>YALE«¥JMlT^I&S2TrY- ILKMR&IEir ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY REPRODUCED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D. DIRECTOR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH IN THE CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES 1648 — 1706 ORIGINAL NARRATIVES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES 1648—1706 EDITED BY GEORGE LINCOLN BURR, LL.D., Litt.D. PROFESSOR OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY IN CORNELL UNIVERSITY WITH THREE FACSIMILES CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEW YORK - - - 1914 COPYRIGHT, 1914, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS Published May, 1914 CONTENTS NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES Edited by George L. Burr PAGE From "An Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences" (better known as "Remarkable Providences"), by Increase Mather, 1684 1 Introduction 3 The Preface 8 i Chapter V: Preternatural Happenings in New England . . . 17- Case of Ann Cole, of Hartford, 1662 18 Case of Elizabeth Knap, of Groton, 1671 21 Case of the Morses, at Newbury, 1679-1681 23' j The Tedworth Case, in England, 1661-1663 32 N^ase of Nicholas Desborough, of Hartford, 1683 33- Case of George Walton, at Portsmouth, 1682 34r Case of the Hortados, at Salmon Falls, 1682-1683 .... 37 The New York Cases of Hall and Harrison, 1665, 1670 . . 39 Introduction 41 •** . Case of Ralph and Mary Hall, of Setauket, 1665 .... 44 v Case of Katharine Harrison, 1670 48 "Lithobolia, or the Stone-throwing Devil," by Richard Chamber lain, 1698 53 Introduction 55 Dedicatory Letter and Verses 58 Why the Author relates this Stone throwing and why he believes it Witchcraft 60 The Quaker George Walton and his Neighbors at Great Island (Ports mouth) 61 The Beginning of the Stone throwing (June, 1682) . . . .62 The Author himself a Victim 64 His Serenade and its Sequel; the Black Cat 66 The Deviltries at Great Bay 67 Notable Witnesses . 69 The Author again an Object of Attack 70 Injuries to Others, in House and Field 72 The Lull in August; the Final Stone throwing in September; . . 76 The Author's Conclusions . . . . ' •'¦ 76 v vi CONTENTS PAQH The Pennsylvania Cases of Mattson, Hendrickson, and Guard, 1684, 1701 79 Introduction 81 Case of Margaret Mattson and Gertrude Hendrickson, 1684 . . 85 Case of Robert Guard and his Wife, 1701 88 "Memorable Providences, relating to Witchcrafts and Posses sions," by Cotton Mather, 1689 89 Introduction 91 Dedicatory Epistle to the Hon. Wait Winthrop 93 The Boston Ministers "to the Reader" 95 The Introduction 97 Case of the Goodwin Children, at Boston, 1688-1689 .... 99 The Goodwin Family 99 The Trouble with the Laundress and her Mother . . 100 The Strange Malady of the Children 101 The Appeal to the Ministers and to the Magistrates; Arrest and Trial of Goody Glover 103 Her Condemnation and Execution 105 The Continued Fits of the Children 107 Efforts of the Ministers to help them 109 The Author takes the Eldest Girl to his Home; her Behavior . .110 His Experiments with her 112 Her Imaginary Journeys 114 Strange Power over her of the Author's Study 115 The Ministers' Day of Prayer and its Effect 118 The Author tests the Linguistic Powers of the Demons . . .119 And the Power of Scripture and Prayer to quell them . . . 120 Their Gradual Departure 121 What the Author has learned from it all 122 Postscript: the Devils return, but are again dispelled by Prayer . 124 Goodwin's Account of his Children's Bewitchment .... 126 Case of Deacon Philip Smith, of Hadley, 1684 131 Case of Mary Johnson, of Hartford, 1648 - . 135 Case of the Boy at Tocutt (Branford) 136 Other Bewitchments 141 "A Brief and True Narrative of Witchcraft at Salem Village," by Deodat Lawson, 1692 145 Introduction v 147 'The Bookseller to the Reader" 152 The Author's Visit to Salem Village 152 The Antics of "the Afflicted" 153 Examination of Goodwife'Corey 154 Goodwife Putnam's Afflictions . . 1 157 Examination of Goodwife Nurse 158 Tales told by Elizabeth Parris, Dorcas Good, Abigail Williams, Mercy \ Lewis 160 CONTENTS vii 1 FAGS Goodwife Cloyse slams the Meeting-house Door 161 Extraordinary Things about the Afflicted 161 About the Accused 162 Letter of Thomas Brattle, F.R.S., 1692 165 - Introduction 167 —His Reasons for writing frankly 169 -The Procedure at Salem; the "Afflicted" and their Evidence . . 170 -The "Confessors" 173 Indictment and Trial 174 —-"Spectre Evidence" 176 The Executions 177 Things to wonder at 177 The Troubles at Andover 180 Zeal of the Judges 182 The Doubters and their Reasons 184 % Extent of the Convictions; Hope from the impending General Court . 185 Efforts of certain Ministers to check the Matter 186 Further Reasons for Hesitation 187 Why the Confessions cannot be trusted 189 Letters of Governor Phips to the Home Government, 1692, 1693 . 191 Introduction 193 Letter of October 12, 1692 : the Witch Panic as he found it, and What he did about it 196 Letter of February 21, 1693: Recapitulation of his Earlier Report; how the Panic was brought to an End 198 From "The Wonders of the Invisible World," by Cotton Mather, , 1693 203 Introduction 205 " 'The Author's Defence 210 i His Relation to the Salem Trials 213 | The Trial of George Burroughs' 215 The Trial of Bridget Bishop 223 The Trial of Susanna Martin . ^ . . . . . . . .229 The Trial of Elizabeth How _ 237 The Trial of Martha Carrier " 241 "Curiosities": I. The Devil's Imitation of Divine Things . . . 245 II. The Witches' making themselves and their Tools invisible . . 246 III. The Bewitched delivered by the Execution of the Witches . . 248 IV. Apparitions reveal Old Murders by the Witches . . . .249 Certificate of the Judges to the Truth of this Account . . . 250 "A Brand pluck'd out of the Burning," by Cotton Mather, 1693 . 253 Introduction 255 The Story of Mercy Short 259 Her Bewitchment 260 i How the Devil and his Spectres appeared to her 261 viii CONTENTS PAGE ; How they tormented her 263 !' Her Discourses to them 267 How her Tortures were turned into Frolics 271 The Shapes worn by the Spectres 274 Her Remarkable Answers and Strange Knowledge of Scripture . . 275 The Methods used for her Deliverance 276 Her Deliverance on New Year's Eve 277 The Renewal of her Troubles after Seven Weeks .... 278 The Strange Books brought by the Spectres for her signing . . 280 The Books used at their Witch-meetings 282 The Helpful Spirit, and how he aided her against the Others . . 283 The Prayer-meetings and her Final Deliverance 285 From "More Wonders of the Invisible World," by Robert Caxef 289 Introduction -291 The Epistle to the Reader: the Author's Reasons for his Book . . 296 His Materials 306 Cotton Mather's Letter of Enclosure 307 His Another Brand pluckt out of the Burning (the Story of Mar garet Rule) 308 Introductory Anecdote of the Devil's Appearance to an Indian . . 308 Who Margaret Rule was; the Beginning of her Bewitchment . . 310 How she was tortured by Spectres 311 And by the Devil 312 Her Remarkable Fastings; how she was further tormented . . 313 Her Strange Revelations as to the Spectres 314 The White Spirit and his Comfortings 316 Her Pastor's Efforts for her 317 Her Tormentors' Attempt with Poppets 318 The Author's Reply to his Revilers 320 The Good that has come of the Affair 322 Part II: Calef's Correspondence with Mather ..... 324 His Letter of Jan. 11, 1694, enclosing his Journal of his Visit to Mar garet Rule on Sept. 13 324 And on Sept. 19 327 And rehearsing his earlier Letters of Sept. 29 and Nov. 24 . . . 329 Mather's Reply (Jan. 15) 333 Enclosed Certificates of Witnesses to Margaret Rule's Levitation . 337 Calef's Rejoinder (Jan. 18) 333 Part V: The Salem Witchcraft ! 341 The Rev. Mr. Parris and the Divisions at Salem Village . . . 341 'The Strange Behavior of Divers Young Persons and its Ascription to Witchcraft 342 Mr. Lawson's Visit and his Account; the Examinations of the Accused 343 Mr. Lawson's Sermon; the Solemn Fast at Salem .... 345 The "White Man"; Goodwife Cloyse and the Slammed Door; the Public Examination of April 11 345 The Lord's Prayer as an Ordeal; Specimen of a Mittimus . . . 347 CONTENTS ix PAGE Arrival of Governor Phips; the Political Events leading to it . . 348 -Mrs. Cary's Commitment and Escape 349 'Captain John Alden's Narrative 353 Opening of the Special Court at Salem (June 2) 355 Bridget Bishop's Fate; Advice of the Boston Ministers . . . 356 fThe Trials of June 30; Fate of Sarah Good; of Rebecca Nurse . .357 The August Trials and Executions; George Burroughs, John Willard, the Procters 360 (Procter's Letter to the Ministers 362 Old Jacobs and his Grand-daughter; her Confession and Retraction . 364 The September Trials 366 The Coreys; Wardwell; Mary Esty and her Letter .... 367 Mrs. Hale accused; Mr. Hale's Change of View .... 369 Seizure of the Property of Fugitives 370 Flight of George Jacobs and Fate of his Family 371 fThe Andover Witchcraft 371 SThe Gloucester Witchcraft 373 I End of the Special Court; Summary of its Work . . . . 373 ~ How the Accused were brought to confess; Protestation of the An- )< dover Women 374 Criticism of Cotton Mather's Account of the Trials .... 378 The Laws in Force against Witchcraft 381 The new Superior Court and how it dealt with the Witch Cases (Jan-April, 1693) 382 Governor Phips's General Pardon 384 The Benham Case in Connecticut (1697); the Massachusetts Proo Iamation of a General Fast (Dec, 1696) 385 Judge Sewall's Public Penitence 386 'The Penitence of the Jurors 387 Criticism of Cotton Mather's Life of Phips (1697) . . . .388 I And of its Author's Teaching as to Witchcraft 389 I Calef's own Convictions as to the Matter 391 I From "A Modest Inquiry into the Nature of Witchcraft," by John Hale, 1702 395 Introduction 397 An Epistle to the Reader, by John Higginson .... 399 Mr. Hale's "Preface to the Christian Reader" 402 The Origin and Nature of Devils 406 Summary of New England Witch Cases, 1648-1692 . . . .408 Margaret Jones; Mrs. Lake 408 Mrs. Kendal 409 Mrs. Hibbins; Mary Johnson 410 The Principles acted on in these Convictions 411 Mrs. Morse; Goody Glover 412 The Salem Witchcraft; its Beginnings 413 Tituba's Confession 415 '¦Conscientiousness of the Judges; the Authorities used by them . . 415 x CONTENTS PAGE Influence of the Confessions; their Agreement with the Accusations and with each other; their Circumstantiality 416 Specimen Confessions: Deliverance Hobbs's 417 Ann Foster's; Mary Lacy's 418 William Barker's 419 ¦Their Testimony against themselves and against each other . . 420 1>How Doubt at last was stirred 421 j Wherein lay the Error "422 {Like Mistakes in Other Places , . . .',424 I The Application of the Whole 425 The Virginia Case of Grace Sherwood, 1706 433 Introduction 435 Her First Trial; the Jury of Women 438 The Appeal to the Governor and Council; the County Court in structed to make Further Inquiry 439 Her Second Trial; the Ducking 441 The Verdict; her Detention for Trial by the General Court . . 442 Index 443 FACSIMILE REPRODUCTIONS PAGB A Brand pluck'd out of the Burning. First page of the original manu script, in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society . . 259 Autographs of Robert Calef and of his Son Robert. From various originals 292 Petition of Mary Esty. From the original at the Essex County Court House, Salem 368 NOTE The first of the illustrations is a facsimile of the first page of the original manuscript of Cotton Mather's narrative of the case of Mercy Short, A Brand pluck'd out of the Burning. For the privilege of printing both the facsimile and the text we are in debted to the American Antiquarian Society, in whose library at Worcester the manuscript is preserved, and to Mr. Clarence S. Brigham, librarian of the society. The facsimile is slightly reduced. The second plate is intended to elucidate the question whether More Wonders of the Invisible World was written by Robert Calef the elder or by his son Robert Calef the younger. Most writers hitherto have attributed it to the younger Calef; Professor Burr may be regarded as having settled the question (pp. 291-295) in favor of the elder. The plate shows facsimiles of the following: (1) from the Mather-Calef paper of 1694r-1695 (see p. 306, note 1), the! last three or four lines of Mather's text, with the marginalia of Robert Calef at the side, and the first three or four lines of Calef's marginalia beneath — lines unquestionably penned by the author of More Wonders; (2) from the letter written to Lord Bellomont by that author, accompanying a copy of the book (see p. 292, note 1, below), the first three lines and the last, with signature; (3) frouf the appraisers' report of 1693 (ibid.), the signature; (4) from the coroner's verdict of 1696, the signature; (5) from the arbitrators' report of 1697, the first three or four lines and the signature— all these of the elder Robert; (6) from the selectman's report of 1717 (?), the lines showing it the elder Robert's as a selectman of Roxburyj with the lines at the end and the signature; (7) signature of Robert Calef the younger, 1708; (8) signature of Robert the younger, 1719, with the words adjoining it in the receipt. For the second of these we are indebted to Mr. Wilberforce Eames of the New York Public Library, for the others to Mr. Worthington C. Ford of the Massai xiv NOTE chusetts Historical Society and to the official custodians of the vari ous documents, in Boston. The third illustration is a facsimile, slightly reduced, of the pe tition of Mary Esty, preserved at Salem, Massachusetts, in the fifes of the Superior Court for Essex County. By the kindness of the clerk, and of Mr. George Francis Dow, secretary of the Essex In stitute, it is here reproduced in such a manner as to show both pages of the original. J. F. J. PREFACE These narratives of witchcraft are no fairy tales. Weird though they seem to us, they were to thousands of men and women in seventeenth-century America the intensest of realities. They were the bulletins of a war more actual, more cruel, more momentous, than any fray of flesh and blood. Nor were they bulletins alone, these messages of each latest skirmish in that age-long war of Heaven with Hell. To those enlisted in that war they were instruction, encouragement, appeal, as well; and as, in our day, to men once fascinated by world-politics, so in that to those awakened to these vaster interests of a universe, all pettier concerns seemed trivial and provincial. To count the matter a panic local to New England, or even a passing madness of the Christian world, is to take a narrow view of history. But to the modern student there is danger of a graver error. For to count that witch-panic a something incident to human nature, and common to all lands and times, is to repudiate history altogether. Whatever in universal human experience anthropology or folk-lore may find akin to it, the witchcraft our fathers feared and fought was never universal, in place or time. It belonged alone to Christian thought and modern centuries; and clear as day to the historian of ideas is its rise, its progress, its decline. It was not till the later thirteenth century that the theologians worked out their theory of human relations with Satan. Not till the fourteenth did the Holy Inquisition draw witchcraft fully into its own jurisdiction and, by confusing it with heresy, first make the witches a diabolic sect and give rise to the notion of the witch- sabbath. It was in the fifteenth that the theory and the procedure spread to the secular courts, and that in these, as in the ecclesiastical, the torture began to prove an inexhaustible source of fresh accusa tions, fresh delusions. In the sixteenth the Reformation for a little distracted attention to heresy; but soon Protestant was vying with Catholic in the quest of the minions of Satan, and it was in the later xvi PREFACE sixteenth century and the earlier seventeenth that panic and per secution reached their height. Italy, Spain, France, which earliest had suffered, were earliest to listen to reason. Germany, long hesi tant to begin, passed all other lands in thoroughness and in persis tence. How many were the victims is even here a matter for guess work; but they counted by many, many thousands. At Osnabriick 121 were burned in 1583, 133 in 1589; at Ellwangen 167 in 1612; at Wiirzburg a careful list in February, 1629", names 158 burned since 1627, and the burnings were still going briskly on. Not even Scot land could rival this German zeal; and Scotland was later to begin. England, lacking both the Inquisition and the torture, long es caped; but the religious exiles who flocked back from the Continent at the accession of Elizabeth brought the epidemic with them, and protest was hushed when in 1603 there mounted the English throne the king, a Scot and a Calvinist, whose own royal hand had plied against the witches both torture and the pen. The advent of James was followed, in 1604, by the enactment of a sterner statute, which, like those of Scotland and the Continent, embodied the teaching of the theologians and subordinated the crime to the sin. But, though for a time English zeal against witches was quickened, it was not till the Civil Wars threw the courts into the hands of men more prone to religious excitement that England knew a witch-panic like those of neighbor lands. Then, in 1645-1647, her Puritan Eastern counties, having found in enforced sleeplessness a substitute for the torture, sent witches to death by the score; and then it was, in 1647 and 1648, that in her New England colonies witch-trials first ap pear. Of their story there our narratives will tell us. In the home land the superstition slowly waned, and, despite the able protests of its advocates and the occasional zeal of a pious judge, England saw her last witch-execution in 1682. Trials, indeed, there were till 1717, and in Scotland till the very eve of the act of Parliament which in 1736 ended the matter in British lands. On the Continent the trials dribbled on till the eighties. But let it not be thought that there were ever wanting those who doubted and protested. We shall find them in seventeenth-century America; and, happily, they too have left us narratives. Though, all told, the number of America's contributions to this PREFACE xvii eerie literature is not great, not all could find a place in the present volume. The general editor of the series has, however, included all that can be counted classical — those most quoted in their day or in ours. Narratives, not documents, have of course been preferred for the volume; but, for those regions where no narrative of witchcraft exists (i. e., outside New England), court records have had to take their place. And since, even in New England, the narratives rest often on such records and by the critical student must be compared with these, the notes attempt to point out where these records, if printed, may be found. Not a few of the narratives here reprinted have now grown costly or even unprocurable; but only one is here for the first time published — Cotton Mather's A Brand pluck'd out of the Burning (1693). A full account of its source and history will be found in the prefixed introduction (pp. 247 ff.). As in the other volumes of this series, the order of the narratives is chronological — though often with much overlapping. Where there is a connection between their themes, and especially where (as with the Salem witchcraft) the nar ratives deal with the same events, the introductions and notes aim to make the connection clear and to invite a parallel study. Of course, however, the present volume is not a history, and must pass in silence much that should interest the student of witchcraft in America. Besides aiding the narratives to explain each other and guiding the student to the further materials for their critical study, it has been the editor's aim to clear up whatever is obscure; but he has nowhere attempted to set forth the theory underlying the belief in witchcraft or to discuss the questions which still divide scholars.1 His effort has been only to put before the reader, with fairness and ex actness, what can throw light on these American episodes. It remains but to add a word of gratitude to thpse into whose •To those who need such help the editor may venture to name an older study of his own on The Literature of Witchcraft (in the Papers of the American Historical Association, IV.), which undertakes a survey of the development of that theory. Further light may be had from the familiar chapters of Lecky and of Lea, and from Dr. Wallace Notestein's History of Witchcraft in England, now an indispensable guide to the English background of American dealings with witchcraft. And, for a discussion of certain fundamental issues, he may add two papers (by Professor G. L. Kittredge and himself) in the Proceedings (n. s., XVIIL, XXI.) of the American Antiquarian Society. xviii PREFACE labors he has entered. Most of these are adequately cited in the introductions or the notes; but certain whose help has been more general should find mention here. Samuel G. Drake's Annals of Witchcraft in New England and elsewhere in the United States (Bos ton, 1869) is still the best clew to American witch-episodes as a whole. Justin Winsor's chatty paper on The Literature of Witch craft in New England (American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., X.) is a convenient introduction to that literature, and George H. Moore's Notes on the Bibliography of Witchcraft in Massachusetts (in the same society's Proceedings, n. s., V.) is, like every word written on this subject by that acute scholar, a precious aid in its study. Quite indispensable as a conspectus of the literature as a whole is now the List of Works in the New York Public Library relating to Witch craft in the United States, prepared in 1908 for that library by Mr. George F. Black, a scholar from whose studies in the history of witchcraft other fruit is to be hoped. The thanks of the reader as well as the editor's are due to the American Antiquarian Society, at Worcester, for the generous cour tesy with which it has permitted the printing here of the unpublished narrative of Cotton Mather — a courtesy enhanced by help received from its librarians. Warm gratitude, too, is due to the Massa chusetts Historical Society, to the Boston Public Library, to the New York Public Library, and to the custodians of the public records at Boston, for the use of the autographs which figure in our plate devoted to the identification of Robert Calef. But, should mention be made of all those to whom this volume is in debt for personal help, the list would be too long. Yet the editor cannot lay down his pen without a word of gratitude to his old teacher and lifelong friend, ex-President Andrew D. White, of Cornell, who first inspired him with an interest in this subject and a sense of its importance, and whose unflagging generosity has made possible the gathering of that library on witchcraft, now perhaps unequalled, which has been a chief source of the present volume. George L. Burk. Cornell University, March, 1914. FROM "AN ESSAY FOR THE RECORDING OF IL LUSTRIOUS PROVIDENCES," BY INCREASE MATHER, 1684 INTRODUCTION Increase Mather (1639-1723), divine, historian, college president, colonial statesman and diplomat, is a familiar fig ure to the student of American history. Born the youngest son of a religious leader known in Old England as well as New, and graduated from Harvard in 1656, while Puritanism was still dominant in the mother land, he had choice of two worlds for his career, and at first elected for the old, where two of his brothers were already prospering. First a student for his master's degree at Dublin, then a preacher in En gland and in the Channel Islands, he would gladly have re mained beyond sea, but for the religious restrictions of the Restoration, which drove him home in 1661 — though not until he had come into a permanent closeness of touch with British thought and feeling. In Boston he speedily be came the minister of the new North Church, and he re tained this pastorate throughout his life, though from 1685 to 1701 he added to its duties those of the presidency of Harvard.1 But not his diligence as a student nor his devotion to his influential pulpit could blind him to the larger affairs of New England and of the Christian world. It was he who in 1679 stirred up his colleagues and the General Court to the con vening of a synod of the clergy, which should consider what evils had "provoked the Lord to bring His Judgments on 1 As to his career see especially the careful study of Sibley, in his Biographical Sketches of the Graduates of Harvard University (henceforward to be cited as Harvard Graduates), I. 410-470, and the authorities there named. 3 4 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES New-England" and what was to be done "that so these Evils may be Reformed"; and it was he who put into form the result of their deliberations. Some of the "judgments" — King Philip's war, the small-pox, the two great fires — he felt to call for lay activity as well as clerical; but the others com plained of, the decay of piety and the departure from the fathers' ways, were ills for pastoral healing, and in 1681, the year that followed the final session of that "reforming synod," another general meeting of the ministers took, at his instance, that action for "the recording of illustrious providences" which is recounted in the following pages. Such a method of arousing men to religion was nothing new in Christian history. So, a thousand years before, Pope Gregory, culling (precisely as did now the New England leader) the experiences of his fellow clerics, had compiled those Dialogues whose tales of vision and apparition served for centuries to make the invisible world as real as that of sight and touch; and from his day onward such "providences" had been to clerical historians the tissue of their story. In the later Middle Ages there multiplied collections of these ex- empla. Nor did the Reformation interrupt their use. Lu ther's own sermons and table talk were for Protestants a mine of "modem instances" ; and out of such materials a Hondorff, a Lonicer, a Philip Camerarius, compiled their treasuries for the Lutheran pulpit, while their Zwinglian and Calvinistic neighbors were yet better equipped by the industry of Theodor Zwinger and Simon Goulart. Puritan England had found such purveyors in Beard and Taylor and Samuel Clarke. But it was of the nature of these attempts to keep abreast of the warnings of Heaven that they speedily went out of date. Only an enterprise like that devised by Matthew Poole for their continual registry could meet the needs of callous and forgetful man. But the suggestion of Poole was twenty years old, and INTRODUCTION 5 even the draft found in John Davenport's papers must for some years have been in Mather's hands: what new impulse stirred him now to action? It is not hard to guess. The group of Platonists who at Cambridge, the mother of New England Puritanism, had now inherited the spokesmanship of positive religion, laid the emphasis of their teaching on what they called "the spiritual world"; and since the Resto ration they had found a notable ally. Joseph Glanvill, a young Oxford theologian, one of the keenest of English phil osophic minds, and withal one of the most rational, had taken a brief for the defence, and in a brilliant essay on "the van ity of dogmatizing" had in 1661 turned the guns of the ra tionalists upon themselves. It was not the dogmatizing of theology, but that of the audacious rising science of things natural and human, whose premises he attacked and seemed to sweep away; and great was the applause of all committed to the "eternal verities." But he speedily discerned that the strength of his skeptical adversaries lay in their denial and ridicule of what they counted the "old wives' tales" of religion. "Atheism is begun in Sadducism. And those that dare not bluntly say, There is no God, content themselves (for a fair step, and Introduction) to deny there are Spirits, or Witches." Wherefore, with astounding boldness, he came in 1666 to the defence of ghosts and witches in an essay, oft reprinted, whose most telling title was A Blow at Modern Saddu- cim,. He had now adopted to the full the tenets of the Cam bridge Platonists, whose leader, Henry More, became his cor respondent, almost his colleague, and like them he championed all old tales; but his keen sight discerned that "things re mote, or long past, are either not believed, or forgotten," whereas "Modern Relations," "being fresh, and near, and at tended with all the circumstances of credibihty, it may be expected they should have more success upon the obstinacy of Unbelievers." To his essay he therefore now appended, 6 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES and swelled with each successive edition, a "collection of modem relations," which should demonstrate from present experience "the real existence of apparitions, spirits and witches." This was indeed to carry the war into Africa, and the Africans rallied to their guns. John Wagstaffe in 1669 and 1671, the anonymous author of The Doctrine of Devils in 1676, John Webster in 1677, came to the defence of chal lenged incredulity. Glanvill died in 1680, leaving unfinished that enlarged edition which should be his reply; but in 1681 it was published by his friend Henry More (with additions of his own, including a mass of new "relations") under the aggressive title of Sadducismus Triumphatus.1 It was for a share in this battle royal, to which his book makes many allusions, that Increase Mather now marshalled the hosts of New England orthodoxy. Their broadside, de livered in 1684, was this Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences.2 Almost at the same time (1685) George Sinclar, professor at Glasgow, brought out in Scotland the "choice collection of modern relations" which he called Satan's In visible World Discovered. How English Puritanism echoed we shall see betimes. Mather's book was forthwith welcome. It went through two or three impressions in 1684 — at least the title-page was thus often reprinted— and a part of the copies went to the London market, equipped with the imprint of an English bookseller. The book is best known, not by the long title of its title-page, but by its running caption of "Remarkable Providences"— already his son quotes it by this name — and it was under this title, Remarkable Providences illustrative of the Earlier Days of American Colonisation, that a convenient 1 "Sadducism Triumphed Over." More spells it Saducismus; but this was not Glanvill's usage, and the later editions have a double d. 2 It is true the book of Mather is not wholly on "the world of spirits" : other "providences" fill half the volume. But it is more largely so than any earlier collection of its sort, and in this the author's interest clearly centres. INTRODUCTION 7 little reprint, "with introductory preface by George Offor," was published at London in 1856 (as a volume in John Russell Smith's "Library of Old Authors"), and again in 1890. AN ESSAY FOR THE RECORDING OF ILLUSTRI OUS PROVIDENCES An Essay For the Recording of Illustrious Providences, Wherein an Account is given of many Remarkable and very Mem orable Events, which have happened in this last Age; Es pecially in New-England. By Increase Mather, Teacher of a Church at Boston in New- England. Psal. 107. 5. Oh that men would praise the Lord for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to the Children of Men. Psal. 145. 4. One Generation shall praise thy works to another, and shall declare thy mighty acts. Boston in New-England, Printed by Samuel Green for Joseph Browning, And are to be sold at his Shop at the corner of the Prison Lane. 1684.1 The Preface. About six and twenty years ago, a Design for the Re cording of illustrious Providences was under serious consid eration among some eminent Ministers in England and in Ireland.2 That motion was principally set on foot by the Learned Mr. Matthew Pool, whose Synopsis Criticorum, and other Books by him emitted, have made him famous in the World.3 But before any thing was brought to effect, the 1 This is the wording of what is believed the earliest impression of the title-page. It has a misprint in the first citation of Scripture: "Psal. 107. 5" should be Psal. 107. 8. 2 As the author signs his preface on January 1, 1684 (and he used our present calendar), the design of twenty-six years before must belong to 1658 or there abouts. At that time he was himself in the British Isles and in close touch with their leading Puritan divines : it is highly probable that he speaks of the project from personal knowledge. 3 Matthew Poole (1624-1679) was one of the ablest scholars among the English Presbyterians. Educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, like so 8 1658] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 9 Persons to have been imployed, had their thoughts diverted another way. Nevertheless, there was a MSS. (the Composer whereof is to me unknown) then written, wherein the Sub jects proper for this Record, and some Rules for the better managing a design of this nature, are described. In that MSS. I find notable Stories related and attested, which else where I never met with. Particularly, the Story of Mr. Earl of Colchester, and another mentioned in our subsequent Essay.1 And besides those, there are some very memorable Passages written, which have not as yet been published, so far as I understand. There are in that MSS. several Remarkables about Apparitions, e. g. It is there said, that Dr. Frith, (who was one of the Prebends belonging to Windsor) lying on his Bed, the Chamber Doors were thrown open, and a Corps with attending Torches brought to his Bed-side upon a Bier; The Corps representing one of his own Family: After some pause, there- was such another shew, till he, the said Dr., his Wife and all his Family were brought in on the Bier in such order as they all soon after died. The Dr. was not then sick, but quickly grew Melancholly, and would rising at Midnight repair to the Graves and monuments at Eaton2 Colledge; saying, that he and his must shortly take up their habitation among the Dead. The Relater of this Story (a" Person of great integrity) had it from Dr. Frith's Son, who also added, My Fathers Vision is already Executed upon all the Family but my self, my time is next, and near at hand.j In the mentioned MSS. there is also a marvelous Relation concerning a young Scholar in France: For, it is there af firmed, that this prophane Student, having by extravagant courses outrun his means, in his discontent walking solitarily, a Man came to him, and enquired the cause of his sadness. Which he owning to be want of Money, had presently a supply given him by the other. That being quickly consumed upon many of the religious leaders of New England, he was at first a pastor in London, but, ejected in 1662 by the Act of Uniformity, devoted himself to scholarship, and is best known by the Synopsis Criticorum, into whose five huge folios (1669- 1676) he condensed the substance of earlier commentators on the Scriptures. Of his scheme for the recording of illustrious providences we know only what is here told us. 1 These stories are told in the chapter on "Apparitions," not here reprinted. 2 Eton. 10 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1658 his Lusts, as soon as his Money was gone his Discontent re turned; and in his former Walk, he met with his former Re liever, who again offered to supply him; but askt him to con tract with him to be his, and to sign the contract with his Blood. The woful wretch consented: but not long after, considering that this contract was made with the Devil, the terrors of his Conscience became insupportable; so as that he endeavoured to kill himself to get out of them. Some Min isters, and other Christians, being informed how matters were circumstanced, kept dayes of Prayer for him and with him: and he was carefully watched that so he might be kept from Self-Murder. Still he continued under Terror, and said_he should do so, as long as the Covenant which he had signed, remained in the hands of the Devil. Hereupon, the Ministers resolve to keep a day of Fasting and Prayer in that very place of the Field where the distressed creature had made the woful Bargain, setting him in the midst of them. Thus they did, and being with special actings of Faith much en larged to pray earnestly to the Lord to make known his power over Satan, in constraining him to give up that contract, after some hours continuance in Prayer, a Cloud was seen to spread it self over them, and out of it the very contract signed with the poor creatures Blood was dropped down amongst them; which being taken up and viewed, the party concerned took it, and tore it in pieces. The Relator had this from the mouth of Mr. Beaumond,1 a Minister of Note at Caon2 in Nor mandy, who assured him that he had it from one of the Min isters that did assist in carrying on the Day of prayer when this memorable providence hapned. Nor is the Relation im possible to be true, for Luther speaks of a providence not unlike unto this, which hapned in his Congregation.3 This MSS. doth also mention some most Remarkable Judgments of God upon Sinners, as worthy to be Recorded xJean de Baillehache, seigneur de Beaumont. Two of the name, father and son, held in succession the Huguenot pastorate at Caen, and were of like eminence. 2 Caen. 'The "providence" he means is that related by Samuel Clarke (Mirrour . . . of Examples, fourth ed., London, 1671 — the edition used by Mather — I. 34) of a young man at Wittenberg whose contract the Devil threw in at the church window. 1658] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 11 for Posterity to take notice of. It is there said, that when Mr. Richard Juxon was a Fellow of Kings Colledge in Cam bridge, he led a most vicious life: and whereas such of the Students as were serious in matters of Religion, did endeavour by solemn Fasting and Prayer to prepare themselves for the Communion which was then (this was about the year 1636) on Easter-Day, This Juxon spent all the time of prepara tion in Drunken wild Meetings, and was up late and Drunk on the Saturday night. Nevertheless, on the Lords day, he came with others to the Communion, and sat next to the Relator, who knowing his Disorder the night before, was much troubled: but had no remedy; Church-Discipline not being then so practised as ought to have been. The Com munion being ended, such of the Scholars as had the fear of God in their hearts, repaired to their Closets. But this Juxon went immediately to a Drunken-meeting, and there to a Cock fight, where he fell to his accustomed madness, and pouring out a volley of Oaths and Curses; while these were between his Lips, God smote him dead in the twinkle of an eye. And though Juxon were but young, and of a comely person, his Carcase was immediately so corrupted as that the stench of it was insufferable, insomuch that no house would receive it; and his Friends were forced to hire some base Fellows to watch the Carcase till night; and then with Pitch and such like Gums covered him in a Coffin, and so made a shift to en dure his Interment. There stood by a Scholar, whose name was George Hall, and who acted his part with Juxon in his prophaneness: but he was so astonished with this amazing Providence of God, as that he fell down upon his knees, beg ging pardoning mercy from Heaven, and vowing a Reforma tion; which vow the Lord enabled him to keep, so as that afterwards he became an able and famous Minister of the Gospel. One strange passage more I shall here relate out of the MSS. which we have thus far made mention of. Therein I find part of a Letter transcribed; which is as followeth: Lismore, Octob. 2. 