239. See Angiers.
Margaret, sister to King Edward IV., 19. 5'ee Duchess of Biugundy.
Margaret, daughter to Edward IV., 154.

INDEX. 299
Market Street, 135.
Marney, Sir John, 20 n. 23.
Martin, 210.
Martigny, George, 148.
Mary, daughter of Edward IV., 154 n. 31, 258.
Mary of Geldres, 17.
Merchants, English, 177 n. 7. 178. •
Merchants of the Staple, 178.
Merchants of the StiMard or Steelyard, 161 u. 9, 174 n. 3.
Merrick, Yvan ap John ap, 111.
Michel's Mount, Cornwall, 138, 141.
Middle classes, rise of, 145.
Middleham, lxii.
Mile End, xxx.
Minories, The, 16.
Miracle of St. Anne, 54.
Molcyns, Lord, xxxvii, 106 n. 14.
Molins, Ad., Bishop of Chichester, xvi, xxi n. 7, xlvii.
Mondidier, 165.
Montacute, Earl of, lxxxv.
Montague, Marquis of, created Earl of Northumberland, 102 ; besieges
Bamburgh Castle, btxxvii, 14; marches with Henry VI., 14;
made Warden of the Marshes, 14 n. 14 ; continues in the
North, 15 ; his treason, 29, 30, 116 ; abides in Pomfret Castle,
43 n. 9 ; joins Warwick at Coventry, 53 ; slain at Barnet, 65,
124, 125 n. 56; Ms dead body exposed at St. Paul's, 67 n. 40,
126 ; buried at the Priory of Bisham, ib. n. 57 ; Ms property
given to the Duke of Gloucester, 244 n. 4.
Montgomery, John, 12 n. 10, 13.
Montgomery, Sir Thomas, 156, 165 n, 16.
Montlhery, Battle of, 18.
Montreuil, 247.
Moore, Manor of the, 26, 136, 137.
Mortimer's Cross, Battle of, lxxxiv.
Morton, Dr., 142, 167, 191 ; Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury, 196 ;
sketch of his rise and progress, 197; his character, 198; ap
pointed tutor to Edward Prince of Wales, 210; made Executor
to Edward IV., 210 ; Ms influence at Court, 257.
Mountford, Osbert, lxviii.
Myles, Louis, 128.
Nailbourn, 135.
Nanci, Battle of, 169.
Nawarth Castle, 103, 105 n. 6.
Neville, Anne, (betrothed to Edward, Prince of Wales,) 128, 215, 232,
242 n. 2 ; marries Richard III., 243.

300 INDEX.
Neville, Charles, 112.
Neville, George, Bishop of Exeter, 106 n. 11. See Archbishop of York.
Neville, George, Duke of Bedford, 250 n. 9.
Neville, Isabella, Duchess of Clarence, 23, 215.
Neville, Sir Henry, 111, n. 27.
Neville, Sir Humphery, lxxxvii, 112.
Neville, Sir John, lxxi, 9 n. 8 ; made Lord Montague, 11 n. 9, 106 u. 13.
See Montague, Marquis of.
Neville, Thomas, xxxvii.
Newark, 46 n. 13.
Newburgh, Sir William, 128.
Newham Bridge, 248.
Newport, John, 183.
Nicholas, Capt., xxiii,
Norfolk, 46, 121, 156.
Norfolk, Duchess of, 20.
Norfolk, Duke of, John Mowbray, xxxvi, liii, lxxxv, 8.
Norfolk, Duke of, John Mowbray's son, 11, 37, 184 n. 11, 184, 189.
Norfolk, Duke of, Thomas Howard, 22 n. 27. See Lord Howard.
Normandy lost, xvi, xxxi, 118, 134, 163, 280.
Norris, Sir William, 45 n. 12, 122.
Northampton, 56, 111.
Northampton, Battle of, Ixxvii.
Northumberland, Earl of, li, lxiii ; slain, 9, 107.
Northumberland, Earl of, lxxi.
Northumberland, Henry Percy, Earl of, 42, 43 n. 10, 44, 85, 107 n. 15,
116, 121.
Norwich, 156.
Nottingham, Earl of. See Richard, Duke of York.
Nottingham, 45 n. 12, 46, 47, 122 n. 51, 229.
Novgorod, 161.
Nuz, Siege of, 165 n. 15, 16, 167.
Oldhall, Sir WiMam, liv, lxxi.
Olney, 111 n. 29.
Organ, Harry, 111 n. 26.
Ormond, the Earl of, 119.
Ormond, Thomas, 129.
Oxfordshire, 74.
Oxford, Twelfth Earl of, beheaded, 12, 108.
Oxford, Thirteenth Earl of, committed to the Tower, 20 n. 23 ; flies into
Normandy, 29 ; opposes Edward IV. landing, 37 ; proceeds to
Newark, 46 n. 13; Ms partial success at Barnet, 64 n. 34, 124 ;
his escape into Scotland, 66, 125, 138 n. 78 ; letter to his
Countess, 72 n. 5 ; proscribed by proclamation, 74 n. 6; arraigns
the Earl of Worcester, 120; enters Mount St. Michel, 138 n. 79;

