YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

ILADT JTASriE ©miSY,

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LADY JANE GREY,

AND

HER TIMES.

^^

BY GEORGE HOWARD, ESQ,

LONDON:
FEINTED FOK SHEBWOOD, NEELY, AND JONES,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.

1822,

PREFACE.

In the present age of historical research,
and of recorded usurpation, no apology seems
necessary for bringing before the public the
various events connected with the brief but
eventful life and reign of an Innocent Usurper,
the victim of parental ambition, and a sacrifice
to filial obedience.
That period in the sixteenth century be
tween the turbulent and tyrannic reign ofthe
last Henry, and the glorious though despotic
one of his daughter Elizabeth— a period of
only twelve years — has been but slightly no
ticed by general historians, wjio have expa
tiated upon little beyond the precocity of the
royal infant, Edward, and the gloomy yet

vi PREFACE.
ferocious bigotry ofhis intolerant sister : the
unsettled state of one reign marked by the too
frequent politica:! use of the fatal scaffold;
and the religious prejudices of the other too
strongly shown by the flames ofthe martyrs'
stake. Yet that period, though short, is replete
with much of high interest to the antiquaiy,
to the philosopher, to the man of taste, and to
the Christian; for then was the infancy of
our arts, our knowledge, our manners, and
our reformed faith.
Impressed with this conviction, we have
endeavoured to draw from the dust of anti
quity every important anecdote or illustration
referring to, or delineative of, that era ; but
more particularly as connected specifically
with the life of one whose short course has
hitherto been rather considered in a political
than in a biographical point of view. In do-

PREFACE. vn
ing this, we have left no source of information
untouched: and have thus been enabled to
lay before our readers a series of facts, anec
dotes, and documents, unknown, or, at least,
yet unnoticed ; most of which bear strongly
upon the history of our country, and many of
them tending to correct our opinions as to
the characters of men, and our knowledge of
manners of that day.
If strict fidelity and adherence to truth,
without party bias either historical or systema
tic, may be a passport to approval, to that we
can fearlessly lay claim. How far true taste
has been consulted in the arrangement, or
true judgment in the selection, we must leave
for the public to appreciate.
London,
Dec 1, 1821.

LADY JANE GREY,
AND HER TIMES.

SECTION I.

Preliminary Remarks — Characters of Lady Jane, by contempo
rary Writers, &c. — Family of Grey — Family of Widvile — Of
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk — Genealogical and chivahous Anec
dotes — Rise and Anecdotes of the Reformation — First Print
ing and Dissemination of the Bible — Cranmer's famous Letter
— Papal Incroachments — ^Anecdotes of Mary, Dowager of
France ; of Queen Katharine of Arragon ; of the Princess
Mary, afterwards Queen ; of Henry VIII. &c. &c.

If from the study of History, general political know
ledge is to be acquired, it is from Biography that we
are to leam the best practical lessons of domestic virtue.
The subject, however, selected for the following pages,
combines both these advantages ; taking up that most
important period in the history of our country — the
Reformation, in addition to the picture that it draws
of youthful excellence, humility, and piety, and that
too in the highest ranks of society — a picture which

2 LADY JANE GEEY,
may operate both as an apology and example for those
in more splendid stations, — as a lesson of liberality, and
an excitement to emulation in the more humble and
retired walks of Hfe.
The era also is fertile in opportunities of illustrating
the infancy of modem elegance — of sketching the last
shadows of departing feudal magnificence and manners
— of filling up the faint outline of recollected old En
glish customs — and of comparing all these with " things
as they are."
But the most important point is to delineate the life
of one, so placed as to be the most conspicuous mark
for envy or prejudice, both pohtical and religous; and
yet of one, of whom not even contemporary historians
have dared to speak Ul, though to gratify a reigning rival.
Protestant writers have, indeed, in general, spoken so
highly of her, that some of the liberals of the present
day have hinted, that '^ perhaps" she was rather glori
fied as a pohtical martyr, than correctly described as
an illustrious female. But it shall be our task to show,
from the most authentic, and ;^some yet untouched
sources, that the most poetically animated descriptions
of Lady Jane Grey are completely borne out by facts,
on the concurrent testimony even of contending writers.
That her praises have been so energetically expressed,
as in some measure to justify doubt in this age of hi
storical scepticism, cannot indeed be absolutely denied,
Difierent, however, was the opinion of no mean poet.

AND HER TIMES. 3
who, in a volunteer prologue to Rowe's well known
tragedy on this interesting subject, observes, tliat
" Nobly to bear the changes of our state.
To stand unmoved against the storms of fate
A brave contempt of life and grandeur lost.
Such glorious toils a female name can boast.
Our author draws not beauty's heavenly smile,
T' invite our wishes and our hearts beguile ;
No soft enchantments languish in her eye.
No blossoms fade nor sickening roses die;
A nobler passion every breast must move
Than youthful raptures or the joys of love;
A mind unchanged, superior to a crown.
Bravely defies the angry tyrant's frown ;
The same if fortune sinks or mounts on high.
Or if the world's extended ruins lie ;
With generous scorn she lays the sceptre down ;
Great souls shine br^htest by misfortunes shown :
With patient courage she sustains the blow.
And triumphs o'er variety of woe.''
But, of the more ancient writers, we may notice that
Burton, speaking of her in his Additions to Leicester
shire, calls her " that most noble and admired princess,
Jane Grey ; who being but yoimg, at the age of seven
teen years, as John Bale writeth, attained to such ex
cellent leaming, both in the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin
tongues, and also in the study of divinity, by the in
struction of Mr. Aylmer, as appeareth by her many
writings, letters, &c. that, as Mr. Fox saith of her, had
her fortune been answerable to her bringing up, un
doubtedly she inight have been compared to the house
of Vespasians, Sempronians, and Cornelia, mother of
b2

4 LADY JANE GREY,
the Gracchi in Rome ; and, in these days, the chiefest
men in the universities."
Fox, in his character of her in his Acts and Monu-
I ments, also says that she had the innocency of child
ly hood, the beauty of youth, the solidity of middle, the
gravity of old age, and all at eighteen ; the birth of a
princess, the learning of a clerk, the life of a saint, yet
the death of a malefactor for her parents' oflences. He
adds, " I confess I never read of any canonized saint
of her name; a thing whereof some papists are so
scrupulous, that they count it an unclean and unhal
lowed thing to be of a name whereof never any saint
was — but let this worthy lady pass for a saint ; and let
all great ladies which bear her name imitate her virtues;
to whom I wish her inward holiness, but far more out^
ward happiness."
Another writer states her to have had a perfection,
noble, holy, and worthy all good men's imitation, with
a strength matchless and invincible, especially remark
able in one of the softer sex. He calls her a Sheba
that had so oft heard the wisdom of Solomon, that ten
thousand of her contemporary Solomons might come
to be instructed by this Sheba. In short, a lady in all
good,ness so perfect, that whosoever could gain but
some part of her shadow, might have enough in latter
days to boast, and rank themselves with the best that
are called virtuous. He adds, that she was brought
up in learning and religion with that prosperous and

AXn HEK TIMES. 5
devout painfulness, tliat, as seed cast upon thS best
and most fruitful ground, she brought fortli her in
crease in such abundance of infinites, that the least of
her excellencies were impossible to be circumscribed.
Old Fuller speaking of her, in his " Worthies of
England," quaintly observes, that no lady which led so
many pious, hved so few pleasant days ; whose soul
was never out of the nonage of afflictions, till death
made her of fuU years to inherit happiness : so severe
was her education. He adds, that to her, whilst a
child, her father's house was a house of correction ;
nor did she write woman, sooner than she did subscribe
wife, and in obedience to her parents, was unfortunately
matched to the Lord GuUford Dudley; yet, says
FuUer, he was a goodly, and (for aught I find to the
contrary) a godly gentleman, whose worst fault was,
that he was son to an ambitious father.
In short we may exclaim, as in the estabUshed pro
logue to Rowe's tragedy —
Oh ! could our author's pencil justly paint
Such as she was in life the beauteous saint.
Boldly yoinr strict attention might we claim.
And bid you mark and copy out the dame.
No wandering glance one wanton thought confess'd.
No guilty wish inflamed her spotless breast;
The only love that warm'd her blooming youth
Was husband, England, liberty, and truth :
For these she fell, while with too weak a hand
She strove to save a blind ungrateful land, /'
-Her general story is too weU known for us to fear

6 LADY JANE GREY,
the charge of anticipation, in adding from the same
quaint writer, that she was proclaimed but never
crowned queen, living in the Tower, which place,
though it hath or had a double capacity of a palace
and a prison, yet appeared to her chiefly in the latter
relation : for she was longer a captive than a queen
therein, taking no contentment aU the time, save what
she found in God, and a clear conscience. He closes
with the observation, that her family, by snatching at
a crown, which was not, lost a coronet which was their
own : let us add too, that this family had already ar
rived at the highest rank and power which subjects
can or ought to possess, founded indeed on personal
merit as weU as in antiquity of lineage.
Her family, of Grey, was originaUy of Norman ex
traction : their coat of arms, Barry of six, argent and
azure; in chief three torteauxes, ermine: the motto,
A ma puissance.
Rollo, or Fulbert, was the first of the famUy on
record. He was chamberlain to Robert, Duke of
Normandy, and had from him, by gift, the castle and
lands of Croy in Picardy; from whence the surname
of the race became de Croy, or subsequently de Grey,
John Lord de Croy, only son of RoUo, married
Adela, daughter and co-heir of WiUiam Fitz-Osbert,
by whom he had a son —
Sir Arnold de Grey, who at, or soon after the Nor
man Conquest, became lord of Water Eaton, Stoke,

AND HER -TIMES. 7
and Rotherfield. By his wife Joan, daughter and
heiress of the Baron of Ponte de I'Arche, he had a
son —
Anchitel de Grey, who held various grants of land
in Oxfordshire. His wife is unknown ; and his only
son —
Richard de Grey, married MabUia, also of a family
not upon record, by whom he left several sons, the
eldest of whom —
Anchitel de Grey, married Eva, daughter of Bald
win de Redvers, Earl of Devon, and their eldest son— ^
John de Grey, marrying Hawise, of a famUy not
recorded, had several chUdren, the third of whom —
Henry de Grey, had a grant from Richard I. of the
lands of Thurrock in Essex, with several other estates.
He married Isolda, eo-heiress of the Lords Bardolph,
in 1300. Of this Henry de Grey the foUowing notice
may be found in the ancient heraldic poem, called the
Siege of Karlaverok :
" Henry de Grai vi je la,
Ki bien et noblement aia
Ovec son bon Seigneur le Conte :
Banier avoit e pardroit conte
De vi pieces la vous mesur,
Barre de argent e de asur.
I saw there Henry de Grai, who made a noble appearance with
his good Lord, the Earl; his banner, being rightly reckoned,
was barry of six pieces argent and azure."
John de Grey, second son of Henry, rose to various
high offices in the state, dying in 1266. He married

8 LADY JANE GREY,
Emma, daughter and heiress of GeofFry de GlanvUle;
and their son —
Reginald de Grey, first summoned to parUament as
Lord Grey de Ruthyn, married Maud, daughter and
heiress of Henry de Longchamp, Baron of WUton ;
and their son —
John de Grey, by his second wife, Maud, daughter
of Ralph, Lord Basset of Drayton, left a son —
Roger de Grey, who inherited the title of Ruthyn,
that of Grey de WUton going to the eldest son by the
first wife. This Roger married EUzabeth, daughter
of John, Lord Hastings of Bergavenny, and heir to
John, Earl of Pembroke ; and their second son —
Reginald de Grey, who was commander of aU the
king's castles in Wales in the reign of Edward III,
succeeded to the title of Ruthyn, by the death of his
elder brother. He married Eleanor, daughter of Lord
Strange of Blackmere ; his only son and heir, by whom,
Regmald de Grey, after being long time a prisoner
to Owen Glendower, recovered in the court of chivalry,
against Sir Edward Hastings, the right to the name
and arms of Lord Hastings, in right of his grand
mother. He married Joan, daughter and heir of
WUliam, Lord Astley, for his second wife, and by her
had three sons ; the eldest of whom.
Sir Edwa/rd de Grey, marrying EUzabeth, sole
daughter and heiress of Henry, son and heir of Wil
liam, Lord Ferrers of Groby, was summoned to par-

AXD HER TIMES. 9
liament, in virtue of that maiTiage, as Lord Ferrers, in
1446. Their son —
Sir John Grey, who succeeded as Lord Ferrers, and
was slain at the battle of St, Alban's, in 1460, married
Elizabeth, eldest daughter and co-heir of Richard
WidvUe, Earl of Rivers ; she, after his death, marry
ing King Edward IV, as represented by Shakspeare,
in his tragedy of Richard III.
The family of WidvUe cannot be traced of higher
antiquity than the reign of Edward III. when Richard
de WidvUe was sheriff of Northamptonshire. His son,
Jolm de WidvUe, held the s£tme office as his father,
and several others, and had a son Richard, who, in
addition to his patemal ofiices, was constable of the
Tower of London, in the reign of Henry VL, and
distinguished himself in the wars in France. If not
of a very old famUy himself, he conferred a most an
cient Une of blood upon his descendants, by his mar
riage vrith Jacqueline, Duchess Dowager of Bedford,
daughter of Peter de Luxemburg, Earl of St. Pol,
descended also from the fanuly of Baux, Dukes ^of
Andree, and from Lusignan, King of Cyprus, during
the Crusades.
This Richard de WidvUe was created Earl of
Rivers by Edward IV. his son-in-law ; a title which
descended to his son Anthony, whose fall, through
the poUtical tyranny of Richard III,, is immortalized
by Shakspeare, and thus announced to his royal sister :

10

LADY JANE GREY,

Arch. Here comes a messenger :
What news ?
Mess. Such news, my lord.
As grieves me to unfold.
Q. Eliz. How doth the prince ?
Mess. Well, madam, and in health,
Duch. What is thy news ?
Mess. Lord Rivers and Lord Grey are sent to Pomfret,
With them Sir Thomas Vaughan, prisoners,
Duch. Who hath committed them ?
Mess. The mighty dukes,
Gloster and Buckingham.
Q, Eliz. For what ofience ?
Mess. The sum of all I can, I have disclosed;
Why, or for what, the nobles were committed.
Is all unknown to me, my gracious lady,
Q, Eliz. Ah me, I see the ruin of my house !
The tiger now hath seized the gentle hind ;
Insulting tyranny begins to jut
Upon the innocent and awless throne :
Welcome, destruction, blood, and massacre !
I see, as in a map, the end of all.
By the same exquisite poet the fate of Rivers is
thus described : —
Rat. Come, bring forth the prisoners,
Riv. Sir Richard RatcUff, let me tell thee this :
To-day shalt thou behold a subject die.
For truth, for duty, and for loyalty,
Gre-y. God keep the prince from aU the pack of you !
A knot you are of damned blood-suckers,
Vaugh. You live, that shall cry woe for this hereafter.
Rat. Despatch : the Umit of your lives is out.
Riv. O Pomfret, Pomfret ! O thou bloody prison.
Fatal and ominous to noble peers !
Within the guilty closure of thy walls.

AND HER TIMES. 11
Richard the Second here was hack'd to death :
And, for more slander to thy dismal seat.
We give thee up our guiltless blood to drink.
Grey. Now Margaret's cwse is fallen upon our heads,
AVhen she exclaim'd on Hastings, you, and I,
For standing by when Richard stabb'd her son,
Riv. Then cursed she Hastings, then cursed she Bucking
ham: —
Then cm'sed she Richard. — O, remember, God,
To hear her prayers for them, as now for us !
And for my sister, and her princely sons, —
Be satisfied, dear God, with our true bloods,
Avliich, as thou know'st, unjustly must be spilt !
Rat. Slake haste, the hour of death is expiate,
Riv. Come, Grey, — come, Vaughan, — let us here embrace :
Farewell, until we meet again in heaven.

Of this Anthony WidvUe, " the gaUant Earl of
Rivers," it may be interesting to record a sonnet writ
ten by him during his cruel confinement in Pomfret
Castle, previous to this his unjust execution by the
tyrant Richard :
" Sumwhat musyng, and more mornyng.
In remembring the tmstydfastnes ;
This world being of such whilyng.
Me contrarieing, what may I gesse ?
I fere dowtles, remediles.
Is now to sese my woful chaunce.
So is this traunce now in substaunce,
* * * * Such is my dawnce.
WyUyng to dye, me thynkys truly
Bovmdyn am I, and that gretly, to be content :
Seyng playnly, that fortune doth wry.

12 LADY JANE GREY,
All contrary from myn content.
My lyff was lent me to an intent,
Hytt is ny spent. Welcome fortune !
But I ne went thus to be shent.
But sho hit must, such is hxu* won,"
Durmg the latter part of Edward's reign, he had
mingled much in court politics, from whence arose the
quarrel with Hastings, which Shakspeare so pointedly
aUudes to in King Edward's death scene; so as to
make it one of the most important features in the poli
tics of his play, bringing round the dying monarch aU
the characters connected with this part of our memoir :
K. Edw. Why, so : — now have I done a good day's work ;
You peers, continue this united league :
I every day expect an embassage
From my Redeemer to redeem me hence ;
And more in peace my soul shall part to heaven.
Since I have made my friends at peace on earth.
Rivers, and Hastings, take each other's hand;
Dissemble not your hatred, swear your love.
Riv. By heaven, my soul is purged from grudging hate ;
And with my hand I seal my true heart's love.
Hast. So thrive I, as I truly swear the like !
K. Edw. Take heed, you dally not before your king;
Lest he, that is the supreme King of kings.
Confound your hidden falsehood, and award
Either of you to be the other's end.
Hast. So prosper I, as I swear perfect love !
Riv. And I, as I love Hastings with my heart !
K. Edw. Madam, yourself are not exempt in this,—
Nor your son Dorset, — Buckingham, nor you ; —
You have been factious one against the other.
Wife, love Lord Hastings, let him kiss your hand ;
And what you do, do it unfeignedly.

AND HER TIMES, 13
Q. Eliz. There, Hastings; I will nevermore remember
Our forraer hatred, so thrive I, and mine !
K. Edw. Dorset, embrace him ;— Hastings, love lord mar-
Dor. This interchange of love, I here protest.
Upon my part, shall be inviolable.
Hast. And so swear I.
K. Edw. Now, princely Buckingham, seal thou this league
With thy embracements to my wife's alUes,
And make me happy in your unity.
Buck. Whenever Buckingham doth turn his hate
Upon your grace, \^To the queeri^ but with all duteous love
Doth cherish you and yours, God punish me
With hate in those where I expect most love !
When I have most need to employ a friend.
And most assured that he is a friend.
Deep, hoUow, treacherous, and full of guile.
Be he unto me ! this do I beg of heaven.
When I am cold in love to you or yours.
Sir Thomas Grey, eldest son of Sir John and Eli
zabeth WidvUe, succeeded as Lord Ferrers of Groby,
and held many high offices under Henry VII, by
whom he was created a Knight of the Garter, Earl of
Huntingdon, and Marquis of Dorset, He married, to
his second wife. Cicely, daughter and heir of WilUam
Lord Bonvile and Harrington, His personal services
to his country led him to public honours as much as
his personal connexion with the crown — more, indeed ;
for during the wars of the Roses, the Grey famUy ad
hered to the House of Lancaster, and had been parti
cularly active in behalf of Henry VI,

14 LADY JANE GREY,
The royal marriage, however, naturally produced
a change in his poUtics ; and, on Edward's death, he
is thus described addressing" his twice widowed mo
ther, in concert with his uncle Anthony : —
Dor. Comfort, dear mother : God is much displeased
That you take with unthankfulntess his doing ;
In common worldly things, 'tis call'd — ungrateful.
With dull unwiUingness to repay a debt.
Which with a bounteous hand was kindly lent;
Much more to be thus opposite with heaven.
For it requires the royal debt it lent you.
Riv. Madam, bethink you, like a bareful mother.
Of the young prince, your son : send straight for him.
Let him be crown'd ; in him your comfort Uves :
Drown desperate sorrow in dead Edward's grave.
And plant your joys in Uving Edward's throne.
Under the tyrant Richard, however, his affinity to
the infant monarch was to him a source of the greatest
danger, for in the first year of that reign, so well
iUustrated by the bard of the Avon, he was attainted ;
but, having taken sanctuary, he afterwards escaped
from his enemies, and fled into Brittany, to the aid
of Henry Earl of Richmond, who there had 5000
men ready for an attack upon the usurper.
It was in aUusion to this that Shakespeare intro
duces the foUowing passage, in the admired scene
before the gates of the Tower, as Richard was march
ing against Richmond, and in which the queen makes
the marked distinction between the issue of her two

AND HER TIMES. 15
marriages: an historical correctness omitted in the
green-room copies of the play.
Q. Eliz. Though far more cause, yet much less spirit to
curse
Abides in me ; I say amen to her.
K. Rich. Stay, madam, I must speak a word with you.
Q. Eliz. I have no more sons of the myal blood.
For thee to murder : for my daughters, Richard, —
They shaU be praying nuns, not weeping queens ;
And therefore level not to hit their lives.
That Dorset's flight to Richmond was by his mother's
advice, seems to have been Shakspeare's opinion;
perhaps founded upon the traditions of the time:
when EUzabeth hears of Richard's intended corona^
tion, she exclaims : —
Q. Eliz. Ah, cut my lace asunder !
That my pent heart may have some scope to beat,
Or else I swoon vrith this dead-kiUing news,
Anne. Despiteful tidings ! O unpleasing news !
Dor. Be of good cheer : — Mother, how fares your grace ?
Q. Eliz. O Dorset, speak not to me, get thee gone.
Death and destruction dog thee at the heels ;
Thy mother's name is ominous to children :
If thou wilt outstrip death, go cross the seas.
And Uve with Richmond, from the reach of heU,
Go, hie thee, hie thee, from this slaughter-house.
Lest thou increase the number of the dead;
And make me die the thraU of Margaret's curse.
Nor mother, wife, nor England's counted queen.
Stan. FuU of wise care is this your coimsel, madam :
Take aU the swift advantage of the hours ;
You shaU have letters from me to my son
In your behalf, to meet you on the way :
Be not ta'en tardy by unwise-delay.

16 LADY JANE GREY,
The queen dowager, being flattered by the promises
of Richard, was induced to invite Dorset home again to
England ; and he, not being very sanguine as to Rich
mond's chance of success, was persuaded, by her repre
sentations, even to quit Paris on his journey home
wards. The whole of our bard's admired play is so iUus
trative upon the history of this period, that we cannot
omit the foUowing passage in Richard's conference with
the queen, alluding particularly to this circumstance;
when the tyrant says : —
Dorset, your son, that, with a fearfid soul.
Leads discontented steps in foreign soU,
This fair aUiance quickly shall call home
To high promotions and great dignity :
The king, that caUs your beauteous daughter — wife,
FamiUarly shaU call thy Dorset— brother ;
Again shaU you be mother to a king.
And aU the ruins of distressful times
Repaired with double riches of content.
Meeting with some unexpected cause of detention
on his way, and faUing in with an old friend, Hum
phrey Cheney, Dorset was convinced, by that gentle
man's information, ofthe danger attendant upon trusting
to the crafty tyrant ; so that he retumed to Richmond,
accompanied him upon his expedition, and, on his
accession, was swom in a privy counseUor.
Shakspeare again alludes to this in the same
play:—

AXD HER TIMKS. 17
Stan. Richmond is on the seas.
K. Rich. There let him sink, and be the seas on him !
White-Uver'd runagate! what doth he there ?
Stan. I know not, mighty sovereign, but by guess.
K. Rich. WeU, as you guess ?
Sfan. Stirr'dup by Dorset, Buckingham, and Morton,
He makes for England, here to claira the crown.
K. Rich. Is the chair empty ? is thc sword unsway'd }
Is the king dead ? the empire unpossess'd ?
What heir of York is there alive, but we ?
And who is England's king, but great York's heir ?
Then, tell me, what makes he upon the seas .''
It appears, however, from the same authority, that
Dorset did not accompany, but preceded Henry, from
the foUowing passage : —
4. Mess. Sir Thomas LoveU, and Lord Marquis Dorset,
'Tis said, my Uege, in Yorkshire are in arms.
But this good comfort bring I to your highness, —
The Bretagne navy is dispersed by tempest :
Richmond, in Dorsetshire, sent out a boat
Unto the shore, to ask those on the banks.
If they were his assistants, yea, or no .''
Who answer'd him, they came from Buckingham
Upon his party : he, mistrusting them,
Hois'd sad, and made his course again for Bretagne.
Seven years afterwards, on account of some political
jealousy, he was committed a prisoner to the Tower,
but soon released; and, in 1491, he was entrusted with
a command in the army that went in aid of the Em
peror Maximilian against the French. In 1495, he was
again in miUtary command in the troops which over
came the rebel Lord Audley and his forces on Black
heath.

18 LADY .IANE GREY,
Notwitlistanding these public services, he employed
much of his time in private life ; residing rather at his
mansions of Bradgate and Groby, in Leicestershire,
than in the vortex of politics at court. At Groby (as
we shaU have occasion presently to notice) he made
many repairs and improvements ; and died in 1501,
during the reign of his royal patron, with whose blood
his own was shortly after to mix in genealogical de
scent. That his moral were equal to his political
virtues, is generally acknowledged ; yet a passage in
his wiU, agreeable to the Catholic superstitions of those
days, strongly marks either the power of conscience,
or perhaps rather the mental and obituary influence of
the greedy priesthood of Rome ; for he not only left
money to pay for one hundred masses by the friars of
the four orders in London, but specifically directed
that it should be done " with as much haste as may be"
after his decease !
Thomas Grey, son of the foregoing, was second
Marquis of Dorset, Knight of the Garter, and a great
favourite of Henry VIIL; in the third year of whose
reign, 1511, he was general of the army sent into
Spain, with design, in conjunction with the Emperor
Ferdinand's forces, to have invaded Guienne. But
peace being restored, he, two years afterwards, with
four ofhis brothers, the Duke of Suffolk, and others,
went to Paris, and engaged in the tournaments at St.
Denis, where he acquired great renown. In 1520 he

.-VXD HI'.R TIMES. 19
was present at the interview between Henry and the
French monarch, Francis, in Picai'dy, at the famous
Champ d'Or, or Field of Gold, so called from its mag
nificence, where he carried the sword of state, die Duke
of Bourbon carrying that of France : and there too in
the tournament he was again victorious. The pomp
of this scene has been described by various historians.
Shakspeare makes the Duke of Norfolk thus speak of
it, m the first act of Henry VIII.
Nor. Men might say,
TUl this time, pomp was single ; but now married
To one above itself. Each foUowing day
Became the next day's master, tdl the last
Made former wonders its. To-day, the French,
AU clinquant, aU in gold, Uke heathen gods.
Shone down the English ; and, to-morrow, they
Made Britain, India : every man, that stood,
Show'd like a mine. Their dwarfish pages were
As cherubins, aU gUt : the madams too.
Not used to toil, did almost sweat to bear
The pride upon them, that their very labour
Was to them as a painting: now this mask
Was cried incomparable ; and the ensuing night
Made it a fool, and beggar. The two kings.
Equal in lustre, were now best, now worst.
As presence did present them : him in eye.
Still him in praise : and being present both,
'Twas said, they saw but one ; and no discemer
Durst wag his tongue in censure. When these suns
(For so they phrase them), by their heralds challenged
The noble spurits to arms, they did perform
Beyond thought's compass ; that former fabulous story.
Being now seen possible enough, got credit.
That Bevis was believed.
c2

20 LADY JANE GREY,
In 1522 he was chosen to go to Calais, to receive
and to escort the Emperor Charles V. into England ;
two years after which he was constituted chief justice
itinerant of aU the king's forests. He married, to his
second wife, by whom he had Henry, the third mar
quis, Margaret, daughter of Sir Robert Wotton of
Bocton in Kent, and widow of WiUiam Medley.
To enumerate all his miUtary actions (but to some
of which we shall presently allude) would occupy too
much space, only observing, that, agreeable to the
custom of those times, he was both a mUitary and
naval officer: we must not, however, pass over one
very important part which he took in the poUtics of
that day, being a witness in the cause of divorce be
tween King Henry and Katharine of Arragon, though
he did not live to see that divorce completed. In that
same year, 1529, he also subscribed and presented to
the king the forty-four articles impeaching Cardinal
Wolsey ; and it is worthy of notice, that the 19th of
April in that very year was the date of the protest of
the German princes, against a decree of the diet in re
gard to the reformed religion, from whence the term
" protestant " has been applied to that purified faith.
This is the more worthy of notice, because the re
formed system of Christianity, before introduced into
England by Wickliffe, was now making great advances;
its support and maintenance, a few years afterwards,
being one great and powerful cause of that proposed

, AND HER TIMES. 121
change in the successiou which called Lady Jaiic to tiio
crovvn, though it had not sufficient power to savo licr
from the scaffold.
As early almost as the commencement of Henry's
reign, Wolsey had shown his enmity to heretics. The
situation of tlie reformed, or LoUards, as they were
termed, was then very distressing. Fuller, in his
Church History, observes, that cruelty stiU continued
and increased on them even after abjuration, being
forced to wear the fashion of a faggot wrought in
thread, or painted on their left sleeves, all the days of
their Uves ; it being death to put on their clothes with
out that cognizance : and indeed, he adds, to poor '
people it was true, " put it off, and be burned ; keep
it on, and be starved ;" seeing none generally would
set them to work that carried that badge about thera.
It was soon after that period that Henry VIII.
having pubUshed his work against Luther, supposed
by FuUer to have been principaUy collected by Gar
diner, was honoured by the pope with the title of De
fender of the Faith; with which his majesty was so
much elated, that his jester, or fool, WiU Somers,
coming to the court, coiUd not help observing it.
Honest WiU boldly asked his patron the cause of his
exultation ; and when the king answered, that it arose
from the holy father having honoured him with a title
more eminent than any possessed by his ancestors, the
fool very wisely exclaimed — " Oh ! good Harry ; let

22 LADY .TANE GREY,
thou and I defend one another, and let the faith alone
to defend itself!"
Henry, however, did not take the fool's advice, for
Wolsey was then in high favour at court, as appears
from the foUowing original epistle, now preserved in
the British Museum * :
" Myne owne good CardnaU, — I recomande me
onto you w' aU my hart, and thanke you for the gratte
payne and labour that you doe dayly take in my by
synes and maters . Desyryng you (that wen you have
wdl establyshyd them) to take sume pastyme and com
fort, (to the intente you may the longer endure to
serve us,) for aUways payne cannot be induiyd. Surly
you have so substancyally orderyd oure maters, bothe
of thys syde the see and by onde, that in mye oppynyon
lityll or nothyng can be addyd. Nevertheles, accord
yng to your desyre, I doe send you myne oppynyon
by thys beror, the reffomiacion wherof I do remyte to
you and the remnante off our trusty coseUers, whyche
I am sure wyU substantially loke on hyt. As touch-
yng the mater that Syr WyUyam Say brought answer
off, I am well contentyd w' what order soever you do
loke in itt. The quene my wyff hathe desyrydf me to
make her most harty recommendations to you as to
hym that she loveth very weU, and bothe she and I
wolde knowe sougne when you wyll repayre to us. No
* Brit, Mus, Cott, Vesp. P. xiii. p. 71.

AND HER TIMES. 23
more to you at thys tyme, but that with God's lielpo,
I trust we shalle dysapoynte oure enemys off theyre
intendyd ppose. Wryttyn with the hand of your lov
yng master Henry Rex.
« To my Lorde CardinaUe."
These " harty recommendations " of the queen were
afterwards changed to different feelings when she dis
covered that Wolsey was playing a false part towards
her. Shakspeare indeed represents her as an active
agent in his disgrace :
Q. Kath. I am soUcited, not by a few.
And those of true condition, that your subjects
Are in great grievance : there have been coraraissions
Sent down among them, which hath flaw'd the heart
Of aU their loyalties : — wherein, although.
My good lord cardinal, they vent reproaches
Most bitterly on you, as putter-on
Of these exactions, yet the king our master
(Whose honour heaven shield from soU !) even he escapes not
Language unmannerly ; yea, such which breaks
The sides of loyalty, and almost appears
In loud rebeUion.
Again she says :¦
Q Kulh. No, my lord.
You know no more than others : but you frame
Things, that are known aUke ; which are not wholesorae
To those which would not know thera, and yet must
Perforce be their acquaintance. These exactions.
Whereof my sovereign would have note, they are

24 LADY .JANE GREY,
Most pestilent to the hearing ; and, to bear them.
The back is sacrifice to the load. They say.
They ai-e devised by you; or else you suffer
Too hard an exclamation.
K. Hen. Still exaction !
The nature of it ? In what kind, let 's know.
Is this exaction ?
Q. Kath. I am rauch too venturous
In tempting of your patience ; but am bolden'd
Under your promised pardon. The subject's grief
Comes through coramissions, which compel from each
The sixth part of his substance, to be levied
Without delay; and the pretence for this
Is named, your wars in France : this raakes bold raouths :
Tongues spit their duties out, and cold hearts freeze
AUegiance in thera ; their curses now.
Live where their prayers did ; and it 's come to pass.
That tractable obedience is a slave
To each incensed wiU. I would, your highness
Would give it quick consideration, for
There is no primer business.
Notwithstanding this love and regard for the Car
dinal, Henry, some years afterwards, thought proper to
take the fool's advice, urged by qualms of conscience,
real or pretended, by love for a young wife in expect
ance, and perhaps by a secret longing after the coffers
of the clergy. This idea is fully confirmed by Shak
speare in his Henry VIII.
Wol What should this mean }
What sudden anger 's this ? how have I reap'd it .''
He parted frowning from me, as if ruin
Leap'd from his eyes : so looks the chafed Uon
Upon the daring huntsman that has gall'd him ;
Then raakes him nothing. I raust read this paper ;

AND HEU TIMKS. a^
I fear, the story of his anger. — 'Tis so ;
This paper has undone me : — 'Tis the account
Of aU that world of wealth I have drawn together
For mine own ends ; indeed, to gain the popedom.
And fee my friends in Rorae. O negUgence,
Fit for a fool to fall by ! What cross devil
Made me put this raain secret in the packet,
I sent the king ? Is there no way to cure this ?
No new device to beat tliis from his brains ?
I know, 'twiU stir him strongly : yet I know
A way, if it take right, in spite of fortune,
WiU bring rae off again. AlTiat's this — To the Pojie ?
The letter, as I Uve, with aU the business
I writ to liis holiness. Nay, then, fareweU !
1 have touch'd the highest point of aU my greatness ;
And, from that fuU meridian of my glory,
I haste now to my setting : I shall faU
Like a bright exhalation in the evening.
And no man see me more.
The purport of this letter is explained by Brandon,
Duke of Suffolk :
Suff. The cardinal's letter to the pope miscarried.
And came to the eye o' the king; wherein was read.
How that the cardinal did entreat his hoUness
To stay the judgment o' the divorce : for if
It did take place, / do, quoth he, perceive
My king is tangled in affection to
A creature of the queen's. Lady Ann Bullen.
To US, at the present day, however, it is not of ma^
terial consequence what were the motives that led that
tyrannical, yet often judicious monarch, to the mea
sures which permitted the reformed principles to spread
over the land, to be at last consolidated by law, and
engrafted on the constitution : but it wiU not be the

26 LADY .TANE GREY,
less interesting to take a cursory view of the subject
here, for better understanding the very interesting
facts which we have selected, as iUustrative of the pri
vate history of the times, from original and unique
manuscripts in the British Museum, and other sources,
hitherto unpublished.
It is weU observed by an accurate ecclesiastical hi
storian *, that about the commencement of this century
the Roman pontiffs Uved in the utmost tranquiUity;
nor had they, as things appeared to be situated f, the
least reason to apprehend any opposition to their pre
tensions, or rebeUion against their authority ; since the
dreadful commotions excited in preceding ages had
yielded to the united powers of counsel and of the
sword. It is not to be concluded, however, from this ap
parent tranquiUity and security of the pontiffs and
their adherents, that their measures were applauded,
or their chains worn without reluctance. This, as the
learned Mosheim observes, was far from being the
case. Not only private persons, but also the most
powerful princes and sovereign states, exclaimed loudly
against the despotic dominion of the popes; the fraud,
violence, avarice, and injustice that prevaUed in their
councUs; the arrogance, tyranny, and extortion of their
legates; the unbridled Ucentiousness and enormous
crimes of the clergy and monks of all denominations ;
* Mosheim. t Ibid. iv. 7.

AND HEU TIMES. 27
the unrighteous severity and partiality of tlie Roman
laws. If any thing seemed proper to destroy the gloomy
empire of superstition, it was the restoration of learn
ing in Europe, and the number of men of genius that
arose, of a sudden, under the benign influence of that
sudden revolution.
The good resulting from this was manifold. Enfield,
in his PhUosophy, speaking of the corruptions which
had crept into die church, observes, that after the
example of the apostles, their immediate foUowers, who
are distinguished by the name of apostoUc men, were
more desirous to teach the divine doctrine which they
had received from Je«us Christ in simpUcity and truth,
than to render themselves iUustrious by any display of
human leaming *.
They had no other design than to spread the know
ledge of Christ and his Gospel in the world ; and they
executed this design with simpUcity, fideUty, and mag
nanimity, without the aid of rhetorical embeUishment
or phUosophical refinement.
The fathers of the Christian church soon departed
from the simpUcity of the apostoUc age, and corrupted
the purity of the Christian faith. This is chiefly to be
ascribed to two causes; first, the practice, which at
that time so generally prevailed, of clothiog the doc
trines of reUgion in an aUegorical dress ; and, secondly,
* Enfield's Philosophy, u. 271.

28 LADY JANE GREY,
the habit of subtUe speculation, which the more learned
converts from paganism brought with them from the
schools of philosophy. In aU these corruptions the
English church had largely participated. The wealth
of this country was a powerful stimulus to the pope
and the Roman catholic clergy, to keep the people in
ignorance, and so to preserve due control over their
consciences and purses ; but the day of truth was now
beginning to dawn.
It is an important truth, that the EngUsh nation was
at this period not only forward to receive the truths of
the Reformation, but also to aid and assist most vitaUy
in its support on the Continent ; especiaUy by the con
nexion of many learned EngUshmen with Melancthon *
That great reformer, it is well known, made use of the
extensive influence which his high reputation, and the
favour of the reigning Elector of Saxony, gave him in
the German schools, in which he was considered as a
kind of common preceptor, to unite the study of philo
sophy with that of classic Uterature ; in which he was
much assisted, (as he lumself acknowledges in his " De
clamations," and as confirmed by the leamed Mayer)
by many learned protestants from Great Britain, who
were appointed pubUc preceptors in Germany.
The principle on which Melancthon acted — a prin
ciple also adopted by his English friends — was this:
" I would have no one," says he, " trifle in phUoso-
* Vide Enfield, u. 417.

AND HER TIMES. 29
phizing, lest he should at lengtli even lose sight of
common sense : rather let lum be cai-eful, both in tho
study of physics and morals, to select the best things
from the best sources."
Perceiving that the human understanding was
clouded, and the freedora of inquu-y restrained, by
the forms of die schools, and that nothing contributed
so much to perpetuate superstition and error in the
church as false phUosophy- — those great and able men,
the reformers, concluded that the disease admitted of
no paUiative ; that in order to produce any great and
lasting effect, it was not sufficient barely to lop off the
heads of the tares which had sprung up in the church,
but that it was become necessary to tear them up by
the roots*.
They therefore, with a degree of magnanimity which
entitles them to immortal honour, made a bold and
open attack at once upon the corruptions of phUosophy
and theology ; laying open the numerous evUs which
the existing mode of phUosophy had introduced into
reUgion ; showing by what puerile arts, and with how
much injury to truth, both natural and divine, it had
maintained its authority ; and exhorting young men to
leave such faithless guides, and give themselves up
whoUy to the direction of reason and revelation.
Such were the principles which prompted numbers
in England to adopt the sentiments of WickUffe, and
* Enfield, ii. 417.

30 LADY JANE GREY,
to join the modern reforming church upon the Conti
nent ; principles which made them readUy fall m with
Henry's plans, though we fear, indeed, that he was
but Utde imbued with them : although most certainly,
when it was proposed to Henry VIII. by the confe
derate princes of Germany, that he should " encourage,
promote, and maintain the true doctrine of Christ, as
it was contained in the Confession of Augsburg," he,
with a tme spirit of liberal independence, answered,
that he certainly would maintain and promote the true
doctrine of Christ ; but, at the same time, as the true
ground of that doctrine lay only in the Holy Scrip
tures, he would not accept, at any one's hand, what
would be his faith, or that of his kingdom. He there
fore refused to bind himself to their creed ; but at
the same time desired they would send over learned
men to confer with him, in order to promote reUgious
union between him and the confederates. He also
approved of the plan to form a free general councU for
the purpose of defending the true doctrine; but he
maintained that the regulations of the ceremonial part
of religion, being a matter of indifference, ought to
be left to the choice of each sovereign for his own
dominions. It is well observed by Mosheim, however, that the
downfall of papal audiority in England was not, at
first, productive of much benefit, either to the friends
or to the cause of the Reformatiort. Henry himself

AND HER TIMES. 31
had already grown cold in the cause of die German
confederates, when he perceived that they coiUd no
longer be of service to him in supporting die question
as to his niarriage ; so that his subsequent disavowal
of papal authority was rather an insulated case, than
in unison with the general body of reformers.
In fact, Henry, though resolutely withdrawing him
self from the dominion of Rome, yet stUl preserved,
for some time at least, some of its errors, as weU as
some of its persecuting spirit ; but the prudence, leam
ing, and activity of Cranmer, counteracted, in many
instances, that vehemence, and also that inconstancy,
which might have been fatal to the good cause.
To enter, however, into aU the causes which led to
the Reformation in England, would be beyond our
plan ; but we cannot pass over a very important letter
addressed by Henry VITI. to the Bishop of Bath, then
his ambassador at Rome ; which, though referring to
a special case, and that case occurring not in England,
but in that part of French Flanders then under the
British sway, yet contains in itself so many important
points and considerations, as to be particularly appU
cable even to passing events.
The object of this letter is*, in the first place, to ex
press the king's displeasure with the bishop for having
suffered a buU to be executed against him out of the
court of Rome in favour of the Archbishop of Tour-
* Brit. Mus. Ayscough's Cat. No. 3839, 2,

LADY JAXE GREY,

nay, which he most pointedly desires him to have
speedUy revoked and annuUed, It appears that the
pope had made the most exorbitant grants to the Arch
bishop of Tournay, not only oppressive of the people,
but also infringing upon the royal revenue, " contrary
to aU law and justice," and to the " derogation of our
right and prerogative royeU," as the king expresses
himself. His majesty then shows, that to suffer such inter
ference of a foreign potentate or priest would be most
prejudicial to the realm for divers reasons : first, " be
cause by the same the pope hath done, as much as in
him is, to cause our rebeU and disobeysant subject to
be admitted to the archbishoprick of Turnay without
makynge of homage or fidelitie to us, contrary to jus
tice ; by meanes whereof if hee should be suffered to
enter, and make his abode within our cittie in contempt
of us, hee might and would not onlie raise and stir up
seditions amongst our subjects, but alsoe the perdition
thereof, Uke as the president of Paris, his father, and
hee last summer enterprized to doe, which thereupon
was detected, and openly knowne for a truth soon after
the importation of the said bull."
The king complains, in the second place, that " our
subjects, spirituaU and temporall, within our said cittie,
should be bounde by virtue of that bull, under the
terrible censures, to ayde and favur the said bishop ;
soe by that meanes they should in manner be dis-

AND HER TIMES. 33
charged of their oath of fidelitie to us made, and con-
sequentUe maintaine or rebeU against us, to our dis
honour and unsuretie."
He then goes on to say, that by a clause of " Invo^
cation" the pope had done aU that he could to "raise
warres and hostUitie between us and such princes of
whom the said Invocation should be demanded, and
under colour thereof hath authorized them to gather an
army to bringe in the Bshp, to the danger of our said
cittie, and our expresse wronge,"
The fourth royal objection is, that " by this strange
and inordinate buU, whereof the like was never seene,
he attempted to take from us the superioritie, royaU
predominance, jurisdiction, and authoritie," &c. &c.
But the fifth objection is the most extraordinary, as
ehowing how far his hoUness ventured to disobUge even
his best fiiends in England to serve his foreign alUes;
for the king further complains, that " hee hath revoked
the audioritie and administration. of that see, by him
granted, at our instance, to the most reverend father
in God, the CardinaU Archbishop of Yorke "^^Wol-
SEY himself!
In short, the pope and his conclave of cardinals seem
to have been blinded, by successful usurpation, to the
consequences which must naturally result from their
overbearing conduct ; a bUndness particularly favour
able to this happy country, by the estabUshment of
Uberty, raental, reUgious, and poUtical, To go at

34 LADY JANE GEEY,
length into this subject is not part of our plan, but
perhaps the best view of the advantages of the Re
formation may be found in the summing up of honest
FuUer, who, after observing that by the extinction of
papal power in England, the text was fulfiUed of—
" Give unto God the things that are God's ; and unto
Cassar the things that are Caesar's ;" — adds, " Lastly,
every English layman was restored to his Christian
birthright, namely, to his judgment qf practical dis
cretion (in perusing the Scriptures in his own language)
formerly swallowed up in the ocean of the pope's in
fallibUity, Thus on the depluming of the pope, every
bird had its own feather : in the partage whereof, what
he had gotten by sacrUedge was restored to God ; what
by usurpation, was given back to the. king, church, and
state ; what by oppression, was remitted to particidar
Christians," Of the extent of the papal influence, we may judge
by the recorded fact, that, at this very period, Sixtus
IV, had granted eleven thousand years of pardm to
any person who would say a certain prayer before
" Our Lady of Pity," at Sarum ; and three hundred
days of pardon to whoever would repeat " Ave Mary,"
nine times consecutively !
No wonder then that the church should thunder out
its anathemas against the revival of literature, and that
one of the loudest and ablest preachers should exclaim
from the pulpit, " A new language has been invented,

AND HER TIMES. 35
which is caUed Greek ; guard cai'efuUy against it ; it
is die mother of every species of heres}^. I observe in
the hands of a great many persons a book written in
this language, which they caU the New Testament ;
it is a book full of thorns and serpents. With respect
to Hebrew, it is certain, my dear brethren, that aU
who leam it are converted to Judaism,"
Such was the state of poUtics and religion in Eng
land at the death of Thomas Grey, second Marquess
of Dorset, whose character, as given by Lloyd, in his
State Worthies, contains the foUowing compendious
passage : " Land service was his exercise, but the sea
his delight ; the compass his study, the stars his care,
trade his thoughts, our own and foreign havens his
discourse, a seaman his famUiar, and their sea-fights
his triumph. His converse and speech was souldier-
like, plain, short, smart, and material*. There was a
time when he would say nothing, and a time when he
would say something ; but never a time when he would
say all. He was, in a word, a happy raan, who, not
withstanding that the times could not endure his virtues,
nor he their vices, died at once fuU o^ honour at court,
* Brit. Mus. Ayscough's CoU. No. 1. ;33, contains some
" maxims and sayings of Thomas Grey, Marquesse of Dorsette.
— The greatest trust between man and man, is that of giving
counseU. — Never was y' man merry y' had more than one
woman in his bed, one frend in his bosome, one faithe in his
heart,"
D 2

36 LADY JANE GREY,
and applause in the country ; with this monument from
the king — that he was a honest man,"
This Thomas, the second Marquess of Dorset, speci
fied several articles in his wUl, which may serve to U-
lustrate the manners of that age : " I wiU that Robert
Brock, schoolmaster to my sonne Henry, have of 20
yearly. I wUl that every of my sonnes, Thomas, Ed
ward, and John, have yearly £\0 toward their fynd-
yng untiU they come to 15 years ; and after to have
^'20 yearly till they come to 21. I wUl that each of
my daughters unmarried have yearly of 20 tiU they be
married. I will that my daughter Mary have £ 1000 ;
and to each other of ray daughters unmarried each
of 1000, I wiU that my wife have the rule and pro-
vyding of all my chUdren." He adds : " I wUl to my
sister CecUey Dudley, my mannor of Much Glen for
her lyfe ; and her mete and drinke for her man servant
and iriaide with my lady my wife, or els ^20 yearly."
Araongst other legacies he left ,£20 to Anne Bolein;
a,nd to Henry VIII. one of his best geldings, with
£ 100 in soveraignes to buy a saddle : also raoney for
three priests to sing and pray for his soul, for three
years after his death; at the end of which period,
purgatory, in England, was certainly very near extin
guished !
Henry Grey, third Marquess of Dorset, succeeded to
that title in 1530; and we raay briefly recapitulate.

AND HER TIMES. 87
diat he was constable of England in 1547; justice of
the king's forests in 1550 ; warden of the Marches in
1551 ; created Duke of Suffolk in 1551, also knight of
the Garter; and in 1554 met with that unhappy fate,
which shall be hereafter recorded.
He married Frances, eldest daughter and co-heir of
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk ; their only issue
being Jane, Katharine, and Mary — but the male line
of the famUy of Grey was continued by Henry's younger
brother Jolm, ancestor of the present noble famUy of
Stamford and Warrington.
It was by this marriage that the claim to the crown
came into the Dorset famUy; yet the Brandons, pater-
naUy, were not of ancient origin. The first on record
is Sir WiUiam Brandon, Knight, in the reign of Ed
ward IV. who married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Ro
bert Wingfield ; whose second son, Thomas, having
joined Henry VII. against Richard, was made one of
the squires of his body, receiving many other high
offices, besides the honour of knight of the Garter.
This Thomas married EUzabeth, daughter and co-heir
of Sir Henry Bruyn, and had an only son —
Chcurles, of whom Dugdale states, in his Baronage,
that being a person comely of stature, high of courage,
and conformity of disposition to Henry VIIL, became
so acceptable to that monarch, that he was made one
of the esquires of his body, and chamberlain of the
piincipality of Wales, Having been in a sharp fight

38 LADY JANE GEEY,
at sea \rith the French off Brest, he, the next ensuing
year, upon the expedition to Terouenne and Tournay,
appUed to Cardinal Wolsey, and obtained leave to at
tend the king upon that notable adventure, Henry
bestowed upon him the command of the van-guard of
the army ; and, to fit him more particularly for that
high honour, created him Viscount l'isle : and the very
next year presented him with a patent as Duke of
Suffolk, Dugdale proceeds to state, that shortly after, 6th
Henry VIII,, being at St, Denys in France, at the
coronation of the Lady Mary, sister to King Henry,
then married to Louis XII. he achieved much honour
by his prowess, manifested in a princely tournament,
where he overthrew the person with whom he tUted,
horse and arms ; and gained so rauch upon the affections
of that queen, as that, upon the death of Louis hap
pening soon after, she engaged herself to marry him,
entreating Francis I,, his successor, to mediate for that
purpose with her brother Henry for his approbation.
Leave for the niarriage was soon obtained, and with her
Brandon received, as a portion, a grant of aU the lands
which had belonged to De la Pole, the late Duke of
Suffolk. This lady had been originaUy designed for a Spamsh
prince ; for there are letters extant of the king her
father* directed to the lord mayor and aldermen of
* Brit. Mus. Harl. CoU. No. 293, p. 93.

AND IIER TIMES. 39
London, " to make bonfyres, and to shewo odier sygnes
of rejoysinge within the citty, for a conclysyon of a
marriage between the Prince of Casteel" and her.
It has been said diat Brandon, on his first applica
tion to the royal widow, was told by her, that if he did
not win her within a month, he should never win hcr
at all. In that achievement, however, he must have
met with Uttle difficulty ; as it is evident that she cer
tainly had some reference to it in a letter to Cardinal
Wolsey, written in the first days of her widowhood ;
and the original of which is now extant in the British
Museum :
" My reverend good Lordj — I recommend me to
you, and thanke you for letters, and good lessoiies that
you hathe gyffen to me. My lord, I pray you, as my
trust is yn you, to remember me to the kyng my bro
ther, for souche causses and bessynes as I have for to
do : for as now I have no other to put my »trust yn
but the kyng my brother and you. And as yt shall
pies the kyng my brother and hys counseU I wol be
horderd; and so I pray you, my lord, to shew hys
grace, sayng that the kyng my howsbandd ys departed
to God, of whose sole God pardon. And wheras you
advyse me that I shulde make no promis, my lorde, I
trust the kyng my brother and you wold not depend on
me solely, pleyz God. I trust I have so bordered ray selfe
so sens that I came hether, that I truste yt hath ben to

40 LADY JANE GREY,
the honour of the kyng my brother and me sens I
came hether, and so I trust to continue. Yff there be
any thynge that I may do for you, I wold be gladd
for to do yt yn thes partes, and shall be glad to do yt
for you. No more to you at thys tyme, but God pre
serve you. Wrytten at Pares the x day of January,
1515, By your louynge frend,
Mary, Queen of France,"
Brandon's marriage with the French dowager was,
it must be acknowledged, represented by some to be
iUegal ; his former wife, the Lady Margaret Mortimer,
not even repudiated as some assert, being stUl aUve,
It must not be forgotten, however, that the point of
legaUty had been declared to be fuUy setded both by
the laws of the realm, and by the canon laws ; at least
so it was broadly asserted in parUament in the 13th
year of Elizabeth's reign in a debate on the succession*,
in reference to a charge of bastardy brought against
Lady Frances and Lady Eleanor Brandon, by their
iUegitimate sister. Lady Powis.
Suffolk, after his marriage, seems to have become a
complete courtier; friendly with Wolsey in his power,
yet, as Shakspeare describes him, secretiy despising
that priesdy upstart :
* Brit, Mus. Cott. CoU. Julius, F. 6.

AND HER TIMES. 41
Suff. Which of the peers
Have uncontemn'd gone by him, or at least
Strangely neglected ? when did he regard
The stamp of nobleness in any person.
Out of himself?
He is also described as the agent of Henry's ingrati
tude to him :
Suff. Lord Cardinal, the king's further pleasure is.
Because aU those things, you have done of late
By your power legantine within this kingdom,
FaU into the compass of pramunire, —
That therefore such a writ be sued against you ;
To forfeit aU your goods, lands, tenements.
Chattels, and whatsoever, and to be
Out of the king's protection : — This is my charge,
Brandon is stated by the same dramatist to have
been favourable to the young queen, whom he thus
deUneates :
Suff. There 's order given for her coronation :
Marry, this is yet but yoimg, and may be left
To some ears unrecounted, — ^But, my lords.
She is a gallant creature, and complete
In mind and feature : I persuade me, from her
WUl faU some blessing to this land, which shaU
In it be memorized.
He officiated indeed as high steward at her corona*
tion, though in an earUer scene he jests with the royal
scriiples, when a chamberlain announces them to him
and the Duke of Norfolk :
Cham. Good day to both your graces.
Suff. How is the Idng emplo/d ?
Cham. I left him private,
FuU of sad thoughts and troubles.

42 LADY JANE GEEY,
Nor. What's the cause }
Cliam. It seems, the marriage with his brother's wife
Has crept too near his conscience,
Suff. No, his conscience
Has crept too near another lady.
Nor. 'Tis so;
This is the cardinal's, doing, the king-cardinal :
That bUnd priest, Uke the eldest son of fortune.
Turns what he Ust, The king wiU know him one day,
Suff. Pray God, he do ! he'U never know himself else,
Henry, the third Marquess of Dorset, and father of
our heroine, seeras not to have been a very dutiful or
affectionate son to his widowed mother; for in the
British Museum * is a letter from that lady to a noble
man, complaining heavUy of her son's undutifulness in
withholdmg her property from her, contrary to her
husband's wUl,
In this address the good lady is very strenuous;
for she begins, " In the hous of our Lady's Passyon,
my lorde, I beseeche you to be my goode lorde, con
syderyng me a poor wydo, so unkyndly and extreymly
escheated by ray son." The remainder of this episde
is scarcely legible; but it is to be hoped that the
marquess, who was a most severe parent himself, exact
ing the most slavish obedience and compliance from his
own chUdren, did not continue to pursue that undutiful
conduct of which his sole remaining parent com
plained. The marquess, by his connexion with the royal famUy
* Cott, CoU. Vesp, F, xiii, 103,

AND HER TIMES, 43
in consequence of his marriage, was now obUged to
mingle more in the reUgious poUtics of the court, than
his own wishes would have led him to do ; for he is
described by all writers as being fond of a domestic
and a country life, and totaUy devoid of aU ambition ;
nay, as some assert, even of personal courage.
In poUtics, however, he was obliged to talce a part,
especiaUy in the important occurrences of the year
1531, when the whole body of the Roman CathoUc
clergy in England incurred a premunire, by their too
great attention to a promotion of the papal interests.
By this legal procedure all the estates of the church
became forfeited; but the king was then content to
accept large sums in Ueu, the province of Canterbury
being taxed, or rather fined, to the amount of of 100,000 !
Shakspeare also makes him carry the sceptre at Anne
Boleyn's coronation.
Dorset was very active at this period too when
Henry first demanded to be acknowledged as supreme
head of the church : and in the ensuing year Cranmer
was recaUed home from Germany, where he was suffer
ing a species of banishment ; but a recaU to which he
was at first unwiUing to submit, postponing his retum
as long as possible, in hopes of some other person
being appointed to the vacant archiepiscopal see bf
Canterbury ; his objections, however, were unavaiUng.
The Reformation may now be considered as fairly
begun ; and of its commencement old FuUer quaintiy

44 LADY JANE GREY,
observes, speaking of the marriage of Henry VIII,
with his brother's wife Katharine, that the marriage
itself was founded in covetous considerations, merely
to save money, that the kingdom might not be im
poverished by restoring her dowry back again into
Spain, though hereupon a greater mass of coin was
transported out of the land, though not into Spain,
unto Italy: aUuding to the bribes sentto Pope Julius II.,
who, as he states, by the omnipotency of his dis
pensation, reraoved aU impediments and obstructions
against the laws of God or man hindering or opposing
the said marriage. He adds, that thus such who con
sult with covetousness in matters of conscience, em
bracing sinister courses to save charges, wUl find such
thrift expensive at the casting up of their audit ; how
ever, divine Providence, overruling all actions to his
own glory, so ordered it, that the breaking ofthe pope's
power, with the vanishing of superstition out of Eng
land, is at this day the only surviving issue of this
marriage. It is also a very curious fact, as stated by the same
author, that Henry's subsequent idea of the divorce
was first excited by the Spanish ambassadors them-
selv^; who, when Mary was first offered in mar
riage to PhiUp, then Prince of Spain, seemed to make
some difficulty, actuaUy expressing doubts as to her
legitimacy, in consequence of her mother's prior mar
riage to Prince Arthur. Then again even Wolsey

AND HER TIMES. 45
himself aided in the events which led to the Reforma
tion ; for it was he tiiat first insinuated this scruple to
Longlands, Bishop of Lincoln, the king's confessor,
who made it a matter of conscience with the monarch,
advising him to separate himself from her majesty, as
a thing unlawful: even adding, that after divorce,
which the pope, in justice, could not deny, then the
king might dispose of his affections as he pleased.
Here indeed the two priests overshot their own mark ;
for they designed to replace Katharine by Margaret of
Alencon, sister to Francis the First of France, Utde
suspecting that Anne Boleyn had even then attracted
the royal notice.
Henry certainly had, anterior to this, been friendly to
a treaty with France ; in reference to which, but before
the meeting at Ardres, Shakspeare states the visit of
the Emperor Charles V. to this country to have taken
place, when he makes the Duke of Buckingham say.
Buck. Pray, give me favour, sir. This cunning cardinal
The articles o'the combination drew.
As himself pleased; and they were ratified.
As he cried. Thus let be : to as much end.
As give a crutch to the dead: But our count-cardinal
Has done this, and 'tis weU ; for worthy Wolsey,
Who cannot err, he did it. Now this foUows
(Which, as I take it, is a kind of puppy
"To the old dam, treason),— Charles the emperor.
Under pretence to see the queen his aunt
(For 'twas, indeed, his colour; but he came
To whisper Wolsey), here makes visitation :
His fears were, that the interview, betwixt

46 LADY JANE GREY,
England and France, might, through their amity.
Breed him some prejudice; for from this league
Peeped harms that menaced him : he privily
Deals vrith our cardinal ; and, as I trow.
Which I do weU ; for, I am sure, the emperor
Paid ere he promised ; whereby his suit was granted.
Ere it was ask'd ; — but when the way was made.
And paved with gold, the emperor thus desired ;
That he would please to alter the king's course.
And break the foresaid peace. Let the Idng know
(As soon he shall by me), that thus the cardinal
Does buy and seU his honour as he pleases.
And for his own advantage.
It is a curious fact that when Henry sent Stephen
Gardyner and Edward Fox to Rome*, or rather to the
Pope, for at that period he resided at Orvieto, in order
to negotiate the affair of the divorce, that pontiff was
actuaUy driven from Rome by the Spamsh troops ; and
though they had retired so as not to prevent his retum
to the capital, yet the people of Viterbo, having joined
with the Spaniards, did actuaUy prevent it. So that
the pope, though personally at Uberty, was yet forced to
reside in an old and ruinous city, suffering under
dearth and pestUent air, and in a ruinous palace, as
they described it ; the furniture of his bed-chamber,
bed and aU, not being worth twenty nobles,
Henry about that period had written a book against
the legality of his own marriage, and which he had
dedicated to Cardinal Wolsey. The English bishops,
it appears, had read this work, but the pope was not
* Brit. Mus. Harl. CoU. 1. 419. 28.

AND HER TIMES. 47
so easily Induced to undertake the task ; but finally
" he seemed resolved to read it over."
Fox soon after returned ; but there is a letter extant
from him to Gardyner, relating to his interview with
the king ; and it is not a littie curious that this inter
view was " in Mrs. Anne Boleyn's chamber ;" the letter
showing also, " how much he and she were rejoyced at
the good success" in procuring the commission and
dispensation from the pope.
The divorce accordingly took place in 1533, under
circumstances in which the marquess readUy coincided ;
and his majesty became, as FuUer quaindy observes,
not a bachelor, because once married ; not a raarried
man, because having no wife ; not a widower, becj,use
his wife was not dead : in short, a kind of matrimonial
nondescript, from which state he emerged as speedily
as possible, by manying Anne Bole3m ; for which he
was excommunicated by the pope, and the realm inter
dicted. Henry, however, was proof against the thunder
bolts of Rome, in which he was strongly supported by
the Marquess of Dorset and the Duke of Suffolk : the
monarch now re-assuming the ancient power of his
predecessors, the British kings who had reigned in
dependent of the papal see.
This was, indeed, a severe stroke on the papal in
terests, for the pope's income from this country was
then immense, arising from the sale of consecrated
trinkets caUed " Agnus Dei," of other trinkets, medals.

48 LADY JANE GREY
and beads ; and from the annates, or first-fruits of aU
benefices for one year from each new incumbent. Then
there were sums arising frora appeals; frora Peter-
pence; from dispensations; from indulgences; from
Legantine levies, which were ad libitum; from pU
grimages, perhaps twenty thousand repentant and
paying sinners going from England to Rome on each
jubUee, which happened once in twenty-five years ;
from tenths ; from legacies, &c, &c. The Peter-pence
alone, at " one penny for every chimney that smoked,"
that is, more properly, where fires were kindled, then
amounted to <£7500 per annum. This sum was more
than doubled during its short revival in 1655 ; but it
would now form a much larger sum for papal cupidity.
Henry himself, however, now felt a taste for these ad
vantages ; but his deUcacy in robbing the church was
at first most remarkable, as one instance wUl suffice to
show. There is a letter extant * from Dr. John Smith,
canon residentiary of St. Paul's, addressed to Sir Ed
ward Bayntun, vice-chamberlain to Queen Anne Bo
leyn, as it would appear, in which that reverend gen
deman aUudes to his majesty having desired to see a
very rich cross, kept amongst other jewels, in that
cathedral. The doctor then states that he had per
suaded his brethren not only to show, but to make a
free offering of it to his majesty ; and concludes with a
specimen of his own talent at bribery, as he offers to
» Brit, Mus. Harl. Coll. 1. 295. 62.