1658. In another part of this Countrey, a poor man being suspected to have stollen a Sheep was questioned for it; he forswore the thing, and wished that if he had stollen it, 12 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1681 God would cause the Horns of the Sheep to grow upon him. This man was seen within these few dayes by a Minister of great repute for Piety, who saith, that the Man has an Horn growing out of one corner of his Mouth, just like that of a sheep: from which he hath cut seventeen Inches, and is forced to keep it tyed by a string to his Ear, to prevent its growing up to his eye: This Minister not only saw but felt this Horn, and reported it in this Family this week, as also a Gentleman formerly did, who was himself an eye-witness thereof. Surely such passages are a Demonstrative evidence that there is a God, who judgeth in the Earth, and who though he stay long, will not be mocked alwayes. I shall say no more concerning the MSS. only that it was sent over to Reverend Mr. Davenport,1 by (as I suppose) Mr. Hartlib.2 How it came to He dormient in his hands I know not: though I had the happiness of special Intimacy with that worthy Man, I do not remember that ever I heard him speak any thing of it. But since his Death, looking over his MSS's I met with this, and communicated it to other Ministers, who highly approved of the noble design aimed at, therein. Soon after which, some Proposals in order to the reviving of this work were drawn up, and presented at a gen eral Meeting of the Ministers in this Colony, May 12, 1681,j which.it may not be unsuitable here to recite. Some Proposals concerning the Recording of Illustrious Providences. I. InJDrder to the promoving3 of a design of this Nature, so as shall be indeed for Gods Glory, and the good of Posterity, it is 1 John Davenport (1597-1670), one of the most eminent of the Puritan di vines, who, after a career as preacher in London and in Amsterdam, came in 1637 to New England and became the founder and leader of the New Haven theocracy. When at last that colony was merged in that of Connecticut he accepted (1668) the call of the conservative First Church in Boston, and there died. "Samuel Hartlib (c. 1600-c. 1670), son of a Polish merchant of German extraction and of an English mother, was born in Prussia, but spent most of his life in England. He is perhaps best known as the friend of Milton; but "every body knew Hartlib." By business a merchant, he was deeply interested in re ligious affairs, and had a wide correspondence with Protestant scholars through out Christendom, laboring for their union and incidentally carrying on at London a sort of general news agency. Writing September 3, 1661, to Governor Win- throp of Connecticut, Hartlib sends therewith "a small packet" for Mr. Daven port, to whom he "cannot write for the present." (Mass. Hist. Soc., Proceedings, 1878, p. 212.) » Promoting. 1681] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 13 necessary that utmost care shall be taken that All, and Only Re markable Providences be Recorded and Published. II. Such Divine Judgements, Tempests, Floods, Earth-quakes, Thunders as are unusual, strange Apparitions, or what ever else shall happen that is Prodigious, Witchcrafts, Diabolical Possessions, Remarkable Judgements upon noted Sinners, eminent Deliverances, and Answers of Prayer, are to be reckoned among Illustrious Provi dences. III. Inasmuch as we find in Scripture, as well as in Ecclesias tical History, that the Ministers of God have been improved1 in the Recording and Declaring the works of the Lord; and since they are in divers respects under peculiar Advantages thereunto: It is proposed, that each one in that capacity may diligently enquire into, and Record such Illustrious Providences as have hapned, or from time to time shall happen, in the places whereunto they do belong: and that the Witnesses of such notable Occurrents2 be likewise set down in Writing. IV. Although it be true, that this Design cannot be brought unto Perfection in one or two years, yet it is much to be desired that something may be done therein out of hand, as a Specimen of a more large Volumn, that so this work may be set on foot, and Posterity may be encouraged to go on therewith. V. It is therefore Proposed that the Elders may concurre in desiring some one that hath Leisure and Ability for the management of such an undertaking, with all convenient speed to begin there with. VI. And that therefore other Elders do without delay make Enquiry concerning the Remarkable Occurrents that have formerly fallen out, or may fall out hereafter, where they are concerned, and transmit them unto the aforesaid person, according to the Direc tions above specified, in order to a speedy Publication. VII. That Notice be given of these Proposals unto our Brethren, the Elders of the Neighbour Colonies, that so we may enjoy their Concurrence, and Assistance herein. VIII. When any thing of this Nature shall be ready for the Presse, it appears on sundry Grounds very expedient, that it should be read, and approved of at some Meeting of the Elders, before Publication. These things being Read and Considered, the Author of this Essay was desired to begin the work which is here done; xMade good use of: the usual meaning of "improve" in these narratives. 2 Occurrences. 14 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1653 and I am Engaged1 to many for the Materials and Informa tions which the following Collections do consist of. It is not easie to give an Account of things, and yet no circumstantial mistakes attend what shall be related. Nor dare I averr, that there are none such in what follows. Only I have been careful to prevent them; and as to the substance of each passage, I am well assured it is according to Truth. That rare accident about the Lightning which caused a wonderful change in the Compasses of a Vessel then at Sea, was as is in the Book expressed, Page 91, 92. Only it is uncertain whether they were then exactly in the Latitude of 38. For they had not taken an Observation for several dayes, but the Master of the Vessel affirms that to be the Latitude so near as they could conjecture. Since the Needle was changed by the Lightning, if a lesser Compass be set over it, the Needle therein (or any other touched with the Load-stone) will alter its polarity and turn about to the South, as I have divers times to my great admiration experimented. There is near the Northpoint a dark spot, like as if it were burnt with a drop of Brimstone, supposed to be caused by the Lightning. Whether the Magnetic impressions on that part of the Needle being dissipated by the heat of the Lightning, and the effluvia on the South end of the Needle only remaining untouched thereby, be the true natural reason of the marvelous altera tion; or whither it ought to be ascribed to some other cause, the Ingenious may consider. There is another Remarkable Passage about Lightning which hapned at Duxborough2 in New-England, concerning which I have lately received this following Account. September 11, 1653, (being the Lords Day) There were small drizling Showers, attended with some seldome and scarce perceiv able rumbling Thunders until towards the Evening; at what time Mr. Constant Southworth of Duxbury returning home after evening Exercise, in company with some Neighbours, Discoursing of some extraordinary Thunder-claps with Lightning, and the awful effects and consequents thereof, (being come into his own House) there were present in one room himself, his Wife, two Children, viz. Thomas (he was afterwards drowned) and Benjamin, (he was long after this 1 Indebted. 2 Duxbury, Massachusetts. 1653] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 15 killed by the Indians) with Philip Delano (a Servant,) there broke perpendicularly over the said House and Room a most awful and amazing clap of Thunder, attended with a violent flash, or rather flame of Lightning; which brake and shivered one of the Needles of the Katted or Wooden Chimney, carrying divers Splinters seven or eight Rods distance from the House: it filled the Room with Smoke and Flame. Set fire in the Thatch of a Leanto which was on the backside of a Room adjoyning to the former, in which the five per sons abovementioned were. It melted some Pewter, so that it ran into drops on the out-side, as is often seen on Tin ware; melted round holes in the top of a Fire-shovel proportionable in quantity to a small Goose-shot; struck Mrs. Southworths Arm so that it was for a time benummed; smote the young Child Benjamin in his Mothers Arms, deprived it of Breath for a space, and to the Mothers apprehensk)n_gqujBased it-as flat as a Planck; smote a Dog stone-dead which lay within two foot of Philip Delano, the Dog never moved out of his place or posture, in which he was when smitten, but giving a small yelp, and quivering with his toes, lay still, blood issuing from his Nose or Mouth. It smote the said Philip, made his right Arm senseless for a time, together with the middle finger in special (of his right hand) which was benummed, and turned as white as Chalk or Lime, yet attended with little pain. After some few hours that finger began to recover its proper colour at the Knuckle, and so did gradually whiten unto its extremity; And although the said Delano felt a most violent heat upon his body, as if he had been scorched in the midst of a violent burning fire, yet his Clothes were not singed, neither had the smell of fire passed thereon. I could not insert this story in its proper place, because I received it after that Chapter about Thunder and Lightning was Printed. Some credible persons who have been Eye witnesses of it, inform me, that the Lightning in that House at Duxborough did with the vehemency of its flame, cause the Bricks in the Chimney to melt like molten lead: which particular was as Remarkable as any of the other mentioned in the Narrative, and therefore I thought good here to add ik In this Essay, I design no more than a Specimen; And hav ing (by the good hand of God upon me) set this Wheel a going, I shall leave it unto others, whom God has fitted, and shall incline thereto, to go on with the undertaking.1 lWe shall see how this suggestion fruited in the Memorable Providences and the Wonders of his son Cotton; and in 1694 the President and Fellows of 16 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1684 Some Digressions I have made in distinct Chapters, han dling several considerable Cases of Conscience, supposmg it not unprofitable, or improper so to do; since the things related gave the occasion: both Leisure and Exercise of Judgement are required in the due performance of a Service of this Na ture: There are some that have more leisure, and many that have greater Abilities than I have: I expect not that they should make my Method their Standard; but they may follow a better of their own, as they shall see cause. The Addition of Parallel Stories is both pleasing and edifying: Had my reading and remembrance of things been greater, I might have done mbre that way, as I hope others will in the next Essay. I could have mentioned some very memorable Passages of Divine Providence, wherein the Countrey in general hath been concerned. Some Remarkables of that kind are to be seen in my former Relations of the Troubles occasioned by the Indians in New-England.1 There are other particulars no less worthy to be Recorded, but in my judgement, this is not so proper a season for us to divulge them. It has been in my thoughts to publish a Discourse of Miscellaneous ob servations, concerning things rare and wonderful, both as to the works of Creation and Providence, which in my small Readings I have met with in many Authors: 2 But this must suffice for the present. I have often wished, that the Natural History of New-England might be written and published to the World; the Rules and method described by that Learned arid excellent person Robert Boyle Esq.3 being duely observed Harvard College (Increase Mather being himself the President, and Cotton one of the eight fellows) addressed once more to the ministers of New England an appeal for the recording and reporting of "remarkables." It may be found in bk. VI. of Cotton Mather's Magnolia (1702), at the head of his collection of such providences, into which he incorporated many of those already related by his father. 1 He doubtless means both his A Brief History of the War with -the Indians in New-England (Boston, 1676) and his A Relation of the Troubles which ham hapned in New-England (Boston, 1677). 1 2 This project was never carried out. 8 Robert Boyle (1627-1691) was then the glory of English science. But he was also governor of the Corporation for the Spread of the Gospel in New England. His "Heads for the Natural History of a Country" may be found in vol. III. (pp. 5-14) of his Philosophical Works (London, 1725). 1684] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 17 therein. It would best become some Scholar that has been born in this Land, to do such a service for his Countrey. Nor would I my self decline to put my hand (so far as my small capacity will reach) to so noble an undertaking, did not manifold diversions and employments prevent me from attending that which I should account a profitable Recreation. I have other work upon me, which I would gladly finish be fore I leave the World, and but a very little time to do it in: Moreover, not many years ago, I lost (and that's an afflictive loss indeed!) several Moneths from study by sickness. Let every God-fearing Reader joyn with me in Prayer, that I may be enabled to redeem the time, and (in all wayes wherein I am capable) to serve my Generation. Increase Mather. Boston in New-England, January 1, 168f. CHAP. V. Concerning things preternatural which have hapned in New- England. A Remarkable Relation about Ann Cole of Hartford. Concerning several Witches in that Colony. Of the Possessed Maid at Groton. An account of the House in Newberry lately troubled with a Damon. A parallel Story of an House at Tedworth in England. Concerning another in Hartford. And of one in Portsmouth in New-England lately disquieted by Evil Spirits. The Relation of a Woman at Barwick in New-England molested with Apparitions, and sometimes tormented by invisible Agents. Inasmuch as things which are preternatural, and not ac complished without diabolical operation, do more rarely hap pen,1 it is pitty but that they should be observed. Several 1 More rarely, that is, than those supernatural wonders that proceed from God. It is of these — of "remarkable sea-deliverances," of " other remarkable preservations," of "remarkables about thunder and lightning" — that earlier chapters have told. In chapter IV., however, the author argues that thunder storms are sometimes the work of Satan, and he is now ready to take up Satanic marvels. 18 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1662 Accidents of that kind have hapned in New-England; which I shall here faithfully Relate so far as I have been able to come unto the knowledge of them. Very Remarkable was that Providence wherein Ann Cole of Hartford in New-England was concerned.1 She was and is accounted a person of real Piety and Integrity. Neverthe less, in the Year 1662, then living in her Fathers House (who has likewise been esteemed a godly Man) She was taken with very strange Fits, wherein her Tongue was improved by a Daemon to express things which she her self knew nothing of. Sometimes the Discourse would hold for a considerable time. The general purpose of which was, that such and such persons (who were named in the Discourse which passed from her) were consulting how they might carry on mischievous designs against her and several others, mentioning sundry wayes they should take for that end, particularly that they would afflict her Body, spoil her Name, etc. The general answer made amongst the Daemons, was, She runs to the Rock. This having been continued some hours, the Daemons said, Let us confound her Language, that she may tell no more tales. She uttered matters unintelligible. And then the Discourse passed into a Dutch-tone (a Dutch Family2 then 1 This story was reported by the Rev. John Whiting, from 1660 a pastor at Hartford, the home of his family, in a letter of December 4, 1682, now in the keeping of the Boston Public Library and published (1868) in the Mather Papers (Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, fourth series, VIII.) at pp. 466-469. The incidents occurred in 1662. This was by no means the earliest of Connecticut's witch cases. On these in general see the sane and lucid study of C. H. Levermore, in the New Englander, XLIV. (1885), 788-817, and, condensed, in the New England Magazine, new series, VI. (1892), 636-644; also F. Morgan's in Conneeticid as a Colony and as a State (Hartford, 1904), I. 205-229, and in the American Historical Magazine, I. (1906), 216-238; and J. M. Taylor's little monograph, The Witchcraft Delusion in Colonial Connecticut (New York, 1908). On this episode in particular and the surviving records see also C. J. Hoadly, "A Case of Witchcraft in Hartford," in the Connecticut Magazine, V. (1899), 557-560. 2 The name of this Dutch family, as appears from a letter of Governor Stuy- vesant of New Amsterdam addressed October 13, 1662, to the authorities at Hartford, was Varleth, or Varlet. Stuyvesant accredits his brother-in-law (Capt. Nicholas Varleth), now "necessitated to make a second voyage" to aid "his distressed sister Judith Varleth," imprisoned on the charge of witchcraft and urges on her behalf "her well known education, life, conversation and pro fession of faith" — and with success, for thi3 Judith, becoming at her father's death his heiress, repaired to New Netherland and there (1666) marrying Stuy- 1662] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 19 lived in the Town) and therein an account was given of some afflictions that had befallen divers; amongst others, what had befallen a Woman that lived next Neighbour to the Dutch Family, whose Arms had been strangely pinched in the night, declaring by whom and for what cause that course had been taken with her.1 The Reverend Mr. Stone (then Teacher of the Church in Hartford) 2 being by, when the Discourse hapned, declared, that he thought it impossible for one not familiarly acquainted with the Dutch (which Ann Cole had not in the least been) should so exactly imitate the Dutch- tone in the pronunciation of English. Several Worthy Per sons, (viz. Mr. John Whiting, Mr. Samuel Hooker, and Mr. Joseph Hains) s wrote the intelligible sayings expressed by Ann Cole, whilest she was thus amazingly handled. The event was that one of the persons (whose Name was Green- smith) being a lewd and ignorant Woman,4 and then in Prison on suspicion for Witch-craft, mentioned in the Dis course as active in the mischiefs done and designed, was by the Magistrate sent for; Mr. Whiting and Mr. Haines read what they had written; and the Woman being astonished vesant's able nephew, Nicholas Bayard, shared with him his notable r61e in the life of that colony. See Walker, History of the First Church in Hartford (Hart ford, 1884), p. 177, note; Taylor (as above), pp. 151-152; Connecticut Colonial Records, 1636-1665, p. 387; Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, XIV. 518; Records of New Amsterdam (New York, 1897), V. 130, 137; New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, X. (1879), 35-36. 1 She was, says Mr. Whiting, a sister of one of the ministers in Hartford. Of Mr. Whiting himself? 2 Samuel Stone (1602-1663), educated at Cambridge, came to Massachusetts in 1633 with Cotton and Hooker, became the latter's associate in the pastorate, and took part with him in 1636 in the founding of Hartford, where he remained a minister till his death. As to both Stone and Whiting (and as to this episode) see especially Walker, History of the First Church in Hartford (Hartford, 1884). 8 By "Mr. John Whiting" (see preceding notes) is of course meant Mather's informant himself; but in his letter he says that he "came into the house some time after the discourse began." Hooker, a son of the founder of the Connecticut colony and, like Whiting, of the Harvard class of 1653, had in 1662 just become pastor at the neighboring Farmington. Haynes (1641-1679), son of the governor, was an incipient divine, destined in 1664 to succeed Stone as Whiting's fellow- pastor at Hartford. * "Considerably aged," adds Whiting. She had twice been married before she became the wife of Nathaniel Greensmith, and by her first husband, Abraham Elson, had two daughters, who were now aged about seventeen and fifteen. 20 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1662 thereat, confessed those things to be true, and that she and other persons named in this preternatural Discourse, had had familiarity with the Devil : Being asked whether she had made an express Covenant with him, she answered, she had not, only as she promised to go with him when he called, which accordingly she had sundry times done; and that the Devil told her that at Christmass they would have a merry Meet ing, and then the Covenant between them should be sub scribed. The next day she was more particularly enquired of concerning her Guilt respecting the Crime she was accused with. She then acknowledged, that though when Mr. Hains began to read what he had taken down in Writing, her rage was such that she could have torn him in pieces, and was as resolved as might be to deny her guilt (as she had done before), yet after he had read awhile, she was (to use her own expres sion) as if her flesh had been pulled from her bones, and so could not deny any longer: She likewise declared, that the Devil first appeared to her in the form of a Deer or Fawn, skipping about her, wherewith she was not much affrighted, and that by degrees he became very familiar, and at last would talk with her. Moreover, she said that the Devil had frequently the carnal knowledge of her Body. And that the Witches had Meetings at a place not far from her House; and that some appeared in one shape, and others in another; and one came flying amongst them in the shape of a Crow. Upon this Confession, with other concurrent Evidence, the \Woman was Executed; so likewise was her husband, though he did not acknowledge himself guilty.1 Other persons ac cused in the Discourse made their escape.2 Thus doth the 1 Nathaniel Greensmith and Rebecca his wife were hanged at Hartford in January, 1663. They seem to have been well-to-do, but not over-reputable, people. The Greensmiths, Whiting tells us, lived next door to the Coles. "The instance of the witch executed at Hartford," says Mather in his next chapter, "considering the circumstances of that confession, is as convictive a proof as most single examples that I have met with." And of Ann Cole he elsewhere adds (Providences, ch. IV.): "I am informed, that when Matthew Cole was killed with the lightning at North-Hampton, the daemons which disturbed his sister, Ann Cole (forty miles distant), in Hartford, spoke of it, intimating their concurrence in that terrible accident." 2 Beside the Greensmiths and perhaps Judith Varlet there was implicated by Ann Cole a "Goodwife Seager," and Goodwife Greensmith is known to have 1662] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 21 Devil use to serve his Clients. After the suspected Witches were either executed or fled, Ann Cole was restored to health, and has continued well for many years, approving her self a serious Christian. There were some that had a mind to try whither1 the Stories of Witches not being able to sink under water, were trae; and accordingly a Man and Woman mentioned in Ann Cole's Dutch-toned discourse, had their hands and feet tyed, and so were cast into the water, and they both apparently swam after the manner of a Buoy, part under, part above the Water. A by-stander imagining that any person bound in that posture would be so born up, offered himself for trial, but being in the like matter gently laid on the Water, he immediately sunk right down. This was no legal Evidence against the suspected persons; nor were they proceeded against on any such account; However doubting that an Halter would choak them, though the Water would not, they very fairly took their flight, not having been seen in that part of the World since. Whether this experiment were law ful, or rather Superstitious and Magical, we shall (o-vv 0ew)2 enquire afterwards.3 Another thing which caused a noise in the Countrey, and wherein Satan had undoubtedly a great influence, was that which hapned at Groton.4 There was a Maid in that Town mentioned several as accomplices, among them Judith Varlet and Goodwife Ayres. The latter and her husband are believed to be the "Man and Woman" told of in the next paragraph. 1 Whether. 2 " With God," i. e., God willing. 8 This was, of course, the well known "water test" for witches. Its origin in witch procedure is obscure; but it gained vogue in the later sixteenth century, finding its chief spokesman in the German schoolmaster Scribonius. As admin istered on the Continent, the witch was "cross-bound," i. e., with right thumb made fast to left great-toe and left thumb to right great-toe, and then flung, or let down, supine into the water (usually thrice in succession), and was counted guilty on failure to sink wholly under the water. The theory was that the pure element refused to receive a witch into its bosom or that dealing with Satan made the witch too light to sink — reputed phenomena which found many explanations. Rejected by the majority, both of jurists and theologians, the practice eventually lived on only as an illegal procedure of the mob. In pages not here reprinted Increase Mather discusses it and sharply condemns it as superstitious. 4 This case was reported by the Rev. Samuel Willard (1640-1707), who had witnessed it as pastor at Groton, but who from 1678 to his death was the eminent 22 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1671 (one Elizabeth Knap)1 who in the Moneth of October, Anno 1671, was taken after a very strange manner, sometimes weep ing, sometimes laughing, sometimes roaring hideously, with violent motions and agitations of her body, crying out Money, Money, etc. In November following, her Tongue for many hours together was drawn like a' semicircle up to the roof of her Mouth, not to be removed, though some tried with their fingers to do it. Six Men were scarce able to hold her in some of her fits, but she would skip about the House yelling and looking with a most frightful Aspect. December 17, Her Tongue was drawn out of her mouth to an extraordinary length; and now a Daemon began manifestly to speak in her. Many words were uttered wherein are the Labial Letters, without any motion of her Lips, which was a clear demon stration that the voice was not her own. Sometimes Words were spoken seeming to proceed out of her throat, when her Mouth was shut. Sometimes with her Mouth wide open, without the use of any of the Organs of speech. The things then uttered by the Devil were chiefly Railings and Revil- ings of Mr. Willard (who was at that time a Worthy and Faithful Pastor to the Church in Groton.) Also the Daemon belched forth most horrid and nefandous Blasphemies, exalt- ing himself above the most High. After this she was taken speechless for some time. One thing more is worthy of Re mark concerning this miserable creature. She cried out in some of her Fits, that a Woman, (one of her Neighbours) appeared to her, and was the cause of her Affliction. The Person thus accused was a very sincere, holy Woman, who did hereupon with the Advice of Friends visit the poor Wretch; and though she was in one of her Fits, having her Eyes shut, minister of the Old South Church in Boston. The exceedingly minute and exact account is not a letter to Mather, but an inclosure in one, and is clearly a contem porary journal completed in January, 1672, when the episode was barely at an end. It is printed in full in the Mather Papers (Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, fourth series, VIII.) at pp. 555-570, and with yet greater care by Dr. S. A. Green, in his Groton in the Witchcraft Times (Groton, 1883), pp. 7-21. No document is more fundamental to the study of New England witchcraft. Mather's brief summary is but a hint of its contents; but he must have used other sources as well (perhaps a lost letter of inclosure and doubtless Willard's sermon on the subject, printed in 1673 with others in his Useful Instructions). 1 A girl of sixteen— born April 21, 1655 (Green, Groton, p. 6). 1679] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 23 when the innocent person impeached by her came in; yet could she (so powerful were Satans Operations upon her) de clare who was there, and could tell the touch of that Woman > from any ones else. But the gracious Party thus accused and abused by a mahcious Devil, Prayed earnestly with and for the Possessed creature; after which she confessed that Satan had deluded her, making her believe evil of her good Neigh bour without any cause. Nor did she after that complain of any Apparition or Disturbance from such an one:1 Yea, she said, that the Devil had himself in the likeness and shape of divers tormented her, and then told her it was not he but they that did it. As there have been several Persons vexed with evil Spirits, so divers Houses have been wofully Haunted by them. In the Year 1679, the House of William Morse in Newberry2 in New-England, was strangely disquieted by a Daemon. After those troubles began, he did by the Advice of Friends write down the particulars of those unusual Accidents. And the Account which he giveth thereof is as followeth; On December 3, in the night time, he and his Wife heard a noise upon the roof of their House, as if Sticks and Stones had been thrown against it with great violence; whereupon he rose out of his Bed, but could see nothing. Locking the Doors fast, he returned to Bed again. About midnight they heard an Hog making a great noise in the House, so that the Man rose again, and found a great Hog in the house, the door being shut, but upon the opening of the door it ran out. On December 8, in the Morning, there were five great Stones and Bricks by an invisible hand thrown in at the west 1 Very different as to this kernel of the story is Willard's MS. : "She declared that if the party were apprehended shee should forthwith bee well, but never till then; whereupon her father went, and procured the coming of the woman im peached by her, who came downe to her on Thursday night, where (being desired to be present) I observed that she was violently handled, and lamentably tor mented by the adversarye, and uttered unusual shriekes at the instant of the per sons coming in, though her eyes were fast closed : but having experience of such former actings, wee made nothing of it, but waited the issue : God therefore was sought to, to signifye something whereby the innocent might bee acquitted, or the guilty discovered, and hee answered our prayers, for by 2 evident and cleere mistakes she was cleered, and then all prejudices ceased, and she never more to this day hath impeached her of any apparition." 2 Newbury. 24 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1679 end of the house while the Mans Wife was making the Bed, the Bedstead was lifted up from the floor, and the Bedstaff * flung out of the Window, and a Cat was hurled at her; a long Staff danced up and down in the Chimney; a burnt Brick, and a piece of a weatherboard were thrown in at the Window: The Man at his going to Bed put out his Lamp, but in the Morning found that the SaveaJl of it was taken away, and yet it was unaccountably brought into its former place.2 On the same day, the long Staff but now spoken of, was hang'd up by a line, and swung to and fro, the Man's Wife laid it in the fire, but she could not hold it there, inas much as it would forcibly fly out; yet after much ado with joynt strength they made it to burn. A shingle flew from the Window, though no body near it, many sticks came in at the same place, only one of these was so scragged that it could enter the hole but a little way, whereupon the Man pusht it out, a great Rail likewise was thrust in at the Window, so as to break the Glass. At another time an Iron Crook that was hanged on a /Nail violently flew up and down, also a Chair flew about, and at last lighted on the Table where Victuals stood ready for them to eat, and was likely to spoil all, only by a nimble catching they saved some of their Meal with the loss of the rest, and the overturning of their Table. People were sometimes Barricado'd out of doors, when i as yet there was no body to do it: and a Chest was removed ifrom place to place, no hand touching it. Their Keys being tied together, one was taken from the rest, and the remain ing two would fly about making a loud noise by knocking against each other. But the greatest part of this Devils feats were his mischievous ones, wherein indeed he was sometimes Antick enough too, and therein the chief sufferers were, the Man and his Wife, and his Grand-Son. The Man especially had his share in these Diabolical Molestations. For one while 1 A "bedstaff" was a stick used to help in making a bed which stood in a recess, and the same name was given to the stick then fixed to the side of a bed to keep the bed-clothes from falling off: doubtless the same staff served both purposes. Later in this account we shall find it called a "bed-board": at least Cotton Mather, repeating the tale in his Magnolia, identifies the two. 2 The "lamp" was of course a candle, and the "saveall" was a contrivance at the base enabling the wick to burn to the very bottom without waste. 1680] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 25 they could not eat their Suppers quietly, but had the Ashes on the Hearth before their eyes thrown into their Victuals; yea, and upon their heads and Clothes, insomuch that they were forced up into their Chamber, and yet they had no rest there; for one of the Man's Shoes being left below, 'twas filled with Ashes and Coals, and thrown up after them. Their Light was beaten out, and they being laid in their Bed with their little Boy between them, a great stone (from the Floor of the Loft) weighing above three pounds was thrown upon the mans stomach, and he turning it down upon the floor, it was once more thrown upon him. A Box and a Board were likewise thrown upon them all. And a Bag of Hops was taken out of their Chest, wherewith they were beaten, till some of the Hops were scattered on the floor, where the Bag was then laid, and left. In another Evening, when they sat by the fire, the Ashes were so whirled at them, that they could neither eat their Meat, nor endure the House. A Peel1 struck the Man in the face. An Apron hanging by the fire was flung upon it, and singed before they could snatch it off. The Man being at Prayer with his Family, a Beesom2 gave him a blow on his head behind, and fell down before his face. On another day, when they were Winnowing of Barley, some hard dirt was thrown in, hitting the Man on the Head, and both the Man and his Wife on the back; and when they had made themselves clean, they essayed to fill their half Bushel but the foul Corn was in spite of them often cast in amongst the clean, and the Man being divers times thus abused was forced to give over what he was about. On January 23 (in particular) the Man had an iron Pin twice thrown at him, and his Inkhorn was taken away from him while he was writing, and when by all his seeking it he could not find it, at last he saw it drop out of the Air, down by the fire: a piece of Leather was twice thrown at him; and a shoe was laid upon his shoulder, which he catching at, was suddenly rapt from him. An handful of Ashes was thrown at his face, and upon his clothes: and the shoe was 1 A fire-shovel; or a similar implement for getting things into an oven or out of it. 2 A broom. 26 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1680 then clapt upon his head, and upon it he clapt his hand, holding it so fast, that somewhat unseen pulled him with it backward on the floor. On the next day at night, as they were going to Bed, a lost Ladder was thrown against the Door, and their Light put out; and when the Man was a bed, he was beaten with an heavy pair of Leather Breeches, and pull'd by the Hair of his Head and Beard, Pinched and Scratched, and his Bed-board1 was taken away from him; yet more in the next night, when the Man was likewise a Bed; his Bed-board did rise out of its place, notwithstanding his putting forth all his strength to keep it in; one of his Awls2 was brought out of the next room into his Bed, and did prick him; the clothes wherewith he hoped to save his head from blows were violently pluckt from thence. Within a night or two after, the Man and his Wife received both of them a blow upon their heads, but it was so dark that they could not see the stone which gave it; the Man had his Cap pulled off from his head while he sat by the fire. The night following, they went to bed undressed, because of their late disturbances, and the Man, Wife, Boy, presently felt themselves pricked, and upon search found in the Bed a Bodkin, a knitting Needle, and two sticks picked3 at both ends. He received also a great blow, as on his Thigh, so on his Face, which fetched blood: and while he was writing a Candlestick was twice thrown at him, and a great piece of Bark fiercely smote him, and a pail of Water turned up with out hands. On the 28 of the mentioned Moneth, frozen clods of Cow-dung were divers times thrown at the man out of the house in which they were; his Wife went to milk the Cow, and received a blow on her head, and sitting down at her Milking-work had Cow-dung divers times thrown into her Pail, the Man tried to save the Milk, by holding a Piggin4 side-wayes under the Cowes belly, but the Dung would in for all, and the Milk was only made fit for Hogs. On that night ashes were thrown into the porridge which they had made ready for their Supper, so as that they could not eat 1 See p. 24, note 1. 2 Morse was a shoemaker. 3 Pointed, sharpened. 4 A small wooden pail, with one stave long, to serve as a handle. 1680] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 27 it; Ashes were likewise often thrown into the Man's Eyes, as he sat by the fire. And an iron Hammer flying at him, gave him a great blow on his back; the Man's Wife going into the Cellar for Beer, a great iron Peel1 flew and fell after her through the trap-door of the Cellar; and going after wards on the same Errand to the same place, the door shut down upon her, and the Table came and lay upon the door, " and the man was forced to remove it e're his Wife could be released from where she was; on the following day while he/ was Writing, a dish went out of its place, leapt into the pale, and cast Water upon the Man, his Paper, his Table, and dis appointed his procedure in what he was about; his Cap jumpt off from his head, and on again, and the Pot-lid leapt off from the Pot into the Kettle on the fire. February 2. While he and his Boy were eating of Cheese, the pieces which he cut were wrested from them, but they were afterwards found upon the Table under an Apron, and a pair of Breeches: And also from the fire arose little sticks and Ashes, which flying upon the Man and his Boy, brought them into an uncomfortable pickle; But as for the Boy, which the last passage spoke of, there remains much to be said concerning him, and a principal sufferer in these afflictions: For on the 18 of December, he sitting by his Grandfather, was hurried into great motions and the Man thereupon took him, and made him stand between his Legs, but the Chair danced up and down, and had like to have cast both Man and Boy into the fire: and the Child was afterwards flung about in such a manner, as that they feared that his Brains would have been beaten out; and in the evening he was tossed as afore, and the Man tried the project of holding him, but ineffectually. The Lad was soon put to Bed, and they presently heard an huge noise, and demanded what was the matter? and he answered that his Bed-stead leaped up and down : and they (i. e. the Man and his Wife) went up, and at first found all quiet, but before they had been there long, they saw the Board2 by his Bed trembling by him, and the Bed-clothes flying off him, the latter they laid on immediately, but they were no sooner on than off; so they took him out of his Bed for quietness. 1 See p. 25, note 1. 2 See p. 24, note 1. 