INDEX. 301
is besieged, 139 n. 80 ; his garrison bribed, 139, 141 ; yields
himself to the King's grace, 140 n. 81; attainted, 140 n. 81,
279 ; imprisoned at Hammes, 141 n. t ; bis escape, 141 ; his
estates restored under Henry VII., 141 ; died in the reign of
Henry VIII., 141.
Packenham, 109 n. 21.
Painting, .212.
Pardon, general, xxx, 112, 142.
Parker, John, 129.
Parliaments, xxi, xxm.
Parliaments, First, 11 u. 8, 36 n. 1, 40 n. 5, 102 n. 2, 105 n. 7, 119, 133,
142, 160, 162, 243—245, 251, 272.
Parr, Sir Thomas, lxxi, 45 n. 12.
Parr, Sir William, 46, 137.
Paston, Sir John, Battle of Tewkesbury, 79 n. 10, 141; Letters, 184—190
n. 16 ; contents of Ms library, 199, 200 n. 4.
Payn, John, Letter respecting Cade's Rebellion, xxxi — xxxiv.
Peacock, 210.
Peequigni, Bridge of, 109 n. 19.
Peers, Creation of, 101.
Pembroke, Earl of. See Lord Herbert.
Pembroke, Jasper Tudor Earl of, xlviii, li, lxxxiv, 73, 77, 79 u. 10. 119,
142, 279.
Penley, 217.
Pentheviere, Count, xliv.
Percy, Sir Ralph, 105 n. 6.
Peronne, 165, 167.
Petition of the Commons, 219 — 222.
Philip, Sir Matthew, 18, 93 n. 19, 131.
PMlip, son of the Archduke Maximilian, 258.
Pigot, Sir Roger, 111.
Pikton, Harry Done, 111 n. 26.
Plantagenet, Henry, eldest son of Richard Duke of York, 212 n. 1.
Plantagenet, William, the fourth son, 214 n. 1.
Plantagenet, John, the fifth son, 214 u. 1.
Plantagenet, Edward, Earl of Warwick, last of the, 245, 252.
Plummer, Sir John, 108.
Pomfret, Castle of, 43 n. 9, 182.
Pomiers, Count de, lxiii.
Pont de l'Arche, xx.
Pontefract, 45 n. 12.
Popaurcote, Sir John, 22.
Portsmouth, 69.
Portugal, 86.
Portugal, Don John of, 161.

302

INDEX.