AND HEU TIMKS 49
Baynton two years farm rent of his prebend of Al-
kaninge, provided the vice-chamberlain wUl procure
for him " the same authority as Dr. Sampson hath."
What diat authority was, does not appear ; but two
years prebendal rent must have been worth something.
It is proper here to observe, that Mary, daughter of
Katharine of Arragon, the repudiated queen, was now
growing up to womanhood, rigid in her mother's re
ligion, and jealous of her own claim to the royal suc
cession ; so that although Lady Jane was not yet bom,
we may notice a circumstance which naturaUy tended
to excite Mary's enmity to every person then, or after
wards, connected with the reformed reUgion ; a circum
stance which may have touched her womanly pride,
perhaps, as nearly as her conscience was affected by
reU^ous coercion. The fact to which we allude is
exemplified by a letter from John Huse, in the British
Museum*; there caUed a " message to the lady for
the diminishing of her estate and dignity of a princess."
It is to the foUowing effect :
" Please it yur good lordeshipe to be advertised,
that, accordinge to the king's high comandement lately
shewed unto me by yur lordeshipe at Greenwich,
(upon Sonday last) I have signified unto the princesse
his raost gracious pleas'' concerninge the diminishinge
of her high estate of the name and dignitie of princesse
(wherein hir grace coulde not a Uttle  ) that I
* Harl. CoU. No. 416, p. 22.

50 LADY JANE GREY,
beinge alone, and not associate with sm othre the
kings most honorable counsaiU, ne yet sufficiently auc-
torized nether by comission, ne also any other writinge
from the kings highnes, wolde attempte to declare such
an high interprize and matur of no litle weight and
importance unto hir grace in depoyzing and dimissh-
ing her said astate and name, hir grace not doubtinge
but that she is the kings true and legitimate doughter
and heyr procreate in good and lawfuUy matrimony.
And further adding (said) that unlesse she were ad
vertised from his highnes by his writing, that his grace
was so minded to diminisshe hir said astate, name, and
dignitie, which she trustethe his highnes wUl never do,
her grace wiU not beUeve it. And farther I have de
clared yo"^ said comandement unto all the princesse
svints concernyng the premisses, who have made an
answere, that they in moost humble wyse shall always
obey the king's high comaundements in aU things
whiche his highnes shall comaunde them to do, savyng
ther consience ; notwithstandinge they think that this
comaundement being so high and weighty, given only
be me, without wiiting from the kings highnes, or oth'r
his counsaiU associate with me, is in ther judgemente
not suffyc'ent; wherfore, my lorde, I writte this mater
unto your lordeshipe to be ferderly weide as shaU stande
with yo' high and moost discrete wisdomis, which I
pray God may be to his high pleas'^ and to the honor
of the kings grace and the welth of his realme. And

AN'!) HER TIMES. 51
thus the hooly goost have yo"^ good lordeshipe in his
moost uderfuU tuition. At BeauUeu, this xx'" daye
of September, By me the king's subject,
" John Huse,"
To this is added a note — " This message, I suppose,
was sent soon after y^ birth of the Lady EUzabeth, w*
was Sept, 6, 1533, or when y° king, upon the sentense
of devorse, comanded y*^ Q. Katharine should be ijo
more called queen, but princess dowager, w'*' was in
May, 1533. But by the date of this letter the former
is more probable,"
In reference to this we may also add, that in May,
1533, the Duke of Suffolk, in concert with the Earl of
Sussex, Sir WiUiam Paulet and Mr, Richard Sampson,
was appointed to regulate the household of the re
pudiated queen ; soon after which, these commissioners
made the foUowing extraordinary report to his majesty:
" Pleasythe it yur highnes, upon Wensdaye laste
paste, after dynner, we, accordinge to youre comaunde
ment, shewed and declared yur most gracious pleasure
to the princes dowager in hir great chambre, all man-
nere of servants of the house then their being to heare
what should be sayd; wherunto the said princes
psystynge in hir great storaacke and obstjmacye made
answer with an opene voyse, sayinge that she knewe hir-
E 2

52 LADY JANE GREY,
selfe for yur queene and true wyfe, nevere carnaUye
knowne by Prince Arthure ; and that she wold ever
stand nuU and prosecute in the courte of Rome, where
the mattere is dependynge, to be hewne in peeces, ut
terly refusynge not only the narae of princes dowagere,
and hir removynge to Somershara because of hir
heal the, but also refusynge utterlye to reraove to any
other place by the name of princes dowager, and to
take the service of any psone sworne to serve hir as
princes dowagere, for all perswasyones that could be
made to hir by us, and after by the Lord Montjoye,
Mr, Dymoke, hir ahnond and receaver, in hir chambere,
who used all meanes they could to pswade hir, upon
hir sendinge for them to speake with hir, that she
should content hir, to remove and to take your most
gracyouse order for her servants and household, to
howesoever she did ordere hirselfe in his cause: to
whom, for answere, she sayd, that she tooke this change
of hir name, and this oathe of hir servantes, to be to
the greate hurte of hn cause, and thearefore she would
not in anywise conforme hirselfe to that ordere, ne
otherwise obbaye them, but compeUed, Wherupon
the servantes appointed by yur highnes to serve hir,
when they came befoare us to receave knoledge of your
most gratyous pleashure, and to that their newe oathe,
they said they were loathe to serve her, psystynge in
the mynde she was off. Neverthelesse, to obaye y'
comaundement, they wold serve hir, so they might not

AND UEU TIMES.

be swoarne ; for they sayd, oonsiderynge theire fyrste
oathe made to hir as queene, they mighte not take the
secunde oathe without plurye, and so they contynued
a tyme styfiy in their oppynyon es, unto the tyme wc
had with muche diffycultye gotten off them that they
had that knoledge of AbeU and Berker, hir chaplanes,
whome we caUid and examyned, and founde them styflye
standinge in their consyence that shee was y"" queene
and lawful wjrfe, and that no man swoarne to serve her
as queene myghte change that oathe without piury,
and so they knowledged that they had shewed to- as
many as asked there counseU, and what was their con
syence ; and in that oppynyon they psithe stylle, say
ing theyr learnynge so informethe ther consyense;
wherupon we have comytted them to the porteres ward,
ther to remayne, not spekyng with any other psone
then theyr keeper tyll yor gracis furthir pleasur bee
therin knowne. And after this was disclossed, upon
good exortarans, with some diffyculty many of the
servants appoynted, uppon truste of y"^ raost gratyous
favore, have receaved their romes and other accord
ingly ; and so we truste, by Gods helpe, to procede to
the stablishment of the servants and order of the hous
hold, albeit some psones named in y graces book we
change uppon good consyderatyon ; and the bushope
of Langdaf, whom y' grace appoynted to departe, wee
suffer to tarrye tyU y"" further pleasur be knowne, for
that she hathe no confessore left, yf he and Abell

54 LADY JANE GREY,
depte, that can speke Spanishe, in the wich speeche she
is know confessede, and cannot be in any othere as she
saythe ; and as we pceave by reporte the s'd bushoppe
is the man of moste simpUssitie, and shal do leaste
harme to tarrye and be hir ghostly father. And for
asmuche as she wilfuUy and agaynste al humanetyfi
and reson contynuethe styUe in this oppjmyon, saying,
that althoughe yo' grace have appoynted hir to remove
to Somersham, she may ne wUl in any wise foUowe yo"'
graces pleashur therin, unlesse wee shal bynd hir with
ropes, and violently inforce hir themnto, sayinge also
that she vrill not take the servise of thes mene sworne
to her as princes dowager, but as the servise of mene
that hathe the keepinge of her. And for asmuche as
she psystythe in this obstynasyf and so wiU contynue,
as wee shurly thinke, and for that also by hir wUful-
nesse . she may also fayne hirselfe syke and keepe her
bedde in helthe, and wiU not putte one hir clothes or
otherwise order hirself by some imagynacion that wee
nowe cannot caUe to remembraunce, w'ch extremetyes
were not remembred at the makyne of our instructyones,
by reason wherof yo' pleashure is not sette foarthe, in
our s'd instructyones, what order shalbe takene with
hir beinge in any suche extremetyes, we raoste humblye
beseeche yo' highnes, the premyssyes consydered, to
send unto us yo' expresse pleashure herin, and in what
maner yo' grace wUl have the same ordered and put
in executyon, and as we may receave the same yo'

AND HER TIMES.

pleashur uppon sendynge nexte, because the feasio ap-
proachethe so faste. And this the holy trynety pre
serve yo' grace. From Bugden, this frydaye, vi of the
clocke after noone, beinge the xix daye of this presente
raonethe of December. And because we doubte tho
bushoppe and the reste of hir chappel shall refuse to
make any othe, we have spared to speke with them
tylle yo' graces further pleashure be therein knowne
what order shalbe takene with them in case they shall
so doe. Yo' moste humble subiectes and servants,
Charles Sdffolk, William Paulet,
Robert Sussex, Richard Sampson.
" To the kyngs highnes.'
This conduct on the part of the divorced queen is
but Uttle in consonance with that humUity and submis
sion which the bard of Avon thus exquisitely deUneates
previous to the trial :
Q. Kath. Sir, I desire you, do me right and justice ;
And to bestow your pity on me : for
I am a most poor woman, and a stianger.
Born out of your dominions ; ha-ving here
No judge indifferent, nor no more assurance
Of equal friendship and proceeding. Alas, sir.
In what have I offended you ? what cause
Hath my behaviour given to your displeasure.
That thus you should proceed to put me off.
And take your good grace from me ? Heaven witness,
I have been to you a true and humble vrife.
At all times to your -wiU conformable :
Ever in fear to kindle your disUke,

56 LADY JANE GREY,
Yea, subject to your countenance ; glad, or sorry.
As I saw it incUned. When was the hour,
I ever contradicted your desire.
Or made it not mine too .'' Or which of your friends
Have I not strove to love, although I knew
He were mine enemy.'' what friend of mine.
That had to him derived your anger, did I
Continue in my Uking ; nay, gave notice
He was frora thence discharged.? Sir, caU tojnind
That I have been your wife, in this obedience.
Upward of twenty years, and have been bless'd
With many chUdren by you : if, in the course
And process of this time, you can report
And prove it too, against mine honour aught.
My bond to wedlock, or ray love and duty.
Against your sacred person, in God's name.
Turn me away; and let the foulest contempt
Shut door upon me, and so give me up
To the sharpest kind of justice. Please you, sir.
The king, your father, was reputed for
A prince most prudent, of an exceUent
And unmatch'd wit and judgment : Ferdinand,
My father, king of Spain, was reckon'd one
The -wisest prince, that there had reign'd by many
A year before : it is not to be question'd
That they had gather'd a wise councU to them
Of every realm, that did debate this business.
Who deem'd our marriage lawful : wherefore 1 humbly
Beseech you, sir, to spare me, tiU I may
Be by my friends in Spain advised ; whose counsel
I wUl implore : if not, i' the name of God,
Your pleasure be fulfiU'd !
It is a fact, not generaUy understood, that Mary, at
an early period of her life, had a reformer for her pre
ceptor *. This was Ludovicus Vives, a native of Va-
' Enfield, u. 4.15.

AND HER TIJIES. 57
lentia in Spain ; who, though weU trained in aU thc
subtleties of the scholastic phUosophy at Paris, had the
good sense to discover its futility, and diUgendy ap
pUed himself to more useful studies, Erasmus, who
was his most intimate associate, says of him, in one of
his episdes *, that there was no part of phUosophy in
which he did not excel ; and that he had made such
proficiency in learning, and in the arts of speaking and
writing, that he scarcely knew his equal. Araongst
other of his pubUcations, was a very ingenious com
mentary upon St. Augustine's treatise " De Civitate
Dei," or the City of God, which he dedicated to Henry
VIIL, and with which that monarch was so well
pleased, from the extensive acquaintance with the an
cient phUosophy which it mamfested, that he not only
invited the author to his court, but also appointed him
preceptor to his daughter, and then only child. In
this office Vives displayed great fideUty ; but being a
Spaniard, he naturaUy felt great interest for his coun
trywoman, the queen, and lost the king's confidence
by his opposition to the divorce; on which he was
forced to flee to Bruges,
To appreciate more fuUy the subsequent conduct of
Mary I, in reference to the unhappy fate of our heroine,
it is necessary to investigate her own early mortifica^
tions in regard to reUgion, rank, comfort, probable
marriage, and, in short, in regard to every thing which
* Er. Epist. xix. 101.

58 LADY JANE GREY,
can be dear to a woman, and to an affectionate daugh
ter. A just estimate of aU this may be drawn from a
very interesting correspondence, which we have copied
from the originals in the British Museum, and which
becomes a necessary iUustration of future events.
Mary, it appears, had not only been unwiUing to
acquiesce in her mother's disgrace, but to aceept the
amended ritual of Henry, in which she was supported
by her priesdy household, who, no doubt, were the ad
visers of what is caUed her submission; but which,
we shall have future occasion to show, was founded on
rank dupUcity and mental reservation !
This submission is to the foUowing purport :
" To THE King's most gracious Highnes my
Father *,
" Most humbly prostrate before the feete of yur most
excellent majestie, yur most humble, faithfuU, and
obedient subject, who hath soe extreraely offended
yur most gracious highnes, that myne heavy and fear
fuU heart dare not presume to caU you father, ne yur
majestie have any cause by my desertes, saving the
benignltie of your blessed nature doth surmounte
aU evUs, offences, and trespasses, and is ever mercifuU
and ready to arrest the penitent calUng for grace in
anie convenient time, Havyng receyved, this thurs-
* Brit. Mus. Cotton. Tit. c. vu. 176.

AND HER TIMES. 59
day, at nyght, certayne letters from Mr. Secretarye, as
weU advising me to make myne humble submission to
yourselfe, which, because I durst not, without your
gratious Ucense, presume to doe before, I lately sent
unto him, as signifieing that yur most mercifuU heart
and fatherly pittie had granted me yur blessing with
condition that I should persevere in that I had com
menced and begun, and that I should not eftsones
offend yur majestie by the denyaU or refusaU of any
such articles or comandments as it may please yur
highnes to address unto mee for the perfit tryall of
my harte and inwarde affection. For the present de
claration of the bottom of my harte and stomacke;
first, I knowledge myselfe to have most unkindly and
unnaturally offended yur most exceUente highnes, in
that I have not submitted myselfe to yur most just
and vertuous laws. And for myne offences therein,
which I raust confesse weare in me a thousand folde
more grievous than they could be in any Other living
creature, I put my selfe whoUy and entirely to your
gratious mercye, at whose hand I cannot receive that
punishment for the same that I have deserved. Se
condly, to open myne harte to yur grace in those things
which I have heretofore refused to condescend imto,
and have now written with myne owne hand, sending
the same to 3mr highnes herewith. I shall never
beseache yur grace to hg,ve pitti* and compassion of
me yff ever you shaU peiceyue that I shaU privUie or

60 LADY JANE GREY,
apertly vary or alter from one peece of that I have
written and subscribed, or refuse to confirm, ratyfie, or
declare the same where your majestie shaU appoynte
me. Thirdly, as I have and shaU, knowing yur
exceUent learmng, vertue, wisdome, and knowledge,
put my soule into your direction, and by the same
hath and wyU in aU things from hensforth direct my
conscience, soe my bodie I doe whoUy comitt to your
mercie and fatherly pittie, desiring not state, nor con
dition, nor maner, degree of livinge, but such as your
grace shaU apoynte unto me, knowledging and con
fessing that my state cannot be soe vUe as eyther the
extreamitie of justice would apoynte unto me, or as
myne offences have requned and deserved. And what
soever yur grace shall comand rae to do touching
any of these poyntes, either for things passed, present,
or to come, I shall gladly doe the same as your majestie
can comande me.
" Most humbly therefore beseechyng your mercie,
most gratious sovereign lord and benigne father, to
have pittie and compassion of your miserable and sor-
¦rofuU child, and with the aboundance of your in-
«stimable goodness soe to overcome myne iniquitie
towards God, your grace, and yur whoUe realme, as I
tnay feale some sensible token of reconsiUation, which,
God is my judge, I only desire without other respect
To whom I shall dayly pray for the preservation of
yur highnes with the queue's grace, and that yt may

AND HER TIMES, 61
please him to send you issue. From Hownsden this
Thursday at xj of the clocke at night.
Your graces most humble and obedient
daughter and handmayde,
Marye."
This penitent episde was accompanied by " The
confession of me, the Lady Marye, made upon certayne
poyntes and articles underwritten, in the which as I
doe nowe plainely and with all myne harte confesse and
declare myne inward sentence, beliefe, and judgment,
with a due conformitie of obedience to the lawes of the
realme ; soe minding for ever to persist and continue
in this determination wtliout change, alteration, or
varyance, I doe most humbUe beseache the kinge's
highnes my father, whom I have obstinatly and in-
obediently offendid in the deniall of the same hereto
fore, to forgive myne offences therein, and to take me
to his most gratious mercye,
" First, I confesse and knowledge the kinges ma
jestie to be my soverayne lord and kinge in the im
periali crowne ofthis realme of England; and doe sub
mitt myselfe to his highnes, and to aU and singuler
lawes and statutes of this reahn, as becometh a true
and faithfull subject to doe, which I shall aUso obey,
keepe, observe, advance, and mayntayne, accordinge
to my bounden duety, with all the power, force, and
qualyties that God hath indued me during my lyfe.

62 LADY JANE GREY,
" Item, I do recognyse, accept, take, repute, and
knowledge the king's highnes to be supreme head in
earth, under Christ, of the church of England; and
doo utterly refuse the Bishop of Rome's pretended
authority, power, and jurisdiction, within this realme
heretofore usurped, according to the lawes and statutes
made in that behalfe, and of all the king's true subjects
humbly receyved, admitted, obeyed, kept, and ob
served; and alsoe doe utterly renounce and forsake
all maner of remedye, interest, and advantage which I
may by any means clayme by the Bishop of Rome's
lawes, processe, jurisdiction, or sentence, at this present
time, or in anywise hereafter, by anye raaner, title,
colour, means, or care that is, shaU, or can be devysed
for that purpose,
" Marye,"
" Item, I doe freely, frankely, and for the discharge
of my dutie towards God, the king's highness, and his
lawes, without other respect, recognyse and knowledge
that the mariage heretofore had between his majestie
and my mother, the late princesse dowager, was by
God's lawes and man's law, incestuous and unlawful.
" Marye."
Henry seems to have been satisfied, for the present,
with this declaration ; for, indeed, he was at this time
pretty deeply engaged in a new matrimonial arrange-

AND HER TIMES. 68
ment — that of taking off his second wife's head * !
What part the Marquess of Dorset took in this affair,
history does not inform us ; but it is weU ascertainefl
that Brandon, then Duke of Suffolk, and grandfather
to Lady Jane, was active in the cause ; a circumstance
not Ukely to be forgotten by EUzabeth in after days,
then the infant daughter of the unliappy queen. In
fact the Duke of Suffolk was one of the privy councU,
who attended with Audley, the lord chanceUor, and
others, as FuUer relates in his Church History, at the
court held at Lambeth by Cranmer, when that pre
late cited the king and queen, Anne BoUeyn, to appear
before him, as they did by their proxies, Anne, in
deed, was then a prisoner in the Tower, this being on
the day previous to her execution ; and by this court
she was divorced, the marriage being declared " in
vaUd, frustrate, and of none effect."
In 1535 Queen Katharine died -f- : but Mary seems
* Henry was also much occupied in the improvement of his
finances. In the Lansdown MSS. there is " A Devise how that
within the Realme of England there may he levied for the King,
our Sovereigne Lord, in two yeres, the somrae of VIII". M. Ui,
(^800,000) vrith grete ese to his subjectis,"
t A good picture of the manners of the times may be found
in the wUl of Queen Katharine, as preserved in the British Mu
seum*, " In the name of the father, of the sonne, and of the hoUe
ghost, amen, I, Katharine, doe suppUcate and desire Kinge
Henry y= VIII" my good lord, th'at it please hym of his grace,
• Brit. Mus. Colton. Tit. c. vii. 44.

64 LADY JANE GUEY,
not to have been less sturdy at times in opposition to?
her father's mandates, or less hypocritical at others,
than during her lifetime. A specimen of the latter
and in aulraes, and for the service of God, to let mee have the
goodes which I doe hould, as weU in gould and silver as other
things ; and also y same that is due to mee in money for the
tyme passed. To the tent y' I may pay my debts and recom
pense my servaunts for the good serrice they have done unto
mee ; and the sarae I desyre as affectously as I may for the ne
cessity wherin I am redie to die, and to yeald my soule unto
God, First, I supplycate that my bodie be buried in a convent of
observaunt freres.
Item, That for my soule may be said 1'' masses.
Item, That som p' sonage goe to our ladie of Walsingham in
pilgrimage, and in going by the way doale xx nobles.
Item, I appoint to Mistres DareU xx U. for her mariage.
Item, I ordayne that the coUar of gould whych I broughte
out of Spayne, be to my doughter.
Item, I ordayne to Mistres Blanche x U. stere.
Item, I ordayne to Mistris Margerie, and to Mistris  , to
each of them x U. sterl,
Itera, I ordayne to M" Mary, ray physitian's wife, and to
Mistris IsabeU, doughter of Mistris Margerie, to each of them
xl pounds sterl,
Itera, I ordayne to ray physitian y<^ yeares commynge wages.
Item, I ordayne to Francisco PhUippo aU y' I owe unto him,
and besydes that xl pounds sterl.
Item, I ordayne to Mr. John, rayne apothecary, his wages for
y year commynge, and besydes y« all y' is due unto hira.
Itera, I ordayne that Mr. Whiller he payd of expence about
y raakynge of my gowne, and besides y xx Uv. sterl.
Item, I geve to PhiUipe, to Anthony, to Bastian, to everye
of them XX liv. sterl.
Item, I ordayne to the little maydens x Uv. to everie of them.
Item, I ordayne y- ray gouldsraith be paid of his wages for
the year comraynge, and besydes all that is due to him hitherto.

AND HER TIMKS. 65
occurs in 1536, in a letter now in the Museum, but
pardy burnt, and almost iUegible :
" In as humble and lowly maner as is possyble, I
beseche your moste gracyous hyghnes of you . , , .
Item, I ordayne that my launderer be paid of y' is due unto
her, and besydes y' of her wages for -f year commynge.
Item, I ordayne to y« SabeU of Vergas xx Uv, sterl.
Item, To my ghostiy father his wages for the year commynge.
Item, It raay please y" kinge my good lorde, tiiat the house
omaments for y= church to be made of my gowns which he
houldeth for to serve the convent there at y shaU be buried.
And the furres of the same I geve for my doughter."
It is remarkable, that in this wUl the queen does not even re
commend her daughter to the king; perhaps, in regard to her,
she reaUy acted as Shakspeare describes :
Cap. Noble lady.
First, mine own service to your grace ; the next.
The king's request that I would visit you ;
¦Who grieves much for your weakness, and hy me
Sends you his princely commendations.
And heartUy entreats you take good comfort,
Kath. O my good lord, that comfort comes too late ;
'Tis like a pardon after execution :
That gentle physic, given in time, had cured me ;
But now I am past aU comforts here, but prayers.
How does his highness .'
Cap. Madam, in good health,
Kath. So may he ever do ! and ever flourish.
When I shaU dweU -with worms, and ray poor narae
Banish'd the kingdom ! — Patience, is that letter,
I caused you write, yet sent away ?
Pat. No, madam.
Kath. Sir, I most humbly pray you to deliver
This to my lord, the king. F

66 LADY JANE GREY,
blessyng. And albeit I have alredy as y truste .
upon myn humble and harty servis and subrays
quyryng mercy and forgyvenes for myne offenc .
maiestye obtayned the same wyth lycence to w ,
wherby I have also conceyved great hope and .... at
your grace of your inestymable goodnes . . , , rgyve
Cap. Most wUUng, madam,
Kath. In which I have commended to his goodness
The model of our chaste loves, his young daughter :—
The dews of heaven fall thick in blessings on her ! —
Beseeching hira, to give her virtuous breeding;
(She is young, and of a noble raodest nature;
I hope, she wUl deserve well;) and a httle
To love her for her mother's sake, that loved him.
Heaven knows how dearly. My next poor petition
Is, that his noble grace would have some pity
Upon my wretched women, that so long
Have foUow'd both my fortunes faithfuUy :
Of which there is not one, I dare avow
(And now I should not Ue), but wUl deserve.
For virtue, and true beauty of the soul.
For honesty, and decent carriage,
A right good husband, let him be a noble;
And, sure, those men are happy that shall have them.
The last is, for my men : — they are the poorest.
But poverty could never draw thera frora me ; —
That they may have their wages duly paid them.
And something over to remember me by ;
If heaven had pleased to have given me longer Ufe,
And able means, we had not parted thus.
These are the whole contents : — And, good my lord.
By that you love the dearest in this world.
As you wish Christian peace to souls departed.
Stand these poor people's friend, and urge the king
To do me this last right.

AND HER TIMES. 67
me ray sayd offencys and wythdre , , . . leasur con
ceyved upon the same, yet sh , . . . returne parfactiy
to me, ne my hope .... the time as it may," &c, &c.*
It is a very remarkable fact, however, and a proof
of the mental reservation vrith which Mary had been
led to act in these transactions, that this very letter
was accompanied by one to Secretary CromweU, pray
ing that she might not be compeUed in her conscience.
That her conscience ought to have been left to perfect
freedom cannot for a moment be denied ; but then she
ought not to have made a submission so extremely
pointed as that already recorded.
This letter is preserved in the British Museum ;
and though half bumt, yet enough remains to illus
trate what is here spoken of:
" Good Master Secretary, — I do thanke you much
aU the greate payne and service that you have had,
for whyche I thynke myselfe veray muche bounde to
.... as I do parceyve by your letters that you ....
excepcyon in my letter to the kyng's grace , , , . dyde
not mean as you do take it, for I , , , , the kyngs
goodnes wyU move me , . . . shulde offend God and
my conscyen . . , , dyde write that only by the re ... ,
for I have always used both except God in all thyngs
, , , . exhorted me to write to . , , , devyse what I
* Brit, Mus, Cotton. Otho. c, x. 261.
f2

68 LADY JANE GREY,
should wr . , . , wythout addyng or mynysh .... thys
berer my servant the . . . ..is unsealyd because I can
.... copye for the payne in my . . . , me so sore theys
two or thre , . . . that I have very sraall rest . , , ,
truste in your goodness that , , , , fynd suche meanes
by your  "
In the same coUection are several other letters ofa
date nearly simUar ; those to the king all submissive,
but those to CrorhweU displaying a system of mental
reservation, as if her conscience forced her almpst to
confess the chicanery she was then indyced to practise
by the advice of her ghostly confessors.
AU this, however, had its effect, and she seems now
to have been on better terras with her father than
usual ; but stiU the inward leaven would show itself.
It has been often said, and justiy said, that the
greatest tyrants are the mUdest on earth when not in
power. How far this was the case with Mary may be
iUustrated by the foUowing letter from her about this
period,, but without address, preserved in the British
Museum*. " My very good lorde, — Because my truste is your
goodnes wyll not be wery, thoughe I do dayly moleste
you wyth my contynuaU sutes, I shaU most hartyly
desyre the same to have in Remembrance myne erneste
* Brit. Mus, Cottpn, Vegp, F, xui, SOg, 203.

AND HER TIMES. 69
sute made unto you for mystres Coke, my mothers
olde servant touchyng the ferme of Rysbrydge be-
longyng to the Newe CoUedge in Oxforde, the Warden
wherof hathe neyther used you nor me (as I thinke)
gendy therin ; and dierefore as my shote anker nexte
the kyng's majesty, I recomende it hoUy unto you.
And even so beseche our lorde to sende you no worse
to fare then I wolde my selfe. At the courte, the 15'
of ApryU. Your lovyng assured frend during my lie^
Marye,"
About this same period we find another letter from
the princess to Secretary CromweU, not only Ulustrative
of her own manner, but of the manners of the times,
for it is an excuse to avoid the honours of knighthood,
in regard to one of her own household, that honour
appearing to be then absolutely enforced upon all of
a certain rank and fortune; evidently on account of
the fees, and of certain benevolences in peace and ser
vices in war, which knights were obUged to fulfil. The
letter runs thus :
" Mary, Princesse. Maister CromeweU, — In my
hasty maner, I comende me to you, and whereas I am
advertised on the behalfe of my servant Richard WU-
bram, this bearer, that aU suche as maye dyspende

70 LADY JANE GREY,
in landes fourty pounds by yere, have in comandment
to appere before my most drad lorde and father the
kyng, and to receyve of hys highnes the ordre of
knyghthoode, amongst whom my sayd servant's fa^
ther's oon, being, as I am informed, nowe foure score
yeres of age, the contentis of whose landes my said
servante, I doute not, wiU truly declare unto you;
and forasmuch as I am advysed that all suche men
shaU first resorte unto you to knowe the kyng my
fathers pleasyr further theryn, I therfor desyre and
hartely pray you in consideracon of the greate age of
my said servants father, and also the farre distance of
his dweUyng place, as in Cheshyre, to showe your lov
yng favour unto hym, as weU in excuse for his non
apparance as also yn all other causes conceming the
kyng my father's pleys' to hyra for the same. And
y' thus doing at thys my desyre, in shewing your for-
warde favour and goodnes unto my servtrnt's said father,
shall deserve my ryght harty thankes, whych shaU not
be put in obUvion, but remembred herafter accordingly.
From Oxford, the xxviU daye of Maye,"
We now come to a very important docuinent in
regard to succeeding events ; it is caUed, —

AND HEU TIMES. 71
" The Examiiiaran of Su- Andiony Browne,
touching die La: Maries submission to
Kmge Henry the 8* her father*, 18"!
June, 1536.
" Sir Anthony Bro^vne, Knight, sworne and ex
amined, saith, that he never knew ye Kinges highnes
and the dowger, for their matrimony was doubted,
thought ye same lawfuU, forasmuch as shee was his
brother's wife before.
" Item, He saith that Mr. Carewe shewed him lately
that he had received a Ife from the La : Marie as he
supposed, and your deponent declared that Mr, Secre
tary had written a letter unto her adviseing her to
submitte herselfe to the kinge ; and shewed him that
she would soe doe as he understood. Wherupon the
said Sir Anthony praied God to give her grace soe to
doe. Wherunto the said Mr. Carew said — Iff shee
doe not submitte herselfe shee is undone ; for the
kinge is a mercifuU prince and wUl have pittie of her,
if shee wUl now leave her obstinacie, and not cast her
self away.
" Then he saith that Mr. Russel tould hun that he
heard gay, that in case she would foUowe the king's
pleasure shee thould be heire apparante, at which
time being others present, whom he now remerabereth
* Brit. Mus, Ayscough, 1786, 69,

72 LADY JANE GREY,
not, one of them said, what meane you by the heire appa
rant.'' whereunto it was answeared that shee should be
reputed in such case to his highness unless his grace
should have issue by his queen that now is, sonne or
daughter. " Item, He saith that when Mr. Crom" was last at
home, he went to GuUdford to him ; of whom the
said Mr, Carew asked what newes were at court.?
whereunto he answered, that he knew no newes saving
only Mr. Russel tould him he heard say that La:
Marie should be made heire apparent to the king, if
she would submitt herselfe and foUow his pleasure,
which the said Mr. Carewe praied to God shee might
doe, " Itera, He saith that Mr. Carew sent a lettre to the
Ladie Mary, which Itre hee shewed before to this de
ponent and Mr, Crom", the effect thereof was to ad
vise and counseU her in any'wise to submitt herselfe to
the king, and to foUowe such counsel as by Mr. Secre
tary's Itres should be declared unto her touching the
same ; neverdieless, whether he sent this Itre fordi or
noe, he knoweth not,
" Item, He saith that since Mr. Cromw"'s coming to
the court, he hath demanded bf him whether the Ladie
Marie should be bene apparent or noe, to whom hee
hath answe- ed, that in case shee would submit her
selfe, and ee obedient as shee ought to bee, hee
trusted shei. would ; and iff shee wUl not bee obedient

AND HER TIMES. 73
unto his grace, I would quoth hee that her head were
from her shoulders that I might tosse it here with my
foote, and soe putt his foote forward spurning the
rushes. " Item, Examined why hee should have such af
fection to the said Ladie Marie, saith that hee was
only moved thereunto for the love he beareth to the
king ; for hee never received letter, messege, token or
recommendement from her, nor hath sent her any,
" Item, Examined whether in case it had pleased
God to call the King to his mercie, which God defend,
leaving the Ladie EUzabeth inthe degree of princesse,
hee would have adheared to her, or advaunced the
Ladie Marie? Hee saith that in such case he would
have died with the Ladie EUzabeth according to the
lawes of the land.
" Item, He saith, he thought the Ladie Mary to be
a fitt person to be an heire apparent, and to succeed in
case the King's highness should not chance to have
issue of his body by the Queene that now is, which
God send him shordy, for that ye said Ladie Mary
was bome in bona fide; which tearm of bcjnafide as hee
hath hearde often, as weU before the making of this
lawe for the Kuig's succession, as since, soe remem
breth not presendy of whom he hath hearde the same;
but wiU endeavour himselfe to remeraber where hee
hath heard it, and the sarae declare accordingly.
" Item, Examined whether he hath had any private

74

LADY JANE GEEY,

conference with any special men, or any other man or
woman not specified, touchinge the state of the said
Ladie Marie, he answeareth that he knew not, saying
to some that he marvayled the would aske him such
questions : but he saith that hee never had any private
conferences, with any man touchinge specyeU matter,
other, than is expressed.
" Item, Hee being examined, whether hee hath at
any time heard y*^ name of bonajides parentum of Dr,
Wolman, Dr, BeU, or Dr, Knight, saith nay.
" Item, Being examined whether he knoweth of any
conventicle devised, or sitte forth by any pson or psons
for the advancement ofthe said Ladie Mary*; an
swereth, none otherwise than is before declared,"
* At this period, Mary was denied the title of Princess, by
royal proclamation: and in the British Museum, Cott, Coll,
Otho, c, X, 254, there is a curious examination of Dame Anne
Huse, about her visiting the Lady Mary, and stiling her Pr'%n-
cess, after the declaration of the monarch's pleasure.

AND HER TIMES,

75

SECTION II.
Succession to the Throne, how contemplated by Henry VIII. —
Royal Marriages negotiated— Sorrows of Princess Mary —
Birth of Lady Jane Grey — Progress of Reformation at the
Birth of Lady Jane — Cranmer's Letter respecting the EngUsh
Liturgy —Anecdotes ofthe English Bible — FamUy Anecdotes
of the Greys — Description of their FamUy Mansion at Brad
gate — Feudal Manners, and Sketches of Society — Progress of
domestic Refinement — Birth of Edward VI. — Courtly and
chivahous Anecdotes — Dudley FamUy — Infancy of our He
roine — Early Promise — State of Literature, and of Female
Education — Anecdotes of Erasmus, &c. ; of Bishop Aylmer ;
of Ascham — Lady Jane educated in the reformed ReUgion,
&c, — Queen Katherine Parr, &c. &c.
Notwithstanding the King's final regulation of the
descent ofthe crown to Mary, next after the demise of
Edward, it was certainly, at one period, in the 29th of
his reign, A. D. 1537, his intention to have arranged
matters otherwise, as appears from a letter written by
him to Sir Thomas Wiatt*, wherein he detaUs an
offer, which the ambassadors of Charles V. had then
seemed to agree to, that she should be married to the
Prince of Portugal, Don Louis, with a fortune of
100,000 crowns ; but with a proviso, that she should
• Brit. Mus. Harl, CoU. No. 282, p. 1.

76 LADY JANE GREy,
not succeed to the throne of England, except upon the
death of aU the King's other issue, then bom, or to be
bom. To give her something of regal state, however,
the Duchy of MUan was, in that case, to have been
granted to Don Louis.
This plan did not succeed ; yet was afterwards re
vived, when it was in a^tation to unite the young Ed
ward with one of Charles's daughters, whUst EUzabeth
was to have been married either to a son of the King
of the Romans, or to one of the Princes of Savoy.
Poor Mary, indeed^ seems at this time to have been
sent a begging; for she was offered to the Duke of
Orleans, then to the Duke of Cleves and JuUers, then
to the Duke of Urbi^io, &p.
Such was the probable state ofthe future succession
to the crown of England at the period of our heroine's
birth, which took place at Bradgate, in Leicestershire,
as generaUy beUeved, in the year 1737, but the pre
cise date is uncertain, the destruction of the mona
steries and church registers having caused the loss of all
records of that nature. It was however a most important
period to the friends of rational religious Uberty; as
much had already been done on that subject, although
neither Henry's principles nor practice were of a nature
much connected with the purity of Christian faith.
Perhaps the exact progress and state of the re
formation, at this precise period, wiU be best iUustrated

AND HER TIMES. 77
by the foUowing letter from Cranmer to Secretary
Cromwell*: " After most hartie cofhendacyons unto your lord
ship, Theys shall be to sygnifie unto you that I with
other bushopps and lerned men here assembled by the
King's coinandment, have almost made an end of our
determinacions; for we have alredie subscribed unto
the declaracions of the Pater Noster and the Ave
Maria, the Crede, and the Ten Coraanderaents ; and
there remayneth no more but certeyn notes of the
Crede, unto the whyche we be aggre^d tP subscribe
on Monday nexte; Why che. aH, when they shaU be
subscribed, I pray you that I may know your mynde
and pleasure, whether I shal send them incontynendye
unto you, or leaue them in my Lorde of Hereforde's
hands, to be delyvred by hyin when he comyth nexte
nnto the courte, Besechyng you, my Lorde, there
fore to be the intercessour unto the King's highness for
us all, that we may haue hys gracious lycence to de-
pert for thys tyme untyl his grace's further pleasur be
known, for thay dye almost evry where in London, we
find ; and ia Lambeth they dye at my gate, even at
the next house to me, I would fayne see the King's
highnes at my departing ; but I feare me that I shall
not, by cause that I shall run from this smoking ayre ;
* Brit, Mus, Cotton Cleop. E. v. 52.

78 LADY JANE GREY,
yet I would gladly knowe the King's pleasur herin,
less where you granted unto me leve to visit my
dioces this yere, I beseche you that I may haue your
leve to .... to put that in my comission. Whereon I
beseche your lordeshipp not to forget to be a sewtor
for me unto the Kyng's highnes conceming myn ex
change, and specially for the remyssion of such debtes
as ar yet behinde unpaid which I owe unto his grace.
Thus, my lorde, right hastely fare you weU. Al
Lairibeth this XXI, daye of Julye,
" Ori this I pray you shew unto me your advyse
howe I shaU ordre in my said visitacions such psons as
have transgressyd the King's grace's intentions,
Y' euer and assured,
T. Cantdarius."
In addition to what is here stated by the archbishop,
we may subjoin, that although the Bible was now
printed in English, yet its sale seems not to have been
very rapid ; for in the same volume of MSS, is a letter
from Richard Grafton to Secretary CromweU, praying
that aU other persons shall be forbidden, for three
years, to print any other edition of it in the vulgar
tongue, and until that he shall have sold his edition of
1500 copies ; or else that aU curates and popish mo
nasteries shall be forced to buy tjiera*-
• The translation, by WickUff, of the Bible was circulated
by written copies ; and the first English Bible, or rather the

AND HER TIMES,

79

Along with this is also a licence from Francis I, of
France to Grafton, to print the EngUsh Bible at Paris,
It was, however, as appears from a letter of Cranmer's,
only on the 13th of August, 1537, that the royal
Ucence was obtained for the open sale of Bibles in
England. Much opprobrium has been thrown upon the character
of Henry, father of Lady Jane, by various writers, but
there stUl seems much truth in what Brooke says, in
his Catalogue of NobUity, that, by his cotemporaries,
he was esteemed a man of great personal courage and
much generosity; that he wanted not ambition, though
he was a reserved man ; loved to Uve in his own way, and
was rather desirous to keep up that magnificence, for
which our ancient nobiUty were so much distinguished,
in the place of his residence in the country, than to
involve himself in the intrigues of a court.
It was in consequence of this fondness for rural life.

New Testament only, ever printed, was in 1526, It was trans
lated by Tindal, vrith some assistance, and was printed either at
Hamburgh or Antwerp, In 1530 Tindal revised his translation,
and a second edition was printed abroad, and sent over by stealth
into England ; almost the whole of the first impression having
been bought up by Tonstal, Bishop of London, and Sir Thomas
More, and bumt at Paul's Cross,
This second edition was proceeded against, and condemned
in the Star Chamber in 1531; but at the same time the King
ordered a new translation to be made, by the most leamed ofthe

80 LADY JANE GREY,
that at her birth, he was resident at his seat of Brad
gate, in Leicestershu-e, situate on the edge of Charn
wood forest; about two mUes from Groby Castie,
two from Mountsorrel, and four frbm Leicester, of
which, at the present day, there are some venerable
reraains, that show it to have been a magnificent old
mansion.

two universities, " that the people might not be ignorant in the
law of God,"
This order, however, was neglected by the bishops ; nay, the
new Bishop of London, Stokesly, bought up all Tindal's copies
that he could procure, with many other books, and burnt them
at St, Paul's. In 1537 Grafton and Whitchurch had their Bible
printed at Hamburgh ; when the King ordered, as Grafton had
petitioned, that it should be read by all curates, and set up in
all parish churches throughout the kingdom.
A second edition of this was printed at Paris, " there being
better paper and cheaper to be had in France, and more dexterous
workmen ;" but the inquisitor general there soon took the matter

AND HER TIMES. 81
Of its State at that period, illustrative of the manners
of the time, we find a description in Leland, who
visited it in his perambulation thi-ough the kingdom,
by order of Henry VIII, He says, " From Leicester
to Brodegate, by grounde weUe wooddid, 3 mUes, At
Brodegate is a faire parke, and a lodge lately buildid
there by the lorde Thomas Gray, Marquise of Dorsete,
father to Henry, that is now raarquise. There is a
fair and plentiful spring of water brought by master
Brok, as a man would juge, agayne the hUle, thoroug
the lodge, and thereby it drivith a myUe,"
The reason of the famUy residing at Bradgate, in
preference to Groby, is evident from what Leland says
of that ancient casde : " From Brodegate to Groby,
up as an affair of heresy, the printer was arrested, and the
EngUshmen employed were forced to fly ; and the whole im
pression of 2500 was seized, and aU burnt, except a few which
were sold for waste paper.
Soon after the parties concemed went to Paris and got the
presses, matrices, and workmen, whom they brought over to
London, where, in 1540, the large Bible was printed.
Many translations have been raade since; but the one, in ge
neral use in this country, is that translated by order of James T.
by fifty-four leamed men, in three years, and first printed in
1611, 'When the translation was completed, six of the translators
were appointed to meet and revise the whole, which took them
nine months, — Their pay for this latter labour was only 30*, a
week each, which was given them by the Stationers' Company:
what they received for the translation, we do not know. One
of these leamed translators was Mr. Boyes, afterwards a prebend
of Ely. His capacity was such, that at five years of age he read
the Bible in Hebrew.

82 LADY JANE GREY,
a mile and a halfe much by wodden lande. There
remayne few tokens of the old casteUe, more then that
yet is the hUle that the kepe of the castelle stoode on
very notable ; but there is now no stone work upon it,"
That this castle had been permitted to go to decay
may, perhaps, in a great measure, have been owing to
the change of manners, which had been rising towards
comfort, if not to elegance, from the period of tran
quUUty comraencing with the union of the Houses of
York and Lancaster, on the marriage of Henry VII,
and Elizabeth; those gloomy edifices, raised with a
view principally to defence, being totaUy unfit for that
extension of domestic comfort now spreading through
the kingdom. That it was, however, so utterly ruinous
at that period, as Leland's description may be supposed
to designate, is not probable; for fifty years afterwai'ds,
in 1590, Wyrley, a writer of that day, expressly says,
that the existing ruins showed it to have been large
and stately ; and the park stUl remained.
Indeed, Leland only positively states the keep to
have been destroyed, but not the site deserted; for
he adds, that " the late Lord Thomas Marquesh
fiUed up the ditch of it with earth, entending to make
an herbare there." He then goes on to state, that
" the ould parte of the worke that now is at Groby
was made by the Ferrares," He even appears to say
that some additions to the castle generally had been
made very recently, although these buUdings have

AND HER TIMES. 83
since been described as at Bradgate, for he adds,
" But newer workes and buUdings there at Bradgate*
were erected by the Lorde Thomas, first Mai"quesh
of Dorset; among the which workes he began and
erected the fundation and wauUes of a greate gate
house of brike, and a tour, but tiiat was lefte halfe
on finishid of hym, and so it standith yet. This
Lord Thomas erected also and almost finishid ij
toures of brike in the fronte of the house, as re
spondent on each side to the gate-house. There is
a faire large parke by the place, a ri mUes in com
pase. There is also a poore viUage (NeAvtown Lin-
pret) by the place, and a Utde broke (brook) by it.
And a quarter of a mUe from the place in the botom
there is as faire and large a pole (pool) as lightely is in
* Mr, Nichols, in his History of Leicestershire, vol, iii.
p, 666, says, that the words " at Bradgate" are a variation
taken from Mr, Burton's tianscript of Leland, given by Thomas
AUen, Esq, Lord of Finchley, to Dr. Stukely in 1758, and pur
chased by Mr, Gough at the sale of the doctor's Ubrary, 1766 ;
and in another transcript, purchased by the sarae gentleman at
the sale of Mr. Thomas, the architect's Ubrary, in 1801,
On a close examination, however, of the description by
Leland, it does not appear as if that interpolation is judicious,
the facts there stated appearing rather to refer to Groby than to
Bradgate, Yet it must not be denied that Mr, Nichols' opinion is in
opposition to this, as he expressly says — " The printed editions,
and Leland's own MS, have only the single word there, imply
ing that the brick towers were at Groby; and thus Sir WiUiam
Dugdale imderstood the passage. But from personal inspection
of the ruins at both places, I have little doubt but that the
reading here adopted is correct,"
g2

84 LADY JANE GREY,
Leyrcestershire, There issuith a broket out of thys
lake, that after curamith by Groby, and there dryvith
a myUe, and after resortith to Sore river."
That the famUy estabUshment of the marquess must
have been upon a grand scale at the period in ques
tion, is evident from Leland's further statement. —
" From Brodegate to Lughborow about a y mUes.
First, I cam oute of Bradgate Parke unto the forest of
Charley, commonly caUid the wast. This forest is a
XX mUes or more in cumpace, having plenty of woode ;
and the most parte of it at this time longeth to the
Marquise of Dorsete, the residew to the king, and
Erie of Huntingdune, In the forest is no good towne,
nor scant a vUlage,
" Riding almost in the entering of this forest, I saw
2 or 3 quarres or hUles of slate stone, longging to the
Marquise of Dorsete. And riding a Uttle farther,
I left the parke of Bewmanor, closid vrith a stone
walle, and a pratie logge yn it, longging alate to
Beaumont, " This parke cam to the Marquise of Dorsete by
exchange of landes with the king, Thens a littie
way of to Burley Parke, now longging also to the
Marquise of Dorsete, Thens scant a mUe to Lough-
borow. The ruins of Whitewik CasteU long now by
perrautation to the Marquise of Dorsete,"
By this exchange of, lands with the king, it is evi
dent that the marquess had given up aU idea even of

AND IIER TIMES. 8.')
temporaiy residence at the ancient family seat of die
WidviUes, at Grafton, in Northamptonshire, which his
father had inherited from Richard, the third Earl of
Rivers, with the single stipulation in his will that
there should be as much underwood sold out of the
woods at Grafton as would buy a beU, to be a tenor
to the bells of the parish church, for the reraembrance
of the last of the blood. Indeed, it is probable that
Grafton was not a mansion of any great extent* ; at
least, the famUy estabUshraent of this the last earl
must have been but smaU, for though he bequeathed
to the parish church all the cattie which he then had
at Grafton, to the intent that the priests there should
yearly keep an obit for his soul, consisting of a dirge
and raasse of requiem, to be perforraed by the curate,
four priests, and four clerks, also an herse and four
tapers ; yet those cattie did not consist of more than
two oxen, five kine, and two buUocks ; a small stock
when compared with the style of housekeeping of the
feudal barons of that age. In addition to the cattle,
he gave five-pence wages to each priest, and three
pence to each clerk.
By these exchanges the marquess seeras to have been
sole possessor of the lands for railes around his man
sion, with scarcely a neighbour, if any, qualified to
* Nichols, in his Leicestershire, observes, that a palace was
afterwards buUt by Henry VIII. at Grafton, but destroyed iu
the civU wars.

86 LADY JANE GREY,
associate with his family on terms of intimacy. In
deed, the only person with the rank of gentleman, no
ticed by Leland, is thus introduced :— " From Brode
gate to BeUegrave vUlage a 4 mUes by woddy and
pasture grounde. This viUage is about a mUe lower
on Sore then Leircester is ; and I cam over a great
stone bridge or I enterid into it. There deweUith a
gentUmen by the name of BeUegrave, a men of a 50
U, of possessions by the yere. There is also a nother
mene gentUman of the BeUegraves yn Lencestershire,"
The house of Bradgate, then standing at the birth
of Lady Jane, was biult by her grandfather Thomas,
the second marquess, and is called by Burton, " a very
faire, large, and beautiful house," as then standing in
1608. Should any of our fair readers wish to trace the
scenes of early life of our interesting heroine, we may
here notice, on the authority of the accurate and inde
fatigable Mr, Nichols, that the old mansion house was
buUt principaUy of brick ; a square with four turrets
are at each corner. Enough of the waUs stUl remain to
assist the fancy in tracing out the various apartments,
especiaUy some vestiges of the kitchen ; and the vaults
or ceUars are now overgrown with nettles and alder.
The garden walls are nearly entire, and the garden
terrace may stUl be seen. The author already
quoted describes a littie stream as running by the side
of the garden, near which stand some beautiful old

-\ND HER TIMES, 87
chestnut trees, wluch, especiaUy when in bloom, give
the whole an air of grandeur. He adds, that the
pleasure grounds are easUy distinguishable ; and though
they have now somewhat the appearance of a wilder
ness, yet they strongly indicate that once, where the
netde and the thistie now reign in peace, the rose and
the lUy sprang luxuriantly. The park is stiU very
extensive, and walled round, and weU stocked with
deer ; it is famous for very fine fem ; and the pro
spects in it are unusually romantic, from the inter
mixture of venerable trees and rugged rocks ; whilst
from a hUl called Old John there is a most extensive
view over seven counties. It is not very many years
since it has thus become a complete ruin ; for, very
recently, an aged person remembered the principal
part of the house quite entire. He had been in all
the rooms, and noticed that there was a dopr out of
the dining room into the chapel.
The careful observer may yet discover some traces
of the tUt yard ; but the courts are now occupied by
rabbits, and shaded with chestnut trees and mulberries.
The lover of the picturesque wiU be particularly struck
widi the approach from Thurcaston, especiaUy at
the keeper's lodge, where the view is truly enchanting.
On the Idft appears a large grove of venerable trees ;
on the right are the ruins of the mansion, surmounted
by rugged rocks and aged oaks ; the forest hUls, with
the tower on the hiU caUed Old John, forming the

88 LADY JANE GREY,
back ground of the prospect: whUst tne valley,
through which the trout stream runs, extends in front,
with clumps to shade the deer, and terminates in a
nanow vrinding glen, thickly clothed with an um-
bragious shade*.
Such was the birthplace of our heroine ; but the
manners of that day also require some iUustration,
There was then, as long before, great magnificence
exhibited by the higher orders of nobUity; who, as
weU expressed by a modern antiquary, seated in their
castles, lived in a state and splendour very much re
sembling, and scarce inferior, to that of the royal court.
Their household was estabUshed upon the same plan —
their officers bore the same titles — and their warrants
ran in the same form and style. On this subject, the
same author adds, that the extreme minuteness of the
household arrangements of that day may excite sur
prise, but raay easUy be explained upon historic prin
ciples ; for as our nobUity, in the raore early times,
Uved in their castles with a gross and barbarous mag
nificence, sunounded with rude and warUke foUowers,
without control, and without system ; yet as they gra
duaUy emerged from this barbanty, they found it
necessary to estabUsh very minute doraestic regula
tions, in order to keep their turbulent foUowers in peace
and order. In fact, from Uring in a state of disorderly
grandeur, it is not surprising that they should run
* Vide Nichols' Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 681.

AND HER TIMES. 89
into the opposite extreme of reducing every thing,
even the most trifling disbursements, to stated formal
rules. The state of society, in short, seems well pictured,
where it is observed that a noblemen, even up to the
dawn of learning which was now breaking out, when
retired to his mansion, had neither books, nor news
papers, nor Uterary correspondence, nor risits, nor
cards, to fiU up his leisure : his only mnusements were
field sports ; and as these, however eagerly pursued,
could not fiU up all his vacant hours, the government
of his household would therefore be likely enough to
engage his attention, if he happened to be a prudent
man; and thus, from a mere desire of employment,
he would be led to descend to the most studied minute
ness in his regulations and estabUshments.
AU this state, however, was sometimes laid aside ;
for it appears, by the Percy household book, from
which many of these notices have been eUcited, that at
certain tiraes of the year* the nobiUty retired from
their principal mansion to some Uttle adjoining lodge,
where they Uved private ; no longer kept open house,
but put their servants upon board wages, dismissed
part of them to go to their friends, and only retained
a few of the most necessary about their person. Yet
m this retirement the nominal state was kept up, at
« Antiq. Rep. vol. iv. p. 325.

90 LADY JANE GREY,
least in some of the great famiUes; for it appears
that when Percy, the Earl of Northumberland, who
di-ew up the weU known household book, had retired
to his privacy, or " secret," as caUed, he stUl possessed
his great officers, as represented by his young^ sons
and the young gentiemen who were constantly resident
with him.
The interior arrangements of noble mansions were,
about this period, becoraing raore coramodious. Hi-
tha:to, in the castles of the feudal barons, the apart
ments had been merely of two kinds ; chambers prin
cipaUy within the castle keep or donjon, or else in the
smaUer towers ; and in smaU detached edifices within
the range of the outer walls : but these latter, owing to
the unskUful architecture of these siraple times *, were
clustered together without any symmetry or beauty.
The diminution of feudal power, however, under
Henry VII. had led to the construction of more re
gular habitations, though stUl preserving the fortified
diaraeter pf the ancient castle. The nobles stiU ate
their meals in Gothic halls, either seated at the high
table ; or, on days not of very high state, at a table in
the oreUle, or small apartment or recess at the upper
end, whUst the dependants took then stations at the
ade tables. In fact, the arrangement was simUar to
a dinner in the Temple HaU in term time : only with
this difference, that at the baronial board the strictest
* Antiq, Rep, iv, 327.

AND HER TIMES. 91
sUence was preserved, except the issuing of the watch
words by which the different courses were served up.
These halls were lofty; but, the windows being at a
high elevation, were in general obscurely lighted : be
sides, being garnished -mth corslets, helmets, coats of
maU, shields, lances, pikes, maces, halberds, &c, they
looked more Uke the armoury in the Tower than
places of social mirth or jocund conririality; which,
however, they often were, at specific festivals, when
mumraing, morris-dancing, and other rustic sports,
were patronised and applauded. The attendance on
the superior nobiUty, in these haUs, and of course at
Bradgate, was not only by menials, but also by gende
men, who did not disdain to accept of household offices,
and the sons of gendemen, who were domesticated for
the purposes of education and formation bf manners.
Of these gentiemen there were some appointed to wait
before noon, who afterwards had leave to go about their
own business ; when others came in attendance, to fiU
up the various offices of gendemen ushers, of carvers,
servers, cupbearers, gendemen waiters, marshal, &c.
The haU and the chapel were the principal apartments
of casdes; tfie others being too small for baronial
magnificence. WhUst popery existed, the nobiUty displayed a great
regard to the grandeur of the choral service in their
chapels, vying with each other in the splendour, oma
ments, and nurabers, of their choirs, untU even the

92 LADY JANE GREY,
councU of Trent found it necessary to interpose for
the restoration of the service to its primitive simpUcity
and dignity ; an object more effectually gained by the
Reformation, Tea and coffee being then unknown, their meals
were very different frora ours. Breakfast consisted of
bread, beer, wine, salt fish, white herrings, sprats', ling,
turbot, or other fish, during Lent ; but at other sea
sons there were added chines of beef, or of boUed mut
ton, chickens, butter, buttered eggs, 8ec, These must
have been served up rather coarsely, for forks were not
then in use ; and therefore washing, both before and
after meals, became absolutely necessary.
But if their raanners were not very refined at table,
yet they had most certainly the best of every thing ; as
appears from a curious document, a very few years
earUer in date, of the dinner parties in the time of
Henry VIL* " Their vitaiU was not to be singlerly
nemid, for the moost dUecat deynties and curyous
mets that raight be purveyed or goten within the hoole
realme of Englande, the which ev' therof hath op-
teyned the praise and coraendacon emonge all other
cuntf es or nacons in the world, blesseif by th' auctor
Almighti God ; bothe flesshe, veneson wUde and tame,
fisshe, and the remennt of every maner of viand, wynnys
of aU maner of kiend, spices, pleasurs, and subtUtes of
the cunyng appreparyng of the cooks,"
» Antiq, Rep. ii. 291.

AND HER TIMES. 93
Ji.t the dinner hour the custom was, notwithstanding
their hospitaUty, to shut the great gates of the castle ;
the whole estabUshment sitting down, according to
gradation, in the haU: sometimes, however, a slight
alteration was made by laying' two tables in the dining
room, at the first of which sat the lord and his famUy,
together with such titied nobles as were on a visit ; at
the second sat " knights and honourable gentlemen,"
In such case the tables in the hall were generally three :
at the first sate the steward, comptroller, secretary,
master of the horse, master of the fish-ponds, the tutor,
if one in the famUy, together with such gentlemen as
came there under the degree of a knight ; at the second
table, the server, gentiemen waiters, and pages ; at the
third, the clerk of the kitchen, yeomen, officers of the
household, grooms of the chambers, &c.
It was customary, though perhaps in rather later
times, to have a table in the apartment of the gentle
women of the lady's chamber, where also sat the chap
lains ; and two in the housekeeper's room for the ladies'
women. The lord's table was attended by the comptroUer
and server, assisted by gentiemen's sons bred up in the
castle, together with the lord's gentlemen of the cham
ber, and the lady's gentleman usher, &c. The second
table was attended by footmen.
More attention was paid at this period also to inter
nal ornament. The ceUings were now superbly carved,

94 LADY JANE GREY,
and the sides of the rooms, except where tapestry, was
used, ornamented with a great profusion of sculpture
in wood or stucco, exhibiting the armorial bearings of
the famUy, together with devices, badges, and various
famUy proverbs, set off with all the advantages of
painting, gUding, and imagery*. The staircases too
were now of more curious contrivance, with screens,
embattled at the top, or covered vrith bold sculpture:
and the principal apartments were now the gaUery, the
chapel, the lord's chamber, the ladyes closet, the gentie-
women's chamber, the drawing chamber, the great
chamber, the dining room, and nursery.
In fact, the lady had as much state in her own
apartraents as in the general faraily establishment;
having not only gentlewomen of the chamber, but also
a groom of the lady's chamber, whose duty was some
thing Uke that of a modern charaberraaid— to keep it
in order. There were pages also ; but these were the
youngest of the gentiemen's sons, who, as they ad
vanced in years, were presented to more manly, or
rather more masculine offices.
Some idea of the female domestic manners of the
time, as just approaching towards our modern luxury,
and also marking the state and grandeur of Lady Jane's
faraUy, raay be drawn frora a letter, (preserved in the
British Museum f ), written by Cecyl, wife of Thomas,
* Antiq. Rep. iv. 336.
t Brit, Mus, Cotton, Vesp. F, xiii, 91.

AND HER TIMES, 95
Marquess of Dorset, to one of her household, and
dated from BedweU :
" CromweU, — I woU that you send to me yn hast
the kusshyn beds of doth of tyssew, and the fether
beds with the fustyoun, and a materas, longgyng to the
same, with the countpoynt. Also I woU that you de-
lyver aU such tents, pavUyons, and haUs, as you have
of myne, or to my sonne Edward, as you tender my
pleasure. And thys shall be yo' suffysyent wanat
and discharge att all tymes, Wrytyn at BedweU thys
present thursdaye by foore our Lady Daye the assup-
cyon.
" Cecyl Dorset."
We may add, that the tables of the great were now
pretty well supplied with fruit. The superior famiUes
also set great value upon gardening; and they had
aU mamier of European fruits, herbs, and flowers:
and the gardens, though very formal in parterres and
tenaces, were weU kept and trimmed.
With their fruit they were not deficient in wines ;
those in use being " Gaskoine," sweet " Raynish,"
RocheU, &c. At the period of this history, however,
wine was not very common in general domestic use ;
but some years afterwards, in the Earl of Worcester's
estabUshment at Ragland Castle, it is stated to have

96 LADY JANE GREY,
been served up very plentifully, not only at the lord's
board, but even at the upper tables of the household.
In regard to some other points of iUustration, we
may record, that the mode of traveUing at this period
must have been very uncomfortable for famUies ; for it
was not untU about forty years afterwards that coaches
were first brought mto England by the Earl of Arun
del, It is true, that the word chariot appears in the
first English translations of the Bible ; but it is evident,
from contemporary facts, tnat these chariots were merely
waggons drawn by six or more horses, for conveying
the household furniture from one mansion to another,
as the famUy changed its residence, for the due con
sumption of the produce of the demesnes sunounding
each castie or mansion of the possessor; for at that
period a noble lord could not send the produce of his
raeadows to the Haymarket, nor his gooseberries and
waU-fruit to Covent Garden,
It has been said, indeed, that the narae of chariot
was given to a kind of Utter *, borne up by an axle-
tree and two wheels ; used by citizens' wives who were
not able nor aUowed to keep ordinary litters. These
litters were carried by horses, not drawn ; and ladies
either lay on them, or rode on palfreys with pUUons or
side saddles.
We have now taken a general view of that state of
* Antiq. Rep. iv. 328.