28 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1679 December 29. The Boy was violently thrown to and fro, only they carried him to the house of a Doctor in the Town, and there he was free from disturbances, but returning home at night, his former trouble began, and the Man taking him by the hand, they were both of them almost tript into the fire. They put him to bed, and he was attended with the same iterated loss of his clothes, shaking off his Bed-board, and Noises, that he had in his last conflict; they took him up, designing to sit by the fire, but the doors clattered, and the Chair was thrown at him, wherefore they carried him to the Doctors house, and so for that night all was well. The next morning he came home quiet, but as they were doing somewhat, he cried out that he was prickt on the back, they looked, and found a three-tin' d Fork sticking strangely there; which being carried to the Doctors house, not only the Doc tor himself said that it was his, but also the Doctors Servant affirmed it was seen at home after the Boy was gone. The Boys vexations continuing, they left him at the Doctors, where he remained well till awhile after, and then he com plained he was pricked, they looked and found an iron Spindle sticking below his back; he complained he was pricked still, they looked, and found Pins in a Paper sticking to his skin; he once more complained of his Back, they looked, and found there a long Iron, a bowl of a Spoon, and a piece of a Pan- sheard. They lay down by him on the Bed, with the Light burning, but he was twice thrown from them, and the second time thrown quite under the Bed; in the Morning the Bed was tossed about with such a creaking noise, as was heard to the Neighbours; in the afternoon their knives were one after another brought, and put into his back, but pulled out by the Spectators; only one knife which was missing seemed to the standers by to come out of his Mouth : he was bidden to read his Book, was taken and thrown about several times, at last hitting the Boys Grandmother on the head. Another time he was thrust out of his Chair and rolled up and down with out cries, that all things were on fire; yea, he was three times very dangerously thrown into the fire, and preserved by his Friends with much ado. The Boy also made for a long time together a noise like a Dog, and like an Hen with her Chickens, and could not speak rationally. 1680] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 29 Particularly, on December 26. He barked like a Dog, and clock't like an Hen, and after long distraining to speak, said, there's Powel, I am pinched; his Tongue likewise hung out of his mouth, so as that it could by no means be forced in till his Fit was over, and then he said 'twas forced out by Powel.1 He and the house also after this had rest till the ninth of January : at which time because of his intolerable ravings, and because the Child lying between the Man and his Wife, was pulled out of Bed, and knockt so vehemently against the Bed stead Boards,2 in a manner very perillous and amazing. In the Day time he was carried away beyond all possibility of their finding him. His Grandmother at last saw him creep ing on one side, and drag'd him in, where he lay miserable lame, but recovering his speech, he said, that he was carried above the Doctors house, and that Powel carried him, and that the said Powel had him into the Barn, throwing him against the Cart-wheel there, and then thrusting him out at an hole; and accordingly they found some of the Remainders of the Threshed Barley which was on the Barn-floor hanging to his Clothes. At another time he fell into a Swoon, they forced some what Refreshing into his mouth, and it was turned out as fast as they put it in; e're long he came to himself, and expressed some willingness to eat, but the Meat would forcibly fly out of his mouth; and when he was able to speak, he said Powel would not let him eat : Having found the Boy to be best at a Neighbours house, the Man carried him to his Daughters, three miles from his own. The Boy was growing antick as he was on the Journey, but before the end of it he made a grievous hollowing, and when he lighted, he threw a great stone at a Maid in the house, and fell on eating of Ashes. Being at home afterwards, they had rest awhile, but on the 19 of January in the Morning he swooned, and coming to himself, he roared terribly, and did eat Ashes, Sticks, Rug- yarn. The Morning following, there was such a racket with 1This sentence is clearly of the nature of an interpolation; for the "rest" mentioned in the following clause must date from the events narrated in the preceding paragraph. The "Powel" meant was of course Caleb Powell — see p. 31, note 1. 2 See p. 24, note 1; yet head-board and foot-board may here be meant. 30 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1680 the Boy, that the Man and his Wife took him to Bed to them. A Bed-staff was thereupon thrown at them, and a Chamber pot with its Contents was thrown upon them, and they were severely pinched. The Man being about to rise, his Clothes were divers times pulled from them, himself thrust out of his Bed, and his Pillow thrown after him. The Lad also would have his clothes plucked off from him in these Winter Nights, and was wofully dogg'd with such fruits of Devilish spite, till it pleased God to shorten the Chain of the wicked Dae mon. All this while the Devil did not use to appear in any visible shape, only they would think they had hold of the Hand that sometimes scratched them; but it would give them the slip. And once the Man was discernably beaten by a Fist, and an Hand got hold of his Wrist which he saw, but could not catch; and the likeness of a Blackmore1 Child did appear from under the Rugg and Blanket, where the Man lay, and it would rise up, fall down, nod and slip under the clothes when they en deavoured to clasp it, never speaking any thing. Neither were there many Words spoken by Satan all this time, only once having put out their Light, they heard a scraping on the Boards, and then a Piping and Drumming. on them, which was followed with a Voice, singing, Revenge! Revenge! Sweet is Revenge! And they being well terrified with it, called upon God; the issue of which was, that suddenly with a mournful Note, there were six times over uttered such expressions as, Alas! Alas! me knock no more! me knock no more! and now all ceased. The Man does moreover affirm, that a Seaman (being a Mate of a Ship) coming often to visit him, told him that they wronged his Wife who suspected her to be guilty of Witch craft; and that the Boy (his Grandchild) was the cause of this trouble; and that if he would let him have the Boy one day, he would warrant him his house should be no more troubled as it had been; to which motion he consented. The Mate came the next day betimes, and the Boy was with him until night; after which his house he saith was not for some time molested with evil Spirits. Thus far is the Relation concerning the Daemon at William 1 Blackamoor, negro. 1680] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 31 Morse his House in Newbery.1 The trae Reason of these strange disturbances is as yet not certainly known : some (as has been hinted) did suspect Morse's Wife to be guilty of Witchcraft. One of the Neighbours took Apples which were brought out of that house and put them into the fire; upon which they say, their houses were much disturbed. Another of the Neigh bours, caused an Horse-shoe to be nailed before the doors, and as long as it remained so, they could not perswade the suspected person to go into the house; but when the Horse shoe was gone, she presently visited them. I shall not here inlarge upon the vanity and superstition of those Experiments, 1 This "relation" was undoubtedly received from the Rev. Joshua Moodey, then minister at Portsmouth, in a letter of August 23, 1683 (Mather Papers, pp. 361-362); for a postscript speaks of its enclosure and says that he had it from William Morse himself. That Morse was its author we know only from Mather. Happily, there exist also many documents of the two witch-trials arising from the affair — those of Caleb Powell and Mrs. Morse. Some of these, preserved in the court records at Salem, were printed by Joshua CofEn in his History of Newbury (Boston, 1845), at pp. 122-134; and again, more carefully, with others, by W. E. Woodward in his Records of Salem Witchcraft (Boston, 1864), II. 251-261. Others, which had strayed from public keeping, were published by S. G. Drake, then their owner, in an appendix (pp. 258-296) to his Annals of Witchcraft (Boston, 1869), in which he summarizes the story (pp. 141-150). Two (her conviction at Boston and her release) have been printed in the Records of the Court of Assistants, I. (Boston, 1901), pp. 159, 189-190. Others still are in the Massachusetts archives (vol. CXXXV., fol. 11-19), where they have been used by Mr. W. F. Poole (see, in the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXIV., his note, p. 386, to an unpublished draft of Governor Hutchinson's account). These documents supplement, and sometimes correct, the relation of Morse. Thus, from sworn statements of December, 1679 (Coffin, Newbury, pp. 124, 131-133), it is clear that the events above ascribed to December 3 belong to November 27, that the grandson's name was John Stiles, that the "seaman" who charged him with the mischief was Caleb Powell, that the day the boy was in his keeping was December 2, 1679, and that on the very next day Morse instituted proceedings against Powell, who was indicted for witchcraft on December 8 (the day on which the disturbances were resumed) and was tried at Ipswich in March. He succeeded in clearing himself, but at the cost of Goodwife Morse. She was a midwife, and had long been suspected of witchcraft by some of her neighbors. Indicted in March, she was tried at Boston in May before the magistrates of the colony, was found guilty and sentenced to death, but was reprieved by the magistrates, and in June, 1681, after more than a year's imprisonment, permitted, though without acquittal, to return to her home, "provided she goe not above sixteen rods from hir oune house and land at any time except to the meeting house." For the end of her pitiful story see p. 412, below. 32 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1662 reserving that for another place: All that I shall say at pres ent is, that the Daemons whom the blind Gentiles of old wor shipped, told their Servants, that such things as these would very much affect them; yea, and that certain Characters, Signs and Charms would render their power ineffectual; and accordingly they would become subject, when their own di rections were obeyed. It is sport to the Devils when they see silly Men thus deluded and made fools of by them. Others were apt to think that a Seaman1 by some suspected to be a Conjurer, set the Devil on work thus to disquiet Morse's Family. Or it may be some other thing as yet kept hid in the secrets of providence might be the true original of all this Trouble. A Disturbance not much unlike to this hapned above twenty years ago, at an house in Tedworth, in the County of Wilts in England, which was by wise men judged to pro ceed from Conjuration. Mr. Mompesson of Tedworth being in March 1661, at Lunger- shall,* and hearing a Drum beat there, he demanded of the Bailiff of the Town what it meant, who told him, they had for some dayes been troubled with an idle Drummer, pretending Authority, and a Pass under the hands of some Gentlemen. Mr. Mompesson reading his Pass, and knowing the hands of those Gentlemen, whose Names were pretended to be subscribed, discovered the Cheat, and com manded the Vagrant to put off his Drum, and ordered a Constable to secure him : but not long after he got clear of the Constable. In April following, Mr Momposson's house was much disturbed with Knockings, and with Drummings; for an hour together a Daemon would beat Round-heads and Cuckolds, the Tattoo and several other points of War as well as any Drummer. On November 5, The Daemon made a great noise in the House, and caused some Boards therein to move to and fro in the day time when there was an whole room full of People present. At his departure, he left behind him a Sulphurous smell, which was very offensive. The next night, Chairs walked up and down the Room; the Childrens Shoes were hurled over their heads. The Minister of the Town being there, a Bed-staff was thrown at him, and hit him on the Leg, but without the least hurt. In the latter end of December, 1662, They heard a noise like the jingling of Money, the occasion of which was thought to be, some words spoken the night before, by one in the Family; 1 Caleb Powell. 2 Ludgershall. 1683] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 33 who said that Fairies used to leave money behind them, and they wished it might be so now. In January Lights were seen in the House, which seemed blue and glimmering, and caused a great stiff ness in the eyes of them that saw them. One in the room (by what Authority I cannot tell) said, "Satan, if the Drummer set thee a work give three knocks and no more", which was done accordingly. Once when it was very sharp severe Weather, the room was suddenly filled with a Noisome smell, and was very hot though without fire. This Daemon would play some nasty and many ludicrous foolish tricks. It would empty Chamber-pots into the Beds; and fill Porringers with Ashes. Sometimes it would not suffer any light to be in the room, but would carry them away up the Chimney. Mr. Mompes son coming one morning into his Stable, found his Horse on the ground, having one of his hinder legs in his mouth, and so fastened there, that it was difficult for several men with a Leaver to get it out. A Smith lodging in the House, heard a noise in the room, as if one had been shoeing an Horse, and somewhat come as it were with a Pincers snipping at the Smith's Nose, most part of the night. The Drummer was under vehement suspicion for a Conjurer. He was condemned to Transportation. All the time of his restraint and absence, the House was quiet. See Mr. Glanvil's Collection of Mod ern Relations, P. 71, etc.1 But I proceed to give an account of some other things lately hapning in New-England, which were undoubtedly pre ternatural, and not without Diabolical operation. The last year did afford several Instances, not unlike unto those which have been mentioned. For then Nicholas Desborough of Hartford in New-England was/strangely molested by stones, pieces of earth, cobs of Indian Corn, etc., falling upon and about him, which sometimes came in through the door, some times through the Window, sometimes down the Chimney, at other times they seemed to fall from the floor of the Cham ber, which yet was very close; sometimes he met with them in his Shop, the Yard, the Barn, and in the Field at work./ In the House, such things hapned frequently, not only in the night but in the day time, if the Man himself was at home, but never when his Wife was at home alone. There was no 1 This famous relation was first printed in 1668 as an appendix to the third edition of Glanvill's essay on witchcraft (see above, pp. 5-6), and was much enlarged in the edition of 1681. What is here printed is not the briefer original form but an abridgment of Mather's own. 34 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1683 great violence in the motion, though several persons of the Family and others also were struck with the things that were thrown by an invisible hand, yet they were not hurt thereby. Only the Man himself had once his Arm somewhat pained by a blow given him; and at another time, blood was drawn from one of his Legs by a scratch given it. j/This molestation began soon after a Controv^pje-^oseJietween Desborough and an other person, about aCChest of Clothes)which the other said that Desberough did unrighteou^lyrctain !^. and so it con tinued for some Moneths (though with several intermissions). In the latter end of the last year, when also the Man's Barn was burned with the Corn in it; but by what means it came to pass is not known. Not long after, some to whom the matter was referred, ordered Desberough|fco restore the Clothes to the Person who complained of wrong; Isince which he hath not been troubled as before?) Some of the stones hurled were of considerable bigness; one of them weighed four pounds, but generally the stones were not great, but very small ones. One time a piece of Clay came down the Chimney, falling on the Table which stood at some distance from the Chimney. The People of the House threw it on the Hearth, where it lay a considerable time: they went to their Supper, and whilest at their Supper, the piece of Clay was lifted up by an invisible hand, and fell upon the Table; taking it up, they found it hot, having lain so long before the fire, as to cause it to be hot.1 Another Providence no less Remarkable than this last mentioned, hapned at Portsmouth in New-England, about the same time : concerning which I have received the follow ing account from a Worthy hand.2 'These experiences of Nicholas Desborough were reported by the Rev. John Russell, of Hadley, in a letter of August 2, 1683, which may be found in the Mather Papers (pp. 86-88). Russell says he received the account from "Capt Allyn, a neer neighbour to Disborough." John Allyn, long secretary of the colony, was one of the foremost men in Connecticut. 2 The "worthy hand" was again that of the Rev. Joshua Moodey, of Ports mouth. His earliest letter about the matter does not appear in the Mather Papers; but in a later one (July 14, 1683— Mather Papers, pp. 359-360) he writes thus: "About that at G. Walton's; because my Interest runs low with the Secre tary, I have desired Mr. Woodbridge to endeavour the obtaining it, and if I can get it shall send it per the first; Though if there should bee any difficulty there- 1682] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 35 On June 11, 1682, Being the Lords Day, at night showers of stones were thrown both against the sides and roof of the house of George Walton:1 some of the People went abroad, found the Gate at some distance from the house, wrung off the Hinges, and stones came thick about them: sometimes falling down by them, some times touching them without any hurt done to them, though they seemed to come with great force, yet did no more but softly touch them; Stones flying about the room the Doors being shut. The Glass-Windows shattered to pieces by stones that seemed to come not from without but within; the Lead of the Glass Casements, Window-Bars, etc. being driven forcibly outwards, and so standing bent. While the Secretary2 was walking in the room a great Ham mer came brushing along against the Chamber floor that was over his head, and fell down by him. A Candlestick beaten off the Table. They took up nine of the stones and marked them, and laid them on the Table, some of them being as hot as if they came out of the fire; but some of those mark't stones were found flying about again. In this manner, about four hours space that night : The Secretary then went to bed, but a stone came and broke up his Chamber-door, being put to (not lockt), a Brick was sent upon the like Errand. The abovesaid Stone the Secretary lockt up in his Chamber, but it was about, you may doe pretty well with what you have already." And writing again on August 23 (Mather Papers, pp. 360-361), he says his endeavors have not been wanting to obtain it, but he finds it difficult. "If more may bee gotten, you may expect when I come, or else must take up with what you had from mee at first, which was the summe of what was then worthy of notice, only many other particular actings of like nature had been then and since. It began of a Lord's day, June 11th, 1682, and so continued for a long time, only there was some respite now and then. The last sight I have heard of was the carrying away of severall Axes in the night, notwithstanding they were laied up, yea, lockt up very safe, as the owner thought at least, which was done this spring." The "Secretary" (t. e., of the province) was that Richard Chamberlain from whose own pen we have the fuller account of the episode printed later in this volume (pp. 58-77); and there can be little doubt that what Mather gave to the press rests on the basis of his journal. As to "Mr. Woodbridge" see p. 65, note 1. 1 Walton (1615-1686) was a prosperous Quaker. "George Walton, and his wife Alice, and Daughter, Abishag . . . lived on the great Island in Piscataqua, and this Alice was one of the most accounted of the Women, for Profession in the Island, whom it troubled them to lose; but Truth took her, and overturned the Priest." (Bishop, New-England Judged, pp. 466-467.) Great Island (now New castle), then a part of the township of Portsmouth, was often the seat of the provincial government, and the* secretary lodged at Walton's house. As to Walton's family and estate see his will (Probate Records of the Province of New Hampshire, I. 299, and N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, IX. 57). 2 Richard Chamberlain, secretary of the province. See preceding notes. 36 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 fetched out, and carried with great noise into the next Chamber. The Spit was carried up Chimney, and came down with the point forward, and stuck in the Back-log, and being removed by one of the Company to one side of the Chimney, was by an unseen hand thrown out at Window. This trade was driven on the next day, and so from Day to Day, now and then there would be some inter mission, and then to it again. The stones were most frequent where the Master of the house was, whether in the Field or Barn, etc. A black Cat was seen once while the Stones came and was shot at, but she was too nimble for them. Some of the Family say, that they once saw the appearance of an hand put forth at the Hall Window, throwing stones towards the Entry, though there was no body in the Hall the while : sometimes a dismal hollow whistling would be heard; sometimes the noise of the trotting of an horse, and snorting but nothing seen. The Man went up the great Bay in his Boat to a Farm he had there, and while haling Wood or Timber to the Boat he was disturbed by the Stones as before at home. He carried a stirrup iron from the house down to the Boat, and there left it; but while he was going up to the house, the iron came jingling after him through the Woods, and returned to the house, and so again, and at last went away, and was heard of no more. Their Anchor leapt over board several times as they were going home and stopt the boat. A Cheese hath been taken out of the Press and crumbled all over the floor. A piece of Iron with which they weighed up the Cheese-press stuck into the Wall, and a Kittle hung up thereon. Several Cocks of English-hay1 mowed near the house were taken and hung upon Trees; and some made into small whisps, and put all up and down the Kitchin, Cum multis aliis* etc. After this manner, have they been treated ever since at times; it were endless to particularize. Of late they thought the bitterness of Death had been past, being quiet for sundry dayes and nights : but last week were some Return- ings again; and this week (Aug. 2, 1682) as bad\>r worse than ever. The Man is sorely hurt with some of the Stones" that came on him, and like to feel the effects of them for many dayes. Thus far is that Relation. I am moreover informed, that the Daemon was quiet all the last Winter, but in the Spring he began to play some ludi crous tricks, carrying away some Axes that were locked up 1 Doubtless what is now known as "timothy." In 1807 Kendall found this still called "English grass" in Connecticut. 2 "With many other things." 1682] I. MATHER, REMARKABLE PROVIDENCES 37 safe. This last Summer he has not made such disturbances as formerly. But of this no more at present.1 There have been strange and trae Reports concerning a Woman now living near the Salmon Falls in Barwick2 (for merly called Kittery) unto whom Evil Spirits have sometimes visibly appeared; and she has sometimes been sorely tor mented by invisible hands: Concerning all which, an Intelli gent Person has sent me the following Narrative.3 A Brief Narrative of sundry Apparitions of Satan unto and Assaults at sundry times and places upon the Person of Mary the Wife of Antonio Hortado, dwelling near the Salmon Falls: Taken from her own mouth, Aug. 13, 1683. In June 1682 (the day forgotten) at Evening, the said Mary heard a voice at the door of her Dwelling, saying, What do you here? about an hour after, standing at the Door of her House, she had a blow on her Eye that settled her head near to the Door post, and two or three dayes after, a Stone, as she judged about half a pound or a pound weight, was thrown along the house within into the Chim ney, and going to take it up it was gone; all the Family was in the house, and no hand appearing which might be instrumental in throw ing the stone. About two hours after, a Frying-pan then hanging in the Chimney was heard to ring so loud, that not only those in the house heard it, but others also that lived on the other side of the River near an hundred Rods distant or more. Whereupon the said Mary and her Husband going in a Cannoo over the River, they 1 "As for Walton, the Quaker of Portsmouth, whose house has been so strangely troubled," adds Mather in the following chapter, "he suspects that one of his neighbours has caused it by witchcraft; she (being a widow-woman) chargeth him with injustice in detaining some land from her. It is none of my work to re flect upon the man, nor will I do it; only, if there be any late or old guilt upon his conscience, it concerns him by confession and repentance to give glory to that God who is able in strange wayes to discover the sins of men " — and see also p. 214. 2 Berwick, on the Maine side of the river. 3 This narrative too came from the Rev. Joshua Moodey (see his letters of July 14 and August 23, 1683— Mather Papers, pp. 359-361), but at Mather's instance. "I was very earnest with Mr. Emerson," writes Moodey, "and at length obtained the enclosed, which I transcribed from Mr. Tho. Broughton, who read to mee what he took from the mouth of the woman and her husband, and judge it credible, though it bee not the half of what is to be gotten. I expect from him a fuller and farther account before I come down to the Commence ment." John Emerson, the schoolmaster, we shall meet again at Salem (see p. 377, note). Thomas Broughton was a well known Boston merchant, then so journing in New Hampshire. 38 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1683 saw like the head of a man new-shorn, and the tail of a white Cat about two or three foot distance from each other, swimming over before the Cannoo, but no body appeared to joyn head and tail to gether; and they returning over the River in less than an hours time, the said Apparition followed their Cannoo back again, but disap peared at Landing. A day or two after, the said Mary was stricken on her head (as she judged) with a stone, which caused a Swelling and much soreness on her head, being then in the yard by her house, and she presently entring into her house was bitten on both Arms black and blue, and one of her Breasts scratched; the impressions of the Teeth being like Mans Teeth, were plainly seen by many : Where upon deserting their House to sojourn at a Neighbours on the other side of the River, there appeared to said Mary in the house of her sojourning, a Woman clothed with a green Safeguard, a short blue Cloak, and a white Cap, making a profer to strike her with a Fire brand, but struck her not. The Day following the same shape ap peared again to her, but now arrayed with a gray Gown, white Apron, and white Head-clothes, in appearance laughing several times, but no voice heard. Since when said Mary has been freed from those Satanical Molestations. But the said Antonio being returned in March last with his Family, to dwell again in his own house, and on his entrance there, hearing the noise of a Man walking in his Chamber, and seeing the boards buckle under his feet as he walked, though no man to be seen in the Chamber (for they went on purpose to look) he returned with his Family to dwell on the other side of the River; yet planting his Ground though he forsook his House, he hath had five Rods of good Log-fence thrown down at once, the f eeting of Neat Cattle plainly to be seen almost between every Row of Corn in the Field yet no Cattle seen there, nor any damage done to his Corn, not so much as any of the Leaves of the Corn cropt. Thus far is that Narrative. I am further informed, that some (who should have been wiser) advised the poor Woman to stick the House round with Bayes, as an effectual preservative against the power of Evil Spirits. This Counsel was followed. And as long as the Bayes continued green, she had quiet; but when they began to wither, they were all by an unseen hand carried away, and the Woman again tormented. It is observable, that at the same time three Houses in three several Towns should be molested by Daemons, as has now been related. THE NEW YORK CASES OF HALL AND HARRISON, 1665, 1670 INTRODUCTION It is not strange that in the Dutch colony of New Nether- land we hear nothing of witches. The home land of the Dutch had, beyond all others, outgrown the panic. It was a physi cian of Netherlandish birth, Johann Weyer, who in the later sixteenth century first wrote effectively against its cruelties. When his English pupil, Reginald Scot, protested yet more boldly, it was in Holland alone his book found reimpression. So far as is known, the seventeenth century saw there no executions for witchcraft, and after 1610 no trials. If the leaders of Dutch Calvinism were content with silence, the most eloquent spokesman of their Arminian rivals, Episcopius, was a frank disbeliever in the witch-pact and the witch-con fessions. It was his fellow Arminian, Grevius, who first dem onstrated the iniquity of torture, the fruitful source of such confessions throughout Christendom; and that other Dutch man, Balthasar Bekker, who in 1691 struck at the root of the terror by doubting the Devil himself, was but the last of a long line of such bold thinkers. These were of course in ad vance of their fellows; but that Holland was throughout the century a refuge for the victims and the foes of witch-perse cution' in neighbor lands would seem to point to a general skepticism, and how cautious, with all their credulity, even Calvinist divines had grown in such an atmosphere, New England learned in 1692 when she asked an opinion from her New York neighbors.1 No wonder, then, that (as Mrs. Van Rensselaer tells us) "the one and only sign of the delusion . . . to be found in the 1 Mass. Hist. Soc., Proceedings, second ser., I. 348-358. See p. 195, below. 41 42 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES annals of the Dutch province is a fear expressed by Governor Kieft that the Indian medicine-men were directing their in cantations against himself." x Accusations of witchcraft the New York jurisdiction did not wholly escape; but they fol lowed the English occupation and were, in differing ways, a legacy from New England. Even the Dutch dominion had included towns peopled from New England; and it was to these that in 1662 (the same year in which, as we have seen, he was interceding with the Connecticut government for his young kinswoman Judith Varlet)2 Governor Stuyvesant found it wise, while granting them their own magistrates and their own courts, to prescribe that "in dark and dubious matters, especially in witchcrafts, the party aggrieved might appeal to the Governor and Council." 3 But when in 1664 the English king bestowed upon his brother, the Duke of York, the territory occupied by the Dutch colony and equipped him with the means to take it by force, he added to the gift that greater eastern half of Long Island which had not only been settled, but till now had been governed, by the New Englanders. There, from the first, witchcraft was in thought; for the earliest settlement, at Southampton, had adopted for its code the law of Moses as codified by the Rev. John Cot ton, with the death penalty both for witchcraft and for con sulting a witch.4 Already in 1658 Elizabeth Garlick, of Easthampton, had been indicted for witchcraft and sent to Connecticut for trial.6 It is intelhgible, therefore, that in 1 History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century, I. 203. 2 See p. 18, note 2. 8 Bolton, History of the County of Westchester (revised ed., New York, 1881), II. 280, quoting vol. XXI. 233-238 of the "Albany Records." 4 Howell, Southampton, pp. 47, 465; The First Book of Records of the Town of Southampton (Sag Harbor, 1874), p. 18 ff. 6 The evidence against her may be found in the Records of the Town of East- Hampton (Sag Harbor, 1887 ff.), I. 128-140, 152-155, the record of the Connecti cut court (she was acquitted) in the Historical Magazine, VI. 53, and a letter of Governor Winthrop to the Easthamptonians in the Public Records of Connecticut, INTRODUCTION 43 1665, the very first year of English control at New York, there came up from Seatalcott, or Setauket, the later Brook- haven, whose settlers had been drawn from the region of Boston, a case of witchcraft for trial by the supreme court of the colony, the "Court of Assizes." 1 The two documents which make up the extant record of this case, with those relating to a woman who crossed the border after trial for witchcraft in Connecticut, form, so far as is known, the entire witch-annals of the New York prov ince. They must serve us here in lieu of a narrative. The documents of the Hall case, first printed perhaps in the New York National Advocate (August 2, 1821) and thence borrowed by Niles's Weekly Register (August 11), were in cluded by Yates (with a part of the Harrison papers) in the appendix to his edition of Smith's History of New York (Al bany, 1814), and more fully printed by O'Callaghan in his Documentary History of New York (quarto ed., IV. 85-88; octavo ed., IV. 133-138). Those of the Harrison case, more fully ferreted out by Mr. Paltsits, are printed by him with especial care and with valuable notes, in the Minutes of the Executive Council of New York (Albany, 1910), I. 390-395, II. 52-55. The originals of the Hall documents perished in the fire which befell the State Capitol at Albany on March 29, 1911 ; the Harrison documents were but slightly damaged. I. 572-573. That Mary Wright, of Oyster Bay, who in 1660 was punished for Quakerism in Boston, was sent thither on a charge of witchcraft, as has been stated, seems contradicted by what we know of her case (see Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, I., ch. I., sub anno 1660; Bishop, New-England Judged, ed. of 1703, pp. 220, 340, 461; N. Y. Gen. and Biog. Record, III. 37 ff.) 1 This colonial "Court of Assizes" was made up of the governor and his council, with the sheriff of the colony and the justices of the three "ridings." It was a new creation, and, having come together on September 28 for its first annual session, it found this among its earliest cases. It was, however, with the aid of members of this court that in the preceding winter Governor Nicolls had drawn the code — "the Duke's Laws," as they were to be called — which now governed the colony. THE CASES OF HALL AND HARRISON At the Court of Assizes held in New Yorke the 2d day of October 1665 etc. The Tryall of Ralph Hall and Mary his wife, upon suspicion of Witchcraft.1 The names of the Persons who served on the Grand Jury.11 Thomas Baker, Foreman of the Jury, of East Hampton. Capt John Symonds of Hempsteed. Mr Hallet » , i ,r , r Jamaica Anthony Waters 1 Their troubles antedated the change in government, and it would seem that at first their neighbors were on their side; for, under date of June 9, 1664, the town records recite that The magistrates haveing Considdered the Com- plaintes of Hall and his wife against mr. Smith, doo judge the sayde mr. Smith hath not suffitienly made good what he hath sd. of her, and therefore mr. Smith is orderred to pay the woman five markes." (Records, Town of Brookhaven, up to 1800, Patchogue, 1880, p. 38.) But they had made a dangerous foe, for at Setauket "Mr." Smith could then hardly have meant any other than that well- known Long Island character, Richard Smith, the founder of Smithtown, who had himself at Boston and at Southampton experienced imprisonment and banishment for Quakerism or Quakerly behavior, but was now a man of note in his region — the "Bull" Smith of local legend. (Bishop, New England Judged, ed. of 1703, p. 11; Howell, Early History of Southampton, L. I., second ed., Albany, 1887, p. 438; Early Long Island Wills, New York, 1897, p. 78 ff.) 2 Of this jury only the foreman was from the part of Long Island just gained from New England. The four next named, though English, were from those western townships which under Dutch rule had been a place of refuge for sectaries of every sort. "Mr. Hallet" was probably William Hallett, the sheriff who in 1656 had lost his place by opening his house to Baptist preaching. Most puzzling is "Mr. Nicolls of Stamford" — for Stamford was not even claimed by the New York province. Can it be that William Nicolls (son of Matthias Nicolls, now secretary of the province and a member of the court), who was later to have so large a place in New York history, had temporarily established himself at Stamford, on the border? Notable among the six New Yorkers is the name of Jacob Leisler, later to play so strange a role. 44 of New Yorke. 1665] NEW YORK CASES 45 Thomas Wandall of Marshpath1 Kills. Mr Nicolls of Stamford Balthazer de Haart John Garland Jacob Leisler Anthonio de Mill Alexander Munro Thomas Searle The Prisoners being brought to the Barr by Allard An thony, Sheriffe of New Yorke, This following Indictmt was read, first against Ralph Hall and then agst Mary his wife, vizt. The Constable and Overseers of the Towne of Seatallcott, in the East Riding of Yorkshire2 upon Long Island, Do Pre sent for our Soveraigne Lord the King, That Ralph Hall of Seatallcott aforesaid, upon the 25th day of December, being Christmas day last was Twelve Monthes,3 in the 15th yeare of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, Charles the Second, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith etc, and several! other dayes and times since that day, by some detestable and wicked Arts, commonly called Witchcraft and Sorcery, did (as is sus pected) maliciously and feloniously, practice and Exercise at the said towne of Seatalcott in the East Riding of Yorkshire on Long Island aforesaid, on the Person of George Wood, late of the same place, by wch wicked and detestable Arts, the said George Wood (as is suspected) most dangerously and mortally sickned and languished, And not long after by the aforesaid wicked and detestable Arts, the said George Wood (as is likewise suspected) dyed. Moreover, The Constable and overseers of the said Towne of Seatalcott, in the East Riding of Yorkshire upon Long Island aforesaid, do further Present for our Soveraigne Lord the King, That some while after the death of the aforesaid 1 Maspeth. 2 When, in honor of its new proprietor, New Amsterdam became New York, Long Island was for the same reason named "Yorkshire." Its "East Riding" was the portion, now Suffolk county, which had hitherto been New England's. 8 /. e., a year ago last Christmas — December 25, 1663 : the years of Charles II. 's reign were reckoned from the death of his father. 46 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1665 George Wood, The said Ralph Hall did (as is suspected) divers times by the hke wicked and detestable Arts, commonly called Witchcraft and Sorcery, Mahciously and feloniously practise and Exercise at the said Towne of Seatalcott, in the East Riding of Yorkshire upon Long Island aforesaid, on the Person of an Infant Guide of Ann Rogers, widdow of the aforesaid George Wood deceased, by wh wicked and detest able Arts, the said Infant Childe (as is suspected) most dan gerously and mortally sickned and languished, and not long after by the said Wicked and detestable Arts (as is likewise suspected) dyed, And so the said Constable and Overseers do Present, That the said George Wood, and the sd Infante sd1 Childe by the wayes and meanes aforesaid, most wickedly maliciously and feloniously were (as is suspected) murdered by the said Ralph Hall at the times and places aforesaid, agst the Peace of Our Soveraigne Lord the King and against the Laws of this Government in such Cases Provided.2 The like Indictmt was read, against Mary the wife of Ralph Hall. There upon, several! Depositions, accusing the Prisonrs of the fact for which they were endicted were read, but no witnesse appeared to give Testimony in Court viva voce. Then the Clarke3 calling upon Ralph Hall, bad him hold up his hand, and read as followes. Ralph Hall thou standest here indicted, for that having not the feare of God before thine eyes, Thou did'st upon the 25th day of December, being Christmas day last was 12 Moneths, and at sev'all other times since, as is suspected, by some wicked and detestable Arts, commonly called witchcraft and Sorcery, maliciously and feloniously practice and Exer- 1 This repetition of "sd" is clearly accidental. 