Post, The, estabb'shed, 179.
Powis, Lord, lxxi.
Powle, 38.
Poyning, Sir Edward, lxxxiv.
Poyntz, John, 20 n. 23.
Printing, invention of, 146.
Procession of Concord and Unity, 1458, lxvi.
Proclamations, xvi, 225, 226, 229, 238—240, 279.
Quarr Abbey (Ryde, Isle of Wight,) Cicely, daughter of Edward IV.,
buried at, 154.
Ravenspurn, 38, 121.
Reading, 74.
Reddesdale, Robin of, 25 n. 32, 110 n. 23, 218.
Ren6 d' Anjou, xvi.
Rennes cloth, 149 n. 14.
Ribaire, Sir Bartelot de, 18.
Richard II., 38, 161 ; troubles resulting from the reign of, 219, 264.
Richard III., see Gloucester.
Richmond, Henry Tudor Earl of, 142, 197, 262, 263, 280.
Richmond King-at-Arms, 150.
Rivers, Anthony Woodville (Lord Scales) Earl of, lxxii, 30, 38, 51, 90,
114, 129, 153, 167 ; his patronage of learning, and of Caxton
the first English printer, 207 ; his works enumerated, 208 n. 9 ;
beheaded at Pontefract, 209 ; his love of literature, 210 ; inci
dentally mentioned, 246, 253, 255, 256, 257, 264 n. 23.
Rivers, Earl of, Richard Woodville, lxxi, lxxii, 16, 106 ; beheaded, 25, 111 ;
incidentally mentioned, 219.
Rivers, Lady, 148 n. 11.
Rochester, 130.
Roll, The, to the High and Mighty Prince Richard Duke of Gloucester,
(Appendix) 272 ; retrospect of former Kings, 273 ; Edward's
marriage disputed, 274 ; his children therefore illegitimate, 275 ;
Clarence being attainted of treason, his children disabled from
inheriting the Crown, ib. ; Richard the rightful heir, 276;
chosen Mng, ib. ; his right recognized by parliament, 277 ; the
succession settled on Ms son Edward and his heirs, 278.
Roos, Sir Henry, 129.
Roos, Thomas, Lord, lxxxiv, lxxxv, 14, 106 n. 14.
Ross or Rous, John, of Warwick, 191 ; his literary works, 194.
Rostock, 161.
Rotheram, Archbishop, 197, 210, 257 n. 11.
Rouen, xx.
Rous, Oliver, 22.
Roye, 165.

INDEX. 303
Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, 210, 257 n. 14.
Rutheland, 125 n.
Rutland, Duke of (brother to Edward IV.) Ixx, lxxi, 8 n. 7, 212 ; slain at
the battle of Wakefield, lxxxiii, 213.
Salisbury, 73, 109.
Salisbury, Countess of, lxxi, lxxiii.
Salisbury, Richard, Earl of, xxxvi ; quarrels with Lord Egremont, xxxv ;
joins the conspiracy with York and Warwick, xlviii, 1 ; after the
first battle of St. Alban's, made Lord Chancellor, liii, liv, lvi ;
resigns the seals, lix ; accepts the King's invitation to Coventry,
lxii ; proceeds to Middleham, lxii ; attends the assembling of the
rival Peers, lxM ; walks with Somerset in the proceesion, lxv,
lxvi ; conspires again with York and Warwick, lxvii ; gains the
battle of Bloreheath, lxvii ; accompanied Edward (the Fourth)
into Devonshire, Ixx, 5 ; attainted of treason, lxxi ; proceeds to
Calais, lxxi ; Ms personal abuse to Lord Rivers, lxxii ; enters
London, 1460, lxxvi; besieges the Tower, Ixxvii ; Battle ofWake-
ficld, lxxxii ; beheaded at Pontefract, lxxxiii.
Sandal, lix, 43.
Sandwich, 95, 130, 131.
Say, Lord, beheaded by Cade, xxx.
Say, Lord, escapes with Edward to Flanders, 117, 118, 121; slain at
Barnet, 66, 125.
Scales, Anthony Lord, xxx, lxxi, lxxvi, Ixxvii, 19 n. 21, 28, 219. See
Rivers.
Scarborough, 25.
Scotsburgh, Jenkin Perot ap, 111.
Scrope, Lady, 120 n. 47.
Sculpture, 211.
Sea, Martin of the, 40.
Sendal, Castle of, lix, 43.
Sentlow, Sir John, 129.
Shaftesbury, 73.
Shaw, Edmond, 177 n. 7.
Sheen, Palace of, lix.
Shore, Jane, 190.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, xxxviii, Ixxvii, lxxxv, 9 n. 8, 117 n. 41.
Sodberry, 75, 76.
Somerset, Edmund Duke of, Lieutenant of France, xvii ; his credence for
succours, xvii ; surrenders Rouen, xx, and Caen, xxii ; returns
from France, xxxiv ; his pedigree, xxxv ; Ms differences with
the Duke of York, xxxvii; Council at Coventry to reconcile
them, xxxviii ; affray at Coventry, xxxvm ; York's letter to the
citizens of Shrewsbury against him, xl; ordered into custody,
xiii ; but stiU retains his office, xliii ; recommends the placing of