AND lIKR TIJIES. 97
society and of manners in which our heroine was born to
mingle, and to ornament, had she escaped the dangers
of ambition : and have only further to notice some re-
mai'ks of that inteUigent and indefatigable antiquary,
Mr. Nichols ; who, describing Bradgate in his elaborate
work on Leicestershire, observes most justiy, that it
is impossible to think on the sweet disposition and
wonderful accomplishments of Lady Jane, without
having the heart elated by the subhraest, as well as by
die tenderest feeUngs. He exclaims, how interested
must we feel about Bradgate when we recoUect it was
not only the birthplace, but the scene of the happy
chUdliood, and the early studies of this incomparable
heroine. Yet perhaps the phrase " happy chUdhood"
is not most appropriately g^ven to that period of her
Ufe ; for FuUer states, that although she was bred by
her parents, according to her high birth, in reUgion and
in learning, yet they were no whit indulgent to her in
chUdhood, but extremely severe, more than needed to
so sweet a temper ; for, as he asks, what need of iron
instruments to bow wax .'' But then he adds, that as
the sharpest winters, conecting the rankness of the
earth, cause the more healthful and fruitful summers ;
so the harshness of her breeding compacted her soul
to the greater patience and piety, whence she after
wards proved the mirror of her age.
Of her very earliest years of infancy, we have not
been able, after the strictest research, to procure many

98 LADY JANE GREY,
particulars : except that her first appearance in public
was at the ceremony of baptism ; which must undoubt
edly have taken place in the church at Bradgate ; such
being theh the custom with highest in rank, the Princess
Elizabeth, as we find in HaU's Chronicle, being bap
tized in the church, and not in a private chapel. It is
true, that private, nay, even lay baptism, was then
permitted, but only in cases of necessity ; for which
purpose females, {accoucheuses) were actually Ucensed
by the bishops to perform that sacred rite. That
ceremony, however, w^as Roman cathoUc ; and how far
the reformists then adhered to Romish rituals it is not
easy to ascertain.
In Henry the Eighth's Prayer-book, or " Prymer,"
(which we have examined, and of which we beUeve
there is but one copy in the metropoUs), there is not
any particular form laid down ; nor, if there were,
could we positively state it to be that used at Lady
Jane's baptism ; for, between the printing of that
prayer-book and its pubUcation in 1544, Henry's
mind seems to have undergone various changes in
regard both to reUgious forms and opinions. In
fact, many parts are crossed out with a pen, by au
thority, leaving out whole prayers, whUst, in other
places, prayers printed for " our Lady" have that ad
dress scratched out, and the supphcation addressed, by
written interpolation in the margin, to our Lord and
Sariour ! We shrink from any thing like irreverent

AXD HER TIMES. 99
jest or light sarcasm upon a subject so awful ; but we
cannot state the case in more cautious language. It is,
however, too curious a fact, in regard to the progress
of the reformed reUgion, to pass unnoticed.
To judge of the probable mode of conducting the-
ceremony in question, it is sufficient to state that the
whole of the family, ^rith their guests, godfathers, and
godmothers, &c formed a long procession from the
mansion to the parish chm-ch: sometiraes indeed of
great length, for the number of sponsors, of both sexes,
was at this period unUmited. It is probable, that the
dowager marchioness was present at this ceremony,
for at that of EUzabeth, only a few years before, she
appeared as godmother ; her son the marquess. Lady
Jane's father, also attending in the procession, in which,
in his robes of estate, he bore the salt.
When the procession arrived at the church door, it
was met by the clergyman, and the chUd was there
named, after a short prayer. It is probable, on the
occasion in question, that the Rev. Mr, Harding, then
famUy chaplain at Bradgate, was either the officiating
or assisting priest; but on this precise point our re
search has been unavaUing. The name being given,
the infant was carried to the font, which then stood in
the middle of the church, and not in the baptistery,
with a canopy over it, upon occasions of great state, to
preserve the consecrated water from poUution. The
water was not, in general, consecrated upon each oc-
H 2

100 LADY JANE GREY,
casion, but only once a month, during which time it
was allowed to remain in the font ; and this was the
case for some time after Lady Jane's baptism, as ap
pears by the first liturgy of Edward VI, the forms in
which, we have reason to believe, were strictly in con
sonance with the reformed ritual previously adopted,
but not confirmed by authority. From thence it ap
pears, that the introductory prayer was, that Jesus
Christ, upon whom, when he was baptized, the Holy
Ghost came down in the form of a dove, would send
down the same Holy Spirit to sanctify the fountain of
baptism ; after which it was the custom to dip the
child in the water thrice : first on the right side ; then
on the left ; and finally with its face into the font ; a
trine immersion in honour of the holy Trinity. Sprink
ling, as now, was not then practised ; nor, indeed, untU
some time after in EUzabeth's reign, when the clergy,
exUed during Mary's tyranny, returned from Geneva,
.and introduced that with other continental reformed
customs : it is necessary to add, however, that pouring
or sprinkUng had been aUowed in cases of danger to
the health of the infant. It certainly appears that the
dipping was both a sometimes dangerous and always
an indeUcate custom; but there is reason to beUeve
that, at least in the case of adults, a robe fitted clos'e to
the form was permitted. ' '
After the child was baptized, the custom was for
the sponsors to impose their hsLnds upon it ; after

AND HER TIMES.

101

which the minister put on to tiie young christian a
white vestment, commonly caUed the chrysome, or
chresom, saying, " Take this white vestment as a
token of the innocency which, by God's grace, in this
holy sacrament of baptism, is given unto thee : and
for a sign, whereby thou art admonished, so long as
thou Uvest, to ^ve thyself to innocence of living, that
after this transitory Ufe thou mayest be partaker ofthe
life everlasting," — a form of adjuration most pointedly,
appUcable to the young christian in question, and of
which aU our succeeding sheets wiU present an interest
ing iUustration.
After the anointing, or unction, which was stUl pre
served from former rituals, the gifts of the sponsors
were offered ; consisting generaUy of articles rather of
ornament than use. At the baptism of Elizabeth,
already noticed, the gift of Lady Jane's grandmother
consisted of three gUt bowls vrith covers. This done,
then refreshments were brought into the church, of
wafers, comfits, and hypocrass, a spiced wine; and
in such plenty, that aU present nught freely partake
and enjoy abundantiy. Preparations were then made
for the retuming procession ; in which the sponsorial
presents were bome before the infant : and the cora
pany were regaled at the mansion, agreeable to the
forms of feudal hospitaUty, with such additional amuse
ments in the festive hall as were suited to the tastes and
¦capacities of the lowest retainers of the famUy, yet in

102 LADY JANE GREY,
which the nobUity and gentry did not disdain to mix,
and thus mixing, highly to enjoy, laying aside their
state amidst the general joUity !
As Henry's conduct to the Princess Mary, and his
cruelty towards Elizabeth's mother, had set them aside,
as it were, from the succession, . people were now
looking towards the issue of his sisters to fill the
throne ; but the king was again married to Jane Sey
mour, and now had hopes of male issue ; and Prince
Edward, afterwards Edward VL, was born, in 1538 :
the public notification of which appears to have been
made by the queen herself; the following document
being stiU extant in the British Museum.
" By the Queene,
"Ryght trustie and ryght wellbelovid we greete
you weU ; and forasmuche as by the inestimable good
nes and grace of Almyghtie God, we be deUvered and
broughte in chUdbed of a prince, conceived in most
lawfuU matrimony betweene my lorde the king's ma
jestie and us, doubting not but that for the love and
affection wch ye beare unto us, and to the coihon
wealth of this realme, the knowledge thereof should be
joyous and glad tydinges unto you, wee have thought
good to certyfy you of the same, to the intente ye
myght not onlie render unto God condigne thankes
and prayes for so great a benefyte, but also contynu-
aUie praye for the long continuance and preservatyon

AND HER TIMES. 103
of the same here in this lyfe to the honoure of God,
joye and pleasure of my Jorde the kinge and us, and
the universalle weale, quiet, and tranquUitye of this
whole realme. Given under our signet at my lorde's
manor of Hampton Courte, tiie xij, day of October."
From this birth both Henry and the nation had
great hopes, which were fuUy confirmed by the early
promise of the prince : so that the young Edward soon
became not only a subject of conversation at the fire
sides of, all ranks, but even a watch-word in the pubUc
schools. In the British Museum* there is a MSS,
which professes to detail how " Mr. Heme, a school
master, incited his unwilling scholars to apply them
selves more dUigentiy to their books, and to improve
in their leaming, by their emulating the example of
their prince."
In short, the prince's fame began to spread over Eu
rope : his father, however, seems not to have been so
much admired ; for in the Museum -(- there is a letter
from Thomas Parrie to Ralph Vane, one of Lord
CromweU's gendemen, written in 1539, telUng him
how crueUy he had been used in the inquisition at
SeviUe, for saying that Henry VIII. was a good
christian; whereas the holy inquisitors said that he
was a heretic, and if they had him there, aU the world
should not save him from buming !
* Harl, CoU, 419. 38, t Harl. CoU. 295,

104 LADY JaNE grey,
This was likely enough ; but Henry was better oc-^
cupied at his own court, which was now held in great
state, both in town and at Hampton. Some of the
customs were curious. On New Year's Day, 1540,
the Marquess of Dorset presented to King Henry a
brace of greyhounds; to which the dowager mar
chioness added a garter, the buckle and pendant of
which were of gold. The young marchioness presented
" a lynnen and two coUors, the turrets gilte". A shirt of
carabric, wrought with sUk, formed the offering of the
Marquess's brother, the Lord Richard ; whilst Lord
¦Leonard sent an Irish ambling hobby; and their sister,
the Lady Margaret, presented twelve handkerchiefs
edged with gold. The monarch seems to have retumed
presents of equal value : to the marquess a gUt glass
with a gold cover ; to the dowager a gilt cruise with a
cover; to the young marchioness a gold cup with a
cover ; and simUar remerabrances to the other branches
of the Dorsets. There were many others of the
same nature from various nobles, but we only record
those, as more particularly relative to Lady Jane's
family. We may here add, that Sir John Dudley, after
wards Duke of Northumberland, and father-in-law to
Lady Jane, was now rising into rank and opulence, as
well as into high favour both with king and people. He
had been long attendant both upon the court and
camp; but in this year, 1540, he exhibited himself

AND HER TIMES, 105
more pointedly as a candidate for splendid fame, ac
cording to the chivalrous manners of that day. His re
sidence, either now or very soon afterwards, appears to
have been fixed at Durham House, buUt in the Strand,
at a place formerly called Ivybridge, by Thomas de
Hatfield, then Bishop of Durham, in 1345, about the
26th of Henry VIII. However, it came to the crown
by an exchange wth Bishop Tonstall, and was granted
by that monarch, in 1540, for some temporary re
joicings and entertainments connected ¦with what Stowe
calls " a great and triumphant justing," held on May
day in the TUt Yard at Westminster. This tournament
had been proclaimed in Flanders, Scotland, and in
Spain, for all comers who would undertake the English
chaUengers, six in number ; Sir John Dudley, after
wards Northumberland, Sir Thomas Seyraour, after
wards Lord Sudley, Sir Thomas Poynings, Sir George
Cai-ew, Kts., together with Anthony Kingston and
Richard CromweU, Esquires.
On the appointed day, these gallant knights and
esquires rode into the tUt-yard richly apparelled in
brUliant armour, with aU due heraldic insignia, and
their horses trapped in white velvet. To oppose their
prowess there were no less than forty-six respondents,
aU of whom, however, were EngUsh, as far as their
names appear ; the Earl ¦ of Surrey, Lord WiUiam
Howard, Lord CUnton, and Lord CromweU, son to

106 LADY JANE GREY,
the Earl of Essex, After the justs were performed*,
the chaUengers rode to Durham House, where they
kept open household during the tournaments, and
feasted the king and queen, -vrith her ladies, and all the
court. On the second day, the king was so pleased with the
gallantry and chivalrous bearing of the two esquires
challenging, Kingston and CromweU, that he bestowed
the honour of knighthood on them, Stowe teUs us
that the 3d day of May, tiie said chaUengers did tour
ney, on horseback with swords, and against them came
forty-nine defendants ; Sir John Dudley and the Earl
of Surry running first, who at the first course lost
their gauntlets ; and that day Sir Richard CromweU
overthrew master Palraer and his horse in the field, to
the great honour of the chaUengers.
The 5th of May the challengers fought on foot at
the barriers, and against them came fifty defendants,
who fought vaUantly ; but Sir Richard CromweU over
threw, that day, at the barriers, master Culpepper in
the field.
On the 6th day the chaUengers broke up their
household; and Stowe goes on to inform us that
d!i,..ing this tournament, they had not only feasted
the king, queen, ladies, and aU the court, as is before
showed, but also they cheered all the knights and bur-
* Stowe's Survey.

AND HER TIMES. 107
gesses of the Commons House of ParUament, and en
tertained the Mayor of London, vnth the aldermen and
their wives, at a dinner.
The king, as a special mark of favour and approba^
tion, gave to each ofthe chaUengers. and to their heirs
for ever, in reward of their vaUant activity, one hun
dred marks, and a house to dweU in, of yearly revenue
out of the lands pertaining to the hospital of St, John
of Jerusalera ; the gateway of which stiU remains, and
is known as St John's Gate, near Smithfield,
When Edward came to the crown, he granted Dur
ham House to his sister EUzabeth for Ufe, or untU she
were otherwise advanced ; and, as she did not take up
her residence in town, it was probably from her that it
may have been rented, or borrowed by Lady Jane's
father, or else by the Duke of Northumberland; at
least Lady Jane was certainly resident there some
time after her marriage, and at the peripd of her being
caUed to the throne.
In the old plan of London, this house appears to
have been a noble pUe, agreeable to the architecture
of that day ; at least, in its front to the river : but
towards the close of the century it seems to have faUen
into decay, for Stowe says it was weU known and ob
served that the outward part belonging thereto, and
standing north from the houses, was but a low row of
stables, old, ruinous, ready to fall, and very unsightiy
in so pubUc a passage to the court and to Westminster,

108 LADY JANE GREY,
This was taken down, and various alterations ensued ;
but these are inelevant to the present subject; it is
enough to add, that the house of the Society of Arts,
and part of the Adelphi, now stands upon the site of
the house and gardens, and that a small portion of the
original mansion may stiU be traced in the right hand
waU going down into Durham Yard from the Strand,
In aU these court festivities the Marquess of Dorset's
faraUy, when in to^vn, bore a part ; but Lady Jane,
being still in her infancy, resided at Bradgate, where
she already was taught to attend close to her studies.
The Brandon famUy also, as relatives of the monarch,
were constant at court : but the Princess Mary, though
now in womanhood, was not permitted to appear ; be
sides which she had other sources of vexation and dis
appointment. In fact, Mary's disappointraents in regard to raar
riage began whUst Lady Jane was yet an infant ; for
in 1541, a treaty of union between her and the Duke of
Orleans had been proposed by the French ambassador.
This was in part acceded to by the king, who directed
instructions to be sent to his ambassador at Paris for its
furtherance, and offering such dower as Mary, the
king's sister, had brought when she married King
Lewis, In these instructions*, indeed, it appears
that little dependence was placed on the offers made ;
they being considered as rather made in reference to
* Brit, Mus, Ayscough, No. 4149. 2.

AND HER TIJlES.

109

the payment of arrearages on certain pensions, and as
more in show than in substance. On the part of die
EngUsh court, also, a portion was demanded for the
duke equivalent to that of the proposed bride. The
negotiation, however, from the firsty appears not to
have had any probable chance of success, as they were
accompamed with a complaint " of great wronges done
to us at sea by the French,"
But the king's opinion upon this subject was even
more strongly expressed in the foUowing year, when
he declared that he considered the diplomatic demands
of portion with Mary, and ofthe arrearages of pensions
to be discharged, to be " grounded rather upon a de
sire of gaine and lucre, than upon good amitie," It
was further added in the instructions to Mr. Pagett,
our ambassador, that the " araitie should preced mar
riage, which this demand held no conference with," and
therefore refened to one more reasonable.
The very early promise of genius and exceUence in
Lady Jane induced her parents, especially as they
had no sons, to afford her every faciUty even of a
learned education.. Education was, as yet, indeed but
in its infancy. Leaming, in general, was little more
than downright pedantry; whUst amongst the fashion
able world, the conversation and habits of Ufe were as
starched as their dresses. Both classes, gentry and
citizens, lived in great ignorance : they had littie leam-

110 LADY JANE GREY,
ing themselves ; and few of them thought of improving
their chUdren, Severity too was their most frequent
engine ; and, whether at home or at school, the youth
of both sexes were kept in order more by fear than
love. Daughters, in particular, even in womanhood,
are described as being obUged to stand at the cupboard
side during visits; except when permitted to have a
cushion to kneel on : and then also it was not unusual,
even before company, for ladies of the first rank to
correct their grown up daughters with the large fans
which it was the fashion to cany.
Even the amiable and ingenious Jane appears to
have been too much subjected to this treatment, yet
she improved daUy, it may be said, in spite of it.
In an elegy, written after her death, by Sir Thomas
Chaloner, she is commended not only for her beauty,
but also for that which was a greater charm, her in
teUigent and interesting style of conversation. He
speaks too of her stupendous skUl in languages, being
weU versed in eight, consisting of the Latin, Greek,
Hebrew, Chaldaic, Arabic, French, and Italian, be
sides that of her native land, in which she was weU
grounded. He further observes, that she had a na
tural wit, and that much improved by art and study.
She played well on instrumental music. She wrote an
exceUent hand ; and she was as excellent at her needle.
Notwithstanding all these endowments, Chaloner af-

AND HER TIMES.

Ill

firms, that she was of a mUd, humble, and modest
spu-it, and never showed an elated mind until she ma
nifested it at her death.
To boarding-school misses of the present day it
may seem strange, that young ladies in those times
should have troubled themselves with so many tongues,
but the fact is not the less certain ; as we are told by
Udal, in his dedication to Queen Katherine Pan, of
the translation of Erasmus's Paraphrase on the Four
Gospels, that a " gi-eet number of noble women at that
time in England were given to the studie of human
sciences and of strange tongues," In short, he says,
that " it was a common thyng to see young -virgins so
nouzled and trained in the study ojf letters, that thei
wUlyngly set aU other vain pastymes at naught for learn-
ynge's sake. It was now no news at aU to see queens and
ladies of most high estate and progenie, instede of courtiy
daUaunce to embrace virtuous exercises, readyng and
writyng, and with moste earneste studie both erlye and
late, to apply themselves to the acquiryng of knowledge
as weU as aU other Uberal arts and discipUnes, as also
most speciaUy of God and his most holy -writ. And
in this behalf, lyke as to your highnesse, as weU for
composyng and settyng forth many godly psalmes and
diverse other contemplative meditations, as also for
causyng these paraphrases to be translated into our
vulgare language, England can never be able to render
thanks sufficient,"

112

LADY JANE GREY,

Not only did languages form a great part of female
education, but philosophy also ; such as it was at that
day, bursting from the trammels of the schools and of
catholic ignorance: for if, at this period, philosophy
was much indebted to the revival of letters, it was not
less benefited by the reformation of religion.
No sooner did the friends of truth and -virtue apply
themselves to the correction of religious errors, and en
deavour to free mankind from the yoke of ecclesiastical
domination, to which the whole westem world had for
ages tamely submitted, than phUosophy, which had
been loaded -with the ,same chains vrith religion, began
to lift up her head and to breathe a freer air*.
Determined no longer to yield implicit obedience to
human authority, but to exercise their own under
standings, and foUow their own judgments,, these bold
reformers prosecuted religious and phUosophical in
quiries with an independent spirit, which soon led them
to discover the futiUty and absurdity of the scholastic
method of philosophising; and enabled them, at the
same time, in a great measure, to correct the enors of
phUosophy, and to reform the conuptions of religion f.
* Enfield's Philosophy, ii, 413,
t Great faciUties were certainly given to classical learning
in England about this period, by means of LUy's Grammar,
Fuller, in his Church History, observes, that Lily was an ex
ceUent scholar, bom at Odiam, in Hampshire, who went on a
pilgrimage to Jerusalem ; and on his return through Italy, there
applied himself to his studies, under John Sulpitius and Pom-

AND HER TIMES.

113

How necessary all this was is evident, when we re
coUect that Greek literature had not begun to revive
ponius Sabinus. After some time, " returning home into his
native country weU accomplished with Latin, Greek, and aU arts
and sciences, he set forth a grammar, which stUl goes under his
name, and is universaUy taught aU over England." The first
edition of this grammar was in 1513, about the time of the
foundation of St, Paul's school, of wliich LUy was appointed the
first master; respecting which FuUer says that formerly in
England there were almost as many grammars as schoolmasters,
chUdren being confounded, not only with their variety, but,
sometimes, contrariety thereof, rules being true in the one which
were false in the other ; " yea, which was th^e worst, a boy when
removed to a new school, lost aU he had leamed before," It
was in consequence of this, that Henry VIII, endeavoured to
produce an uniformity of grammar throughout the kingdom, so
that youdis, though changing their masters, might stUl preserve
their learning: for which purpose LUy's Grammar was ordered
to be adopted. It was declared penal for schoolmasters pubUcly
to teach any other ; and the king's printer was aUowed a stipend
of £i per annum for printing it.
But it appears that the order for enforcing its general use
was not absolutely successful; as there is an anecdote told of
Buckeridge, Bishop of Rochester, who, exanuning a free-school in
his diocese, and finding the scholars totaUy ignorant of LUy's
rules, exclaimed, " What! are there puritans also in grammar?"
Yet, though the study of classical languages was making
great progress, the EngUsh language itself was not so much at
tended to ; for in the Ust of EngUsh school books, given by Dr.
Drake, as likely to have formed the early studies of Shakespeare,
we only find une published as early as 1537, the year of Lady
Jane's birth, and caUed " Certein briefe ndes of the P^giment
or Construction of the Eight Partes of Speech in English and
Latin," There was indeed some kind of grammatical institute then in
use, caUed the Grammar of Henry VIIL, which afterwards, in

114 LADY JANE GREY,
even at Oxford, more than fifty years ; nay, it was stUl
opposed by a set of students who caUed themselves
Trojans, and represented it as a dangerous novelty.
It must, however, be aUowed that literature had
been, even at this early date, patronized by some of the
nobUity, as appears from an anecdote related by Eras
mus, not raany years before (1510), when, during his
residence in England, he published a translation ofthe
Hecuba of Euripides into Latin verse, to which having
added some poems of his own composition, he dedi
cated the whole to Warham, then Archbishop of Can
terbury. Agreeably to etiquette, he waited on that prelate at
Lambeth, whither he went accompanied by his friend
Grocyn, of whom he had formerly said, in a letter to a
friend, " In Grocyn I admire an universal compass of
Elizabeth's time, was admitted into schools, to the exclusion of
all others.
There was another grammar printed in 1536, caUed the Rudi-
menta Grammatica; but that was more for Latin and English;
besides, it was written by Wolsey himself, expressly for the
sehool which he founded at his native town of Ipswich, There
was also a simUar one by Dean Colet; but that too was a sort
of exclusive pubUcation ; being only intended for his own school
of St, Paul's,
It is a curious fact, that there was not a dictionary of the
EngUsh language during the" life of Lady Jane ; there was one
indeed " by Syr Thomas EUiot,'decIaring Latin into EngUsh,"
and it appears to have been held in some estimation : for a
second edition of it was published in 1552, greatly improved
and eririchfd by Thoraas Cooper.

AND HER TIMES. 115
learning ;" yet Grocyn, it appeai-s, was not admitted
with him into the presence of th'e archbishop, for he
asked him, on their return, what present he had re
ceived ; Erasmus repUed, laughing, " a very conridera-
ble sum;" but the prdate's character, perhaps, not
standing very high for Uterary patronage, Grocyn
considered him as in jest, Erasmus then mentioned
the sum ; which drew from Grocyn the observation,
that Warham was rich and generous enough to have
made him a much handsomer present ; but he added,
that he certainly suspected that Erasmus had only pre
sented him -with a book already dedicated elsewhere.
This nettied the Dutchman, who inquired, " how such
a suspicion could enter his head.''" " Because such
hungry scholai-s as you," replied his friend, " who stroU
about the world and dedicate books to noblemen, are
apt to be guUty of such tricks !"
Indeed Erasmus says, in a letter to Dean Colet, the
founder of St, Paul's school, that there was no country
which had fumished him vrith so many leamed and
generous benefactors as even the single city of London,
It is also a curious fact, that Lady Jane's grand
father, Thomas, second Marquess of Dorset, actuaUy
bequeathed an annuity of d£'20 to his son's preceptor,
though he judged .^£'10 each yearly, " toward theyr
fyndynge," to three of his sons, to be quite sufficient
until they should arrive at the age of fifteen ; to be
I 2

116 LADY JANE GREY,
increased indeed to £ 20, from that period, during the
remainder of their minority.
It was a happy thing for our heroine, that circum
stances had prepared for her a most able and worthy
preceptor, in the person of John Aylmer.
This eminent divine, afterwards Bishop of London,
had for his patrons, first, Henry Marquess of Dorset,
who sent him to school, maintained him at the uni
versity, and made him tutor to his chUdren ; secondly,
Francis, Earl of Huntingdon. His steadfastness to
wards the protestant religion may be drawn from an
anecdote related by Thomas Becon, in a work caUed
the Jewel of Joy : that author being an old friend and
professor of the gospel, and fearing Henry VIII. re
solved for his safety to conceal himself in Leicestershire,
where he was kindly received by Aylmer, to whom he
gives the character, " that he was exceUentiy weU
learned both in Latin and Greek ; that with him alone
in that county he had lived famUiarly; there being
probably not one else that he dared to trust, lest he
might be betrayed by them." Becon adds, that Aylmer
was for some time the only preacher iu Leicestershire ;
where he so effectuaUy fixed the protestant reUgion
that neither force nor fraud could blot it out; the
gospel being there retained^-vritiiout contention, which
could be said then of biit few other places.
How much Lady Jane improved from Aylmer's in-

AND HER TIMES,

117

Structions, may be judged from what Strype says, in
his life of that pious and learned divine, affirming that
as she was a lady of exceUent parts, so by his in
struction she attained to a degree above her sex in the
knowledge of Latm and Greek ; so that she read, and
that with ease and delight, Plato and Demosthenes,
and wrote exceUentiy weU : and that he also bred her
up in piety as weU as learning, being very devout to
God, and a serious embracer of evangeUcal doctrine
purged from tiie superstition of Rome, She also de
rived great advantages from the weU known Roger
Ascham, whose famUy seem to have resided in the
ricinity of Bradgate, He was for some years preceptor
to the Princess EUzabeth ; but, m Lady Jane's girUsh
days, he was employed at Bradgate in teaching the chU
dren to write, he being an exquisite penman himself;
which may account for the beautiful hand written by her.
Of Ascham, Dr. Johnson observes that his father
was house-steward in the famUy of Scroop ; and in that
age, -when the different orders of raen were at a greater
distance from each other, and the manners of gentle
men were regularly formed by menial services in great
houses, he Uved vrith a very conspicuous repul:ation.
We may observe, however, in regard to the manners
of those times, that the sons of gentlemen were not
engaged in the " menial" serrices of their lords, more,
perhaps not so much, as the sons of gentlemen in the
present day, when apprenticed to the mercantile^ or

118 LADY JANE GEEY,
any other genteel trade or profession : for- the young
gentlemen of the noble establishments retired with the
nobles from their castles when they went to live " in
secret," as it was caUed, and only served in domestic
offices in conjunction -with the younger sons of the
lord; whUst, at the baronial castle, their attendance
was more matter of state than of service, and so far on
a par with service at the court itself.
But the most remarkable fact stated by Johnson
about Ascham, is now particularly deserring of notice;
for speaking of his study of Greek, he says, that
Ascham thought a - language might be most easUy
learnt by teaching it ; and when he had obtained some
proficiency in Greek, read lectures, whUe he was yet a
boy, to other boys, who were desirous of instruction,
. It is erident that whatever refinement of manners
Lady Jane possessed must rather have been from the
ancient classics than from the then modem poets.
That Chaucer and Gower formed part of her Ubrary,
cannot indeed weU be doubted, considering the paucity
of books at that period; Skelton, top, whose death
was so near to her birth that he may be caUed her qp-
temporary, may also have been upon her table or shelf;
particularly as he held the office of laureate at the court
of Henry ; at least so Mr. Chalmers, in his biography of
that poet, considers probable, from the titles of some of
his productions. Yet his works were but Uttle fitted,
generaUy speaking, for a female eye: his principal

AND HER TIMES. 119
object being to satirise the friars, LUy the grammarian,
and Cardinal Wolsey. Chalmers observes that his
style was rather coarse, perhaps UUberal ; but yet, as
he attacked the Romish superstitions, his poems were
Ukely to be popular in the reformed famiUes, It may
be added, that some of his worst writings were not
published until after the deatii of Lady Jane,
If indeed we were to judge of the manners of the
court in that age by Skdton's poems, that court must
have been a very unfit place for such a virtuous and
youtliful personage as Lady Jane, who, as we shaU
see, long resided at it ; but let us judge liberally with
Mr, Chalmers, that if we knew more minutely of the
manners of our country in those remote periods, it
would probably be found that Ucentiousness had, upon
the whole, been more discouraged than patronized by
the pubUc voice. It appears from Skelton's poem.
The Crowne of LawreU, that the Greek and Latm
poets were in some measure famUiar in fashionable
education. He speaks of Theocritus, Lucan, Plautus,
&c, also of the ItaUan school of Boccacio, Dante, and
Poggio, ranking them with Gower and Chaucer.
But one short extract from that poem we shall in
sert; as it not only shows how fit many parts of
his works were for female pemsal, but also exhibits
a conect picture of female manners at the period in
question.

120 LADY JANE GREY,
Haring encountered Occupation as personified in a
poetic ramble, he thus proceeds :
" Thus talking, we went forth, and at a postem gate,
Tm-ning on the right hand, by a -winding stayre.
She brought me to a goodly chambre of astate,
Whar the noble Countess of Surrey in a chaire.
Sate honorably, to whom dyd repayre
Of ladyes a bevy, with aU dewe reverence,
Syt downe fayre ladyes, and do your diUgence,
Come forth gentUwoman, I pray you, she said,
I have contryved for you a goodly worke.
And who can work best nowe shaU be assayed,
***********
With that the tappettes and carpettes were layde,
Wheron these ladyes softely myght rest.
The sampler to sowe on, the laces to embroyde.
To weave in the stole some were fuU prest.
With slaies, with tavels, -with hedeUes wel drest,
The frame was brought forth, -with his weaning pin;
God give them good speed their work to begin.
Some to embroider, put them in prease.
Well gydyng their glotten to keep stiaight their silke;
Some pyrlyng of golde, their worke to encrese.
With fingers am'aU, and handes as white as raylke.
With reche me that skayne of tewly sylke.
And wyide me that botoume of such an hewe,
Grene, red, tawney, whyte, purple, and blewe.
Of broken workes wroght many a goodly thing.
In castyng, in turnyng, in florishing of flowres.
With burres rowgh, and buttens surfiyUyng,
In nedeU worke, raysyng byrdes ih bowres.
With vertue enbased aU tymes and howres."

AND HER TIMES. 121
Skdton then offers his compUmentm-y praises to se
veral ladies, supposed to be of die party. In these he
enumerates all the virtues, botii personal and mental,
which adom our fair countrywomen at the present
day; to whom we recommend the perusal of the
whole poem : merely making our extract from the ad
dress to Lady Myrriall Howarde.
" Compare you, I may, to Cidippes the mayde.
That of Acontius, when she found the byU
In her bosome, lorde howe she was afrayde.
The ruddy shamefastnesse in her vysage fyU,
Which manor of abasshemente became her not yU,
Ryght so, madame, the roses redde of hewe.
With lUlyes whyte your beautie doth renewe."
In this reriew of the poetry of that day, we must
not forget Howard, the gaUant Earl of Surry, who
perished on the block in 1546, and whose poems may
probably have found their way into our heroine's
Ubrary: especially when we recoUect the great inti-
liiacy that subsisted between the Norfolk and the Sey
mour famiUes, not-withstanding the poUtical jealousy
between Howard and the Earl of Hertford, brother to
Sir Thomas Seymour, husband of the Queen dowager,
Katharine Parr, with whom Lady Jane was on terms
of the greatest friendship almost from her infancy; and
that Surry was a friend to the reformation. We may
add also that the fair Geraldine of Surry's devotion was
daughter of the Lady EUzabeth Grey, daughter of

122 LADY JANE GREY,
Thomas Grey, Marquess of Dorset ; consequentiy she
was cousin-german to Lady Jane.
Upon the whole, Suny's poetry was more Ukely to
catch a youthful female fancy than any of the other
before mentioned poets, whether we consider it as
amatory or reUgious; on both of which subjects it
affords some fine specimens, deserving the perusal of
our fair readers. Yet we raust not neglect to mention
Sir Thomas Wyat, the friend of Surry, and father of
that Sir Thomas who afterwards raised an insurrec
tion in Kent in favour of Jane's claims, as generally
supposed, though Wyat himself assigned other rea
sons. The elder Sir Thomas, indeed, was not on
good terms -with Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, Lady
Jane's grandfather, whom he accused of having in
jured him in the king's favour.
Nor was Lady Jane deficient of works written even
by her own ancestors, or rather relatives; for An
thony WidviUe, Earl of Rivers, brother in law of
Edward IV,, was as much distinguished for his lite
rary talents as for his skUl in politics and gaUantry in
war. He translated " The Dictes and Sayinges of the
PhUosophers," the " Moral Proverbs of Christian of
Pyse," several other things printed by Caxton, and
even composed a Uttle elegy the night before his exe
cution, already mentioned.
The books of Erasmus also, no doubt, formed part
of her library, as they were in vogue amongst the pro-

AND HER TIMES.

123

testants, or reformists ; for which they were afterwards
declared heretical by Mary.
Music may yet be considered as in its infancy : me
lodies were very uncouth and unmeaning; and har
mony was raore artificial than beautiful, with parts
multipUed from six to six and thirty. Indeed it was
then scarcely supposed that melody was fit for any
thing but psalmody; and though the chants of the
church were the foundation of all musical composition,
yet the ear was taught to be satisfied, provided the
general harmony was pleasing,
Burney observes, tiiat in the Virginal books of that
period, we find no attempts at invention, in point of
air or melody; and he elsewhere states, that Sir
Thomas Wyat, cotemporary with Henry VIII,, and
father of that Sir Thomas, whose rebeUion hastened
the fate of our heroine, was the first who introduced
ItaUan numbers into EngUsh versification. Yet Lady
Jane is said to have been not only a fine singer, but
also to have been an expert musician.
In fact, it is positively stated, by cotemporary
writers, that she not only played admirably on various
musical instruments, but accompanied them -with a
voice exquisitely sweet in itself, and assisted by aU the
graces that art could then bestow. We have not been
able, however, to ascertain the name of her musical
instructor. It does not appear that painting or drawing made

124 LADY JANE GREY,
aiiy part of Lady Jane's studies, or of the ladies of
her tirae ; yet the reign of Henry may be considered
as the era of the establishment of the arts : and there
are stUl extant several curious paintings of that period,
when Holbein flourished; first induced too to visit
England under the patronage of the Earl of Surry,
besides being a favourite of the monarch.
She had enough, however, of occupation and amuse
ment, in addition to her leamed studies, in needle
work, in which her execution was exquisite ; in con
fectionary, then an important portion of ladyUke
household duty ; in the acquirement of some know
ledge in physic and surgery ; and perhaps 'in spin
ning, which certainly was then taught in the nun
neries. Some young ladies then also amused themselves
with mewing sparrow hawks and merlins; but the
great and important employraent, at stated times, was
in the charitable doles distributed by the Lady Boun
tiful of each parish or manor, the poors' rates being
then unknown.
Lady Jane's principles in regard to the reformed
reUgion are generally believed to have been acquired,
in some degree, from Harding, her father's chaplain;
but we rather suppose that she was indebted for her
pure faith to Aylraer, Indeed a short reriew of
Harding's Ufe wiU deraonstrate that to him she could
owe but Uttie, Harding was educated at Winchester,

AND HER TIMES, 125
and at New CoUege, Oxford, of which he became a
feUow ; and was afterwards appointed, by Henry VJII.
Hebrew Professor of that university. His biographer
says, that, as his reUgion probably kept pace with the
king's, so being consequentiy half reformed at Henry's
deatii, no sooner did Edwai-d ascend the throne, than
Harding became a very good protestant. It was after
this that he became finally settled as chaplain at Brad
gate : but on the accession of Mary, he immediately
saw his enor, and became a confirmed papist.
From her ^rUsh days, Lady Jane was permitted,
by her fond, yet oversevere parents, to mix with a few
of the intimate friends of the famUy. Among these
was the Jlowager Lady Latymer, better known as
Queen Katharine Parr. She was daughter of Sir
Thomas Parr, of Kendal, who it appears left to her
and her sister the sum of ^800 each for their fortunes :
but if their brother were to die, so as to make them
co-heiresses, then the .£1600 was to go to the Abbey
of Clairvaux, to purchase copes and vestments.
Katharine had a classical education, and was cele
brated for learning and good sense. After the death
of her first husband, Lord Latymer, she appears to
have been about the court; where, or else in her inter
course with the Dorset and Dudley famiUes, then very
intimate, she saw and loved, as we shall in a future
page have occasion to show, the Lord Seymour of
Sudley, lord high admiral of England, and brother of

126 LADY JANE GREY,
the Duke of Soraerset, This attachment, however,
was set at nought, for Seymour was then manied;
and she shortly afterwards gained the heart of Henry
VIIL, being married to him about the 10th of July,
1543, and two days afterwards proclaimed qi"°en, at
Hampton Court,
Strype, in his memorials, relates a curious anecdote
of this lady. He says that he met with a passage con
ceming her, in the margin of Bale's Centuries, in the
possession of a friend, but written by an uncertain
hand, which showed the greatnes ^ of her mind, and
the quickness of her -wit, whUst she was but a chUd,
The anecdote relates that some person, professing to
be skiUed in astrology, cast her natirity, aftd told her
that she was bom to sit in the highest seat of imperial
majesty, haring all the stars and planets in her house;
which she took such notice of, that when her mother
used sometimes to caU her to work, she would say, that
her hands were ordained to touch crowns and sceptres,
not needles and spindles.
Let not our fair readers suppose they can find in
this anecdote any support to the sUly system of for-
tune-teUing, or nativity casting, practised by the
roguish and the ignorant at the present day. Let
them recoUect how raany hundreds, nay, perhaps
thousands of females were bom in England on the
same day, and with the same astrological aspects of the
stars ; to every one of whom, of course, the same pre-

AND HER TIMES.

127

diction might have been applied: yet to one only
could it possibly prove true.
Fuller, in his Church History, describes her as
" one of great piety, beauty, and discretion," He
adds, that '•' next to the Bible, she studied the king's
disposition, observing him to her utmost: and need
she had of a nimble soul, to attend at all times on his
humour, whose fury had now got the addition of fro
wardness thereunto. She was rather nurse than wife
unto him, who was more decayed by sickness and in
temperance than old age."

128 LADY JANE GREY,

SECTION IIL
ParUamentary Settlement of the Succession — War with France
— Royal Campaign and Letters— Scottish Royal FamUy —
Further Royal Letters — Court Society — Death of Brandon,
Duke of Suffolk — Papal Intolerance — Dangers of Queen Ka
therine Parr — Demise of Henry VIII. — His Will — Succession
to the Crown — Accession of Edward VI, and Letters from his
Sisters — Lady Jane -risits the Queen Dowager — Courtship
and Marriage ofthe Lord High Admiral with the Queen — His
political Intrigues and Maxims — Plan to marry Lady Jane
to Edward — Undutiful Conduct of the Lady Mary — PoUtical
Advancement of the Marquess of Dorset — Interesting In
terriew of Roger Ascham -with the Lady Jane — Various
Letters— Lady Jane's epistolary Correspondence vrith the Re
forming Divines — Dorset elevated to a Dukedom — Dudley
also — Lady Jane at Court — Transactions there — Courtly
Sketches — PoUtical Disputes, and FaU of Somerset — ^Lady
Jane's Visit to Lady Mary — Religious Disputes — Northum
berland's ambitious Views, &c. &c.
In January this year (1544) the king met his parlia
ment, the very. first act ofwhich was concerning the
succession ; beginning -with a recital of a former one on
the same subject, and now confirming it, and settling
the crown upon Mary, in case of the death of Edward,
and the king's demise during his journey to France,
but with Umitations similar to those which appear in
his last wUl.
That this was all agreeable to his own express wish

AND HER TIMES. 129
and desire, cannot be doubted ; indeed Lord Herbert
of Cherbury, after speaking of tiie king's favours
granted to Queen Katharine Parr and her relatives,
adds, " AU which yet seemed nothing to him unless he
parted in good terms with his parliament : for he ac
counted it his most loyal spouse ; and not without reason,
since there was nothing I know desired by him, which
they performed not."
At this period Henry was at war vrith France ; and
the siege of Boulogne, then an important post, was an
object next to his heart. Sieges are canied on rather
more briskly in modern days, even when kings are not
present ; it may therefore be amusing if we insert a
fragment of an orignal letter from Henry, during these
operations, to his consort ; —
"  *And not lyke to be recouert by the Frensh
or Spayne, as we trust not, -with God's grace, but that
the casteU and tovrae shall sortly folow the same trade
for as thys daye, whych is the xUj'' daye of Septefeer,
we begyne thre bateryse and haue Uj mynyns goyng
by syd won whych hath done hys execution in scalyng
and tezjmg off won of theyre grettest bulwarkes. No
more to yow at thys tjrrae, swethart, both for lacke of
tyme and grett occupation of bysynes, savjmg we pray
yow to gyff in our narae our harte blessynge to all our
chyldren, and recoinendacyons to our cousin Margett"
* Brit. Mus. Cotton. CoU. E. iv. 56.

130 LADY JANE GEEY,
(Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of the Queen
Dowager of Scodand, by Archibald, Earl of Angus,
her second husband) " and the rest of the ladyes and
gentyUwomen, and to our counseU aUso. Wrytten by
the hand of yur lovynge howsband.
" Henry Rex."
This Lady Margaret was, however, the king's niece,
and not his cousin as he famUiarly calls her ; and re
specting her we may here observe that an important
negotiation now took place, which in its probable con
sequences, had it fuUy succeeded, might have had con
siderable influence in regard to the subsequent daims
set up by the friends of Lady Jane to the EngHsh
succession, as it might have removed one antecedent
rival out of the Une of prior succession ; yet it must be
acknowledged, that it would also have raised addi
tional obstacles from the probable preference to be
given by Henry himself to the issue of his elder sister,
before that of his youriger, Mary, from whom Lady
Jane derived her title or claim in blood.
The poUtical fact to which we allude was an " In-
dentur of covenants*," agreed upon between King
Henry VIII. and Matthew, Earl of Lenox, by which
not only were certain specified towns in Scotland to
have been delivered into the king's hands, but he was
also to have got ppssessipn of the young Queen of
* Brit. Mus. Ayscough's Cat. No. 4149, 4.

AND HEE TIMES. 131
Scots, certainly the next in succession after his own
issue, she being his own grand-niece, as daughter of
James v., son of Henry's sister, Margaret, by James IV.
of Scodand ; another stipulation of this agreement was
in regard to an event which reaUy did take place some
time afterwards, the marriage of his niece Margaret
Douglas (daughter of the Dowager Queen Margaret
by Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, whom she
married after the demise of her royal husband) to this
Earl of Lenox.
The Lady Margaret appears to have been a great fa
vourite with Henrv, whose court, under the auspices of
Queen Katharine Pan, was now becoming a raore agree
able residence for ladies than it had been, Katharine
was indeed a very amiable woman, and manifested both
her good sense and good disposition in the attention.
which she bestowed upon her daughters-in-law, Mary
and EUzabeth, and her son-in-law, Edward, In fact,
it is erident, from various circurastances, that there
was much famUy intercourse at court, where the Mar
quess and Marchioness of Dorset were frequent risitors,
bringing -with them from Bradgate their youthful
and already accompUshed daughter. Lady Jane, who>
though only seven years of age, was frequently set up
as a pattem for imitation, and for emulation, to the
infant heir apparent.
We have seen it stated, indeed, that they were
educated together; but that was orily true in regard
K 2

132 LADY JANE GEEY,
to those famUy visits, and not to tbe extent described
by Rowe in his tragedy, where, speaking of Edward's
subsequent death, we find the foUowing pEissage :
Nnr. AU desolate and drown'd in flovring tears.
By Edward's bed the pious princess sits.
And ev'ry sigh is wing'd with pray'rs so potent
As strive with heav'n to save her dying lord,
Duch. From the first early days of infant Ufe
A gentle band of friendship grew betwixt 'em.
And, while our royal uncle Henry reign'd.
As brother and as sister bred together.
Beneath one coraraon parent's care they Uved.
Mor. A wond'rous sympathy of soul conspired
To form the sacred union.
The Brandons, or Suffolk famUy also, of course,
forraed part of this famUy circle. The duke indeed
seems to have now lived at court ; for in the Lansdown
MSS, we find a letter written by him, and dated from
the palace at Westminster, which was then, generaUy,
the royal residence, and the scene of royal domesticity.
In these social scenes the Princess Mary seldom mixed;
but the young Elizabeth was a favourite risitor, and
her affection for her royal step-mother may be esti
mated by the following epistle :
" Although your highnys letters be most joyfuU to
me in absens, yet consyderynge what paine hit ys to
you to write, your grace beinge so greet with chUde,
and so sikely, your comendacyon was y nough in my
lordes letter, I much rejoyce at your helthe with the

AND IIER TIMES, 133
wel likinge of the country, -with my humbel thankes
that yom- grace wisshed me with you til I wai-e wery
of that countrye , , , , highnys were Uke to be com-
bered if I shulde not depart tyl I were .... beinge
with you, although hit were in the worst soile in the
w . . . , your presence wolde make it pleasant, I can
not reprove my , , . , not doinge your comendacyons
in his letter for he did hit : a , . , , he had not, yet I
wiU not coplaine on him for that he shulte , , , . giue
me knolege frome tirae to time how his busy chUde
d .... I were at his birth no doubt I wolde se him
beaten for the .... put you to Master Denny, and ray
lady with him .... prayeth most intirdy for your
grace prainge the Almyghty God to sen . , . . lucky
deUverance, And my mystres wisseth no , . . . most
humbel thankes for her comendacyons . . . ,
leysor this last day of July*,"
The peculiar attention and duty shown by EUzabeth
to the queen, her mother-in-law, may also be drawn
from another epistie in Italian, written evidently from
St, .lames's, on the same day and raonth, but not in
the same year.
" L'inimica fortuna invidiosa d'ogni bene, et vo-
luitrice de cose humane privo per un anno intero della
Ilti"" presentia vostra, et non es . . . . anchora contenta
di questo, un altra volta me spogUo del mede  bene :
* Brit. Mus. Cotton. Otho. C. x. 231.

134 LADY JANE GREY,
la qual cosa a me saria intoUerabUe, s'io non pensassi'be
. . , , di goderla. Et in questo ihio exUio certamente
conosto la der . . . . sua altezza hauer hauuto Cura et
soUicitudine deUa sanita mi . , . . quanto fatto haurebbe
la maiesta del Re. Per la qual cosa n . . , . sono tenuta
de seirvirla ma etiando da figlial amore reuer , , , , inten-
dendo vostra lit""" altezza non me hauer domentice , ; , ,
Vplta che alia maiesta del Re scritto: U che a me ape 
quella prieghare. Pero insino a qua non hebbi ardire
d , . , per U che al presente nostra ecceU™* altezza humU-
niete . , , , gando sempre sua dolce benedittione, simU-
ihete prieg . , , . il signore Iddio gUmandi successo bo-
niss"° acquist .... oui inimici, accioche piu piesto possia
nostra a . . . . ddio che conserui sua lUus™* altezza aUd
cui gr . , , . basciendo le mani m° bffero et raccom . , ,
Jacobo alii 31 di Julio*."
* In the Brit. Mus. Harl. CoU. No. 1419, is a MS, containing
inventories of the royal wardrobes of this period ; in which are
Usts of the fumiture and " stuff". suppUed to the ladies Mary
and EUzabeth ; affording a most curious -riew of the domestic
raanagement bf those days. In the Lady Mary's Ust, are many
articles of tapestiy, accurately measured and as accurately de
scribed as to design and colours, with notices whether Uned or
not, and whether new or old. Many of these designs are of a
strange nature; such as a king riding in a chariot in a blue
gown with stars ; a woman in a cloud with the world in her
hand; a woman hanging in a cloud in a yellow gown, he
tween a fire and a city; one riding upon a white horse hanging
in a cloud of flre ; hawking and hunting, with naked boys at the
corners ; a woman in childbed, with sorae children and divers
woraen in her charaber. Then come " Hanginges of Ver-
domes ;" one piece " with a hole in it ;" one cloth of estate of
crimson cloth of gold ; another of rich cloth of gold tissue ; an

AND HER TIMES.

135

This famUy union was in some measure broken in
upon by tiie death of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suf
folk, m 1545, which has been curiously remarked on
by Lloyd in his State Worthies, who previously says
of him, that having overcome a German braggodocio
at a tilting match at Paris, in his youth, " the lords
looked not on him with more enrious than the ladies
with gracious eyes ; who darted more glances in love
than the others did spears in anger against him." In
short, he described him as " the compleat courtier in
old chair of iron, covered vrith crimson cloth of gold; three
cushions of cloth of gold ; Turkey carpets, some of thera very
smaU ; " six cubborde carpetts ;" " sparvers" of crimson da
mask, lined vrith buckram (these seera to be bed-furniture) ;
three " counterpoyntes" of crimson damask, fringed with white
fustian; some checked ditto; some Uned with canvas, and
some quUted; eight pair of HoUand sheets ; seven piUow beeres;
two beds of down, with fustian ticks ; eight feather beds, with
their bolsters of " old brysseU tykes ;" six pUlows of dovm. AU
these are accurately numbered and measured, down to altar-
froBts, cart canvas, cloth sacks, and box-Uds, or cart covers, &c.
It is curious to remark that the Lady Mary was only allowed
one altar-front, embroidered -with UUes and fnnged vrith sUk ;
whilst to the Lady Elizabeth were granted six altar-fronts of cloth
of gold, omamented with raised crimson velvet, yeUow satin, and
with the Trinity embroidered upon one ; the salutation of the
Virgin and two apostles upon another, garnished with pearls and
Uned with sUk ; another with the passion of Christ upon the
cross ; another with the assumption of our Lady, &c, ; together
with sundry vestments of cloth of gold, eridently intended for
chapel serrice. To EUzabeth also were aUotted sundry pieces of
tapestry of "verdomes,'' -with carpets of frarae-work, also Turkey
carpets; " sparvers" of cloth of gold and crimson velvet ; chairs
6f cloth of gold ; numerous cushions of the same materials, &c.

136 LADY JANE GREY,
whom beauty and valour. Mars and Venus, are joyned
in one happy constitution, which awes and aUures be
holders." Lloyd then describes him as being the " first that
durst fasten the royal standard in the sides of BuUeign;
and the last that advanced the St. George in the mid
dle of it, both taking and governing it. The greatest
thing that ever that age saw was, if we believe Sleidan,
the deUvery of the keys of BuUeign by a French go
vernor to the Duke of Suffolk's hand ; and the greatest
thing King Henry VIII, saw, he saith, was the deU
very of those keys, by the duke, into his hand ; inso
much that despairing of greater, the one died that
year, the other the next."
Another circumstance, unfriendly to famUy tran
quUUty, now took place, under the influence of popish
intolerance, through which Queen Katharine herself,
the friend of Jane, had very nearly been lost to her
young protegee ; for a very short tirae previous to her
royal husband's death. Bishop Gardener had got arti
cles drawn up against her, and actuaUy signed by the
king's own hand : nay, the orders were even prepared
to send her to the Tower, where, ps FuUer observes,
" had she been sent, vestigia nulla restrorsum, without
doubt she had followed the way of his fonner wives
in that place." She escaped that danger, however,
by an extraordinary circumstance ; for the chanceUor,
Wriothesly, having got the paper, deposited it in his

AND HER TIMES. 137
bosom, from whence it feU, and was picked up by one
of die queen's servants, who gave it to his mistress,
Katharine being soon after dangerously iU, she
made her submission to the king, and obtained his
pardon; not, indeed, for any crimes she had been
guUty of, but, as FuUer says, " she would sometimes
presume to discourse with him about points of reUgion,
defending the protestant tenets by sc^pture and reason:
and sometimes would hold up the king very close hard
at it. This displeased him, who loved looseness and
Uberty in his clothes, arguments, and actions; and
was quickly observed by Gardiner and others, who
were the queen's eneinies."
The reformed rdi^on met with a shock this year,
1546, in the death of Luther ; but a more important
event to England was the death of Henry, in 1547,
and the succession of his infant son. To the poUtics
of that day, the appointment of the Duke of Somerset
to the protectorate, or regency, &c. ; we have no oc
casion to raake further aUusion than to record that
the Marquess of Dorset and his fanuly stUl attended
as court visitors, the marquess himself being one of the
court poUticians, or partizans, of that period. Even
then he was so much in favour, not only with the young
monarch, but also vrith Somerset, the protector, that
he was appointed to serve the office of lord high con
stable of England at the coronation ; an office which,
however, he only held during the space of three days.

138 LADY JANE GREY,
Some notice of Henry's testamentary disposition of
the crown becomes indeed matter of course, because
on it much of the succeeding events must hinge; we
may observe, therefore, that the royal -wUl Was dated
on the 30th of December, 1546 ; but it is said by
FuUer to have been drawn up two years before
that, before he went to Boulogne; and then only
fairly written out, -without any other alteration than
the expunging of Gardener's name from the list of
executors. By this wUl, the Umitation of descent faUing Ed
ward and his issue, or the king's own possible issue by
Queen Katharine Parr, or by any other wife whom he
might afterwards marry, was precisely appointed to
fall on Mary, but upon the express condition that he
should not marry " without the assent and consent of
the privy counseUors, and others appointed by us to
our deerest son Prince Edward aforesaid," &c. &c.
FaUing Mary and her issue, the Umitation was to
EUzabeth, under the same conditions in respect to
marriage ; and faiUng her, and her issue, then to the
Lady Frances, mother of Lady Jane ; and faiUng her
and her issue, then to the Lady Eleanor, a younger
sister of Lady Frances,
In these Umitations, the claim of Margaret, Queen
Dowager of Scotland, and the eldest of Henry's sisters,
was completely set aside; but in some measure ac
knowledged afterwards, when in default of these heirs

AND HER TIMES, 139
in remainder, and their issue, it was directed that
" the said imperial crown, and other the premises,
shaU whoUy remain, and come to the next rightfuU
heires :" a regulation which took place after the death
of Elizabeth, to the exclusion of the Brandon branch,
by the accession of James VI, of Scodand, and 1st of
England, and great grandson of Margaret : in fact, the
rightful hdr in all respects of blood.
As the non-fulfilment of the king's regulations, in
regard to marriage, would have set Mary aside, the
remainder, in that case, was to go to EUzabeth, as if
Mary had been dead ; then EUzabeth faUing in the
conditions, the remainder was to the Lady Frances,
as if EUzabeth were dead; -with like remainder to
" the next rightful heirs."
That Margaret of Scotland and her issue shoiUd
have thus been preriously set aside in the succession,
is attributed by FuUer, in his Church History, to its
probable cause : for he says, " Great indeed (when
this wiU was first made) was the antipathy, which for
the present possessed him against the Scotch, with
whom then he was in actual wane; though at other
times, when in good humour, very courteous to his
kindred of that extraction. For, most sure it is, that
when Margaret Douglas, his sister's daughter, was
married to Math., Earl of Lennox, he pubUckly pro
fessed, that in case his own issue faUed, he should be

140 LADY JANE GREV,
right glad if some of her body should succeed to the
crown, as it came to passe."
During the minority of Edward, the Lady Mary
interfered on several points of public business, to which
the lords of the council strongly objected : but she wrote
them back a remonstrance* in most spirited terras.
Her manner of address to the young raonarch was,
however, of a more humble nature.

Lady Mary to King Edward VI. -j-
" My dewtye moste hurably remembred to your
majestye, it may plese the same to be advertized that
I have ben often mynded to have wry ten to your
hyghnes before this tyme; which to doe, my olde
seased rewmatycke head wolde by no means suffer me,
nor presentUe scarse wyUe; the wante of whiche helthe,
as it hathe hithertoe made me not able to wryte unto
your majestie, so the occasion of my sayde sycknes
hathe and dothe, to my great gryef, cheflye stay me
^ightyng upon your hyghnes, as bothe dewtye and
nature dothe constrayne and move rae ; moste humblye
besechynge your majestye not onlye to pardone me
* Brit. Mus, Lansd. CoU. No. 1236, 17, 28.
t Brit, Mus. Ayscough's Coll, No. 4160,

AND HER TIMES. 141
for that I do not wayte upon the same at this present
accordynglye, but also to accepte thys myne unfayned
excuse. For God, I take to recorde ther can be no
greater comfort to mee in thys worlde then to see your
majestye, whiche I ^\-yll not fayle to do, God -wilUng,
when I convenyentlye maye, accordynge to my bounden
dewtye, " And sins I have also ben thus bolde to trouble
your majestye -with theyse rude lettres, I wolde (the
same beynge not offended) in most humbel wyse be
seche you to geve me leve to be a sewtor unto your
hyghnes, for my poore serveunts, that it may stonde
with your pleashure at this my moste humble sewte to
graunt theym Ubertye to serve me as they have done,
Whiche I humbly crave even for my verie neces-
sytyes sake, feel3mg suche wante of theyr serrice in
the matter of my poore howse, that the same hithertoe
dothe not a Uttle troubel me. And althoughe I have
not before thys tyme (accord3rnge to my bounden
^iewtye) -wryten unto your majestye for the lybertye
Df my sayde servauntes, I shaU moste humblye be
seche your hyghnes to impute the only cause and impe-
dymente therof to be the wante and lacke of helthe.
Your maj esty es favour and goodnes shew'd to me in
this my humble sewte shall not only muche quiet ir^,
and discharge rae of the care of howse matters, but
also enforce me, as one moste bounden, to praye for

142 LADY JANE GREY,
the prosperous preservation of your moste foyaU estate
long in rirtue and honour to contynew.
From my pore howse of Honesdovra,
UU* of ApriU. Your maj esty es moste —
To the kynges most exceUent
majestye."
Let us compare this with an original address from
the Princess EUzabeth, of the same date.
Lady Elizabeth to King Edward VI.
" Like as a shipman in stormy weather plukes
down the saUes, canyinge for better winde ; so did I,
most noble kinge, in my unfortunate chance a thurs-
day, plucke downe the hie saUes of my joy and com
fort, and doe truste one daye, that as troblesome
waves have repulsed me backwarde, so a gentU -winde
wUl bringe rae forwarde to my haven. Two chiefe oc-
casyons moved me muche, and grived me gretly : the
one for that I dou ted your majesties helthe; the
other, because for al my longe carringe, I wente -with
out that I came for. Of the firste I am releved in a
parte, bothe that I understonde of your helthe, and
also that yur majesties loginge is far from my lord
marqueses chamber. Of my other grief I am not

.\ND HER TIMES, 143
eased; but the best is that whatsoever other folkes
wyU suspect, I intende not to feare your graces good
wyl, wiche as I know that I never disarved to fainte,
so I truste wyl styl stike by me. For if your graces
adrise, that I sholde retourne, (whos wyl is a comande
ment) had not bine, I wolde not have made the halfe
of my waye the ende of my journeye.
" And this, as one desyrous to hire of your ma-
jestyis helthe, thoghe unfortunate to se it, I shal
praye God for ever to preserve vou.
" From Hatfielde this present Sunday,
Your majestyes humble sister to
commaundement, Elizabeth.
" To the kinge's most exceUent
majestye."
In this letter there certainly is much of the forraaUty
of that day ; but that EUzabeth could write weU and
degantly is proved by a well composed justification of
her conduct, respecting certain opimons of the council,
addressed to the protector ; and in which she aUudes
to the necessity of a proclamation to restrain evU re
ports of the king's sisters*.
Though female society was in some measure broke
up at court, except upon mere formal risits of cere
mony, yet Lady Jane, in these her earliest years, was
* Lansdown MSS. 1236, 72.

144 LADY JANE GREY,
not debarred of fashionable intercourse, at times when
she could be .permitted to relax her studies at Brad
gate ; for we find her, even though so young, a risitor
-with the widowed queen, -with whom she always was a
favourite. In fact, these visits had most of the ad
vantages of a residence in a palace, since Queen Katha
rine, though now only queen dowager, seems to have
held an establishment almost equal to a royal court, as
far as respected her power and authority upon her
own lands: which we have reason to beUeve were
simUar to those in a grant made by King Henry 8,
under the great seal, dated the 15th of July, an° 32,
to Queen Katharine Howard, of diverse pri-riledges
and immunities to be enjoyed by her vrithin the hun
dreds, and lands assigned for her jointure or dower.
These powers and grants were very extensive — to have
all goods and chattels forfeited — all fines and amercia
ments for escapes, &c. — ^return of all writs and exe
cutions thereof — no officer of the crown to enter her
fee — ^to have fines for trespasses, serrice, concordance,
&c. — ^year, day, and wast — aU forfeitures for murders
— ^power to levy without estreat from exchequer — to
have warff and stray, deodands, &c, — to have riew of
frankpledge, and sheriffs' torn — to have fines certain,
sheriffs' folke, &c, — no sheriff to raeddle -with sheriffs'
tom, &c. or to enter to execute any thing — to be ex
empt from pourveyance — power to appoint a clerk of
market — to have free warren, and none to hunt under

AND HER TIMES. 1-15
penalty of .£10 — power to appoint a justice in eyre —
to have all writs without fine — no steward, marshal, or
coroner of the king's, to enter to exercise his office —
aU her possessions to be exempt from all admiralty
jurisdiction — power to appoint coroners — power to ap
point admirals (that is, not sea admirals, but admirals
of the coast, simUar to the vice admireJty court in the
Commons) — and finally to enjoy all liberties that any
queen of England ever did use.
Queen Katharine at this tirae resided partly at
Chelsea, which was part of her jointure. She Uved in
the then raodern Manor House, which had been buUt
by her deceased lord and sovereign : it stood between
Winchester House and that weU known, but more
modem place of entertainment, caUed Don Salterd's ;
and was puUed down many years ago, when Cheyne
Walk was erected.
At this period of Katharine's residence at Chelsea,
she was upon terms of courtship with the Lord Thomas
Seymour, Lord Sudley, lord high admiral of England,
and brother of the Duke of Somerset ; during which
she wrote him an amatory epistle, stUl extant, record
ing a private piece of history, that we recollect not to
have seen elsewhere noticed — for Katharine actually
was in love with Sudley during and before her mar
riage with the deceased monarch.
In short, she states expressly that she loved him
during her widowhood, if not during even her first

146 LADY JANE GREY,
marriage with the Lord Latimer: a circumstance,
however, not to be positively laid to , her charge ; as,
being bred up in the north, in rural seclusion from the
court, she probably never saw Sudley untU her mar
riage with Latimer opened the way to court. We
shall also hope, rirtuous and pious as she certainly was,
that it was not even until the days of first -widowhood
that she had looked on Seymour with eyes of affection,
though she inust often have seen hiro whUst in the
bonds of a first marriage. In the episde she says:
" My Li^rd,
" I send you ray moost humble and harty comend-
ations, be3dng desyrous to knowe how ye haue done
syns I saw you, I prey yow be not offended with me
in that I send soner to yow then I sayd I wold. For
my promys was but ones in a fourtened. Howbeyt
the tyme ys weU abre-vyated by what means I know
not, except the weakes be shorter at Chelsey than in
other places. My lord, .your brother, hathe dyffened
answer consernyng such requestes as I made to hym
tyU his comyng hether, wyche, he saythe, schal be im
raediatly after the term, Thys ys not hys fyrst pro
mys I have receyved of hys comyng, and yet unper-
fourmed. I thynke my ladye hathe tawght hym that
lesson; for yt ys hyr coustome to promys many
comynges to her frendes, and to perfourme none, I
trust in greatter matters sche ys more cyrcomspect

AND HER TIMES, 147
And thus, my lord, I make my ende, byddynge you
mooste hartely fareweU, wyschyng you the good I
wold mysdfe. From Chelsey.
" I wold not haue yow to thynke that thys myne
onest good wyU towards yow to procede of any sodayne
motyon or passyon. For as truly as God ys God my
mynd was fuUy bent the other tyme I was at lybertye,
to marye yew before any man I knewe. Howbeyt
God withstode my wyU theryn moost vehementiy for a
tyme, and through hys grace and goodnes made that
possible wyche semeth to me most impossible, that was
made me to reno-wnce utterly myne owne -wyU, and to
folow hys wyU most -wyUyngly. Yt wer to long to
wryte all the process of thys matter. Yf I lyve, I
schal declare yt to yow myself I can say nothyng
but as my Lady of Suffolke sayeth, God ys a mar
velous man.
" By her that ys yowrs to serve and obey,
duryng her lyf,
Kateryn the Quene. K. P."
Though Sudley courted and married Katharine, yet
it has been said that his first thoughts were of a more
ambitious kind than even an union with a royal dow
ager : and that the Princess Elizabeth, and a chance of
a crown, were his most potent wishes. EUzabeth was,
however, stiU too young for marriage ; and some have
gone so far as to assert that the lord adiniral married
1,2

148 LADY JANE GREY,
the dowager, merely to assist him in his plans for se
curing a future union with that princess.
In his courtship with Katharine he certainly expe
rienced no difficulties ; yet he seems, perhaps before
this explicit declaration on her part, to have made
sorae soUcitations for friendly assistance, to the Prin
cess Mary ; for, in the Burleigh papers, in the Lans
down collection, there is a letter from her to him, in
which she declines interference respecting his suit to
her mother in law.
The policy of the lord admiral was perhaps much
swayed by certain maxims, which (in No. 1523 of tbe
Ayscough CoU. in the B. M.) are stated to have been
the leading proverbs of the Seymours in the reign of
Edward VL These are as foUow :
" Affection shaU leed me to court, but I'U take care
y' interest keeps me there,
" In the throng of courtiers, tiiere are but three
steps to raise a man to observation : 1, some peculiar
sufficiency; 2. some particular exploit; 3, an espe-
siall freind,
" Sufficiency and meritt are neglected thinges, wheii
not befrended.
*' Princes are too reserved to be taken with y^ very
first appearances of worth, unlesse recoramended by
tried judgments :- its fitt, as well as comon, y' y° have
their counseUors for psons as weU as thinges.