2 "The Laws of this Government" — "the Duke's laws," as they were later called — had been drawn up in the preceding winter by Governor Nicolls himself, with the aid of other members of this court; and, though based on those of the New England colonies, they omitted all mention of witchcraft. That was sig nificant; but it meant only that there was no provision for its punishment per se, as insult to the majesty of Heaven: harm wrought by witchcraft, whether to person or property, was covered by the general statutes, and where, as in this case, the harm charged was death, the offense (as the indictment shows) was accounted murder. 8 The clerk. 1668] NEW YORK CASES 47 cise, upon the Bodyes of George Wood, and an Infant Childe of Ann Rogers, by which said Arts, the said George Wood and the Infant Childe (as is suspected) most dangerously and mor tally fell sick, and languisht unto death. Ralph Hall, what dost thou say for thyselfe, art thou guilty, or not guilty? Mary the wife of Ralph Hall was called upon in like man ner. They both Pleaded not guilty and threw themselves to bee Tryed by God and the Country. Where upon, their Case was referr'd to the Jury, who brought in to the Court, this following verdict vizt.1 Wee having seriously considered the Case committed to our Charge, against the Prisonrs at the Barr, and having well weighed the Evidence, wee finde that there are some suspi- tions by the Evidence, of what the woman is Charged with, but nothing considerable of value to take away her fife. But in reference to the man wee finde nothing considerable to charge him with. The Court there upon, gave this sentence, That the man should bee bound Body and Goods for his wives Apperance, at the next Sessions, and so on from Sessions to Sessions as long as they stay wthin this Government, In the meane while, to bee of their good Behavior. So they were return'd into the Sheriffs Custody, and upon Entring into a Recognizance, according to the Sentence of the Court, they were released. A Release to Ralph Hall and Mary his wife from the Recog nizance they entred into at the Assizes. These Are to Certify all whom it may Concerne That Ralph Hall and Mary his wife (at present living upon Great Minifords Island)2 are hereby released and acquitted from any and all Recognizances, bonds of appearance or othr obli gations — entred into by them or either of them for the peace or good behavior upon account of any accusation or Indic- temt upon suspition of Witch Craft brought into the Cort of Assizes against them in the year 1665. There haveving beene no direct proofes nor furthr prosecucion of them or 1 Videlicet, "to wit": we now abbreviate it by "viz." •Now "City Island" — in Long Island Sound, at its western end. 48 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1670 eithr of them since. — Given undr my hand at Fort James in New Yorke this 21th day of August 1668. R. Nicolls. At the Fort July 7th 1670. Before the Governor. Upon the Complaint of Thomas Hunt Sen'r and Edward Waters on behalfe of the Towne of West Chester against a Woman suspected for a Witch who they desire may not five in their Towne; The Woman appeares with Capt. Ponton1 to justify her selfe; her Name is Katharine Harryson.2 Their Peticion, as also another from Jamaica against her settling there were read. Shee saith shee hath lived at Wethersfield 19 yeares, and came from England thither; Shee was in Prison 12 Months. Shee was tryed for Witchcraft at Hartford in May last, found guilty by the Jury, but acquitted by the Bench, and released out of Prison, putting her in minde of her Promise to remove.3 1 Captain Richard Panton, of West Chester, in whose home she had found shelter. 2 Katharine Harrison was the widow of John Harrison, of Wethersfield, who died in 1666, leaving her an ample estate and three daughters. Rebecca, the eldest (born February 10, 1654), became at some time before June 28, 1671, the wife of Josiah Hunt of West Chester, or Westchester, son of that Thomas Hunt who now (July 7) is named as a complainant against her on behalf of that town, but in a following document (August 24) appears on her behalf. It is possible that this marriage antedated her coming to West Chester and explains it, but more likely that it was a result of it and explains the changing attitude of Thomas Hunt. (See Adams and Stiles, History of Ancient Wethersfield, New York, 1904, 1. 682, II. 416; N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XVIII. 58; N. Y. Gen. and Biog. Record, XLIII. 117; N. Y. Executive Council Minutes, I. 53, note.) 8 There then follows a transcript, from the records of the Connecticut Court of Assistants, of this action in her case — in its session of May 20, 1670. The documents of her trial, still extant at Hartford in the records of the county court and in those of the Court of Assistants (I. 1-7), and in part printed in the Connecticut Colonial Records (II. 118, 132), in Adams and Stiles, Ancient Wethers field (I. 682-684), and in Taylor, The Witchcraft Delusion in Colonial Connecticut (New York, 1908), pp. 47-61, show that she was imprisoned and indicted in May, 1669> tried in October and found guilty by a jury, but by a special Court of As sistants, to which the General Assembly had referred the matter with power, was in May, 1670, dismissed, as stated above, with a reminder of her promise to leave Wethersfield. 1670] NEW YORK CASES 49 An Ordr for Katherine Harrison to Remove from Westchestr. , Whereas Complaint hath beene made unto me by the In habitants of Westchestr agt Katherine Harrison late of Weth- ersfeild in his Ma'ties Colony of Conecticott widdow. That contrary to the consent and good liking of the Towne she would settle amongst them and she being reputed to be a person lyeing undr the Supposicion of Witchcraft hath given some cause of apprehension to the Inhabitants there, To the end their Jealousyes and feares as to this perticuler may be removed, I have thought fitt to ordr and appoint that the Constable and Overseers of the Towne of Westchestr do give warning to the said Katherine Harrison to remove out of their precincts in some short tyme after notice given, and they are likewise to admonish her to retorne to the place of her former abode, that they nor their neighbours may receive no furthr disturbance by her. Given undr my hand at Fort James in New Yorke this 7th day of July 1670. [Francis Lovelace]. An Ordr for Katherine Harrison and Captn Richard Panton to appeare at the Fort before the Governor. Whereas Complaint hath beene made unto me by the Inhabitants of Westchestr agt Katherine Harrison widdow That she doth neglect or refuse to obey my late Ordr con cerning her removall out of the said Towne, These are to re quire you that you give notice unto the said Katherine Har rison as also unto Captn Richard Panton at whose house she resydeth, That they make their personall appearance before me in this place on Wednesday next being the 24th of this Instant month, when those of the Towne that have ought to object agt them doe likewise attend, where I shall endeavor a Composure of this difference betweene them. Given undr my hand at Fort James in New Yorke this 20th day of Au gust 1670. [Francis Lovelace.] To the Constable of Westchestr. 50 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1670 Pres't At the Fort. Aug: 24th 1670. The Govemour Mr. Delavall The Secretary The Matt'r to bee considered of is the Complaint of the Towne of West-chester against Katharine Harryson Widdow suspected of Witch-craft etc : > They being all appointed to appeare before the Govemour this day; There appeared for the Towne Edward Waters Constable and John Quinby; For the Woman Capt. Ponton, Thomas Hunt Senr, and Junr, Roger Townsend, and one More.1 Capt. Ponton produced a Lett'r from Capt. Talcott2 to him in Justification of the Womans Innocency, and another Letter from John Allen Secretary of Connecticott Govermn't, in excuse of not sending the Womans Papers. Josiah Willard3 being desired to say what hee knew con cerning the Woman, making Relation of what is certifyed by Mr. Allen, hee is one of that Govermn't that knew of her Arraignment, and was spoken to (that hee would bee present) by the Constable, but hath nothing to say further. It being taken into Consideracion, It is Ordered that the Discussion of this Matter bee referrd to the next Gen[er]al Court of Assizes; In the meane time that shee give Security for her good Behaviour, during the time of her Abode amongst them at West-Chester. A warrant to the Constable of Westchestr to take an Account of the Goods of Katherine Harrison. These are to require you to take an Account of such Goods as have lately beene brought from out of his Ma' ties Colony of Conecticott unto Katherine Harrison, and having taken a 1 I. e., one more appeared. 2 Captain John Talcott, then treasurer of the Connecticut colony, was one of its foremost men. He was a member of the Court of Assistants, and was doubtless largely responsible for its action. He was well known at West Chester, for in 1663 at the head of a troop from Connecticut he had taken the place from the Dutch. ' Of Wethersfield — a trader, and doubtless here on some mercantile errand. He was a brother of the Rev. Samuel Willard, whom we have met (pp. 21-22) and shall meet again. 1670] NEW YORK CASES 51 Note of the perticulers that you retorne the Same unto me for the doeing whereof this shall be yor warrant. Given undr my hand at Fort James in New Yorke this 25th day of August 1670. [Francis Lovelace.] To the present Constable of Westchester. An Ordr concerning Katherine Harrison. Whereas severall Actresses have beene made unto me by some of the Inhabitants of Westchestr on behalfe of the rest desiring that Katherine Harrison late of Wethersfeild in his Ma'ties Colony of Connecticott widdow at present residing in their Towne may be ordered to remove from thence and not permitted to stay wthin their Jurisdiction upon an apprehen sion they have of her grounded upon some troubles she hath layne undr at Wethersfeild upon suspition of Witchcraft, the reasons whereof do not so clearly appeare unto me, Yett not- wthstanding to give as much satisfaction as may be to the Complts1 who pretend their feares to be of a publique Con- cerne, I have not thought fitt absolutely to determyne the mattr at present, but do suspend it untill the next Genrll Cort of Assizes, when there will be a full meeting of the Coun- cell and Justices of the peace to debate and conclude the same. In the meane tyme the said Katherine Harrison wth her Children may remaine in the Towne of Westchestr where she now is wthout disturbance or molestation, she having given sufficient security for her Civill carriage and good be haviour. Given undr my hand at Fort James in New York this 25th day of August in the 22th yeare of his Ma'ties Raigne Annoq.2 Domini 1670. [Francis Lovelace] Anno 1670. Appeals, Actions, Presentmts etc. Entred for Hearing and Tryall at the Gen[er]all Cort of Assizes to bee held in New Yorke be ginning on the first Wednesday of Octobr 1670. Katherine Harryson bound over to appeare upon the Complt of the Inhabitants of Westchester upon suspicion of Witch-craft. 1 Complainants. 2 /. e., "and in the year of Our Lord" : the q stands for the enclitic que, and. 52 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1670 In the case of Katherine Harryson Widdow, who was bound to the good Behaviour upon Complt of some of the Inhabitants of Westchester untill the holding of this Court, It is Ordered, that in regard there is nothing appears against her deserving the continuance of that obligacion shee is to bee releast from it, and hath Liberty to remaine in the Towne of Westchester where shee now resides, or any where else in the Governmt during her pleasure.1 [Francis Lovelace.] 1 Alas, it is to be feared that her neighbors did not make her life happy. Certain documents as to her property (printed in the 2V. Y. Executive Council Minutes, II. 393-395) make it probable that she left Westchester in May; and an entry of May 9, 1672, in the records (yet unpublished) of the Connecticut Court of Assistants — "The court upon ace'' of work done by Katherin Harrison for Daniel Gerrad doe see cause to remit of the five pounds Katherin Harrison is to pay Dan'll Gerrad Twenty Shillings" — may mean that she was permitted to return to Hartford, though perhaps it refers to work done while she was in custody. In any case, she was in New York later, for, "during the temporary occupation of New York by the Dutch in 1673, an accusation was brought against her before Governor Colve, but was promptly and contemptuously dismissed" (Drake, Annals of Witchcraft, Boston, 1869, pp. 133-134; Levermore, "Witch craft in Connecticut," in the New Englander, XLIV. 812). LITHOBOLIA, BY RICHARD CHAMBERLAIN, 1698 INTRODUCTION That the "R. C. Esq." who in 1698 published at London the following narrative was Richard Chamberlain, sometime secretary of the provmce of New Hampshire, is beyond all doubt. His own statement that he was in that province in His Majesty's service, and lodged at George Walton's, in a year easily recognized by internal evidence as 1682, would suffice to identify him; for not only was there no other "R. C." in that well-known circle, but the Puritan pastor at Ports mouth, writing at that very time of this very episode (see p. 35, above), makes the secretary a lodger at George Walton's and a source of information as to these happenings. Nor can this story be any bookseller's expansion of the narrative then published; for its mass of added detail squares not less per fectly with every local tradition. If "the Contents hereof " are not now to be found in the records of His Majesty's "Council-Court held for that province," where Chamberlain himself doubtless inscribed them, it is amply explained by the mutilation and scattering of those records; and enough remains (see p. 31, note) to show the affair matter of record. There was reason, too, why precisely Richard Chamber lain should have been one of the objects of such wrath, human or infernal, as found utterance in this "stonery." It was the very crisis of a dispute that for half a century had disturbed the peace of New Hampshire. John Mason, to whom in 1629 that region had been granted and who in 1631 had under taken its settlement, had died in 1635 without making ade quate provision for its administration. The multiplying col- 55 56 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES onists, who even before and during his personal control had occupied lands by other title than his grant, now ignored his claims; and the widow and infant grandchildren who were his heirs soon left them wholly to their own devices. The growing Puritan element leaned on the neighboring Massa chusetts, and that colony discovered that its own charter could be interpreted to include the territory now settled in New Hampshire. Lands were thenceforward often granted by the Boston government, and oftener by the town authorities set up by it in New Hampshire; and the feeble protests of the Mason heirs found little hearing, the political changes in England making it impossible to enforce them. But with the Restoration, in 1660, matters changed, and by 1680 Robert Mason had not only won from a venal court the rejection of the Massachusetts claim and full recognition of his proprietor ship in New Hampshire, but was given a seat in the Council of the royal province into which the colony was now recon stituted and was permitted to nominate its governor and sec retary. A governor was not at once found; but as its secre tary he named Richard Chamberlain. Of Chamberlain's history we know little. The Lords of Trade had stipulated that the new secretary should be "well versed in the law," and there can be little doubt that he was that "Richard Chamberlayne, son and heir of William C, of London, gent.," who in May, 1651, was admitted to Gray's Inn (not six months after Mason's all-powerful kinsman and adviser, Edward Randolph), who was " called to the bar 11 Nov. 1659, ancient 17 April 1676," and whose daughter Elizabeth was in 1695 wedded to that "much Honoured Mart. Lumley, Esq.," to whom he dedicates this booklet. If so he was of a good family, whose pedigree can be traced for several genera tions in the visitations of the heralds. Perhaps already an acquaintance of Mason, he soon became his intimate friend. They crossed the sea together, arriving in New Hampshire INTRODUCTION 57 in December, 1680, and at once entering on their functions in the government. Though outvoted in the Council, Mason proceeded to the enforcement of his territorial claims, and soon by his demands, however legal, earned fear and hate not only for himself but for Chamberlain, who was believed to have instigated them. The colonists were left their improved lands, on payment of a moderate quit-rent; but all wild lands, including their pastures and their woodlands, Mason counted his, to grant at will. But the colonists, except a few Quakers, stoutly held out, and Mason returned to England to urge his case, leaving Chamberlain to bear the brunt. The latter had his abode on Great Island, under the guns of the fort, at the house of the Quaker George Walton; and it is there, in the summer of 1682, that the following narrative has its scene. The booklet is now very rare, and this is probably the first complete reimpression of it. With the exception of the pref atory matter it was, however, reprinted in 1861 in the His torical Magazine, V. 321-327. LITHOBOLIA Lithobolia: or, the Stone-Throwing Devil Being an Exact and True Account (by way of Journal) of the various Actions of Infernal Spirits, or (Devils Incarnate) Witches, or both; and the great Disturbance and Amazement they gave to George Waltons Family, at a place call'd Great Island in the Province of New-Hantshire in New-England, chiefly in Throwing about (by an Invisible hand) Stone, Bricks, and Brick-bats of all Sizes, with several other things, as Hammers, Mauls, Iron-Crows, Spits, and other Domestick Utensils, as came into their Hellish Minds, and this for the space of a Quarter of a Year. By R. C. Esq; who was a Sojourner in the same Family the whole time, and an Ocular Witness of these Diabolick Inventions. The Contents hereof being manifestly known to the Inhabitants of that Province, and Persons of other Provinces, and is upon Record in his Majesties Council-Court held for that Province. London, Printed, and are to be Sold by E. Whitlook near Stationers-Hall, 1698.1 To The much Honoured Mart. Lumley, Esq;2 Sir, As the subsequent Script deserves not to be called a Book, so these precedent Lines presume not to a Dedication : But, Sir, it is an occasion that I am ambitious to lay hold on, to discover to You by this Epitome (as it were) the propension 1 Title-page of the original. 2 Martin Lumley, Esq. (1662-1710), son of Sir Martin Lumley, of Great Bardfield, Essex, himself succeeded to that baronetcy in 1702. When LUhobolia was written he had probably just become a kinsman of the author; for in 1695 he married for his second wife "Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Chamberlayn of Gray's Inn." (See article of J. W. Dean, in N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XLIII. 183-185.) 58 1698] LITHOBOLIA 59 and inclination I have to give a more full and perfect demon stration of the Honour, Love, and Service, I own (as I think my self oblig'd) to have for You. To a Sober, Judicious, and well Principled Person, such as your Self, plain Truths are much more agreeable than the most charming and surprising Romance or Novel, with all the strange turns and events. That this is of the first sort, (as I have formerly upon Record attested) I do now aver and protest ; yet neither is it less strange than true, and so may be capable of giving you some Diver sion for an hour: For this interruption of your more serious ones, I cannot doubt your candor and clemency, in pardoning it, that so well know (and do most sensibly acknowledg) your high Worth and Goodness; and that the Relation I am Digni fied with, infers a mutual Patronization. Sir, I am Your most Humble Servant, R. C. To the much Honoured R. F. Esq;1 To tell strange feats of Daemons, here I am; Strange, but most true they are, ev'n to a Dram, Tho' Sadduceans cry, 'tis all a Sham. Here's Stony Arg'uments of persuasive Dint, They'l not believe it, told, nor yet in Print: What should the Reason be? The Devil's in't. And yet they wish to be convinc'd by Sight, Assur'd by Apparition of a Sprite; But Learned Brown2 doth state the matter right : Satan will never Instrumental be Of so much Good, to' Appear to them; for he Hath them sure by their Infidelity. But you, my Noble Friend, know better things; Your Faith, mounted on Religions Wings, Sets you above the Clouds whence Error springs. 1 "R. F., Esq.," has not been identified. 2 Sir Thomas Browne. See his Religio Medici, pt. I., § 30. 60 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 Your Soul reflecting on this lower Sphear, Of froth and vanity, joys oft to hear The Sacred Ora'cles, where all Truths appear, Which will Conduct out of this Labyrinth of Night, And lead you to the source of Intellect'ual Light. Which is the Hearty Prayer of Your most faithful Humble Servant, R. C. Lithobolia: or, the Stone-throwing Devil, etc. Such is the Sceptical Humour of this Age for Incredulity, (not to say Infidelity,) That I wonder they do not take up and profess, in terms, the Pyrrhonian Doctrine of disbelieving their very Senses. For that which I am going to relate hap pening to cease in the Province of New-Hampshire in America, just upon that Governour's Arrival and Appearance at the Council there, who was informed by my self, and several other Gentlemen of the Council, and other considerable Persons, of the true and certain Reality hereof, yet he continued tenacious in the Opinion that we were all imposed upon by the waggery of some unlucky Boys;1 which, considering the Circumstances and Passages hereafter mentioned, was altogether impossible. I have a Wonder to relate; for such (I take it) is so to be termed whatsoever is Praeternatural, and not assignable to, or the effect of, Natural Causes : It is a Lithobolia,2 or Stone- throwing, which happened by Witchcraft (as was supposed) and maliciously perpetrated by an Elderly Woman, a Neigh bour suspected, and (I think) formerly detected for such kind of Diabolical Tricks and Practises;3 and the wicked Instiga- 1 Edward Cranfield, first royal governor of New Hampshire. He arrived in October, 1682, and left in June, 1685. Though Mason's nominee, he for some time leaned to the side of the colonists against the methods of Mason and Cham berlain. 2 "Lithobolia" is, of course, only Greek for "stone-throwing." 3 Who she was it is not hard to guess. On July 4, 1682, Hannah Jonea begged the "advice and relief" of the President and Council "in regard of George Walton's dealing with her, who falsely accuseth her of what she is clear of, and hath so far prevailed that upon that account your humble petitioner is bound in a bond of the peace; since which said Walton's horse breaks into her pasture and 1682] LITHOBOLIA 61 tion did arise upon the account of some small quantity of Land in her Field, which she pretended was unjustly taken into the Land of the Person where the Scene of this Matter lay, and was her Right; she having been often very clamor ous about that Affair, and heard to say, with much Bitterness, that her Neighbour (innuendo1 the fore-mentioned Person, his Name George Walton)2 should never quietly injoy that doth her damage." (Provincial Records, in New Hampshire Hist. Soc, Collec tions, VIII. 99.) Of her being "formerly detected" in witchcraft there is no record; but she was a daughter of Thomas Walford, and her mother, Jane Wal- ford, had in 1656 been tried for witchcraft, and, though cleared, found it necessary in 1669 to bring an action for slander against a physician who again accused her. (N. H. Hist. Soc., Collections, I. 255-257; Documents and Records relating to the Province of New Hampshire, I. 217-219; Probate Records of the Province of New Hampshire, I. 87-92, 222-224.) Jane Walford was now dead (Probate Records, I. 92); but there was reason enough for George Walton to fear the malice of her daughter. For Thomas Walford, a blacksmith who in 1623 had come with Gorges to Weymouth, who had later become the earliest settler inCharlestown, and who in 1631, expelled from the Bay for his Anglican tenets, had found a refuge at Portsmouth, had prospered at last, and at his death in 1666 left to his heirs broad acres. But these. lands were among those forfeit to the Mason claim, and Walton was a buyer. (Probate Records, 1. 299, and cf. p. 37, above, note 1.) Now that the government was passing into the hands of the Mason party, what hope was there except from Heaven or Hell? ' ' Your petitioner," prayed Hannah Jones, "being under bond, knows not what to do to help herself." It was doubtless Secretary Chamberlain who as a justice had put her under bond; but the planters still had a majority in the Council, and Goodwife Jones was ordered to complain to Captain Stileman "if she be at any time, during her being bound to the good behavior, injured by the said Geo. Walton." Her complaint came : on August 31 Elizabeth Clark, aged forty-two, made affidavit to Deputy-President Stileman "that she heard George Walton say that he believed in his heart and conscience that Grandma Jones was a witch, and would say so to his dying day." But Wal ton, too, had evidence to offer: on September 4 Samuel Clark testified "that he was present when Goody Jones and Geo. Walton were talking together, and he heard the said Goody Jones call the said Walton a wizzard, and that she said, if he told her of her mother, she would throw stones at his head, and this was on Friday, the 25th of August, 1682." And other witnesses testified that on that day "they saw several stones to fly," though they "saw no hand or person to throw them," and that "the said George Walton was hit several times." (Pro vincial Records, in N. H. Hist Soc, Collections, VIII. 99-100.) But this is to anticipate the relation. 1 "Hinting at." 2 As to Walton see introduction and p. 35, note 1, above. A letter from the Rev. Lucius Alden, of Newcastle, printed in 1862 in the Historical Magazine, VI. 159, describes his house and its site and identifies other people and places mentioned in this narrative. 62 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 piece of Ground. Which, as it has confirm'd my self and others in the Opinion that there are such things as Witches, and the Effects of Witchcraft, or at least of the mischievous Actions of Evil Spirits; which some do as little give Credit to, as in the Case of Witches, utterly rejecting both their Operations and their Beings, we having been Eye-Witnesses of this Matter almost every Day for a quarter of a Year together; so it may be a means to rectifie the depraved Judgment and Sentiments of other disbelieving Persons, and absolutely convince them of their Error, if they please to hear, without prejudice, the plain, but most trae Narration of it; which was thus. Some time ago being in America (in His then Majesty's Service) I was lodg'd in the said George Walton's House, a Planter there, and on a Sunday Night,1 about Ten a Clock, many Stones were heard by my self, and the rest of the Family, to be thrown, and (with Noise) hit against the top and all sides of the House, after he the said Walton had been at his Fence-Gate, which was between him and his Neighbour one John Amazeen an Italian,2 to view it; for it was again, as formerly it had been (the manner how being unknown) wrung off the Hinges, and cast upon the Ground; and in his being there, and return home with several Persons of (and frequent ing) his family and House, about a flight shot distant from the Gate, they were all assaulted with a peal of Stones, (taken, we conceive, from the Rocks hard by the House) and this by unseen Hands or Agents. For by this time I was come down to them, having risen out of my Bed at this strange Alarm of all that were in the House, and do know that they all look'd out as narrowly as I did, or any Person could (it being a bright Moon-light Night), but cou'd make no Discovery. There upon, and because there came many Stones, and those pretty great ones, some as big as my Fist, into the Entry or Porch of the House, we withdrew into the next Room to the Porch, 1 June 11, 1682. See p. 35, above, and Mather Papers, p. 361. ' "John the Greek," as he was called, the illiterate constable of Great Island, was one of the most stubborn in refusing to pay dues to Mason. He had married the widow of Jeremiah Walford (Hannah Jones's brother) and was the guardiau of his son and estate. (Probate Records, I. 222-224; Provincial Records, in N. H. Hist. Soc., Collections, I. 71, 118.) 1682] LITHOBOLIA 63 no Person having receiv'd any Hurt, (praised be Almighty Providence, for certainly the infernal Agent, constant Enemy to Mankind, had he not been over-ruled, intended no less than Death or Maim) save only that two Youths were lightly hit, one on the Leg, the other on the Thigh, notwithstanding the Stones came so thick, and so forcibly against the sides of so narrow a Room. Whilst we stood amazed at this Accident, one of the Maidens imagined she saw them come from the Hall, next to that we were in, where searching, (and in the Cellar, down out of the Hall,) and finding no Body, another and my self observed two little Stones in a short space succes sively to fall on the Floor, coming as from the Ceiling close by us, and we concluded it must necessarily be done by means extraordinary and praeternatural. Coming again into the Room where we first were (next the Porch), we had many of these lapidary Salutations, but unfriendly ones; for, shutting the Door, it was no small Surprise to me to have a good big Stone come with great force and noise (just by my Head) against the Door on the inside; and then shutting the other Door, next the Hall, to have the like Accident; so going out again, upon a necessary Occasion, to have another very near my Body, clattering against the Board-wall of the House; but it was a much greater, to be so near the danger of having my Head broke with a Mall, or great Hammer brushing along the top or roof of the Room from the other end, as I was walk ing in it, and lighting down by me; but it fell so, that my Landlord had the greatest damage, his Windows (especially those of the first mention'd Room) being with many Stones miserably and strangely batter'd, most of the Stones giving the Blow on the inside, and forcing the Bars, Lead, and hasps of the Casements outwards, and yet falling back (sometimes a Yard or two) into the Room; only one little Stone we took out of the glass of the Window, where it lodg'd its self in the breaking it, in a Hole exactly fit for the Stone. The Pewter and Brass were frequently pelted, and sometimes thrown down upon the Ground; for the Evil Spirit seemed then to affect variety of Mischief, and diverted himself at this end after he had done so much Execution at the other. So were two Candle sticks, after many hittings, at last struck off the Table where they stood, and likewise a large Pewter Pot, with the force of 64 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 these Stones. Some of them were taken up hot, and (it seems) immediately coming out of the Fire; and some (which is not unremarkable) having been laid by me upon the Table along by couples, and numbred, were found missing; that is, two of them, as we return'd immediately to the Table, having turn'd our backs only to visit and view some new Stone-charge or Window-breach; and this Experiment was four or five times repeated, and I still found one or two missing of the Number, which we all mark'd, when I did but just remove the Light from off the Table, and step to the Door, and back again. After this had continued in all the parts and sides of the first Room (and down the Chimney) for above four hours, I, weary of the Noise, and sleepy, went to Bed, and was no sooner fallen asleep, but was awakened with the unwelcome disturbance of another Battery of a different sort, it issuing with so prodigious a Noise against the thin Board-wall of my Chamber (which was within another) that I could not imagin it less than the fracture and downfall of great part of the Chamber, or at least of the Shelves, Books, Pictures, and other things, placed on that side, and on the Partition-Wall between the Anti-Chamber and the Door of mine. But the Noise immediately bringing up the Company below, they assured me no Mischief of that nature was done, and shewed me the biggest Stone that had as yet been made use of in this unac countable Accident, weighing eight pound and an half, that had burst open my Chamber Door with a rebound from the Floor, as by the Dent and Bruise in it near the Door I found next Morning, done, probably, to make the greater Noise, and give the more Astonishment, which would sooner be effected by three Motions, and consequently three several Sounds, viz. one on the Ground, the next to and on the Door, and the last from it again to the Floor, then if it had been one single Blow upon the Door only; which ('tis probable) wou'd have split the Door, which was not permitted, nor so much as a square of the Glass-Window broken or crack'd (at that time) in all the Chamber. Glad thereof, and desiring them to leave me, and the Door shut, as it was before, I endeavoured once more to take my Rest, and was once more prevented by the like passage, with another like offensive Weapon, it being a whole Brick that lay in the anti-Chamber Chimney, and used 1682] LITHOBOLIA 65 again to the same malicious purpose as before, and in the same manner too, as by the mark in the Floor, whereon was some of the dust of the Brick, broken a httle at the end, apparant next Morning, the Brick it self lying just at the Door. How ever, after I had lain a while, harkning to their Adventures below, I drop'd asleep again, and receiv'd no further Moles tation that Night. In the Morning (Monday Morning) I was inform'd by sev eral of the Domesticks of more of the same kind of Trouble; among which the most signal was, the Vanishing of the Spit which stood in the Chimney Corner, and the sudden coming of it again down the same Chimney, sticking of it in a Log that lay in the Fireplace or Hearth; and then being by one of the Family set by on the other side of the Chimney, pres ently cast out of the Window into the Back-side. Also a pressing-Iron lying on the ledge of the Chimney back, was convey'd invisibly into the Yard. I should think it (too) not unworthy the Relation, that, discoursing then with some of the Family, and others, about what had past, I said, I thought it necessary to take and keep the great Stone, as a Proof and Evidence, for they had taken it down from my Chambers; and so I carried it up, laid it on my Table in my Chamber, and lock'd my Door, and going out upon occasions, and soon returning, I was told by my Landlady that it was, a little while after my going forth, removed again, with a Noise, which they all below heard, and was thrown into the anti- Chamber, and there I found it lying in the middle of it; there upon I the second time carried it up, and laid it on the Table, and had it in my Custody a long time to show, for the Satis faction of the Curious. There were many more Stones thrown about in the House that Morning, and more in the Fields that Day, where the Master of the House was, and the Men at Work. Some more Mr. Woodbridge,1 a Minister, and my self, in the Afternoon 'The Rev. Benjamin Woodbridge, who had begun in 1680 at Bristol, Rhode Island, his career as a preacher, but had dissatisfied a part of his flock (Mather Papers, pp. 695-696), and seems to have been seeking a fresh one in the north. It was through him that Pastor Moodey of Portsmouth sought, for Increase Mather's Providences, an account of the happenings on Great Island. (See above, p. 34, note 2, and Mather Papers, p. 360.) 66 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 did see (but could not any Hand throwing them) fighting near, and jumping and tumbling on the Grass: So did one Mrs. Clark, and her Son, and several others; and some of them felt them too. One Person would not be perswaded but that the Boys at Work might throw them, and strait her httle Boy standing by her was struck with a Stone on the Back, which caused him to fall a crying, and her (being convinc'd) to carry him away forth-with. In the Evening, as soon as I had sup'd in the outer Room before mine, I took a little Musical-Instrument, and began to touch it (the Door indeed was then set open for Air), and a good big Stone came rumbling in, and as it were to lead the Dance, but upon a much different account than in the days of Old, and of old fabulous Inchantments, my Musick being none of the best. The Noise of this brought up the Deputy- President's Wife,1 and many others of the Neighbourhood that were below, who wonder'd to see this Stone followed (as it were) by many others, and a Pewter Spoon among the rest, all which fell strangely into the Room in their Presence, and were taken up by the Company. And beside all this, there was seen by two Youths in the Orchard and Fields, as they said, a black Cat, at the time the Stones were toss'd about, and it was shot at, but missed, by its changing Places, and being immediately at some distance, and then out of sight, as they related : Agreeable to which, it may not be improper to insert, what was observed by two Maids, Grand-Children of Mr. Walton, on the Sunday Night, the beginning of this Lithoboly. They did affirm, that as they were standing in the Porch-Chamber Window, they saw, as it were, a Person putting out a Hand out of the Hall Window, as throwing Stones toward the Porch or Entry; and we all know no Person was in the Hall except, at that instant, my self and another, having search'd diligently there, and wondring whence those should come that were about the same time drop'd near us; so far we were from doing it our selves, or seeing any other there to do it. On Monday Night, about the Hour it first began, there were more Stones thrown in the Kitchin, and down the Chim- •Mrs. Elias Stileman. Till the arrival of Governor Cranfield President Waldron and Deputy-President Stileman remained in power. 1682] LITHOBOLIA 67 ney, one Captain Barefoot,1 of the Council for that Province, being present, with others; and also (as I was going up to Bed) in an upper Chamber, and down those Stairs. Upon Tuesday Night, about Ten, some five or six Stones were severally thrown into the Maid's Chamber near the Kitchin, and the Glass-Windows broke in three new places, and one of the Maids hit as she lay. At the same time was heard by them, and two young Men in the House, an odd, dismal sort of Whistling, and thereupon the Youths ran out, with intent to take the suppos'd Thrower of Stones, if possi ble; and on the back-side near the Window they heard the Noise (as they said) of something stepping a little way before them, as it were the trampling of a young Colt, as they fan cied, but saw nothing; and going on, could discover nothing but that the Noise of the stepping or trampling was ceas'd, and then gone on a little before. On Saturday Morning I found two Stones more on the Stairs; and so some were on Sunday Night convey 'd into the Room next the Kitchin. Upon Monday following Mr. Walton going (with his Men) by Water to some other Land, in a place called the Great Bay, and to a House where his Son was placed, they lay there that Night, and the next Morning had this Adventure. As the Men were all at work in the Woods, felling Wood, they were visited with another set of Stones, and they gathered up near upon a Hat-full, and put them between two Trees near adjoin ing, and returning from carrying Wood, to the Boat, the Hat and its contents (the Stones) were gone, and the Stones were presently after thrown about again, as before; and after search, found the Hat press'd together, and lying under a square piece of Timber at some distance from thence. They had them again at young Walton's House, and half a Brick thrown into a Cradle, out of which his young Child was newly taken up. Here it may seem most proper to inform the Reader of a parallel passage, (viz.) what happened another time to my Landlord in his Boat; wherein going up to the same place 'The bluff and jovial Walter Barefoot, physician, politician, speculator, rescuer of Quakers and horror of Puritans, soon to be commandant, judge, acting governor, and at this moment as deputy collector especially obnoxious to the Massachusetts party, is well known to all students of New Hampshire history. 