304 INDEX.
York in custody, xliii '; he is sent to the Tower by York, xlvii ;
released upon the King's recovery, xlix ; supersedes York in the
government of Calais, xlviii ; accompanied the King against the
rebel Lords, li; slain at St. Alban's, Iii, 17, 18, 19 n. 22, 20, 56
n. 23, 71, 74 n. 6, 79 n. 10, 80, 83 n. 14, 115, 119, 126.
Somerset, Henry Duke of, outlawed, lvi ; attends the meeting of the
peers in 1457, lxiii; walks hand in hand with the Earl of Salis
bury in the procession to St. Paul's, lxv, lxvi ; appointed to
supersede Warwick in the command of Calais, lxxi ; the ill
success of his attempts to take it, lxxi, lxxiii ; retires to Dieppe
after the battle of Northampton, lxxix ; assembles the royal
forces at Pontefract, lxxxiii ; he defeats the Duke of York, who
is slain at Wakefield, lxxxiii. iv ; at the second battle of St.
Alban's, lxxxiv ; submits to Edward IV., 13, 14 n. 15, 105 n. 6,
106 n. 13, 115.
Somerset, Lord John of Somerset, 17, 56, 79 n. 10, 82, 119, 126, 127,
280.
SomersetsMre, 70, 111.
Southampton, 69,114.
Springs, swelling of, 134.
St. Alban's, 58, 135.
St. Alban's, battle of, li ; second battle of, lxxxv, 6.
St. Dunstan's in the East, 196.
St. George's Fields, 89.
St. John, Lord, 79 n. 10, 127.
St. John of Jerusalem, Prior of, (Sir John Longstrother,) 56, 69, 83 n. 14.
St. Katherine's near the Tower, 88.
St. Leger, Sir Thomas, 167, 214.
St. Loe, Sir John, 129.
.St. Martin's-le-Grand, 70, 242.
St. Michael's Mount, 138, 39, 40, 41.
St. Osyth, 141.
St. Omer's, 247, 248, 249.
St. Paul's, xhii, 58, 60, 67.
St. Pierre, Lord, 168.
St. Pol, Constable de, 163, 164, 167, 169.
St. Quentin, 164, 167.
St. Quentin taken by Louis, 247.
St. Thomas, Brotherhood of, Charter, 179.
Stacey, 248.
Stacy, Louis, 148.
Stafford, John, Ixxvii.
Stafford, Lord Humphrey, xxx,li, Iii, lxiv, 24, 109 n. 22, 110, 111, 217,
219, 256.
Stafford, Sir H., xxx.
Stair, xxvii, lviii.

INDRX. 305
Stalbroke, Sir Thomas, 93 u. 19, 131.
Stanley, Lord, Ixxvii, 117 n. 11, 161, 1G6, 197, 256 n. 5, 2G3.
Stanley, Sir William, 45 n. 12, 122.
Steers, Richard, 20 n. 23.
Stillington, Robert, Bishop of Bath, 106 n. 11, 210, 216 n. 2, 217, 257 >i.
12,262
Stoker, Sir John, 93 n. 19, 131.
Stokton, Sir John, 93 n. 19, 131.
Stony Stratford, 16.
Storie, Edward, Bishop of Carlisle, 210 n. 11.
Stowe, John, Chronicle of, 35.
Stratford, Abbey of, 156.
Strozzi, Lorenzo, Eng. Consul at Pisa, 179.
Sudeley, Lord, Iii.
Suffolk, 46.
Suffolk, William de la Pole, Duke of, negociates the marriage of Henry
IV. and Margaret, xiii ; his unpopularity in consequence, xvii ;
defends himself in parliament, xxi ; his character, 21; he is
impeached and banished, xxii ; his murder, xxii, xxvii, xxix ;
buried at Wingfield, xxviii. 118.
Suffolk, Elizabeth Duchess of, 50 n. 19, 128 n. 63, 213 n. 1.
Suffolk, Earl of, 252.
Suffolk, Margaret Countess of, 252 n. 15.
Sussex, 132.
Swynford, Dame Katherine, 280.
Tadcaster, 42.
Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, recovers Bordeaux, Bordelais, and Chatillon,
xMi ; his death, xliv.
Talbot, Sir John, Lord Lisle, accompanies his father, xliii ; his death,
xliv.
Talbot, John, of Salisbury, 108, 181.
Talbot, Sir Edmund, 108.
Talbot, Sir Thomas, 108 n. 1.
Taunton, 73.
Taylor, Sir William, lxiv, 93 n. 19, 131, 177 n. 7.
Tempest, Sir John, of Bracewcll, 108 n. 1.
Temple Bar, lxiii.
Tewkesbury, 73, 76, 77, 79 n. 10, 83, 127, 129.
Tewkesbury, Battle of, 80 n. 11, 127 n. 59.
Thames, River, 88.
Thanet, Isle of, 141.
Thornhill, John, 28.
Thorpe, Mr. Speaker, lvi.
Throgmorton, John, lxxxiv, 129.
Tiptoft, John. See Earl of Worcester.