AND HER TIMES,

149

" The Earle of Surry and other nobUity were im
prisoned for eating flesh in Lent.
" A secreat and unobserved contempt of y^ law, as
a close undermining of authoritie, wch must be either
its selfe in indulging nothing, or be nothing in aUow
ing all.
" Libertye knows no restrainte, no limitt, when
•winked at.
" In counseU is stabUitye: thitigs wUl have theu-
first or second agitation : if y'" be not tossed about
upon the argument of counseU, y'^ -wiU be tossed upon
the waves of fortune.
" Aske an inferior man's advice in private, that he
may be free ; and a superior's in public, that he may
be respectfuU.
" Being y" protectour, he seldom discovered his
own inclinations, least it byassed his counseU.
" Braue men never dye.
" Worth begetts in weake and base minds, envy ;
in the magnanimous, emulation; in posterity, re
nowne. " A good name is y* embalming of y" vertuous to
an eternity of love and gratitude among posterity "
To these we may add some further raaxims attri,
buted to the Pans.
" If you doe y* comon sort of people nineteen cour-

150 LADY JANE GRE^,
tesys together, yet you raay lose their loue, if you goe
but over the style before them.
" The coinon rule of favourites is, to bring in aU
their relations about them, to adorne and supporte them :
but a wall y' hath a firme bottom needes no buttresse;
and y' wch wants it is often rather thrust down, than
uphelde by it
" There is no such flatterer as a maris selfe ; and
there is np suche remedy ag* flattery pf a raan's selfe, as
the liberty of a freind : counseU is of two sorts ; y'' one
concerning maners, y° other concerninge businesse,
" A well managed boldnesse is the vertue of mo-
narchicaU courts; and a discreet submission, y' ofa
republican," After the nuptials, the new married cpuple left
Chelsea to reside at Hanworth; where our heroine
soon after joined them.
The visit of Lady Jane to the queen dowager was
not likely to interfere much vrith her leamed studies,
as modem visits generaUy do ; for the queen was her
self fond of literature : in fact, a royal blue stocking;
for, as Walpole observes*, she was not only leamed,
but a patroness of leaming, interceding for, and saving
the university of Cambridge, when an act had passed
to throw all coUeges into the king's disposal. She was
also an authoress, as Walpole records no less than six
* Royal Authors.

AND HER TIMES.

151

distinct treatises written by her, mostly prayers and
meditations on reUgious subjects, besides several m-
terestmg epistolary specimens, which do her great cre
dit. One of those letters indeed seems not to speak
very highly in favour of her judgment; for it contains
a request to the Lady Mary, entreating her to permit
the translation of Erasmus's Pai-aphrase on the New
Testament, elsewhere noticed, to be pubUshed in that
princess's narae.
It appears strange that Katharine would have been
ignorant of that lady's dislike of every thing connected
with the Reformation ; but perhaps she beUeved Mary
to be sincere in the " submissions" which she had pre--
viously made to the -wiU and creed of her father In reU
gious affairs. Nay, she seems even to have gone a Uttle
further with Mary on this subject, previously ; haring
actuaUy prevaUed upon her to begin a translation of
Erasmus's Paraphrase herself, at least upon the Gospel
of St. John. But Strype says, that Mary being cast
into sickness, pardy by over-much study in this work,
after she had made some progress therein, she left the
doing of the rest to Dr, MaUet, her chaplain: on
which Walpole observes, that she would not so easUy
have been cast into sickness, had she been employed
on the legends of Saint Teresa, or Saint Katharine of
Sienna, Hanworth, in Middlesex, where Lady Jane was now
a risitor, was a smaU royal seat, which Henry VIII.

152 LADY JANE GREY,
took great delight in, and made the scene of his plea
sures ; and towards the end of his reign he settled it
in dower upon Queen Katharine Parr : and the royal
party was soon increased by the Princess Elizabeth,
whose education was committed to her care. In this,
however, she could have had very little comfort, for
Seymour, as we have already observed, even before
his marriage with the queen dowager, is said to have
been anxious to raarry EUzabeth : indeed, it was even
said, that Katharine's death was Imstened for the same
purpose. Yet it is a very extraordinary thing, if we are to
credit the evidence of Katharine Ashley and others,
on the lord admiral's impeachment, that the queen
was actually a principal party in the famUiarities which
he was accused of having taken with that princess.
This woman asserted, that Seymour and the queen
came into the princess's bedchamber, on two different
mornings, " and then thei tytied my Lady EUzabeth
in the bed" — " another tyme at Hanworth, in the
garden, he wrated with her, and cut her govra in an
hundred pieces, beyng black cloth ; and when she
came up, this examinate chid with her, and hir grace
answered she could not do withaU, for the queen held
her whUe the lord admyraU cut it." In short, it seems
to have been a vulgar game of romps in the garden ;
for the princess was not then more than fourteen years
of age.

AND HER TIMES,

153

It is true, indeed, that Katharine was not happy
with this her third husband, who often ti-eated her
with neglect, especiaUy in regard to the celebration of
the offices of religion ; respecting which she was very
strict, having prayers every day, and sermons often in
her mansion : at all of which Sudley rudely refused to
attend. If her marriage was not happy, neither was it of
long continuance; for she died early in September,
1548, during which period Lady Jane, then in her
eleventh year, was stUl a risitor.
Young as Lady Jane was at this period, yet her
hand was already sought after; in particular by the
Lord Protector, the Duke of Soraerset, for his son.
Lord Hertford. This is erident frora a declaration,
stiU extant, of the Marquess of Northarapton in which
he expressly says, that the Lord Admiral told him in
his own gaUery, in London, that there would be much
ado for my Lady Jane, the Lord Marquess of Dorset's
daughter ; and that the Lord Protector and the Duchess
of Somerset would do what they could to obtain her
for young Hertford, who, as it wiU appear, afterwards
married her younger sister.
Sudley said, however, that they should not prevaU
therein ; for the marquess had given -her up whoUy tp
him upon certain covenants that were between them.
Northampton then asked Sudley what he would do,
if the protector were to induce the marquess to come

154

LADY JANE GREY,

into his own views ; when the Lord Admiral answered
that he would never consent thereto.
To enter at large into all the motives of Sudley upon
this subject, and which eventuaUy led him to assist ui
the downfaU and execution of his own brother, the
Lord Protector, would exceed both our plan and Umits.
It is sufficient to observe that Sudley wished to rise
on his faU, as great jealousies and fears existed on both
sides, Somerset wished to marry the young monarch.
to his own daughter ; and Sudley attempted to coun
teract this by a deep laid plan for unitmg him -with the
Lady Jane, of whom he then pubUcly said, that young
as she was, " she was as handsome a lady as any iri
England!" Whether the Lord Admiral might not have changed
this project, or perhaps dropped it entirely on the
death ofthe queen dowager, in the hope of then be..
coming the husband of the young EUzabeth, does not
exactly appear ; but it is erident that, at first, he gave
up all thoughts of personal superintendence of her>
meaning also to break up his own household, whieh was
-on a very extensive scale: for vety soon after his
widowhood he became once more an obsequious attend
ant at the court, and actuaUy wrote to the Marquess
of Dorset to receive his daughter back ; yet his mind
seems spedUy to have changed upon that point, and on
the 17th of September, he sent him the foUowing
epistle : —

AND HER TIMES,

155

" After my most hartye commend unto your good
lordship, wherby my last lettres unto the same, wrytten
m a tyme when partelye with the queue's highness
deathe, I was so amased, that I had smaU regarde
eyther to my self, or my doings ; and partelye then
thinking that my greete losse must presendy haue con
strayned me to haue broken upp and dissolved my
hole house, I offred unto your lordeship to send my
Lady Jane unto you, whensoever you wolde sende for
her, as to him whome I thought wolde be most tendre
on hir. Forasmuch as sithens being bothe better ad
rised of ray self, and having more depelye disgested
wherunto my power wolde extend; I fynde indede
that with God's helpe, I shaU right wel be hable to
contynewe my house together, without dyminishing
any greate parte thereof. And therrfore puttyng my
hole affyance and trust in God, haue begonne of newe
to estabUsh my household, when shal remayne not
oonelye the gentiewomen of the queue's highnes privey
chamber, but aUso the maids which wayted at larg,
and other women being about her grace in her lief
tyme, with a hundred and twenty gentlemen and yeo
men, contynuaUye abeyding in house together ; savyng
that now presentlye certaine of the mayds and gende
men haue desyred to have Ucense for a moneth, or such
a thing, to see theyr frdnds ; and then iramedyately
retume hither againe. And therfore doubtyng least
yourdordship might thynk any unkyndnes, that I sholde

156 LADY JANE GREY,
by my said lettres take occasion to rydd me of your
doughter so soone after the queue's death ; for the prof
both of my hartye affection towards youe, and good
wiU towards her, I m3Tid now to keepe her,' untiU I
next speak with your lordshipp ; whiche should haue bin
within these thre or foure dayes, if it had not bin that
I must repayr unto the corte, aswel to helpe certaine
of the queue's poore servants, -with soome of the things
now fallen by hir death, as aUso for my owne affayrs ;
oneles I shal be advertysed from your lordship of your
expresse mynd to the contrarye. My ladye, my
mother, shaU and wooll, I doubte not, be as deare
unto hir, as thoughe she weare hir owne doughter ; and
for my owne parte, I shall contynewe her haulf father
and more ; and all that are in my house shal be as
diligente about her, as your self would -yvyshe ac
cordynglye." To this pressing epistle, the marquess, two days
afterwards, answered as foUows, frora his mansion in
Leicestershire. " My moste hartie comendations unto yur good
lordship not forgotten. When it hath plesed yow by
your most gentle lettres, to offre rae thabode of my
doughter at your lordeshypes house, I do as wel ac-
knoledge your most frendly affection towards me and
hyr herin, as also rendre unto yow most deservid

AND HER TIMES. 157
thanks for the same. Nevertheless consideryng the
state of my doughter and hyr tendre yeres, wherin she
shal hardlie rule hyrsylfe as yet witliout a guide, lest
she sholde, for lacke of a bridle tak to moche the heed,
and conceave such opynyon of hyrsylfe, that all such
gopd behauiour as she heretofore hath lerned, by
the queue's and your most liolsom instructions, shuld
either altogether be quenched in hyr, or at the leste
moche diminished, I shaU, in most hartie wise require
your lordeshippe, to commytt hyr to the governance
of hyr mother, by whom for the feare and duetie she
owithe hyr, she shaU most easUye be ruUd and framid
towards vertue, which I wyshe aboue all thynges to be
most plentifuU in hyr ; and although your lordshypes
good mynd, concernyng hyr honest and godlie educa
tion ys so greate, that myn can be no more ; yet waying
that yow be destitute of suche one as shulde correcte
hyr as a mystres, and monyshe hyr as a mother, I per
swade my sylfe that yow wyl think the eye and over
sight of my wyfe shalbe in thys respect most necessarie.
My meaning herin ys not to withdrawe anie parte of
my promise to yow for hyr bestowing; for I assure
your lordeshyp, I intend, God wyUyng, to use your
discrete advise and consente in that behalfe, and no
lesse then myn own : onlye I seeke in thes hyr yonge
yeres, wherein she nowe standeth, either to make or
mane (as the common saing ys), thadressing of hyr
-mynd to humUytye, sobrenes, and obedience. Wher-

158 LADY JANE GREY,
fore lookyrig upon that fatherlie affection which yow
beare hyr, my truste ys that your lordeshyp waying
the pteraises, wyUe be content to charge hyr mother
with hyr, whose wakyng eye in respecting hyr de-
meenor, shalbe, I hope, no lesse than yow as a frend,
and I as a father wuld wyshe. And thus wyshing
your lordeshyp a perfiglit ryddaunce of aU Unquietness
and griefe of mynd, I leave anie further to trouble your
lordeshyp. Frora my house at Brodgate, the 19th of
September, Your lordeshype's to the best of
my power,
Henry Dorsett.
" To ray verie good Lorde
Admirall : give this."
It is erident from the whole tenor of this epistle,
that the marquess was anxious to get her back, but
without offending the Lord Admiral ; not only from
general poUcy, but also from the close relationship by
marriage — a degree of affinity that is shown by this
correspondence to have been more stricdy attended to
in those days than at present
Henry VIII. was grand uncle to Lady Jane ; of
course. Queen Katharine Parr was her grand aunt
by marriage. This accounts for Lady Jane having
been entrusted to her care ; for she was the queen's
visitor : yet it is curious to observe that the Lord Ad-

AND HER TIMES. 159
miral, merely from having married her grand aunt by
maniage, was actually considered by the Dorset famUy
as her uncle (grand uncle ratiier, if at all), and that he
was in that sense caUed " brother" by the marchioness ;
although, by this species of matrimonial affinity, he
was more properly lier uncle; being the husband of
her aunt by marriage.
That such, however, was the case is erident, from a
letter of the marchioness, which accorapanied that of
her husband already inserted; and to the foUowing
purport :
" Although, good brother, I might be weU encora-
gid to ministre such counsaUe unto you as I haue in
store, for that yt heth plesed you, not onlye so to take
in worthe that I -wrytt in ray Ladie of Suffolke's lettre,
but also to require rae tb haue in rediness such good
ad-vyses, as I shall thinke conveynyent against our
nexte metyng ; yet consyderynge howe unhable I am
to doe that herto belongithe, I had rather leaue withe
that praise I have gptten at your hand, then by sek)mg
raore, to lose that I haue alredie wune. And wheras
of a frindlye and brotherUe good wyll you wish to
haue Jane ray doughter continuyng stiU in your house,
I giue yow most hertie thankes for your gentle offer,
trustyng, nevertheles, that, for the good opinion you
haue in your sister, you wiU be .content to charge hir
with hir, who promyseth you, not onlye to be redye at

160 LADY JANE GREIf,
all tymes to accompt for the orderyng of your deere
neise, but also to use your counsaUe and adrise on the
bestowing of hir, whensower it shal happen. Wherfor,
my good brother, my request shalbe, that I may haue
the oversight of hir with your good wyll, and therby I
shal haue good occasion to thinke that you do trust me
in such -wise, as is convenient that a sister to be trusted
of so loring a brother. And thus my most hertye
comendations not omytted, I wyshe the hoUe delyverans
of your gryefe and contynuance of your lordshippes
helthe. From Broadgate, 19* ofthis September.
Your lowyng sister and
assured frende
Francys Dorsett,
" To the right Honorable and
my very goode Lorde, my
Lord AdmiraU,"
In consequence of these representations. Lady Jane
was permitted by the Lord Admiral to retum to Lei
cestershire, under the care of Mr, Rowse, steward or
comptroUer of Sudley's courtly household ; yet she was
reluctantiy parted with, and Mr, John HarringtMi,
who also accompanied her, declared that the raaids re
raained at Hanworth in expectation of her speedy re
turn. Indeed, soon after Lady Jane left Hanworth,
Lord Sudley seems to have used the most strenuous
measures to get her back again. In a paper written

and her TIMKS. 161
by the Mai-quess of Dorset, appai-ently in vindication
of himself after the trial of the Lord Admiral, he ex
presses his firm determination not to have let her return ;
but Sudley himself went in person to Dorset-house,
in Grey's-place, near the Temple, " and was so earnest
with him in persuasion, that he colde not resist him.
Emongs the which persuasions, one was, that he wold
mary hir to the king's majestie." So earnest, indeed,
was Sudley to attain this object, that he employed a Sir
WiUiara Sherington to raake interest \rith the raar-
chioness to the same effect; in which he also suc
ceeded. It is erident that, inxonsequence of this. Lady Jane
did return to Hanworth ; for the raarquess states ex
pressly, that on her retum there, "as it wer for an
ernest peny of the favor that he wold shewe unto him,"
Sudley sent to him ^500, as part of ,=£'2000 which he
had promised to lend to the marquess, and for which
he refused any bond, saying that Lady Jane should be
the pledge !
In another communication of the Marquess of Dor
set, which appears to have been addressed to the Duke
of Somerset, we find the first raention of any project,
on his part, as to the intended marriage with the young
Earl of Hertford ; a match too which raust have been
in serious contemplation before the fall of Sudley, not
withstanding his royal projects. It is — " Itera, for the
maryage of your graces sune to be had -with my doghter
M

162 LADY JANE GREY,
Jane, I thynk hyt not met to be wrytyn, but I shall at
aU tymes avouche my sayng,"
This was certainly cautious on the part of Dorset ;
perhaps, indeed, he was playing a double part, or at
least endeavouring to steer a middle course iri the tor
tuous poUtics of that day; for it is evident, from his
own letter, and that of his wife, that they were both
under promise to Sudley to a certain extent ; probably
both anxious to match their daughter with her royal
second cousin. Indeed it was said that this match
was thought a very possible event by many, and also
greatly desired by those who wished the prosperity and
establishment of the reformation, to which Lady Jane
was known to be already extremely devoted ; not only
from her course of education at home, but also the
conversation of the queen dowager, and the lessons of
Roger Aschara, then tutor to the Princess EUzabeth,
But this union would have met with many poUtical
enemies about the court ; besides, a proposed marriage
of the youthful monarch, in 1549, was Ukely to have
raised another bar to the arabitious hopes ofthe friends
of Lady Jane : for though on the 10th of January in
that year, positive instructions were given to Lord
Russel, the Lord Priyy Seal, to Lord Pagett of Beau-
desert, to Sir WUliam Petre, Knt,, Secretaty of State,
and Sir John Mason, Knt,, to reject the offer made of
the daughter of the King of France, yet the same com
missioners were instructed, whUst treating for and con-

AND HER TIMES. 163
eluding a peace, and contracting for the surrender of
Boulogne, to make a demand to have the youthful
Mary of Scodand delivered up to him for a wife.
Even in the reign of Edward VI, negotiations were
stUl going on to provide a husband for the Lady Mary ;
on, apparentiy, a new anangement with the emperor,
in regard to the Prince of Portugal. This is manifest
frora instructions, yet extant*, to Sir WiUiara Pagett,
then ambassador at Brussels.
Perhaps, indeed, as Mary was stUl troublesome in
her refusal to conform to the estabUshed reUgion, the
young monarch may have been anxious to get her out
of the kingdom. That he had many fruitless nego
tiations with her is erident.
In Edward's own journal it is stated, that " the Lady
Maty, after long communication was content to come to
Lees" (in Essex), " to the Lord Chancellors, and then
to Hunsdon; but she utterly denied to corae to the
court, or Oking, at that time." FuUer, in his Church
Histoty, accounts for this on the principle, that " she
loved to deale with the king her brother eminus by
letters, but in no -wise cominus by discourse. Besides,
she hated coming to the court, suspecting sorae harsh
usage to her person, and jealous pf being put intP
restraint." We have already alluded to the charges brought
against the Lord Admiral, in regard to his " affecting
* Brit, Mus, Harl. Coll. No. 297, p. 63.
M 2

164 LADY JANE GREY,
the kingdom," as it was quaintly caUed; and it is
only further necessary here to state, that on the 14th
of March, 1549, he was executed for high treason*;
long previous to which Lady Jane had retired from
Hanworth to her paternal raansion, Hanworth then
changed its master, or reverted to the crown; and
Chelsea Manor was granted to the Earl of Warwick,
afterwards Duke of Northumberland, Lady Jane's
future father-in-law.
In the early part of 1550, it . appears that Mary,
notwithstanding the solemnity of her former promises
and submission to her father's wUl and opinions, had
* In the Brit. Mus. Harl. Coll. No. 249, there is an article
called, " T5e Sayings of Thomas, Lord Seyraour, of Sudeley,
in sundry his conferences and communications with me John
Fowler (together with an account of the money which the said
Lord Admirall sent in private, at different tiraes to K. Edw. VI.
and how he disposed of it)." Some of the entries in this MS.
are curious.
" Itera, ray lord admiraU gaue me, a Utle before he married
the quene, a cap -with agglette and a brouche,"
" Item, to his ma"" to give to John Cupples at sundre tymes
when he tawght his grace to play on the vergynaUs  1 U,"
" Item, to garrat of the gard for a booke wch he gaue to the
kinge at St, James  x U."
" Item, to my lord pririe scale's trompet at Hamp, Court,
when his hygnes triomphed in the garden at iu sundry tymes
 xli."
" Item, at Grenevriche to certeyn tumblers that played; his
grace lokynge out to them  x U."
" Item, to a trompet which somtyme was my Lord Bray's
servaunt; for playinge on the Thames agaynst Grenewlche

AND HER TIMES.

165

been tarapering with the emperor to procure his inter
ference on those points with the king her brotiier ; for
the imperial ambassador, about this period, made a
formal proposal to the youthftU monarch to grant her
a licence, or dispensation under the privy seal, " to
continue in that fashion of worshipe which she now
usithe*." This, however, was refused, and the am
bassador was requested by the privy council to adrise
her " for the future to hear mass only in her closet,
and not to keepe, as it were, an open churche for aU the
servaunts and neighbours to resorte thither to masse,
and so to offend openly God, and the king's lawes, in
curring therby great daunger, and inducing a maner of
scisme in this coihonwealth."
The Marquess of Dorset being this year appointed
Justice Itinerant of aU the king's forests, he was less
about the court, and his family more fixed at Bradgate,
where, in the raonth of August, all the fanuly and
their friends were assembled ; and it was in that month
that Roger Ascham, being about to set out for Germany
attached to a diplomatic mission, went dovra to Lei
cestershire to see his friecds and patrons, particularly
the Lady Jane, to whom he states himself to have been
exceedingly much beholden.
On his arrival at Bradgate, he found that the Duke
and Duchess of Suffolk, with all the ladies and gentle
men of the household, were hunting in the park ; but
* Brit. Mus. Harl. CoU. No. 523.

166 LADY JANE GREY,
understanding that his fair patroness was in her cham
ber, he requested admission, and there he found her
reading the Phadon of Plato iri Greek, and -with as
much deUght as some gentlemen of that day would
have read a merry tale in Boccacio, Having paid his
respects, and made every respectful inquiry, according
to the custom of those times, he asked the youthful
student why she would lose such pastime, as was then
going on in the park .-' She repUed, with a smUe, " I
wisse all their sport in the park is but a shadow to that
pleasure that I find in Plato. Alasl good folk, they
never felt what true pleasure means." Ascham then
asked, " And how came you, madam, to this deep
knowledge of pleasure,'' and what did chiefly allure
you unto it, seeing not many women, but -very few
men, have attained thereunto .?"
" I -wiU tell you," replied Lady Jane, " and teU
you a troth, which, perchance, you wiU marvel at
One of the greatest benefits that ever God gave me is,
that he sent me so sharp and severe parents, and so
gentle a schoolmaster; for, when I am in presence
either of father or mother, whether I speak, keep
sUence, sit, stand, or go, eat, drink, be merry, or sad,
be sevring, playing, dancing, or doing any thing else,
I must do it, as it were, in such weight, raeasure, and
number, even so peif ectly as God made the world : or
else I ara so sharply taunted, so crueUy threatened,
yea, presently sometiraes with pinches, nips, and bobs,

AND HER TIMES. 167
and other /Ways (which I wiU not name for the honour I
bear them) so without measure disordered, that I think
myself in heU tiU the time come that I must go to Mr,
Elmer, who teacheth me so gentiy, so pleasantly, with
such fair allurements to learning, that I tiiink aU the time
nothing whUes I am with him : and when I am caUed
from him, I faU on weeping ; because whatsoever I do
else but learning, is full of great trouble, fear, and
whole misliking unto me ; and thus my book hath been
so much my pleasure, and bringeth daUy to irie -more
pleasure and more; that, in respect of it, all other
pleasures, in vety deed, be but trifles and troubles
unto me."
Ascham, describing this scene, adds, that he re
membered the conversation gladly, both because it was
so worthy of memory, and because it was the last talk
that ever he had with, and the last time that ever he
saw, that noble and worthy lady.
In such a school of parental severity, blessed with
pious sentiments, and cheered by the promises of Ught
and Ufe in the Gospel, then newly re-opened to man
kind, as weU as by the precepts of philosophy. Lady
Jane could not faU to acquire both resignation and
fortitude. It is curious, however,, to observe, that
although her parents treated her Uke a chUd, yet those
leamed and pious divines, Ascham, Bullinger, Stur-
mius, and others, behaved towards her as towards a
woman of good sense and consummate learning.

168 LADY JANE GREY,
An interesting proof of this appears in a letter
written to her, in Latin, by Ascham, early in 1552,
whUst on his diplomatic tour.
" In this my long peregrination, raost Ulustrious
lady, I have traveUed far ; have visited the greatest
cities ; and have made the most dUigent observations
in my power upon the manners of nations, their insti
tutions, laws, reUgion, and regulations; nevertheless,
in such variety, there is nothing that has raised in me
greater admiration than what I found in regard to
yourself during the last summer, to see one so young
and lovely, even in the absence of her learned pre
ceptor, in the noble hall of her family, at the very
moment -when all her friends and relatives were enjoy
ing hunting and field sports : — to find, I repeat, oh,
all ye gods ! so divine a maid diligently perusing the
divine Phasdon of Plato ; in this more happy, it may
be believed, than in her noble and royal lineage.
" Go on thus, oh best adorned virgin, to the honour
of thy country, the delight of thy parents, thy own
glory, the praise of thy preceptor, the comfort of thy
relatives and acquaintances, and the admiration of
all. Oh, happy Elmer ! to have such a scholar, and
to be her preceptor. I congratulate both you who
teach, and she- who learns.
" These are the words of John Sturmius to myself,
as my reward for teachirig the most Ulustrious Lady

AND HER TIMES. 169
EUzabeth; but to you two I can repeat them with
even more truth ; to you two I concede this felicity,
even though I should have to laraent want of success,
where I had expected to reap the sweetest fruits from
my labour.
" But let me restrain the sharpness of my grief,
which prudence makes it necessary I should conceal
even to myself. This much I may say, that I have
no fault to find with the Lady Elizabeth, whora I
have always found the best of ladies, nor indeed -with
the Lady Mary ; but if ever I shaU have the happi
ness to meet my friend Elmer, then I shaU repose in
his bosom my sorrows abundantly.
" Two things I repeat to thee, my good Elmer —
for I know that thou -wUt see this letter — that by
your persuasion and entreaty the Lady Jane Grey, as
early as she can conveniently, may -write to me in
Greek; which she has already promised to do, I
have even written lately to John Sturmius, mentioning
this promise. Pray let your letter and hers fly toge
ther to us. The distance is great ; but John Hales
wUl take care that it shall reach me. If she even were
to write to Sturmius himself in Greek ; neither you
nor she shall have cause to repent your labour,
" The other request is, my good Elmer, that you
would exert yourself so that we might conjointly pre
serve this mode of life amongst us. How freely, how
sweetly, and phUosophically then shoidd we Uve!

170 LADY JANE GREY,
Why should we, my gpod Elmer, less enjoy aU these
good things, which Cicero, at the conclusion of his
third book, De Finibus, describes as the only rational
mode of life ,'' Nothing in any tongue, nothing in any
times, in huraan memory, either past or present, from
which something may not be drawn to sweeten life !
" As to the news here, raost Ulustrious lady, I know
not what to write. That which is written of stupid
things, must itself be stupid: and, as Cicero com
plained of his own times, there is Uttie to amuse, or
that can be embeUished, Besides, at present, aU places
and persons are occupied vrith rumours of wars and
comraotions, which, for the raost part, are either mere
fabrications, or founded upon no authority ; so that
any thing respecting continental poUtics would neither
be interesting nor useful to you,
" The general CouncU of Trent is to sit on the first
of May: Cardinal Pole, it is asserted, is to be the
president. Besides there are the turaults this year
in Africa; their preparations for a war against the
Turks : and then the great expectations of the march
of the emperor into Hungary, of which, though no
soldier, I shaU, God wUling, be a companion. Why
need I write to you of the siege of Magdeburg, and
how the Duke of Mecklenburgh has been taken ; or
of that commotion which so universaUy, at this mo
ment, afflicts the raiserable Saxony ? To -write of all
.these things, I have neither leisure, nor would it be

AND HER TIMES, 171
safe : but on my return, which I hope is not far di
stant, it shall be my great happiness to relate all tiiese
things to you in person.
" Thy kindness to me, oh most noble Jane Grey,
was always most grateful to me when present with
you ; but it is ten times more so during this long ab
sence. To your noble parents, I wish length of hap
piness ; to you, a daily rictory in letters and in rirtue ;
to thy sister Katharine, that she may resemble thee ;
and to Elmer, I wish every good that he may wish to
Ascham, " Further, dearest lady, if I were not afraid to
load thee with the weight of my Ught salutations, I
wouldr ask thee, in my name, to salute EUzabeth
Astley, who, as well as her brother John, I beUeve to
be of my best friends ; and whom I beUeve to be Uke
that brother in aU integrity and sweetness of manners.
Salute, I pray thee, my cousin Maty Laten ; and my
wife AUce, of whom I think oftener than I can now
express. Salute also that worthy young man Garret,
and John Haddon,
" FareweU, most noble lady in Christ
" Augustae, R. A.
IStii Januaty, 1551."
Thus courted by the reformed, teachers, it is npt
unUkely that they epnsidered hep as a future sup
porter of the true interests of Christianity, in the cha-

172 LADY JANE GREY,
racter of Queen of England, by raarriage with the
young monarch. That such an idea had gone abroad,
cannot be doubted ; nor was it an improbable specu
lation, when we reflect on the simUarity of their ages
and dispositions, and their near relationship. The
politics of the court did not, it is true, turn upon this
point, but upon a matriraonial union of England and
Scotland. It must be observed here, that the demand which
Edward had raade to have the youthful Scottish
Mary deUvered up to him for a wife had not yet been
.successful ; but on the 20th of May, 1551, negotia
tions to that effect were renewed ; not, however, it ap
pears, with any great hope of success : for the Marquess
of Northampton, the Bishop of Ely, and the other
commissioners sent for that purpose to Paris, had di
rections that, provided the French king would not de^
liver up his daughter in law, the young queen and dau
phiness, then they should at once conclude a marriage
with Elizabeth, the French princess.
Though travelUng was neither very rauch in fa
shion, nor very convenient in England, yet Lady Jane
appears to have enjoyed some of its advantages in a
frequent change of residence; in particular, though
we cannot trace for what purpose, her famUy seems
to have been living^at Cambridge for some time during
this year. The fact is stated in a letter from Ascham
to Mr, Edwai-d Raven; but at what season of the

AND HER TIMES. 173
year it took place is uncertain. We can only per
ceive that in June she was resident at Bradgate;
from whence is dated an epistie written to BuUinger at
Zurich, by Johannes ab Ulmeis*.
In the same month she also -wrote her first epistle in
Latin to Henry BuUinger, one of the most eminent
of the reformed divines ; in which she mentions her
haring begun the study of the Hebrew language.
This epistie manifests the utmost elegance of expres
sion, and of turn of sentiment, astonishuig, indeed, ir
so young a person : her two succeeding episties to Uic j^.
same divine being also composed in a pure and up '^
affected style, informing him that she was pursuin
her Hebraic studies in the manner which he han^
pointed out to her. She addresses him as if he wer^^
her preceptor, -with wonderful respect and submission,
in a fine strain of modesty, and displaying a very sin
gular zeal for the true religion.
Though BuUinger had never been in England, yet
he was eridently weU known to her famUy; for we
find it stated in his biography by Simlerus, that in
the early part of Hemy's reign, in fact the year ira
raediately after Lady Jane's birth, that amiable and
leamed dirine, at his residence at Zurich, had shown
great hospitality to many EngUsh nobles, clergy, and
gentty, who had been forced to leave their native
country for conscience sake ; araongst whom, in parti-
* Epistolce ab Eccl. Helvet. Reformatoribus, p. 291.

174 LADY JANE GREY,
cular, was John Hopper, afterwards Bishop of Glou-
cester, and finaUy a martyr in Mary's reign, who fled
to Switzerland, accompanied by his vrife ; a speries_of
traveUing baggage which the_EnglislL.dergyhad then
just began to provide jthemselxesjwidi.
These reformed fugitives there consulted BuUinger
about the principal doctrines of Christianity, and the
proper rites and ceremonies for a Christian church.
They Ukewise urged hira to -write to Henry VIII, when
that monarch first threw off the papal authority; on
which occasipn he addressed to the royal reformer his
two weU known books on protestantism, Bullinger
also, in 1550, dedicated two decades of sermons to
Edward VI. and wrote many letters to the principal
nobiUty on reUgious subjects : so that Lady Jane, and
the reformers in general, considered him as a main
support and assistance to the good cause.
In all these affairs the Marquess of Dorset was an
active coadjutor ; but he was also obUged to mix in
the poUtics of the time, especially in the affairs of
Scotland, being appointed about this time warden of
the northern marches: in which, however, he was
soon after superseded by Dudley, Earl of Warwick;
an event which does not appear to have produced any
coolness between these two courtiers, as they were
both soon afterwards elevated to dukedoms : Warwick
gainmg the titie of Northumberland, and Dorset that
of Suffolk, which was now extinct in the male line of

;AND HER TIMES, 175
the Brandon famUy, by the deaths pf Henry and
Charles Brandpn, Dukes of Suffolk, in June and July,
the titie being thus revived, as it were, in their sister
Lady Frances, wife of Dorset, and mother pf Lady
Jane, It was on the llth of October, 1551, that this rise
in the peerage took place, the young monarch then
residing at Harapton Court; from whence, early in
November, he removed to Westminster,
Lady Jane had now, for some time, been resident
in the metropoUs, or in attendance at the court, at
Green-wich, and made her first appearance in pubUc
on occasion of a visit from Mary of Lorraine, queen
dowager of Scotland. Her majesty had recendy ar
rived at Portsmouth from France, on her way to her
daughter's dominions, the unhappy Mary, and wrote
to the king for licence to pass through England ; on
which she received an inritation to the metropoUs, that
was instantly accepted.
Conducted by a deputation from the court, and at
tended with all royal honours, the Scottish queen ar
rived at Hampton Court, where she made some stay ;
and on the 2d of November she proceeded by water
for London, landing at Paul's Wharf, whence she rode
on horseback in great state, accorapanied by many of
the EngUsh nobiUty of both sexes, besides her own
Scottish train, to the palace of the Bishop of London ;
by whom not only was she entertained with all hos-

176 LADY JANE GREY,
pitality, but receiving also from the dty of Londori, by
the hands of the chamberlain, a large supply of aU
kinds of food, stated by Stowe, in his annals, to have
been " beefes, muttons, veales, swans, and other kind
of poultry meates, with bread, fueU, wine, beere,
waxe," &c.
The further proceedings, as detaUed by Stowe, and
in which Lady Jane bore a part, wiU serve to iUustrate
the courtiy raanners of the day.
The first interview of the Scottish dowager with the
youthful monarch was at Westminster, on the ¦4th of
November ; on which occasion she rode to Whitehall
in her chariot, accompanied by Lady Margaret Dou
glass, cousin to the king, and Countess of Lennox, the
Duchess of Richmond, the Duchess of Suffolk, mo
ther of Lady Jane, who attended in her train, the
Duchess of Northumberland, with raany other ladies
of the first rank, both in England and Scotland, form
ing a procession of great length and splendour.
On her arrival at WhitehaU, a guard of honour
was drawn up on each side of the court ; and she was
received within the court gate by the Dukes of Suffolk
and Northumberland, and the Marquess of Winches
ter, lord treasurer, who led her to the upper end of the
hall, where stood the king, before whom the Earl of
Warwick held the sword of state.
The dowager instantly knelt down; but Edward
raised and kissed her : then leading her by the hand,

AND llliR TIMES. 177
he introduced her to her own chamber of presence,
and next to another chamber of presence, called the
queen's, where he kissed aU the Scottish ladies, and soon
after retired, until dinner-time, when " she dined on
the queene's side with the king, the king's service and
hers comming both together, the king's on the right
hand, the queene's on the left hand, shee sitting by
the king, apart by his cloth of estate."
None of die court dined with the royal pair ; but
Lady Jane retired with her mother and aU die other
ladies of both kingdoms, to the queen's great chamber,
where a sumptuous entertainment was provided for
them. This august solemnity must have taken place at a
very early hour ; for after dinner the king showed to
his royal guest his galleries, gardens, &c. and yet it
was only four o'clock when he handed her into the
haU, where he again kissed her ; and she returned to
her apartments at the bishop's palace.
Further pubUc honours were conferred upon her
two days afterwards, in which Lady Jane participated,
when she set oft" for Scotiand, riding from St. Paul's
through Cheapside, &c. towards Bishopsgate, accom
panied by a long train of nobiUty, who had assembled
for the purpose of escorting her as far as Shoreditch
church. The Duchess of Suffolk, as a near relation
of royalty, added much splendour to the pageant ; but
the principal part of the show was made by the Duke

178 LADY .TANE GREY,
of Northumberland, who had a train of one hundred
horseraen drawn up in Cheapside, of whom forty were
gentlemen clad in 'black velvet, guarded with white,
with velvet hats, and white feathers, and chains of
gold about their necks. Next to these stood one hun
dred and twenty of the suite of the Earl of Pembroke,
on horseback, vrith black javelins, hats, and feathers.
To these were added one hundred of the lord trea
surer's gentlemen and yeomen. Besides which there
were three ranks of horsemen, forming a cortege,
from the cross in Cheapside to the end of Birchin
Lane, The whole of this procession accompanied the
queen to Shoreditch church, when they took leave,
and retumed to their respective mansions ; the dow
ager pursuing her route, preceded by harbingers, and
provided -with aU accommodation at the royal charges.
But the attendance of Lady Jane in the metropolis,
together with her faraUy, raust have been rather from
their connexion with the court, than frora her father's
duties as a peer of parliaraent, or in compliance with
fashion ; for it seems that the temptations to the no
bility and gentry at this period to make a long sojoum
in the metropolis could not have been very great. In
fact, in the year 1551, it was entered in the yputhfd
monarch's own hand- wri ting*, amongst " ceirtein
pointes of waighty matters to be iramediately con
cluded on by my counseU, 18 Januarie, 1551°," that
* Brit. Mus. Cottonian, Vesp. F. xui, ITl,

AND IIER ti:mes. 179
there was necessity for " taking some ordcr to the
Londoners, that they that come to our parliement may
not be hoUy discouragid, empovrished, or weried w'
theu- atteiidaunce, wch order can not be weU taken (as
me thinketii) w' out punisliing th' offeiidours."
The court attendants, however, must have been less
annoyed dian the parliament by the existing metro
politan inci-riUty, the royal residence being then so
seldom in town, if at all ; for the Tower was only
now considered as a royal ^residence, according to
court etiquette, for a few days after the monarch's
accession ; whUst St. James's, then recently made a
royal residence, was not in London, but in Westmin
ster, a city which may then be said to have been out
of the metropolis. Indeed, we may suppose that the
court itself would have been treated -with but little
more ceremony than the parUament, as it was not then
fenced in with such august distinctions from coramon
Ufe as at present.
Henry VIII. was merely called " highness," and
those who spoke to, or of him, only used the term
" grace." Even to Edward VI. the term " serene"
was applied, as appears from a highly compUmental
letter, addressed to him in Latin*, by Henry Grey,
then Duke of Suffolk, and father to Lady Jane. It
is true, that in . this epistle we find the word " ma
jestas" several times appUed; but it begins with " rex
* Brit. Mus, Cottonian, Vesp. F. xiu. 174.
n2

180 LADY JANE GREY,
beiiignissime ;" whUst the term " celsitudo," or high
ness, is frequendy introduced. It may also be re
marked, that " grace" was not confined to royalty, as
there is now a letter in the British Museum, from
Thomas, Marquess of Dorset, Lady Jane's grand
father, to Cardinal Wolsey, beginning, " Please it,
your grace," and indorsed, " To my Lord Legate's
good grace,"
There could not, indeed, then have been any thing
very tempting in a court residence, except to the am
bitious ; for Aubrey declares, that even untU the reiga
of James I, the court was iU-mannered, and the
courtiers unpolished ; nay, that even then, the queen
herself could scarcely escape msult in passing the king's
apartment. Comfort or convenience of aU kinds were as little at
tended to as decency and decorum ; for at Henry the
Eighth's royal table, the " kinge's boarde" was UteriaUy
a board laid on tressels, -with wooden forms set round.
Yet at the royal dinners great forraaUty was observed
as to places ; though politeness had not hitherto pro
ceeded so far as to place husbands below their wives,
unless " if they bee of the bloode riaUe, the kinge may
coihaunde them as yt plessithe hym,"
At dinner also, no person was allowed to stand on
the " kyngge's cai-pette," which was not very large;
the other part of the floor being strewed with rushes,
WhUst the duty of the pages was to clean windows, to

AND HER TIMES. 181
light fires, and to see the waUs swept before hangings
were put up.
As for the elegance of the repast, much cannot be
said ; for the cook's wages for dresring it, each day, as
appears from a MS, in the Lansdown coUection, was
only two shUlings and four-pence ; a sum not very
munificent, even aUowing for the deterioration of
money since that period.
In the evenings at court, the king then Uving, as it
were, in public, it was the custom to serve him with
spice and wine; spice plates beiag also brought for
the king's relations ; after which the cellarer attended
-with the pots -with wine. Then, after many ceremo
nies, the corapany were to retire ; " and after voides
done, the kinge to goe on to his with draught, and all
other estatys to goe unto y'' own chambers, or wher y'
plessithe them."
Supper was always over at eight o'clock ; " and an
esquire of the body to be redie in the kinge's chamber
to receive, and to make for aU night the kinge's cup-
boorde. That done, the esquire and gentleraan huissier
to beare yt to the king's privy chamber, or wherever
else yt may be comaunded,"
Of the deUcacy of nocturnal repose and retirement,
an idea may be dra-wn from the observation of a writer
of that day, who speaks of it as a kind of wonder —
" Also and the kynge and the quene Ue togedere, I
sawe never no person lie in the same chambre, savynge

182 LADY Jane grey,
in Kynge Henry dais, the Lord Say w* his chamber-
lyoe ; but he was remorid in a schort sessone of hys
Idgginge. Nowe of y'' chambre I have some sessones
sene that at the dore w'^ out the kynge's side there have
layne squyers for the body; and in lykewise at the
dore, by the queue's side, gentlewomen."
The moral honesty of sorae about the court may be
estimated by an order of Henry VIII. —
" Item*, the king's pleasur and street commaunde
ment is, that the gentlemen huishiers making lodging
from tyme to tyme within the king's courte, shall see
and note substantiaUy, what lockes, keyes, and other
such implementes, as before mentioned, thei do finde
in the charabers where thei make lodginge, giving
charge unto such personsj as thei do put and lodge in
the same, that every parceU therof be saufely left in
the chamber and redeliverid -with the key of the
chamber, to tiie keepir of the house, or other per
son deputed to receive the same at their departing,
vrithout embestlyng, purloyning, or carying away any
part therof upon payne of imprisoneraent, and makyng ,
restitucion to the partie, or double the valew of the
thing so erabeysdyd or purloyned."
If thi^ paints their morals, let the following, from
the same source, delineate their economy :
* Ant Rep. u. 187.

AND HER TIMES. 183
" Item, die gentleman huishier ought to forbidde,
that no maner man do set any dishe upon the king's
bed, for feare of hurting the king's riche counterpoyntes
that lye therupon. And that the said huishier take
good heede, that no man wipe, or rubbe their handes
upon none arras of the king's, wherby thei may be
hurted, in the chamber wher the king is speciaUy, and
in aU other,"
It is true, that -with much of this ceremony and in
decorum Lady Jane did not mix; for the Suffolk
famUy now lived, when attending on the court, at their
own mansion in Suffolk-place, only going to court oc
casionally ; and it was from this place that the famUy
proceeded when, on New Year's-day, 1552, the Duchess
of Suffolk presented to King Edward in a purse of silver
and gold, knit, £4<0 in half-sovereigns, (left with the
king's majesty), and received in retum three gUt bowls
with covers.
It was about this time that Lady Jane wrote her
second letter to BulUnger, who was then much be
friended both by the Suffolk and Northumberland fami
lies ; between whom a personal intimacy seems now to
have existed. These friendly attentions to that worthy
reformer were not confined to pecuniary favours, but
extended to the exercise of influence at home for his
friends, as appears frora a letter in the Lansdown
MSS,, from Johannes ab Ulmeis to the Duke of

184 LADY JANE GREY,
Northumberland, to obtain from his grace a scholai--
ship in King's CoUege for a friend of BuUinger's,
WhUst speaking of this German correspondence, we
may notice also a curious letter of this date, in the
same collection, from Roger Ascham, at Spires, where
he was with the king's ambassadors, addressed to Mr,
"Secretary CeciU, inquiring whether he raight sometimes
talk with the Pope's Nuncio's raen, without injuring
the cause of reformation by gossiping -with the ser
vants of the " Lady in scarlet !"
Of the patriotic justice and regard for the constitu
tion, which now filled the breast of the youthful mon
arch, a very correct idea may be drawn from a paper
in his own hand-writing, headed, " Ceirtein pointes of
waighty matters to be imraediatly concluded on by my
counsell, 18 Janueiri, 1551*," now in the British Mu
seum, in which is the foUowing entry, " The matter for
the Duke of Somerset and his confederates to be con
sidered as aparteineth to our surety and quietness of
our realme, that by there punisheraent (and execution
according to the lawes) exaraple may be shewed to
others," In this memorandum, in the original, the
words between brackets are an interlineation, evidently
written with a different pen, and marking after-thought
and consideration "I".
* Brit. Mus. Cotton. CoU. Vesp. F. xiu. 171.
+ The state of justice at this period in England may be drawn
frora a very curious " Kalendar or note of all the prisoneres

AND HER TIMES. 185
In fact, it is extraordinary to observe with what
steadiness this royal youth pursued his course through
all tbe intricacies of court poUtics, intrigue, and the
prevalence of every bad passion. Somerset was his
own uncle ; yet such was his submission to law and
justice, or at least, to what appeared to hira to be such,
that he suffered him to fall under the axe of the exe
cutioner — a shorter way of getting rid of an obnoxious
political rival, by dividing his head from his body,
than the modem method of merely dividing against
him ! A minister may survive a minority, and more
firmly re-estabUsh himself; but, according to the old
method, a monarch must have restored a discarded
names that be remayninge -within the Towere at this presente,
being the ll"" daye of februaire, an" R. Edw. VI. sexto."
From this it appears that the Duke of Norfolk had been con
flned ten years ; Edward Courtenay had been there twelve years;
several cler^roea had been there during some years.
Two per.wns, Denys Fludde and Jobn Davy, are stated to
have been " attainted for felonie, and had a biU signed for their
p~don, and steyde by the Lord Ryche, then Lorde Chanceler."
" Bycharde Tracye, who hathe bene there ix monethes and
more, for -wrytynge a letter to Mr, Kelwaye,"
" WilUam PhyUips, John Sawyer, who hathe bene xii
monethes and more, for suspicion of castinge i .." letters.''
" Robert AUen, who hathe bene there xu monethes and more,
for matters of astronomic, and suspicion of calculation."
" Christopher Dunne, for suspicion of irabecUlynge of certeyn
ieweUs and raoney of the Duches of Soraersette."
" Myles Moore for writinge of a supplication to the kinges
hyghnes."

186 LADY JANE GREY,
favourite to Ufe, before he could restore him to his
councUs !
Whether the raodern mode is not an improvement,
in spite of the claraour against bribery and corruption,
and rotten boroughs, and back-stairs influence, we
leave it to our readers to judge.
But to return to Edward, it seems as if his principal
political difflculties arose from his own family; fora
very short time before this, he had nearly been involved
in a war with the emperor, on account of his sister
Mary, and her determination to abide by the papal
forms of divine worship.
This affair of the mass was occasioned by informa
tion of a plan, on the part of Charles V,, to fit out
some ships at Antwerp, and to transport the Lady
Mary, either by violence or by stealth, out of England
to his own Flemish dominions. In concert with this
plan, several of her attendants had aheady gone over,
and it was expected that war would be waged against
England in her name ; and, as Haywood relates, upon
these dangers or fears, the Lord Chancellor and Secre
tary Petre were sent to the Lady Mary, and they, after
some conference, brought her to the young king at West
minster, she passing some time, on her way, at Lees
and Hunsdon. When anived at court, the council
declared unto her how long the king had permitted
her the use of the mass ; and perceiving by her letters

AND. IIER TIMES, 187
how unmoveable she was, he was resolved no longer to
endure it, unless she would put him in hopes of some
conformity within a short time. To this she answered
that her soul was God's, and, touching her faith, as
she could not change, so she would not dissemble it.
Reply was made that the king intended not to constrain
her faidi, but solely to resti-ain the outward profession
ofit The king's health was so much shook by tiiese con
tests, that he" was adrised to make a progress through
part of the kingdom in order to divert his mind. Such
was the motive urged to persuade him to the tour ;
but it is said that his ministers wished to try it as an
experiment to remove the discontents of the people,
and to influence the elections.
avhatever might have been the ostensible or real
motives of this journey, it certainly took place in the
course of the summer ; of which absence of the court
from tc-wn Lady Jane took advantage to pay a risit,
of ceremony at least, if not of affection, to her cousin
the Princess Mary, at her mansion of Newhall, in
Essex*. • This place is so connected with persons conspicuous in En
gUsh history, as to deserve some sUght topographical notice.
Passing over its origin as part of the possessions of Walthara
Abbey, until exchanged by the raonks with Sir John de Shardi-
lowe, in the reign of Edward IIL, for other lands; it flrst ap
pears as a royal property, appertaining to Margaret of Anjou,
from whora it fell to the crown during the civil contests of York
and Lancaster, and was granted by Henry VII. to Boteler, Earl

188 LADY JANE GRTSY,
During this visit an occurrence happened, which is
stated by Fox, in his Acts and Monuments, to have
had considerable influence upon hei' future fate. She
was asked by Lady Anne Wharton to take a ramble
one aftemoon ; and their walk leading them past the
Lady Mary's popish chapel, Lady Anne made a low
curtesy to the host which was then lying on the altar.
The young protestant did not understand this species
of homage, and naturaUy asked if Lady Mary were in
the chapel ; to which Lady Anne answered, " No ;"
adding, that she had made her curtesy to him that made
us all ! " Why," replied the sprightly and inteUigent
girl, " how pan he be there that made us all, and the
baker made him .?" Fox adds, that " this hir answer
comming to the Lady Marie's eare, she did never love
hir after, as is credibly reported, but esteemid hir as
the rest of that christian profession."
This event certainly deserves notice, and shows that
Lady Jane would have received but little favour from
her r(»yal cousin, in after times, even if she had not
been placed, by the ambition of her famUy, in the

of Ormond, who first fortified the manor house, and made con
siderable additions to it. By marriage it came to Sir Thomas
Boleyn, who exchanged it with his son-in-law Henry VIII., that
raonarch calling it Beaulieu, and often raaking it his residence.
He assigned it to Mary. Elizabeth afterwards gave it to Rat
cUffe, Earl of SuflPolk ; by whora it was sold to ViUiers, Duke
of Buckingham. In 1651, OUver Cromwell purchased it for
.five shillin ffs!

AND HER TIMES. , 189
situation of an usurper; an act, howevci, as yet per
haps unthpught of by the parties themselves.
The Duke of Northumberland's ainbitious plans
seemed at this period to have been far from maturity,
yet it is a very curious fact, that they had found their
way into public report, perhaps by the duke's own
permission, in order to prepare the people for the pro
posed change in the succession. Some interesting
anecdotes upon this subject are preserved in a MS.
in the British Museum *, where it appears that a gos
siping story had been sent by Sir WiUiam Stafford,
from his seat at Rochford, in Essex, to the privy
councU, detaUing the rambUng expressions of a Mrs.
Elizabeth Huggones, which he described as " unseemly
saiyenges, neither meet to be spoken, nor conseyled of
any hearer,"
This Mrs, Huggones, who had formerly been a ser
vant to the Duchess Dowager of Somerset, seems to
have spoken out very openly respecting the Duke of
Somerset's death, as occasioned by the intrigues of the
Duke of Northumberland, whom she considered as
more worthy of the scaffold than her late master. Per
haps the good lady's heart was a Uttle warmed, as the
conversation is stated to have taken place at supper,
for she was also accused by Sir WiUiam of having said
that the young King Edward showed himself an un
natural nephew, and then wished that she had the
* Hari. CoU. No. 353.

190 LADY JANE GREY,-
jerkiiig of him. Her tongue once set agoing, the jolly
dame knew not where to stop, for she added, that Lord
GuUdford Dudley was tq marry the daughter of the
Earl of Cumberland (cousin to Lady Jane), and that
the match was planned by the king himself; and then
" with a stoute gesture," she cried, " Have at the crown
with your leave !"
This was about the latter end of August ; and so
important did the story appear to the privy council,
that the talkative dame actuaUy underwent a formal
examination on the 8th of September, before Sir Robert
Bowes, Master of the Robes, and Sir Arthur Darcy,
Lieutenant of the Tower, when, however, she denied
great part of Stafford's story, declaring her great esteem
for the Duke of Northumberland. " And, moreover,
she being examyned of the laste article concemynge
the marryage of the Lord GuUford Dudleye with the
Erie of Cumberland's daughter, she deposeth that she
heard it spoken in London (but by whom she nowe
remembreth not), that the kinges raa""^, had made such
a marryage, and so she tould the firste nyghte that she
came to Rochford to supper, showinge herself to be
glad thei-eof, and so she thoughte that all the heareres
were also glad at that marryage,"
If Edward really did propose such a marriage, for
it is not likely to have originated vritli Dudley himself,
it may be considered as adding to the probabiUty of
his own attachment to Lady Jane, and perhaps his

AND HER TIMES.

191

purpose of raising her thus to the throne. This is CA'i-
dent, inasmuch as tiie marriage of Lord GuUdford with
Lady Jane's cousin, the Earl of Cumberland's daugh
ter, would have been four steps further off from any
chance of the succession, and would have rendered it
necessary for the arabitious duke not only to set aside
Mary and Elizabeth, but also the Duchess of Suffolk
and her three daughters. Such a measure would have
been by no means compatible vrith Northumberland's
poUcy; nor could any plausible excuse have been
found for it, unless he had extended the charge of
iUegitimacy to them also on the Brandon, or on the
Dorset marriage.
But we are now approaching the most important
period of the Ufe of Lady Jane, and shaU therefore
conclude this section -with the close of the year 1552 ;
at which period she was stUl under the tuition of the
pious Aylmer, impro-ring daily in Christian simplicity
and -virtue, as in beauty and accomplishments.

192 LADY JANE GREY,

SECTION IV.
Edward's last Illness — Northumberland's Plans — ^Antiquarian
Anecdote of BrideweU — Family of Dudley, Duke of North
umberland — PoUtical Opinions and popular FeeUngs— Cor-
respondence -with CecU — Courtship of Lady Jane and Lord
GuUdford — Marriage — Courtly Ceremonies and Rejoicings—
FamUy Consequences — Continental and Home Politics in
Regard to the Protestant ReUgion — Mary's Claims and Ex
pectations — Courtly PoUtics and Will of Edward, confirming
the Succession upon Lady Jane — Claims of Margaret, Dowager
of Scotland— Death of Edward VI.
In the early part of the year 1553, the young and de
licate Edward caught a riolent cold, which grew rather
worse than better ; occasioned, as supposed, by inju
dicious medical treatment: so that in March, when
the new parUament met, they were obliged to go to
him at WhitehaU, instead of his opening them per
sonaUy at Westrainster. They sat only a month, and
having finished a few important things that were
brought before them, were dissolved; lea-ring the
Dukes of Suffolk and Northumberland as great in
power as they could wish to be, -with only one object
for their wishes — that of preserving the high authority
which they had gained*.
"It was during this last iUness of the youthful monarch that
Bridewell was granted for the accoramodation ofthe poor; as

AND HER TIMES. 193
In the midst of this prosperity the still rapid decline
of the king's health seenied, however, to threaten them
with some sudden reverse of fortune ; for which the
penetration and sagadty of Northumberland suggested
the plan of altering the succession to die throne : but
appears from an original letter in the Lansdown CoU, Brit, Mug,
No. 3. 28. frora the Bishop of London to Sh WilUam Cecil,
which begins, " Good Mr, CecU, I muste be suter imto you, in
our M'- Christes cause, I beseche you be good unto him. The
matter is this, alas, he hathe byne twoo long abrode (as you do
knowe) wythout lodginge in the stretes of London, bothe hun
grie, naked, and colde. Now, thankes be unto AUmighty God,
the citizens are wyUynge to refresh him, and to greete him bothe
meete, drinke, clodiyng, and fyreinge, but alas, Syr, they lacke
lodging for hira, for in some one howse I dare saye they are faille
to lodge the famUies under one roof. Sir, there is a wide large
emptie howse of the kinge's majesties, caUed Bridewell, that
would wonderfulUe weU serve to lodge Christe in iff he myght
flnde suche goode frendes in the comrte to procure in his cause.
Surehe 1 have suche a good opinion in the kinges majestie that
yff Christe had suche faithfuUe and trustie freindes that would
hartely speake for him, he should undoubtedUe succede at the
kinge's majestie's hands. Syr, I have promysed my brethren
the citizens in this matter to move you, because I doe take you
for one that feareth God, and woulde that Christe should lye
no more abrode in the stretes, Ther is a rumor that one goth
aboute to buy that howse of the kinge's majestie, in order to
puU it downe, Yff ther be any suche thinge, for God's sake
speake you in our master's name, I have wrytten unto Mr.
Gates more at large yn this matter. I join you with hira and
aU that love and looke for Chrlste's finaU benediction at the
latter daie. Iff Mr. Cheake is almost recouvrid, God be blessed.
Were he amongst you, I would suerUe make him in this business
one of Christe's specyaUe advocates, or rather one of his prin
cipaU protectors, and suerUe I would not be sente away. And
thus I wishe you in Christe, and weU to fare. From my howse

194 LADY JANE GEEY,
this he did not think it prudent to bring forward he
fore certain measures should be taken for effectually
securing the safety of his own famUy, by matching
into that to which he meant to transfer the crown.
Yet Northumberland had stUl a just foresight of the
great hazards to which they must be exposed by so
bold a measure; he, therefore, contrived to fortify
both houses stUl more, by other advantageous matches,
which, considering his then high and flourishing, con
dition, were easUy brought about.
In consonance with this, his three eldest sons were
already married; so that his selection of a husband
therefore for Lady Jane, fell of course upon his fourth
son, the Lord GuUdford Dudley, who is described hy
HeyUn, as having the least in him Uke to his father.
It must be allowed, that Rowe, in his tragedy of
Lady Jane, explains the conduct both of Northumher-
land and Suffolk, upon principles more honourable to
them than those of mere arabition, in the foUowing
scene :— Nor. 'Tis all in vain ; heav'n has required its pledge.
And he raust die.

at Fulham, this presente Sondaie, beinge the xxix' day of May,
1553. Y" in Christ, Ric. London,
" I pray you suffer the bearer
herof to talk ii or iii words
with you in this cause."

-\XD HER TIMES. 19u
Suf. Is there an honest heart
That loves our England does not mourn for Edward .''
The genius of our isle is shook with sorrow,
ReUgion melts in ev'ry holy eye.
Nor. Ay, there, my lord, you touch our heaviest loss ;
^Vith hira our holy faith is doom'd to suffer;
With hira our church shaU veil her sacred front.
Pride, ignorance, and rapine, shaU retum ;
BUnd bloody zeal and cruel priestly pow'r
ShaU scourge the land for ten dark ages raore.
Sir J. Is there no help in all the heaUng ait.
No potent juice or drug, to save a Ufe
So precious, and prevent a nation's fate }
Nor. What has been left untried that art could do ?
The world, however, not even excluding their own
partisans, did not impUcitly beUeve the existence of
such generous motives ; much less could a Uberal con
ception of their views be expected from their opponents
and rivals.
In the rage of poUtical enraity it was repeatedly as
serted at that period that the Duke of Northuraber-
land's grandfather had been a base bom mechanic;
but the fact is, that his faraUy name was originaUy
Sutton, and his ancestors Barons of Dudley ; whence
his grandfather, Sir John Dudley, took his name,
being the second son of John, Lord Dudley, who was
honoured with the order of the garter, during the wars
of the Roses.
The eldest son of Sir John was the famous, by some
called the infamous, Edmund Dudley, whose name is

196 LADY JANE GREY,
generally linked with that of Empson in EngUsh history,
during the reign of Henry VII, Edmund was born
in 1462 ; was a privy counseUpr at twenty-three, and
throughout his life engaged in various offices about the
court and person of the king.
Lord Bacon speaks of him as a person in great
credit with his country, as well as in high favour with
his prince, whora he served in promoting the fiUing of
his coffers, under colour of the law, though with very
litde respect to the principles of equity and justice.
Yet it is extraordinary that, notwithstanding the nu
merous charges against him in history, it is scarcely
possible now to ascertain in what specific capacity he
was enabled to fleece the public as generaUy stated;
for there is no proof of his having held the oflSces of
under-sheriff of London, of a puisne judge, or baron
of the Exchequer, or attorney or solicitor-general, aU
of which have been supposed ; it is only certain that
he was one of the most distinguished lawyers of the
day — a serjeai;it at law. Speaker of the House of Com
mons, and a privy counsellor.
He married EUzabeth, daughter of Edwai-d Grey,
Viscount L'Isle, sister and co-heiress of John, Viscount
L'Isle ; by whom he had John, afterwards Duke of
Northumberland, and father-in-law of Lady Jane
Grey, born about 1502; seven years after which,
Edmund lost his head, for Henry VII, was scarcely

AND HER TIM IS. 197
dead, when hc was sent to the Tower, the clamour of
the people being so great, that tiiis step was thought
necessary to pacify them. On die 16th of July, 1509,
Edmund was arraigned and found guilty of treason
at Guildhall, before commissioners appointed for the
purpose, being afterwards attainted in parliament in
January, 1510 ; and on the IStii of August foUovring,
he was beheaded, much against the wishes of the king.
But the whole of the attainder was afterwards reversed,
on the petition of Edward GuUdford, Esq, guardian
of his orphan son, and the estates restored ; but they
were not very large, according to modern ideas,
amounting to no more than eight hundred pounds
per annum, and about of 20,000 in money; and this is
but a small sum, even at that day, for a man accused
of ha-ring robbed both the king and the pubUc, when
we recoUect that he had inherited a great portion of it
from his mother, besides his own fair emoluments and
salaries in the exercise of his profession.
John, afterwards Duke of Northumberland, was
born, as we have stated, in 1502 ; and two other sons,
Ambrose and Jerome, some years afterwards. He
.distinguished himself in early life, attending Brandon,
Duke of Suffolk, to France, and attaching himself to
Cardinal Wolsey ; besides serring sheriff of Staffbrd-
¦shire, before his fixing at court, where he became
Master of the Horse to Anne of Cleves, His services,
both by land and sea, form part of the history of

198 LADY .TANE C.EEY,
that reign. He married Jane Guildford, daughter and
heir of Sir Edward GuUdford, Lord Warden of the
Cinque Ports, when he was scarcely of age.
Several parts of his character, as dra'wn by Lloyd
in his State Worthies, may serve to Ulustrate the events
of this period. That author says, that Dudley's " fa-
vour was first purchased by his father's blood, and im
proved by his own cunning. King Henry sacrificed
Sir Edmund Dudley to allay the people's rage, and
raised his son to appease his ghost ;" adding the ob
servation, that, " he that disobUgeth a multitude, must
faU himself; but he that in sd doing serveth his king,
may advance his posterity," It is clear, however, that
whatever the people's opinion of his father, in Dudley
himself they placed great confidence ; for Lloyd asserts,
that when he marched against the rebels in Devonshire,
and promised them mercy if they would submit, those
unhappy persons replied, that " they knew him so ho
nourable, that if he came himself they would embrace"
the offer.
That he knew how to cajole the great, as well as he
could gain popularity amongst the many, may be weU
believed frora the perusal of the foUowing epistle, to
Mr. Secretary (Sir WUliam) CecU, written about the
7 th of May, in this year, wliUst he was maturing his
double plan, for a matrimonial union of the Greys and
Dudleys, and for the arrangement of a new line of sue
cession*. * Brit. Mus. Lansdown Coll. No. 3.