68 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 (the Great Bay) and loading it with Hay for his use at his own House, about the mid-way in the River (Pascataqu'a)1 he found his Boat began to be in "a sinking Condition, at which being much surpriz'd, upon search, he discover'd "the eause to be the pulling out a Plug or Stopple in the bottom of the Boat, being fixed there for the more convenient letting out of the Rain- Water that might fall into it; a Contrivance and Com bination of the old Serpent and the old Woman, or some other Witch or Wizard (in Reyenge or innate Enmity) to have drown'd both my good La^djord and his Company. On Wednesday, as they 'were at work again in the Woods, on a sudden they heard something gingle like. Glass, or Metal, among the Trees, as it was falling, and being fallen to the Ground, they knew it to be a Stirrup which Mr. Walton had carried to the Boat, and laid under some Wood; and this being again laid by him in that very Boat, it was again thrown after him. The third time, he having put it upon his Girdle or Belt he wore about his Waste, buckled together before, but at that instant taken off because of the Heat of the Weather, and laid there again buckled, it was fetch'd away, and no more seen. Likewise the Graper, or little Anchor of the Boat, cast over-board, which caus'd the Boat to wind up; so staying and obstructing their Passage. Then the setting-Pole was divers times cast into the River, as they were coming back from the Great Bay, which put them to the trouble of Padling, that is, rowing about for it as often to retrieve it. Being come to his own House, this Mr. Walton was charg'd again with a fresh Assault in the out-Houses; but we heard of none within doors until Friday after, when, in the Kitchin, were 4 or 5 Stones (one of them hot) taken out of the Fire, as I conceive, and so thrown about. I was then present, being newly come in with Mr. Walton from his middle Field (as he calPd it), where his Servants had been Mowing, and had six or seven of his old troublesome Companions, and I had one fall'n down by me there, and another thin flat Stone hit me on the Thigh with the flat side of it, so as to make me just feel, and to smart a little. In the same Day's Evening, as I was walking out in the Lane by the Field before-mentioned, a great Stone made a rusling Noise in the Stone-Fence between 1 The Piscataqua. 1682] LITHOBOLIA 69 the Field and the Lane, which seem'd to me (as it caus'd me to cast my Eye that way by the Noise) to come out of the Fence, as it were pull'd out from among those Stones loose, but orderly laid close together, as the manner of such Fences in that Country is, and so fell down upon the Ground. Some Persons of Note being then in the Field (whose Names are here under-written) to visit Mr. Walton there, are substan tial Witnesses of this same Stonery, both in the Field, and afterward in the House that Night, viz. one Mr. Hussey, Son of a Counsellour there.1 He took up one that having first alighted on the Ground, with rebound from thence hit him on the Heel; and he keeps it to show. And Captain Barefoot, mentioned above, has that which (among other Stones) flew into the Hall a little before Supper; which my self also saw as it first came in at the upper part of the Door into the middle of the Room; and then (tho' a good flat Stone, yet) was seen to rowl over and over, as if trundled, under a Bed in the same Room. In short, these Persons, being wonderously affected with the Strangeness of these Passages, offer'd themselves (desiring me to take them) as Testimonies; I did so, and made a Memorandum, by way of Record, thereof, to this effect. Viz. These Persons under-written do hereby Attest the Truth of their being Eye-Witnesses of at least half a score Stones that Evening thrown invisibly into the Field, and in the Entry of the House, Hall, and one of the Chambers of George Walton's. Viz. Samuel Jennings, Esq; Govemour of West-Jarsey. Walter Clark, Esq; Deputy-Governour of Road-Island. Mr. Arthur Cook. Mr. Matt. Borden of Road-Island. Mr. Oliver Hooton of Barbados, Merchant. Mr. T. Maul of Salem in New-England, Merchant. Captain Walter Barefoot. Mr. John Hussey. And the Wife of the said Mr. Hussey.2 1 Of Christopher Hussey, of Hampton. 2 The governors of West Jersey and Rhode Island are sufficiently identified by their titles. Both were Quakers, as were all the others excepting Barefoot. Cook 70 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 On Saturday, July1 24, One of the Family, at the usual hour at Night, observ'd some few (not above half a dozen) of these natural (or rather unnatural) Weapons to fly into the Kitchin, as formerly; but some of them in an unusual manner hghting gently on him, or coming toward him so easily, as that he took them before they fell to the Ground. I think there was not any thing more that Night remarkable. But as if the malicious Daemon had laid up for Sunday and Monday, then it was that he began (more furiously than formerly) with a great Stone in the Kitchin, and so continued with throwing down the Pewter-Dishes, etc. great part of it all at once coming clattering down, without the stroke of a Stone, little or great, to move it. Then about Midnight this im pious Operation not ceasing, but trespassing with a continu- ando,2 2 very great Stones, weighing above 30 pound a piece (that used to lye in the Kitchin, in or near the Chimny) were in the former, wonted, rebounding manner, let fly against my Door and Wall in the ante-Chamber, but with some httle distance of time. This thundring Noise must needs bring up the Men from below, as before, (I need not say to wake me) to tell me the Effect, which was the beating down several Pictures, and displacing abundance of things about my Cham ber: but the Repetition of this Cannon-Play by these great rumbling Engines, now ready at hand for the purpose, and the like additional disturbance by four Bricks that lay in the outer-Room Chimney (one of which having been so imploy'd the first Sunday Night, as has been said) made me despair of taking Rest, and so forced me to rise from my Bed. Then finding my Door burst open, I also found many Stones, and great pieces of Bricks, to fly in, breaking the Glass-Windows, and a Paper-Light, sometimes inwards, sometimes outwards: So hitting the Door of my Chamber as I came through from the ante-Chamber, lighting very near me as I was fetching the Candlestick, and afterward the Candle being struck out, as I was going to light it again. So a httle after, coming up was a Philadelphian; Thomas Maule, the Salem merchant who was later (1695) to stir such fury in Massachusetts by his arraignment of the Puritan regime. What Maule thought ofj witchcraft must be gathered not only from his own book, but from that of his Beverly neighbor, the Rev. John Hale, pp. 155-161. 1 June. « A "to be continued." 1682] LITHOBOLIA 71 for another Candle, and being at the Stare-foot door, a wooden Mortar with great Noise struck against the Floor, and was just at my Feet, only not touching me, moving from the other end of the Kitchin where it used to lye. And when I came up my self, and two more of the same House, we heard a Whistling, as it were near us in the outer Room, several times. Among the rest of the Tools made use of to disturb us, I found an old Card for dressing Flax in my Chamber. Now for Monday Night, (June 26) one of the severest. The disturbance began in the Kitchin with Stones; then as I was at Supper above in the ante-Chamber, the Window near which I sate at Table was broke in 2 or 3 parts of it inwards, and one of the Stones that broke it flew in, and I took it up at the further end of the Room. The manner is observable; for one of the squares was broke into 9 or 10 small square pieces, as if it had been regularly mark'd out into such even squares by a Workman, to the end some of these little pieces might fly in my Face (as they did) and give me a surprize, but without any hurt. In the mean time it went on in the Kitchin, whither I went down, for Company, all or most of the Family, and a Neigh bour, being there; where many Stones (some great ones) came thick and threefold among us, and an old howing Iron,1 from a Room hard by, where such Utensils lay. Then, as if I had been the design'd Object for that time, most of the Stones that came (the smaller I mean) hit me (sometimes pretty hard) to the number of above 20, near 30, as I remember, and whether I remov'd, sit, or walk'd, I had them, and great ones sometimes lighting gently on me, and in my Hand and Lap as I sate, and falling to the Ground, and sometimes thumping against the Wall, as near as could be to me, without touching me. Then was a- Room over the Kitchin infested, that had not been so before, and many Stones greater than usual lumbring there over our Heads, not only to ours, but to the great Dis turbance and Affrightment of some Children that lay there. And for Variety, there were sometimes three great, distinct Knocks, sometimes five such sounds as with a great Maul, reiterated divers times. On Tuesday Night (June 28) we were quiet; but not so on Wednesday, when the Stones were play'd about in the House. 1 A hoeing-iron — the metal part of a hoe. 72 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 And on Thursday Morning I found some things that hung on Nails on the Wall in my Chamber, viz. a Spherical Sun-Dial, etc. lying on the Ground, as knock'd down by some Brick or Stone in the ante-Chamber. But my Landlord had the worst of that Day, tho' he kept the Field, being there invisibly hit above 40 times, as he affirm'd to me, and he receiv'd some shrowd1 hurtful Blows on the Back, and other Parts, which he much complained of, and said he thought he should have reason to do, even to his dying day; and I observ'd that he did so, he being departed this Life since.2 Besides this, Plants of Indian Com were struck up by the Roots almost, just as if they had been cut with some edged Instrument, whereas re vera3 they were seen to be eradicated, or rooted up with nothing but the very Stones, altho' the in jurious Agent was altogether unseen. And a sort of Noise, like that of Snorting and Whistling, was heard near the Men at Work in the Fields many times, many whereof I my self, going thither, and being there, was a Witness of; and parting thence I receiv'd a pretty hard Blow with a Stone on the Calf of my Leg. So it continued that day in two Fields, where they were severally at Work: and my Landlord told me, he often heard likewise a humming Noise in the Air by him, as of a Bullet discharg'd from a Gun; and so said a Servant of his that work'd with him. Upon Saturday (July 1), as I was going to visit my Neigh bour Capt. Barefoot, and just at his Door, his Man saw, as well as my self, 3 or 4 Stones fall just by us in the Field, or Close, where the House stands, and not any other Person near us. At Night a great Stone fell in the Kitchin, as I was going to Bed, and the Pewter was thrown down; many Stones flew about, and the Candles by them put out 3 or 4 times, and the Snorting heard; a Negro Maid hit on the Head in the Entry between the Kitchin and Hall with a Porringer from the Kitchin : also the pressing-Iron clattered against the Partition Wall between the Hall and a Chamber beyond it, where I lay, and Mr. Randolph,4 His Majesty's Officer for the Customs, etc. Some few Stones we had on Sunday Morning, (July 2) 1 Shrewd, i. e., sharp. 8 Early in 1686. » "In fact." 4 Edward Randolph, arch-foe of the Massachusetts theocracy and for more than a dozen years (1676-1689) chief inspirer of the royal policy as to the colonies. 1682] LITHOBOLIA 73 none at Night. But on Monday Morning (the 3d) both Mr. Walton, and 5 or 6 with him in the Field, were assaulted with them, and their Ears with the old Snorting and Whistling. In the Afternoon Mr. Walton was hit on the Back with Stones very grievously, as he was in his Boat that lay at a Cove side by his House. It was a very odd prank that was prac- tis'd by the Devil a little while after this. One Night the Cocks of Hay, made the Day before in the Orchard, was spread all abroad, and some of the Hay thrown up into the Trees, and some of it brought into the House, and scatter'd. Two Logs that lay at the Door, laid, one of them by the Chimny in the Kitchin; the other set against the Door of the Room where Mr. Walton then lay, as on purpose to confine him therein: A Form that stood in the Entry (or Porch) was set along by the Fire side, and a joint Stool upon that, with a Napking spread thereon, with two Pewter Pots, and two Candlesticks: A Cheese-Press likewise having a Spit thrust into one of the holes of it, at one end; and at the other end of the Spit hung an Iron Kettle; and a Cheese was taken out, and broke to pieces. Another time, I full well remember 'twas on a Sunday at Night, my Window was all broke with a violent shock of Stones and Brick-bats, which scarce miss'd my self : among these one huge one made its way through the great square or shash of a Casement, and broke a great hole in it, throwing down Books by the way, from the Window to a Picture over-against it, on the other side of the Chamber, and tore a hole quite through it about half a foot long, and the piece of the Cloth hung by a little part of it, on the back-side of the Picture. After this we were pretty quiet,1 saving now and then a few Stones march'd about for Exercise, and to keep (as it were) the Diabolical hand in use, till July 28, being Friday, when about 40 Stones flew about, abroad, and in the House and Orchard, and among the Trees therein, and a Window broke before, was broke again, and one Room where they never used before. August 1 . On Wednesday the Window in my ante-Chamber was broke again, and many Stones were plaid about, abroad, 1 It will be remembered that about this time Hannah Jones was put under bond. See pp. 60-61, note 3. 74 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 and in the House, in the Day-time, and at Night. The same Day in the Morning they tried this Experiment; they did set on the Fire a Pot with Urin, and crooked Pins in it, with design to have it boil, and by that means to give Punishment to the Witch, or Wizard (that might be the wicked Procurer or Contriver of this Stone Affliction) and take off their own; as they had been advised. This was the Effect of it : As the Liquor begun to grow hot, a Stone came and broke the top or mouth of it, and threw it down, and spilt what was in it; which being made good again, another Stone, as the Pot grew hot again, broke the handle off; and being recruited and fill'd the third time, was then with a third Stone quite broke to pieces and split; and so the Operation became frustrate and fruitless. On August 2, two Stones in the Afternoon I heard and saw my self in the House and Orchard; and another Window in the Hall was broke. And as I was entring my own Chamber, a great square of a Casement, being a foot square, was broke, with the Noise as of a big Stone, and pieces of the Glass flew into the Room, but no Stone came in then, or could be found within or without. At Night, as I, with others, were in the Kitchin, many more came in; and one great Stone that lay on a Spinning- Wheel to keep it steady, was thrown to the other side of the Room. Several Neighbours then present were ready to testifie this Matter. Upon August 3, On Thursday the Gate between my said Landlord and his Neighbour John Amazeen was taken off again, and thrown into Amazeen's Field, who heard it fall, and averr'd it then made a Noise like a great Gun. On Friday the 4th, the Fence against Mr. Walton's Neigh bour's Door, (the Woman of whom formerly there was great Suspicion, and thereupon Examination had, as appears upon Record;) this Fence being maliciously pull'd down to let in their Cattel into his Ground; he and his Servants were pelted with above 40 Stones as they went to put it up again; for she had often threatned that he should never injoy his House and Land.1 Mr. Walton was hit divers times, and all that Day in the Field, as they were Reaping, it ceas'd not, and their fell (by the Mens Computation) above an hundred Stones. 1 See p. 37, note 1. Walton had doubtless fenced in the land in controversy. 1682] LITHOBOLIA 75 A Woman helping to Reap (among the rest) was hit 9 or 10 times, and hurt to that degree, that her left Arm, Hip, Thigh, and Leg, were made black and blue therewith; which she showd to the Woman,1 Mrs. Walton, and others. Mr. Wood- bridge,2 a Divine, coming to give me a Visit, was hit about the Hip, and one Mr. Jefferys a Merchant,3 who was with him, on the Leg. A Window in the Kitchin that had been much batter'd before, was now quite broke out, and unwindow'd, no Glass or Lead at all being left: a Glass Bottle broke to pieces, and the Pewter Dishes (about 9 of them) thrown down, and bent. On Saturday the 5th, as they were Reaping in the Field, three Sickles were crack'd and broke by the force of these lapidary Instruments of the Devil, as the Sickles were in the Reapers hands, on purpose (it seems) to obstruct their Labour, and do them Injury and Damage. And very many Stones were cast about that Day; insomuch, that some that assisted at that Harvest-Work, being struck with them, by reason of that Disturbance left the Field, but were follow'd by their invisible Adversaries to the next House. On Sunday, being the Qth, there fell nothing considerable, nor on Monday, (7th) save only one of the Children hit with a Stone on the Back. We were quiet to Tuesday the 8th. But on Wednesday (9th) above 100 Stones (as they verily thought) repeated the Reapers Disquiet in the Corn-Field, whereof some were affirm'd by Mr. Walton to be great ones indeed, near as big as a Man's Head; and Mrs. Walton, his Wife being by Curiosity led thither, with intent also to make some Discovery by the most diligent and vigilant Observation she could use, to obviate the idle Incredulity some inconsiderate Persons might irrationally entertain concerning this venefical4 Operation; or at least to confirm her own Sentiments and Belief of it. Which she did, but to her Cost; for she received an untoward Blow (with a Stone) on her Shoulder. There were likewise two Sickles bent, crack'd, and disabled with them, beating them violently out of their Hands that held them; and this reiterated three times successively. 1 /. e., to Hannah Jones. * See p. 65, note 1. ' George Jeffrey, or Jaffrey, of Great Island. 4 Sorcerous — from the Latin venefica, a witch. 76 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1682 After this we injoy'd our former Peace and Quiet, un molested by these stony Disturbances, that whole month of August, excepting some few times; and the last of all in the Month of September, (the beginning thereof) wherein Mr. Walton himself only (the Original perhaps of this strange Adventure, as has been declared) was the designed conclud ing Sufferer; who going in his Canoo (or Boat) from the Great Island, where he dwelt, to Portsmouth, to attend the Council, who had taken Cognizance of this Matter,1 he being Summoned thither, in order to his and the Suspect's Examination, and the Courts taking Order thereabout, he was sadly hit with three pebble Stones as big as ones Fist; one of which broke bis Head, which I saw him show to the President of the Council; the others gave him that Pain on the Back, of which (with other like Strokes) he complained then, and afterward to his Death.2 Who, that peruses these praeternatural Occurrences, can possibly be so much an Enemy to his own Soul, and irrefutable Reason, as obstinately to oppose himself to, or confusedly fluctuate in, the Opinion and Doctrine of Daemons, or Spirits, and Witches? Certainly he that do's so, must do two things 1 See pp. 60-61, note 3. 2 What order the courts took thereabout does not appear from the extant records; but that Hannah Jones was not punished may be inferred from our author's silence. As to the land dispute, it is recorded that in December, 1682, John Amazeen, the constable, with his step-son Jeremiah Walford and others, came with a warrant from Captain Stileman and arrested George Walton and his helpers for wood-cutting on the lands granted him by Mason; and that, though Walton carried it to the courts and offered evidence that some of the wood cut for him had been seen in John Amazeen's yard, the jury found for the defendants' cost of court. Walton appealed to the King in Council — Walford and Amazeen, so wrote Secretary Chamberlain, claiming by a town grant of 1658 and "the jury being all of them possessed of lands by virtue of town grants"; but, though he gave Edward Randolph power of attorney to prosecute, the appeal was in 1684 dismissed. (Provincial Records, in N. H. Hist. Soc., Collections, VIII. 118, and Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies, 1681-1685, passim.) At home, however, John Amazeen saw himself made an example of, his live-stock levied on, and himself thrown into prison for his refusal of dues to Mason. Cham berlain lost his secretaryship with the change of government in 1686, but remained as clerk of the courts till 1689, when, with the collapse of the Andros administra tion, he seems to have returned to England. (Vaughan's Journal, in N. H. Hist Soc, Collections, VIII. 187; N. H. Prov. Papers, I. 590, 600; Mass. Hist. Soc., Proceedings, XVII. 227.) 1682] LITHOBOLIA 77 more: He must temerariously unhinge, or undermine the Fundamentals of the best Religion in the World; and he must disingenuously quit and abandon that of the Three Theologick Virtues or Graces, to which the great Doctor of the Gentils gave the Precedence, Charity, through his Unchristian and Uncharitable Incredulity. Finis. THE PENNSYLVANIA CASES OF MATTSON, HENDRICKSON, AND GUARD, 1684, 1701 INTRODUCTION At a first glance the utterances of the early Friends in Europe and America do not suggest a difference, in their be liefs as to witchcraft, from those of the Puritan world about them. George Fox thought himself endowed with a divine power for the detection of witches, and tells us himself how he turned from his path to tell a group of women that they were in the spirit of witchcraft or rebuked in open meeting those he discerned to be under the power of an evil spirit.1 Richard Famworth, long his chief lieutenant, put forth in 1655 a printed discourse "as a Judgment upon Witchcraft, and a deniall, testimony, and declaration against Witchcraft from those that the world reproachfully calleth Quakers,"2 and Fox himself in 1657 devoted one largely to "the ground of Inchantings and seducing Spirits" and "of Nicromancy, which doth defile Witches and Wizards."3 We have just met a New England Quaker as an accuser, and more than one gave testimony against the Salem witches. Even those »See pp. 20-21 of the Witchcraft and Quakerism (Philadelphia, 1908) of Mrs. Amelia Mott Gummere, who quotes from the original MS. of Fox's journal. 2 His anonymously published Witchcraft Cast out from the Religious Seed and Israel of God (London, 1655). * His A Declaration of the Ground of Error . . . and the Ground of Inchant ings and Seducing Spirits, and the Doctrine of Devils, the Sons of Sorcerers, and the Seed of the Adulterer, and the Ground of Nicromancy, which doth defile Witches and Wizards (London, 1657). But this book, like Farnworth's, is mainly a dissuasive from fortune-telling or the use of it. How slow was Fox's spirit to the darker suspicions of the witch-haters may best be gathered from his appeal "to the Masters of Ships and Seamen" (1676), wherein he dissuades them from the hasty ascription of storms to witchcraft; "and let New England professors [of religion] see whether or no they have not sometimes cast some poor simple people into the sea on pretence of being witches." 81 82 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES — a Bishop, a Whiting — who reviled their Puritan foes taunt them with Satan's besetments as if these were undoubted. It is only Wilham Sewel, born and reared in Holland, whom we find translating into Dutch an English attack on the superstition.1 But at bottom, from the first, their gentle mysticism had in its universe no place for the arch-fiend of Orthodoxy. What Richard Famworth so fiercely repudiates is only fortune- telling. If George Fox exclaims "Arise, children of God, and suffer not the Witch to live," it appears in a moment that by "the Witch" he means only the sin of divination, and that "every one that dwells in the spirit of God doth cut it off." As for William Penn, bom to wealth and culture, son of a Dutch mother and in closest touch with the enhghtened mystics of the Continent, there is in his writings scarce a trace of the current demonology; and the motley crowd of heretics and free-thinkers whom his tolerant prospectus tempted to join his Quakers for the peopling of his colony on the Delaware were perhaps as httle prone to faith in Satan. In the laws agreed upon in England between the proprietor and his colonists, in May of 1681, the long list of "Offences against God" which "draw his wrath upon magistrates" and "provoke his indignation against a country" contains no men tion of those dealings with Satan so long deemed the direst in sults to his majesty;2 and the "Great Law" enacted by the 1 The Doctrine of Devils proved to be the Grand Apostacy of these Later Times (London, 1676). The English original bears no author's name, but its Dutch title-page' ascribes it to "N. Orchard, Predikant in Nieuw-Engeland." There is, however, nothing in the work to suggest an American authorship, unless it be the passage (p. 189) where, speaking of the vogue in Christendom of legends of the supernatural, the writer says that "the most part of Europe, Asia, and Africa resounded with them (and now yet too-taking in America)." If the author came to America, it was doubtless after writing it, and more probably to the middle or southern colonies, then often included by Europeans under the name of New England. 2 Gravissimum et omnium criminum maximum est, Crimen laesae Majcstatis divinae, "the gravest and greatest of all crimes is treason against God," says INTRODUCTION 83 provincial assembly, under Penn's presidency, in the winter of 1682-1683, though it regulates minutely the morals of the colonists, has never a word as to witchcraft. The charter indeed prescribed, as in the other colonies, that colonial laws should be agreeable, "so far as conveniently may be," with the laws of England; but this implied no validity for English statutes unless expressly adopted by the provincial legislature; and, as for witchcraft, it was not till 1717, with the fall of Penn's power, that under Governor Keith the statute of James I. was with other English criminal laws, by formal action of the Pennsylvania assembly, "put in execution in this province." But the Swedish peasants who long before the arrival of Penn's colony had established themselves on the farther bank of the Delaware, and now came with their lands beneath his rule, knew little enough of the growing rationalism of the seventeenth century; and it was these (speaking still among themselves their own vernacular, and needing, as we shall see, an interpreter between them and their new landlord) who, during Penn's first visit, brought in his court at Philadelphia the one action for witchcraft known to Pennsylvania records.1 The indictment, unhappily, is not preserved; but, as harm wrought by witchcraft to person or to property could of course, Damhouder, the great Flemish jurist whose handbook of criminal law had been the prescribed authority in the colony on the Delaware until that colony fell into the hands of the English; and witchcraft he makes the culmination of this crime. 1 The nationality of the accused is clear from their names, and "Lasse Cock," the councilman who served them as interpreter, is well known as a Swede. Of the witnesses named, "Vanculin" ("Coolin," "Cooling") was of course of Dutch stock, and Drystreet, Sanderlin, Ashcom, of English. All these names are familiar to the records of the "Court at Upland" (Chester), the tribunal for this district prior to Penn's coming; and its entries show these families established on the west bank of the Delaware a little above Chester. (See Record of Upland Court, 1676-1681, in vol. VII. of the Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsyl vania, pp. 91-125.) As to the extraction of these colonists and the superstitions prevalent among them, see Amandus Johnson, The Swedish Settlements on the Delaware, passim, and especially pp. 28, 543-545. 84 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES like harm by any other means, be punished, if provable, under the general statutes, it must be assumed that these, and not the semi-religious law of James, were the basis of the prose cution. It is the extant records of this case,1 with that of a more trifling later episode, which here must serve us for a Pennsylvania narrative. 1 Here reprinted from the Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, I. (Philadelphia, 1852), pp. 93-96. From this source they have been borrowed by Smith, History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1862), pp. 152-153, and doubtless by others. THE CASES OF MATTSON, HENDRICKSON, AND GUARD Alt a Councill held at Philadelphia the 7th 12th Mo., 1683.1 Present : Wm. Penn, Prop'or2 and Govr. Lasse Cock, Jno. Symcock, Tho. Holmes. Wm. Clayton. Margaret Mattson and Yeshro3 Hendrickson, Examined and about to be proved Witches; whereupon, this board Or dered that Neels Matson should Enter into a recognizance of fifty pounds for his Wiff's appearance before this board the 27th Instant. Hendrick Jacobson4 doth the same for his Wife. Adjourned till the 20th 12th Mo., 83. Att a Councill held at Philadelphia the 27th of the 12th month, 1683.6 Present : Wm. Penn, Prop'or and Govr. James Harrison, Wm. Haigue, Wm. Clayton, Wm. Biles, Chris. Taylor, Tho: Holmes. Lasse Cock, The Grand Jury being attested, The Govr gave them their Charge, and the Attumey Gen[er]all attended them with the presentmt; their names are as followed: Robt Euer, foreman. Rich. Ome, Tho: Mosse, Samll Carpenter, Jno. Day, Tho: Ducket, Andrew Griscom, Jno. Fisher, Denis Lince, Benj. Whitehead, Jno. Barnes. Tho: Phillyps, '/. e., February 7, 1684: March had by formal enactment been made "First Month." 2 Proprietor. * I- *•> Gertrude. Cf. p. 87. 4 /. e., Jacob Hendrickson— see p. 87. s February 27, 1684. 85 86 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1684 Jno. Barnes, Gunner Rambo, Tho: Millard, Samll Allen, Enock Flower, Jno. Yattman, Jno. Parsons. Henr: Drystreet. Bamaby Wilcox. Post Meridiem. The Grand Jury made their retume, and found the Bill. Ordered that those that were absent of the Petty Jury should be fined 40s each man. Margarit Matson's Indictmt was read, and she pleads not Guilty, and will be tryed by the Countrey. Lasse Cock attested Interpriter between the Prop'or and the Prisoner at the Barr. The Petty Jury Impanneld; their names are as followed: Jno. Hasting, foreman. Albertus Hendrickson, Robt Piles, Robt Wade, Nath. Evans, Edwd Darter, Wm Hewes, Jer. Collet, Jno. Kinsman, Jno. Gibbons, Walter Martin, Edw Bezac. Henry Drystreet attested, Saith he was tould 20 years agoe, that the prisoner at the Barr was a Witch, and that severall Cows were bewitcht by her; also, that James Saunderling's mother tould him that she bewitcht her cow, but afterwards said it was a mistake, and that her Cow should doe well againe, for it was not her Cow but an Other Person's that should dye. Charles Ashcom attested, saith that Anthony's Wife being asked why she sould her Cattle, was because her mother had Bewitcht them, having taken the Witchcraft of1 Hendrick's2 Cattle, and put it on their Oxon; She myght Keep3 but noe Other Cattle, and also that one night the Daughter of the Prisoner called him up hastely, and when he came she sayd there was a great Light but Just before, and an Old woman with a Knife in her hand at the Bedd's feet, and therefore shee cryed out and desired Jno. Symcock to take away his Calves or Else she would send them to Hell. James Claypoole attested Interpritor betwixt the Prop'or and the Prisoner. The affidavid of Jno. Vanculin read, Charles Ashcom being a Witness to it. 1 Off. 2 Hendrickson's. ' Clearly a word is here omitted — perhaps "cows." 1684] PENNSYLVANIA CASES 87 Annakey Coolin attested, saith her husband tooke the Heart of a Calfe that Dyed, as they thought, by Witchcraft, and Boyled it, wherupon the Prisoner at the Barr came in and asked them what they were doing; they said boy ling of flesh; she said they had better they had Boyled the Bones, with severall other unseemly Expressions. Magaret Mattson saith that she Vallues not Drystreet's Evidence; but if Sanderlin's mother had come, she would have answered her; also denyeth Charles Aschom's Attestation at her Soul, and Saith where is my Daughter; let her come and say so. Annakey Cooling's attestation concerning the Gees, she de nyeth, saying she was never out of her Conoo,1 and also that she never said any such things Concerning the Calve's heart. Jno. Cock attested, sayth he Knows nothing of the matter. Tho: Balding's attestation was read, and Tho: Bracy at tested, saith it is a True coppy. The Prisoner denyeth all things, and saith that the Wit nesses speaks only by hear say. After wch the Govr gave the jury their Charge concerning the Prisoner at the Barr. The jury went forth, and upon their Returne Brought her in Guilty of haveing the Comon fame of a witch, but not guilty in manner and forme as Shee stands Indicted.2 Neels Mattson and Antho. Neelson3 Enters into a Recog nizance of fifty pounds apeice, for the good behavior of Mar garet Matson for six months. Jacob Hendrickson Enters into the Recognizance of fifty pounds for the good behavior of Getro Hendrickson for six months. Adjourned till the 20th day of the first Mo., 1684.4 1 Canoe. 2 The tact and quiet humor of this verdict should need no pointing out; but it has sometimes been oddly misunderstood. » "Antho. Neelson" was very probably a son of Neels and Margaret Matt son: here still, as in the home-land, Scandinavian surnames were often not hereditary, but changed with every generation, so that a son of Neels (Cornelius) Mattson might be surnamed, not Mattson, but Neelson (the Swedish Nilsson, English Nelson). The assumption of Smith (History of Delaware County, pp. 153, 488) that he was a son-in-law is perhaps due only to ignorance of this usage. 4 Thus ended in the colony, so far as Pennsylvania records show, the crim inal prosecution of witches. But in 1696 a young Quaker who had incurred the 88 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES (1701 At a Council held at Philadelphia the 21st of 3 Mo,1 1701. Present: The Propritary and Govemour.2 Edwd. Shippen, ] Thos. Story, Saml. Carpenter, > Esq'rs. Humpry Murray, Esq'rs. Griffith Owen, J Caleb Pusey, A Petition of Robt. Guard and his Wife being read, setting forth That a Certain Strange Woman lately arrived in this Town being Seized with a very Sudden illness after she had been in their Company on the 17th Instant, and Several Pins being taken out of her Breasts, One John Richards, Butcher, and his Wife Ann, charged the Petitrs with Witchcraft, and as being the Authors of the Said Mischief; and therefore, Desire their Accusers might be sent for, in Order either to prove their Charge, or that they might be acquitted, they Suffering much in their Reputation, and by that means in their Trade. Ordered, that the Said John and Ann Richards be sent for; who appearing, the matter was inquired into, and being found trifling, was Dismissed.3 discipline of his Quarterly Meeting for practising divination was presented by the grand jury to the county court, fined by the court, and forbidden to repeat his magical practices (see Smith, History of Delaware County, pp. 192-194; Gum- mere, Witchcraft and Quakerism, Philadelphia, 1908, pp. 40-47). And in 1701, while Penn was once more in the colony (November, 1699-November, 1701), there occurred the episode next to be narrated. It is reprinted from the Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, II. 20. 'May 21. 2 William Penn. * That even in Pennsylvania there came a time when, under less calm guid ance, a witch-panic was possible, is suggested by the following news item sent from Philadelphia on July 21, 1787, and published in the Massachusetts Centinel of August 1 : "It must seriously affect every human mind that in consequence of the barbarous treatment lately suffered by the poor old woman, called a witch, she died on Wednesday last. It is to be hoped that every step will be taken to bring the offenders to punishment in justice to the wretched victim, as well as the violated laws of reason and society." The item is pointed out to the editor by a colleague just as this volume goes to press. MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES, RELATING TO WITCHCRAFTS AND POSSESSIONS, BY COTTON MATHER, 1689 INTRODUCTION Much less than even his illustrious father does the Rev. Cotton Mather (1662-1728) need here an introduction. His name and his personality are a commonplace in American his tory and literature. Opinion regarding him has indeed gone widely asunder; but, if he has found severe critics, he has also found able defenders. One of these, Mr. Barrett Wendell, has told his story almost wholly in his own words;1 and the little book is not only of rare charm, but, though apology, of no small degree of frankness. It may be commended to all who would see Cotton Mather with his own eyes. His rela tions with witchcraft have been debated at especial length and with a wealth of knowledge by Mr. C. W. Upham and Mr. W. F. Poole.2 But the reader of this volume hardly needs such help : the evidence in almost all its fullness lies before him. The setting of Cotton Mather's life may be sketched in a word. Son of Increase Mather, grandson of John Cotton, precocious both in learning and in piety, he was from boyhood — if ever he had a boyhood — the rising hope of Massachusetts orthodoxy. All his life of answering to that hope was spent 1 Cotton Mather: the Puritan Priest (Boston, 1891). 'By Mr. Upham in his Sakm-WUchcraft (Boston, 1867) and bis "Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather" (Historical Magazine, V.); Mr. Poole in his "Cotton Mather and Salem Witchcraft" (North American Review, CVIII.) and his chapter on "Witchcraft at Boston" (Memorial History of Boston, II.). ' To these should perhaps be added Mr. George H. Moore's pungent Notes on the Bibliography of Witchcraft in Massachusetts (American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, new series, V.); and of prime importance to the student is the Diary of Cotton Mather (Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, seventh series, VII., VIII.), with the able notes of its editor, Mr. Worthington C. Ford. 91 92 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1689 in one long pastorate, that of the North Church, his father's church, his father his associate almost to the end. But pastor to him meant also student, politician, much besides. The Memorable Providences was among his earliest books: he was only twenty-seven at its publication. It was twice reprinted — in 1691 at London, under the changed title of Late Memorable Providences, with an added " recommendationJ' by Richard Baxter, and in 1697 at Edinburgh, under the old title.1 1 What seems in the list of Sibley (Harvard Graduates, III. 50) and in Sabin a reimpression of the book in 1690 with his Speedy Repentance Urged proves (on collation kindly made by the librarians of the John Carter Brown library) to be only a copy of the latter work bound up somewhat confusedly with a defective copy of the Memorable Providences (1689). MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES Memorable Providences, Relating to Witchcrafts And Possessions. A Faithful Account of many Wonderful and Surprising Things, that have befallen several Bewitched and Possessed Persons in New-England. Particularly, A Narrative of the marvellous Trouble and Releef Experienced by a pious Family in Boston, very lately and sadly molested with Evil Spirits. Whereunto is added, a Discourse delivered unto a Congregation in Boston, on the Occasion of that Illustrious Providence. As also a Discourse delivered unto the same Congregation ; on the occasion of an horrible Self-Murder Committed in the Town. With an Appendix, in vindication of a Chapter in a late Book of Remarkable Providences, from the Calumnies of a Quaker at Pen-silvania. Written by Cotton Mather, Minister of the Gospel, and Recom mended by the Ministers of Boston and Charleston.1 Printed at Boston in N. England by R. P. 1689. Sold by Joseph Brunning, at his Shop at the Corner of the Prison- Lane next the Exchange.2 To the Honourable Wait Winthrop Esq; 3 Sr. By the special Disposal and Providence of the Almighty God, there now comes abroad into the world a httle History 1 Charlestown. •Title-page of the original. • Wait Winthrop (1643-1717), son of Governor John Winthrop of Connecti cut and grandson of Governor John Winthrop of Massachusetts, was himself a man of weight in New England — jurist, member of the Massachusetts council, major-general of the provincial forces. We shall meet him as a member of the court at the Salem trials of 1692. 