30G INDEX.
Tonnage and Poundage, 224.
Tournament at Smithfield, 19 n. 21.
Tower of London, 59.
Towton, Battle of, Ixxxvi, 9.
Tresham, Harry, 128.
Tresham, Sir Thomas, arrested, 20 n. 23 ; beheaded, 83, 128.
Tresham, William, xxxiv.
Trevylian, Daniel, 118.
Troloppe, Sir Andrew, lxxix.
Tudenham, Sir Thomas, 12 n. 10, 108.
Tudor, Owen, lxxxiv.
Tunstall, Sir Richard, 105.
Turner, Sharon, vi.
Tutbury, lix.
Twyndowe, Anckenett, 245 n. 5, 250.
Tyrrel, Sir J., 242.
Tyrrel, Sir William, 12 n. 10, 13, 66 n. 38, 125.
Ulston, Rise ap Morgan ap, 111.
Ursewick, Sir Thomas, 93 n. 19, 123—131.
Ursula, daughter of Richard Duke of York, 214 n. 1.
Utrecht, 6, 161 ; congress of, 178.
Valanges, xxi.
Vane, Dame Katherine, 128.
Vaughan, Sir Richard, 150.
Vaughan, Sir Roger, 111.
Vaughan, Thomas, 137.
Vaughan, Thomas ap Richard, 111 n. 26.
Vaughan, Watkin Thomas, 111 u. 26.
Vaux, Sir William, 127.
Venables, Sir Hugh, lxviii.
Venetians, lx.
Vere, Henry Lord Aubrey, accuses his father of treason, 1 1 ; beheaded,
12, 108.
Verneuil, xx.
Verney, Sir Ralph, 93 n. 19, 131.
Void, The, 150 n. 18.
Waddington, Hull, 14 n. 16, 108.
Waffir, (Waver) Harry, 18.
Wainfleet, William, 117, 210.,
Wakefield, 43, 45.
Wakefield, Battle of, lxxxiii.
Wakes, Thomas, 111.
Wales, 73.