AND HER TIJIES. 199
" I haue receyved such lettres as came in y' packytt,
for the wch I harteUe thank y" wishynge, yt myght
haue byn so as yre helthe wolde haue ^mytted you to
haue delivered theym yorselfe. Yt was styll sayd here
that you had but a of an ague, but nowe
we here to tbe contrarye, and that you have byn ....
or some fytte grevously handelyd, for the wch I am
ryght sorye, trusting to God the worste ys past, wherof
I wolde be as gladde as any man, bothe for your owne
comforte and aUso for the advancement of the kings
waightye affaires. Your companyon dothe beare out
the burdeyn with as moche payne as any man can do,
so moche ys his good wyU towardes the arms of his
master and his contrye, that of a great deale of payne
he makith Uttle appearance. Others now haue whos
souls you are weU acquajmted with aU, that nether
erneste zeale or consyderacon of tyme can skarslye
awake them out of theyr wontyd dreemes, and smoothly
wynkithe all care from their hartte, howe urgente or
waightye soever our causses ar, whch things I can so
yvUl beere, as indede of lat, but for ray dutyes to the
stat, ray harte colde skarslye end m-e the raaner of yt,
speciaUye in this our most carefuU dayes. Well, I do
herwith to raoche trouble you, and receyrith no plesser
wth so often remembrynge theyr forgetfulness, or I
sholde saye the carelesnes of others. But now I wUl re-
compfort you -with the joyfuU compfort which our phes-
siciane hathe thes too or thre moniyngs revyved my

200 LADY JANE GREY,
spirite with, all which is that our sovraine lorde dothe
beginne very joyfuUy to enryche and amende, they
haveing no doubte of the shorte recoverye of his high
nes, the rather, he sais, his ray'"^ ys fully bent to foUo
theyr counseU and advys. And this w"" my hartie
comendacons I wish your pfytt helthe, from Grene-
wych, this vii* of May, 1553,
Yr assured loring frend,
Northumberland."
Even if political objects had been out of the question,
the Duke of Suffolk could not have had any objections
to a son of Northuraberland for his daughter ; for, in
dependent of the gentUity, or nobility of the Dudleys*,
as it was then termed, the words gentle and noble being
considered as nearly if not quite synonymous, the Lord
GuUdford had an ancient genealogy to boast of by his
mother's side; as it appears on her monument in
More's chapel, in Chelsea church, that she quartered
Mortimer, West, Lord Lawar, CantUupe, and GreUe,
It is evident, indeed, that Suffolk made no objections ;
and Rowe states the conference as foUows :
Nor. Your grace's princely daughter. Lady Jane,
Is she yet come to court }
Suf. Not yet arrived.
But with the soonest I expect her here :
I know her duty to the dying king,
* Dudley bore Ob, a lion rampant, double tailed, or queue
fourcM, Vert.

AND IIER TIMES. 201
Join'd with my strict commands to hasten hither,
WiU bring her on the wing.
Nor. Beseech your grace
To speed another messenger to press her;
For on her happy presence aU our counsels
Depend and take their fate.
Stif. Upon the instant
Your grace shaU be obey'd : I go to summon her.
Though this was certmnly, on the part of friends
and relatives, a match of ambition ; yet, young as the
parties were, it may also have been a match of attach
ment, for the famUies had for sorae years been in
habits of intimacy. The courtship, however, must
have been but short; there was no time for the
lover, according to the custom of those days, to ap
proach his sovereign mistress -with vows of love, but
sti^l not until he softened her heart, and opened the
way for his personal addresses, by some sweet madrigal,
or romantic panegyric, extolling her beauty, graces,
and virtues, above aU other women !
Nor had the youthful Jane an opportunity of irai
tating the fair damsels of her time ; the custom being,
as stated in the old chronicles, for enamoured " maydes
and gentUworaen," to give to their favourite swains, as
tokens of their love, Uttle handkerchiefs about three or
four inches square, -wrought round about, often in em
broidery, with a button or tassel at each comer, and
a Uttle one in the centre. The finest of these favours
were edged with narrow gold lace, or twist ; and then.

202 LADY JANE GREY,
being folded up in four cross folds, so as the middle
might be seen, they were worn by the accepted lovers
in their hats, or at the breast.
These favours became at last so much in vogue, that
they were sold ready made in the shops in EUzabeth's
time, from sixpence to sixteen-pence a piece.
Tokens were also given by the gentlemen, and ac
cepted by their fair raistresses ; thus described ' in an
old coraedy of the time* :
" Given earings we will wear
Bracelets of our lover's hair ;
Which they on our arms shall t-wist,
(With our names carved) on our vmsts,''
Rowe, in his tragedy, makes the courtship only pre
cede the deatii of Edward; but there he departed
frora historical truth for the sake, perhaps, of dra
matic effect. He thus describes the first annunciation
of the projected union to Lady Jane, making Noi'th-
umberland say :
Meanwhile 1 beg your grace woidd straight inforra
Your princely daughter of our resolution :
Our common int'rest in that happy tie
Demands our s-wiftest care to see it finish'd,
DuA:h. My lord, you have determined well. Lord Guil
ford,
Be it your task to speak at large our pm-pose.
Daughter, receive this lord as one whom I,
Your father and his own, ordain your husband :
* Cupid's Revenge. Beau, and Fiet.

AND HEH TIMES, 203
What more concerns oui- will, and your obedience.
We leave you to receive frora him at leisure.
The first interview, after formal introduction, he
thus delineates :
Guil. HaU, princely maid ! who with auspicious beauty
Cheer'st ev'ry drooping heart in this sad place.
Who Uke the silver regent of the night
Lift'st up thy sacred beams upon the land.
To bid the gloom look gay, dispel our horrors.
And make us less laraent the setting sun.
Lady J. Yes, Guilford, well dost thou compare my pre
sence
To the faint comfort of the waning moon ;
Like her cold orb a cheerless gleam I bring.
But say, how fares the king ?
Guil. He lives as yet.
But ev'ry moment cuts away a hope.
Adds to our fears, and gives the infant saint
Great prospect of his op'ning heav'n.
Lady J. Oh Guilford ! what remains for wretched England
When he our guardian angel shaU forsake us ?
Guil. I own my heart bleeds inward at the thought.
And yet forgive me, thou my native country.
Thou land of Uberty, thou nurse of heroes.
Forgive me, if, in spite of aU thy dangers.
New springs of pleasure flow within my bosom.
When thus 'tis giv'n me to behold those eyes.
Thus gaze, and wonder.
Lady J. Oh, vain flattery !
Lead me to pay my duty to the king.
To wet his pale cold hand -with these last tears.
And share the blessings of his parting breath,
Guil. Were I Uke dying Edward, sure a touch
Of this dear hand would kindle life anew.

204 LADY JANE GREY,
But I obey, I dread that gath'ring frown ;
And oh ! whene'er my bosom swells with passion.
And my fuU heart is pain'd with ardent love,
T' allow me but to look on you and sigh.
Is all the humble joy that Guilford asks.
That Lord Guildford could not faU to gain the
heart of Lady Jane, even if no attachment had pre
viously existed, we raay readily beUeve ; for Grafton,
in his chronicle, calls him a very comely tail gentle
raan : and not being quite. twenty years of age, he was
the raore likely to interest a girl of sixteen, learned as
she was.
Every thing being settled between the parties, the
intended union was disclosed to the youthful raonarch;
who is said to have been highly pleased with it, and,
though naturaUy econoraical, to have been very boun
tiful upon the occasion.
It is uncertain whether the wedding took place to
wards the latter end of May, or beginning of June ;
but the former is generally the received .date. Added
to which, Grafton, and several of the other early histo
rians, say, that three marriages were celebrated on this
day ; the first that of Lady Jane, the second between
Lord Herbert, eldest son of the Earl of Pembroke,
and Lady Katharine, younger sister of the bride;
whUst the thu-d was between Henry, Lord Hastings,
eldest SPU pf the Earl pf Huntingdon, and Lady
Katharine Dudley, the youngest sister of L'ord Guild
ford,

AND HER TIMES, 205
The state ceremony \rith which this mai-riage was
celebrated is much spoken of by tbe historians of the
tirae : and Strype records, that for the solemnity and
splendour the master of the wardrobe had orders to
deUver out of the king's wardrobe much rich apparel
and jewels, to the Duchesses of Suffolk and Northura
berland, to the Marchioness of Northampton, to Lady
Jane herself, and to Lord GuUdford Dudley, for wed
ding apparel. These articles, it is curious to observe,
were not new, but consisted of tissues, of cloth of gold
and sUver, &c. the property of the late Duke and
Duchess of Somerset, which had been forfeited to the
king, on the attainder of that nobleman : a convincing
proof of the young kirig's economy, ah-eady alluded
to, as weU as of his bounty *,
* It may be amusing, in this place, to ascertain what formed
an exact dress suit of a lady of rank in those times ; which ap
pears to be recorded in the foUowing inventory of articles con
tained in " a cofer covered -with grene vellet laied on with
passemyne lace of golde, and the yron thereof all gilte," —
" Item, one paire of sables double unlyned — Item, a corse of
white tapheta to put on the said sables — Item, a cappe case of
murrey veUet vrith a hatte of purple veUet embrodered vrith
damaske golde, and garnished w* sondrie smaU diamontes,
rubies, and p'les — Item, two mufflers of purple veUet Ukewise
embrodered and garnished, one of them furred— ^Item, one sable
skynne with a hedde of golde, conteyninge in it a cloake vrith
a coUar of golde enameUed blacke, set vrith foure diamontes and
iiu rubies, and with twoo p'les hanginge at the eares, and two
rubies in the eyes, the sarae skynne haringe also fete of golde,
the clawes thereof being saphires, two of them binge broken, and
-with a diamounte upon the cloake — Item, one other like sable

206 LADY JANE GREY,
We have not been able to procure any further ac
count of the proceedings on this interesting occasion;
but the general custora was for the bride, attu-ed in a
dress highly ornamented with gold and embroidery,
with her hair hanging down her back, curiously combed
and plaited, to be led to the church " between two
sweet boys, with bride laces, and rosemary tied about
their silken sleeves," Before the bride was carried a
fair bride cup, of silver gUt, " wherein was a goodly
branch of rosemary, gUded very fair, and hung about
with sUken ribbands of aU colours; next there was
a noise of musicians, that played aU the way before
her." Then followed a train of virgins, some bearing
bride-cakes, and others garlands, omamented with
gold ; " and the bride groom finely appareUed, with
the young raen, foUowed close behind,"
That such was the precise order of Lady Jane's
wedding, we cannot vouch; but such was the custom
of the tirae in proceeding to the altar : then there were
scarfs, and gloves, an epithalamium, masques some
times, and aU the company bedecked with the bride's
colours, in every form and fantasy.
When this wedding took place, the populace of the
metropolis, though very far from being pleased with
skynne, ^rith a hedde of golde rausled, garnished and set with
iiu eraeralds, foure turquises, vi rubies, two diamountes, and v
p'les, with foure flte of golde eche set with a turquise, the
tonge beinge a ruble."

AND HER TIMES. 207
the exorbitant greatness of the Duke of Northumber
land, yet could not help admiring that beauty and
innocence which appeared in Lord Guildford and his
lovely bride. At court, too, the rejoicings and general
approval were equally mai-ked; but, as it has been
observed, die pomp and splendour attending the cele
bration of these nuptials formed the last gleam of joy
that shone in the palace of the youthful Edward, who
grew so weak in a few days after, that Northuraber
land thought it time to cany his great project into
execution ; without which, he saw clearly, that hiraself
and his friends could neither expect to continue long
in power, or even security.
As for the youthful bride herself, whatever her love
for her lord, and perhaps her secret satisfaction at
being relieved from parental severity, though not an
alien finm their affections, she no doubt experienced
some little regret at the breaking up of her studies,
in consequence not only of her marriage, but also of
her reraoval frora her famUy mansion to Durham-
House, in town, and Sion House, in the country, the
residences of the Dudleys : and at the former of which
the marriage is stated to have been celebrated. In
short, as a contemporary writer observes, she had then
to bid adieu to the sweet deUghts of study, and the
improvement of her mind, for the less interesting ob
jects of mere worldly arabition.
How far our young female readers wiU agree with

208 LADY JANE GREY,
this, we shall not pretend to say; but Lady Jane, and
we hope they wUl, when so circumstanced, follow her
example, did not allow even raarriage to put a stop to
her mental progress in improvement ; for it was at this
very period that she wrote her third admired letter to
Bullinger, She was forced, however, soon to adopt a
more active political life, though neither by her own
free consent, nor for her own happiness.
In the early part of June, and very soon after the
marriage, Edward's health began rapidly to decline ;
so that Northumberland was, in some measure, obliged
to hasten his plans, perhaps before they had arrived at
their proposed maturity. Indeed, his task was an
arduous one ; for he had not only to engage the dying
monarch's consent, but also the approbation of the
parliament and people.
With respect to the king, his principal apparent
motive was the danger to be feared for the protestant
religion, should the succession, as settled by Henry's
wUl, be allowed to take place, seating Mary on the
throne. This was attacking the royal youth on a
subject near to his heart; and, in fact, the setting
aside of Mary from the succession was now a point of
most important consideration to all those who wished
for freedom of conscience, and for the freedom of Eng
land from all foreign interference : for it is expressly
stated, in a paper drawn up by Sir Richard Moryson*,
* Brit. Mus. Harl. Coll. I. 353, 4.3.

-\ND HER TIMES. 209
that the Emperor of Germany had proceeded to very
extraordinary lengths, " to procure," as he said,
" Ubertie of conscience for die Lady Marie,"
" The emperor findinge all his pceedings against
the Gearmanes rauch stained by thinges done in Eng
lande, was for no other cause so loathe to fale out w*
the French kinge, as that he knew Englande shoulde
therby be at greateste reste, and haue a tyme to
setie thinges of reUgion so begune and aUredie gone
forwarde, that he was in despaire to bringe them backe
againe ; yet that men may alwaies knowe, the divell to
keepe no hoUydayes," — ^he then proceeds to state how
the emperor ordered his '' ambassador lidger in Eng
lande to Kinge Edwarde, that the Lady Mary miglit
haue her conscience free, and thinke aU lawes made
since her fatheres deathe as concemynge religion to
touch her no whyt at aU,"
This, however, the councU chose to oppose; and the
youthful monarch, in supporting their determinations,
displayed a clearness of judgment, and a strength of
mind, honourable to himself, and pati .otic towards his
country. In regard to this affair, a long raeraoir was
drawn up by Sir Richard Morrison, then ambassador
at the imperial court, " shewing the godly and ver
tuous resolution of Kinge Edwarde y" 6, upon y" em
perour's demaund, to have -y'' Ladie Mary, y' kinge's
suster, to be aUowed Ubertie of her conscience in Eng
lande, Ano. 1553." ¦

210 LADY JANE GREY,
On this occasion, both poUtics and religion were
caUed in, to persuade the youthful pruice to swerve
from his resolves : but in vain. Even " two bishopes
were sent to pswade hira ; they did aUedge that there
were good kinges in the oulde testamente, that had
suffered hUl alteres, and yet were praised for good
kinges. He aunswered them roundly, that as exam
ples when they are good, and had Gode to allow
them, are lefte to us to foUowe them ; so are eivell exam
ples set out to showe that they were men, and did faUe
of that pfection which God requirethe in his, to teache
us not to be followers of them, but utterlye to warne
us in any wyse to shunne them."
But it was not sufficient for Northumberland's plans
that Mary should be set aside ; it was necessary that
EUzabeth's clainas should also be annuUed: and he
therefore urged, both to the king and in council, that
if Mary was iUegitimate, so must EUzabeth be also ;
both marriages, of Katharine of Arragon, and Anne
Boleyn, having been dissolved. He therefore showed
to the king, who was at first unwilUng to -wrong his sister
EUzabeth, that either the -wUl of Henry must be al
lowed to stand good in aU respects, thus settUng the
succession on a CathoUc, or else both princesses be set
aside ; since what applied to Mary appUed equaUy to
EUzabeth, With this reasoning the dying monarch was either
convinced or overpowered; and when he observed

AND HER TIMES. 211
that the Duchess of Suffolk would then be die next
heir, he was informed that Jady' bad consented to de
cUne her own right in favour of her eldest daughter,
even though she herself was yet young enough to have
an increase of famUy, and might thus have raale heirs
to claim the crown : which eventual claim, however, as
we shaU presently see, was to be guarded against and
forbidden. Now, under aU circumstances, the only rational way
of guai-ding against such a claim, even had the people
of England consented to the change in the succession,
and to the setting aside of Henry's wiU, would cer
tainly have been for the duchess herself to have filled
the throne : but this would have been to elevate Suf
folk, without any imraediate chance of supreme, yet
concealed, influence for Northumberland ; and accord
ingly the flimsy system of pushing on his daughter-in-
law to the crown was adopted. It is strange that a
man of his poUtical knowledge could have thus been
blinded, by ambition, to the fact that even those who
wished, for conscience sake, to set aside Mary, would
be un-wiUing to adopt a plan that might eventually
lead to civU wars by the birth of male claimants from
the duchess. Yet so it was; at least Northumber
land, if he saw it, was determined to cany his point
in the first instance, either by cajolment or by force.
To state all the steps which he took for that pur
pose is here unnecessary : it is sufficient to record that
p2

212 LADY JANE CRET?,
on the llth of June, Sir Edward Montague, chief
justice of the common pleas, and two of the judges,
with the attorney and solicitor-general, were sent for to
the councU, and required to draw up an assignment of
the crown to Lady Jane.
These judges requested a Uttle time to consider of
it ; and at last answered that they could not presume
to do any such thing without being guilty of high
treason : adding, that all the privy counsellors, who
might consent to such a measure, would inevitably
incur aU the pains and penalties pf the act of succes
sion, already detaUed in a former section.
At this plain answer, Northumberland flew into the
utmost rage, and exhibited the most uncontrollable
fury ; calUng Montague a traitor, and threatening the
other judges so that, as they afterwards declared, they
thought he would have beaten them. They -withstood
aU this for the time, however; but being sent for
again on the 15th, they were so vrrought upon by
Dudley's threats, backed by the promise of a pardon
under the great seal, that they consented to draw up
the proposed settlement, which was then signed by all
the rest of the judges, except Hales, who could not be
prevaUed on to act contrary to the express statute.
The wUl, as it was said, was drawn up by Sir Ed
ward Montague, then lord chief justice of the common
pleas, who afterwards endeavoured to justify himself
to Mary for so doing. In his defence he throws great

AND HER TIMES.

213

blame on the Duke of Northumberland*, whom he
describes as using great tiireats in the council, when
some demur took place as to drawing up the new
articles of succession, which, it was contended, could
not set aside an express act of parUaraent : but to this
objection the young king hiraself answered, that it
was his intention shortiy to call a pai-liament, who
should ratify that which he then wished to be done.
Montague adds, tiiat he himself " was in as great
fear as ever he was in aU his Ufe before, seeing the king-
so eamest and sharpe, and the said duke so angry the
day before, who ruled the whole councill as it pleased
him, and were aU afraid of him, (the more is the pitty)
so that such cowardnesse and feare was there never
seen amongst honourable men, as it hath appeared,"
The purport of the proposed settlement shall be
more fuUy explained when we come to the royal pro
clamation pubUshed in Lady Jane's name : it is suf
fident here to observe, that in the British Museum •)¦
there is " a true coppi of y^ counterfet wUle supposed
to be y* laste wUle and testament of Kinge Edwarde
y^ Sixt, forgede and publishede under y^ great seale of
Englande, by the confederacie of y* Dukes of Suffolke
and Northumberlande, on y^ behalfe of the Lady
Jane, eldest daughter to the said Duke of Suffolke,
and testifiede w* y^ hands erf 101 of y'' cheife of the
* Vide Fuller's Church History, Book viu,
t- Harl, CoU, No, 35, p, 364.

214 LADY JANE GREY,
nobilliti, and princepall men of note of this kingdom ;
dated y« 21 day of June, an" 1553."
After the usual exordium, with professions of re
gard for the commonweal, this instrument notices
the statute of Henry VIII, regulating the succession
to Mary and EUzabeth, in default of Edward and
his issue, subject to limitations by letters patent, or by
a wUl of that monarch (Henry) ; then broadly assert
ing the iUegitimacy of both these princesses, resting
upon the divorces of their respective mothers, it de
clares both of them to be by parliament disabled.
It also makes the objection of these princesses
being but of the half blood to Edward, though it is
evident that their inheritance was from their father,
and not from him ; which is foUowed by another ob
jection in the probabUity of their marrying with fo
reign princes, " to the utter subversion of the common
wealth," , After this foUows a curious assertion, that the
daughters of the Duke of Suffolk, the descendants of
Mary, youngest sister to Henry VIII, are of the
whole blood to Edward by the father's side — an irre
levant plea certainly after the objection to Aa^blood
of the superseded princesses — also that they are "na
turaU borne here within die realm" — " very honor
ably brought upe and exercised in good and godly
learninge, and other noble vertues, so as there is greate
truste and hope to be had in them that they be and

AND HER TIMES. 215
shalbe very well induied to die advancement and set
tyng forthe of our comon welth" — on which consi
derations the wiU goes on to state, that the dying
monarch " doth therefore, upon good deUberation
and advise, herdn had and taken, &c. &c, by these
presents declare, order, assigne, liraett, and appoynte,
that yf it shall fortune us to decease, having no issue
of our body lawefuUy begotten, that then the said im
periali crowne and realm, &c, &c, shall be unto the
eldest sonne of the bodye of the s"* Lady Frauncis
(wife of the Duke of Suffolk and grand-daughter of
Henry VIII,), lawefuUy begotten, being bome into
the world in owr lyfe tyme, and to the heires males of
the bodye of the said eldest sonne," and so from son
to son — ^in default of whom, then to " the Ladie Jane,
eldest daughter of the said Lady Frauncis, &c, &c,"
then to the other sisters ; and, faUing them and their
issue, then to the issue of the Lady Eleanore, sister of
Lady Frances, &c. -with Uraitations of descent as to
priority of sons before daughters, grandsons before
grand-daughters, &c. in each Une.
Beyond these, all the issue of the youngest sister of
Henry VIII. there were no reraainders raentioned;
and the prior claim of Margaret, Henry's eldest sister,
then queen dowager of Scotland, and married to a
second husband, the Earl of Angus, by whom she
had the Lady Margaret Douglas, married to the Earl
of Lennox, and mother of Lord Darnley, was totally

216 LADY JANE GREY,
forgotten, thus leaving out Mary Queen of Scots, the
next claimant, her cousin and future husband, Henry
Lord Darnley, and his brothers and sisters.
The list of subscribing witnesses to this wiU is too
long to be inserted here ; but that the wUl, as here re
corded, is a correct, though not a lawful one, is proved
by annexed certificate to it.
" This is a true coppie of Edward the Sixte his wiU
takene out of the originall under the great seale, w"''
Sir Robart Cottone deUvered to the king's ma"^ the
xij** of ApprU, 1611, at Roystorne, to be canseled."
As to the claim of Margaret, Queen Dowager of
Scodand, Henry's eldest sister, being set aside, there
was one apparent justification in its having been already
negatived by Henry himself, by rirtue of that act of
parUament which aiithorised him to regulate the suc
cession by wUl ; but, as Walpole justiy observes, that
negative not being founded pn natural expedience, it
cpuld be of no force, besides its being additionally in-
vaUdated by his having, by the same authority, yet in
opposition to his own professed principle, settled the
crown preferably on his own daughters*.
Notwithstanding all these conaderations, the lords of
* Such an arrangement, by setting aside Mary of Scotland,
would have excluded James I., and, consequently, the present
royal family from the throne.

AND HER TIMES. 217
the councU set their hands to the assignment in favour
of Lady Jane, with the exception of Cranmer, the pro
testant Archbishop of Canterbury, who was perhaps
unwUUng to bastardize Elizabeth. Indeed he staid
away frora the councU to avoid it; but the young
monarch importuned hun so much that, at length, he
signed it also: yet his unwiUingness in this respect
stood him in no stead with Mary afterwards; who,
doubtiess, knew that it was not his love for her which
influenced him.
Of this affair FuUer gives the foUowing brief sum
mary : " King Edward, tender in years, and weak
-with sickness, was so practised on by the importunity
of others, that, excluding his two sisters, he conveyed
the crown to the Ladie Jane, his kinswoman, by that
wbich we may weU caU the testament of King Edward,
and the will of the Duke of Northumberland. Thus,
through the pious intents of this prince, wishing well
to the reformation ; the reUgion of Queen Marie, ob
noxious to exception; the ambition of Northumberland,
who would do what he Usted ; the simpUcity of Suf
folk, who would be done -with as the other pleased ;
the dutifiUnesse of the Lady Jane, disposed by her
parents ; die fearfulnesse of the judges, not daring to
oppose ; and the flattery of the courtiers, most wiUing
to coraply, matters were made as sure, as man's poUcy
can make that good which is bad in itself. But the
Comraons of England, who for many years had conn'd

218 LADY JANE GREY,
loyalty by heart, out of the statute of succession, were
so perfect in their lesson, that they would not be put
out of it by this new started designe ; so that every one
proclaimed Mary next heir in then conscience."
The death of Edward soon followed, not without
suspicion of foul play, taking place on the 6th of July,
1553 ; an event which is thus detaUed by Rowe in his
ragedy :
Lady J. Wo't thou not break, my heart ! —
Suf. Alas! what mean'st thou ?
Guil. Oh speak!
-Duch. How fares the king ?
Nor. Say, is he dead?
-Lady J. The saints and angels have him.
Duch. When I left hira
He seem'd a Uttle cheer'd.
Lady J. As I approach'd to kneel and pay my duty.
He raised his feeble eyes, and faintly smiUng,
Are you then come.'' he cried; I only lived
To bid farewell to thee, my gentle cousin.
With that he prest my hand, and oh ! — ^he said
When I am gone do thou he good to England,
Keep to that faith in which we both were bred.
And to the end be constant. More I would.
But cannot — There his falt'ring spirits faU'd,
Then sinking on his piUow, -with a sigh
He breathed his innocent and faithful soul
Into his hands who gave it.
Nor. Our grief be on his grave. Our present duty
Enjoins to see his last commands obey'd,
I hold it flt his death be not made kno-wn
To any but our friends. To-morrow early
The council shall assemble at the Tower.

AND HER TIMES.

219

The poet then introduces a scene between Lord
GuUdford and the intended heiress :
Guil. Grood angels minister their comforts to thee I
And oh!
I beg thee, I conjure thee, drive away . '
Those murd'rous thoughts of grief that kill thy quiet.
Restore thy gentie bosom's native peace.
Lift up the light of gladness in thy eyes.
And cheer ray heariness -with one dear sraUe.
Lady J. Yes, GuUdford, I -wiU study to forget
AU that the royal Edward has been to rae.
My private loss no longer wiU I mourn.
But ev'ry tender thought to thee shaU tum;
With patience I'U submit to heav'n's decree.
And what I lost in Edward find in thee.
But oh ! when I revolve what ruins wait
Our sinking altars and the faUing state.
New sorrow to my lab'ring breast succeeds.
And my whole heart for wretched England bleeds.
Guil. My heart sinks in me at her soft complaining.
And ev'ry moving accent that she breathes"
Resolves ray courage, slackens my tough nerves.
And melts me down to infancy and tears.
But the real historical events we raust postpone to
the next section.

220

LADY JANE GREY,

SECTION V.
Domestic Arrangements after Nuptials— Sion House — Literary
Studies pursued— Events on Edward's Demise— Announce
ment of Dudley's Plans — Lady Jane refuses, but finaUy ac
cepts the Crown— Mary's Proceedings in Claim of the Suc
cession — Despatches to Ambassadors at Foreign Courts^-Lady
Jane takes up her Residence in the Tower — Royal Proclama
tion — Observations ' on ditto — Popular FeeUngs — Further
Diplomacy — Remarkable Letter of Northumberland — Rising
in eastern Counties in favour of Mary — Northuraberland
marches with Troops to oppose them— Anecdotes of Lady
Jane — Of the Crown Jewels, &c. — Further Proceedings of
her Nine Days* Reign — DupUcity of the Emperor Charles V.
— DupUcity of the CouncU in the Tower — Meeting of the
Disaffected at Baynard's Castie — Proclaiming of Mary — Lady
Jane deposed — Her Resignation and Fortitude — Declared
a State Prisoner — Separation from her Husband — Anecdotes,
&c, &c.
In the interval between the nuptials of Lady Jane
and the demise of Edward, the young bride had be
come an inmate with the Dudley famUy ; a change of
domestic residence which, perhaps, took place imme
diately after the ceremony, as that was certainly cele
brated at Durham House, the town mansion of North
uraberland. Summer, however, was so far advanced,
that the country had superior charms to those of the
metropoUs ; and, accordingly, a few days afterwards,

AND HER TIMES. 221
the youthful, almost infantine, couple retired to Sion
House, which was then, as now, attached to the title
of Northumberland, having been granted to Dudley
by Edward VI, about twp years previpus.
In this seclusion it is erident that- Lady Jane per
mitted ndther the cares nor the pleasures of matrimony
to put an end to her studies ; for it was frora Sion House
that she wrote her third letter to BulUnger, preserved
in the Ubrary at Zurich, as a meraorial honourable to
the early reformers.
Nor did she forget her duty or attention to her noble
parents, parts of one or two letters to them being still
extant, from which we present our readers -with the
foUowing autograph :
In that venerable edifice of Sion House, she re
mained, we beUeve, untU the death of Edward, on the
6th of July; for the sketch of events given by Rowe
in his tragedy, already quoted, does not appear to
be confirmed by the historical accounts of the young
monarch's last iUness, We may, however, give Rowe's
deUneation of the first interriew that took place be
tween the fond pair, on Edward's will being an
nounced at their mansion :

222 LADY J.-VNE GREY,
Guil. What shaU I say to thee ! what pow'r divine
WiU teach my tongue to tell thee what I feel.
To pour the transports of my bosom forth.
And make thee partner of the joy dweUs there }
Oh my fair one !
Thy Edward shines amongst the brightest stars.
And yet thy sorrows seek him in the grave.
Lady J. Alas, my dearest lord ! a thousand griefs
Beset my anxious heart ; and yet, as if
The burthen were too Uttle, I have added
The weight of all thy cares, and, Uke the miser.
Increase of wealth has made rae but raore wretched.
I tremble, and my anxious heart is pain'd
Lest aught but good should happen to my Guildford.
Guil. Nothing but good can happen to thy Guildford
While thou art by his side, his better angel.
His blessing and his guard.
Lady J. Why came we hither .''
Guil. To thee, my princess.
Whose royal veins are rich in Henry's blood.
With one consent the noblest heads are bow'd ;
From thee they ask a sanction to their counsels.
And from thy heaUng hand expect a cure
For England's loss in Edward,
Lady J. How! from me !
Alas ! my lord — But sure thou mean'st to mock me ?
Guil. No, by the love my faithful heart is fuU of !
But see, thy mother, gracious Suffolk, comes
To intercept my story : she shall tell thee.
For in her look I read the lab'ring thought.
What vast event thy fate is now disclosing.
The poet then describes the duchess as thus ad
dressing her amiable daughter :
Duch. No more complain, indulge thy tears no more.
Thy pious grief has giv'n the grave its due ;
Make room to entertain the coming glory!

AND HER TIMES, 223
For majesty and purple greatness court thee.
Homage and low subjection wait : a crown,
A crown, my daughter, England's crown, attends
To bind thy brows with its imperial wreath.
Lady J. Amazement chUls my veins ! What says my
mother ?
IhLch. 'Tis heav'n's decree : for our expiring Edward,
When now just struggling to his native skies,
Ev'n on the verge of heav'n, in sight of angels
That hover'd round to waft hira to the stars,
Ev'n then declared my Jane for his successor.
LMdy J. Could Edward do this ? could the dying saint
Bequeath his cro-wn to rae? Oh fatal bounty!
To rae ! but 'tis impossible !
Duch. But see, thy father
Northumberland, with aU the councU, come
To pay their vow'd aUegiance at thy feet.
To kneel and caU thee queen.
Lady J. Support me, GuUdford;
Give rae thy aid ; stay thou ray fainting soul.
And help me to repress this gro-wing danger.
But we have not any historical authority to assurae
that the Duchess of Suffolk was the first to announce
the proposed change of fortune : nay, there is reason
to beUeve that even she was unacquainted with the
measures which had been carried in council. Besides
which it seems, as stated by Mr. Nichols, in his Lei
cestershire, and indeed confirmed by concunent testi
mony, that Lady Jane was, to the moraent of open
avowal, if not wholly, yet in a great raeasure, ignorant
of all the transactions which had prepared her way to
the throne : for it is recorded that it was with equal
grief and surprise she received inteUigence of thera. It

224 LADY JANE GREY,
is well and elegantly said, that her heart, fuU of passion
for literature and the elegant arts, and of tenderness
towards her husband, who was deserring of her affec
tion, had never opened itself to the flattering aUurements
of ambition ; and the information of her advancement
to the throne was by no means agreeable to her.
The real fact, indeed, seems to be, that on the death
of the king, the Duke of Northumberland went to
Sion House, accompanied by the Duke of Suffolk, the
Earl of Pembroke, and others of the nobiUty, and ap
proached the Lady Jane with aU the respect usuaUy
paid to the sovereign.
At this first interriew she even refused to accept of
the crown ; pleaded the preferable right of her cousins
Mary and Elizabeth, and expressed the strongest de
sire to remain in that rank of society in which she was
bom, rather than encounter the consequences attendant
on an enterprise so dangerous, and even criminal. But
she had been educated in strict obedience, so that the
entreaties of her father, added to those of Northuraber- .
land, were as commands: it is said, indeed, that these
entreaties had greater force with her than any reasons
/ that were offered ; nor would she perhaps have even
yielded to them, had the tempters not assaUed her in
another way, gaining over to their cause the Lord
GuUdford Dudley; who, dazzled by so brilliant a
destiny, was prevailed on to add the accents of love to
the wiles of ambition — beyond this, female fortitude

AND HER TIMES, X....J
could not be expected to go, and she at lertgtii reUn
quished her own judgment, submitting to tiie wUl of
her relatives and friends.
We have also seen it more particularly stated, by
an author nearly cotemporary, that on this interesting
interriew the Duke of Suffolk, with much Solemnity,
explained to her the disposition which the deceased
monarch had made of the crown in her favour, the
clear sense which the privy councU had of her right,
and the consent of the masistrates and citizens of Lon-
don. AU this he enforced most strongly; and it was
no sooner done than both he and Northumberland fell
upon their knees, and paid their duty to her as Queen
of England. The whole scene produced in Lady Jane
the greatest astonishment; she soon, however, reco
vered her self-possession, and is said to have answered,
not only to the foUo-wing tenor, but as nearly as possible
in the foUowing words. She first declared, that " the
laws of the kingdom, and natural right, standing for
the king's sisters, she would beware of burthening her
weak conscience vrith a yoke which did belong to them;
that she undei-stood the infamy of those who had per
mitted the violation of right to gain a 'sceptre; and
that it was to mock God and deride justice to scruple
at the SteaUng of a shiUing, and not at the usurpatioji
of a crown. Besides," she added, " I am not so young,
nor so litde read in the guiles of fortune, to suffer my
self to be taken by them. If she enrich any, it is but
a

226 LADY JANE GREY,
to make them tbe subject of her spoil; if she raise
others, it is but to pleasure herself with their ruin's ;
what she adorned but yesterday, is to-day her pastime :
and if I now permit her to adom and crown me, I
must to-morrow suffer her to crush and tear me to
pieces. Nay, with what cro-wn does she present me .'
a crown which hath been violently and shamefuUy
v(Tested from Katharine of Anagon, made more un
fortunate by the punishment of Anne Boleyn, and
others that wore it after her ; and why then would you
have me add my blood to theirs, and be the third vic
tim from whom this fatal crown may be rarished, with
the head that wears it 1 But even in case that it should
not prove fatal unto me, and that all its venom were
consumed, if fortune should give me warranties of her
constancy, shoidd I be weU advised to take upon me
these thorns, which would not faU to torment me,
though I were assured not to be strangled with it?
My Uberty is better than the chain you offer me, with
what precious stones soever it be adorned, or of what
gold soever framed. I wiU not exchange my peace for
honourable and precious jealousies, for magnificent and
glorious fetters : and if you love me sincerely and in
good eamest, you will rather wish me a secure and
quiet fortune though raean, than an exalted condition
exposed to the wind, and foUowed by some dismal
fall." The whole of this scene, as painted by the poet, is

AND HER TIMES. 227
so admirable, thpugh not absolutely correct as matter
of history, that apology for its insertion must be totally
unnecessary. Nor. HaU, sacred princess! sprung from ancient kings.
Our England's dearest hope, undoubted offspring
Of York and Lancaster's united Une,
Hail, royal Jane! behold we bend our knees.
The pledge of homage and thy land's obedience ;
With humblest duty thus we kneel, and own thee
Our Uege, our sov'reign lady, and our queen.
Lady J. Oh rise !
My father, rise !
And you my father too !
Rise aU, nor cover me vrith this confusion.
What raeans this mock, this masking show of greatness ?
Why do ye hang these pageant glories on me.
And dress me up in honours not my own ?
Nor. The daughters of our late great master Henry
Stand both by law excluded frora succession.
To make aU flrm.
And fix a power imquestion'd in your hand,
Edward by -wUl bequeathed his cro-wn to you.
And the concurring lords in council met
Have ratify'd the gift.
Lady J. Are crowns and empire
Trifles of "such Ught moment to be left
Like some rich toy.
The pledge of parting friends ? Can kings do thus.
And give away a people for a legacy ?
Nor. Forgive me, princely lady, if my wonder
Seizes each sense, each facvdty of raind.
To see the utmost wish the great can form,
A cro-wn, thus coldly met ; a crown which, sUghted
And left in scorn by you, shaU soon be sought.
And find a joyful wearer, one perhaps
Of blood unkindred to your royal house.
And fix its glories in another Une.
q2

228

LADY JANE GREY,

Lady J. Where art thou now, thou partner of my cares^?
Guil. See, by thy side thy faithful Guildford stands.
Prepared to keep distress and danger from thee.
To wear thy sacred cause upon his sword.
And war against the world in thy defence.
Nor. Oh !
Methinks I see you seated on the throne.
Assembled senates wait with awful dread
To firm your high commands and make 'em. fate.
LMdy J. You tum to riew the painted side of royalty.
And cover aU the cares that lurk beneath.
Is it to be a queen to sit aloft
In solemn duU uncomfortable state.
The flatter'd idol of a servUe court?
Is it to draw a pompous train along,
A pageant for die wond'ring crowd to gaze at ?
Alas, Northumberland ! — my father ! — ^is it not
To Uve a life of care, and when I die
Have raore to answer for before my Judge
Than any of my subjects?
Suf. Behold, we stand upon the brink of ruin.
And only thou canst save us. Persecution,
The flend of Rome and heU, prepares her tortures ;
See where she comes in Mary's priestly train !
StUl wo't thou doubt, tiU thou behold her stalk
Red with the blood of martyrs, and wide wasting
O'er England's bosom ?
GuiL Amidst that ruin
Think thou behold'st thy GuUdford's head laid low.
Bloody and pale 
Lady J. Oh ! spare tbe dreadful image !
Guil. Oh ! would the misery be bounded there.
My Ufe were Uttle ; but the rage of Rome
Demands whole hecatombs, a land of rictims,
Mary shall by her kindred Spain be taught
To bend our necks beneath a brazen yoke.
And rule o'er wretches with an iron sceptre-
Lady .J. Avert that judgment, heaven L

AND HER TIMES.

229

Whate'er thy providence allots for mc.
In mercy spare my country.
Guil. Oh, my queen !
Does not thy great, thy generous heart relent
To think this land, for Uberty so famed,
ShaU have her towery front at once laid low.
And robb'd of aU its glory ?
Lady J. Yes, my loved lord, my soul is moved like thine
At every danger which invades our England;
My cold heart kindles at the great occasion.
And could be more than man in her defence :
But where is my commission to redress ?
Or whence my power to save ? Can Edward's wiU,
Or twenty met in councU, make a queen ?
Can you, my lords, give me the power to canvass
A doubtful tide vrith king Henry's daughters ?
Where are the reverend sages of the law
To guide me with their -wisdoms, and point out
The paths which right and justice bid me tread?
Nor. The judges all attend, and vrill at leisure
Resolve yau every scruple.
Lady J. They expound;
But where are those, my lord, that make the law ?
Where are the ancient honours of the reahn.
The nobles with the mitred fatiiers joined ?
The wealthy commons solemnly assembled ?
Where is that voice of a consenting people
To pledge the universal faith with mine.
And caU me justiy queen ?
Guil. Our foes, aheady
High in their hopes, devote us aU to death :
Haste then and save us, whUe 'tis given to save
Your country, your religion.
Nor. Save your friends !
Suf. Your father !
Duch. Mother!
Guil. Husband !
Lady J. Take me, crown me.

230 LADY JANE GREY,
Invest me with this royal wretchedness ;
Let me not know one happy rainute raore j
Let aU ray sleepless nights be spent in care.
My days be vex'd with tumults and alarms ;
If only I can save you, if my fate
Has mark'd me out to be the pubUc victim,
I take the lot with joy. Yes, I vriU die
For that eternal truth my faith is fix'd on.
And that dear native land which gave me birth.
Guil. Wake every tuneful instrument to teU it.
And let the trumpet's sprightly note proclaim
My Jane is England's queen !
Thy name shaU echo through the rescued isle.
And reach applauding heaven !
Lady J. Oh Guildford ! what do we give up for glory?
For glory ! that 's a toy I would not purchase.
An idle empty bubble : but for England !
What must we lose for that ! Since then my fate
Has forced this hard exchange upon my wUl,
Let gracious heaven aUow me one request :
For that blest peace in which I once did dwell,
AU that I ask is, though my fortune frown.
And bury me beneath this fatal crown.
Let that one good be added to my doom.
To save this land from tyranny and Rome.
That Lady Jane was by no means arabitious of her
royal dignity is confirmed by Dr. Fuller, who says,
that when proclaimed Queen of England, she lifted not
up the least finger to put the diadem upon herself;
but was only contented to sit stiU, whUst others en
deavoured to crown her; or rather, was so far from
biting at the bait of sovereignty, that unwiUingly she
opened her mouth to receive it. Much too, it must
be supposed, was owing to the influence of her hus-

AND HER TIJIES.

231

band, yet a bridegroom, and die honeymoon scarcely
over ; and it is a curious fact, corroborative of this,
that the young Lord GuUdford, in right of his mar
riage, actually assumed the title of " King." This
appears from a note * " that the king (Queen Jane's
husband) had written to the regent of the Lowe Coun
tries, signifying to her Mr. Chamberlayne's revocation,
(i, e. Sir Thomas Chamberlayne's) and desiring her,
in all his affayres, to give audience and fuU credit to
Sir PhUip Hoby."
The friends of Mary, about the court, and even in
the confidence of Northumberland and Suffolk, did
not permit her to remain long ignorant of those pro
ceedings, Mary herself, during part of Edward's
iUness, was at Hunsdon in Hertfordshire ; but, baring
got intelUgence of the new arrangement of the succes
sion, she paid no attention to the mvitation which was
sent to her to come to court to see her expiring bro
ther, being pretty weU conrinced that the invitation
was nothing more than a trick on the part of the con
spirators to get possession of her person for state pur-
poseis. Accordingly she set off, two days before the
royal demise, for KenninghaU in Norfolk ; from whence
she proceeded to Framlingham Castle, in the vicinity
ofthe coast, intending to escape by sea, if necessary:
and her extreme haste and anxiety may be judged
* Brit, Mus, Hari, CoU, No. 523, p. 13.

232 LADY JANE GREY,
frora the fact, that upon this flight, in one day, she rode
forty miles.
The inteUigence of Edward's death did not reach
her untU the 8th ; but it did not find her incUned to
idleness in the assertion of her rights ; for on that day,
as appears by an original letter* she -wrote to Sir
George SomersaU and others, announcing the import
ant news, and commanding them to repair to her, as
their queen, at the raanor of Kenninghall; whither she
meant to return from FramUngham, provided she
found the nobility, gentry, and the people at large,
wUling to embrace her cause.
In the mean time Lady Jane's friends were not idle;
though it is evident, as several historians assert, that
they were so little prepared for the event, so very soon
after the king's consent to the new setdement, that
,they wished to keep his death secret for some days : a
fact which completely does away any suspicion of foul
play, as has been more than once charged upon North
umberland ; added to which, we may state, that it was
not until the 8th of July that Jane made any open
exercise of the regal power, which she then did by the
appointment of the Lord Clinton as constable of the
Tower, Nor was it untU four days after the royal
deraise, that the friends of the youthful queen ventured
to proclaim her ; in the cabinet, however, they were
» Lansdown CoU, No. 1336, 19,

AND HEU TIMES. 233
busily occupied ; and as the hopes of Mary and of her
friends rested much upon the protection and even as
sistance of the Emperor Charles V. it may be both im
portant and interesting to record the proceedings of the
partizans of Lady Jane in that quarter, which we can
do by a copy of the first despatch to tiie EngUsh am
bassadors at the imperial court, written on the 8th of
July*, to the following purport:
" After our verie hartye comendacones wee muste
neede be sorye to write that which coraethe bothe from
us and soothe to you with such extreame sorowe as the
lyke never passid under thes our hands, but suche is
the almyghty wiU of God in all hys creatures, that his
order in tyme may not be by us resysted. In one
worde, wee muste teUe you a great heape of infdycitye;
God hath caUed out of this world our sovereigne lorde
the 6' of this month towards nyghte, whose manere of
deathe was suche towards God as assurethe us that his
soule is in place of etemall joye. The desease whearof
he dyed was off the putrefactyon of the lunges, beyng
utterly uncurable. Of this eviU, for the importaunce
wee advertise you, knovring it to have moste comforte
to have byne therof ignorante. And the same yee may
take tyme to declare to the emperor as from us, which
¦knowing assuredly that his majesty wiU sorowe and
condole with us for the departure and loss of a prince
» Brit, Mus, Cotton, Galba, B. xii, 249.

234 LADY JANE GREY,
of that exceUence, and so deare a brother and frende,
not doubtinge but his majestie -wUl have in remem
brance the auntiente amyfie that hath byne alwayes
betwixte their auncestores, for consyderacyon whearof
yee shall assure him that ther shaU not bee any thinge
lackinge on our pte, but alwayes redynes to observe
and raaintayne the sarae. And so we wishe to us aU
the comforte of Gods Spnite in aU adversetyes. The
CounseUe to Sir PhUlipe Hobby,"
On the 9th of July, Mary wrote to the council, won
dering that in so long a time after her brother's death,
no information had been sent to her, especiaUy since
she was by all law and right to succeed him ; a mea^
sure of good policy, but of which, at present, no notice
was taken : the councU, or at least Lady Jane's friends
in it, being busily engaged; for it was not until the 9th
that aU the superior officers ofthe guard, &c. then at
Greenwich, topk the oaths of allegiance to the new
queen. On the same day Ridley, then Bishop of Lon
don, preached a sermon at Paul's Cross, in which he
expatiated at considerable length on the danger which
would have resulted to the nation and to the protestant
religion, had Mary been allowed to succeed to the
throne. Ridley was indeed active in the cause — more active
than Cranmer ; yet the latter was certainly a member
of Queen Jane's council, though he had opposed the

''37
AND HER TIMES. 2!)u
new settlement — perhaps out of affectipn tpwards
Elizabeth, and regard for his own character and con
sistence witii respect to Kathaiine's divorce, and Eliza
beth's le^timacy, now caUed in question.
On the 10th of July, in the morning, Mary's letters
came to the councU, claiming the crown and their al-
le^ance, a circumstance which seems to have hastened
the measures of Lady Jane's friends ; for it was not
until that day that she openly took upon herself the
royal state and govemment of the kingdom.
It was then usual for the kings of England, after
their accession, to pass the first days of their reign in
the Tower; and thither it was determined that the
new sovereign shoidd proceed from Sion House, where
she still remained. On their way, however, the caval
cade made some stay at Durham House, and from
thence departed for that fortress, not through the city,
but by water. Between four and five o'clock in the
afternoon of that day she made her entry into the
Tower, accompanied by a numerous cavalcade of the
nobUity of both sexes. It has already been noticed as
an extraordinary fact, that her mother, the Duchess of
Suffolk, should have given up a prior claim to the
crown in favour of a daughter ; but it was now even
.jmore remarkable that a woman of her pride, and a
mother of her severity, should actually have con
descended, witb the assistance' of several other ladies
of high rank, to bear up that daughter's train.

aib LADY JANE GREY,
The salutes of ordnance from the Tower batteries,
on this occasion, are described as greater than ever
had been heard before.
«^ Scarcely had the youthful queen assumed her state
in the Tower, when a proclamation was issued ; and
by six o'clock two heralds, with a trumpet, announced
the same to the people, claiming their aUegiance ; first
in Cheapside, and afterwards in Fleet-street.
This proclamation is highly curious*, whether as
referring to Lady Jane, or as matter of history, and
commenced vrith the foUowing exordiura, which fuUy
settles the dates of the foregoing events as related.
" Jane, by the grace of God, Queen of Englande,
Fraunce, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith and of the
Church of England, and also of Ireland, under Christ
on earth the supreme head. To all our loving, faith
fuU, and obedients, and to every of them, greeting.
Where[as] our most dear cousin Edward the Sixth,
late King of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, De
fender of the Faith, and on earth the suj»eme head
under Christ of the Church of England and Ireland,
by his letters patents, signed with his own hand, and
sealed with his great seal of England, bearing date the
21st day of June, in the 7th year of his reigne, in the
presence of the most part of his nobles, his counseUors,
judges, and divers other grave and sage personages,
* Brit, Mus. Lansdown, 198.

AND HER TIMES. 237
for the profit and suiity of the whole realme thereto
assenting, and subscribing then- names to the same,
hath by the same his letters patents resited that," &c.
This document then notices the various state reasons
for the raaintenance of order, and goes on to announce,
that " * For as much as the imperiaU crowne of this
realme, by an acte made in the xxxv yeare off the
reigne off the late kinge of worthy memory, Kinge
Henrye the VIII, our progenitor and great uncle, for
lacke off issue off his bodye lawfuUy begott, and for
lacke off issue off the bodye off our sayd late cosyn
Kinge Edwarde the VL** by the same acte Umited and
appoynted to remayne to the Lady Marye, by the
name of the Lady Marye, his eldest daughter, and to
the heires of her body lawfuUy begott, and for the de-
faulte of suche issue the remander therof to the Ladye
EUsabeth, by the name of the Ladye EUsabeth, his
second daughter, and to the heires of her body law
fuUy begotten, -with suche condicions as should be limited
and appointed by the sayd late kinge of worthy me
mory, Kinge Henry the Eight, our progenitour and
great uncle, by his letters patents under the greate seale,
or by his last wiUe in vrritinge, signed with his hand.
And, forasrauch as the sayed Uraitacion of the iraperiall"^
crowne of this realrae, being Uraited as is aforesayed to
the sayed Lady Mary and Lady Elisabeth being Ule-
* Brit, Mus. Cotton. Dul. F. vi. 194.

238 LADY JANE GREY,
gitimate, and not IjcwfuUy begotten, for that the mar
riage had betweene the sayd late kinge, Kinge Henry
the VIIL, our progenitour and great uncle, and the
Lady Katherine, mother to the sayd Lady Mary; and
also the marriage had betweene the sayd late kinge,
Kinge Henry VIII., our progenitour and great uncle,
and the Lady Anna, raother to the sayd Lady Elisa
beth, were clearly and lawfuUy undone by sentences of
devorces, according to the word of God, and the eccle
siastical lawes, and which sayd severall devorcements
haue been severally ratified and confirmed by authority
off parliament, and especially in the xxxiii yeare of
the reigne off Kinge Henry the VIIL, our progenitour
and great unde, remaininge in force, strength, and
effect, wherby as well the sayd Lady Mary, as also the
sayd Lady EUsabeth, to aU intents and purposes, are,
and been thearby disabled to aske, claime, or chalenge
the said imperiaU crowne, or any other off the honours,
castels, manoures, lordshipps, lands, tenements, or
other heridetaments, as heire or heires to our sayd late
cosin Kinge Edwarde the VI., or as heire or heires to
any other person or psons whosoever, as weU for the
cause before rehearsed, as also for that the sayd
Lady Mary and EUsabeth were unto our sayd late
cosin but of the halfe bloud, and therfore by the aun-^
cient lawes, statutes, and customes of this realme be
not inheritable unto our sayd late cosin, although they
had been borne in lawefull matrimony, as indeede they

AND HER TIMES. 939
were not, as by the sayd sentences of devorce, and dip
sayd statute off the xxriU yeare off the reigne off our
Kinge Henrie the VIII. our sayd progenitoure and
great uncle, plainly appereth ; and forasrffiache also as
it is to be thought, or at the least muste be doubted
that iff the sayd Lady Mary or Lady EUsabeth
shoude herafter haue and injoye the sayd imperiaU
crown of this realme, and shoulde happe to many vrith
any strainger borne out off this realme, that the sayed
strainger havinge the govemment and the imperiali
cro-wne in his hands would adhere and practise, not
only to bringe this noble free realme into the tyrannie
and serritude of the Bishopp off Rome, but also to
haue the lawyes and customes of his or their owne
natiue countrye or countryes, to be practised and put
in use -within this realrae*, rather than the lawes, sta
tutes, and customes here of long time used, wherupon
the title of inheritance of aU and singular the subjects
of this realrae do depend, to the peril of conscience,
and the utter subversion of the coraraon weele of this
realme. • Wherupon our said late dere cosin, weighing
and considering with himself what waies and meanes
were most convenient to be had for the stay of the said
succession in the said imperial cro-wne, if it should
please God to caU our said late coan out of this transi-
* The first of this proclamation is preserved as spelt in the
original; the remainder is copied from No, 198, ofthe Lans
down MSS. in the British Museum.

LADY JANE GREY,
tory life, having no issue of his body, and calling to
his remembrance that we and the Lady Katherine and
the Lady Marie, our sisters, being the daughters of
the Lady Fraunces, our natural mother, and then and
yet wife to our natural and most loving father, Henrie
Duke of Suffolk, and the Lady Margaret, daughter of
the Lady EUenore then decsd, sister to the said Lady
Fraunces, and the late wife of our cosin Henrie, Erie
of Cumberland, were very nigh of his grace's bloud,
of the part of his father's side, our said progenitoure
and great uncle, and being naturaUie born here within
the realme, and for the very good opinion our said late
cosin had of our, and our said sisters and cosin Mar
garet's good education, did therfore upon good de
Uberation and adrise hearein had and taken, by his
said letters patents dedare, order, assign, Umit, and
appoint, that if it should fortune himself, our said late
cosin King Edward the 6th to deceese, having no issue
of his body lawfuUie bigotten, that then the said im
periaU crowne of England and Ireland, and the confines
of the same, and his title to the crowne of the realme
of Fraunce, and all and singular honours, castles, pre
rogatives, privUedges, preleminaries, authorities, juris
dictions, dominions, possessions, and hereditaments, to
our said late cosin, King Edward the 6th, or to the
said imperiali crowne belonging, or in any wise apper
taining, should, for lack of such issue of his body re
main, come and be unto the eldest sonne of the body of

AND HER TIMES.

;,'41

the said Lady Fraunces lawfuUie begotten, and so from
Sonne to sonne, as he should be of auncientye in birtii,
of the body of the said Lady Fraunces lawfuUy be
gotten, being born into the world in our said late
cosin's lifetime, and to the heires males of the body of
every such sonne la-wfuUie begotten: and for default
of such Sonne borne into the world in his lifetime, of
the body of the said Lady Fraunces, lawfuUie be
gotten, and for lack of heires males of every such sonne
la-wfulUe begotten, that then the said imperiali crowne,
and aU and singular other the premisses should reraain,
come, and be to us, by the name of the Lady Jane,
eldest daughter of the said Lady Fraunces, and to the
heires male of our body lawfiUly begotten, that then
the said imperial crowne, and all other the premissesy
should remaine, come, and be to the said Lady Ka
therine, our said seeond sister, and to the heires raaleS
of the body of the said Lady Katherine lawfuUy be
gotten, -with divers other remainders, as by the same
letters patents raore plainly at large it may and doth
appear. Sithens the niaking of which letters patents,
that is to say, on Thursday, which was the sixt day of
this instant month of July, it hath pleased God to call
to his infinite mercy our said raost dere and entirely
beloved cosin Edward the 6th, whose soul God pardon,
and forasrauch as he is now deceased, haring no heires
of his body begotten, and that also there remaineth at
this present time no hdres lawfully begotten- of the

242

LADY JATJE GREY,

body of our said progenitom- and great uncle, Kmg
Henrie theight, and forasmuch also as the said Lady
Fraunces, our said mother, had no issue male begotten
of her body, and bom mto the world in the Ufetime
of our said cosin King Edward the Sixth, so as the said
imperiaU crowne, and other the premisses to the same
belonging, or in anywise appertaining, now be, and
remaine to us in our actual and royal possession, by
auctority ofthe said letters patents : Wee do therefore,
by these presents, signify unto all our most loring,
faithfuU, and obedient subjects, that Uke as we for our
part shaU, by God's grace, shew ourselves a most
gracious and benigne soveraigne queene, and lady
to all our good subjects, in aU their just and law
fuU sutes and causes, and to the uttermost of our power
shaU preserve and maintaine Goddes most hply word,
christian poUty, and the good lawes,. customs, and
libties of these our realms and dominions ; so we mis
trust not, but they and every of them, will again, for
their partes, at aU times and in aU cases, shew them
selves unto us their natural Uege queene and lady,
inost faithfuU, loving, and obedient subjects, according
to their bounden duties and aUegiaunces, whereby they
^aU please God, and do the thing that shaU tend to
their own preservations and sureties : wilUng and com
manding aU men of aU estates, degrees, and conditions
to see our peace and accord kept, and to be obedient
to our lawes, as they tender our favour, and wiU an-

AND HER TIMES.

243

swer for the contrary at their extreme perils. In mt-
ness wherof we have caused these our letters to be
made patents. Witness ourself at our Towre of Lpn
don, this tenth day of Julie, in the first yere of our
reigne, " God saue the Queene."
If the objects of Jane's friends had merdy been the
support of the reformed religion, the probability of
success, as to setting Mary aside, would have been
much greater, if tiiey had offered the crown to Eliza
beth, than to their own nearer relative.
But if the Duchess of Suffolk had then bome a
son, it is also more than probable that Northumberland
would never have thought of aggrandizing that line,,
except indeed that he could thus have matched a
daughter into the Grey famUy. At all events, it is
erident, that the charge of illegitiraacy against Mary
and Elizabeth carae with a very Ul grace from the par
tizans of the Lady Jane ; for, as Walpole fairly ob
serves, Charles Brandon, father of the Duchess of Suf
folk, had married one woman whUe contracted to an
other, but was divorced to fulfil his promise ; and the
repudiated wife was living when he married Mairy
Queen of France, by whom he had the Duchess, But
even if the first raarriage of Brandon should be legaUy
deemed nuU, stUl no such plea could be made in fa-
Tourof his daughter the Duchess Frances herself; for
R 2

^^^' LADY JANE GREY,
Henry, Duke of Suffolk, the father of Lady Jane,
was actuaUy mamed to the sister of tiie Eari of Arun
del, whora he divorced, without the least grounds, to
make room for his] marriage with the Lady Frances*.
But after aU, as the dvilians of that day did not im
pugn the marriage, we must consider that the previous
'divorce was consonant both to canon and to statute
law. We find it recorded in Strype that there seemed no
opposition nor murrauring against this proclamation,
when thus made, except that a young man, a vmtner's "
apprentice, had the boldness to speak some few words
in favour of the Lady Mary's true right and titie, for
which he was nnmediately taken up, and the next day,
at eight o'clock in the morning, set on the pUlory, and
had both his ears cut off. During this punishment an
herald was present and a trumpet blowing ; and when
it was over, the offender was taken down, and recom-
raitted to the Corapter prison.
HoUinshed, speaking of this event, thinks it not be-,
neath the dignity of history to record that the culprit's
narae was GUbert Pot, drawer to Ninioii Sanders,
* We have aheady recorded that the legitimacy of Brandon's.
marriage was substantiated in one of EUzabeth's parUaments:
but the point as to Dorset has never been positively cleared up.
It is not now of any great consequence, as the heirs of Henry's
eldest sister Margaret are too numerous for any chance of his
sister Mary's heirs claiming the throne of England, Mary's claims
are now vested in the present Marchioness of Buckingham.