93 94 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1689 of several very astonishing Witchcrafts and Possessions, which partly my own Ocular Observation, and partly my undoubted Information, hath enabled me to offer unto the publick Notice of my Neighbours. It must be the Subject, and not the Man ner or the Author of this Writing, that has made any people desire its Publication; For there are such obvious Defects in Both, as would render me very unreasonable, if I should wish about This or Any Composure of mine, 0 That it were printed in a book! . But tho there want not Faults in the Discourse, to give me Discontent enough, my Displeasure at them will be recompensed by the Satisfaction I take in my Dedication of it; which I now no less properly than cheerfully make unto Your Self; whom I reckon among the Best of my Friends, and the Ablest of my Readers. Your Knowledge has Qualified You to make those Reflections on the following Relations, which few can Think, and tis not fit that aU should See. How far the Platonic Notions of Daemons which were, it may be, much more espoused by those primitive Christians and Scholars that we call The Fathers, than they seem countenanced in the en suing Narratives, are to be allow'd by a serious man, your Scriptural Divinity, join'd with Your most Rational Phi losophy, will help You to judge at an uncommon rate. Had I on the Occasion before me handled the Doctrin of Daemons, or lanched forth into Speculations about magical Mysteries, I might have made some Ostentation, that I have read some thing and thought a little in my time; but it would neither have been Convenient for me, nor Profitable for those plain Folkes, whose Edification I have all along aimed at. I have therefore here but briefly touch't every thing with an American Pen; a Pen which your Desert likewise has further Entitled You to the utmost Expressions of Respect and Honour from. Though I have no Commission, yet I am sure I shall meet with no Crimination, if I here publickly wish You all manner of Happiness, in the Name of the great Multitudes whom you have laid under everlasting Obligations. Wherefore in the name of the many hundred Sick people, whom your charitable and skilful Hands have most freely dispens'd your no less generous than secret Medicines to; and in the name of Your whole Countrey, which hath long had cause to believe that you will succeed Your Honourable Father and Grandfather, 1689] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 95 in successful Endeavours for our Welfare; I say, In their Name, I now do wish you all the Prosperity of them that love Jerusalem. And whereas it hath been sometimes observed, That the Genius of an Author is commonly Discovered in the Dedicatory Epistle, I shall be content if this Dedicatory Epistle of mine, have now discovered me to be, (Sir) Your sincere and very humble Servant, C. Mather. To the Reader. The old Heresy of the sensual Sadducees, denying the Being of Angels either. good or evi^ died not with them; nor wilrnT," whiles men (abandoning "both Faith and Reason) count it their wisdom to credit nothing but what they see and feel. How much this fond opinion has gotten ground in this de bauched Age is awfully observable; and what a dangerous stroakit-giyes to settle men in Atheism, is not hard to discern. God is therefore pleased (besides the witness born to this Truth in Sacred Writ) to suffer Devils sometimes to do such things injthe world as shall stop the mouth of gainsayers, and extort, a .Qanfejsion' from them. It has also been made a doubt by some, whether there are any such things as Witches, i. e., Such as by Contract or Ex plicit Covenant with the Devil, improve, or rather are improved by him to the doing of things strange in themselves, and be sides their natural Course. But (besides that the Word of God assures usjthat there have been such, and gives order about them) no Age passes without. some apparent Demon- stratioiLof it. For, Though it be Folly to impute every dubi ous Accident, or unwonted Effect of Providence, to Witch craft; yet there are some things which cannot be excepted against, but must be ascribed hither. Angels and Men not being made for civil Converse together in this world; and all Communion with Devils being inter dicted us; their Nature also being spiritual, and the Word of God having said so httle in that particular concerning their way of Actings hence it is that we can disclose but a httle of those Mysteries of Darkness; all reports that are from them selves, or their Instruments, being to be esteemed as Illusions, 96 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1689 or at least covered with Deceit, filled with the Impostures of the Father of Lies; and the effects which come under our consideration being Mysterious, rather Posing than Inform ing us. The Secrets also of God's Providence, in permitting Satan and his Instruments to molest His children, not in their Es tates only, but in their Persons and their Posterity too, are part of His Judgments that are unsearchable, and His Wayes that are past finding out; only this we have good Assurance for, that they are among the All things that work together for their good. Their Graces are hereby tried, their Uprightness is made known, their Faith and Patience have their perfect work. Among the many Instances that have been of this kind, That which is Recorded in this Narrative, is worthy to be commended to the Notice of Mankind, it being a thing in it self full of Memorable passages, and faithfully recorded, according to the Truth in Matter of Fact, scarce any Instance being asserted in it, but what hath the Evidence of many credible Witnesses, did need require. Among others who had frequent Occasions to observe these things, the Reverend Author of this short History, was spirited to be more than ordinarily engaged in attending, and making particular Re marks upon the several passages occurring therein, and hath accordingly written very little besides what Himself was an eye-witness of, together with others, and the rest was gathered up with much Accuracy and Caution. Its needless for us to insist upon the Commendation either of the Author or the Work; the former is known in the Churches, the latter will speak sufficiently for it self. All that we shall offer to stay the Reader from passing over to satisfy himself in that which follows, is only thus much, Viz., That thj follow ing Account will afford to him that shall read with Observation, a further clear Confirmation, That, There is both a GodTana a Devil, and Witchcraft: That, There is no out-ward" Afflic tion, but what God may (and sometimes doth) permit Satan to trouble His people withal : That, The Malice of Satan and his Instruments, is very great against the Children of God: That, The clearest Gospel-Light shining in a place, will not keep some from entring hellish Contracts with infernal Spirits: 1689] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 97 That, Prayer is a powerful and effectual Remedy^ against the mahcious practises of Devils and those in Covenant with them : That, They who wflLobtainjjuch Mercies^ of God, must pray untQ'PCTseverlJnce7 That, Godoften gives to His people some apparent Encouragements to their Faith in Prayer, tho He does not presently perfect the Deliverance sought for: That, God's Grace is able to support His Children, and pre serve their Grace firm, under sorest and Continuing Troubles : That, Those who refuse the Temptation to use doubtful or Diabolical Courses, to get the Assaults of the Devil and his Agents removed, Choosing to Recommend all to God, and rather to endure Affliction, than to have it Removed to His Dishonour, and the wounding of their own Consciences, never had cause to repent of it in the end. And if these observations, together with the solemn Im provement made of this stupend1 Providence, in the perti nent and Judicious Sermons annexed, may but obtain a due Impression on the hearts of such as shall peruse them, whether young or old; as therein will be their profit, so shall their Labour turn to the Praise of God, fully satisfie the Author for all his Care and Industry, and answer his sincere Aims: for which good Success we Commend it to the Blessing of God, to be followed with the importunate Prayers of us, who have been Eye- and Ear-witnesses of many of the most considerable things Related in the ensuing Narrative. Charles Morton. James Allen. Joshua Moodey. Samuel Willard.2 The Introduction. It was once the Mistake of one gone to the Congregation of the Dead, concerning the Survivers, // one went unto them 'Stupendous: this shorter spelling (cf. "reverend") was then current. 2 Morton was minister of Charlestown, Allen of the First Church in Boston, where Moodey, driven from Portsmouth (see pp. 31, 34, and 187, note 3), was now his associate, and Willard (see pp. 21, 22, 184, and 186, note 3) of the South Church. The North Church, the only other, was Mather's own; and his father, who was his colleague there, was now in England. Moodey had himself, in a letter to Increase Mather of October 4, 1688 (Mather Papers, pp. 367- 368), written a brief account of the bewitchment of the Goodwin children. 98 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1689 from the dead, they will repent. The blessed God hath made some to come from the Damned, for the Conviction (may 'it also be for the Conversion) of us that are yet alive. The Devils themselves are by Compulsion come to confute the Atheism and Sadducism, and to reprove the Madness of un godly men. Those condemned prisoners of our Atmosphaere have not really sent Letters of Thanks from Hell, to those that are on Earth, promoting of their Interest, yet they have been forced, as of old, To confess that Jesus was the Holy one of God, so of late, to declare that Sin and Vice are the things which they are delighted in. But should one of thosejudeous Wights appear visibly with fiery chains upon him, _and_utter audibly his roarings and his warnings in one of our Congrega- tions, it would not produce new Hearts in these whomtne Scriptures handled in our Ministry do not affect... _ However it becomes the Embassadors of the L.1 Jesus to leave. RQ_stroke untouch't that may conduce to bring men from the power of Satan unto God; and for this cause it is, that I have-p^nmtfecl the ensuing Histories to be published. They contain Things of undoubted Certainty, and they suggest Things of Impor tance unconceiveable. Indeed they are only one Head of Col lections which in my little time of Observation I have made of Memorable Providences, with Reflections thereupon, to be reserved among other effects of my Diversion from my more stated and more weary Studies. But I can with a Content ment beyond meer Patience give these rescinded Sheets unto the Stationer, when I see what pains Mr. Baxter,2 Mr. Glan- vil,3 Dr. More,4 and several other Great Names have taken to publish Histories of Witchcrafts and Possessions unto the world. I said, Let me also run after them; and this with the more Alacrity because, I have tidings ready. Go then, my little Book, as a Lackey5 to the more elaborate Essayes of 1 Lord. 2 Richard Baxter. His monograph on apparitions and witches, The Cer tainty of the Worlds of Spirits, was not published, indeed, until 1691; but, as he tells us in the preface to that work, "finding that almost all the Atheists, Sad- ducees, and Infidels did seem to profess that were they but sure of the Reality of the Apparitions and Operations of Spirits, it would cure them," he had for many years been inserting such evidence in his books. 8 Joseph Glanvill (see p. 5, above). 4 Henry More (see p. 5, above). 6 /. e., a footman, running behind their chariots. 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 99 those learned men. Go tell Mankind, that there are Devils and_Witches; and that thoTTiKosenQi^ appear where the Day-light of the Gospel comes, yet New-Engl. has had"Exemples of their Existence and Operation; and that not only the Wigwams of Indians, where the pagan Powaws1 often raise their masters,2 in the shapes of Bears and Snakes and Fires, but the Houses of Christians, where our God has had His constant Wpjrehipj, have undergone the Annoyance of Evjl spiritsT" Go tell the world, What Prayers can do beyondl all Devils and Witches, and What it is that these Monsters; love to do; and though the Daemons in the Audience of sev eral standers-by threatned much disgrace to thy Author, if he let thee come abroad, yet venture That, and in this way seek a just Revenge on Them for the Disturbance they have given to such as have called on the Name of God. Witchcrafts and Possessions. The First Exemple. Section I. There dwells at this time, in the south part of Boston, a sober and pious man, whose Name is John Goodwin, whose Trade is that of a Mason, and whose Wife (to which a Good Report gives a share with him in all the Characters of Vertue) has made him the Father of six (now living) Children. Of these Children, all but the Eldest, who works with his Father at his Calling, and the Youngest, who fives yet upon the Breast of its mother, have laboured under the direful effects of a (no less palpable than) stupendous Witchcraft. Indeed that exempted Son had also, as was thought, some lighter touches of it, in unaccountable stabbs and pains now and then upon him; as indeed every person in the Family at some time or other had, except the godly Father, and the sucking Infant, who never felt any impressions of it. But these Four Children mentioned, were handled in so sad and strange a manner, as has given matter of Discourse and Won der to all the Countrey, and of History not unworthy to be 'The "medicine men" of the Indians. 2 /. e., the devils: to the Puritans, as to the early Christians, all but Chris tian worship was devil worship. 100 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 considered by more than all the serious or the curious Readers in this New-English World. Sect. II. The four Children (whereof the Eldest was about Thirteen, and the youngest was perhaps about a third part so many years of age1) had enjoyed a Religious Education, and answered it with a very towardly Ingenuity.2 They had an observable Affection unto Divine and Sacred things; and those of them that were capable of it, seem'd to have such a Resentment3 of their eternal Concernments as is not altogether usual. Their Parents also kept them to a continual Employ ment, which did more than deliver them from the Temptations of Idleness, and as young as they were, they took a delight in it, it may be as much as they should have done. In a word, Such was the whole Temper and Carriage of the Children, that there cannot easily be any thing more unreasonable, than to imagine that a Design to Dissemble could cause them to fall into any of their odd Fits; though there should not have happened,4 as there did, a thousand Things, wherein it was perfectly impossible for any Dissimulation of theirs to produce what scores of spectators were amazed at. Sect. III. About Midsummer, in the year 1688, the Eldest of these Children, who is a Daughter, saw cause to examine their Washerwoman, upon their missing of some Linnen, which twas fear'd she had stollen from them; and of what use this linnen might bee to serve the Witchcraft intended, the Theef's Tempter knows! This Laundress was the Daughter of an ignorant and a scandalous old Woman in the Neighbourhood; whose miserable Husband before he died, had sometimes com plained of her, that she was undoubtedly a Witch, and that whenever his Head was laid, she would quickly arrive unto the punishments due to such an one. This Woman in her daughters Defence bestow'd very bad Language upon the Girl that put her to the Question; immediately upon which, the 1 Martha was 13, John 11, Mercy 7, Benjamin 5, the elder son (Nathaniel) 15, the baby (Hannah) six months old, when the narrative opens (midsummer, 1688). (Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, and Boston records.) 2 1, e., with encouraging promise. 3 /. e., feeling, realization — in the religious cant of to-day, "a realizing sense." ' I. e., even if there had not happened. 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 101 poor child became variously indisposed in her health, and visited with strange Fits, beyond those that attend an Epilepsy, or a Catalepsy, or those that they call The Diseases of Aston ishment.1 Sect. IV. It was not long before one of her Sisters, and two of her Brothers, were seized, in Order one after another, with Affects2 like those that molested her. Within a few weeks, they were all four tortured every where in a manner so very grievous, that it would have broke an heart of stone to have seen their Agonies. Skilful Physicians were consulted for their Help, and particularly our worthy and prudent Friend Dr. Thomas Oakes,3 who found himself so affronted4 by the Distempers of the children, that he concluded nothing but an hellish Witchcraft could be the Original6 of these Maladies. And that which yet more confirmed such Apprehension was, That for one good while, the children were tormented just in the same part of their bodies all at the same time together; and tho they saw and heard not one anothers complaints, tho like wise their pains and sprains were swift like Lightening, yet when (suppose) the Neck, or the Hand, or the Back of one was Rack't, so it was at that instant with t'other too. Sect. V. The variety of their tortures increased continu ally; and tho about Nine or Ten at Night they alwaWnad a Release from their miseries, and ate and slept all night for the most part indifferently well, yet in the day time ifhey were handled with so many sorts of Ails, that it would require of us almost as much time to Relate them all, as it did of them to Endure them. Sometimes they would be Deaf, sometimes Dumb, and sometimes Blind, and often, all this at once. One while their Tongues would be drawn down |heir Throats; another-while they would be pull'd out upon tjheir Chins, to a prodigious length. They would have their Mouths opened unto such a Wideness, that their Jaws went out of joint; and 1 1, e., stupefaction : diseases that rob one of his wits. It should not be forgotten, here or later, that the author had once, while his stammering seemed to bar him from the ministry, begun the study of medicine. 2 Affections, ailments. 8 Dr. Oakes (1644-1719) was the locally eminent physician who in 1689 became speaker of the legislature and in 1690 was sent as a colonial deputy to England. 4 Nonplussed, dumbfounded. • Origin. 102 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 anon they would clap together again with a Force like that of a strong Spring-Lock. The same would happen to their Shoulder-Blades, and their Elbows, and Hand-wrists, and several of their joints. They would at times ly in a benummed condition; and be drawn together as those that are ty'd Neck and Heels;1 and presently be stretched out, yea, drawn Back wards, to such a degree that it was fear'd the very skin of their Bellies would have crack'd. They would make most pitteous out-cries, that they were cut with Knives, and struck with Blows that they could not bear. Their Necks would be broken, so that their Neck-bone would seem dissolved unto them that felt after it; and yet on the sudden, it would become again so stiff that there was no stirring of their Heads; yea, their Heads would be twisted almost round; and if main Force at any time obstructed a dangerous motion which they seem'd to be upon, they would roar exceedingly. Thus they lay some weeks most pittiful Spectacles; and this while as a further Demonstration of Witchcraft in these horrid Effects, when I went to Prayer by one of them, that was very desireous to hear what I said, the Child utterly lost her Hearing till our Prayer was over. Sect . VI. It was a Religious Family that these Afflictions happened unto; and none but a Religious Contrivance to obtain Releef, would have been welcome to them. Many superstitious proposals were made unto them, by persons that were I know not who, nor what, with Arguments fetch't from I know not how much Necessity and Experience; but the dis tressed Parents rejected all such counsils, with a gracious Reso lution, to oppose Devils with no other weapons but Prayers and Tears, unto Him that has the Chaining of them; and to 1 "Tied neck and heels" was doubtless at first, as the lexicographers under stand it, only a phrase for the securest method of fettering; but it had now be come a name for what was (in defiance of English law) a method of torture. For its use at Salem see p. 363, note 2, below. Jardine says (The Use of Torture in the Criminal Law of England, p. 37 ff.) that there is now shown in the Tower of London a device "which compressed the neck of the sufferer down toward his feet," and he thinks this may be that torture of "the manacles" often mentioned in the English state trials of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and meant by Shakespeare, when he makes Prospero say: "I'll manacle thy neck and feet together." In Virginia tying neck and heels was in the seventeenth century a penalty imposed by the courts. 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 103 try first whether Graces were not the best things to encounter Witchcrafts with. Accordingly they requested the four Min isters of Boston, with the Minister of Charlstown, to keep a Day of Prayer at their thus haunted house; which they did in the Company of some devout people there. Immediately upon this Day, the youngest of the four children was delivered, and never felt any trouble as afore. But there was yet a greater Effect of these our Apphcations unto our God! Sect. VII. The Report of the Calamities of the Family for which we were thus concerned, arrived now unto the ears of the TMagjstrates, who presently and prudently apply'd themselves, wh^a Just vigour, to enquire into the story. The" Father of the Children complained of his Neighbour, the sus pected ill woman, whose name was Glover; and she being sent for by the Justices, gave such a wretched Account of her self, that they saw cause to commit her unto the Gaolers Cus tody. Goodwin had no proof that could have done her any Hurt; but the Hag had not power to deny her interest in the Enchantment of the Children; and when she was asked, Whether she believed there was a God? her Answer was too blasphemous and horrible for any Pen of mine to mention. An Experiment was made, Whether she could recite the Lords Prayer; and it was found, that tho clause after clause was most carefully repeated unto her, yet when she said it after them that prompted her, she could not possibly avoid making Non sense of it, with some ridiculous Depravations. This Experi ment I had the curiosity since to see made upon two more, and it had the same Event. Upon the Commitment of this extraordinary Woman, all the Children had some present ease; until one (related unto her) accidentally meeting one or two of them, entertain'd them with her Blessing, that is, Railing; upon which Three of them fell ill again, as they were before. Sect. VIII. It was not long before the Witch thus in the Trap, was brought upon her Tryal; at which, thro' the Efficacy of a Charm, I suppose, used upon her, by one or some of her Crue,1 the Court could receive Answers from her in none but the Irish, which was her Native Language; altho she under stood the English very well, and had accustomed her whole Family to none but that Language in her former Conversa- 1 Crew. 104 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 tion; and therefore the Communication between the Bench and the Bar,1 was now cheefly convey'd by two honest and faithful men that were interpreters. It was long before she could with any direct Answers plead unto her Indictment; and when she did plead, it was with Confession rather than Denial of her Guilt. Order was given to search the old womans house, from whence there were brought into the Court, several small Images, or Puppets, or Babies, made of Raggs, and stuff't with Goat's hair, and other such Ingredients. When these were produced, the vile Woman acknowledged, that her way to torment the Objects of her malice, was by wetting of her Finger with her Spittle, and stroaking of those little Images. The abused Children were then present, and the Woman still kept stooping and shrinking as one that was almost prest to Death with a mighty Weight upon her. But one of the Images being brought unto her, immediately she started up after an odd manner, and took it into her hand; but she had no sooner taken it, than one of the Children fell into sad Fits, before the whole Assembly. This the Judges had their just Apprehensions at; and carefully causing the Repetition of the Experiment, found again the same event of it. They asked her, Whether she had any to stand by her: She replied, She had; and looking very pertly in the Air, she added, No, He's gone. And she then confessed, that she had One, who was her Prince, with whom she maintain'd,I know not what Communion. For which cause, the night after, she was heard expostulating with a Devil, for his thus deserting her; telling him that Because he had served her so basely and f alsly, she had confessed all. However to make all clear, The Court appointed five or six Physicians one evening to examine her very strictly, whether she were not craz'd in her Intellectuals, and had not procured to her self by Folly and Madness the Reputation of a Witch. Diverse hours did they spend with her; and in all that while no Discourse came from her, but what was pertinent and agreeable: particularly, when they asked her, What she thought would become of her soul? she reply 'd "You ask me a very solemn Question, and I cannot well tell what to say to it." She own'd her self a Roman Cathohck; and could recite her Pater Noster in Latin very 1 1, e., between the judges and the prisoner at the bar. 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 105 readily; but there was one Clause or two alwaies too hard for her, whereof she said, "She could not repeat it, if she might have all the world." In the up-shot, the Doctors returned her Compos Mentis;1 and Sentence of Death was pass'd upon her. Sect. IX. Diverse dayes were passed between her being Arraigned and Condemned. In this time one of her Neigh bours had been giving in her Testimony of what another of her Neighbours had upon her Death related concerning her. It seems one Howen about Six years before, had been cruelly bewitched to Death; but before she died, she called one Hughes unto her, Telling her that she laid her Death to the charge of Glover; That she had seen Glover sometimes come down her Chimney; That she should remember this, for within this Six years she might have Occasion to declare it. This Hughes now preparing her Testimony, immediately one of her children, a fine boy, well grown towards Youth, was taken ill, just in the same woful and surprising manner that Goodwins children were. One night particularly, The Boy said he saw a Black thing with a Blue Cap in the Room, Tormenting of him; and he complained most bitterly of a Hand put into the Bed, to pull out his Bowels. The next day the mother of the boy went unto Glover, in the Prison, and asked her, Why she tor tured her poor lad at such a wicked rate? This Witch replied, that she did it because of wrong done to her self and her daughter. Hughes denied (as well she might) that she had done her any wrong. "Well then," sayes Glover, "Let me see your child and he shall be well again." Glover went on, and told her of her own accord, "I was at your house last night." Sayes Hughes, "In what shape?" Sayes Glover, "As a black thing with a blue Cap." Sayes Hughes, "What did you do there?" Sayes Glover, "with my hand in the Bed I tryed to pull out the boyes Bowels, but I could not." They parted; but the next day Hughes appearing at Court, had her Boy with her; and Glover passing by the Boy, expressed her good wishes for him; tho' I suppose, his Parent had no design of any mighty Respect unto the Hag, by having him with her there. But the Boy had no more Indispositions after the Condemnation of the Woman. 1 Of sound mind. 106 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 Sect. X. While the miserable old Woman was under Con demnation, I did my self twice give a visit unto her. She never 'denyed the guilt of the Witchcraft charg'd upon her; but she (confessed very httle about the Circumstances of her Confed eracies with the Devils; only, she said, That she us'd to be at meetings, which her Prince and Four more were present at. As for those Four, She told who they were; and for her Prince, her account plainly was, that he was the Devil. She enter tained me with nothing but Irish, which Language I had not Learning enough to understand without an Interpreter; only one time, when I was representing unto her That and How her Prince had cheated her, as her self would quickly find; she reply' d, I think in English, and with passion too, "If it be so, I am sorry for that!" I offer'd many Questions unto her, unto which, after long silence, she told me, She would fain give me a full Answer, but they would not give her leave. It was demanded, " They! Who is that They f ' ' and she return'd, that They jvere her Spirits, or her Saints, (for they say, the same Word in Irish signifies both). And at another time, she in cluded her two Mistresses, as she call'd them in that They, but when it was enquired, Who those two were, she fell into a Rage, and would be no more urged. I Sett before her the Necessity and Equity of her breaking her Covenant with Hell, and giving her self to the Lord Jesus Christ, by an everlasting Covenant; To which her Answer was, that I spoke a very Reasonable thing, but she could not do it. I asked her whether she would consent or desire to be pray'd for; To that she said, If Prayer would do her any good, shee could pray for her self. And when it was again pro pounded, she said, She could not unless her spirits (or angels) would give her leave. However, against her will I pray'd with her, which if it were a Fault it was in excess of Pitty. When I had done, shee thank'd me with many good Words; but I was no sooner out of her sight, than she took a stone, a long and slender stone, and with her Finger and Spittle fell to tormenting it; though whom or what she meant, I had the mercy never to understand. Sect. XL When this Witch was going to her Execution, she said, the Children should not be relieved by her Death, for others had a hand in it as well as she; and she named one 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 107 among the rest, whom it might have been thought Natural Affection would have advised the Concealing of. It came to pass accordingly, That the Three children continued in their Furnace as before, and it grew rather Seven times hotter than it was. All their former Ails pursued them still, with an ad dition of (tis not easy to tell how many) more, but such as gave more sensible Demonstrations of an Enchantment grow ing very far towards a Possession by Evil spirits. Sect. XII. The Children in their Fits would still cry out upon They and Them as the Authors of all their Harm; but who that They and Them were, they were not able to de clare. At last, the Boy obtain'd at some times a sight of some shapes in the room. There were Three or Four of 'em, the Names of which the child would pretend at certain seasons to tell; only the Name of One, who was counted a Sager Hag than the rest, he still so stammered at, that he was put upon some Periphrasis in describing her. A Blow at the place where the Boy beheld the Spectre was alwaies felt by the Boy himself in the part of his Body that answered what might be stricken at; and this tho his Back were turn'd; which was once and again so exactly tried, that there could be no Collu sion in the Business. But as a Blow at the Apparition alwaies hurt him, so it alwaies help't him too; for after the Agonies, which a Push or Stab of That had put him to, were over, (as in a minute or 2 they would be) the Boy would have a respite from his Fits a considerable while, and the Hobgoblins dis^ appear. It is very credibly reported that a wound was this way given to an Obnoxious woman in the town, whose name I will not expose: for we should be tender in such Relations, lest we wrong the Reputation of the Innocent by stories not enough enquired into. Sect. XIII. The Fits of the Children yet more arriv'd unto such Motions as were beyond the Efficacy of any natural Distemper in the World. They would bark at one another like Dogs, and again purr like so many Cats. They would some times complain, that they were in a Red-hot Oven, sweating and panting at the same time unreasonably : Anon they would say, Cold water was thrown upon them, at which they would shiver very much. They would cry out of dismal Blowes with great Cudgels laid upon them; and tho' we saw no cud- 108 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 gels nor blowes, yet we could see the Marks left by them in Red Streaks upon their bodies afterward. And one of them would be roasted on an invisible Spit, run into his Mouth, and out at his Foot, he lying, and rolling, and groaning as if it had been so in the most sensible manner in the world; and then he would shriek, that Knives were cutting of him. Sometimes also he would have his head so forcibly, tho not visibly, nail'd unto the Floor, that it was as much as a strong man could do to pull it up. One while they would all be so Limber, that it was judg'd every Bone of them could be bent. Another while they would be so stiff, that not a joint of them could be stir'd. They would sometimes be as though they were mad, and then they would climb over high Fences, beyond the Imagination of them that look'd after them. Yea, They would fly like Geese; and be carried with an incredible Swiftness thro the air, having but just their Toes now and then upon the ground, and their Arms waved like the Wings of a Bird. One of them, in the House Of a kind Neighbour and Gentleman (Mr. Willis) flew /he length of the Room, about 20 foot, and flew just into ail Infants high armed Chair; (as tis affirmed) none seeing her feet all the way touch the floor. Sect. XIV. Many wayes did the Devils take to make the children do mischief both to themselves and others; but thro the singular Providence of God, they always fail'd in the attempts. For they could never essay the doing of any harm, unless there were some-body at hand that might prevent it; and seldome without first shrieking out, "They say, I must do such a thing!" Diverse times they went to strike furious Blowes at their tenderest and dearest friends, or to fling them down staires when they had them at the Top, but the warnings from the mouths of the children themselves, would still antici pate what the Devils did intend. They diverse times were very near Burning or Drowning of themselves, but the Chil dren themselves by their own pittiful and seasonable cries for Help, still procured their Deliverance: Which made me to_ Consider, Whether the Little ones had not their Angels, injthe plain sense of Our Saviours Intimation. Sometimes", When" they were tying their own Neck-clothes, their compelled hands miserably strangled themselves, till perhaps, the standers-by gave some Relief unto them. But if any small Mischief hap- 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 109 pen'd to be done where they were; as the Tearing or Dirtying of a Garment, the Falling of a Cup, the breaking of a Glass or the like; they would rejoice extremely, and fall into a plea sure and Laughter very extraordinary. All which things com pared with the Temper of the Children, when they are them selves, may suggest some very peculiar Thoughts unto us. Sect. XV. They were not in a constant Torture for some Weeks, but were a httle quiet, unless upon some incidental provocations; upon which the Devils would handle them like Tigres, and wound them in a manner very horrible. Par ticularly ,/Upon the least Reproof of their Parents for any unfit thing they said or did, most grievous woful Heart-breaking Agonies would they fall into. If any useful thing were to be done to them, or by them, they would have all sorts of Troubles fall upon them./ It would sometimes cost one of them an Hour or Two to be undrest in the evening, or drest in the morning./ For if any one went to unty a string, or undo a Button about them, or the contrary; they would be twisted into such pos tures as made the thing impossible. And at Whiles, they wouldbe so managed in their Beds, that no Bed-clothes could for an hour or two be laid upon themj/nor could they go to wash their Hands, without having them clasp't so odly to gether, there was no doing of it. But when their Friends were near tired with Waiting, anon they might do what they would unto them. Whatever Work they were bid to do, they would be so snap't in the member which was to do it, that they with grief still desisted from it. If one ordered them to Rub a clean Table, they were able to do it without any disturbance; if to rub a dirty Table, presently they would with many Tor ments be made uncapable. And sometimes, tho but seldome, they were kept from eating their meals, by having their Teeth sett when they carried any thing unto their Mouthes. Sect. XVI. But nothing in the World would so discompose them as a Religious Exercise. If there were any Discourse of God, or Christ, or any of the things which are not seen and are eternal, they would be cast into intolerable Anguishes. Once, those two Worthy Ministers Mr. Fisk1 and Mr. Thatcher,2 bestowing some gracious Counsils on the Boy, whom they then 1 The Rev. Moses Fiske (1642-1708), minister at Braintree. 2 The Rev. Peter Thacher (1651-1727), minister at Milton. 