INDEX. 307
Walis, John, 129.
Walsingham, 156 n. 3.
Warbeck, Pcrkin, 61 n. 30.
Warkworth Castle, 103.
Warkworth's, (Dr. John) Chronicles, 101 ; end of, 140; sketch of his
hfe, 207.
Warren and Surrey, Earl of. See Richard Duke of York, son of Edward IV.
Warren, Richard, 227.
Warwick, 48, 50.
Warwick Castle, 112.
Warwick, Countess of, 56, 69 n. 2, 242, 243.
Warwick, Edward Earl of, murdered by Henry VII., 245.
Warwick, Richard Neville, Earl of, at Leicester with 400 followers, in
1450, xxix ; supports the Duke of York, xxxvii ; enters into the
Yorkist conspiracy, xlviii ; marches towards London, 1 ; Battle
of St. Albans, li ; appointed to the government of Calais, liii ;
goes to Hunsdon, liv; his quarrel with Lord Cromwell, Ivi;
retires into Yorkshire, lix; accepts the King's invitation to
Coventry, lxii ; proceeds to Calais, lxii; attends the assembling
of tlic rival peers, lxiii ; appointed to keep the sea, lxv ; walks
with the Duke of Exeter in tho- procession to St. Paul's, lxv,
Ixvi; attacked by the blackguards, lxvii; proceeds to Calais,
lxvii ; Warwick's articles of justification, lxviii ; reasons for
declining the King's pardon, lxix ; accompanies Edward (the
Fourth) into Devonshire, Ixx, 5 ; attainted of high treason, lxxi ;
escapes lo Calais, lxxi ; retains the place against the efforts of
the Duke of Somerset, lxxii ; crosses the sea to Ireland and
to Calais, lxxm ; lands at Sandwich, Ixxiv; arrives in London,
lxxvi ; Battle of Northampton, Ixxvii ; second Battle of St.
Albans, lxxxv ; meets Edward IV. at Cotswold, 6 ; proceeds to
London, 7; at the siege of Bamburgh, Ixxxvi, 14; sent into
France to demand the Princess Bona in marriage for Edward IV.,
105 n. 9 ; continues in the North, 15 ; godfather to the Princess
Royal, 18 ; cause of his quarrel with Edward IV., 18 n. 20, 23,
10G ; conducts the Princess Margaret to Bruges, 20; sent
ambassador to Louis XL, 21 ,,. 24 and 25, 23; remains twelve
days and returns to England, ib. u. 26 ; his vast power, posses
sions, and titles, 23 n. 28, 106 ; gets the King into his power
at Hedgecote field, 24 n. 30; conspires with Clarencc, 26, 112
ii. 30, 113; his treason detected, he flies with Ms wife into
Normandy, 26, 114 n. 33, 224 ; treats with Margaret, 115 ; goes
with Clarence to Amboise and welcomed by Louis, 27, 116 ;
returns to England and raises an army, 116 ; opposes Edward IV. 's
return, 37; restores Henry VI., 40, 41 ; proceeds into Warwick
shire, 47; made lieutenant of England by Henry VI., 47 n.

308 INDEX.
14; refuses to fight Edward at Coventry, 48 n. 17, 54 n. 22,
122 ; rejects Ms overtures, 50, 228 ; gathers his party round
him, 53 ; his popularity at Calais, 53 n. 21 ; sends letters to
London and Archbishop of York, 57 ; pursues Edward IV.
through Northampton, 61 ; meets Edward at Barnet, 62 n. 31,
124 ; his defeat and death, 65 n. 35 and 36, 125 ; his body
exposed after death, 67 n. 40, 126 u. 57; the manner and
guiding of the Earl of Warwick at Angiers, 229, 241.
Warwickshire, 47.
Water, Robert, 106 n. 14.
Wells, 73.
Welles, Lord, son of Richard Lord Welles, 25 n. 33, 112 n. 31, 113 n. 32,
114.
Welles, Richard Lord, lviii, lxxxiv, 9 n. 8.
Welles, Sir Robert, 112 n. 31, 224, 226, 227.
Welshmen slain at Edgecote, 24 n. 30, 110 n. 24.
Wemere, 134 n. 73.
Weniock, Lord, lxxi, lxxhi, 56, 69, 79 n. 10, 82, 127.
Wentworth, Sir Philip, liv, 106 n. 14.
Westerdale, John, 38 n. 3, 40, 121.
Westminster, 60, 88, 112, 117.
Westminster, Abbot of, 120 n. 47.
Westminster, Prior of, 120 n. 47.
Westmoreland, Earl of, slain, 9.
Weymouth, 69, 126 n. 58.
WMttingham, Sir Robert, 127.
Wight, Isle of, 183.
Wigmore, lxii.
Wiiioughby, Lord, lviii, lxxxiv, 112, 113.
Wiltshire, 70.
Wiltshire, Earl of, 9.
Winchester, Bishop of, 117, 210.
Winchester, Hospital of St. Cross, xiv.
Winchester, Earl of, 150.
Windsor, 26, 74.
Windsor Castle, description of, 147.
Windsor Castle, St. George's Chapel, 21.
Winglield, Dame Anne, 156.
Winstone, 217.
Wolvcsey, Palace of, xv n. 1.
Woodville, Sir Edward, 279.
Woodville, Sir John, brother to the Queen, 18 ; beheaded, 25 n. 1 J. 219.
Wool, staple commodity, 173 n. 2.
Woollen goods, 173.
Worcester, 73, 83, 84, 114 n. 34 and 35, 1 15.