AND HER TIMES,

245

vintner, dweUing at St, John's Head, withui Ludgate.
He adds, that he was accused by his said master, and
then says, that about five o'dock of the same day, in
the aftemoon,^ Ninion Sanders, and John Owen, a
gunner, coming from the Tower by water in a wherry,
and shooting London-bridge, towards the Blackfriars,
were drowned at St. Mary Locke, and the wherrymen
saved by their oars.
But we must not omit what is said by Bishop God
win, who, in his history of this period, speaks with
great apparent candour, and seems worthy of credit.
He describes Lady Jane as about sixteen, not un
handsome, learned beyond imagination, ofa mosta.cute
wit, and for prudence, even at that age, superior to her
sex ; extremely pious ; devoted to the refonned faith ;
and so far from aspiring to the honour confened on
her, that she took the regaUa vrith tears ; so that it
plainly appeared she was compeUed to ascend the
throne by the importunities of her parents and friends,
directly contrary to her own inclinations. But, he adds,
that when she passed through the city to the Tower,
she was not saluted -with any acclamations, though vast
crowds flocked about her, drawn rather, it seemed, to
gratify their curiosity than to express their joy; and
this, he says, was the first omen which encouraged
Mary's friends to the resolution of making some at
teinpt in her behalf, when a proper occasion should
xiffer. For, though they were awed from any imme-

246 LADY JANE GREY,
diate motion by the presence of the Duke of North
umberland, whom he designates a man of the sharpest
discemment and deepest poUtics, yet they hoped, if
they could by any meanf hereafter get hira to a di
stance, they raight then be able to effect something
favourable. ,
When Queen J^ne arrived at the Tower, all the
lords of the councU, and other state oificers, were or
dered to attend her in the fortress ; a measure of double
policy — not only showing to the people the assent of
the higher classes, but also securing the latter in some
measure as prisoners, leaving them no apparent alter
native bux to obey the wUl of Northumberland *-
On the foUovring day, the llth of July, the lords of
the council wrote to the comraissioners, then in Flan
ders negotiating the treaty of peace, a copy of which
despatch is in the British Museum, and is highly Ulus
trative of the politics of this short and unhappy usurpa
tion ; for such it certainly was, however possible that it
might have finaUy been sanctioned by the nation as to the
exclusion of Mary, in regard to the protestant religion.
* Though the new queen had, according to ancient custom,
and perhaps from present policy, taken up her abode in the
Tower ; yet she began, even now, to prepare for a change of re
sidence, appointing Sir Ambrose Dudley, K. G., to be keeper of
her palace at Westminster ; to whom there is an order extant,
of this day's date, for twenty yards of velvet, twenty-flve ells of
HoUand cloth, and thirty and three-quarters eUs of coarser cloth.-
a degree of exactness which marks the siraple, nay, penurious,
manners of the times.

AND HER TIMES. 247
But it must not be forgotten, that Elizabeth was a
Protestant, though her heir apparent, Mary of Scot
land, was a Catholic. But even in default of Mary of
Scotland, tiiere was another and a prior claim to that
of Lady Jane, the claira of Margaret, Countess of
Lennox, daughter of Margaret, eldest sister of Henry
VIIL, together with her issue.
Had not tiiose prior and protestant -Clairas existed,
the nation raight have had more reason to regret the
fatal issue of the arabitious poUcy of Suffolk and
Nordi umberiand.
The despatch alluded to says, " After our harty
comraendacions, ye shall learne by this bearere, Mr.
SheUeye, and by suche letters as ye shaU receave from
the queenes highnes, our soveraigne ladye Queene
Janne, which coppy of suche letteres ar hir, ye ar
sendythe to the emperoure, what ys the cause of thyg
message nowe sent to you, and what yt is that ys now
to be done by you theare ; first, the signifycacion of our
soverayne lord's death; next, the possession of the
queene's highnes in the crowne of thys realm ; thirdUe,
the placynge of you Sir PhUUp Hobbye, knight, as
ambassadoure theare resident ; fourthUe and laste, the
offer for your remayning theare to proceed yn the
treatie of the peace, yff it shaU soe lyke the emperoure.
Furthermore, ye shaU understand that although the
Lady Marye bathe byne written unto from us to re
mayne quiete, yet neverthelesse wee see hir not so

248 LADY JANE GREY,
Waye the matter that yff she myghte she -wuld d5.
sturbe tbe state of this reelme, havinge thereunto as
yet no maner apparaunt of helpe or comforte but onlie
the connizaunce of a fewe lordes and base people : aU
other the nobyllytye and gentylmen remaynynge in
theyr dutyes to our soveraigne ladye Queene Jane.
And yet, nevertheless, because the condyssiones of the
basser soarte of people is understood to be unruly yff
they be not govemyd and kept in ordere, thearfore for
the meetyng with aU events, the Duke of Northum-
berlande's grace, accompanyed with the Lorde Marquis
of Northampton, proceedeth -with a convenient power
into tbe pai'tyes of Norfolke,' to keepe thos countryes
in stay and obedyence, and because the eraperor's am-
bassadores heare remaynynge shall on this mattere of
the poUecie not intermedle, as it is very lykly they wiU
aild doe dyspose themselves, the Lord Cobham and
Sir John Masone repairethe to the same ambassadores,
to give them notice of the* Ladye Maryes proceedynge
againste the state of this realme, and to put them in
remembrance of the nature of theyre office, which is
notte to medle in theis causes of pollecie, nether direedy
nor indirectiy, and soe to charge them to use themselves
as they give noe occasione of unkyndnes to be mynestred
unto them, whereass wee wold be moste sorrye for the
amitie, which one our parte, wee meane to conserve
and maintaine. And for that grace the ambassadores
her shall advertise thether what is said to them. Ye

AND HEE TIMES. 249
shal therefore declare to the Emperore bothe the cause
of this message to his ambassadores, and what the verie
message is, usynge it in suche soarte as thearby as the
amytie may beste bee preserved. The xi"* of July,
1553. The CounseUe to the Comissioneres,"
This ofiicial document was foUowed up, on the en
suing day, by royal instructions to the commissioners,
as letters of credence, which also deserve notice here ;
and to which we prefix a fac-simUe of her sign manual.

f'lfie'6^

" Trusty and weU beloved, — Wee greete you well.
It hath so pleased God of his proridence^ by the caU-
inge of our most deare cossine, of famos memory, Kinge
Edward the VI"", out of this life, to our very natural
sonowe, that we be bothe by our s'd cossenes lawfuU
determination in his lifetirae, -with the assente of the
nobUly tye and state of thys our realme, and also as hys
lavriuUe heir and successore in the whole blode royelle,
possessed of this our realme of England and Ireland.
Wherfore wee have presently sente to our goode bro-
there the emperore this present beaner hearoff, our
trusty servant Mr, Richard SheUey, with lettres of
recommendation and credence from us, therby signify-
inge unto hym as weU the sorowfuUe deathe of our s'd

250 LADY JANE GEEY,
cossene the king, as also our successyone in the crowne
of this reahne, motioninge unto our good brother the
continuance in suche amitie and league as otir s'd cos
sene and predecessore had with him ; for which purpos
wee have furthermore signified by our sayd letteres, not
only our ordres that you. Sir PhiUipe Hobby, shal
theare remayne and reste with our s'd good brother
the emperor, as oure ambassadore residente, prayynge
him to give you credite appertaynyne to suche an office,
but also that for the lyke zeile and desire wee have to
the weaUe of Christendome, as our s'd cossene Kinge
Edward badd, wherin we doe count to foUow his steppes,
wee have given order that ye, the whoU number of our
ambassadores shal theare remajme to contynewe to dweU
in the former comyssyon which ye had from oure aun-
cestore the kinge, yff it shaU pleyse our s'd good bro
ther, the coppy of which our lettres wee send to you
hearwith, for your more araple understandynge of our
determinacion, which considered and pondered, wee
wolde yee made y^ moste speedy coursse to our s'd good
brother, and in order to execute the matteres contayned
in the sayd letteres of y" parte to be declared — firste,
the signifycacon of the deathe of our sayd auncestore
and cossene the kinge, whearoff as wee by nature
muste take greate grieffe, soe wee doubte not but our
sayd good brodier will for frendshyppe and greate
amytie sorrowe and condole with us ; next, that you.
Sir PhiUipe Hobby, have expresse ordere thear to re-

AND HER TIMES. 251
side and attend uppon our good brother as our myne-
ster for the cpntynuance and the entertaynemente of
the intelygence and firme amytie heretofore had and
concluded betwixte our sayd auncestore and cossene
the kinge and our sayd good brother, the maintenaunce
whearoff wee with the assente of our nobiUitye and
counseUe doe muche dessire, and for our pte wUl not
faUe but confirme and maintaine the same. In thirde,
yee shaU shewe to our sayd good brother, that as wee
doe by God's good proridence succeede to our sayd
auncestore and cossene King Edwarde the VI* in this
our crowne and dominiones, so do wee also fynde in
our harte and mynde the verye dissen te and inheritaunce
of his most Chrystyane devotyone and affectyon to
the coraonweaUe of Chrystendome, which raovethe us,
with the adrice of our nobyUitye and counseUe, to offere
to our sayd good brothere the ministry and oflice df
you cur ambassadores, to remayne theare and pceed in
the forraer comyssyon for the consylyacon of some good
peace betwixte our s'd good brothere and the Frenche
king, wherin wee reffere our good purpos and meaninge
to the mynde and contentacon of our s'd good brothere.
This donne, whatsoever our good brother shall aun-
swere, ye maye thearunto replye as ye thynke expe-
diente, tendinge to the contynuance of our auncestores'
amytie, with an addition that yee forthwithe reporte
unto us. For the reste of the proceeding hearoff, ye

252 LADY JANE GREY,
shal understand by the bearer, to whom we wold ye
shold give credits Given undere our signate, at our
Towere of London, xij* of July, 1553,"
' Such was the foreign state policy of the new reign;
but the general tenor of the despatch manifests con
siderable doubt as existing in Northumberland's mind
in regard to the emperor's future proceedings. At
home too he must have felt great doubt and mistrust ;
he was very active, however, not only in the councU
but in the closet, and exerted himself to gain over the
distant nobUity to his fair daughter's cause, A speci
men pf this may be found in the foUo-wing copy of the
rough draft of an address, in his own hand--writing,
which we give, as nearly in a fac-simUe manner as pps-
sible, with aU its interlineatipus and erasures, marking
thereby more strongly the actual state of feeling in his
mind at the moment. The original itself, which is in
a state of exceUent preservation, is a most interesting
docuraent, carrying back the eye and raind, as it were
by enchantraent, over so many centuries.^
" Ryght trusty and ryght weU beloved Counslrs, —
Wee grete you weU, and desyr the same, that wheras
yt hathe pleased (Almighty" — interlined) " God to
call to his mercy out of this lyfe our dearest cousyn
the kyng yur late soveryn lorde. By reson wherof.

AND HER TIMES, 253:
and such ordynanceys as die sayd late kynge dyde
establysh in hys lyfe tyrae, for the securitie and wel
fare of thys realrae, we are enteryd into our ryghtful
possessyon of thys kingdome, as by the (last wiU of
our sayd derest cosin our late auncestor, and other "^
interUned) " severall uistruments to that effect, signed
with his owne hande, and sealyd with the greate seale
of this realm {England'''' — obUterated) " in his o-wne
presence, and the nobles of this realm for the most pte,
and aU our counseU and judges, with the , , . . and all
.... of the ryte of landes and suche other , . , . use-
ages of this our realra of England — ^have allso sub-
scrybed theyr names, as by the same -wiU and testament
it may now evydently and doeythe apere ; now ther
fore do you understand that by the .... and suffer-
ance of the heavenly Lorde, and by the assent and
consent of the sayd nobles and counseUors, and otherg
before signifyed, wee do this day make our entry into
our Towere of London as ryghtfuU quene of thi^
realm, and have accordingly sett forthe our proclama-
tion to all our loving subiects, givyng theyra therby to
understand the same as theyr dvU^ve of aledgauncp
which they now of ryght owe unto us, as most amply
shaU be shewn herafter, nothing doubtinge, rygh);
trusty and weU beloved counslr, but that you wyU en
deavour yrselfe in aU things to the uttermost of your
power, not only to defend for our use, but aUso assist

LADY JANE GREY,
us in our ryghtfull possessyon of this kingdome, and to
disturbe, repel, and resyste, the fayned and untrew
clayme of the Lady Mary, bastard daughter to our
gfate unde Henry the Eight, of famous memory.
Wherin as ypu shaU, and that w* to your hous'' truthe
and duty aptayneth, so shaU we quitt and shew unto
you and yours accordingly. At our mansion of  ""
As no place of residence was here named, it is pro
bable that a rempval to Westrainster was in contem
plation, prorided any general expression of the pubhc
feeling should sanction it, and render the enforced de
tention, for such it was, of the councU in the Tower no
longer necessary. But no such feeUng did manifest
itself; and as early as the 12th of July, perhaps the day
previous, as appears from the despatch to Sir P. Hoby
already given, news was brought that the counties of
Norfolk and Suffolk had declared in favour of Mary ;
when Northuraberland and his friends determined upon
raismg forces with aU possible speed, that they raight sur
prise Mary, and bring her to town a prisoner. To ac
compUsh this the Duke of Suffolk, it has been stated, was
to have taken the command ; but Bishop Godwin, who
certainly must have known the fact, asserts, that those
in the councU, at the Tower, who privately favoured
Mary, influenced Lady Jane to keep her father near
her, and to send Northumberland on the expedition,

AND HER TIMES. 255
urging to her that he, haring so lately reduced die
Norfolk rebels, under Ket, would do more by the ter
ror of his name, than the other could by his arms or
counsd, or any other way ; tiiey also pointed out to
her, that her own father was the most proper guardian
for a daughter ; and as to any doubts of the city, they
added, that her councU were at hand to govem it with
their usual wisdora and fideUty.
Influenced by these reasons, Lady Jane, we are told,
pleaded the sarae to Northuraberland; but she had
considerable difficulty to persuade him to the raeasure,
as he foresaw the probabUity ^tiiat his presence must be
much more important" in to-wn than in the proposed
expedition. He was, however, finaUy persuaded ; and
on the 13 til of July marched out of London with an
army of six thousand men, preparations haring been
previously made to array tiie forces ; in furtherance of
which, on the night of the 12th three carts were sent
to the Tower, which were there laden -with ordnance
of aU kinds, consisting of great guns and small, bows,
biUs, spears, morice pikes, arrows, gunpowder, victuals,
tents, gunstones, &c, — a spedes of raiUtary preparation,
but most certainly which, in quality and in extent, ap
pears almost ludicrous at the present day.
As Northumberland was marching through the city,
he tumed to the Lord Grey de Wilton, who was with
him, and desired him to observe the crowds that
pressed to see their march; " Yet," said he, "in all

256 LADY JANE GREY,
this raultitude, ray lord, you do not hear one wish us
prosperity." Hollinshed, speaking of this transaction, says, that
Northumberland was persuaded to the measure " by
the speciaU means of the Ladie Jane his daughter;
who, taking the matter heavUie, with weeping teares,
made request to the whole counceU that hir father
raight tanie at home in hir companie." He adds, that
after the council had urged various reasons to North
umberland — " finaUie, said they, this is the short and
the long, the quene wUl in no -wise graunt that hir
father shaU take it upon him" — " then went the coun
ceU in to the Ladie Jane, and told hir of their con
clusion, who humbly thanked the duke for. reserving
hir father at home" — a. favour which he certainly
granted her in opposition to his better judgment.
Indeed Northumberland seems to have had great
suspicions of the fidelity of the Londoners from the
very first ; for no sooner had Lady Jane been pro-
cl^med, as we have before noticed, than the lord ad
miral. Lord CUnton, was made constable of the Tower,
who instandy mounted guns, all ready for serrice,
upon aU the bastions and batteries.
Yet Jane herself so far got the better of her fears as
to exercise several of the personal rights belonging to
her assumed station ; for it appears, that on the 12th
of July she received frora the Marquess of Winchester,
then lord treasurer of the household, various of the

AND HER TI.MES. 257
crown jewels, pieces of gold and silver, some cash,
bopks, and even some articles fo'- her wardrobe *.
If a little personal vanity should have entered into
this arrangement, though it was certainly in opposition
to her previously declared feelings and opinions, some
excuse may liberaUy be made on the plea of extreme
youth: besides urging the possible influence of her
husband : for, as we shall presently see. Lord Guild
ford also received various things from the lord treasurer.
* But, unwiUing as Lady Jane was to usurp the crown, and
with die raoderation and good sense which she possessed, it is
not probable that the trappings of royalty had any particular
charms for her; though she was obUged to assume that state
which she coveted not, and to avaU herself of the crown jewels
for that purpose. It may serve to mark the manners of those
times, if we here insert a Ust of the articles which were two days
afterwards deUvered to her, as specified in the original order : —
" a fyshe of golde, being a toothe pyk ; a like pendent, haring
one great perle, and ui litle perles at it : one dewbery of gold ;
a colet with v perles, and a counterfit stone : a newte of silver
white ; a tablet with a white saphire and a blewe, and ballesse
and a perle pendaunt ; a tablet of golde, hanged by a chaine,
-with a Sainct Jones heade, and viii flots perles ; a tablet of a
picture of our Ladie of Piti in a blew stone ; a paire of beads of
white purslayn, with viu gawdes of golde : viu gawdes of golde,
and a tassel of Venice golde; beads of golde crymery worke;
buttons of gold of crymery worke ; six pursses hangers of silver
and gUt ; v smaU agathes, with stars graven on them ; perles in
rondels of gold between pivots of perles, pipes of golde ; a paire
of brasselets of flagon, chayne with jacinths ; buttons of golde
crymery worke, in every button six perles ; xxx small turkesis
little worthe ; xiiu table diamaunts set in collets of golde : an
abUlyament of goldismithes worke ; another abillyament, with
xu table diamaunts set in golde; xliu damaskin buttons; a
cloake of damasked worke, booke fashun," s

258 LADY JANE GREY,
Great anxiety was now felt by Jane's councU for the
success of their diplomatic appUcation at the imperial
court, where, indeed, they had very little chance of
success, as appears from the double line of policy
which the emperor's ministers were evidently pursuing.
To illustrate this we shall introduce a letter, which, on
the 15th of July, the commissioners in Flanders wrote
to the privy councU, to the following effect :
" Pleesythe it your good lorsliippes. The xiiij'' of
this presente, Don Diego found me Sir PhiUipe Hobby
and me Sir Richard Morysone, walkyne in our hostes
gardene, and at his first coraynge to us .enterid into a
longe talke howe rauch he was bounde to owe his good
wille and service to Englande, and therfor he could
not but at one time both sorrowe with us for the losse
of our good old mastere, a prince of such vertue and
towardnesse, and also rejoyse with us that our master,
jvhich is departed, did, ere he wente, provld us of a
kynge, in regard wee had so rauch cause to rejoyse
in; he raade his excuse that he had come to us the
daye before, layenge the staye therof in De Arras, for,
said he, when I told him I wolde come to you, and
shewe me a ptaker of both your sorrowes and gladnes,
-with mynde tp ofi'er to the kinges majestie by you both
of as muche serrice as could lye in mee, and of as
muche as my frends. and kynsmen were able to doe in
case De Arras did thinke suche my office would not

AND HER TIMES. 259
offend the emperor my master ; De Arras advyse was
that I shold for a seeson differe my going unto you,
which as I did somwate againste my -vrill, so I and
mine were very glad that so I dide, for he tellethe mee
nowe I may come to you and sorrowe with you, and
rejoice -with you, and make all the offeres that I canne
to the kyng's majestie, for I shall not only not offend
liim in so doinge, but I shall muche please his majestie
ther-vridi. And therfor saithe hee do I and sorye that
you lose so good a kynge, so doe much I rejoyse that
ye haue so noble and so towai-de a prince to succeede
him, and I promyse ye, by the worde of a gentleman,
I wolde at all tymes serve his highnesse my selfe, and
as many as I shall be able to bringe with me, yff' the
emperor did calle 'me to serve him. We sayd we had
hitiierto reseaved the sorrowefuUe newese, but the
glad tydyns -wear not as yet come unto us by no let
teres. Wee weare glad to heare this muche, and wishe
that we weare able to telle him aU howe thinges -went
at home. Saythe hee, I cane telle you thus muche.
The kyng's majestie, for discharge of his consyence,
-writ a good peece of his testamente with his owne
hande, barrynge bothe his systeres of the crowne, and
leavynge it to the Lady Jane, neere to the French
Queene. Whether the two daughteres be bastarde or
noe, or whie it is done, wee that be straungeres haue
nothinge to doe with the mattere. You are bounde to
obaye and serve his majestie, and therefor it is reesone
s2

S.GO LADY JANE GREY,
we take him for your king, whom the consente of the
nobles of your countrie haue declared for your kinge
(and sayth he), for my pte off all others am bounde to
be glade that his mjstie is sette in this offyce, I was;
his godfather, and wold as willingly spend my blood in
his service as any subjecte that he bathe, as long as I
shall see the emperor, my master, so wUUng to embrace
mjties amytie, Don Francisson de Este, generaU of
aU the footmen ItaUyanes is gone to his charge in
mylland, who, at his departure, made the lyke offere, as
long as his mastere and owres shold be frendes, which he
trusted should be ever ; praynge us at our returne to
uttere it to the kinges majesty, and thus wUl humbly
take our leave of your honores. From the coiiiis-
syoneres att Bruxelles, the xv"* of July, 1553, to th©
counsell." This was followed up, two days afterwards, by a
similar despatch :
" Pleese it your lordshippes, the xvi"" of this month,
wee declared to the emperor our hevie and sorrowfuUe
neweis,- cttynge forthe, after that, your lordshippes
assurede good wiUes and redynes att all tymes to ob
serve and maintayne the araytyes which hathe beene
all wayes betwixte the realrae of Englande and this
off Burgundy, and other the emperor's domvnyones
accordynge to your lordshippes pleasures, sygnifycd

AND UKR TlJlES. 261
unto US ill yours of the 9'' day of this present month,
for aunswere Avheerunto the emperor sayd that he was
rvglite sorie, for his pte, of this hevie ucwes, wlicarby
he greved the losse of suclic a brother and so goode a
frende, bothe to hira and to his contryes, and con
syderynge that he was of such a greete towardness,
and of such a hope to -doe good, and bee a staye to
chrystendome, his losse was so muche the greatere;
.and usid in diis behalfe many good wordes to our late
soveraigne lordes commendacones and declaracons of
his grefe for his deathe, and touchinge (saythe he) the
amytie whiche hathe byne betwixte me and my late
good brothre our countryes and subjectes, as I haue
alwayes had good vrill to the observaunce off the sarae,
according to such treatyes as weere betwixte us, so
nowe understanding by you, ray lordes off the coun
seUs good incUnacone and raynde to entertayne and
observe this amitye for corespondence of bothe, nowe
haue and shall haue lyke good wille to keepe and con
tynue the same, and I thanke them for -makynge mee
to undCTStande theyr good wiUe hearin, with compli
ment off many other good wordes to this purpose, so
that as farre as wee could perceave by his wordes, he
myndethe, assuredlye to keepe amytie with us ; yet to
disypher him better herin, it wear not amyse in our
oppynyones, when as your lordshippes shaU advertis
him, either with sorae newe league, or to terapte him

1 1

262 LADY JANE GREY,
what he wiU saye to the olde, or by some other raeanes
which your wisdoraes can better devyse. From the
comyssyoners with the emperor, the 17'' off JiUy, 1553,
to the counseU."
WhUst this scene of diplomatic dupUcity was acting
on the continent, the ruUng party at home were using
all means in their power to work upon the populace ;
for which purpose, on the 16th of July, another sei-»-
raon was preached, at St, Paul's Cross, in favour ofthe
new reign, by Mr. Rogers, the learned reader of that
cathedral ; but he is stated to have been raore circum
spect in his observations respecting Mary, and her
aUeged Ulegitimacy, than Bishop Ridley had been on
the preceding Sunday. This, however, avaUed him
but Uttle afterwards ; for he was one of Mary's victims
at the stake, during her short but persecuting sway,
' Considerable lukewarmness was also manifesting itself
among the council, and suspicion seems already to have
been at work ; as HoUinshed relates, that in the course
pf the day, the Lord Treasra-er having left the Tower
to go to his house in London, the gates of that forti-ess
were shut at seven o'dock in the evening, in a sudden
manner, and the keys carried to Lady Jane, " which
was for feare of some packing in the Lord Treasurer ;
but hee was fetched again to the Tower, about twelue
of the clocke in the night." That he was not a staunch

AND HEU TIMES. !2G3
friend to the cause was indeed surmised, and not un
justly, as his subsequent conduct proved: but he was
not the only secret eneniy of the vouthful usurper ; for
the uiUiappy Jane began now to feel the sorrows of a
crown ; the spirit of discord already working powerfully
amongst her councU, in consequence of reports made
by the Marquess of Winchester, the Lord Treasura-,
that the people in general were for Mary, that many of
the nobiUty, who were at liberty, had joined her, and
that die hopes of Nordiumberland's success were already
extremely doubtful.
Letters also anived tius day from Northumberland
himsdf, in which he complained that the council had
not sent the promised reinforcements; which had so
much discouraged his own troops, tbat they already
began to dwindle away very fast.
These letters were like-wise very pressing for further
succours, and consequentiy were at once laid before
the council ; but the merabers were busUy engaged in
consulting their own safety, an4 in contriving how to
get out of the Tower, in which they were stiU, in some
measure, prisoners : and it was not in the eastern coun
ties alone that Mary was acknowledged ; for in Buck
inghamshire, numbers of the people were up in arms.
To quiet thera, it was resolved by the councU to send
troops under the Earls of Pembroke and Arundel;
but this seems to have been merely a stratagem to bUnd
Suffolk, whUst so many of Mary's friends were in his

n

. 264 LADY JANE (JREY,
power ; for both these earls were the warmest friends
of Mary, as they clearly manifested the very first mo
ment at which they felt themselves at liberty to dedare
their sentiments.
Under the impression of their friendship, however,
both Jane and her father were induced, on the 18th of
July, to send off the fpUo^ring despatch.
" To our trustie and well beloved Sir John Bridges
and Sir Nicholas Poyntz, Knyghts.
" Jane the Quene.
" Trusty and welbeloved wee grete you weU, be
cause we doubt not but this our raost la^vfuU possession
of the crowne w'' the free consente of the nobUitie of
our realm, and other the states of the same as bothe
playnly knowne and accepted of you, as our most
loring subjects, therfore we do not reiterate the sarae, but
now most earnestly will and require, and by authoritie
herof warraunt yp" to assemble, muster, and levie all
the powre that, you can possible make, either pf yp"^
servants, tenants, officers, or freends, as wel horsmen
as footraen, reparing to o"^ right trusty and right wel
beloved cousins, the Eris of Arundell and Pembroke*,
theyr tenants, servants, and officers, and with the same
to repayre with aU possible speed towards Buckingham-
* In the margin is a note — " Tho these earls at the time were
plotting agaipst her,"

AND HER TIMES. 265
shire, for the repression and subduing of certain tu
mults and rebeUions moved there against us and our
crowne by certain seditious men. For the repression
wh^of we have giveii orders to divers others our gpod
subiects, and gentleraen of such degree as you are, tQ.
repaire in like manner to the same parties. So as we
nothing doubt but upon the accesse of suche our loving
subiects as be appointed for that purpose to the place
wher this seditious people yet remayne, the same shall
either lake harte to abyde in their malitious purpose or
else receyve such punishment and execution as they
deserve, seking the destruction of their native countrie
and the subversion of aU men in their degrees, by rcr
beUion of the base raultitude, whos rage being stirred,
as of late yeres hath byn seen, must nedes be the con
fiision of thole coinon weale. Wherfor o' spiall trust
js in yo' courage, wisedome, and fidelities in this mater,
to advaunce yo'' selfs bothe w** poure and speed to this
enterprize, in such sorte as by y^ nobiUtie and counsaill
shalbe also prescribed unto jou J. And for the susten
tation of yo"' chardge in this behalf, o'" said counsaill,
by our said comaundement, do further give order to
your satisfaction, as by their le'res also shall appere
unto jo\ And beside that, we do assure you of our
speciaU consideracyon of this yo"" service to us and our
crown, as expresly to the pservacon of this our realme
and commonwealth. Geven under our signet at the

266 LADY JANE GREY,
Toure of London, the xvUi* day of July, the first
yeare of our reign."
After Northumberland had set off to seize upon
Mary's person, an accident, as Godwin describes it,
took place, which proved of very great advantage to
the affairs of that princess. The friends of Lady
Jane, fearing Mary's escape by sea, had ordered six
men of war to cruise off the coast in the North sea to
intercept her, if necessary. By stress of weather these
ships were forced into Yarmouth roads, at the very
juncture whilst a levy was rairing there in Mary's fa
vour. The seamen and soldiers on board the squadron
were soon prevailed upon, partly by threats and partly
by promises, to mutiny, and to deliver up the ships to
Sir Henry Jerningham, one of Mary's officers, which
thus furnished her vrith raen, ammunition, and a
train of artUlery, and she resolved at once to raarch
against Northumberland's forces, which were speedUy
forced to retreat. When the news came to town, it
excited great alarm in the minds of the council ; and
Mary's friends at court, being now grown bolder, began
to open their minds to each other : some of thera, how
ever, were suspected by Suffolk and his confidentid
friends; for Godwin says, that Mary's partisans de
sired " nothing more tiian the liberty of going out of
the Tower, that they mig-lit confer more freely."

AND HER TIMES. 267
In regard to this affair Bishop Godwin states, that
when Northumberland first retreated to Cambridge, he
plyed the councU with continual and earnest apphca
tions for recruits ; great numbers of his men having
deserted at Bury, and he fearing that most of the re
mainder would soon foUow them. Mary's party in the
Tower, taking hold of this opportunity, came to a re
solution that the necessary forces should be raised as
soon as possible ; but then, they said, that none but
themselves ought to be trusted -with the coraraand of
them ; and soon after, by Suffolk's leave, they got out
of the Tower, where they had been, in fact, prisoners,
and dispersed themselves over the city.
By the care and industry of the heads of these, aU
of the councU that could be fpund, and several others
of the nobiUty, who were known not to be ill affected
towards Mary, were assembled at Baynard's Castle,
then the residence of the Earl of Pembroke, under pre
tence of treating upon general affairs, but in reality to
concert measures for the deposition of Lady Jane,
We are told by Strype, in his Life of Cranmer,
that Jane's party seemed resolute for her untU the
19tii of July; on which day the following persons
of quaUty were with her in the Tower, consulting of
affairs for her serrice; riz, Cranmer, archbishop of
Canterbury, the Bishop of Ely, then lord chancellor,
and the lord treasurer, the Marquess of Winchester ;
also the Duke of Suffolk ; the Earls of Bedford, Arun-

268 LADY JANE GREY,
del, Shrewsbury, and Pembroke; the Lords Darcy
and Paget; Sirs Thoraas Cheiney, Richard Cotton,
WiUiam Petre, John Cheke, John Baker, and Robert
Bowes ; being all of her councU, On this occasion
they received a letter from Lord Rich, lord lieutenant
of Essex, informing them that the Earl of Oxford was
fled to the Lady Mary : whereupon a letter was drawn
up by Sir John Cheke, in the absence of Cecyl, ad
dressed to Lord Rich, exhorting him to stand true to
Queen Jane, as they, they said, would do : yet even
then some hesitation must have commenced amongst
therag for Sir WUUara Petre, who was secretary of
state, along with Cecyl, avoided writing the letter,
which was to the foUowing effect :
" After our right hartie coraraendations to your
lp, although the matter conteined in your letters of
thearle of Oxford departing to the Lady Mari be
grevous unto us for divers respects, yet we must
neades giue your lp our hartie thanks for your redi
advertisement thereof. Requiring your lp neverthe
less, like a nobleraan, to remain in that promise and
steedfastness to our sovereign lady Queen Jane's ser
vice, as ye shaU find us redi and firra with aU our
force to the same, W^hich neither with honor, nor
with saftie, nor yet with duty wee mai now forsake.
" From the Toure of London, the xix"' of JuUe,
1553."

AND HER TIMES, 969
Whilst part of the council were preparing tiiis let
ter in die Tower, transactions of a very different na
ture were in course of action in the city : for at thc
meeting at Castie Baynai-d, the Earl of Arundel
first moved allegiance to Mary, in which he was se
conded by Pembroke ; who, clapping his hand upon
his sword, declared that he was ready to dispute the
matter at the hazard of his Ufe with any one who
would dare to oppose it. In an instant, all were
unanimous : the lord raayor and aldermen werc sent
for, and the whole assembly proceeded to Cheapside,
where they proclaimed Mary by sound of trumpet ;
and with such loud applause was it received, that, as
God\rin affirras, after the narae of Mary, not a word
more could be heard for the general acclamations ;
and no sooner was this affair settled, than the Earl of
Arundel and Lord Paget set off on horseback to
Mary, to acquaint her with the intelUgence; which
she received with the greatest transport.
In a letter written at this period, it is stated, that
" greate* was the triumphe hear at London: for my
tyme I never sawe the lyke and by the reporte of
otheres the lyke was never seene. The nomber of
cappes tbat weare throwne up at the pclaraation wear
not to be tould. The Earle of Pembroke threwe
awaye his cape full of angeUes, I sawe rayself money
* B. M, Harl, CoU, 358, 44, Extracts of letters describing
the events of that time.

270 LADY JANE GREY,
was throwne out at windowes for joy. The bonefires
weare without nomber ; and what -with showtynge and
eriange off the people, and rin^nge of beUes, theai-e
could no one man heare almost what anodier sayd;
besides banketynge and skippinge the streete for joye.
There was present at the pclaraation, the Earle of Pem
broke, the Erie of Shrewesbury, the Earle of ArundeUe,
my L* AVarden, my Lord Mayor, Sir John Mason,
Sir John Cheeke, and divres others to the nomber of
X : and after the pclaraation, made in Cheapsyde,they all
wente to Ponies to even song. The Duke of Suffolk
beinge at the Towere, and as some saie did not knowe
of it ; but so soone as he herd of it, he came himselfe
out of tiie Towere, and comandyd his men tP leave
ther wepones behinde them, sayinge that he himselfe
was but one man ; and himselfe pdaymed my Lady
Maryes grace Queene on the Towere HUle; and
so came into London levinge the leifftennant in the
Towere." The letters then detaU the proceedings in the coun
try ; saying, " Great shew was in Northamptonsliire
about pdayming of hir : yesterdaye, at Northampton,
Sir Thoraas Greshame pdaymed her, with the ayd and
helpe of the towne, being borne amongst them, whe
ther he would or not. Sir Nicolas Throgmorton beinge
presente, -withstandinge him to his powere, was dri-
veiie for saffetye of his lyfe to take a howse, and so
beinge borne amongeste diveres gentlemen, escaped

AND HER TIMES. 271
with much adoe; the inhabitants would havc kilde
hini veri fayne.
" Sir Robarte GirwUl (GreviUe) mustered yester
daye in Northamptonsliire, to goe to my Lord of Nortii-
umberland, as raany men as he coiUde gette. Sir
Thoraas Greshame recevyng like lettres to mustere for
my Lord of Northumberlane, woulde not goe. Sir
John WiUiams hathe 6 or 7000 men thear, as Richard
SUUard sajrthe, and thear is with him Su- Edmunde
Pertham, the sherive of Oxfordshire, the sherive of
Nortiiamptonshire, and diveres others. Sir John Gate
and my Lord Garret, (sic orig.) who went downe with
the garde to my Lady Mary, as is credibli reportid,
are bothe slayne, and the most pt off the garde gone
to my Lady Mary."
Nffl-thumberland's conduct on this expedition is thus
briefly stated by Lloyd, yet with more minuteness than
in general history :
" The first night he came to Cambridge, all the
doctors supped -with him : and Doctor Sandys is ap
pointed to preach before him next day. The doctor
late at night betakes himself to his prayers and study,
desiring God to direct him to a fit text for that time.
His Bible openeth at the fii-st of Joshua, and (though
he heard no voice with St. Augustine, saying, Toile et
lege — ' take and read' — ) a strong fancy incUned him
to fix on the first words he beheld, v. 16 : And they
answered Jpshua, saying. All that thou commandest

272 LADY JANE GREY,
US we wiU do ; and whithersoever thou sendest we will
go : a text he so wisely and warily handled, that his
enemies got not so full advantage against him as they
expected. " The next day the duke advanced to Bury, with
his army, whose feet marched forward, whilst then-
minds moved backward. Upon the news brought
him, he retumed to Cambridge, with more sad thoughts
within him, than valiant souldiers about him. Then
went he with the mayor of the town, and proclaimed
the queen ; the beholders whereof more beUeving the
grief in his eyes, when they let down tears, than
the joy professed by his hands, when he threw up his
cap. Slegge, sergeant at arms, arrests him in King's
CoUege ; and when the proclamation of pardon set him
at liberty, the Earl of Arundel re-arrests him, at whose
feet he craves mercy !"
The new councU despatched letters to Northuraber
land to acquaint hira with the news, calUng upon him
to subrait ; but he had preriously been arrested, as al
ready noticed : and we raay sum up shortly, by stating,
that the anny was then disbanded ; and the greatest
part of the nobiUty, in a body, offered their aUegiance
to Mary. Tlipse who had offended, obtained pardons
generally ; and the whole blarae of the affair was
thrown upon the Duke of Northumberland.
The proclamation was no sooner made, than the
new council sent forthwith a force to seize upon the

AND HER TIMES. 273
Tower, and to call Suffolk before thera ; after which
they went to St. Paul's, and sung Te Deum.
Such indeed was the rapid change of poUcy, that
several even of those very counsellors who had but
the day before set their hands to resolutions to stand
by the Lady Jane, actually were araongst those who
proclairaed Queen Mary in die city of London ; and
iraraediately joined in despatching the Earl of Arun
del and Lord Paget to her vritli a letter, written frora
Baynard's Castle, whither they had removed from the
Tower ; in which letter " they beg her pardon, and to
remit ther former offences."
There is no reason to believe that Lady Jane was
acquainted with any part of these events, before the in
formation was brought by her father : but the tragic
poet already quoted, by assuming the fact differently,
has produced a very interesting scene :
Guil. What read'st thou there, my queen ?
Lady J. 'Tis Plato's Phadon;
Where dying Socrates takes leave of liJFe
With such an easy, careless, cahn indifi'erence,
Asif the trifle were of no account.
Mean in itself, and only to be wom
In honour of the giver,
Guil. ShaU thy soul
StiU scorn the world, stUl fly the joys that court ?
StiU shaU she soar on contemplation's wing,"
And mix with nothing meaner than the stars ?
Lady J. The faithless counseUors '
Are fled from hence to join the princess Mary,
The ser-vUe herd of courtiers, who so late

274 LADY JANE GREY,
In low obedience bent the knee before me ;
They who with zealous tongues and hands uplifted
Besought rae to defend their laws and faith.
Vent their lewd execrations on my name,
Proclaira me trait'ress now, and to the scafFold
Doom ray devoted head,
Guil. The changeUng viUains !
That pray for slavery, fight for their bonds.
And shun the blessing, liberty, like ruin.
But wherefore do I loiter tamely here ?
Give me my arms : I vriU preserve my country
Ev'n in her own despite, Som^" friends I have
Who wiU or die or conquer in thy cause.
Thine and reUgion's, thine and England's cause.
Lady J. Art thou not aU my treasure, all my guard.?
And wo't thou take from me the only joy.
The last defence, is left me here below ?
Think not thy arm can stem the driring torrent.
Or save a people who, with bUnded rage.
Urge their own fate, and strive to be undone.
Northumberland, thy father, is in arms ;
And if it be in valojir to defend us.
His sword, that long has known the way to conquest.
Shall be our surest safety,
Godwin says, that when the Duke of Suffolk h«ard
of Mary being proclairaed in the city, as rauch de
jected then, as he had before been exalted, he went
into his daughter's apartments, ordered aU the cere
monies of rpyalty to cease, and admonished her to bear,
-with what patience she could, her retum to a private
station. But her fortitude was greater than he had
imagined ; for she answered him, with a countenance
not at all discomposed, that this was a more welcome
summons to her than that which forced her against her

AND HER TIMES, 275
Ul to such an elevation. " In obedience to you, my
)rd," said she, " and to my mother, I acted a vio-
nce on myself, and have been guilty of a grievous
Bfence; but the present is ray own act, and I wUl-
igly resign to correct another's fault, if so great a
lult can be conected by ray resignation and sincere
cknowledgment." Godwin next asserts, that having said this, she re-
red to her closet, more sohcitous for her life, which
ie knew to be in danger, than concerned for the loss
f her crown.
The whole scene is thus delineated by Rowe :
Sttf. Oh, my chUdren !
Lady J. Alas ! what means my father ?
Suf. Oh, my son !
Thy father, great Northumberland, on whom
Our dearest hopes were buUt 
Guil. Ha ! what of him .'
Suf. Is lost, betray'd !
His army, onward as he march'd, shrunk from blip,
Moulder'd away, and' melted by his side :
With some few foUowers he arrived at Cambridge,
But there ev'n they forsook him, and himself
Was forced, -with heavy heart and wat'ry eye.
To cast his cap up with dissembled cheer.
And cry God save Queen Mary. But, alas !
Littie avaU'd the semblance of that loyalty ;
For soon, thereafter, by the earl of Arundel
With treason he was charged, and there arrested.
And now he brings him pris'ner up to London.
luody J. Then there's an end of greatness ; the vain dream
Of empire and a crown that danced before me,
is vanish'd aU at once— Why, fare it well !
T 2

276 LADY JANE GREY,
Chdl. And canst thou bear this sudden turn of fate
With such unshaken temper ?
Lady J. For myself.
If I could form a wish for Heaven to grant.
It should have been to rid me of this crown.
And thou, o'erruling, great, all-knowing Pow'r !
Thou who discern'st our thoughts, who seest 'em rising
And forming in the soul, oh, judge me thou.
If e'er ambition's guilty fires have warm'd me.
If e'er my heart incUned to pride, to pow'r.
Or join'd in being a queen. I took the sceptre
To save this land, thy people, ani thy altars :
And now behold I bend my grateful knee
In humble adoration of that mercy
Which quits me of the vast unequal task.
No sooner had the Duke of Suffolk thus, as it were,
deposed his daughter, than he went to the codncU, in
obedience to their summons, and subscribed further
instructions, to be sent to Northumberland, requiring
him to disband his forces, and submit to Queen Mary,
if he meant they should become humble suitors to
their sovereign for him and his, as well as for them
selves. That he must have done this under great
alarm, is evident ; for even previous to his appearancfe
before the council, and indeed as soon as Mary was
proclaimed, an order had been sent by the councU to
the Tower, to require him to deUver up that fortress,
and to acknpwledge Queen Mary publicly. It was fur
ther directed, that Lady Jane should lay down the title
of queen ; a measure already voluntarUy adopted, and
with great propriety : for it appears that the indivi-

AND HER TIMK.S. 277
uals within the Tower were as friendly .to the change
3 those without; not through want of affection to
wards the Lady Jane, but frora disUke to Northum-
erland, and a natural loyalty to the direct line of
escent. It must be remembered, too, that the idea
f Mary being a Roman catholic was not likely to
reigh much with the great mass of the people in that
ariy stage of the reformation; for there can be no
oubt, that the Roman catholic ritual and ceremo-
ials were much more popular with the ignorant and
nenUghtened body of the " commons," as they were
lien specificaUy styled, than the simplicity of the re-
Drraed mode of worship.
The anival of the official announcement of deposi-
ion is thus described by the poet so often alluded to,
rhUst Lady Jane was kneeUng :
Duch. Nay, keep that posture stiU, and let us join.
Fix aU our knees by thine, Uft up our hands.
And seek for help and pity from above.
For earth and faithless man wUl give us none.
Lady J- What is the worst our cruel fate ordains us .''
-Duch. Cursed be ray fatal counsels, cursed ray tongue.
That pleaded for thy ruin, and persuaded
Thy guUtless feet to tread the paths of greatness !
My chUd — I have undone thee !
Lady J. Oh, ray raother !
Should I not bear a portion in your sorrows .-•
Duch. Alas ! thou hast thy own, a double portion,
Mary is come, and the revolting Londoners,
Who beat the heav'ns with thy applauded name.
Now crowd to meet and haU her as their queen,
Sussex is enter'd here, commands the Tower,

278 LADY JANE GREY,
Has placed his guards around, and this sad place.
So late thy palace, is becorae our prison,
I saw hira bend his knee to cruel Gard'ner,
Who, freed frora his confinement, ran to meet him.
Embraced and bless'd him with a hand of blood ;
Each hast'ning moment I expect 'em here
To seize and pass the doora of death upori us,
Guil. Ha ! seized ! shalt thou be seized, and shall I stand
And tamely see thee borne away to death ?
Then blasted be my coward name for ever.
No, I wUl set myself to guard this spot.
To which our narrow empire now is shrunk :
Here I vriU grow the bulwark of my queen.
Nor shaU the hand of riolence profane thee
UntU my breast have borne a thousand wounds.
Till tills torn mangled body sink at once
A heap of purple ruin at thy feet, •
Lady J. And could thy rash distracted rage do thus ?
Draw thy vain sword against an aiToed multitude ?
Oh, call thy better nobler courage to thee.
And let^us meet this adverse fate with patience !
The rapidity of the change of circumstances may be
weU iUustrated by the following anecdote: — A Mr.
Edward UnderhiU, descended from a good famUy in
Warwickshire, who, for his services in the army, had
been admitted into the band of gendemen pensioners,
in which he remained during the reign of Edward,
was now about the person of Queen Jane, In his
youth, he had been a man of pleasure ; but, being
converted to the reformed religion, became so sincere
and so zealous a protestant, that his comrades in the
band, who were less religious, gave him the njck-name
of the Hot GospeUer, He was, frora these circum-

AND HER TIMES. 279
Stances, a favourite at the new court, and was actually
on duty at the Tower, when his wife was brought to
bed of a son. The baptism of the infant became a
matter of court favour, and was fixed for the 19th
of July, when the Duke of Suffolk, and the Earl of
Pembroke^ were to be godfathers by proxy ; and the
Lady Jane herself not oiUy signified her intention of
being godmother, but, as a stiU higher mark of favour,
desu-ed that the chUd should be caUed Guildford, after
her beloved husband. The baptism, as appointed,
took place ; and Lady Throckmorton, wife to Sir
Nicholas, was deputed to stand the royal proxy. On
lea-ving the Tower that evening. Lady Throckmorton
received the royal coraraands from Lady Jane herself,
according to all due form and ceremony, and carried
them, as usual, to the meny raeeting.
The ceremony over, she returned to the Tower;
but her amazement was excessive, on entering the
royal apartment, to find the canopy of state removed,
together with all other ensigns of royalty: she was
soon informed, however, by one of the new officers,
that times were changed since her departure in the
afternoon ; that her lady was a prisoner for high
treason, and that she must attend her, but under the
weight of a simUar charge !
The ruUng party had indeed shown very little de
licacy on the subject ; for scarcely had their order for
laying down the crown been received at the Tower,

280 LADY JANE GREY,
than it was followed by another, directing that Lady
Jane should be made a close prisoner, and that all
her attendants should proceed to their respective
homes. To this order she bowed with great resigna
tion: but the parting with her loved husband (for
they were raost crueUy separated) was almost too much
for her fortitude.
The execution of this raost ungenerous task feU
upon Bishop Gardiner; but whose zeal for the
Roman cathoUc reUgion made the task a work of
pleasure. Beyond this short record of the proceedings of that
day history affords us no detail. We may weU indeed
imagine the heart-rending sorrows of the youthful
couple, thus separated in the very early days of nuptial
union, and fearing for each other's fate more than for
their own ; — but the best Ulustration will be found in
the scene, as deUn eated by the admirable poet so often
quoted :
Sus. Guards, execute your orders ; seize the traitors ;
Here my commission ends. To you, my lord.
So our great mistress, royal Mary, bids,
1 leave the fuU disposal of these pris'ners :
To your wise care the pious queen commends
Her sacred self, her crown, and what's yet more.
The holy Roman church, for whose dear safety
She wUls your utmost diUgence be shown
To bring rebelUon to the bar of justice.
Yet farther, to proclaim how much she trusts
In Winchester's deep thought and well tried faith.
The seal attends to grace those rev'rend hands ;

AND HER TIMES, 281
And when I next salute you, I must call you
Chief minister and chanceUor of England,
Gar. Unnumber'd blessings faU upon her head.
My ever gracious lady ! to remember
With such full bounty her old humble beadsman !
For these her foes, leave me to deal with them,
Sus. The queen is on her entrance, and expects rae.
My lord, farewell.
Gar. FareweU, right noble Sussex ;
Commend me to the queen's grace ; say, her bidding
ShaU be observed by her most lowly creature.
Lieutenant of the Tow'r, take hence your pris'ners :
Be it your care to see 'em kept apart.
That they may hold no coramerce -with each other,
Guil. WUt thou part us ?
Gar. I hold no speech vrith heretics and traitors.
Lieutenant, see my orders are obey'd.
Guil. Inhuman, monstrous, unexampled cruelty !
Oh tyrant ! but the task becoraes thee weU : '
Thy savage temper joys to do death's office.
To tear the sacred bands of love asunder.
And part those hands which Heav'n itself hath join'd.
Duch. To let us waste the Uttle rest of Ufe
Together had been raerciful,
Suf. Then it had not
Been done like Winchester,
Guil. Thou stand'st unmov'd ;
Calm temper sits upon thy beauteous brow ;
Thy eyes, that flovr'd so fast for Edward's loss.
Gaze imconcem'd upon the ruin round thee.
As if thou hadst resolved to brave thy fate.
And triumph in the midst of desolation.
Lady J. And dost thou think, my Guildford, I can see
My father, mother, and ev'n thee, my husband,
Tom from my side, without a pang of sorrow ?
How art thou thus unknowing in my heart }
Words cannot tell thee what I feel : there is
An agonlziiig softness busy here

282 LADY JANE GREY,
That tugs the strings, that struggles to get loose.
And pour my soul in waiUngs out before thee,
Cruil. Give way, and let the gushing torrent come;
Behold the tears we bring to swell the deluge.
Till the flood rise upon the guilty world.
And make the ruin common.
Lady J. Guildford! no;
The tirae for tender thoughts and soft endearments
Is fled away and gone ; joy has forsaken us ;
Our hearts have now another part to play ;
They must be steel'd with some uncommon fortitude.
That fearless we may tread the paths of horror.
And, in despite of fortune and our foes,
Ev'n in the hour of death be more than conquerors.
Guil. Oh teach me ! say, what energy dirine
Inspires thy softer sex and te'nder years
With such unshaken courage ?
Lady J. Truth and innocence ;
A conscious knowledge rooted in my heart,
That to have saved my country was my duty.
Yes, England, yes, my country ! I would save thee ;
But Heav'n forbids, Heav'n disallows ray weakness.
And to some dear selected hero's hand
Reserves the glory of thy great deUverance.
Lieut. My lords, my orders 
Guil. See ! we must — must part !
Lady J. Yet surely we shaU meet again,
Guil. Fain would I cheer my heart with hopes like these.
But my sad thoughts turn ever to the grave.
To that last dweUing whither now we haste ;
Where the black shade shall interpose betwixt us.
And veU thee from these longing eyes for ever.
Lady J. 'Tis true, by those dark paths our journey leads.
And through the vale of death we pass to life :
But what is there in death to blast our hopes ?
Behold the universal works of nature.
Where Ufe stiU springs from death,
Mark with what hopes upon tbe furrow'd plain

AND HER TIMES.

283

The careful ploughman casts die pregnant grain ;
There hid, as in a grave, awhUe it Ues,
TiU the revolving season bids it rise.
Then large increase the buried treasures yield.
And -with fuU harvest crown the plenteous fleld.

284 LADY .IANE GREY,

SECTION VI.

Review of Lady Jane's Misfortunes — and of her Conduct under
them — Anecdotes ofher Imprisonment — Committal of North
umberland to the Tower — Submission of the CouncU — Fur
ther Arrests — Arrival of the Princess EUzabeth— Release of
Suffolk — Diplomatic Occurrences, &c. — Mary enters the Me
tropolis and Tower in Triumph— Joy ofthe Catholics — Public
Opposition to the Rerival of Popery— Tame Submission of Ce
cU, and others — Trial of the Duke of Northumberland and
various Friends — Anecdotes, &c. — Their Execution— Mary's
avaricious and ungenerous Conduct towards Lady Jane —
Seizure and Claims" of Crown Jewels, &c. — Trial and Con
demnation of Lady Jane and Lord GuUdford Dudley, Cran
mer, and others — Anecdotes, &c. &c.

We have already offered a suggestion, dravra from
the general view of the case, that if Elizabetii had been
caUed to the throne, in opposition to Mary, the success
of the attempt would have been raore certain than with
regard to Lady Jane's elevation to regal dignity ; in
consonance with which .we may notice, that one reason
for the Ul success of Lady Jane is stated by Lloyd to
have sprung from " a natural antipathy in EngUshmen
against usurpation, and as great an inclination for the
succession. A point they had conned so well of late

AND IIER TIMES, 285
out of the statute made for that purpose, that they
could not weU be put out of it by this newe started
designe." Happy would it indeed have been for her, had her
relatives been influenced more by a love for the Re
formation, and a desire for the welfare of the kingdom,
than by motives of personal ambition ; she would then
not only have been saved, at least, great part of her
own misfortunes, but would also have avoided seeing
them increased by the downfal of her family, by the
imprisonment of her own relatives, of her husband, his
father, nay, his whole famUy, and of many of the no
biUty and gentry, all made prisoners in her cause. To
aU this, however, she rose superior ; not through want
of sensibUity, but from the aid of true religion and
genuine piety.
Her conduct on this change of fortune is quaintly
but weU described by Fuller, who says, that she raade
misery Itself amiable by her pious and patient be
haviour ; adversity, her night clothes, bearing her, as
weU as her day dressing, by reason of her pious dis
position. Burnet also, in his History of the Reformation, de
scribing her conduct after this reverse of fortune, says,
that vrith aU her advantages of birth and parts, yet
she was so humble, so gentle, and pious, that aU pepple
both admired and loved her, and none more than the
youthful Edward. He adds, that she had a mind won-,

286 LADY JANE GREY"-,
derfuUy raised above the world; and at the age wherein
others are but imbibing the notions of phUosophy, she
had attained to the practice of the highest precepts of
it : for she was neither Ufted up -vrith the hope of a
crown, nor cast down when she saw her palace made
afterwards her prison ; but carried herself with an
equal temper of mind in those great inequahties of
fortune that so suddenly exalted and depressed her.
In fact, during her subsequent imprisonment, aU
the regret she expressed was of the noblest kind, and
a mark of a most tender and generous nature ; being
more affected -with the sufferings of her husband and
father than with her own.
She was now, to all intents, a state prisoner ; as were
also the Duke and Duchess of Suffolk, and her hus
band. Lord GuUdford : not, perhaps, in strict incar
ceration, yet certainly in separate apartments. At that
period Beauchamp's tower was the general place of
confineraent for cases of high treason : but Lady Jane
was lodged in one of the warders' houses — ^in " Maister
Partridge's," as stated in a curious old book quoted by
Mr, Nichols in his Leicestershire.^ There she was
permitted to retain two of her female attendants ; and
on the next day, the 20th of July, she was called upon
by the Marquess of Winchester, lord treasurer, to de
liver up all the crown jewels, which she did accord
ingly, or, at least, as many of thera as were then in
her possession ; for we shall find presently that Mary

AND HER TIMES. 287
brought charges for several not given up, but which
were probably lost, perhaps pilfered, in the confusion
of such a scene.
Within the walls of die Tower all was now sUent and
solitary — ^without aU was political intrigue and bustle.
The councU next assembled at Westminster, frora
whence they sent a herald -with another letter to the
Duke of Northumberland, commanding and charing
him in the narae of Queen Mary to disarm and to dis- ,
band his troops, forbidding him also to return to the
city of London untU the queen's pleasure should be
known. SimUar letters were sent to the Marquess of
Northampton, and to all other gendemen that were with.
him. The councU even went so far as to direct the
herald to proclaim in aU places, that if the Duke of
Northumberland did not subrait to Queen Mary, he
should be taken as a traitor, and that he should be
proceeded against with the utraost rigour of prose
cution. Thus, adds Strype, " the duke saw it in vain to
oppose, and so submitted to this order : and the part
that his ambition had been fraining so long, and vrith
so much art, feU on a sudden."
A letter, in the collection already quoted, and dated
the 22d of July, in reference to those passing occur
rences, observes, that " the Duke of Northumberland
hathe proclaymed my Lady Marye's grace queene at
Cambridge ; and as the brute (report, bruit) gpethe.

288 LADY JANE GREY,
my Lorde of Huntingdone and the Lorde Marques
of Northampton are gonne no raan canne teU whether,''
AU were indeed eager to raake their peace with
Mary ; some boasting of their unbroken loyalty, others
endeavouring to excuse the countenance which they
had given, by their presence in the Tower, whether
voluntary or not, to the short usurpation. Perhaps
the best picture of aU this poUcy wdll be found in the
letter written to Mary by the lords of the councU, on
the evening of her proclamation :
" Our bounden duties most humbly remembred to
yur most excellent majs"", it raay lyke the same to
understande, that wee yur most humble, faythfuU,
and obedient subjects haveing aUways (God wee take
to wytnes) remaynd yur highnes true and humble
subjects in our harts, ever sythens the deathe of our
late souvraigne lorde and master, yur highnes brother,
whom God pardon; and seeing hitherto no possibU-
litie to utter our determination herin, -vrithout greatt
destructions and bludeshedd, bothe of ourselves and
others tUl this tyme, have this day proclaymed in your
citey of London, your maj*^^ to bee our true naturaU
souvraigne, Uege ladie and queen, most humbUe be
seechyng your maj''" to pdon and remytt our former
infirraites, and most graciouslie t' accept our meanynge,
w''^ haue byne ever to serve your highnes trulie, and
yt shaU remayne with aU our powers and forces to the

AND HER TIMES. 289
efl'usion of our bludde. Theis berars, our very good
lords the Erie of Ai-undeU and L. Pagett, can and bee
redy now particularly to declare to whome, it raay
please your exceUent raaj''% to give firme credence;
and thus wee do and shall dayly pray to AUmighty
God for the preservation of your most royall pson long
to reigne , , , . frora your maj""^ citye of London this
. , . , day of Julie, the fyrst yere of your raost pro
sperous reigne"
There were stiU a few, however, who had either
sinned past aU probable hope of pardon, or whose prin
ciples would not permit them to change with the times ;
but even of these some few were aUowed to go at
large, for as early as the 23d of July, it appears that
Mary and her partisans found it necessary to adopt a
semblance of mercy and moderation. It is stated in
an extract of another letter, that " the Lord Admirall,
and the Lords Greye, Ganet, Wenman, and the Lord
Fitzwarren, Sir Henry Sydney, and Sir James Crosse,
with dieveres others, have alredy their pardon graunted
them. The Duke of Northumberland is in custodie of
tbe garde as a prisoner in Cambridge, and ray ladie
hys wyfe, the Lord Guilford, and the Lady Jane, are
in the Towere as prisoneres ; my Lord Marques of
Northampton, the Earle of Huntingdune, Sir Hem-y
Gates, and diveres other cannot as yet gett their
pdones,"

ggO LADY JANE GREY,
Some of these, indeed, it was not intended to par
don ; so that on the 25th, Northumberland and several
others, particularly his eldest son, the Earl of Warwick,
his younger sons, Lord Ambrose and Lord Henry,
Sir Andrew Dudley, his brother, the Earl of Hunt
ingdon, Sir Thomas Palraer, Sir John Gates and his
brother Henry, and Doctor Edwin Sands, were aU
coraraitted prisoners to the Tower, along with their
unhappy friends.
Of these the Earl of Huntingdon was soon dis
charged; the Earl of Warwick died in prison, but
Lord Ambrose was pardoned; Sir Andrew Dudley
was condemned to death, but pardoned ; and Sands,
being discharged, retired to Gerraany, frora whence
he returned in happier tiraes, and died Archbishop of
York. On the 26th of July the Marquess of Northampton
was committed to the Tower; was afterwards tried,
but received a royal pardon. With him were also
brought in the Bishop of London, Ridley, afterwards
Uberated, but subsequendy bumed at Oxford for he
resy ; and Robert Dudley, a younger son of Northum
berland, soon after pardoned, and living to be created
Earl of Leicester by Queen EUzabeth, in which charac
ter he has recendy figured, though not rauch to his
advantage, in the novel of KenUworth.
It is rather reraarkable that Suffolk, if indeed the
fact really is so, should have been hitherto at large, at

AND HER TIMES. 291
least not a close prisoner, untU the 27th, for on that
day he is stated, by various authorities, to have been
first committed to the Tower,
If this is correct, his imprisonment may have been
now ordered, either by du-ections from Mary, or in ex
pectation of her immediate arrival in the metropoUs ;
in preparation for which the young Princess EUzabeth
came to town two days afterwards, as stated in some
letters already quoted, " The Lady Elizabeth's grace
come, the 29th of July, to Somerset-place, weU accom
panyed with gendemen and otheres righte strongly,
and theare she restede a nighte, and the morowe en
suinge she wente thoroghe Chepeside, to meet the
queene's grace, to London wardes, who is looked for
the 3 pr 4 of Auguste,"
Though the Duchess of Suffolk was raade a prisoner
in the first instance, yet it is erident that she did not
long remain so, as it is expressly stated by various
authorities, that it was at her intercession Suffolk hira
self was Uberated from all restraint as early as the 31st
of July ; but, though discharged from actual confine
ment, he was stiU under engagements to retum to pri
son, whenever the queen should desire it. This inter
cession of the duchess nlust have been with the queen
herself; for it is not likely that Suffolk would have
received such grace from the Earl of Arundd, then
constable of the Tower by Mary's appointment. In
deed, it is weU known that Arundel never forgave
u 2

292 LADY JANE GREY,
Suffolk for the slight put upon him by the repudiation
of his daughter to raake way for his union with the
Lady Frances Brandon ; it is probable, therefore, that
Suffolk owed Uis liberation to the queen, but not so
much from affection towards him, as from the general
idea that seems to have been entertained of the weak
ness of his mind, especially in regard to state affairs.
'*' We have already shovra the continental politics of
the usurping party; and, though the emperor's du
plicity was no longer a matter of consequence, it may
StiU be interesting to observe how soon he began to
show his real intentions. We may therefore record,
that on the 20th of July the commissioners at Brussels
-wrote in reply to the council *, that Charles V. was not
pleased that Edward had declared the Lady Mary to
be Ulegitimate, thus limiting the 'succession in opposi
tion to his father's wUl. It appears that Charles was so
incensed at this, that the commissioners could not even
procure an audience ; and he even delayed or evaded
seeing Mr. SheUey, who had been sent over vrith an
express raessage from the young queen. The emperor
urged as a powerful objection to his acknowledgment
of the Lady Jane, independent of the daims of the
Lady Mary, that the young queen of Scotiand, the
iU-fated Mary, was then married to the Dauphin of
France, which would naturaUy lead to claims on the
part of the French court, in consequence of her su-
* Brit. Mus, Hari, CoU. No. 523.