110 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 found at a Neighbours house, he immediately lost his Hearing, so that he heard not one word, but just the last word of all they said. Much more, All Praying to God, and Reading of His word, would occasion a very terrible Vexation to them : they would then stop their own Ears with their own Hands; and roar, and shriek; and holla, to drown the Voice of the Devotion. Yea, if any one in the Room took up a Bible to look into it, tho the Children could see nothing of it, as being in a croud of Spectators, or having their Faces another way, yet would they be in wonderful Miseries, till the Bible were laid aside. In short, No good thing must then be endured near those Children, Which (while they are themselves) do love every good thing in a measure that proclaims in them the Fear of God. Sect. XVII. My Employments were such, that I could not visit this afflicted Family so often as I would; WTierefore, that I might show them what kindness I could, as also that I might have a full opportunity to observe the extraordinary Circumstances of the Children, and that I might be furnished with Evidence and Argument as a Critical Eye-Witness to confute the Saducism of this debauched Age; I took the Eldest of them home to my House. The young Woman continued well at our house, for diverse dayes, and apply'd her self to such Actions not only of Industry, but of Piety, as she had been no stranger to. But on the Twentieth of November in the Fore-noon, she cry'd out, "Ah, They have found me out! I thought it would be so!" and immediately she fell into her fits again. I shall now confine my Story cheefly to Her, from whose Case the Reader may shape some Conjecture at the Accidents of the Rest. Sect. XVIII. Variety of Tortures now siez'd upon the Girl; in which besides the forementioned Ails returning upon her, she often would cough up a Ball as big as a small Egg, into the side of her Wind-pipe, that would near choak her, till by Stroking and by Drinking it was carried down again. At the beginning of her Fits usually she kept odly Looking up the Chimney, but could not say what she saw. When I bad her Cry to the Lord Jesus for Help, her Teeth were instantly sett; upon which I added, "Yet, child, Look unto Him," and then her Eyes were presently pulled into her head, so farr, 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 111 that one might have fear'd she should never have us'd them more. When I prayed in the Room, first her Arms were with a strong, tho not seen Force clap't upon her ears; and when her hands were with violence pull'd away, she cryed out, "They make such a noise, I cannot hear a word! " She likewise com- plain'd, that Goody Glover's Chain was upon her Leg, and when she essay'd to go, her postures were exactly such as the chained Witch had before she died. But the maimer still was, that her Tortures in a small while would pass over, and Frohcks succeed; in which she would continue many hours, nay, whole days, talking perhaps never wickedly, but alwaies wittily, beyond her self; and at certain provocations, her Tortures would renew upon her, till we had left off to give them. But she frequently told us, that if she might but steal, or be drunk, she should be weU immediately. Sect. XIX. In her ludicrous Fits, one while she would be for Flying; and she would be carried hither and thither, tho not long from the ground, yet so long as to exceed the ordinary power of Nature in our Opinion of it : another-while she would be for Diving, and use the Actions of it towards the Floor, on which, if we had not held her, she would have thrown her self. Being at this exercise she told us, That They said, she must go down to the Bottom of our Well, for there was Plate there, and They said, They would bring her safely up again. This did she tell us, tho she had never heard of any Plate there! and we ourselves who had newly bought the house, hardly knew of any; but the former Owner of the House just then coming in, told us there had been Plate for many years at the Bottom of the Well. She had once a great mind to have eaten a roasted Apple, but whenever she attempted to eat it, her Teeth would be sett, and sometimes, if she went to take it up her Arm would be made so stiff, that she could not possibly bring her hand to her Mouth: at last she said, "Now They say, I shall eat it, if I eat it quickly"; and she nimbly eat it all up. Moreover, There was one very singular passion that frequently at tended her. An Invisible Chain would be clapt about her, and shee, in much pain and Fear, cry out, When They began to put it on. Once I did with my own hand knock it off, as it began to be fastned about her. But ordinarily, When it was 112 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 on, shee'd be pull'd out of her seat with such violence towards the Fire, that it has been as much as one or two of us could do to keep her out. Her Eyes were not brought to be perpen dicular to her feet, when she rose out of her Seat, as the Mech anism of a Humane1 Body requires in them that rise, but she was one dragg'd wholly by other Hands : and once, When I gave a stamp on the Hearth, just between her and the Fire, she scream'd out, (tho I think she saw me not) that I Jarf'd the Chain, and hurt her Back. Sect. XX. While she was in her Frolicks I was willing to try, Whether she could read or no; and I found, not only That If she went to read the Bible her Eyes would be strangely twisted and blinded, and her Neck presently broken, but also that if any one else did read the Bible in the Room, tho it were wholly out of her sight, and without the least voice or noise of it, she would be cast into very terrible Agonies. Yet once Falling into her Maladies a httle time after she had read the 59th Psalm, I said unto the standers by, "Poor child! she can't now read the Psalm she readd a httle while ago," she listened her self unto something that none of us could hear and made us be silent for some few Seconds of a minute. Where upon she said, "But I can read it, they say I shall!" So I show'd her the Psalm, and she readd it all over to us. Then said I, " Child, say Amen to it : " but that she could not do. I added, "Read the next:" but no where else in the Bible v could she read a word. I brought her a Quakers Book; and That she could quietly read whole pages of; only the Name of God and Christ she still skip't over, being unable to pronounce it, except sometimes with stammering a minute or two or more upon it. , When we urged her to tell what the word was that she missed, shee'd say, "I must not speak it; They say I must not, you know what it is, it's G and O and D;" so shee'd spell the Name unto us. I brought her again one that I thought was a Good Book; and presently she was handled with intolerable Torments. But when I show'd her a Jest- Book, as, The Oxford Jests, or the Cambridge Jests, she could read them without any Disturbance, and have witty Descants upon them too. I entertain'd her with a Book that pretends to prove, That there are no Witches; and that she could read 1 Human. "Humane" was then the current spelling. 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 113 very well, only the Name Devils, and Witches, could not be uttered by her without extraordinary Difficulty. I produced a Book to her that proves, That there are Witches, and that she had not power to read. When I readd in the Room the Story of Ann Cole,1 in my Fathers Remarkable Providences, and came to the Exclamation which the Narrative saies the Daemons made upon her, "Ah she runs to the Rock!" it cast her into inexpressible Agonies; and shee'd fall into them whenever I had the Expression of, "Running to the Rock," afterwards. A popish Book also she could endure very well; but it would kill her to look into any Book, that (in my Opinion) it might have bin profitable and edifying for her to be reading of. These Experiments were often enough repeated, and still with the same Success, before Witnesses not a few. The good Books that were found so mortal to her were cheefly such as lay ever at hand in the Room. One was the Guid to Heaven from the Word, which I had given her. Another of them was Mr. Wil- lard's little (but precious) Treatise of Justification. Diverse Books pubhshed by my Father I also tried upon her; partic ularly, his Mystery of Christ; and another small Book of his about Faith and Repentance, and the day of Judgement. Once being very merrily talking by a Table that had this last Book upon it, she just opened the Book, and was imme diately struck backwards as dead upon the floor. I hope I have not spoil'd the credit of the Books, By telling how much the Devils hated them. I shall therefore add, That my Grand father Cottons Catechism called Milk for Babes, and The Assemblies Catechism, would bring hideous Convulsions on the Child if she look't into them; tho she had once leam't them with all the love that jjould be. Sect. XXI. I waVnot unsensible that this Girls Capacity or incapacity to read, was no Test for Truth to be determin'd by, and therefore I did not proceed much further in this fanci ful Business, not knowing What snares the Devils might lay for us in the Tryals. A few further Tryals, I confess, I did make; but what the event of 'em was, I shall not relate, be cause I would not offend. But that which most made me to wonder was, That one bringing to her a certain Prayer-Book, she not only could Read it very well, but also did read a large 1 See pp. 18-21, above. 114 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 part of it over, and calling it Her Bible, she took in it a delight and put on it a Respect more than Ordinary. If she were going into her tortures, at the offer of this Book, she would come out of her fits and read; and her Attendents were almost under a Temptation to use it as a Charm, to make and keep her quiet. Only, When she came to the Lords Prayer, (now and then occurring in this Book) she would have her eyes put out, so that she must turn over a new leaf, and then she could read again. Whereas also there are Scriptures in that Book, she could read them there, but if I shew'd her the very same Scriptures in the Bible, she should sooner Dy than read them. And she was likewise made unable to read the Psalms in an ancient meeter, which this prayer-book had in the same vol- umne with it. There were, I think I may say, no less than Multitudes of Witnesses to this odd thing; and I should not have been a faithful and honest Historian, if I had withheld from the World this part of my History: But I make no Reflections on it. Those inconsiderable men that are pro voked at it (if any shall be of so little Sense as to be provoked) must be angry at the Devils, and not at me; their Malice, and not my Writing, deserves the Blame of any Aspersion which a true History may seem to cast on a Book that some have enough manifested their Concernment for. Sect. XXII. There was another most unaccountable Circumstance which now attended her; and until she came to our House, I think, she never had Experience of it. Ever now and then, an Invisible Horse would be brought unto her, by those whom she only called, "them," and, "Her Company": upon the Approach of Which, her eyes would be still closed up; for (said she) "They say, I am a Tell-Tale, and therefore they will not let me see them." Upon this would she give a Spring as one mounting an Horse, and Settling her self in a Riding- Posture — she would in her Chair be agitated as one sometimes Ambleing, sometimes Trotting, and sometimes Galloping very furiously. In these motions we could not perceive that she was stirred by the stress of her feet, upon the ground; for often she touch't it not; but she mostly continued in her Chair, though sometimes in her hard Trott we doubted she would have been tossed over the Back of it. Once being angry at his Dulness, When she said, she would cut off his 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 115 head if she had a knife, I gave her my Sheath, wherewith she suddenly gave her self a stroke on the Neck, but complain'd, it would not cut. When she had rode a minute or two or three, shee'd pretend to be at a Rendezvous with Them, that were Her Company; there shee'd maintain a Discourse with them, and asking many Questions concerning her self, (for w€ gave her none of ours) shee'd Listen much, and Received An swers from them that indeed none but her self perceived. Then would she return and inform us, how They did intend to handle her for a day or two afterwards, besides some other things that she enquired of them. Her Horse would sometimes throw her, with much Violence; but she would mount again; and one of the Standers-by once imagining them that were Her Company, to be before her (for she call'd unto them to stay for her) he struck with his Cane in the Air where he thought they were, and tho her eyes were wholly shutt, yet she cry'd out, that he struck her. Her Fantastic Journeyes were mostly performed in her Chair without removing from it; but sometimes would she ride from her Chair, and be carried odly on the Floor, from one part of the Room to another, in the postures of a Riding Woman. If any of us asked her, Who her Company were? She generally replyed, I don't know. But If we were instant in our Demand, she would with some witty Flout or other turn it off. Once I said, "Child, if you can't tell their Names, pray tell me what Clothes they have on;" and the Words were no sooner out of my mouth, but she was laid for dead upon the Floor. Sect. XXIII. One of the Spectators once ask'd her, Whether she could not ride up stairs; unto which her Answer was, That she believe'd she could, for her Horse could do very notable things. Accordingly, when her Horse came to her again, to our Admiration she Rode (that is, was tossed as one that rode) up the stairs : there then stood open the Study of one belonging to the Family, into which entring, she stood immediately upon her Feet, and cry'd out, "They are gone; they are gone! They say, that they cannot, — God won't let 'em come here!" She also added a Reason for it, which the Owner of the Study thought more kind than true. And she presently and perfectly came to her self, so that her whole Discourse and Carriage was altered unto the greatest measure 116 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 of Sobriety, and she satt Reading of the Bible and Good Books, for a good part of the Afternoon. Her Affairs calling her anon to go down again, the Daemons were in a quarter of a minute as bad upon her as before, and her Horse was Wait ing for her. I understanding of it, immediately would have her up to the study of the young man where she had been at ease before; meerly to try Whether there had not been a Fal lacy in what had newly happened : but she was now so twisted and writhen, that it gave me much trouble to get her into my Arms, and much more to drag her up the stairs. She was pulled out of my hands, and when I recovered my Hold, she was thrust so hard upon me, that I had almost fallen back wards, and her own breast was sore afterwards, by their Com pressions to detain her; she seem'd heavier indeed than three of her self. With incredible Forcing (tho she kept Screaming, "They say I must not go in!") at length we pull'd her in; where she was no sooner come, but she could stand on her Feet, and with an altered tone, could thank me, saying, "now I am well." At first shee'd be somewhat faint, and say, She felt something go out of her; but in a minute or two, she could attend any Devotion or Business as well as ever in her Life; and both spoke and did as became a person of good Discretion. I was loth to make a Charm of the Room; yet some strangers that came to visit us, the Week after, desiring to see the Experiment made, I permitted more than two or three Repetitions of it; and it still succeded as I have declared. ' Once when I was assisting 'em in carrying of her up, she was torn out of all our hands; and to my self, she cry'd out, "Mr. M., One of them is going to push you down the stairs, have a care." I remember not that I felt any Thrust or Blow; but I think I was unaccountably made to step down backward ytwo or three stairs, and within a few hours she told me by whom it was. Sect. XXIV. One of those that had bin concerned for her Welfare, had newly implored the great God that the young woman might be able to declare whom she apprehended her self troubled by. Presently upon this her Horse returned, only it pestered her with such ugly paces, that she fell out with her Company, and threatned now to tell all, for their so abus ing her. I was going abroad, and she said unto them that 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 117 were about her, "Mr. M. is gone abroad, my horse won't come back, till he come home; and then I believe" (said she softly,) " I shall tell him all." I staid abroad an hour or two, and then Returning, When I was just come to my Gate, before I had given the least Sign or Noise of my being there, she said, " My Horse is come!" and intimated, that I was at the Door. When I came in, I found her mounted after her fashion, upon her Aerial Steed; which carried her Fancy to the Journeys end. There (or rather then) she maintained a considerable Discourse with Her Company, Listening very attentively when she had propounded any Question, and receiving the Answers with impressions made upon her mind. She said; "Well what do you say? How many Fits more am I to have? — pray, can ye tell how long it shall be before you are hang'd for what you have done?— You are filthy Witches to my knowledge, I shall see some of you go after your sister; You would have killd me; but you can't, I don't fear you. — You would have thrown Mr Mather down stairs, but you could not. — Well! How shall I be To morrow? x Pray, What do you think of To morrow? — Fare ye well.— You have brought me such an ugly Horse, I am angry at you; I could find in my heart to tell all." So she began her homeward-paces; but when she had gone a little way, (that is a little while) she said, "0 I have forgot one Question, I must go back again;" and back she rides. She had that day been diverse times warning us, that they had been contriving to do some harm to my Wife, by a Fall or a Blow, or the like; and when she came out of her mysterious Journeys, she would still be careful concerning Her. Accordingly she now calls to her Company again, "Hark you, One thing more before we part! What hurt is it you will do to Mrs Mather? will you do her any hurt?" Here she hst'ned some time; and then clapping her hands, cry'd out, "0, I am glad on't, they can do Mrs. Mather no hurt : they try, but they say they can't." So she returns and at once, Dismissing her Horse, and opening her eyes, she call'd me to her, "Now Sir," (said she) "I'll tell you all. I have learn'd who they are that are the cause of my trouble, there's three of them," (and she named who) "if they were out of the way, I should be well. They 1 [In the margin:] "Note, on To morrow, the Ministers of the Town were to keep a day of Prayer at her Fathers House." 118 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1668 say, they can tell now how long I shall be troubled, But they won't. Only they seem to think, their power will be broke this Week. They seem also to say, that I shall be very ill To morow, but they are themselves terribly afraid of to morrow; They fear, that to morrow we shall be delivered. They say too, that they can't hurt Mrs. Mather, which I am glad of. But they said, they would kill me to night, if I went to bed before ten a clock, if I told a word." And other things did she say, not now to be recited. Sect. XXV. The Day following, which was, I think, about the twenty seventh of November, Mr. Morton of Charlestown, and Mr. Allen, Mr. Moody, Mr. Willard, and my self, of Boston, with some devout Neighbours, kept another Day of Prayer, at John Goodwin's house; and we had all the Children present with us there. The children were miserably tortured, while we laboured in our Prayers; but our good God was nigh unto us, in what we call'd upon Him for. From this day the power of the Enemy was broken; and the children, though Assaults after this were made upon them, yet were not so cruelly handled as before. The Liberty of the Children encreased daily more and more, and their Vexation abated by degrees; till within a little while they arrived to Perfect Ease, which for some weeks or months they cheerfully enjoyed. Thus Good it is for us to draw near to God. Sect. XXVI. Within a day or two after the Fast, the young Woman had two remarkable Attempts made upon her, by her invisible Adversaries. Once, they were Dragging her into the Oven that was then heating, while there was none in the Room to help her. She clap't her hands on the Mantle- tree1 to save her self; but they were beaten off; and she had been burned, if at her Out-cryes one had not come in from abroad for her Relief. Another time, they putt an unseen Rope with a cruel Noose about her Neck, Whereby she was choaked, until she was black in the Face; and though it was taken off before it had kill'd her, yet there were the red Marks of it, and of a Finger and a Thumb near it, remaining to be seen for a while afterwards. Sect. XXVII. This was the last Molestation that they gave her for a While; and she dwelt at my house the rest of 1 Mantelpiece, mantelshelf. 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 119 the Winter, having by an obliging and vertuous Conversation, made her self enough Welcome to the Family. But within about a Fortnight, she was visited with two dayes of as Ex traordinary Obsessions as any we had been the Spectators of. I thought it convenient for me to entertain my Congregation with a Sermon upon the memorable Providences which these Children had been concerned in. When I had begun to study my Sermon, her Tormentors again seiz'd upon her; and all Fryday and Saturday, did they manage her with a special Design, as was plain, to disturb me in what I was about. In the worst of her extravagancies formerly, she was more dutiful to my self, than I had reason to Expect, but now her whole carriage to me was with a Sauciness that I had not been us'd to be treated with. She would knock at my Study Door, affirming, That some below would be glad to see me; when there was none that ask't for me. She would call to me with multi- plyed Impertinencies, and throw small things at me wherewith she could not give me any hurt. Shee'd Hector me at a strange rate for the work I was at, and threaten me with I know not .what mischief for it. She got a History that I had Written of this Witchcraft, and tho she had before this readd it over and over, yet now she could not read (I believe) one entire Sentence of it; but she made of it the most ridiculous Travesty in the World, with such a Patness and excess of Fancy, to supply the sense that she put upon it, as I was amazed at. And she particularly told me, That I should quickly come to disgrace by that History. Sect. XXVIII. But there were many other Wonders be held by us before these two dayes were out. Few tortures at tended her, but such as were provoked; her Frolicks being the things that had most possession of her. I was in Latin telling some young Gentlemen of the Colledge, That if I should bid her Look to God, her Eyes would be put out, upon which her eyes were presently served so. I was in some surprize, When I saw that her Troublers understood Latin, and it made me willing to try a little more of their Capacity. We continu ally found, that if an English Bible were in any part of the Room seriously look'd into, though she saw and heard nothing of it, she would immediately be in very dismal Agonies. We now made a Tryal more than once or twice, of the Greek New- 120 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 Testament, and the Hebrew Old Testament; and We still found, That if one should go to read in it never so secretly and silently, it would procure her that Anguish, Which there was no enduring of. But I thought, at length, I fell upon one in ferior Language which the Daemons did not seem so well to understand. Sect. XXIX. Devotion was now, as formerly, the terri- blest of all the provocations that could be given her. I could by no means bring her to own, That she desired the mercies of God, and the prayers of good men. I would have obtained a Sign of such a Desire, by her Lifting up of her hand; but she stirr'd it not : I then lifted up her hand my self, and though the standers-by thought a more insignificant thing could not be propounded, I said, "Child, If you desire those things, let your hand fall, when I take mine away : " I took my hand away, and hers continued strangely and stifly stretched out, so that for some time, she could not take it down. During these two dayes we had Prayers oftener in our Family than at other times; and this was her usual Behavior at them. The man that prayed, usually began with Reading the Word of God; which once as he was going to do, she call'd to him, "Read of Mary Magdelen, out of whom the Lord cast seven Devils." During the time of Reading, she would be laid as one fast asleep ; but when Prayer was begun, the Devils would still throw her on the Floor, at the feet of him that prayed. There would she lye and Whistle and sing and roar, to drown the voice of the Prayer; but that being a httle too audible for Them, they would shutt close her Mouth and her ears, and yet make such odd noises in her Throat as that she her self could not hear our Cries to God for her. Shee'd also fetch very terrible Blowes with her Fist, and Kicks with her Foot at the man that prayed; but still (for he had bid that none should hinder her) her Fist and Foot would alwaies recoil, when they came within a few hairs breadths of him just as if Rebounding against a Wall; so that she touch'd him not, but then would beg hard of other people to strike him, and particularly she entreated them to take the Tongs and smite him ; Which not being done, she cryed out of him, "He has wounded me in the Head." But before Prayer was out, she would be laid for Dead, wholly sensless and (unless to a severe Trial) Breathless; with her 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 121 Belly swelled like a Drum, and sometimes with croaking Noises in it; thus would she ly, most exactly with the stiffness and posture of one that had been two Days laid out for Dead. Once lying thus, as he that was praying was alluding to the words of the Canaanitess> and saying, "Lord, have mercy on a Daughter vexed with a Devil;" there came a big, but low voice from her, saying, "There's Two or Three of them" (or us!) and the standers-by were under that Apprehension, as that they cannot relate whether her mouth mov'd in speaking of it. When Prayer was ended, she would Revive in a minute or two, and continue as Frolicksome as before. She thus con tinued until Saturday towards the Evening; when, after this man had been at Prayer, I charged all my Family to admit of no Diversion by her Frohcks, from such exercises as it was proper to begin the Sabbath with. They took the Counsel; and tho she essayed, with as witty and as nimble and as various an Application to each of them successively as ever I saw, to make them laugh, yet they kept close to their good Books which then called for their Attention. When she saw that, immediately she fell asleep; and in two or three hours, she waked perfectly her self; weeping bitterly to remember (for as one come out of a dream she could remember) what had befallen her. Sect. XXX. After this, we had no more such entertain ments. The Demons it may be would once or twice in a Week trouble her for a few minutes with perhaps a twisting and a twink[hng] of her eyes, or a certain Cough which did seem to be more than ordinary. Moreover, Both she at my house, and her Sister at home, at the time which they call Christmas, were by the Daemons made very drunk, though they had no strong Drink (as we are fully sure) to make them so. When she began to feel her self thus drunk, she com- plain'd, "0 they say they will have me to keep Christmas with them! They will disgrace me when they can do nothing else!" And immediately the Ridiculous Behaviours of one drunk were with a wonderful exactness represented in her Speaking, .and Reeling, and Spewing, and anon Sleeping, till she was well again. But the Vexations of the Children other wise abated continually. They first came to be alwaies Quiet, unless upon Provoca- 122 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 tions. Then they got Liberty to work, but not to read : then further on, to read, but not aloud, at last they were wholly delivered; and for many Weeks remained so. Sect. XXXI. I was not unsensible, that it might be an easie thing to be too bold, and go too far, in making of Experi ments : Nor was I so unphflosophical as not to discern many opportunityes of Giving and Solving many Problemes which the pneumatic Discipline1 is concerned in. I confess I have Learn't much more than I sought, and I have bin informed of some things relating to the invisible World, which as I did not think it lawful to ask, so I do not think it proper to tell; yet I will give a Touch upon one Problem commonly Discoursed of; that is, Whether the Devils know our Thoughts, or no? I will not give the Reader my Opinion of it, but only my Experiment. That they do not, was conjectured from this: We could cheat them when we spoke one thing, and mean't another. This was found when the Children were to be un dressed. The Devils would still in wayes beyond the Force of any Imposture, wonderfully twist the part that was to be undress't, so that there was no coming at it. But, if we said, untye his neckcloth, and the parties bidden, at the same time, understood our intent to be, unty his Shooe! The Neckcloth, and not the shooe, has been made strangely inaccessible. But on the other side, That they do, may be conjectured from This. I called the young Woman at my House by her Name, intend ing to mention unto her some Religious Expedient whereby she might, as I thought, much relieve her self; presently her Neck was broke, and I continued watching my Opportunity to say what I designed. I could not get her to come out of her Fit, until I had laid aside my purpose of speaking what I thought, and then she reviv'd immediately. Moreover a young Gentleman visiting of me at my Study to ask my ad vice about curing the Atheism and Blasphemy which he com plained his Thoughts were more than ordinarily then infested with; after some Discourse I carried him down to see this Girl who was then molested with her unseen Fiends; but when he came, she treated him very coursly and rudely, asking him What he came to the house for? and seemed very angry at his 1 The science of spirits, pneumatology, i. e., the science of angels and demons. 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 123 being there, urging him to be gone with a very impetuous Im portunity. Perhaps all Devils are not alike sagacious. Sect. XXXII. The Last Fit that the young Woman had, was very peculiar. The Daemons having once again seiz'd her, they made her pretend to be Dying; and Dying truly we fear'd at last she was : She lay, she tossed, she pull'd just like one Dying, and urged hard for some one to dy with her, seem ing loth to dy alone. She argued concerning Death, in strains that quite amazed us; and concluded, That though she was loth to dy, yet if God said she must, she must; adding some thing about the state of the Countrey, which we wondred at. Anon, the Fit went over; and as I guessed it would be, it was the last Fit she had at our House. But all my Library never afforded me any Commentary on those Paragraphs of the Gospels, which speak of Demoniacs, equal to that which the passions of this Child have given me. Sect. XXXIII. This is the Story of Goodwins Children, a Story all made up of Wonders! I have related nothing but what I judge to be true. I was my self an Eye-witness to a large part of what I tell; and I hope my neighbours have long thought, That I have otherwise learned Christ, than to ly unto the World. Yea, there is, I believe, scarce any one par ticular, in this Narrative, which more than one credible Wit ness will not be ready to make Oath unto. The things of most Concernment in it were before many Critical Observers; and the Whole happened in the Metropolis of the English America, unto a religious and industrious Family which was visited by all sorts of Persons, that had a mind to satisfy them selves. I do now likewise publish the History, While the thing is yet fresh and New; and I challenge all men to detect so much as one designed Falshood, yea, or so much as one important Mistake, from the Egg to the Apple of it. I have Writ as plainly as becomes an Historian, as truly as becomes a Christian, tho perhaps not so profitably as became a Divine. But I am resolv'd after this, never to use but just one grain of patience with any man that shall go to impose upon me a Denial of Devils, or of Witches. I shall count that man Ig norant who shall suspect, but I shall count him down-right Impudent if he Assert the Non-Existence of things which we have had such palpable Convictions of. I am sure he cannot 124 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1689 be a Civil, (and some will question whether he can be an honest man) that shall go to deride the Being of things which a whole Countrey has now beheld an house of pious people suffering not a few Vexations by. But if the Sadducee, or the Atheist, have no right Impressions by these Memorable Providences made upon his mind; yet I hope those that know what it is to be sober will not repent any pains that they may have taken in perusing what Records of these Witchcrafts and Pos sessions, I thus leave unto Posterity.1 Postscript. You have seen the Trouble and the Relief of John Good wins Children. After which the Daemons were let loose to make a fresh Attacque upon them, tho not in a manner alto gether so terrible and afflictive as what they had before sus- teined. All the Three Children were visited with some Re turn of their Calamities; but the Boy was the Child which endured most in this New Assault.2 He had been for some While [kindly entertained with Mr. Baily3 at Watertown, where he had enjoyed a long time of ease; the Devils having given him but httle Disturbance, except what was for a short while after his first coming there. He no sooner came Home, but he began to be ill again, with diverse peculiar Circumstances attending 'In 1697 the Boston merchant Calef wrote: "In the times of Sir Ed. Andros his Government, Goody Glover, a despised, crazy, ill-conditioned old Woman, an Irish Roman Catholick, was tried for afflicting Goodwins Children; by the Account of which Tryal, taken in Short-hand, for the use of the Jury, it may appear that the generality of her Answers were Nonsense, and her behaviour like that of one distracted. Yet the Drs. finding her as she had been for many Years, brought her in Compos Mentis; and setting aside her crazy Answers to some insnaring questions, the proof against her was wholly deficient : The Jury brought her Guilty. "Mr. Cotton Mather was the most active and forward of any Minister in the Country in those matters, taking home one of the Children, and managing such Intreagues with that Child, and after printing such an Account of the whole, in his Memorable Providences, as conduced much to the kindling those flames, that in Sir Williams time [1692] threatned the devouring this Country." (More Wonders of the Invisible World, pp. 151-152.) 2 John, now aged 12. The younger boy, Benjamin, it will be remembered, had early been "delivered" (§6, above). 8 The Rev. John Bailey, then minister at Watertown. 1689] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 125 of him. There was this particularly remarkable; That the Boy dream't he had a Bone within his skin growing cross his Ribs; and when he awaked, he felt and found a thing there which was esteem'd a Bone, by them that handled it; only every one wondered how it should be lodged there. An expert Chirurgeon, Dr. John Clark, being advis'd with about it, very dexterously took it out; and it prov'd not the imagined Bone, but a considerable Pin; a brass Pin, which could not possibly have come to ly there as it did, without the Prestigious1 Conveyance of a Misterious Witchcraft. Another time, on a Lord's Day his Father would have taken him to Meeting with him; and when his Father spoke of going to some of the Assem blies in the Town (particularly both the North and the South) the Boy would be cast into such Tortures and Postures, that he would sooner Dy than go out of doors; but if his Father spoke of going to others of the Assembhes in the Town, par ticularly the Quakers, the boy in a moment would be as well as could be. The tryal of this was more than five times re peated, and were it fully related, would be more than ten times Admired. Our Prayers for the Children were justly renewed, and I hope not altogether unanswered. Upon one Prayer over two of them, they had about a Fortnights ease; and their Ails again returning, Prayer was again awakened, with some Cir cumstances not proper to be exposed unto the World. God gave a present Abatement hereupon to the Maladies of the Children, and caused their Invaders to retire; so that by de grees they were fully and quickly Delivered. Two days of Prayer obtained the Dehverance of two. The Third, namely the Boy, Remaining under some Annoyance by the evil spirits, a third Day was employ'd for him, and he soon found the blessed effects of it in his Deliverance also. There were sev eral very memorable things attending this Deliverance of the Children, and the Vowes and the Pleas, used in the Prayers which were thereby answerd, but they were all Private, yea, in a sort, Secret; Non est Religio ubi omnia patent'2 and I understand (for I have some Acquaintance with him) That the 1 1, e., preternatural : the lying marvels of devils were counted "prestigious," not miraculous. i "Where there is no mystery, there is no religion." 126 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1689 Friend of the Children,1 whom God gave to be thus concerned and successful for them, desires me not to let Reports of those things go out of the Walls of a Study, but to leave them rather for the Notice of the other World. I think it will not be im proper to tell the World, that one thing in the Childrens De liverance was the strange Death of an horrible old Woman, who was presum'd to have a great hand in their Affliction.2 Before her Death and at it, the Aims-House where she hved was terrified with fearful noises, and she seem'd to have her Death hastened by dismal Blowes received from the invisible World. But having mentioned this, all that I have now to publish is That Prayer and Faith was the thing which drove the Divels from the Children; and I am to bear this Testimony unto the world, That the Lord is nigh to all them, who call upon him in truth, and, That blessed are all they that wait for Him. Finished, June 7th, 1689.3 Mantissa. To the foregoing Narrative, we have added an account given us by the Godly Father of these Haunted Children; who upon his Reading over so much of our History, as was written of their Exercise before their full deliverance, was will ing to express his Attestation to the Truth of it; with this further Declaration of the Sense which he had of the unusual Miseries, that then lay upon his Family. 'Tis in his own Style; but I suppose a Pen hath not commonly been managed with more cleanly Discourse by an Hand used only to the Trowel; and his Condition hath been such, that he may fairly have Leave to speak. In the year 1688, about Midsummer, it pleased the Lord to visit one of my children with a sore Visitation; and she was 1 He is speaking, of course, of himself : the narrative (as must be inferred from § 27, above) was circulated in manuscript before its printing, and doubdess without the author's name. In revising it for the printer this page seems to have escaped his eye. 2 Who this second old woman was does not appear. 8 The story of the Goodwin children is retold by Mather in his Magnolia (1702), but without added details. 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 127 not only tormented in her Body, but was in great distress of Mind, Crying out, That she was in the dark concerning her Souls estate, and that she had mispent her precious time; She and we thinking her time was near at an end. Hearing those Shrieks and Groans which did not only pierce the ears, but Hearts of her poor Parents, now was a time for me to Consider with my self, and to look into my own heart and life, and see how matters did there stand between God and my own soul, and see Wherefore the Lord was thus contending with me. And upon Enquiry I found cause to judge my self, and to justify the Lord. This Affliction continuing some time, the Lord saw good then to double the affliction in smiting down another Child, and that which was most heart breaking of all, and did double this double affliction was, it was apparent and judged by all that saw them, that the Devil and his Instru ments had a hand in it. The consideration of this was most dreadful : I thought of what David said, 2 Sam. 24. 14. If he feared so to fall into the hands of Men, oh! then to think of the Horror of our con dition, to be in the Hands of Devils and Witches! This our doleful condition moved us to call to our Friends to have pity on us, for Gods Hand had touched us. I was ready to say, that no ones affliction was like mine; That my httle House that should be a little Bethel for God to dwell in, should be made a Den for Devils; that those little Bodies, that should be Temples for the Holy Ghost to dwell in, should be thus harrassed and abused by the Devil and his cursed Brood. But now this twice doubled affliction is doubled again. Two more of my Children are smitten down, oh! the Cries, the Shrieks, the Tortures of these poor Children! Doctors cannot help, Parents weep and lament over them, but cannot ease them. Now I considering my affliction to be more than ordi nary, it did certainly call for more than ordinary Prayer. I acquainted Mr. Allen, Mr. Moodey, Mr. Willard, and Mr. C. Mather, the four Ministers of the Town with it, and Mr. Morton of Charlstown; earnestly desiring them, that they, with some other praying people of God, would meet at my house, and there be earnest with God, on the behalf of us and our Children; which they (I thank them for it) readily attended with great fervency of Spirit; but as for my part, my heart 128 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 was ready to sink to hear and see those doleful Sights. Now I thought that I had greatly neglected my duty to my Children, in not admonishing and instructing of them; and that God was hereby calling my sins to mind, to slay my Children. Then I pondered of that place in Numb. 23. 