INDEX. 309
Worcester, John Tiptoft Earl of, xxxvii, Ixxxviii, 29 n. 37, 30 n. 1, 108,
119 n. 45, 191; list of lu3 works, 192 n. 2, 193; literary
character, 191.
Writtil, 184 n. 12, 186.
Wrottcsley, Russell, Sir Walter, 127.
Wyrcester, William, 188, 199 n. 1 ; list of his works, 192.
Yclverton, Sir W., 184 n. 11.
Yeovil, 74.
Yonge, Thomas, xxxvi.
York, City of, 39, 40, 41, 44, 85, 112 ; proclamation, 116 n. 37, 121.
York, Duchess of, taken at Ludlow, 5 ; sent to her sister, 6 ; stands god
mother to the Princess Royal, 18 ; mediates between Edward IV.
and Clarence, 50 n. 19, 61 ; her large family, 212 n. 1.
York, George Neville, Archbishop of, Ixx, lxxvi, Ixxviii ; invites Edward IV.
to the Palace of the Moor, 26 n. 34, 112 n. 30; takes Ms seat
in the parliament of Henry VI., 119 ; opposes Edward IV. entry
into London, 57 n. 26 ; conducts Henry VI. through the city,
58 n. 27, 133 ; his double dealing, 59, 123 n. 54, 137 ; delivers
Henry VI. up to Edward IV. 60; visits the King at Windsor,
136 ; purveys for the King's visit to the Moor, 136 ; his posses
sions confiscated, 137, 159 ; arrested 156 n. 75 ; imprisoned and
dies in the castle of Hammes, 137, 142, 159.
York, Richard, Duke of, xxiii. ; personal hatred of Suffolk, xxiv; cauBe of
his murder, xxv ; arrives with an armed force from Ireland,
xxxiv ; enters London, xxxiv ; his pedigree, xxxvi ; his chief
supporters, xxxvii ; differences with Somerset, xxxvii ; goes to
Ludlow, xxxix ; his petition to the King, xxxix ; letter to the
citizens of Shrewsbury, xl ; marches to London and into Kent,
xiii ; submits, and is pardoned, xliii ; he assumes the reigns of
government on the King's illness, xlvi ; made Lord Protector,
xlviii ; and governor of Calais, xlviii ; he is disgraced, ib. ; forms
a conspiracy, xlix ; he commences the Civil War, and marches
towards London, 1 ; first battle of St. Alban's won by Mm, M ;
he is made Constable of England, liii; he takes a fresh oath of
allegiance, lvii ; he is appointed Lord Protector, lviii ; creates
peers, lviii ; discharged from his office, lix ; supposed to have
caused the riots, in 1456, lx ; invited to meet the king at Co
ventry, but suspecting the object of the Queen, retires to Wig-
more, lxii ; arrives in London to attend the meeting of the rival
peers, lxiii ; leads the Queen in the procession to St. Paul's,
lxv ; he prepares for war, lxviii ; assembles his followers at
Ludcford, lxviii ; his disgraceful conduct, and flight from Lud
low, Ixx, 5 ; he is attainted, lxxi ; well received in Ireland,
lxxii ; returns from Ireland, and employed in punishing loyalty
to the King, as a crime against tlic people, Ixxviii; advances his

310 INDEX.
claim to the crown, lxxix ; his haughty and treasonable beha
viour, lxxx ; he is proclaimed heir to the throne, and made Lord
Protector for life, Ixxxii ; spends his Christmas at Sandel Castle,
lxxxiii ; death at Wakefield, lxxxiii, 6 ; his head placed on the
gate at York, lxxxiii; incidentally mentioned, 38, 40, 41,42;
his large family, 212, 213.
York, Richard Duke of, son of Edward IV., 152 ; married in childhood to
Anne, daughter of the Duke of Norfolk, 258 n. 15 ; Earl of
Warren and Surrey, and Earl of Nottingham, ib.
Yorkshire, insurrection of, 110 n. 23.
Young, Sir John, 93 n. 19, 131.
Zeland, 36.

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