-VND HER TIMES. 293
perior claim, as descended from the eldest sister of
Henry, whUst the Lady Jane was only descended from
the youngest. As to tiie claim of the Lady Mary, in
opposition to that of the Lady Jane, he certainly pro
fessed moderation: for he only asked that the point
should be settied by parUament, expressing a -vrish at
the same time that the Lady Mary should be married
to some EngUsh nobleman, " so that the realme should
remayne in governaunce of polecy and religion as it
now is." How far he was sincere in this, at least in
regard to reli^on, may weU be doubted; but as to
policy, it certainly was his vrish to keep up his En
gUsh connexion ; indeed, he even mamfested con
siderable jealousy in consequence of a Mr. Dudley
having been sent on a diplomatic raission into France,
supposing him to have been Sir Andrew Dudley, and
" sent for some practise."
But the whole farce of duplicity, botb on the parts
of the emperor and the coramissioners theraselves, was
speedUy put an end to, by advices received of the change
of poUtics in England ; so that on the 29th of July
those gentieraen wrote to Queen Mary's councU * to
the following purport :
" Pleasethe it your good lordshippes, — Wheare the
Ladye Jane sent Mr. SheUey with letteres and credence
to the emperor's maje"% wee nowe returne them, not
* Brit, Mus, Harl, CoU, No, 523, 46,

LADY JANE GREY,
havynge dely vered the sayd letteres, ne opened the
same credence, for that it, hath pleased God to call my
Ladye Marye hir grace to the state and possessyone of
the realrae, according to the kynge's majestee her fa
theres laste wUle and the lawes of the realme, wee
beinge heare in greate discurrage for that wee cannot
knowe the certentye off thes so great and weightie mat>-
teres but by the reporte of thera heare. Moste humbly
beseechyng yur lordshippes that wee raay not onely
be advertyzed of the same, but also that wee maye
knowe hir maj"'* pleesure what wee shuld doe, wher
unto wee shaU conforme ourselves most wiUingly ac-
coJ-dynge to our most bounden dutye ; for neweS, 
the Bushoppe of Norwych, Sir PhilUppe Hobby, and
Sir Richard Mason, to the Counsell the xxixth of
July, 1553,"
We have already stated, that Lady Jane's father
received an order of release from imprisonment, but on
his own baU, on the 31st of July; and in a private
letter of that period, of the 2d of August, we find it
expressly stated — " On Monday last, the Duke of Siif- ,
folk was discharged out of the Tower ;" yet anothei-
letter, dated the llth ofthe same month, says, " The
Duke of Suffolk is (as his owne raen report) in prison,
and at this present in suche case as no man judgeth
he can live,"
To reconcile these apparent contradictions is not

AND HER TIMES. 295
easy, unless we suppose that tiie duke's Ulness pre
vented hira, on receiving the order of release, frora
leaving the Tower for his own residence : and, of
course, that his remaining in that fortress was con
sidered as imprisonment by those who were not aware
of the queen's determination in his favour.
The day of Mary's arrival was now approaching, for
which every possible preparation was made both by
court and city, Grafton, in his Chronicle, describes
this event in very few words, merely saying, that " she
came to the citie, and so to the Tower, where the
Lady Jane of Suffolk, with her husband, the Lord
Guilforde, a Uttie before her coming, were committed
to warde, and there remayned almost five monethes." ^-'
But her progress is more fuUy detaUed in a letter
now m the British Museum, which speaks of her " be
inge broughte in vrith hir nobles very honorably and
strongly : the number of velvet coats that did ride be
fore hir, as weU strangeres as otheres, was 740 ; and
the nomber of ladyes and gentiemen that foUowede was
180. The Earle of ArundeU did ride nexte befoare
hir, hearinge the swoarde in his hand, and Sn An
thony Browne did beare up his trayne. The Ladye
EUzabethe did foUowe hir nexte ; and after hu- the
Lord Marques of Exetere's wyfe.
" The gard foUowed the ladyes, and after them
Nortiiampton and Oxfordshir men, and then Bucking-
hamshir men, and after them the lords servants ; the

296 LADY JANE GREY,
whole nomber of horsemen wear esteemed to be about
10,000." It then goes on to state, that " the queene's grace
stayd in Allgate streete, befoare the stage wheare the
poore chUdren stood, to hare an oration that one of
thera raade ; but she sayd nothinge to thera. My Lord
Mayor and the aldermen brought her grace into the
citti;. my Lord Mayor riding next to the Earle of
ArrundeU with the mase in his hand."
To iUustrate the raanners of the times we may be
permitted further to insert the description given by
Stephen Perlin, a French ecclesiastic, and an eye wit^
ness; who, though extremely inaccurate in historical
information, as appears in another passage, may be
supposed correct as to dress and pageantry. He says,
that "in the mean tirae the queen raade her pubUc
entry into London in great state and raagnificence,
the citizens' children walking before her magnificently
dressed; afterwards foUowed gentleraen, habited in
velvets of aU sorts, sorae black, others in white, yellow,
violet, and carnation; others wore satins or taffety,
and some damasks of all colours, having plenty of gold
buttons ; afterwards followed the mayor of the city,
with several handsome companies, and the chiefs or
masters of the several trades ; after thera the raUors,
richly habited, and the most considerable knights;
next come the ladies, mai-ried and single, in the raidst of
whom was madam Mary, Queen of England, mounted

AND HER TIMES, 297
on a smaU white ambling nag, the housings of which
were fringed with gold thread ; about her were six lac
queys, habited in vests of cloth of gold. The queen
herself was dressed in riolet coloured velvet, and was
then about forty years of age, and rather fresh coloured.
Before her were six lords bareheaded, each carrying in
his hand a golden raace, and some others bearing the
ai-ms and crown. Behind her foUowed tiie archers, as
weU of the first as die second guard,
" Those of the first guard were clothed in scarlet,
bound with black velvet, and on their escutcheons they
had a golden rose, which is called in English Rose peni,
and under this rose was a golden crown, vrith high
leaves, in form of an imperial crown. The second
guard were clothed in scarlet, bound vrith black velvet,
and on their escutcheons was interwoven a true-lover's
knot, and an E in the middle, and on the other side an
R, done in order to make a distinction between the
two guards. She was foUowed by her sister, named
Madame EUzabeth, in truth, a beautiful princess, who
was also weU accompanied by ladies, both married and
single Then might you hear the firing of divers
pieces of artUlery, bombards, and cannons, and many
rejoicings made in the city of London." <?'
The unhappy Jane, in her lonely ceU, was soon ap
prized of the approach of her rival in regal state to
wards the place ofher confinement, so late her jialace;

298 LADY JANE GREY,
for the letter already aUuded to says, " theare was a
greate peale of ordinance shotte off at the Towere;"
and it goes on to state, " It is credibly reported that
the Duke of Norfolke, Courteney, the Bishope off
Winchestre, and my Lady Somerset mette the queenes
^ace at the Towere gate, and theare they kneelynge
downe saluted her grace, and she came unto them, and
Icissed them and sayd, theis are my prisoners ;" — this,
however, must have been in jest, for the same letter
iraraediately adds, " Courteney was made Marques of
Exetere the 4 of this presente" — which was only a day
after. Amongst these prisoners were Bishops Tunstal
and Gardiner, and others not so high in rank, whom
she liberated ; but with Lady Jane she held no com
munication, Mary's regal state in the Tower seems to have sat
but uneasy upon her ; the same letter saying, " Hir
grace intendethe to remove unto Windsore one Tus-
daye nexte, as I heare saye." And the jealousy which
pervaded her mind may be drawn frora the following
statement :
" The Earle of Pembroke was coraaundid to wait
upon hir grace when she carae to London, and to bringe
with him but x men ; and, as I heare saye, he broughte
XV, whearefoare he had a rebuke. Some saye he is fled,
but the truthe I know not. He hathe not byne seene

AND HER TIMES, 299
since Thirsday nyghte, nedier can his men teU wheare
hee is. My Lord RusseU and ray Lord Fenares are
m the Sherife of London's custody." ^
But though she stiU felt considerable doubts of sup
port at home, expectations of foreign assistance were
more secure ; yet even there she speedUy conteraplated
some change, at least with regard to her diploraatic
residents, notwithstanding the readiness with which the
conmiissioners had turned round, on hearing of her
success, with respect to Lady Jane's faU from regal
power. -'^
The despatch which announced this change of men
and measures is such a curious specimen of intrigue,
dupUcity, and poUcy, depri-ving the coraraissioners of
their offices, yet apparently fearful of offending, or of
alarming them, that we shall give it entire, as the first
finuts of that double-faced system of raental reservation
so accordant -vrith the spirit of the rerived reUgious
poUtics of that day; for in Mary's reign religion and
poUtics were never separated.
" Aftere our raost hartye coinandacones Albeit you
shaU understand bothe by the queenes highnes in-
stmctiones and otherwise by declaracon of this beaner
Su- Thomas Chejmey, Knighte of the Order, Trea-
surere of his maj*^ household and warden of the fyve
portes, her graces pleasure touchjmge the placing of

300 LADY JANE GREY,
you the Bushope of Norvriche to be hir highnes am
bassadore resydente vrith the emperor, and also touch-
yngfe the revocasyon of you, Mr. Hobby and Mr.
Morysone, yet hathe her highnes wiUed us also by dies
our letteres to sygnyfie unto you that consyderinge
the long aboade and the small freite that hathe hither
unto ensued of your travUle, her highnes thinkethe
expedyente that you Mr. Hobby and Mr. Morysone
shold returne to her highnes presense, and att the
takynge off your leave, her highnes specyaUy requirethe
you to say that yff her highnes dide see or myghte
understande any lyklyhoode that your longer aboade
myghte bring forthe any fruit for that godly purpos
you weare sente for, shee wold be most glade not
onelye to haue you contynue but wold raost redylye
send sorae other psonage joined with you for the treaty
and conductynge the same towards a good conclusyri ;
but consyderynge that hitherto it hathe not pleased
Almighty God to moue the harte of them to Concorde,
she dothe therfore revoke you for this tyme remayn
ynge, neverthelesse raost redie to send either you or
sorae otheres for that purpos when shee raay under
stande the tyrae to serve bettere for that purpos and
usynge suche good wordes as you may thinke better to
declare hir highnes most earneste desyre bothe to the
xontinuance off the amytie and pacifyinge off theis
wanes. You Mr. Hobby and Mr. Morysone shaU
with diUigence repair to hir highnes presense, and you

AND HER TIMES. 301
the Bushoppe of Norwiche shaU attend your chai-ge
of hir graces ambassadore residente accordinge to hir
highnes instructyones and spessyaU truste reposed in
you, advertysing hir raaj*"^ from tyme to tyme of suche
occunants as may seeme worthie knowledge. And so
wee byd you most liartelye fareweU, From the Tower
of London, the S"" daye of August, 1553. Subscribed
by
Arundell. Steven Winton,
Jo. Wentworth, R. Riche. W, Paget."
Robt. Rochester. R. Southwell,
W, Peetoe.
A few days afterwards a letter was also written by
the new queen's council, signed by Bedford and Shrews
bury, to certain comnnssioners, to continue Dr. Wootton
as ambassador at the court of France.
The joy of the cathoUcs on the accession of Mary
may be drawn from the observations of Stephen PerUn,
the French ecclesiastic already quoted, who says that
the queen " caused the images to be replaced, and
brought back the serrice to the Latin language, and
made several proclamations, edicts, and prohibitions
throughout all England, against eating of flesh on
Fridays and Saturdays, on pain of being hanged and
strangled. And then you might have seen those which
had been bishops, who had been displaced by the young
King Edward, and his late father Henry, coming in

302 LADY JANE GREY,

great joy and magnificence about the town, raounted on
mules and Uttle pompous horses, dressed in great gowns
of black camlet, over which were beautiful surplices^
their heads covered with satin hopds, Uke thpse wom
by the monks, beuig joyous on account of the queen's
rictory." In these new arrangements the queen and her par
tisans were rather too hasty ; for, notwithstanding that
the great body of the people were as yet far from
being weU grounded in the reformed faith, and not
vrithstanding all the joy expressed by the people in
favour of her . accession, it is evident that the pubUc
opinion was by no means in consonance with her re
Ugious sentiments. The same correspondence already
quoted states, that on the llth of August " an ould
preeste sayd masse at St, Bartholmewes ; but after
that masse was done, the people wold have puUed
him in pieces ;" and, on the 13th, when Mary went
to St. Paul's to hear mass, and a sermon preached by
Bourne, a riolent cathoUc, such was the public feel
ing, or at least the sentiments of some, that a dagger
was thrown at the preacher with such force, though
uncertain direction, that it stuck fast in a side post of
the pulpit.
We shaU describe the scene from Perlin, already
quoted, who, although a cathpUc, and, as his work
shows, strongly embued with prejudices against Eng
land, yet seems to speak the truth in many points, as

AND HER TIMES. 303
far as his own marked ignorance and conceit will per
mit him. Of this first risit to St, Paul's he says, " the
queen, being in triuraph and royal raagnificence in
her palace and castie of Oyceraestre, (Westminster)
took it uito her head to go to hear mass at Paules,
that is to say, at the church of S' Paul, and she was
attended by six hundred guards, besides the Cere,
that is to say, the servants of both ' fors' and nobles.
In English, the word lors means lords. The niUors
are princes of the councU, and those nearly alUed to
the cro-wn ; these we in French barbarously call mi-
lours; but in EngUsh they are styled milors, as those
weU know who have Adsited this country, and speak
good English. These servants carried halberts. It
happened that an EngUshman, during mass, threw a
dagger at the priest, making a great tumult; raass
not having been celebrated in this country for six or
seven years. This raan was iramediately seized, in
dicted, and tried, and on the spot instantly conderaned
to death. There was also in my time another disturb
ance in a Uttie church in the borough of Southwark,
respecting a priest, who narrowly escaped being kiUed
¦whilst saying mass. The queen made use of such
horrible punishments, and by the effusion of blood so
estabUshed her authority, that every body was asto
nished and terrified at remaining in the kingdom."
But we anticipate ; let us therefore return to the 20th
of August, when Dr. Watson was appointed to preach
at St, Paul's, but afraid to ascend the pulpit without a

304 LADY JANE GREY,
Strong guard to keep off the audience, sorae of whom
he suspected, from Bourne's affair, raight perhaps be
cprae actors.
Of this we find the following curious relation in the
correspondence so often aUuded to : " One Sundaye
last was a sermone at Pole's Crosse, raade by one
Doctor Watsone. Theare was at this serraone the
Marques of Winchestre, the Earle of Bedforde, the
. Earle of Perabroke, the Lord Wentworth, the Lord
Riche ; they did sitte wheare ray lord mayor and the
aldermen wear wonte to sette : my lord maiere sittinge
uppermoste. Thear was also in the windowe over the
raayor the ould Bushoppe of London and diveres
otheres. Thear was 120 of the gard that stoode
round about the crosse, with their halberdes, to gard
the preachere, and to apprehende thera that would
stirre. His serraone was no more eloquent than edi-
fieing ; I mehe it was nether eloquent nor edifieinge in
my opinione, for he medled not -vrithe the gospeUe nor
epistie, nor noe parte of scripture. After he had red
his theame, he entred into a by mattere, and so spente
his tyme, 4 or 5 of the cheefe pointes of his sermone
that I cane reraember I -wUl as breefly as I can reporte
unto you, rilz. he requirede the people not to bdeeve
the preacheres, but that ther faithe should be firme
and shure, because there is suche varieties amongeste
them; and iff any raan doubte of his faithe, let him
goe to the scriptures, and also to the olde interpret-
ures of.the same, and interprit it not aftere their owne

AND HER TIMES, 305
brayne. He wished the people to have no newe
fmthe, nor to bulde no newe temple, but to keepe the
olde faithe, and-reedifye tiie old temple againe. He
blamed the people in a maner for that heartofoare they
would haue nothinge that was manes tradisshon, and
nowe they can be contentyd to have manes tradisshon,
she-vringe that in the firste yeare of the raigne of our
soveraigne lorde King Edward the 6, theare was a lawe
estabUshed, that in the sacrament thear was the bodie
and bloode of Christe, not really but spuitualUe, and
the next yeare after they estabUshed another lawe,
that thear was the body of Christe nether spiritually
nor really. Thes 2 in themselves are contraryes,
thearfore they cannot be bothe trewe. He shewed
that we should ground our faithe uppon God's word,
which is scripture, and scripture is the byble, which
wee have in Hebrue, Greeke, and Latinne, and nowe
translated into EngUsh ; but he doubtethe the trans-
latyon was not true. Also he sayd theare hathe byne
in his tyrae that he hathe seen xx catechesemes, and
everi one varinge from other in some pointe, and weU
he sayd they might be all false, but they could nof be
true ; and thus psuadin the people that they had fol
lowed menes tradisshones, and had gonne astraye;
wishin them to corae horae agayne and reedefy the
olde temple. Thus, vrith many other pswasiones, he
spente the tyme tyll xi of the clocke, and ended,"
These persuasions, however, had little effect ; and

306 LADY JANE GREY,
another mode was tried, — "Diveres marchantes to the
number of 14 or 15, were by the counseUs comaunde
to come to the queenes chappell, and theare to tanye
tyU masse was done,"
Another letter, speaking of Watson's preaching,
says, " Upon Sundaye, the 20 off Auguste, theare
preached at Poules Crose one named WaUes : and to
^keepe and preserve him from the enemyes, theare
weare with their holbordes about 200 of the garde ; the
lyke was never seene ; and as for altres and masses, are
in buUdinge faster than ever they weare put downe,"
Another letter of the 1st of September says, that
" all the altres at Poules ai-e up, and all the oulde
service sayd in Lattin; and almost throughout Lon
don the same," Yet it was not without some struggle,
apparentiy, on the part of the protestant, or reforraed
divines ; for the sarae letter adds, that " the Bushop
of Canterbury, Hooper, the Bushop of London, and
diverse other, are together in disputacyon dayly at
their owne houses ; but what is done araongeste them I
cannot learne," And, a day or two after, appears the
foUo-wing passage :
" At London is kept diveres disputacyones in the
consistorye place in Poules, with the bushopes. Bu
shop Cox must dispute on mondaye nexte in the same
place, upon diveres articles; but what they bee I
cannot yet learne,
" The masse is very riffe.

AND HER TIMES. 307
« By turninge the bookes of the GuUdliall, I have
founde theare was comaundmente gevene from the
mayere to the aldermene of every warde to call befoare
them the preeste of every parish churche Arithin theare
wardes, and to geve them in comaunderaente that they
should not preache nor reade any scripture or other
lectures, other tban the derine service appoyntede,
tyU they heare furthere."
In the midst of these scenes of alarm to the friends
of the reformation. Queen Mary's friends prided thera
selves much upon their loyalty towards her ; and one
of them, by the name of Richard Trougbton, a Lin
colnshire man, addressed a memoir to the pri-vy coun
cil; perhaps one of the most curious poUtical docu
ments in existence, and indeed a fair prototype of the
weU known " P. P. clerk of the parish." It is in the
British Museum*, but much foo long for insertion
here; one short extract must therefore suffice.
" Hit may plese yo"^ honorable lordeshypis to be
advysed that upon wensday the xi*'' day of July, in
the firste yere of the moste gracious raign of the
queues majestie, I Richard Trougbton, of South
Walshen, in the countie of Lincoln, and John Dove,
constable of the same towne, the saide day and yere
standinge together at the comon watering place then
caUed hedgedyke, lately scoured for catall tp drink att,
that I the said Trougbton called on James Prate to
* Harl, CoU, No, 6222. X 2

308 LADY JANE GREY,
me, which Pratte was newe come whome, and asked
of hyme howe he liked the newe scowered wartering
place; and he answered weU, and desyred God to
thank the doers therof for hit was the best dede, said
he, that he knewe done in that towne many yeres
before. And afterwards the sarae Prate alsked me
what newes I had harde of Kynge Edwarde ; and I
answered hym none at aU ; and Prate said the kynge
was dede, and that T knewe weU enough ; and I de
nyed hit, for I knew hit not at that tyme in dede.
Wherfor I demaunded of hyme howe hee dyd knowe
his graces to be departed ? And he said it Was to
trewe, for the quenes hynes was fiede into Northefolke,
and lay at Mr. Hurlstones house by the waye. Than
I said, O worthe Kynge WUliam that ever he was
borne; speaking thes wordes by the late Duke of
Northumberland, who was causer of the quenes flying,
for his father was a treator, and he was a very wyllayn,
and his father wold have kyUed the kyngs father,
Kynge Henry the Eighte, and the good kynge was
departed by lyke. That -o worthe the same wiUayn
that ever he was bome, for I fred he wold go aboughte
to destroye the noble blode of Ingland, wherfor I
drewe out my dagger in the syghte of the said John
Dove and Janiys Prate, and wisshed hit at the wyl- '
layns hart with my hande att hit, as harde as I culde
thru ste psentiy face to face, and body to body, what
so ever be came of my body, and desyred Gods plage

AND HER TIMES. ,309
to lyghte upon hyme, and that he myghte have a
shorte lyfe : and preyed God to saue the queue's ma
jestie, and to delyver hir grace from hym. Wherupon
the said Dove plucked me secretly by the coat, and s"*
he wold speke with me ; and so we went away from
Prate. And Dove advysed me to beware what I said
agaynste the duke, for I knewe that Prate was not my
frende, and that he wold make the woorst of hit. I
answered Dove, vrith my dagger drawn, agayne re-
hersyng the words abcve mencyoned. I have said hit,
and I wuUe saye hit -vvyUs I lyve. And further I
srid, that Dove shulde see hyme sortely come to his
fatheres deth, for his father was behedded, and soe I
trusted he shulde be or his was longe to. And so
being a sorrowfuU man for the troble, I departed, and
bade theym fareweU at the time."
Mr. Trougbton then proceeds " to teU bis story thus"
through many pages, often repeating his oaths and
drawing his dagger in threats against Northumber
land. But it was not in the humble walks of life alone
that vanity and time-serring were conspicuous ; for
many names, now Ulustrious, might be adduced as in
stances of unmanly bending to the storra.
This double-minded, or rather cowardly part,
which some of the principal agents performed in this
affair, cannot perhaps be more fuUy iUustrated than
in " a breff note of my submission, and declaracion of

310 LADY JANE GREY,
my doings," written by Sir W. CeciU, and preserved
in the Lansdown MSS. in the Brit. Mus. No. 104. 2.
" 1. First, my submission with aU lowlynes that my
harte can conceive,
" 2. My raisUking of the raatter when I herd it
secretiy ; wheruppon I raade conveyance awaye of my
landes, pte of my goodes, my leases, and my raye-
raent. " 3, I also determyned to suffer, for saving my con
science, wherof the -vritnesses Sir Anthony Cooke, Ni
cholas Bacon, Esq. Laurence Eresby of Louthe, eleven
of my sute, Roger Alford, and WUUam Cayewood,
"4, Of my ppose to stand against the matter, be
also vritnesses Mr. Petre and Mr. Cheke,
" 5. I did refuse to subscribe the booke, when none
ofthe counsell did refuse: in what periU I refer it to
be considered by the who know the duke.
" 6, I refused to make a proclamation : and tumed
the labour to Mr. Throckmorton, whose conscience I
sawe was troobled therwith, raisUking the matter,
" 7. 1 eschewed the wrytyng of the queene's highnes
bastard, and therefore the duke wrote the Ife himsdf,
wch was sett forth m the realme.
" 8. I eschewed to be at the drawing of the pro
clamation for the pubUshing ofthe usurper's tide, being
speciaUy appoy ted therto.
" 9. I avpyded the answer pf the queene's highnes
lire.

AND HER TIMES, 311
" 10, I avoyded also the wrytinge of all the public
Ires to the realme,
"11, I wrote no Ife to the L. Lawerr as I was
comaded. " 12, I dissebled the taking of ray horse, and the
ryange of Lincolnshyre, and Northamptonshyre, and
avowed the pardonable lye where it was suspected to
my dang"^.
" 13. 1 practised with the L. treasurer to wyn the L.
pve seale, that I myght by the L. Russd's meanes
cause Wyndsore Castie to serve the quene ; and they
11 to levy the west ptes for the quenes serrice. I have
the L. treasorer's Ife to L. St. Jobn, for to kepe me
saffe if I cold not prvaUe in the enterprize of Wyndsore
Castle, and my name was fayned to be Hardinge.
" 14. I did oppose my selfe to y' Erie of Arundell,
who I found therto disposed ; and likewise I did the
like to the L.Darcy, who herd me with good cotentacio,
wherof I did imediately teU Mr. Petre, for both our
comforte. " 15, I did also determine to flee frora them, if y°
consultation had not taken effect, as Mr. Petre can teU,
who meant the like.
"16. I pposed to have stoUen downe to the quenes
highnes, as Mr. Goswold can teU, who offered to lede
me thither, as I knewe not the waye.
" 17. I had my horses redy at Lambeth for the
ppose.

312

LADY JANE GREY,

" 18. I procured a Ife from the lords that the
quenes tenants of Wybledon should not goe with Sir
Thomas Caverden, and yet I never gaue one man
waming so much as to be in a redynes, and yet they
sent to me for the ppose, and I wUled them to be
quiett. I might as shurely there make for the quenes
' serrice an hundred raen to serve.
"19. When I sent into Lincolnshyre for ray horses,
I sent but for v horses and viii of my servants ; and
charged y' none of ray tenats should be styrred,
" 20, I caused my horses, being indede but xii, to
be taken upp in NorthaptSshyre, and the next daye
following I cotermaded the agayne by my Ifes, re
mayning in the cotry, and notoriosly ther kno-wne.
" 21, When this cospyracy was first oppened to me
I did fully set me to flee the realme, and was dissuaded
by Mr, Cheke, who wUled me for my satisfaction to
rede a dialoge of Plato, where Socrates, being in
pson, was offred to escape and flee, and yet he wold
not, I redd the dialoge, whose reasons indede did
stay me.
" FynaUy, I beseeche hir highnes that in hir grace
I maye fde some differece fro others that have more
playnely offended, and yet be partakers of hir highnes
boil tief ulness and grace ; and if difference maye be made
I do differ fro them who I served ; and also fro them
that had libtye after there enfoi-cemet to depart, by
meanes whereof they did both like noble me and true

AND HER TIMES. 313
subiects shew tiie dueties to tiieu- sovraign lady. The
Uke wherof was my devotion to have done, if I might
have had tiie Uke Ufetye, as knowetii God, the sercher
of aU harts, whose indignatipn I call uppn me if it be
not true :
" Justus adiutorius meus Dnos q salvos facit rectos
cord: " God saue the queene in all faeUcite,
W, Cecill,"
In perfect unison with this conduct on the part of
CecUl, is a fact ti-ifling in itself, yet whirasical from its
connexion with these events. In the Lansdown Col
lection, now in the British Museum, No. 1236, Art.
15, is a letter from Lady Jane to the Marquess of
Northampton, announcing her entry into possession, &c.
and requiring his aUegiance, and defence of her tide
against what she calls " the fayned and untrewe clayrae
of the Lady Marye, bastard daughter to our great
uncle Henry theight, of famous memory." This letter
is dated from the Tower, on the 10th of July, and
appears to have come afterwards into the hands of
CeciU, who has indorsed it, " Jane, non Regina," and
carefuUy erased its superscription, but not in such a
manner as to prevent its being read. It is not our
wish, however, to be too severe upon that great states
man. Life is sweet to aU men, and when the exposure of
it to danger cannot be foUowed by any good results, al
lowances must be made, StiU we cannot help ojbserving,

314 LADY JANE GREY,
that if Cecill was the friend of Mary, he ought ui the
first instance to have braved the violence of North
umberland, both for loyalty and conscience sake. If
he were not the friend of Mary, then he ought to have
acted -vrith more courage in favour of the cause which
he had espoused, and thereby have saved himself, sup
posing the others equaUy intrepid, from the necessity of
tergiversation and of denying his faith, whUst crouching
to a tyrant, and to a tyrannical priesthood.
But terror was the order of the day, and fear was its
concoraitant ; for though Mary affected clemency to
wards the great mass of her opponents, yet it was suf
ficiently known that she intended to make a striking
example of sorae of the leaders.
In fact, such was the public opinion in regard to that
point, that we find a convincing proof of it in a letter of
the date of the 5th of August, which says, " I hard saye
this daye that the Duke of Northumberland, the Lord
Marques of Dorset, of Northarapton, the Earle of Hunt
ington, Sir John Gate, and Mr, Palmer, wear alredie
condemned to die,"
This report was, indeed, rather premature ; but the
fate of Northumberland was, perhaps, even then de
cided on, his trial and that of some others being ordered
for the eighteenth of August, The whole proceedings
are thus recorded in a book of the lords-stewards of
England, and of the trials before them*,
* Brit, Mus, Harl, CoU. No. 2194, p, 22,

AND HER TIMES. 315
" Thomas, Duke of Norfolke, sitting as High-
Steward of Englande, on the dghteen th
day of August were brought before him,
John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland,
WiUiam Parre, Marquesse of Nprthamp-
ton, and the Earle of Warwicke, sonne to
the Earle of Northuraberland.
" The Duke of Northumberland, at his cominge to
the bane, used greate reverence towards the judges,
and protestinge his ffaith and obedience to the queene's
maty, whome he confessed grdvously to have offended,
he said. That he meant not to, speake any thinge in
defence of himselfe; but would first understand the
ojHnipn of the courte on two points.
" First, whether a man dooinge an acte by the au
thority of the prince and counseUe, and by warrant of
the greate seale of England, and dooinge nothinge
without the same, may bee charged for treasone for
any thinge wch hee mighte doe by warrant thereof?
" Secondly, whether any such psons as were equally
culpable in that crime, and those by whose letres and
commandements he was directed in aU his dooinges
might bee his judges, or passe upon his tryaU att his
death ?
" Whereunto was answered, that as concerninge the
firste, the greate seale, wch hee layd for his wanant,
was not the seale of the lawfuU queene of the realms,
nor parsed by authority ; but the seale of an usurper,
and therefore would bee rioe warrant for him.

316 LADY JANE GEEY,
" And to the second it was aUeadged, that if any
were as deepely to bee touched as himselfe in that case ;
yet as longe as noe atteinder were of recorde against
them, they were neverthelesse psones able in the lawe,
to passe upon any tryall, and not to be challenged
therefore but att the princes pleasure,
" After wch answere the duke usinge some wordes,
declared his earneste repentance in the case (for hee
saw that to stande upon utteringe any reasonable matter
could Uttle pvaUe), and raoved the Duke of Norfolke
to bee a raeanes unto the queene for raercy, and with
out furthere answeare confessed the indictraent, by
whose example alsoe the other prisoners arraigned wth
hira did Ukewise confesse the iiidictraent produced
against them, and therupon had judgement,
" The judgeraent being prounced, hee craved favor
of such a death as was executed on nobleraen, and not
the other : hee beseeching alsoe that a favourable re
gard might bee had of his chUdren in respect of theire
age, and that hee might bee pmitted to conferre with
some learned dirine for the settlinge of his conscience ;
and, lastly, that her ma'*' would bee pleased to send
untP hira foure pf her cPunseU for the discovery of some
things which might conserne the state,
" The Marquesse of Northampton pleaded to his in
dictment. That after the beginninge of these tumults
he had forborne the execuson of any pubUque office,
and that all the wJiUe hee, intente to huntinge and
other sports, did not ptake in the conspiracy ; but it

AND HER TIMES. 317
being manifest tiiat hee was pty with the Duke of
Northumberland, sentence passed on him likewise.
" The Earle of War-vricke fyndinge that the judges
in soe greate a cause adraitted noe excuse of age, wth
greate resolucon heard his condemnacon pronounsed
against him : craringe only this favour, that whereas
the goods of those who are condemned for treason are
totaUy confiscated; yet her ma"*' would bee pleased
that out of them his debts raight be payd. After this
they were aU returned to the Tower,"
We may add, from another authority,- that when
Dudley implored the mercy of the court, or rather of
the queen, towards his unhappy chUdren, he had the
generosity and Uberality to assure them that the Lady
Jane, so far from aspu-ing to the crown, was rather
" by enticement and force made to accept it !"
This is a testiraony, and a raost forcible one too, of
her good sense, which fuUy confirms what we have
already stated in a former section.
The pubUc clamour and rejoicing upon Nort/i-
umberland's condemnation were considered by the
court party as an approval of their cause, when in
fact they were merely produced by the personal un
popularity of the indiridual himself; for it must not
be forgotten, that when the Duke of Somerset perished
on the scaffold, in 1551, through the intrigues of
Northumberland, as commonly supposed, the people

318 LADY JANE GREY,
were so generaUy persuaded of his innocence, that many
dipped- their handkerchiefs in his blood, as it feU from
the block, considering him as a martyr. These were
treasured up with great care; and now, whUst the
duke was leading back to the Tower, a woman shook
one of the bloody handkerchiefs at him, crying out,
" Behold, the blood which thou didst cause to be
unjustly shed does now apparently begin to revenge
itself on thee !"
When Northumberland was coraraitted to the Tower,
he was lodged in that part caUed Beauchamp's Tower,
ancientiy the place of confineraent for state prisoners*,
and which has recently been converted into a mess-
room for the officers of the garrison. When alterations
were making for this purpose, a great number of in
scriptions were discovered on the walls of the room,
which probably have, for the most part, been made
¦vrith naUs, and are aU of them, it should seem, the
undoubted autographs, as Mr, Brand, Secretary to the
Antiquarian Society, ima^nes, of the several iUustrious
and unfortunate tenants of this once dreary mansion.
Amongst these memorials is the device of Dudley
most curiously done, a plate of which is given in the
Archaeolo^a, consisting of a bear and ragged staff,
with a lion rampant, surrounded by weU sketched fo
liage of roses, acorns, &c,
• Archseologia, vol, xiu, p. 68,

AND HER TIMKS.

319

His name, in the speUing of the age, is under the de
rice ; and below are four Unes, evidently punning upon
his o-wn misfortunes and his brother Ambrose's narae.

YOV? THAT THESE BEASTS DO -WEL BEHOLD AND SE
MAY DEME WITHE EASE WHERFORE MADE THEY BE
WITHE BORDERS EKE WHERIN 
A BROTHERS NAMES WHO LIST TO SERCHE THE GROVN

320

LADY JANE GREY,

This device and inscription appear not to have been
quite finished before he was led forth to execution;
but on different sides of the apartment the word

appears cut in the same manner. Mr. Brand very
justly supposes this to be intended for the royal tide
of the amiable and unfortunate daughter-in-law of
Northumberland ; and he remarks, that she had, per
haps, a latent meaning in this repetition of her signature
Jane, by which she at once styled herself a queen, and
intimated that not even the horrors of a prison could
force her to relinquish that title. But such a feeling is
not in consonance with facts whicb we have had occa^
sion to record of her ; besides it is kno-wn that she was
lodged in a different apartment, in the house of one
Partridge, as already noticed.
IndeedMr. Brand remarks, that although it is stated
in the Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons, vol. iv.
p. 129, that on the wall of the room in which she was.

AND HER TIMES. 321
imprisoned in the Tower she wi-ote with a pin these
lines :
" Non aUena putes homini quod obtingere possunt :
Sors hodierna mihi eras erit iUa tibi."
" To mortals' common fate they must resign.
My lot to-day, to-morrow may be thine" 
yet no vestiges of such inscription were discovered
in making the alterations in this apartment in Beau
champ's Tower ; a circumstance perfectiy compatible
with her confinement in another place, and therefore
verifying Mr. Nichol's supposition, that the name was
thus -written by Northumberland hunself from ostenta
tion, or perhaps a better feeUng ; as the- letters re
semble much those of his own autograph ; not only in
the specimen already given, but in another. —

Mary was determined to aUow but little tirae to her
rictims ; for on the nineteenth, or the day after, the
Duke of Northumberland received intelUgence of his
intended execution, on which he instantly sent the fol
lowing letter to the Earl of Arundel*:
" Honble Lord, and in this ray distress my especiall
* Brit. Mus. Harl, Coll, No, 787, p, 61,

322 LADY JANE GREY,
refuge, most wofuU was die newes I receyved this
evenynge by Mr, Lieutenant, that I raust prepare my
selfe ag'' to morrowe to receyve my deadly stroke.
Alas, my good lord, is my cryme so heynous as noe
redempson but my blood can washe awaye the spottes
therof.'' An old proverbe ther is, & y' most true, y' a -
lyving dogge is better than a dead lyon. Oh ! that it
would please her good grace to give me Ufe, yea the
life of a dogge, if I might but lyve and kiss her feet,
and spend both Ufe and aU in her honble serrices, as I
have the best part already under her worthie brother,
and most glorious father. Oh ! that her mercy were
such as she would consyder how Uttie proffitt my dead
and dismemberd body can bringe her ; but how great
and glorious an honor it wiU be in all posterityes when
the report shall be that soe gracious and mightie a
queene had graunted life to soe miserable and penitent
an object. Your honble usage and promise to me
since these my troubles have made me bold to chal
lenge this kindnes at your handes. Pardon me if I
haue done amiss therin, and spare not, I pray, your
bended knees for me in this distresse. The God of
Heaven, it may be, wiU requite one day, on you or
yours. And if my life be lengthened by your mediadon,
and my gooi Lord ChanceUor's (to whom I haue also
sent my blurred letters), I -vriU ever pwe it to be spent
at your honble feet. Oh ! good my lord, remember
how sweet life is, and how bitter the contrary. Spare

AND HEK TIMES. 323
not your speech and paines, for God, I hope, hath not
sliutt out all hopes of comfort from me in that gracious,
princely, and womanhke hart : but that as the doleful
newes of death hath wounded to deatii both ray soule
and bodye, soe the comfortable newes of life shall be as
a new resurrection to my wofuU hart. But if no remedy
can be founde, eyther by imprisonment, confiscation,
banishment, and the like, I can saye noe more but
God graunt me patyence to endure, and a heart to for-
^ue the whole world.
Once your feUowe and lovinge .companion,
but now worthy of noe name but -wretched-
nes and misery.
J, D."
This appUcation was of no avaU ; so that we have only
to record that the same Lord Steward's book, aheady
quoted, further states, that " On the two and twentieth
of the same moneth (Augt) the duke w* the rest, S'
Thomas Pahner and S^ John Gates, haveing two dayes
brfore recdved the sacramente of the Lord's supper,
were deUvered to the Sheriffes of London by S' John
Gi^e, Lieutenaunte of the Tower; when the duke
and Sir John Gates mett, ' S' John,' said the duke,
' God haue mercy on us, for this day shaU end both
o' Uves, and I pray you forgive mee whatsoever I
haue aSbnded, and I forgiue you with all my hearte,
y2

324 LADV JANE GREY,
Although you and yo' counseU was a greate occasion
therof,' ' WeU,_ my lord,' quoth Sir John Gates, ' I
forgiue you all, as I would be forgiven, and yet you
and yo'' authority was the originell cause of it alto
gether, but the lord pdon you and I pray you forgiue
mee;' and soe either makinge obeysance to other
the duke proceeded. And when he came upon the
scaffold, puttinge of his gowne of swane coloured da
mask, leaned upon the easte rayle makeing his ovme
funeraU oration to the people ; acknowledged himselfe
guUty, and craveinge pdon for his unseasonable bold
nes and ambition, admonished the assembly that, they
should embrace the religion of their forefathers, re-
jectinge that of latter .date, wch had occasioned all the
miseries of the aforepast thirty years, and for pven tion
of the future, if they desire to psent theire soules un
spotted unto the Lord, and were truly affected to theire
countrey, they should expeU those trumpets of sedition,
the preachers of the reformed reUgion, As for him
selfe, whater hee might ptend, his conscience was
fraught with the reUgion of his fathers, and for testi
mony herof he appealed to his greate freinde the Bishupp
of Winchester : but being bUnded with ambition, was
contente to make wracke of his conscience, by tempo
rizing, fc.:- which hee professed himselfe sincerely pe
nitent, and acknowledged the desert of his death.
Having spoaken thus muche hee craved the

AND HER TIMES. 325
charitable deyotions of the assembly, and com
mending his soule to God, prepared his body
for the stroke of the axe."
This testunony on the scaff'old in favour of a retum
to the Roman Catholic reUgion is most extraordinary ;
particularly when we add to it another fact, as positively
asserted, in that private correspondence which we have
had occasion so frequentiy to quote :
" On Monday laste the Duke of Northumberland,
the Marques of Northampton, Sir John Gates, and
otheres hard raasse verie devoutUe in the Towere, and
theare receaved the sacraraent even as they weare wonte
40 yeares ago." '
This apparent compliance, however, with Mary's
arbitrary commands, had but Uttle effect as to the fate
of these unhappy raen ; for the same letter goes on to
state, " This presente daye the Duke -of Northumber
land, Sir John Gates, and Mr. Palmere carae to execu
tion, and suffered deathe. The duke's confessyon was
in effecte but lytle, as I hard saye ; hee confessyd hira
selfe worthye to dye, and that hee was a greate helper
in off this reUgion, which is false, whearefore God had
pnished us -vrith the loss King H. 8. and also with the
loss of Kinge Ed. y° 6.; then vrithe rebeUyon, and
aftere withe the swetynge sicknes, and yet we would

326 LADY JANE GREY,
not turne ; requyringe them aU that weare presente to
remember the ould learninge, thankynge God that he
would vutsafe to caU him nowe to be a chrystyane, fpr
thes 16 yeares he had byn none."
This writer then says, " Thear weare a greate noiji-
ber tumed with his worde. He wished every man npt
to be covetous, for that was a greate pte of his de
struction. He was asked further, yff he had any thinge
more to saye ; and he sayd nothinge but that he was
worthie to die, and so was moare than he. But he cam
to dye and not to accuse any man ; and thus bouldly
he spak tylle he layd his head on the blocke,
" Litle moare in effecte was sayd by any of the reste,
saving Mr. Palmer sayd he had byne a vicious lyvere."
How far these confessions proceeded from fear of
torture is a fair raatter of doubt, when we read the
next foUowing sentence, " The Duke of Norfolke
gaue the Duke of Northumberlande his judgmente ;
theare wente no quesfn on him, for he confessed the in-
diteraent," The word " questn" eridentiy aUuding to
the rack *!
* A very curious and even amuang jumble ofthe transactions
at this period, has been given by that clever but coneeited
Frenchman, Stephen PerUn, already quoted, which deserves
particular notice. It was first printed at Paris, in 1558; and
afterwards translated into EngUsh, an extract of which we sub
join from the Antiq. Rep. iv. 501,
" Good God ! what a sedition was I witness to ! It happened
that King Edward was sick at the castle of Grenois (Green-

AND HEU TIMES. 327
But a fuUer account of this affair is given in another
letter, which states, that " The Duke of Nortiiumber-
wich) ; his illness lasted three months, at the expiration of
which he died. Then raight you every where behold the
people trembling, groaning, and beating their breasts; then^
were aU the mUors rauch troubled, not knowing what steps to
take. Hereupon milor NotombeUant called together all the
chief nobiUty, caUed lors, and set forth in several speeches that
Henry the Eighth, King of England, bad several -vrives, of
which one was the mother of Madam Mary, who then pretended
to the crown, and wbo is at present queen, whose mother having
been found guUty of adultery, was condemned by the privy
coundl of England, and aU her posterity bastardized, and de
prived of aU claims to royalty; and that thereupon the king
had, by his last wiU, directed that his young son should be
kiog, without baving any regard to the Madam Marie and
Madam EUzabeth, his daughters, which wUl was signed by the
hand of the said Henry the Eighth, and approved and con
firmed by an arret ; of which wriU the Duke of NotombeUant
avaUed himself, and remonstrated to the councU that his
daughter ought to be queen, and that she was, by her mother's
side, nearly aUied to the crown; for, different from all king
doms, the females here succeed to the throne. Many mUors
sided with bim, and principaUy the duke of Suphor, the milor
Arondelle, and the mUor Marquis; and the said NotombeUant
caused his daughter, named Madam Jane, to be proclairaed
queen of the country, who, as I have before said, was married
to mUor Suphor. At her proclamation, flie people neither made
any great feaste, nor expressed any great satisfaction, neither
was one bonefire made. The mUor NotombeUant set out to
apprehend Madam Mary, in order to bring her prisoner to the
castie of the Tower ; and took vrith him the Duke of Suphor,
the mUor ArondeUe, and the mUor Marquis, accompamed with
fourteen or fifteen hundred horse.
" But here fortune proval adverse to him and his enterprize :
for being abandoned by his people, tbe poor prince, he and the
Duke of Suphor, and the mUor ArondeUe, were ignominiously

328 LADY JANE GEEY,
land, the Marques of Northampton, and the Earle of
Warwicke weare arraynid, the 18 daye of August, the
and basely taken prisoners, without having struck one stroke, or
shewed themselves raen of courage. This behariour was un
doubtedly very pusillaniraous. They were conducted to the
castle of the Tower, under an escort of about eight hundred
men. The poor prince was ill adrised; he ought, notwith
standing any opposition that might have been made against him,
to have sent milor Arondelle to take possession of the castle of
d'O-vrre (Dover), the good man Suphor to occupy the Tower, the
milor Marquis to the castle at Rie, and his son-in-law to some
other port, which he might have easily eff'ected; for I am certain
that the whole kingdom trembled at his nod: and he, on the
other hand, ought to have given battle to the queen, and haye
drawn to his party this seditious and noisy people, by the pro
mises of money, which he might without difficulty have done,
for the deceased king left treasure in the Tower,' But God,
who alone distributes victories, would not permit it; and
cities are in vain guarded by great captains and armed men, if
God does not ^protect them ; wherefore in the government of a
kingdom, God ought to be implored on all occasions, he being
our most faithful guardian, which the royal prophet, Darid, has
weU taught us. The afore-mentioned prisoners were taken to
the Tower, The mob caUed the milor NotumbeUant vUe
traitor, and he furiously eyed thera with looks of resentraent.
Two days afterwards he was taken by water in a Uttle bark to
Ouseraestre (Westminster), a royal palace, principaUy to indict
and try him ; his trial was not long, for it did not last more
than flfteen days at mpst; and he, the Duke of Suphor, and the
milor ArondeUe were condemned by an arret of council to be be
headed in an open place before the castle of the Tower ; and
they had aU three the pain of seeing one under the hands of an
hangman, before whom a whole kingdora had trembled, which,
reader, was a lamentable spectacle. This hangman was lame
of a leg, for I was present at the execution, and he wore a white
apron Uke a butcher. This great lord made great lamentations
and complaints at his death, and said this prayer in EngUsh,

AND HER TIMES. 329
Duke of Norfolke, for that tyme Lord Stewarde of
England, The duke confessed the indictraents, and
was ajudged to be drawne, hanged, and his quarters
to be hanged about London ; so likewise was the Mar
ques. The Earle of Warwicke, upon his indictment,
asked whether the acte of a kinge, confirmed by his
counseUe, in suche a case may stande or noe ; which
bdnge affirmed negatively, he then answered. Lord
have mercy uppon me ; and so condempned weare re
tumed to the Towere,
" On Satterdaye beinge the IQ'' daye of Auguste,
was arraigned Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir John Gates,
Sir Henry Gates, and Sir Thoraas Palraere, and weare
lykewise all condemned.
" Then one Thursday, the 22"^ of August, the
Duke of Northumberland was behfedded at the Towere
hUl. The daye befoare he did heare raasse in the
Towere very devoutiy, which when he had done, he
stood up in the mideste of suche as weare theare and
¦ sayd with a loud voyse, that for 16 yeares befoare that
tyme he thoughte he had not served God truly, and
throwing himself on his knees, looking up to Heaven, and ex
claiming tenderly, Lorde God mifatre prie fort ous poore siners
nond vand in the hoore of our teath: which is to say, in French,
" Lord God my father, pray for us raen and poor sinners, and
principaUy in the hour of our death," After the execution you
might see little children gathering up the blood which had
faUen through the sUts in the scaff'old on which he had been
beheaded. In this country the head is put upon a pole, and aU
their goods confiscated to the queen."

330 LADY JANE GREY,
• that the puttinge do-wne of the raasse was the greatest
thoughte that ever he tooke for any thinge ; and that
yff it had pleased God to haue graunted him lyfe, and
had remained in authority, he would have put it dovrae
himselfe ever one yeare had come to an ende; and
added, that for to winne the harte of the cittezenes of
London, because they loved newe thinges, he would
riot befoare do it. And when he came to the scaffold,
aftere his protestacon, openly thear he vriUed all people
for to imbrace the most sacred and holy masse, whearin
(quoth he) is the true administration of the very trufe
bodie and blood aftere the consecration (this, quoth he,
is ray faithe), and do pray you aU to bear me witnes,
that is this true faithe, which is the faithe of our mo
ther the holy church, comaunded by the mouthe of
our Lord God, unto whom I commit my sowle, and
¦vriUinge all the people once moare for to imbrace the
same, and so made himselfe redy to the deathe,
threatening the people of England with the affaires of
Geerriianye which have byne since in greate raurder
and slaughter, and kneelynge one his knees sayd a
prayer, and after that the PsaUme De Profundis,
" Then cam Sir John Gates, who at his comyng up
prayed the people to praye for him, saying, that he had
offended, and thearfoare was come thyther to dye, and
so made and didd and prepared himselfe for the blocke.
" Then cam Sir Thomas Palmere, who, whenn hee
was uppon the scaffold put off lus cape to the auditory,

AND HER TIMES. 331
and sayd, God give you all good morrowe, and diveres
did byd him good morrowe againe : and he replyed and
sayd, I doe not doubte but that I have a good mor
rowe, and shaU have a better good even. Good friends
(quoth he) I am com hether to dye, for I have lyved
heare under a lawe and haue offended the same ; and
for my so dbing the sarae lawe findeth me guUty, hathe
condemned me to ende heare my lyfe this daye, for
the which I geve God thankes, in that he hath shewed
me the thinges which I have seene, and which also I
knowe to be just and trewe, and that is this, I have
since my coming out of yonder place, (poynting to the
Towere) seene -with myne eyes my Redeemere sittinge
at y" ryght hand of God the father, in glorie and raa^
jestie equaUy, whose powere is infimte, and in whom
whoso putteth his truste shaU never be deceaved ; and
as he is almighty, so can he doe what he Usteth, and
to whom he wUl, and when he wiU, and that none in
the heven above, nor in the earthe beneath, can or maye
let his determinate wUle, by whora I lyve, by wbom I
am, and in whom I truste to Uve etemaUy, 1 have, as
some of you doe knowe, good people, byne a man not
altogether noreshed in England, but some parte of my
brede I have eaten in other realmes ; but to say that
befoare nowe I did God aryght, the world aryghte, or
myself aryghte I did never. And nowe, what I have
sayd ye knowe. I saye, God is such a one, that with-

332 LADY JANE GREY,
out thowe wille sit downe and behould the heavenes
above the sonne, and mone, the stanes above the
firmament, the cpurse of the sonne, the moone, starres,
and clowdes, the earthe withe aU that in them is, and
howe they be aU preserved, thowe shalte never knowe
God aryght. The world is aUtogether vanity; for it
is nothinge but ambition, flattery, foolishe or vaine
glorie, prid, discorde, slander, bostinge, disdayne, ha
tred and maUis ; aU which thinges, the same God that
made the world, or, as ye saye, man, which heare I
compare to the world, dothe utterly deteste and ab
horre, in the which offences I have Uved so noseled,
that nowe havinge a just occasion to looke unto myne
owne selfe, I have seene nothing but a body voyd of
all goodness, filthie, and stinkynge of lazars worse than
dung of beastes, a very miserable creature, and yet the
very worke of the myghtie hand of God, But yet, not
withstandinge, in nowe knowinge my Creator arighte,
I doe not thinke any time to be that I have not byne
plunged over into the middeste of it, for the wch
prayenge God nowe tb pardon me, -vriUinge you and
prayenge you to praye for me, and withe rae, unto the
Lord my God, and your God, which God I faithfulUe
beUeve is in heven, and at the laste daye shall with all
triumphe come agayne into this worlde, judgynge the
same by fyere ; and nowe I wUle bide you aU farwelle,
prayenge you all to forgeve rae, and to saye. The

AND HER TI.MES, 333
Lord receave me to his raercy, when you shall see the
axe passe between my head and shoulderes: and so
did prepare lum to the deathe,"
It must be acknowledged, that this recantation of
these rictiras to ambition, if not so also to the protest
ant faith — is a matter of great doubt and obscurity.
Much of this raay, it is true, be explained by what is
asserted by Strype, in bis Ufe of Cranmer, that North
umberland was visited in prison by Bishop Hethe, to
whom he pretended that he was reconverted to popery;
to which, and most probably even to his dying declara
tion, he was persuaded by a promise made to him,
that if he would recant and hear mass, he should have
his pardon, even though his head were upon the block,
Strype adds, that the Emperor Charles V, had also
been persuaded by the duke's eneraies to insist upon
Mary's signing the -warrant of execution, which she
was half incUned to remit — ^but he then remarks, " the
priests best know the intrigues of Mary's reign,"
It must be recoUected, however, that during aU these
affairs, and even at the time of the execution, Mary
was stUl a resident in the Tower, which fortress she did
not quit for St, James's untU the 12th of September ;
and then not before she had directed a, forced loan to
be raade in the city of London, which was announced
on the first of that month : on which a punster might
observe, that she had thus made game of the worthy
citizens in return for their applause. This loan Was

334 LADY JANE GREY,
principaUy to defray the expenses of her coronation,
which she was determined to celebrate with all possible
pomp and raagnificence.
After resi^ng for about a fortnight at St. James's,
she retumed to the Tower by water, on the 87th of
September, accompanied by her sister Elizabeth, on
whora she appears to have kept a very watchful eye.
On this occasion repeated salutes were fired, amounting,
for some time, to a continual cannonade, especially at
the Tower, each of whose " sakers and demi-culverins"
sounded as the kneU of the unhappy youthful couple
then immured within its walls : and also of Cranraer
and Latimer, who had been sent to prison on the 15th
of the month.
Every thing being ananged for the, coronation,
which was fixed for the 3d of Octpber, Mary left the
Tower on, the last day of September, and rode through
the dty, with the most splendid pageantry, to West
minster ; and still accompanied by EUzabeth, of whom
she had already begun to feel great jealousy. Nor
were her fears groundless; for, notwithstanding the
changeable sycophancy of her ministers and apparent
partisans, she could not forget that the only member
of the coundl who had refused to join in the measures
to bastardize her was Sir James Hales, or HaUes, pne
of the justices of the Common Pleas ; and he too was
a great favourer of the reformed reUgion. Yet this
refufsal weighed npt with the queen ; whp visited him

AND HER TIMES, 335
with her severe anger, because, at a quarter session in
Kent, he gave charge upon the statutes of King Henry
VIII. and of Edward, in derogation of the primacy of
the church of Rome, For this, certainly a lawful act, he
was first committed to the King's Bench, then to the
compter, and finally to the Fleet prison, where his mind
became so unsettied, that he raade an attempt upon his
own life with a penknife. On his recovery he was brought
before the queen, who, it is said, spoke kindly towards
him ; but this was of no avail, for shordy afterwards,
on his Uberation, he drowned himself in a rivulet not
half a nule from his own house; and so determined
was he upon this melancholy proceeding, that, on ac
count of die ^aUowness- of the rivulet, he actually lay
groveUng in it until he was suffocated.
The qilendour which Mary determined to display
on her coronation led to a ^ riew of the royal ward
robe : and she had been only a short time seated on
her throne, when she began to look about her for the
crown jewels, and such other valuables as she could
clmm, appertaining to her predecessors. Such of these
as had been deUvered to the Lady Jane, that unhappy
lady had already given up ; but Mary, evidently with
a very unjust suspicion, thought otherwise; and on
the 20th of September, issued the following unhand
some order to the Marquess of Winchester, stiU lord
treasurer* : * Brit, Mus, Hari, CoU, No, 611.

336 LADY JANE GREY,
" By the Quene,
" Marye the Quene,
" Trustie and welbeloved, wee grete you weU, And
where upon dely verie of cer ten our jeweUes and stuffe
to yor handes by the Lady Jane Gray, the xx of July
last, well she before had receyved of you, the xU* of
the same moneth, it appeyreth that the pceUes herafter
mendoned were wantynge, and by occasion therof can
not yet be found agayne : forasmuch as wee certeynlie
undrestonde that by your dUigence aU the rest that
she had was recovered, beinge at the same time in Uke
daungere, and upon trust wee have ye -vriU not let to use
the lyke travayle to recover these pceUes also to our use
so sone as ye canne ; we are therfore pleased," &c, 
Here her very careful and liberal raajesty gave to the
marquess an acquittance i\x: hiriiself and heirs.
To some readers it may be curious to enumerate
the articles whose loss is here complained of.
The first was a chain of twenty pieces of gold, ena
meUed black, with forty clusters of pearls set in gold,
with five pearls in every cluster. Next a chain of
forty-four pieces of gold, and in each of them two
smaU turquoises and twenty-four pearls. Also a col-
lette of gold and two pearls; parcel of twenty-four
broken coUettes, containing thirty-six pearls, " Item,
two pearls, parceU of eighteen upon an upper ha-
billement." All these are stated to have been taken

AND HER TIMES. 337
out of a coffer on which was written " The Quenes
JeweUs :" but the list was rauch larger, out of a
" square cofer covered with fustian of Naples." The
first of these is, " Itera, a litle piece of a broken ring
of gold — Itera, a booke of prayeres, covered with
purple velvett, and garnished witii gold — Item, a
purse of lether, witii xviu peces of silver of sundrie
straunge coynes — Item, three frenche crownes, wherof
one broken — Item, a girdle of gold — Item, iUi old
half-pence of sUver — Item, viU Ude half-pence and far
things of latten — Item, xvi d, two farthings, and two
half-pence — Item, a pair of t-vritchers of sUver — Item,
a ringe of golde, -vrith a deathe's head — Item, a prymer
in EngUsh — Item, a Utie square boxe of gold and
alver, with a paire of sheares, and diverse shreddes of
satten in the sarae — Item, in a white paper, a litle pece
of damask gold — Item, a paire of knyves in a case
of black sUk — Item, two bookes covered with lether,"
— But perhaps the most curious of aU is out of
" the cofer marked with the broad arrow :" " Itera,
two shavinge clothes — Itera, xuii paire of gloves of
diverse sortes,"
The careful Mary had also an inventory of her own
jewels taken ; many of the entries in which are scarcely
inteUigible at the present day. " Itera, a shippe gar-
nischede fuUie with diaraountes, lacking two — Item,
one H. and K. with one lardge emeralde, and one
lardge pece pendente — Item, a tablet, being a whistle

338 LADY JANE GREY,
of gold, a woman the upper part, gold enameled white,
and the lower of mother of perle," Then there was a
tablet of gold, with the king's picture on one side
painted, on the other a rose of diamorids : also a
" tablet of gold, therein a clocke," Next come " car-
ranettes" of gold and diaraonds — " laces for the necke,
of gold — habUleraentes of gold, perles, and stone — ger-
delles of gold — bracellettes of gold — beades — aglettes
¦ — buttons — claspes — glasses — books — funes" — &c, &c.
In another part of this curious MS, is a further Ust
of " coyne receaved of the Lady Jane Gray," on the
25th of July. This list contains some " crownes
and half-crownes — old Edwardes — ^peces of golde —
double duckettes — peces of gold" (with the pictures
of Henry VIII. Edward VI. &c.) " one half armgel —
shiUinges and half ghiUinges." — Even " base money,"
to the amount of four shUlings and five»pence, is set
down — " Item, olde sterUnge money, with two placke
.... xxd. — Item, xui brasse peces, not valued !" The
whole amounting to ,£541 13*. 2d ! " Receaved of
the Lord GuUforde Dudeley, in moneys of the base
standarde, xxxii li, viU s,"
In short, it is evident that the unhappy pair were
stripped of every penny they possessed ; for it is im
possible to believe that such sums, and such monies,
could have been part of the royal treasury. This ex
treme harshness, however, seems to have been pretty
fair evidence of what Mary's intentions were towards

AND HER TIMES, 339
her prisoners, as soon as the bustie of her own corona
tion should be over ; which took place in Westminster
Abbey, on die 1st, or, as some say, on the 5th of Oc
tober, with unprecedented raagnificence.
This cereraony was scarcely over, when measures
were put in train for the impeachment and trial of
Lady Jane, and her husband. Lord GuUdford Dudley,
together with Lord Arabrose, and Sir Henry Dudley,
sons of the Duke of Northumberland; and Ukewise
Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, whose back
wardness, in favour of the proposed succession setting
aside Mary, avaUed him nothing in the day of her
power, when she stUl remerabered his conduct in re
gard to her raother's divorce, in addition to his " he
retical " opinions.
The tri^L on an anaignment for high treason, took
place at OHdhall on the 13th of November ; on the
morning of which day Lady Jane and her husband
were led thitGer from the Tower, under a guard of
four hundred halberdiers. To the indictraent they
all pleaded guUty; fuUy aware that defence was in
vain. It is stated, by an ItaUan author, (Florio) who ap
pears to have had good opportunities of information, that>
Lady Jane displayed the utraost coolness and presence
of mind upon this occasion. He says, that neither the
noise nor greatness of the crowd, nor the clash of arms,
nor even the solemn ceremonies observed in passing
z2

340 LADY JANE GREY,
sentence, nay, nor the presence of her unjust judges,
seemed to alarm her, or to shake her constancy : her
cheeks -were never robbed of their bloom ; nor did her
voice in the slightest degree falter or tremble. The
whole of this description has been well embodied by
Rowe in his tragedy, when he raakes Bishop Gar
diner, who was raost active upon this occasion, thus
reply to Pembroke's expostulations in favour of
mercy :
Gar. These are romantic, Ught, vain-glorious dreams.
Have you consider'd well upon the danger ?
How dear to the fond raany, and how popular.
These are whom you would spare } Have you forgot
When at the bar, before the seat of judgraent.
This Lady Jane, this beauteous trait'ress, stood.
With what coramand she charm'd .the whole assembly ?
With silent grief the mournful audience sat,
Fix'd on her face, and Ust'ning to her pleading :
Her very judges vsrrung their hands for pitj^B
Their old hearts melted in 'em as she spok^
And tears ran down upon their silver beards.
Ev'n I myself was moved, and«for a moraent
Felt wrath suspended in my doubtful breast.
And question'd if the voice I heard was mortal.
But when her tale was done, what loud applause,
- Like bursts of thunder, shook the spacious haU !
At last, when sore constrain'd, th' unwiUing lords
Pronounced the fatal sentence on her life ;
A peal of groans ran through the crowded court
As ev'ry heart was broken, and the doom.
Like that which waits the world, were universal.
The awful sentence passed, she was ordered back
to the Tower under the same escort, in company with

AND HER TIMES.

341.

the otiier victims : but the whole scene was so terrific,
that the persons who had been permitted to attend
upon ber in her prison, for consolation and support,
were so impressed -with its various horrors, as to be
indebted to her for that consolation which they could
not give *.
" Oh, faithful companions of my sorrows," said she,
" why do you thus afflict me with your plaints ? Are
» The royal apartments in the Tower, and the " Quenes
Grarden," as it was caUed, occupied the south eastern angle of
that fortress, close by Irongate, After EUzabeth's time they
went to decay, and the offices of the ordnance stand upon their
site. The only remaining vestige is what is now caUed Cold
Harbour ; supposed to be die entrance to that part of the palace
afterwards occupied by Elizabeth, whilst a state prisoner.

342

LADY JANE GEEY,

we not born intp life to suffer adversity, and even
disgrace, if it be necessary ? When has the time been
that the innocent were n«t exposed to violence and
oppression ,?"
With respect to the pubUc feeling, as manifested on
her way back to the Tower, it is stated expressly by
Speed, that great lamentations were made, during the
transit of aU the prispners, but especiaUy for the gopd
Lady Jane ; whose state the queen herself so pitied,
that she ordered her to have the liberty of walking in
the queen's garden in the Tower, and on the hiU also :
and he adds, that surely had not her father, after his
first offence, fallen into another, she had been, as was
thought, " pardoned of life," It has been supposed
that the youth and innocence of those two youtilful
personages, neither of whom had reached their seven
teenth year, pleaded sufficiently in their behalf, even
upon her bigoted and jealous raind.

AND HER TIMES. ' 343

SECTION VII.

Treatment of Lady Jane and Lord GuUdford as Prisoners — In
dulgences and Hopes of Pardon — Eff'orts for Conversion, on
the Part of Mary — Steadiness and Christian Fortitude of Lady
Jane — Letter to Harding — Rerival of Popery — Subraission
of the Realm to the Pope — PubUc Opinions and FeeUngs —
Wyat's RebeUion — Proposed Marriage of Mary with PhUip of
Spain — Anecdotes, &c. — Injudicious Participation of the Duke
of Suff'olk in the RebeUion — His Arrest and Imprisonment
in tbe Tower — Fatal Consequences to Lady Jane — Confer
ences with CathoUc Priests— Order for Execution — Letter to
her Fatiier, and other obituary Memorials — Preparations for
the fatal Hour — Prayer in Prison — ^Execution of Lord Guild
ford Dudley; foUowed by that of Lady Jane ! — Affecting
-Anecdotes of fhe unhappy Pair — Resignation and Christian
Fortitude of Lady Jane — Speech on the Scaffold — She
FALLS ! ! ! — Conclusion.

The day of their trial was the first on which those
iUustrious rictims to parental ambition had been per
mitted to see each other since their first moment of
arrest ; and they were as sedulously separated on their
return to the Tower ; yet to Lord GuUdford some Uttle
indulgence was shown, for Stowe, in his Annals, says,
that he and Lord Ambrose " had the Uberties of the
ports where they were lodged." But when, on the

344 LADY JANE GREY,
21st of December, the Marquess of Northampton and'
Sir Henry Gates were pardoned and discharged, then
the confinement of both the Dudleys and of Lady
Jane was lessened in strictness, and, it is said, with
hopes of pardon. The two young lords were per
mitted to walk on the leads of the Tower ; wliUst to
Lady Jane was granted the favour of walking in the
queen's garden, together with several other Utde in
dulgences ; which would, however, have only been so
many acts of cruelty, if further punishment had then
been intended.
It has been supposed, by some, that Mary, at this
raoraent, had no sanguinary purposes in view, but
raerely hoped, that by tenor of the scaffold, and in the
silence and seclusion of a prison, she raight be able to
recal thera from that " heretical" path for which she
had such an aversion ; and, in consonance with this, it
is stated by an anonymous writer *, that, during this
period of her imprisonment, Mary and her priestly
counsellors were very anxious to convert our amiable
heroine to popery, for which purpose Several leamed
divines of the Roman catholic persuasion were sent to
her, to dissuade her frora that profession of the Gospel
which from her cradle she had ever held ; each striring
by art, by flattery, by tlireatenings, by promise of life,
" or what else might move most in the bosom ofa weak
woman, who should become master of so great a prize ;
* Phoenix, vol. u. p. 36.

AND HER TIMES. '345
but aU their labours were bootiess, for she had art to
confound their art, wisdom to \rithstand their flatteries,
resolution above their menaces, and such a true know
ledge of life, that Deatii was to her no other than a
most famUiar acquaintance,"
It has indeed been asserted by several, tiiat she had
the most solemn proraises of life and fortune, prorided
she would recant : but aU in vain ; and she therefore
began early to prepare herself for death, by a careful
study of the promises in the Gospel,
If the letter recorded in Fox's Acts and Monuments
as written by Lady Jane to Dr. Harding, who had
been her father's chaplain, on the subject of his re
cantation from the reformed reUgion, be reaUy from
her pen, it must have been composed about this period,
during her imprisonment ; for Harding did not recant
untU after Mary's accession, Burnet observes of this
letter, that it is " fuU of life in the thought, and zeal
in the expression"^ — ^but we cannot help approving of
the opinion of several judicious -writers, that the violent
flaming zeal, with the coarse indeUcate language of it,
camiot have been the genuine effusion of a raind so
gentle and araiable as that of our heroine.
The letter itself may be found in Fpx's Acts and Mo
numents*, and commences vrith a variety of phrases, ap
pUed to Harding as forsaking Christ, which surpass even
the BiUingsgate of some modern sectaries. Then follow
» Vol, iii. p. 27.

346 LADY JANE GREY,
reproaches for apostasy, in a style such as few professed
termagants would venture to use in conversation, much
less set down in writing ; whilst the attack upon the
Roman catholic church, though it raanifests great ve
hemence of faith and abhpnence, does not at aU re
serable either the piety or the Christian forbearance
for wbich Lady Jane was so remarkable.
Can it for a moraent be supposed that such epithets
as " deformed imp of the devU," — " stinking and filthy
kennel of Satan," — " unshamefast paramour of Anti
christ," — " cowardly runaway," — " golden calf," —
" * * * of Babylon," — " sink of sin," — " chUd of per
dition,"—" white-Uvered mUksop," vrith a long &c, can
have issued from the mind or pen of an amiable young
female ? We think not ; and therefore consider it un
necessary to notice this epistle any further,
Mary's disposition to re-introduce popery soon raani
fested itself ; at first, indeed, in sraaU things, but not
the less likely to excite suspicion ; for, in a " List of^
memorable Occurrences" on that subject, preserved in
the Museum *, we find it recorded, that " comandment
was gyven, that in all churches in London, the sepul
ture should be had upp agayne, and that e-^ry man
should beare palmes and goe to shrifte ;" and soon after,
on Ash- Wednesday, Dr, Weston sung mass at Charing
Cross " befpre the quene in harnesse under his vest
ments ;" whUst the queen went in procession, " and
* Brit, Mus. Harl. CoU. I. 419, 43.

.\ND HER TIMES.' 347
Bume, Byshopp of Bath, dyd ther wer a myter and a
payre of slyppers off sylver and gUt," &c. &c.
But she was soon enabled to pursue'her plans more
openly ; for as early as the beginning of December she
had gained over the parliamerit to her purposes, as
appears by
" The submission of the realme to the Pope, the last
day of November, 1554, — Translation*,
" To their Majesties the King and Queen,
" We, the lords spiritual and temporal, and com
mons of the whole kingdom of England, singly and
universaUy, in our o-wn and in their name, by this
supphcation, directed to your majesties, most humbly
beg that the Right Reverend Father in God, Cardinal
Pole, being speciaUy deputed to bis Holiness Pope
Julius the Third, and to the Holy ApostoUc Roman
See, this our supphcation shaU be transmitted by your
maje^es, by which we declare ourselves to be deeply
penitent of the heresy and disobedience committed in
this realm against the said ApostoUc See, not only in
passing, but in consenting to, and in acting on certain
laws, ordinances, and decrees, in opposition to the
primary authority of that see, and also in regard to
the impugning of that authority, either in word or
deed. • Brit, Mus. Cotton. Tit. c. vu. 118.

348 LADY JANE GREY,
" Witnessing and promising by this our supplication
in testiraony and declaration of this our repentance,
that we are and shaU be prepared, on the authority of
our rulers, to do whatever we can that these laws,
decrees, and ordinances shaU be rescinded and abro
gated in this present parUaraent, as weU in our own
name as iri that of the whole body which we represent.
In which we humbly supplicate your raajesties, that
every poUuted spot thrown by this body upon that
holy see, to whom Divine Providence has subjected
us, being wiped out, your majesties -wiU be pleased to
intercede for us that this our humble supphcation shall
be received at the ApostoUc See, through the aforesaid
Right Reverend Lord Legate, and that we, all and
every of us, shaU obtain free pardon, absolution, and
Uberation from all censures and sentences to which we
fa^l under the ecclesiastical laws ; and that as penitent
chUdren we may be received into the bosom and unity
of the church of Christ ; that this noble reahn, vrith
all its members, may be one in unity and in perfect
obedience to the ApostoUc See, and the Roman Pontiffs,
to serve God and your majesties only, and for the
divine honour and glory,"
With such high political sanction to her riews,
Mary could have little to fear from her youthful rivals
in poverty and iraprisonraent ; but whatever hopes
Lady Jane and her husband raight have entertained,
whatever ease they might then be permitted to enjoy,

AND HER TIMES. 349
were quickly taken away by one unhappy event,
which it was impossible for thera to foresee, and in
which it was not so much as pretended that they were
parties. Indeed tiiis unfortunate circumstance arose,
apparentiy, from causes totally different.
It is stated by all historians that, whatever the
public feeUngs had been in regard to Mary's right to
the throne, yet there was now a great spirit raised in
the nation against her union -vrith PhUip of Spain ; and
upon this a general insurrection was concerted, which,
it is generally admitted, if it had been executed -vrith
any degree of tbat prudence shown in the planning of
it, could scarcely have faUed of success. Sir Thomas
Wyat, as we shaU speak of further ptesentiy, was to
be the leader in Kent; whUst Sir Peter Carew, in
ComwaU, undertook to negociate with all those who
might prefer to see the Princess Elizabeth, a Pro
testant, upon the throne, and raarried to Courtenay,
the young Earl of Devonshire.
The breaking out of this plan was probably hastened
by Mary's haste to be married; for as early as the
12th of January, 1554, she was deep in negociation ;
and very soon after Count Egraont arrived in London
to settie every thing for the raarriage.
That Mary's alarm, in regard to the proceedings of
the people of London, was not iU founded, raay be
readUy aUowed; and their disposition raay be iUus
trated by the fact that shortly afterwards, on the ex-

350 LADY JANE GREY,
pected arrival of her husband PhUip, she was obliged
to publish a proclamation, in which she said, that
having " concluded a marriage, to the honour of Al
mighty God, and the weale and benefit of her graces
realmes and subjects, -with the most high and mighty
Prince of Spain, hir highnes, considering the Ughtnes
and erill disposition of divers lowe and seditious per
sons, who, seeking always novelties, and being seldom
contented with their present state, might, peradventure,
at this time, by their naughtie and disordered beha
viour, attempt to stir discord, and give reason to breake
the order and frendly agreem' that ought to be nou
rished and contynued between the subjects of this
realme and such as sliaU come in vrith the said noble
prince." — Ordered that the raost friendly conduct
should be shown unto these strangers, as they were
also to show in England; " with curtuosie, frendly
and gentle enterteignment, without ministring towards
them any manner, cause of strife, or contention, either
by outward dedes, taunting wordes, unseemly counte
nance, or by any otber waies or meanes whereby lack
of frendship or goodAvUl might be conceived." — She
then notified to all the nobUity and gentry that she
would hold them accountable for the conduct and be
hariour of their servants and dependents, upon pain of
her high displeasure and indignation ; threatening them
also with committal to prispn, " without baU or main
prise, to abide there such further punishment, either

AND HER TIMKS. 351
by fyne or otiherwise, as shall be thought agreeable to
the quaUty of his or tiieir offences, and may serve for
an example to other like disordrid persons*."
To make matters doubly sure, Mary also sent for
the lord-mayor and corporation to court, when she in
formed them of tiie mtended wedding, and desired
that they should behave themselves like good subjects,
vidth aU humbleness and rejoicing !
Of Wyatt's rebeUion it is stated f, that it was begun
by that knight sooner than at first intended, in conse
quence of his alarra at hearing that one of his dearest
friends was coramitted to the Fleet prison. The cause
of comnuttal was,, mdeed, distinct from the plot ; but
Sir Thomas felt alarraed, and broke out at once into

* Of the poUce of the city some idea may be formed from a
proclamation also issued at this period, by the mayor and court
of aldermen, in the queen's name, reciting that " heretofore great
study and care hath bene taken for the cleene keeping of tiie
streets, lanes, and aUies; therby to avoid sickness and infec
tion ;" and ordering every person possessed of weUs or pumps,
to cause ten bucketsfuU, at least, of water to be thence drawn
every moming before six o'clock, and to be poured or cast into
the streets and kennels ; whUst the same should be swept every
moming before, and every evening after six. The scavengers
were then ordered to sweep and carry away the filth every
second day; whilst it was further directed, that no person
should permit their dogs to be in the street after ten at night, or
before four in the morning ; authorizing aU dogs found within
those hours to be kUled, vrithout any redress to the owner for
the same.
+ Vide FuUer's Church History,

352 LADY JANE GREY,
open hostiUty. FuUer relates that the queen, hearing
of the coramotion, sent a herald to him with orders to
desist; whp, on his anival at Sir Thoraas's house, found
it deeply moated round about, with the bridge drawn
up, but StiU that a place Uke a ford seemed to offer a
safe passage. " On the inside thereof walked the proper
case of a man WeU habited, and his face carrying no
despair of wisdome therein. The herauld asked him,
' whether he might safely go over there.'" To whom
the other sUghtiy answered, ' yea, yea : ' but had not
the strength of his horse been more than ordinary, he
either had been drowned in the water, or buried in the
mudde," The herald, on his arrival at the house,
made loud complaints of the deceit practised upon
hini ; when Sir Thomas summoned all his household
to answer the charge : " The herauld chaUengeth the
party at the first sight of him: ' Alasse!' said Sir
Thomas, ' he is a meer natureU, as wUl appear if you
pleese to examine him,' ' Why, sinah,' said the he
rauld, ' did you direct me to come over where it was
almost impossible to passe without drowning,'"' To
whora the other answered, ' The duckes came over not
long before you, whose legs were shorter than your
horse's,' Hereat the herauld smiled out his anger,
adding withaU, ' Sjr Thomas, hereafter let your foole
wear the badge of his profession on him, that he may
deceive no raore in this kinde,' "
It was not untU the twentieth of January that the

AND HER TIMES. 35'J
queen and her councU pretended to consider the re
beUion of Wyatt as connected with the Lady Jane ;
but on that day, in the address of Sir Robert Soutii-
weU, sheriff of Kent, to the people asserabled at the
market of Tovra MaUing, it was expressly said, " Do
you not see and note, tiiat as in the beginning of the
quenes raost gracious reign, some of these sought to
deprive her grace of her princely estate and rightful
dignity, rainding to advance therunto the Lady Jane,
daughter to the Duke of Suffolk.''" — " So are they
and others newly confederated -with the Duke," 8ec.
But it is a certain fact that Wyatt's rebellion, as
appears from his own proclamation, was to oppose the
queen's manying -vrith a foreigner; yet jhis avaUed '
little to the unhappy rictims now identified with that
rebelUon; perhaps, too, not unfairly. At all events,
it was an unfortunate coincidence for the poor prisoner
that her father, the Duke of Suffolk, within a very few
months after the faUure of his ambitious plans, un
mindful of the clemency which he had so lately re
ceived, and at the risk of his daughter's safety, stUl in
the queen's power, should have been so infatuated as
to take part in tbis rebeUion now set afloat by Sir
Thomas Wyatt, even though only on pretence of
danger apprehended from Mary's projected maniage
with PhUip of Spain,
But so misguided was that unhappy man, that on
the twenty-fifth of January, accompanied by his two

354 LADY JANE GREY,
brothers, the Lords Thomas and Richard Grey, he
departed secretly one evening from his residence at
Sheen, near Richraond, and set off -vrith all speed for
Leicestershire, making proclamation (both in Leicester
and in other places) of Wyatt's rise, but confining
himself to. the subject of Mary's intended raarriage.
His force amounted to about one hundred and forty
horsemen : but he found so little encouragement in
Leicestershire, even amongst his own tenants, that he
set off tq try the next county, yet vrith similar iU suc
cess; for the citizens of Coventry shut their gates
against hira, in which they were directed by the Earl
of Huntingdon, who had been sent down by tbe queen
to oppose aiw probable disturbances in that quarter.
FoUed in his endeavours, he found it prudent to
retire to Astiey, where he and one of his brothers
took refuge in some secret place in the park of that
mansion : but to Uttle effect ; for he was shortly after
wards betrayed to the Earl of Huntingdon, and con
veyed to Coventry in the custody of Christopher War
ner, an alderman of that city.
His other brother, the Lord Thoraas, as HoUinshed
informs us, got away at that time, intending to have
fled into Wales, from whence he might have escaped
to the Continent; but on the borders of that princi
pality he was also apprehended, " through his great
mishap, and folUe of his man, who had forgot his
cap case with monie behind him in his chamber one

AND HER TIMES. 355
morninge at his inne, and, coming for it againe, upou
examination what he shoiUd be, it Avas mistrusted that
his maister should be some such man as he was indeed,
and so was staled,, taken, and brought up to London."
It may, perhaps, now be fairly said, as generaUy
beUeved by the writers of that time, that this rebelUon
alone proved fatal to the Lady Jane, and Lord GuUd
ford ; for her father's treason was now imputed by the
queen and her friends to the unaspiring daughter,
although the fact certainly was, that the rebels and
malcontents seemed principaUy to rest their hopes upon
the Princess EUzabeth, and the Earl of Devonshire,
Indeed Bishop Bumet acknowledges, that even now
Mary was adverse to sanguinary measures: nay, when
all her priests and ministers urged that her safety could
only be provided for by fulfiUing the sentences already
passed upon her unhappy prisoners, it was stiU with
considerable difficulty that she could be prevaUed on
to sign the warrants for their execution ; a measure,
too, which she delayed unto the last moment.
But when it was understood that Wyat had ad
vanced on the first of February to Greenwich, matters
began to take a very serious tum ; and when, on the
same day, though proclaraation was made tbat the Duke
of Suffolk was taken prisoner, andhis people scattered,
yet Wyat StUl pushed on for the metropoUs, and on
the tiiird was actuaUy in Southwark, Mary at once
decided on their fate, which, however, was necessarily
A A 2

356 LADY JANE GREY,
postponed during the assault on the ffletropoUs by
Wyat's insurgents, on the 5th and 6th of February,
^ On the latter day, the insurgents being defeated,
and Wyat himself made a prisoner, tranquUlity was in
some raeasure restored; and on the 7th the council
met to consult on the necessary steps, when, as Sif
Richard Baker observes, the first that was thought on
was the Lady Jane, in whom was verified, " the fathers
have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set
on edge;" for the innocent lady must suffer for her
father's fault, and now, as a rock of offence, she is the
first that must be removed. It appears from Baker's
statement, that Feckenham, then the queen's confessor,
afterwards abbot of Westminster, was sent on the 8tli
to acquaint her that she must prepare herself to die
the very next day ; which message was so little un
pleasing to her, that she seemed rather to rejoice at it,
as if thereby she were to be set at liberty,
Feckenham, during this interview, in which she at
once told him candidly that she had long expected the
fate thus announced, was very earnest, according to the
orders which he had received, both from the queen and
Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, in exhorting her to
change her reli^on ; when she, even thus taken without
preparation, answered him upon that subject with great
calraness of mind and clearness of reason, not only
upon the subjects of faith and hoUness, but also on the
sacraments, the scriptm-es, and. the authority of the

AND HER TIMES, 357
church. She conduded ^rith saying, tiiat she had now
no time to think of any thing, but of preparing herself
to God by prayer; when the abbot, construing this
observation to mean a request for some delay, appUed
to the queen, who granted hira three days longer for
the poor captive, to whom he instantly announced it
in her prison.
He entered her apartment with a sraile in his coun
tenance, whUst he infornied her of the reprieve ; but
Lady Jane mUdly answered him, " You are much de
ceived if you think I have any desire of loriger life ;
for I assure you, since the time you went from me,
my life hath been so tedious to me, tbat I long for
nothing so much as death ; and since it is the queen's
pleasure, I am most wiUing to undergo it;" adding,
that far from desiring her death might be delayed, she
expected and wished for it, as the period ofher miseries,
and her entrance into eternal happiness.
Indeed it is erident that to Lady Jane the bitterness
of death was now past, so long had she looked forward
to it, being thus prepared to meet her fate before it
was announced ; an expectation said to have been, in
some measure, tumed into certainty some days previous,
by the enforcement of a stricter confineraent, and the
abrogation of all former indulgences.
When Mary was informed of the preceding con
versation, she became inflamed vrith the spirit of en-

358 LADY JANE GREY,
thusiastic persecution ; and, in the frenzy of bigoted
zeal, but under pretence of tender mercy to the soul of
her unhappy prisoner, again sent to her Feckenham,
her own confessor, and several other dirines of the
Roraan CathoUc church, who disturbed her devotions,
and molested her with perpetual disputation; and
they even went so far as to offer her a further reprieve,
in hopes that she might be persuaded during that time
to pay, by what they called a timely conversion, some
regard to her eternal welfare; for which purposes a
more formal conference was appointed by them, and so
far acquiesced in by the suffering martyr,
Feckenham went to this conference vrith great hope
and exultation. He thought he should now have found .
her in great disorder, and confusiori, and that it would
be no difficult raatter to triuraph over the feeble un
derstanding of a dejected and heart-broken yourig fe
male. He found it quite otherwise, however : yet Lady
Jane was stUl. anxious to decline the proposed dispute ;
telling him that now she had no time to spare — that
controversy might be fit for the Uring, but not for the
dying — and that, therefore, the truest sign of his having
that compassion for her, of which he made such strong
professions, would be, to leave her undisturbed' in
making her peace with God.
With this humble request the confessor's presump
tuous hopes forbade compliance ; particularly as several

AND HER TIMES. 359
indiriduals had been purposely admitted, besides the
accompanying clergy, before whom he was anxious to
display his powers.
The account of this conference, as given by an ano
nymous writer of that day*, is, that Feckenham bad
Viith her a long and tedious disputation ; but, like the
other priests, who had preceded hun in this second
task of attempted conversion, found himself in all holy
gifts so short of her exceUence, that even he acknow
ledged hiraself fitter to be her disciple than her teacher;
and that he actually .besought her to deUver to him
some brief account of her faith, which he might here
after keep, and as a faithful witness publish to the
world. To this she is stated to have wUUr^gly con
descended ; bidding him boldly -question her in what
points of reUgion soever it pleased him, and promising
that she would give her faithful and beliering answer,
such as she would be ever ready to seal with her blood.
The same writer asserts, that this catechising argu
ment, for such it was, took place in the Tower publicly
before an assemblage ofthe noble and learned; during
which Lady Jane bore herself -vrith such a modest hu
mUity, yet so honourably stout in aU things, which
either concerned her God or her religion, that she ra-.
vished and stole unto her aU the hearts of her auditory,
whUe Feckenham lost much of that good opinion of his
-* Pheenix, vol, u. p. 36,

360 LADY JANE GREY,
learning, which for a long time h^ had enjoyed. On
this, we are told, that finding his own weakness, and
his disabUity to repel her truth with his scholastic fal
lacies, he lost his temper, and dared to use towards
her " some immodest speeches, raost unsuitable for his
gravity:" an insult, however, which she only answered
-vrith smiles and patience.
The conference, of course, was now at an end ; but
though Feckenham went through the farce of paying
his parting respects towards Lady Jane, as the others
did, yet he could not control his spleen, saying to her,
" Madam ! I am sony for you and your obstinacy ;
and now I am assured that you and I shall never raeet
again !"
Even to this coarse witticisra, Lady Jane raerely
answered, " It is most true, sir ! we shall never meet
again, except God tum your heart; for I stand un
doubtedly assured, that unless you repent .and turn to
God, you are in a sad and desperate case ; and I pray
to God to send you his holy spirit, for he hath given
you his great gift of utterance, if it please hiin to open,
the eyes of your heart to his truth."
Feckenham, more enraged at this, turned rudely
upon his heel, and left her without obeisance ; whilst
she, like a suffering saint, withdrew herself into her
bedchamber to meditation and prayer.
Part of this disputation, said to be drawn up by

AND HER TIMES. 361
Lady Jane herself, is given by various authors*, and
its sum and substance we may thus briefly sketch f.
To Feckenham's question, as to the duties of a
christian. Lady Jane named a sincere beUef in God,
as a trinity, a sincere love of God in heart, soul, and
mind, and the love of our fellow creatures as ourselves.
Faith and love towards God she described as inse
parable; whUst love to our fellow creatures, she ex
plained, as combining all the bounties of active charity
with a Uberal feeling, founded upon the golden christian
rule; of doing unto others as we vrish them to do unto
us. Good works, however, she did not consider as the
price of salvatio' ., but only as the necessary tests and

* Fox's Acts and Monuments, Phoenix,, &c.
t In the British Museum, Harl. CoU. No. 425, p. 83, is a
copy, apparently verbatim, of this conference. We subjoin its
commencement, as a specimen of the manner in which it was
conducted. "Fecknam. What thynge is requyryd in a crystyne?
" Lady Jane. To beUeve in Godd the Father, in Godd the
Sonne, and in Gtodde the Holy Ghost ; iu p~sons in one Godd.
" F. Is there nothynge else requyryd in a crystyn man but to
beUeve in Godd ?
" L. J. Yes. We must beUeve in hym. We must love hym
with aU our harte, vrith aU our sowle, and all our mynde, and
our neighbor as our selfe.
" F. Why (S, Pawle saythe that yf I haue faythe) then
faythe only justifyeth not nor saveth not ?
" L. J. Yes, surely ; as S' Pawle saieth, faythe only jus-
tifieth. " F. Why, S' Pawle saithe that if I haue faithe and want
love it is nothynge ?"

362 LADY JANE GREY,
consequences of that faith which alone can save, through
the merits and raediation of our redeemer Jesus Christ.
When Feckenham asserted that there were seven
sacraments. Lady Jane answered by a short question ;
" By what scripture find you that .?''' To which the
abbot could only reply, " Well ! we wiU talk of that
hereafter," In answer to his question, of what she
understood by the only two sacraraents that she ac
knowledged ? Lady Jane stated, that baptism was
raere^y a token of being the child of God, and of rege
neration ; whUsl the Lord's supper was nothing more
than a sure seal and testimony of the blood of Christ
shed upon the pross, by which all true beUevers are
made partakers of Heaven,
Feckenham then touched her raore closely upon the
doctrine of transub-stantiation, asking her if she did
not actuaUy receive the very body and blood of Christ
in the bread; for to this absurdity upon absurdity he
was brought, by the fact of the Roman Catholic clergy
denying the cup to the laity in the celebration of that
sacrament ; but Lady Jane at once denied her belief
of this, saying, that the broken bread reminded her of
Christ's body broken for ber sins, and the wine recalled
to her the redeemer's blood shed upon the cross, of
which she would receive the benefits through a holy
partaking. To this Feckenham instantly opposed what he con
sidered an unanswerable argument; asking her, did

AND HER TIMES, 363
not Christ hunself say, " Take, eat, this is ray body."
But this slie explained was only meant in a figurative
sense, just as he says in other places that he is a vine,
a door, &c. She further urged the impossibUity of our
Sariour ha-ving any other than a typical meaning in
these words, by the fact that there could not be two
Christs ; one in Heaven, and. the otiier to be eaten upon
earth ; that Christ himself was aUve in the body when
he said so ; and that it was irapossible tbe bread on the
table, which he broke and gave to his disciples^ could
be the body of him who then distributed it !
To this Feckenham merely answered that she founded
her faith upon authors who say and unsay in a breath,
and not upon the church, to which she ought to give
credit ; but she denied this, asserting that she grounded
her fa^th upon God's word, and not upon any church ;
and that the opinions of a church were to be tried by
God's word, and not God's word by a church, which
in refusing the vrine to partakers of a sacrament," with
holds from them part of the type of their salvation.
She then showed clearly that St, Paul administered
the sacrament in both kinds to the Corinthians; to
which Feckenham repUed,. that the refusal ofthe cup
to the laity, by the Roman CathoUc church, was to a
good intent, and to avoid a heresy; a reason which
Lady Jane at once set aside, by replying that the
church had no right to alter, God's will and ordinances.
The paper, thus slightly sketched, now says: " To

364 LADV .IANE GEEY,
this Mr, Feckenham gave rae a long, tedious, yet elo
quent reply, using many strong and logical persuasions
to compel rae to have leaned to their church ; but my
faith hath armed my resolution to withstand any as
sault that words could then use against rae. Of riiany
other articles of reUgion we reasoned ; but those for
merly rehears'd were the chiefest and most effectual.
Subscribed,
Jane Dudley,"
Though Friday the 9th of February was the day
first appointed for the awful ceremony of death, and
though Lady Jane had refused the offered respite, as
well as its terms and conditions, yet, for reasons which
do not appear, that respite was confirmed by the councU ;
and by thait delay, her father became, in some measure,
a witness of the ruin he had produced, he himself being
brought in'a prisoner to the Tower, on the 10th of the
month. Lady Jane, there is every reason to believe,
was not, at the moment, acquainted -vrith his prerious
arrest, nor even with his being in arms, for it was on
the 9th, in the evening, that she wrote to him the irie-
morable letter, raentioned by all historians of that day,
and undoubtedly genuine. It is also said, by those
who believe in the authenticity of her supposed letter
to Harding, already noticed, that it was between the
notice of her death and execution that she composed it ;
but this is only adding improbability to iraprobability.

.\ND HER TIMES, .365
since a letter so unlike to her mUd and meek, yct boldly
christian spirit, was stUl less Ukely to have been written
under her then circumstances.
In a book of the lord stewards of England *, the let
ter to her father is noticed in the foUowing manner :
" This duke's facUity, too, by practises, had occa
sioned the troubles w* w''' this realme had for some
yeares beene disti-actede, and his rash ingratitude (the
queene havenge once pardoned him beyond expecta
tion) had diverted the-cunent of the queenes cle
mency towards his daughter the Lady Jane, whose
hfe (yt was generaUy conceived) shee would have par
doned, but her father's miscounceUed rashnes hastened
her death. A' Uttle before w^'' shee sent nnto him this
letter foUowinge :
"Father, although it hath pleased God to hasten
my death by you, byVwhome my life should rather
have beene lengthened, yet I can soe patiently take it,
that I yeeld God more hearty thankes for shortning
my wofuU dayes, than if all the world had been given
into my possessions, with life lengthened at my owne
wiU, And albeit I am very weU assured of yo im
patient dolours, redoubled many wayes, both in be-
wayUng yo"" owne woe, and especially, as I am in
formed, my wofull estate : yet my deare father, if I
may, without offense, reioyce m my owne mishaps,
» Brit, Mus. Hail. CoU. No. 2194, p. 24.

366 LADY JANE GEEY,
herdn I may account myself blessed, that washinge
my hands with the innocence of ray fact, my guUtless
bloud may cry before the Lord, mercie to the innocent.
And yet though I must needs acknpwledge, that
beinge constrayned, and as you knowe well enough
contynually assayed ; yet in taking upon mee, I
seemed to consent, and therein grievously offended the
queene and her lawes, yet doe I assuredly trust that
this my offence towards God is soe muche the lesse, in
that being in so royaU estate as I was, my enforced
hono neuer mingled w* mine innocent heart. And
thus, good father, I have operied unto you the state
wherein I presently stand, my death at hand, al
though to you perhaps it may seeme wofull, 'yet to race
thear is nothing that can bee more welcorae than frora
this vale of raisery to aspire to that heavenly throne
of all ioy and pleasure, w"" Christ my Saviour: in
Avhose stedfast faith (if it may be lawfuU for the
daughter soe to write to the father) the Lord that
hath hitherto strengthened you, soe continue to
keepe you, that- att the last wee may meete in heaven
with the Father, Sonn, and Holy Ghost.
I ara.
Your obedient Daughter tUl death,
Jane Dudley."
At what time this letter reached her father is uncer
tain; but on the next day, as already mentioned, (the
10th of February) the Duke of Suffolk was brpught

AND HER TIMES. 367
up prisoner to the Tower, together witii the Lord
John,,his brother, guarded by the Eai-l of Hunting
don, a troop of gentiemen, and others, to the number
of three hundred horsemen ; and measures weft in
stantiy taken for his trial.
Between the announcement of the fatal order for
execution and its fulfilment, the lieutenant of the
Tower, Sir' John Gage, evidently impressed -vrith love
and respect for the unhappy sufferers, was anxious to
procure some memorial of his iUustrious prisoners;
and accordingly he presented to thera a " veUum
book of a small but thickish size*, being the manuel of
devotions of sprae EngUsh protestant of quaUty, who
was cast into prison wrongfuUy, according to his own
opimon. It was iUuminated by some foreigner, but
hath since been abused ; and is now imperfect in two
places." Such is the description of the book in tiie
Harleian Catalogue, to which is added a note : " I
wiU not affirm that this manuel was written by the di
rection of Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset and
Protector of England, upori his first commitment to
fhe Tower of London ; and that the last five prayers
were added after his second commitment, which ended
in his execution. But if this were so, 'tis easy to
apprehend how it might come into the hands of
that noble, but unfortunate lady, the Lady Jane Gi-ey :
but that this book was ip the Lady Jane's hands or
ppssessipn, and was also looked into by her husband,
* Brit. Mus. Harl. CoU. No. 2342.

368 LADY JANE GREY,
appears by the three foUovring notes written on the
lower margins."
The probability is, that the book had been borrowed
by the Ulustrious sufferers ; and, for want of permitted
materials, was made by them the means of comrau
nicating their last' wishes and fareweUs to their friends.
The first note is evidently addressed by Lord GuUd
ford to his father in law : " Your loving and obedyent
son wischethe unto your grace, long lyfe in this world,
with as muche joy and comforte as ever I wyshte to
my selfe ; and in the world to come joy everlasting.
Your most humble son tel his dethe, G. Duddeley."
A few pages further on is a note from Lady Jane,
addressed to the Duke of Suffolk : " The Lord com
forte your grace, and that in his worde whearein aUe
creatures onlye are to be coraforted. And thoughe it
hath pleased God to take awaye 2 of your childreri,
yet thincke not, I most humblye beseche your grace,
that you have lost them; but truste that we, by
leafinge this mortaU lyfe, haue wunne an immortel life.
And I, for my parte, as I haue honoured yur grace
in this life, wyU praye for you in another life.

The dying victim of ambition also addressed Sir
John Gage in the following words : " Forasmuche as

AND HER TIMES. 369
you haue desired so simple a woman to wrighte in so
worthy a booke, gode mayster lieufteiiante, therefore
I sliaU, as a friend, desyre you, and as a Cliristian re
quire you, to call upyon God, to encline your harte to
his lawes, to quicken you in his waye, and not to take
the worde of trewethe utterlye oute of your mouthe.
Lyve styU to dye, that by deathe you may purchase
eterneU life; and remembre howe the ende of Ma^-
thusael, whoe as we reade in the scriptures, was the
longeste Uver that was of a manne died at the laste.
For, as the precher sayethe, there is a tyme to be
borne and a tjine to die; and the daye of deathe is
better than the daye of oure birthe, Youres as the
Lca-de knowethe as a frende,
Jane Duddeley,"
On the llth of February she was, for the raost part,
absorbed in reUgious exercises and meditation : but in
the course of this evening she took up a New Testament
in Greek, " in which, after she had read a while, and
closing the book, she found at the end of it some leaves
of clean paper un-written; which," says the author
quoted, " as it were awakening and exciting her zeal to
some good and charitable office, she took pen and ink,
and on tbese waste leaves -wrote a most learned and
godly exhortation ; which she had no sooner finished,
than she closed up the book, and delivered it to one of
her attendants. Mistress Tylney, or Mistress Ellen, de
ls B

370 LADY JANE GREY,
siring her to bear it to her sister Lady Herbert, as the
last token of her love and remembrance,"
After finishing this exhortation to her sister, she was
not permitted to remain in peace ; but was agam as
sailed by two bishops and two learned doctors, who
held her in deep conference upwards of two hours,
striring -vrith aU their powers of eloquence and per
suasion to induce her to recant, and die in the Roman
CathoUc faith ; in this, however, they were, as before,
totaUy unsuccessful ; " for her faith being built upon
the rode of Christ, was by no worldly persuasion or
comfort to be either moved or shaken; so that after
the expense of time, and the loss of much speech, they
left her (as they said) a lost and forsaken member ; but
she, as before, prayed for them, and with a most cha
ritable patience endm-ed their worst censures,"
The Testament in which Lady Jane Wrote this ex
hortation to her sister is stUl in existence ; but we have
not seen it : we subjoin, however, a copy which we have
seen, on the blank pages ofa MS, on veUum, containing
an Essay by Albertus CasteUanus, or Albert Chatelain,
on the Art of Dieing " De arte Morieiidi," and a chro
nicle of English affairs from Adara to the year 1427 *.
It is to the foUowing effect :

* This MS. is in the British Museura, Harl. CoU, No, 2370.
The MS. itself tells us, tbat Adam was fifteen years old when
he had Cain, and his sister Calmana,

AND HER TIMES. 371
" This exliovtacyoii was writen by Lady Jane Dud
ley to her sister Katherine y ' night bifo she suft'red :
" I haue sent yo good susf K. a boke wh although
it be not outwai'dly riniid with gold, yet inwardly it is
most worth then pcyous stones. It is die boke, dere
sist', of the laws of the lord ; it is his testaraent and '
last wUl, wch he bequeathed unto us wretches, wch
shaU lead yo to the path of eternaU joye, and yf yo
wth a good mide reade it, and wth an earnest dissyre
folow it, shall bring you to an imortall and ever lasting
lyfe. It -wyU teach yo to lyve, and learne yo to dey ;
it shaU -wyne yo more then yo sholde haue gayiied by
the possessyon of yo' wofull fathres lands, for as if god
had pspered bim, yo shold haue inherited his lands, so
if yo aply dUigedy yo' boke, trying to directe yo' lyfe
aft' it ; yo shalbe an inheritor of such riches as nitlier
the covetous shall withdrawe from you, neyther the
» thefe shaU steale, neither yet y^ mothe corrupte. Dis
syre sist' to understand y" lawe of y'= lord yo' god.
Lyve styU to dey, y' yo by deth may purches eterneU
lyfe ; or after yo' deth enioye the lyfe purchesed yo"
by Christis death, and trust not y' y" tendernes ofyo'
age shall lengthen yo' Ufe : for assone, if god wUl, goith
y' young as the old ; and laboure alway to lerne to
dey, Deney y= world, difey y= devall, and dispyse y=
fiesh. DeUte yo' selfe onely in y^ lord. Be penitent
for yo' syns, and yet despayre not. Be steady in faythe
BE 2

372 LADY JANE GREY,
yet psurae not, and desyre wth S, Pawle to be desolvid
and to be wth X' with whora even in death there is
lyfe. Be lyke the good servant, and even at midnight
be wakyng; least when death comyth and stealythe
upon yo lyke a thefe in y" night yo" be with the evd
servant found slepinge, and least for lacke of oyle ye
be founde lyk the first foulsh wence, and lyke him that
had not on the wedyng garment and the be cast out
from the marriage, Risyst in ye, as I trust ye do,
and seeing ye have y" name of a cristian, as neare as
ye can folowe the stepes of yo' master Chst, and take
up yo' crosse ; lay yo' syns on his backe, and always
embrace him ; and as towchynge my dethe reioyce as
I do, and adsist y' I shalbe delyvred of y^ conuption
and put on incorruption, for I am assurede y' I shall
for losyng of a mortall lyfe finde an imortall feUsity.
Pray God graunt yo send yo of his grace to lyve in his
feare, and to dey in y^ love
of icTjr to you when the shaU arrive, neither
for loue of lyfe nor feares of deathe. For if ye deney
his truth to legthen yur Ufe, God -vrill deney yo and
shorten yo' dayes ; and if yo wUl cleaue to him, he wiU
plong yo' days to yo' cofort and his glory, to the wch
glory, God beinge minde and yo herafter, when it shall
please God to caU yo, FareweU good syst' put yo'
onely trust in God, wIip pnely raust uphold yo yo'
loving syst.
Jane Dudley,"

AND HER TI.-\IES, 373
So coUected was the unhappy girl, so composed in
all her faculties, that on this very evening she finished
and corrected a prayer*, which had long been her
* " O Lord, thou God and Father of my life, hear me, poor
and desolate woraan, which flyeth unto thee only in aU troubles
and miseries. Thou, O Lord, art the only defender and de
hverer of those that put their trust in thee ; and, therefore, I,
being defiled with sin, encumbered -vrith affliction, unquieted with
troubles, wrapped in cares, overwhelmed with raiseries, vexed
with temptations, and grievously tormented with the long ira^
prisonment of this -vUe mass Of clay, my sinful body, do come
unto thee (O merciful Sariour), craving thy mercy and h^lp,
without tiie which so Uttie hope of deUverance is left, that I
may utterly despair of my liberty. Albeit, it is expedient, that
seeing our Ufe standeth upon trying, we should be risited some
time with some adversity, whereby we raight both be tried
whether we be of thy fiock or no, and also know thee and our
selves the better ; yet thou that saidst thou wouldst not suff'er
us to be tempted above our power, be merciful unto me, now a
miserable wretch, I beseech thee ; which, with Soloraon, do cry
unto thee, humbly desiring thee, that I may neither be too
much puff'ed up with prospsrity, neither too much depressed
with adversity ; lest I, being too fuU, should deny thee my God;
or being too low brought, should despair and blaspheme thee
my Lord and Sariour. O merciful God, consider my misery,
best kno-wn unto thee; and be ihou now unto me a strong tower
of defence, I humbly require thee, Suff'er me not to be terapted
above my power, but either be thou a deliverer unto me out of
this great misery, or else give me grace patiently to bear thy
heavy hand and sharp correction. It was thy right hand that de
Uvered the people of Israel out of the hands of Pharaoh, which
for the space of four hundred years did oppress them, and keep
thera in bondage. Let it therefore Ukewise seem good to thy
fatherly goodness, to deliver me, sorrowful -wretch (for whom
thy son Christ shed his precious blood on the cross), out of this
miserable captivity and bondage, wherein I, am now. How long

374 LADY JANE GREY,
solace in prison. We give it in a modern dress and
version ; but its authenticity is undoubted.
It had been the original intention of the queen that
the youthful couple should suffer together on Tower
Hill ; but the council, dreading the compassion of the
people for their youth, beauty, innocence as to them
selves personaUy, and noble birth, changed the orders
wilt thou be absent .''-^for ever .'' Oh, Lord ! hast thou forgotten
to be gracious, and hast thou shut up thy loving kindness in
displeasure ? Wilt thou be no more entreated .¦" Is thy mercy
clcar gone for ever, and thy promise come utterly to an end for
evermore.'' Why doest thou make so long tarrying? ShaU I
despair of thy raercy .'' Oh God ! far be tbat from me ! | ara
thy workraanship, created in Christ Jesus ; give rae grace there
fore to tarry thy leisure, and patiently to bear thy works, as
suredly knowing, that as thou canst, so thou wilt deliver me,
when it sliaU please thee, nothing doubting or mistrusting thy
goodness towards me; for thou knowest better what is good for
rae than I do ; therefore do -irith me in aU things what thou
wilt, and plague rae what way thou wilt. Only, in the mean
tirae, arra rae, I beseech thee, with thy armour, that I may
stand fast, my loins being girded about with verity, haring on
the breast-plate of righteousness, and shod with the shoes pre
pared by the gospel of peace ; above aU things, taking to mo the
shield of faith, wherewith I may be able to quench all the fiery
darts, of the wicked ; and taking the helmet of salvation and
the sword of thy spirit, which is tliy most holy word ; praying
always, with all manner of prayer and supplication, that I may
refer myself wholly to thy will, abiding thy pleasure, and com
forting myself in those troubles that it shall please thee to send
me ; seeing such troubles be profitable for me, and seeing I am
assuredly persuaded that it cannot but be well all thou doest.
Hear rae, O merciful Father, for his sake, whom thou wouldest
should be a sacrifice for my sins ; to whom with thee and the
Holy Ghost, be all honour and glory. Amen !"

AND HER TIMES. 375
originaUy issued, and gave du-ections that Lord Guild
ford only should suffer on the HiU, but that Lady
Jane should be brought to the block within the walls
ofthe fortress-*
The Lord GuUdford being informed of this, on the
mprning pf the fatal day, anxiously desired permission
to see the youthful partner of his joys and sonows ; a
permission which Mary, from a refinement in cruelty,
was not disinclined to grant ; but Lady Jane herself
refused to admit of tiie proposed mterview, with a
degree of prudent resignation which marked the heroic
* We have endeavoured to diversify the regularity of history
in several places, with extracts from a well known and much ,
admired dramatic sketch of thesd occuiTences, even when these
extracts were not in strict accordance with the precise chain of
events: we have now to notice a prerious dramatic eff'ort, by
J. Banks, in 1693, called the " Innocent Usurper," in which
Mrs. Barry played Lady Jane, and Betterton represented Lord
GuUdford Dudley, Such representation in flowing wigs, buck
ram skirts, hoop petticoats, and laced lappets, must have been
ridiculous enough ; but not more so than the play itself, which
Suff'olk opens with the foUowing bombast :
" Let the sun's fruitful rays abhor the isle.
And smUe no more on this unfruitful land,"
Further extract must be needless; but we subjoin the con
cluding Unes, as from the Ups of the youthful suff'erer :
" Should all your tort'rous racks on me be tried,
BroU me on gridirons, turn the other side ;
To my vow'd faith I'U be for ever true.
In spite of aU your Roman gods, and you !"

376 LADY JANE (JREY,
feelings of her soul ; sending him word that the tender
ness of their parting would overcome the fortitude of
both, and would too much unbend their minds from
that constancy which their approaching end requiried
of them. She added, that their separation would only
be for a moment ; and that they would soon rejoin each
other in a scene where their affections would be for
ever united, and where death, disappointment, and
misfortunes could no longer have access to them, or
disturb their , eternal feUcity.
Throughout the whole of these occurrences the dra^
matic poet, already quoted, raakes Gardiner appear
more active than history shows him to have openly
been; giving to him, in fact, much of what should
have been allotted to Feckenham, whom he has omitted
entirely. The notice of the execution he thus describes,
in a scene between the bishop and the Ueutenant of the
Tower :
Lieut. Good raorning to your lordship : you rise early.
Gar. Nay, by the rood, there are too many sleepers ;
Some must stir early, or the state shaU suffer.
Did you, as yesterday our mandate bade,
Inforra your pris'ners. Lady Jane and GuUdford,
They were to die this day?
Lieut. My lord, I did.
Gar. 'Tis weU. But say how did your raessage like 'em ?
Lieut. My lord, they raet the summons vrith a temper
That show'd a solemn serious sense of death,
Mix'd with a noble scorn of aU its terrors :

AND IIER TIJIES,

377

In short, thcy heard me mth the self-same patience
With which they stiU have borne them in their prison.
In one request they both concurr'd ; each begg'd
To die before the other.
Soon after the communication between the parting
lovers, on IMonday the 12th of February, 1554, Lord
Guildford was led out of the Tower, and when he
came outside of the bulwark gate, was delivered into
the custody of one of the sheriffs of London, Thomas
Offleie. In bis way to the gate, he passed directly
under the vrindow of his unhappy bride, for such she
, may stUl be considered, from whence she took one last
parting look in this world, giving him from the window
a signal or token of remerabrance ; and when he was
no more to be seen, she sat down with apparent tran
quUUty, and with tbe most religious patience and re
signation waited until her o-wn appointed hour should
arrive.

378 LADY JANE GREY,
When the unhappy youth anived at the gate, several
friends were there in waiting : and he took by the hand
Sir Anthony Browne, Mr. John Throckmorton, and
many other gentlemen ; bidding them adieu -vrith great
fortitude, but requesting them to pray for him.
No sooner did he approach the scaffold than he
mounted it with dignity and resolution; arid, after sorae
slight declaration, knelt do-wn to prayer. In a few
rainutes he paused, and cast his eyes and hands up. to
Heaven; a tear, it was said, bedewed bis eye for a
moment — it was but for a moment, when he spoke to
the assembled crowd ; but merely desired tbem to pray
for him, and then calmly laying his head upon the block,
he resigned himself to the executioner.
His head was then laid in a cloth, and, -vrith his body
was deposited in a cart, in order to be carried back to
the Tower for interment.
It is said that Lady Jane was stUl sitting tranquUly in
her chamber. When she heard the rumbling ofthe cart,
she rose, but her attendants wished to prevent it. This
she resisted with calm dignity, walldng steadUy to the
window, under which it passed so as to be seen by her.
But she had already heard of his noble behariour on the
scaffold, and had the fortitude to declare, that the con
stancy of his end gave a confirmation to her mind fuUy
adequate to counterbalance the shock resulting from
so tender and melancholy a spectacle. We have seen
it recorded, that her words were, " Oh ! GuUdford !
Guildford ! the anterepast. is not so bitter that you

\ND HER TIMES, 379
have tasted, and that I shaU soon taste, as to make my
flesh tremble; but that is nothing compared to the
feast that you and I shall tiiis day partake of in
Heaven !"
During these proceedings preparations were making
inside die fortress for a s^ond tragedy, and a scaffold
was erected upon the green, opposite to the White
Tower. When it was ready, Sir John Gage, the
Lieuteriant of the Tower, is said to have again desired
her to bestow on him some small present, which he
might keep as a perpetual memorial of her ; on which
she gave hira her table book, where she had just wTote
three sentences, on seeing her husband's dead body ; one
of these was in Greek, one in Latin, and the third in
EngUsh ; and the purport of them that human justice
was against his body, but the divine mercy would be
favourable to his soul ; that if her own fault deserved
punishment, yet her youth, at least, and her imprudence,
were worthy of excuse, and that God and posterity,
she trusted, would show her favour*.
* In her chainber she also left a Latin sentence, written with
a pin, — " Deo juvante, nil nocet  malus;
Et non j-avantc, ml juvat labor gi-aris.
Post tenebris, spero lucem.''
Which has been thus translated —
Whilst God assists us. Envy bites in vain ;
If God forsake us, fruitless aU our pain,
I hope for Ught after the darkness.

380 LADY JANE GREY,
The author, already quoted*, says, that when she
was caUed down to go to the scaffold, she had prepared
herself for it with more diligence than either the malice
of her adversaries could desire, or the vigUance of any
officer, for the discharge of his duty, could expect.
Being come down, and delivered into the hands of
the sheriffs, she exhibited a countenance so gravely
settled with all modest and comely resolution, that not
the slightest trace of fear or grief could be perceived,
either in her words or actions : " but like a divine body,
going to be united to her heart's best and longest be
loved, so shewed she forth all the beams of a well
mix'd and well temper'd alacrity, rather instructing
patience how it should suffer, than being by patience
any way able to indure the travail of so grievous a
journey." .When the lieutenant offered his hand to lead her
forth, she rose vrith the greatest calmness,, vrithout the
slightest change of countenance, and without even a
tear in her eye ; a degree of cpnfidence which she pre
served whUst walking to the scaffold, with a book in
her hand, by help of which she prayed most fervently.
It is also asserted, but we cannot vouch for the authority, that
she wrote four other Unes in the sarae manner, —
'' Whate'er by man, as mortal, is assign'd.
Should raise compassion, reader, in thy mind !
Mourn others' woes, and to thy own resign ;
The fate which I have found, may soon be thine,"
* Phoenix, vol, ii, p, 42,

AND HER TIMES. 381
though often interrupted by Feckenham with more
zeal tiian delicacy.
Patient, and mUd as a lamb, she mounted tiie scaf
fold mthout hesitation, waiting quietly until silence
was procured, when she spoke as foUows, clearly,
distinctiy, and without the slightest tremor : — " Good
people, I corae hither to die ; and by a law I am con
demned to the sarae. My offence against the queen's
highness was only in consent to the device of others,
which is now deemed treason ; but it was never of my
seeking, but by counsel of those who should seem to
have further understanding of such things than I, who
knew Uttle of the law, and much less of the titles to
the crown. The fact indeed was unla-wful, and the
consenting thereunto by me, or in my half I do wash
my hands thereof in innocence, before God and you,
good Christian people, this day." — It was observed,
that at these words she wrung her hands ; not, how
ever, from agony, but rather, as it would seem, as an
action in Uteral consonance with her Words. That it
really was so, may be drawn from her instantly pro
ceeding, " I pray you all, good Christian people, to
bear me -vritness that I die a true Christian woman,
and that I look to be saved by none other raean but
orily by the raercy of God, and the raerits of the blood
of his only Son Jesus Christ ; and I confess, when I
did know the word of God, I neglected the same, and
loved myself and the world, and therefore this plague

382 LADY JANE GREY,
and punishment is happily and worthUy happened unto
me for my sins ; and yet I thank God of his goodness,
that he hath thus given me a time and respite to repent.
And now, good people, while I am aUve, I pray you
to assist me -vrith your prayers."
In the whole of this speech, the youthful heroine
appears pointedly to have had refei-ence not only to the
doctrinal differences between the Reformed and Roman
Catholic churches, but also to the disputations which
had previously taken place between her and the popish
divines who now sunounded her even in her last mo
ments. She seems, indeed, to have been apprehensive
that thcy might belie ber dying sentiments ; and there
fore she spoke both pointedly and decidedly as to the
intercession of saints, works of supererogation, and pur
gatory, with prayers aftcr death ; all of which points,
though not expressly mentioned in her speech, are yet
most clearly aUuded to.
It appears, that no divine of the Reformed Church
was permitted to attend her ; for on the conclusion of
her speech, having knelt down to pray, she turned to
Feckenham, the queen's chaplain, saying, " Shall I say
this psalm .'' " To this the proud and bigoted confessor
merely answered " Yea ;" when the mUd sufferer re
peated the psalm oi Miserere mci Deus, in English,
and in the most devout nwinner ; adding, to Fecken
ham, " God wUl abundantiy requite you, good sir, for
your huraanity to rae, though your discourses gave rae

AND HER TIMES, 383
more uneasiness than all tiie terrors of my approaching
death." Her devotions ended, she stood up, and began
to undress ; first puUing ofl' her gloves and handker
chief, which she delivered to Mrs. Tylney, her raaid ;
handing also her book to the lieutenant's brother, Mr.
Thomas Brydges.
On proceeding to untie her gown, the executioner
stepped forward, and rudely attempted to assist her ;
but she mUdly desu-ed him to let her alone, and turned
towards her two gentiewomen, who helped her in taking
off the gown, and also her " froze paste and necker-
cher," givuig to her at the same time a white handker-
djief. to_tie over her eyes.\ The executioner now knelt
down and asked her forgiveness, which she acceded to
him most sweedy and willingly ; when he desired her
to stand upon some straw, and in doing this she first
saw the fatal block. With that right, however, she
seeraed not disraayed ; but said to the executioner, " I
pray you despatch me quickly." She then knelt down,
and said, " WUl you take it off before I lay me down .?"
To which the executioner answered, " No, madam."
The unhappy but patient victim now bound the
handkerchief over her eyes ; and, feeling for the block,
said, " What shaU I do.? Where is it.'" At this
question, one of the persons on the scafi'old guided her
towards the block, on which she instantly laid her
head, and then, stretching forth her body, exclairaed,

384 LADY JANE GREY,
" Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit ! " A
pause of one moment ensued — the axe fell — and the
lovely and pious rictim to ambition and bigotry re
joined her husband in heaven !
Fox, speaking of her conduct upon this awful occa
sion, says, that she most patiently, christianly, and
constantly yielded to Grod her soul ; which, by a bad
way, went to the best end. He adds, that thus were
beheaded two innocents, in comparison of those who
sate upon thera ;. for they did but, through ignorance,
accept that which the others had wilUngly devised, and
by open proclamation consented to take from others
and give to them ; " and vereUe, how unwUUng she
was to take it upon her, there are yet li-ving that can
testify." He then states, " Judge Morgan, now, that
gave the sentence against hir, shortlie after feU mad,
and in his raving cried continuallie to have the Ladie
Jane taken awaie frora hym, and so ended his lyfe."
It is an interesting fact, hinted by FuUer, that it was
reported she was " as ladies -vrish to be who'love their
lords," at the time of her suffering, " Cruelty," says
he, " to eut down the tree with blossoms on it ; and
that that which hath saved the lives of many women,
hastened her death: but God only knows the truth
thereof" This day was long after caUed Black Monday, as
the first day of a week which Strype caUs a bloody

AND HER TIMES, 385
week of executions ; for in die same, in order to strike
terror into the minds of the people, many new gaUows
were set up in London. Of these, there was one at
every gate; and others in Cheapside, Fleet-street,
Charing-cross, Hyde-Park-Corner, &c. ; and on Wed
nesday, the fourteenth, no less tiian forty-seven suf
fered, of whom three were hanged in chains, and seven
quartered, and their bodies and heads set upon the
different gates of the city.
Three days afterwards, on the seventeenth of Fe
braary, the Duke of Suffolk was brought to trial, and
indicted for levying war against the queen, and ad
hering to Sir Thomas Wyat, in order to depose the
queen, and set the crown on the head of his daughter.
To the indictment he answered, that it was not treason
in a peer of the realm, as he was, to raise his power
and make proclamation to avoid strangers out of the
land, alluding to the Spaniards.
It was repUed, he had done more ; that he had op
posed the queen's Ueutenant tbe Earl of Huntingdon,
at the head of her majesty's forces, which was certainly
high treason. To that charge he answered, that he
did not know the Earl w^s her lieutenant ; that his
brother had adrised him to go down mto the country,
where he would be safe araong bis tenants ; but if he
staid in town, he would be cominitted to the Tower
again. The peers, as the record asserts, not satisfied witii
¦ . c 0

386 LADY JANE GREY,
this trifling defence, found the duke guilty, and sen
tence was passed on him as a traitor *,
Little tirae was afforded to the unhappy and deso
lated parent to reflect on the miseries produced by his
ambition ; for six days after the trial, and pn the twenty-
third of February, he also was brought out to the place of
execution on Tower-hiU ; where, it is said, he confessed
that he suffered justiy for his disloyalty to the queen.
He also desired the people to take waming by his
misfortune, and behave theraselves dutifuUy to the go
vemment ; and he professed his belief of the Christian
reUgion, but without any distinction as to communions,
except in saying, that he rested his salvation upon no
other raeans than the raercy of God, through the suf
ferings of our blessed Sariour ; thereby evidentiy de
nying aU beUef in the intercession of saints— a point

* The fate of Suff'olk is thus briefly related in the Lord-
Stewards' Book, in the British Museum (Harl. CoU. 2194,),
already quoted ;
" Henry Fitzallan, Lord Maltravers, and Lord-Steward of
her Majestie's Houshold, was Lord High Steward
of England att the arraignement of Henry Lord
Grey, Duke of Suffijlke, father of the Lady Jane,
married to GuUfoM Dudley,
" This Henry Duke of Suff'olke, beinge condemned by his
peeres for combyninge in rebelUon w"" Wyat agamst the queene
and her proceedings w"i Spayne, had sentence of death pro
nounced against him, w'"" hee suffered the 23d of February,
upon the Tower-hiU, when he most Xristanly raade profession
of his faith w* greate repentance of his fact,"

AND HER TIMES. 387
then of great diff'erence between the Reformed and
CathoUc churches.
The -vridowed duchess surrived the duke and her
lovely daughter some years, not dying uritU 1563 ;
but Caraden observes, that she forgot her greatness so
far as to accept for her husband Adrian Stokes, a
gentieman in low circumstances (one of her own do
mestics), which, how much soever it might tend to her
discredit, yet seemed to answer the riew with which it
was done, by contributing to her security.
Of Lady Jane's two sisters, it is sufficient to remark,
that Lady Katharine was repudiated, or, perhaps, her
betrothing only with Lord Herbert, son of the Earl of
Pembroke, set aside for poUtical reasons, through the
cautious pohcy of the earl. This may be supposed a
most unhappy event for the fair Katharine, if FuUer,
in his Worthies of England, is conect, when he says,
" This Heradita, or Lady of Lamentation, thus re
pudiated, was seldome seen with dry eyes for some
years together, sighing out her sorrowful condition ;
so that though the roses ui her cheeks looked very
wan and pale, it was not for want of watering :" though
she recovered her grief, and was afterwards married to
Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, yet privately, and
without the Ucense of Queen EUzabeth. But the preg
nancy of Lady Hertford becoming known, the queen
fined the earl 15,000Z. and committed him a prisoner to
die Tower, as was his lady also, and under strict orders

388 LADY JANE GREY,
of aU intercourse being forbidden. Love, however,
found the way for their meeting privately, untU the earl
was liberated ; and the lady died in 1567, after nine
years' imprisonment.
The, younger sister, the Lady Mary, as Fuller ob
serves, frighted with the infeUcity of her two sisters,
forgot her honour to remember her safety, and married
one whom she could love, and none need fear, Martin
Keyes, of Kent, Esq. who was a judge at court (but
only of doubtfuU caste of dice, being serjeant>-porter),
and died without issue, in 1578. Perhaps we ought
also to add of her, on the authority of Baker, that she
was " somewhat deformed,"
Little is now left, but to record the fate of the
Duchess Dowager of Northumberland, mother of Lord
Guildford Dudley.
It was weU observed of her, that she was a singular
instance of the vicissitudes of fortune ; having been the
wife of one of the greatest men of the age ; Uring to
see her husband lose his head upon a scaffold; to see
one son share his father's fate ; another escape it only
by dying in prison ; and the rest of her chUdren Uring
but by permission. Yet, amidst aU this distress, which
was heightened by the confiscation of her property, she
displayed great firmness of mind, Ithough left desti
tute of fortune and of friends, untU the queen was
persuaded to make her some restitution, A short pe
riod before her death, which happened at the raanor-

AND HER TIMES, „, 889
house of Chelsea, she wrote her own wUl, the items
ofwhich strongly mark the manners of the times. To
Sir Henry Sidney, her son4n-law (for she had five
daughters, in addition to eight sons), she left the green
and gold hangings of her gallery at Chelsea, embroi
dered' vrith. the famUy arms; and to his lady, her
daughter Mary, she bequeathed her gown of black
barred vdvet, furred with sables ; and a gown, with a
high back of fair wrought velvet. To her daughter
Kiitharine, the bequest was a gown of purple velvet,
a summer-go-wn, and a kirtie of new purple velvet to
it, and sleeves. To a daughter of Lord Cobham she
left a gown of black baned vdvet, furred -with Uzards ;
and her green panot was bequeathed lo the Duchess
of Alva, haring nothing else worthy of her.
One expression in tbis testamentary document de
serves copying : " My wUl is, earnestiy and effectually,
that Uttie solempnitie be made for me, for I had ever
have a thousand foldes my debts to be paid, and the
poore tb be ^ven unto, than anye pompe to be shewed
upon my wretched carkes : therefore to the wormes will
I go, as I have afore wrytten, in aU poyntes, as you -wyll
answer yt afore God. And you breke any one jot of
yt, your wyUs hereafter may chaunce to be as well
broken." In fact she had previously, or " afore," as she ex
presses it, ^ven the most particular directions, not a

S90 ,^ LADY JANE GREY,
Uttie remarkable for the fastidious delicacy which they
display : " After I am departyd from this worlde, let
me be wonde up in a shete, and put in a coffyn of
woode, and so layde in the grounde with such funerals
as parteyneth to tbe buriaU of a corse. I wUl at my
yere's mynde have such devyne serrice as myne exe
cutors shall thynke mete, vrith the whole amjs of "father
and raother upon the stone •grevan ; nor in no -wyse to
let rae be opened after I am dead. I have not loved to
be very bold afore women, niuch more wolde I be lothe
to come into the hands of any lyving man, be he phy
sician or surgeon,"
It is somewhat remarkable that, in opposition to
these strict orders, she was intened on the 1st Feb.
1555, with great porap and soleranity ; having also a
superb raonument erected over her grave, in More's
Chapel, in Chelsea Church, stUl in existence.
To close this eventful record of past times, we shall
merely add, that the written memorials of
LADY JANE GREY,
are thus enuraerated by Walpole, in his List of Noble
Authors; — Four Latin Episties — three to Bullinger,
and one to her sister the Lady Katharine ; printed in
a book called " Epistolae ab Ecclesiae Helveticae Re
formatoribus, Yel ad eos scriptae, &c, Tiguri, 1742,

AND HER TIMES, 391
octavo." The fourth was written the night before her
death, in a Greek Testament, iri which she had been
reading, and which she sent to hei- sister.
Her Conference with Feckenham, Abbot of West-
nunster, who was sent to convert her to Popery.
A Letter to Dr, Hardinge, her father's chaplain,
who had apostatized ; bu^ the authenticity of which
we have aheady stated to be doubtful,
A Prayer for her own Use, during her Confinement.
Four Latin Verses, written in prison with a pin.
Her Speech on the Scaffold.
The Complaint of a Sinner.
The Duty of a Christian,
Walpole also mentions the Letters or Notes, written
in the Manual pf Prayers, already recorded ; and she
is said, both by Hollinshed and Sir Richard Baker, to
have written sorae other things ; but these authors do
not specify them, nor say where they are to be found.

THE END,

LONDON:
ralNIED EY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFBIABS.

YALE UNIVERSITY

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