23. Surely there is no Inchantment against Jacob, neither is there any Devination against Israel. And now I thought I had broke Covenant with God, not only in one respect but in many, but it pleased the Lord to bring that to mind in Heb. 8. 12. For I will be merciful to their unrighteousness, and their Sins and Iniquities will I remember no more. The Consideration how the Lord did deal with Job, and his Patience and the End the Lord made with him was some support to me. I thought also, on what David said, that He had sinned, but what have these poor Lambs done? But yet in the midd'st of my tumultous Thoughts within me, it was Gods Comforts that did delight my soul. That in the 18 of Luke, and the Beginning, Where Christ spake the Parable for that end, that men ought alwaies to pray and not faint. This, with many other places, bore up my spirit. I thought with Jonah that I would yet again Look towards God's holy Temple; the Lord Jesus Christ. And I did greatly desire to find the Son of God with me in this Furnace of Affliction, knowing hereby that no harm shall befall me. But now this solemn day of Prayer and Fasting being at an End, there was an Eminent Answer of it : for one of my Children was delivered, and one of the wicked instru ments of the Devil discovered, and her own mouth condemned her, and so accordingly Executed. Here was Food for Faith, and great encouragement still to hope and quietly wait for the Salvation of the Lord; the Ministers still counselling and encouraging me to labour to be found in Gods way, commiting my case to him, and not to use any way not allowed in Gods Word. It was a thing not a little comfortable to us, to see that the people of God was so much concerned about our lamentable condition, remembering us at all times in their prayers, which I did look at as a token for good; but you must think it was a time of sore Temptation with us, for many did say, (yea, and some good people too) were it their case, that they would try some Tricks, that should give ease to their Children: But I thought for us to forsake the counsel of 1688] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 129 good old men, and to take the counsel of the young ones, it might ensnare our Souls, though for the present it might offer some relief to our Bodies; which was a thing I greatly feared; and my Children were not at any time free for doing any such thing. It was a time of sore affliction, but it was mixed with abundance of mercy, for my heart was many a time made glad in the house of Prayer. The Neighbourhood pitied us, and were very helpful to us : Moreover, though my Children were thus in every Limb and Joynt tormented by those Chil dren of the Devil, they also using their tongues at their plea sure, sometimes one way, sometimes another; yet the Lord did herein prevent them, that they could not make them speak wicked words, though they did many times hinder them from speaking good ones; had they in these Fits blasphemed the Name of the Holy God, this you may think would have been an heart-breaking thing to us the poor Parents; but God in his mercy prevented them, a thing worth taking notice of. Likewise they slept well a nights : And the Ministers did often visit us, and pray with us, and for us; and their love and pity was so great, their Prayers so earnest and constant, that I could not but admire at it. Mr. Mather particularly; now his bowels so yearned towards us in this sad condition, that he not only pray's with us, and for us, but he taketh one of my Children home to his own house; which indeed was but a troublesome guest, for such an one that had so much work lying upon his hands and heart : He took much pains in this great Service, to pull this Child, and her Brother and Sister out of the hand of the Devil. Let us now admire and adore that Fountain the Lord Jesus Christ, from whence those streams come. The Lord himself will requite his labour of love. Our case is yet very sad, and doth call for more Prayer; and the good Ministers of this Town and Charlstown readily came, with some other good praying people to my house, to keep another Day of solemn Fasting and Prayer; which our Lord saith this kind goeth out by. My Children being all at home, the two biggest lying on the bed, one of them would fain have kicked the good men while they were wresthng with God for them, had not I held him with all my power and might; and sometimes he would stop his own ears. This you must needs think was a cutting thing to the poor parents. Now our hearts 130 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688 were ready to sink, had not God put under his everlasting arms of Mercy and helped us still to hope in his mercy, and to be quiet, knowing that He is God, and that it was not for the potsheards of the earth to strive with their Maker. Well might David say, that had not the Law of his God been his dehght, he had perished in his Affliction. Now the Promises of God are sweet; God having promised, to hear the prayer of the destitute, and not to despise their prayer; and He will not fail the Expectation of those that wait on Him; but He hear- eth the cry of the poor and needy. These Jacobs came and wrestled with God for a Blessing on this poor Family, which indeed I hope they obtained, and may be now worthy of the Name Israel, who prevailed with God, and would not let Him go till He had blessed us. For soon after this, there were two more of my children delivered out of this horrible pit. Here was now a double mercy, and how sweet was it, knowing it came in Answer of Prayer! Now we see and know, it is not a vain thing to call on the name of the Lord. For He is a present help in the time of trouble; and we may boldly say the Lord has been our helper. I had sunk, but Jesus put forth His hand and bore me up. My Faith was ready to fail, but this was a support to me that Christ said to Peter, "I have prayed for thee that thy faith fail not." And many other Promises were as Cordials to my drooping soul. And the Consideration of all those that ever came to Christ Jesus for Healing, that He healed their bodies, pardoned their Sins, and healed their Souls too; which I hope in God may be the fruit of this present Affliction. If God be pleased to make the Fruit of this Affliction to be to take away our sin, and cleanse us from iniquity, and to put us on with greater dili gence to make our Calling and election sure, then, happy Affliction! The Lord said that I had need of this to awake me. I have found a prosperous Condition a dangerous Condition. I have taken notice and considered more of God's Goodness in these few weeks of Affliction, than in many years of Pros perity. I may speak it with shame, so wicked and deceitful, and ungrateful is my heart, that the more God hath been doing for me, the less I have been doing for Him. My Returns have not been according to my Receivings. The Lord help me now to praise Him in heart, lip, and life. The Lord help us to see 1684] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 131 by this Visitation^ what need we have to get shelter under the wing of Christ, to hast to the Rock, where we may be safe. We see how ready the Devils are to catch us, and torment our Bodies, and he is as dihgent to ensnare our Souls, and that many waies; but let us put on all our spiritual Armour, and follow Christ the Captain of our Salvation; and tho we meet with the Cross, let us bear it patiently and cheerfully, for if Jesus Christ be at the one end, we need not fear the Heaft1 of' it: if we have Christ we have enough; He can make His Rod as well as His Staff e to be a comfort to us; and we shall not want if we be the Sheep of Christ. If we want Afflictions we shall have them, and sanctified Afflictions are choice mercies. Now I earnestly desire the Prayer of all good people; That the Lord would be pleased to perfect that Work He hath begun, and make it to appear that Prayer is stronger than Witchcraft. John Goodwin. Decemb. 12, 1688. This is our First Example; and it is This which has occa sioned the Publication of the Rest. Exemple II. Among those Judgments of God, which are a great Deep, I suppose few are more unfathomable than this, That pious and holy men suffer sometimes by the Force of horrid Witch crafts, and hellish Witches are permitted to break thorough the Hedge which our Heavenly Father has made about them that seek Him. I suppose the Instances of this direful thing are Seldom, but that they are not Never we can produce very dismal Testimony. One, and that no less Recent than Awful, I shall now offer: and the Reader of it will thereby learn, I hope, to work out his own Salvation with Fear and Trembling. Sect. I. Mr. Philip Smith, aged about Fifty years, a Son of eminently vertuous Parents, a Deacon of the Church at Hadley, a Member of our General Court, an Associate in their County Court, a Select-man for the affairs of the Town, a Lieutenant in the Troop, and, which crowns all, a man for ' Heft, weight. 132 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1684 Devotion and Gravity, and all that was Honest, exceeding exemplary; Such a man in the Winter of the Year 1684 was murdered with an hideous Witchcraft, which filled all those parts with a just astonishment. This was the manner of the Murder. Sect. II. He was concerned about Relieving the Indigen cies of a wretched woman in the Town; who being dissatisfied at some of his just cares about her, expressed her self unto him in such a manner, that he declared himself apprehensive of receiving mischief at her hands; he said, he doubted she would attempt his Hurt. Sect. III. About the beginning of January he began to be very Valetudinarious,1 labouring under those that seemed Ischiadick2 pains. As his Illness increased on him, so his Goodness increased in him; the standers-by could in him see one ripening apace for another world; and one filled not only with Grace to an high degree, but also with Exceeding Joy. Such Weanedness from, and Weariness of the World, he shew'd, that he knew not (he said) whether he might pray for his continuance here. Such Assurance had he of the Divine Love unto him, that in Raptures he would cry out, "Lord, stay thy hand, it is enough, it is more than thy frail servant can bear!" But in the midst of these things, he uttered still an hard suspicion, That the ill Woman who had threatned him, had made impressions on him. Sect. IV. While he remained yet of a sound mind, he very sedately, but very solemnly charged his Brother to look well after him. Tho' he said he now understood himself, yet he knew not how he might be; "but be sure" (said he) "to have a care of me for you shall see strange things. There shall be a wonder in Hadley ! I shall not be dead when it is thought I am!" This Charge |he pressed over and over; and after wards became Delirious. Sect V. Being become Delirious, he had a Speech Inces sant and Voluble beyond all imagination, and this in divers Tones and sundry voices, and (as was thought) in various languages. Sect. VI. He cryed out not only of sore pain, but also of sharp Pins, pricking of him : sometimes in his Toe, sometimes 1 Unwell. 2 Sciatic. 1684] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 133 in his Arm, as if there had been hundreds of them. But the people upon search never found any more than One. Sect. VII. In his Distresses he exclaimed very much upon the Woman afore-mentioned, naming her, and some others, and saying, " Do you not see them ; There, There, There they stand." Sect. VIII. There was a strong smell of something like Musk, which was divers times in the Room where he was, and in the other Rooms, and without the House; of which no cause could be rendred. The sick-man as well as others, complained of it; and once particularly, it so siez'd an Apple Roasting at the Fire, that they were forced to throw it away. Sect. IX. Some that were about him, being almost at their wits end, by beholding the greatness and the strange ness of his Calamities, did three or four times in one Night, go and give Disturbance to the Woman that we have spoken of: all the while they were doing of it, the good man was at ease, and slept as a weary man; and these were all the times they perceived him to take any sleep at all. Sect. X. A small Galley-Pot * of Alkermes,2 that was near full, and carefully look't after, yet unto the surprize of the people was quite emptied, so that the sick man could not have the Benefit of it. Sect. XI. Several persons that sat by him heard a Scratch ing, that seem'd to be on the Ticking near his feet, while his Feet lay wholly still; nay, were held in the hands of others, and his hands were far of 3 another way. Sect. XII. Sometimes Fire was seen on the Bed, or the Covering, and when the Beholders began to discourse of it, it would vanish away. Sect. XIII. Diverse people felt something often stir in the Bed, at some distance from his Body. To appearance, the thing that stirr'd was as big as a Cat : some try'd to lay hold on it with their hands, but under the Covering nothing could be found. A discreet and sober Woman, resting on the Beds Feet, felt as it were a Hand, the Thumb and the Finger of it, taking her by the side, and giving her a Pinch; but turning to see What it might be, nothing was to be seen. 1 A glazed earthen pot, such as apothecaries use. 8 A once famous confect made from the kermes insect, then thought a berry. 'Off. 134 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1684 Sect. XIV. The Doctor standing by the sick man, and seeing him ly still, he did himself try to lean on the Beds-head; but he found the Bed to shake so, that his head was often knocked against the Post, though he strove to hold it still; and others upon Tryal found the same. Also, the sick man lying too near the side of the Bed, a very strong and stout man try'd to lift him a little further into the Bed; but with all his might he could not; tho' trying by and by, he could lift a Bed-stead, with a Bed, and man lying on it, all, without any strain to himself at all. Sect. XV. Mr. Smith dyes. The Jury that viewed the Corpse found a Swelling on one Breast, which rendered it like a Womans. His Privities were wounded or burned. On his back, besides Bruises, there were several pricks, or holes, as if done with Awls or Pins. Sect. XVI. After the Opinion of all had pronounc'd him dead, his Countenance continued as Lively as if he had been Alive; his Eyes closed as in a slumber; and his nether Jaw not falling down. Thus he remained from Satureday morning about Sun-rise, till Sabbath-Day in the After-noon, When those that took him out of the Bed found him still Warm, though the Season was as Cold as had almost been known in an Age. On the Night after the Sabbath, his Countenance was yet as fresh as before; but on Monday Morning, they found the Face extremely tumified and discoloured; 'twas black and blue, and fresh blood seem'd to run down his Cheek in the Hairs. Sect. XVII. The night after he died, a very credible per son, watching of the Corpse, perceived the Bed to move and stir, more than once; but by no means could find out the cause of it. Sect. XVIII. The second night, some that were preparing for the Funeral do say, That they heard diverse Noises in the Room, where the Corpse lay; as though there had been a great Removing and Clattering of stools and chairs. Upon the whole, it appeared unquestionable that Witch craft had brought a period unto the life of so good a man.1 ' This story, too, is told again in the Magnolia, and in nearly the same words. 1648] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 135 Exemple IV. So Horrid and Hellish is the Crime of Witchcraft, that were Gods Thoughts as our thoughts, or Gods Wayes as our wayes, it could be no other but Unpardonable. But that the Grace of God may be admired, and that the worst of Sinners may be encouraged, Behold, Witchcraft also has found a Pardon. Let no man Despair of his own Forgiveness, but let no man also Delay about his own Repentance, how aggravated soever his Transgressions are. From the Hell of Witchcraft our merciful Jesus can fetch a guilty Creature to the Glory of Heaven. Our Lord hath sometimes Recovered those who have in the most horrid manner given themselves away to the De stroyer of their souls. Sect. I. There was one Mary Johnson tryed at Hartford, in this Countrey, upon an Indictment of Familiarity with the Devil. She was found Guilty of the same, cheefly upon her own Confession, and condemned. Sect. II. Many years are past since her Execution; and the Records of the Court are but short; yet there are several Memorables that are found credibly Related and Attested concerning her.1 Sect. III. She said, That a Devil was wont to do her many services. Her Master once blam'd her for not carrying out the Ashes, and a Devil did clear the Hearth for her after wards. Her Master sending her into the Field, to drive out 1 A Mary Johnson was indicted for witchcraft at Hartford in 1648; but the records of her case are now much shorter than in Mather's day, for they consist of a single entry of the Particular Court, December 7, 1648 (Colonial Records of Connecticut, I. 171), stating that "the Jury finds the Bill of Inditement against Mary Jonson, that by her owne confession shee is guilty of familiarity with the Devill." It has been inferred that she was of Wethersfield because an earlier passage (Records, I. 143) shows that in 1646 a woman of the name was sentenced, for thievery, to be whipped both at Hartford and at Wethersfield; and later passages (Records, I. 209, 222, 226, 332) providing (May 21, 1650) for the pay ment of "charges for Elizabeth Johnson's imprisonment to the first Thursday of next month, being 24 weeks," and for the care of "Goodwife Johnson's child, which was borne in the prison," have been supposed to refer to her, but Mather's account alone tells us of her execution and something of the evidence. The story is told by him again in his Magnolia, but in substantially the same words. His knowledge doubtless came through Mr. Stone. 136 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1658? the Hogs that us'd to break into it, a Devil would scowre them out, and make her laugh to see how he feaz'd 'em about. Sect. IV. Her first Familiarity with the Devils came by Discontent; and Wishing the Devil to take That and t'other Thing; and, The devil to do This and That; Whereupon a Devil appeared unto her, tendring her the best service he could do for her. Sect. V. She confessed that she was guilty of the Murder of a Child, and that she had been guilty of Uncleanness with Men and Devils. Sect. VI. In the time of her Imprisonment, the famous Mr. Samuel Stone1 was at great pains to promote her Con version unto God, and represent unto her both her Misery and Remedy; the Success of Which, was very desirable, and con siderable. • Sect. VII. She was by most Observers judged very Peni tent, both before and at her Execution; and she went out of the World with many Hopes of Mercy through the Merit of Jesus Christ. Being asked, what she built her hopes upon; She answered, on those Words, Come to me all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you Rest; and those, There is a Fountain open for Sin and for Uncleanness. And she died in a Frame extremely to the Satisfaction of them that were Spectators of it. Our God is a great Forgiver. Exemple V. The near Affinity between Witchcraft and Possession in vites me to add unto the Foregoing Histories One that the Reader, I believe, will count worthy to be Related. It is but a Fragment of what should have been a fuller Story; but I cannot without some Trouble or delay inconsistent with my present Designs put my self in a way to perfect it : and I was of the Opinion that, Let nothing be lost, was a Rule which I might very properly extend unto it. The thing happened many (perhaps Thirty) years ago, and was then much dis coursed of. I don't Remember, that I have heard what became of the Boy concerned in the Narrative, but what I now pub- 1 See above, p. 19, note 2. 1658?] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 137 lish, I find among the Papers of my Grand-father,1 of Whom the World has had such a Character, that they cannot but judge, no Romance or Folly, nothing but what should be serious and weighty could be worthy of his Hand; and it is in his own Hand that I have the Manuscript, from whence I have caused it to be Transcribed. It runs in such Terms as these. A Confession of a Boy at Tocutt; 2 in the time of the Intermission of his Fits: and other Passages, which many were Eye-witnesses of. The Boy was for his natural Parts more than ordinary at seven years old. He with many others went to see a Conjurer play Tricks in Holland. There it was strongly suggested to him, He should be as good an Artist as he. From thence to eleven year old he used the Trade of inventing Lyes, and Stealing mony, Running away from his Father, spending of it at Dice, and with the vilest Company; and this Trade he used in that space (he confessed) above Forty times at least, and many strange Instances he gives of it. His Father following him with constant Instruction, and Correction, he was despertely hardned under all, and his heart sett in a way of Malice against the Word of God, and all his Father did to restrain him. When he was about ten or eleven years old, he ran away from Rotter dam, to Delph;3 and the Devil appeared to him there in the shape of a Boy, counselling him not to hearken to the Word of God, nor unto any of his Father's Instructions, and propounding to him, to Enter into a Covenant with him. Being somewhat fearful at first, desired that he would not appear to him in a shape, but by a voice, and though his heart did inwardly consent, to what the Devil said, yet he was withheld that he could not then Enter into a Covenant with him. His Father not knowing this, but of his other Wickedness, being a godly Minister, procured many Christians to join with him in a day of Humiliation; confessed and bewailed his Sins, prayed for him, and sent him to New-E.4 and so committed him to God. From that time to this, being now about Sixteen years old, the Devil hath constantly come to him by a voice; and he held a constant Discourse with him; and all about Entring into a Covenant with him : and still perswaded to have it written and sealed, making many promises to allure him, and telling him many Stories of Dr. Faustus, 1 Whether his grandfather Mather or his grandfather Cotton does not ap pear. The contents suggest a suspicion that the original author was nearer the boy than either — perhaps the Rev. John Davenport, of New Haven. 2 Later Branford — just east of New Haven and within its government ' Delft. 4 New England. 138 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1658? and other Witches, how bravely they have lived, and how he should live deliciously, and have Ease, Comfort, and Money; and some times threatning to tear him in pieces if he would not. But ordi narily his discourse was as loving and friendly as could be. He hath been strangely kept, by an hand of God, from making a Covenant to this day. For he still propounded many Difficulties to the Devil, which he could not satisfie his Reason in: and though, he saith, he was never well but when he was Discoursing with the devil, and his heart was strangely enclined to write and seal an Agreement, yet such dreadfull horrour did seiz upon him, at the very time, from the Word of God, and such fears of his Eternal Perishing, that he could not do it then. He put off the Devil still, that he was not in a fit Frame, but desired him to come again that he might have more Dis course, and he would consider of it. The Devil appeared to him a second time at New-haven, in the shape of a Boy, and a third time at Tocutt in the shape of a Fox; at which time, at first, they had loving discourse, as formerly; but at last, the Devil was urgent upon him, and told him, he had baffled with him so long, now he must enter into an agreement, or he would tear him in pieces : he saying, "How should I do it? would you have me write upon my hands?" "No," (saith the Devil) "Look here," and with that, set Paper, and Pen, and Ink like Blood before him. The former horrours, from the Word of God, and special passages, which he named, set in upon him so that he could not do it. Only before they parted, the Devil being so urgent upon him, telling him he had baffled with him, he set a year and half time for Consideration. The last quarter of a year is yet to come. The Devil told him, if he let him alone so long, he would baffle with him still : he answered, if he did not yeild then, he would give him leave to torment him whilst he lived. Still the Devil would not away, nor could he get from him. Then out of Fear he cryed out, "Lord, Jesus, rebuke the devil!" at which the Fox, Pen, Ink and Paper vanished. Yet he continued in his course of unheard-of Wickedness, and still his Will was bent to write and seal the Agreement, having his Discourse yet with Satan by Voice. His Brother with whom he lives at Tocut, having Convulsion Fits, he laughed and mocked at him, and acted the Convulsion Fits. A while after God sent Convulsion Fits on himself; in which time, his former Terrours, the Wrath of God, Death, Hell, Judgment, and Eternity were presented to him. He would fain then have confessed his sins, but when he was about to do it the Devil still held his mouth, that he could not. He entreated God, to release him, promising to confess and forsake his Sins, and the Lord did so; but he being well, grew as bad, or worse than ever. About six weeks since, his Convul sion Fits came again three times most dreadfully, with some Inter- 1658?] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 139 missions, and his former Horrours and Fears. He would have con fessed his Sins but could not. It pleased God to put it into the heart of one to ask him, Whether he had any Familiarity with the Devil? he got out so much then as, Yes. He fetching Mr. Pierson,1 the Convulsion Fits left him, and he confessed all, how it had been with him. That very night the Devil came to him, and told him, Had he blabbed out such things? He would teach him to blabb! and if he would not then write and seal the Agreement, he would tear him in pieces, and he refusing, the Devil took a corporal Pos session of him, and hath not ceased to torment him extremely ever since. If any thing be spoken to him, the Devil answereth (and many times he barks like a Fox, and hisseth like a Serpent) some times with horrible Blasphemies against the Name of Christ; and at some other times the Boy is sensible. When he hath the Libertie of his Voice, he tells what the Devil saith to him, urging him to seal the Covenant still, and that he will bring Paper, Pen and Ink in the night, when none shall see, pleading, that God hath cast him off, that Christ cannot save him : That When He was upon earth He could cast out devils, but now He is in Heaven He cannot. Sometimes he is ready to yeild to all in a desperate way. Sometimes he breaks out into Confession of his former sins, as they come into his mind; ex ceedingly judging himself and justifying God in His for ever leaving of him in the hands of Satan. Once he was heard to Pray in such a manner so sutable to his Condition, so Aggravating his Sin, and pleading with God for mercy, and in such a strange, high enlarged manner, as judicious godly persons then present, affirm they never heard the like in their lives, that it drew abundance of tears from the eyes of all present, being about twenty persons. But his torment increased upon him worse after such a time; or if any thing were spoken to him from the Word of God by others, or they pray with him. The last week after he had confessed one strange Passage, namely that once in Discourse he told the Devil, that if he would make his Spittle to scald a dog, he would then go on in a way of Lying and Dissembling, and believe that he should do it, which he said, he did with all his heart, and so spit on the dog, and with that a deal of Scalding Water did poure on the Dog. In pursuance of his Promise, he went on in a way of Lying and Dissembling : That when he was urged about it, that he had done some mischief to the dog, then he fell down into a Swound, as if he had been dead. As soon as he had confessed this, the Devil went out of him with an astonishing Noise, to the terrour of those then present: and so he continued ' The Rev. Abraham Pierson (d. 1678), who was minister at Branford from 1644 to 1667. 140 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1658? one day. The next day being much troubled in himself for one special passage in his Discourse with the Devil, when he appeared to him as a Fox; saith he to the Devil, "I have formerly sought to God, and He hath been near unto me": With that the Devil enraged, said unto him then, "What, are you got hither?" and fell to threat- ning of him. He said to him again, "But I find no such Thoughts now, but do and will believe you now more than the Word of God which saith in Isa. 55, Seek the Lord," etc., and said further, "What comfort you shall afford me, I shall rely upon you for it." Remem- bring this Passage the Devil appeared to him, ready to enter into him again. Thereby much astonished, having the Bible in his hand, he opened it, and, as it were of it self, at that place of Isai. 55 : his Eye was fixed upon it, and his Conscience accusing him for abusing the Word a year ago, his heart failing him, and the Devil entred into him again a Second time, railing upon him, and calling him, Blab- tongue, and Rogue! he had promis'd to keep things secret, he would teach him to blabb, he would tear him in pieces. Since, he hath kept his Body in continual Motion, speaking in him, and by him, with a formidable Voice: sometimes singing of Verses wicked and witty, that formerly he had made against his Father's Ministry, and the Word of God, etc. When the Boy is come to himself, they tell him of them, and he owns them, that indeed such he did make. Mr. Eaton1 being his Uncle, sent a Letter to him, which he told of before it came, saying also, it would be goodly stuff I Jeering at him. By and by the Letter came in, and none of the people knew of it before. He speaks of men coming to him before they come in Sight: and once, two being with him, their Backs turned, the Devil carried him away, they knew not how, and after search they found him in a Cellar, as dead, but after a httle space he came to Life again. And another time, threw him up into a Chamber, stopped him up into a Hole, where they after found him. Another time he carried him about a Bow-Shot and threw him into a Hog-Stye amongst Swine, which ran away with a terrible noise. Here is as much to be seen of the Venome of Sin, the Wrath of God against Sin, the Malice of the Devil, and yet his limited Power, and the Reasonings of Satan in an ocular Demonstration, as hath fallen out in any Age. Also the strange and High Expressions of a distressed Soul, in a way of Judging himself and pleading for Mercy, such as may be wondered at by all that hear of it; and more very observable passages could not be written for want of Time, which will after appear. 1 Doubtless Theophilus Eaton, who was governor of the New Haven colony from 1639 till his death, in 1658. 1688?] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 141 Advertisement. Of what did after appear, I have no Account; but what did then appear, is so undoubted and so wonderful, that it will sufficiently atone for my Publication of it. Exemple VI. and VII. Had there been Diligence enough used by them that have heard and seen amazing Instances of Witchcraft, our Number of Memorable Providences under this Head, had reached be yond the Perfect. However, before I have done Writing, I will insert an Exemple or two, communicated unto me by a Gentleman of sufficient Fidelity to make a Story of his Relat ing Credible. The Things were such as happened in the Town whereof himself is Minister; and they are but some of more which he favoured me with the Communication of. But, it seems, I must be obliged to conceal the Names of the parties concerned, lest some should be Offended, tho None could be Injured by the mention of them.1 In a Town which is none of the youngest in this Countrey, there dwelt a very Godly and honest Man, who upon some Provocation, received very Angry and Threatning Expressions, from two women in the Neighbourhood; soon upon this, diverse of his Cattel in a strange maimer dyed; and the man himself sometimes was haunted with sights of the women, as he thought, encountring of him. He grew indisposed in his Body very unaccountably; and one day repaired unto a Church Meeting then held in the place, with a Resolution there to declare what he had met withal. The man was one of such Figure and Respect among them, that the Pastor singled out him for to pray in the Assembly before their breaking up. He pray'd with a more than usual measure of both Devotion and ' Who his informant was can only be guessed; but the description of the town as "none of the youngest in this Countrey" makes it impossible not to think of Salem, which was the oldest in the colony, and of the Rev. Nicholas Noyes, whose close acquaintance with Mather and whose sharing of his views on this subject are well known. 142 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1688? Discretion, but just as he was coming to that part of his Prayer, wherein he intended to petition Heaven for the Dis covery of Witchcrafts which had been among them, he sank down Speechless and Senseless; and was by his Friends car ried away to a Bed; where he lay for two or three hours in horrible Distress, fearfully starting, and staring and crying out "Lord, I am stab'd!" and now looking whistly to and fro, he said, "0 here are wicked persons among us, even among us;" and he complained, "I came hither with a full purpose to tell what I knew, but now" (said he) "I ly like a Fool!" Thus he continued until the Meeting was over, and then his Fits left him; only he remained very sore. One or two more such Fits he had after that; but afterwards a more private sort of Torture was employ'd upon him. He was advised by a worthy man to apply himself unto a Magistrate; and warned, That he would shortly be murdered, if he did not. He took not the Counsil; but languished for some Weeks; yet able to Walk and Work; but Then, he had his Breath and Life suddenly taken away from him, in a manner of which no full Account could be given. The man had a Son invaded with the like Fits, but God gave deliverance to him in answer to the Prayers of His people for him. In the same Town, there yet fives a very pious Woman, that from another Woman of ill Fame, received a small gift, which was eaten by her. Upon the Eating of it, she became strangely altered and afflicted; and hindred from Sleeping at Night, by the Pulls of some invisible Hand for a long while together. A Shape or two of, I know not who, likewise haunted her, and gave her no little Trouble. At last, a Fit extraordinary Violent came upon her; wherein she pointed her Hand, and fixed her Eye, much upon the Chimney, and spake at a rate that astonished all about her. Anon, she broke forth into Prayer, and yet could bring out scarce more than a Syllable at a time. In her short Prayer she grew up to an high Act of Faith, and said, (by Syllables, and with Stammer ings) "Lord, Thou hast been my Hope, and in Thee will I put my Tmst; Thou hast been my Salvation here, and wilt be so for ever and ever!" Upon which her Fit left her; and she afterwards grew very well; still remaining so. 1688?] C. MATHER, MEMORABLE PROVIDENCES 143 There were diverse other strange Things, which from the same Hand, I can both Relate and Believe, As, Of a Child be witched into Lameness, and recovered immediately, by a Ter- rour given to the vile Authoress of the Mischief; but the exact Print, Image and Colour of an Orange made on the Childs Leg, presently upon the sending of an Orange to the Witch by the Mother of the Child, who yet had no evil design in making of the Present. And of other Children, which a palpable Witchcraft made its Impressions on; but Manum de Tabula.1 I entreat every Reader, to make such an Use of these things, as may promote his own well-fare and advance the Glory of God; and so answer the Intent of the Writer, who, Hac scribens studuit, bene de Pietate mereri.2 1 "Hands off the slate!" — i. e., stop writing. 2 "In writing these things strove to deserve well of Piety.". There follow, in the volume, the two sermons mentioned by the title-page, that occasioned by the affair of the Goodwin children coming last. It adds no information as to the episode, but calls itself "A Discourse on Witchcraft," and deals with the reality and nature of that sin. But at the end of it is this interesting "Notan- dum": "Since the Finishing of the History which concerns Goodwin's Children, there has been a very wonderful Attempt made (probably by Witchcraft) on another Family in the Town. There is a poor Boy at this time under very ter rible and amazing Circumstances which are a Repetition of, with not much Variation from those of the Children formerly molested. The person under vehement Suspicion to be the Authoress [of] this Boy's Calamities is one that was complain'd of by those Children in their Ails, and accordingly one or two of those Children has at this time some Renewal of their Afflictions also; which perhaps may be permitted by the Great God, not to disappoint our Expectations of their Deliverance, but for the Detection and the Destruction of more belong ing to that hellish Knot, that has not yet perished as others of the Crue has done, before the poor prayers of them that Hope in God. "The Book-sellers not being willing to stay the Event of these New Acci dents, cause the Bridles here to be taken off." A BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE, BY DEODAT LAWSON, 1692 INTRODUCTION The earliest account of the remarkable happenings at Salem, in the spring of 1692, which were to bring to a climax and then to a conclusion the quest of witches in New England, was that which here follows. The Rev. Deodat Lawson was singularly qualified to write it. He had himself, only a Httle earlier (1684-1688), served as pastor to Salem Village, the rural community in which these happenings took their rise; and, though dissensions in the parish prevented his longer stay, he seems to have been no party to these dissensions and must meanwhile have learned to know the scene and all the actors of that later drama which he here depicts. He was, too, a man of education, travel, social experience. Born in England, the son of a scholarly Puritan minister, and doubt less educated there, he first appears in New England in 1676, and at the time of his call to Salem Village was making his home in Boston. Thither he returned in 1688 : Samuel Sewall, who on May 13 had him in at Sunday dinner, notes in his diary that he "came to Town to dwell last week," and often mentions him thereafter. How at the outbreak of the witch- panic he came to revisit the Village and to chronicle the doings there, he himself a dozen years later thus told his English friends ¦} It pleased God in the Year of our Lord 1692 to visit the People at a place called Salem Village in New-England, with a very Sore and Grievous Affliction, in which they had reason to believe, that the Soveraign and Holy God was pleased to permit Satan and his Instru ments, to Affright and Afflict those poor Mortals in such an Aston ishing and Unusual manner. 1 In the London edition of his Salem sermon. See below, p. 158, note 3. 147 148 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES Now, I having for some time before attended the work of the Ministry in that Village, the Report of those Great Afflictions came quickly to my notice; and the more readily because the first Person Afflicted was in the Minister's Family, who succeeded me, after I was removed from them; in pitty therefore to my Christian Friends, and former Acquaintance there, I was much concerned about them, frequently consulted with them, and fervently (by Divine Assistance) prayed for them; but especially my Concern was augmented, when it was Reported, at an Examination of a Person suspected for Witch craft, that my Wife and Daughter, who Dyed Three Years before, were sent out of the World under the Malicious Operations of the Infernal Powers; as is more fully represented in the following Re marks. I did then Desire, and was also Desired, by some concerned in the Court, to be there present, that I might hear what was alledged in that respect; observing therefore, when I was amongst them, that the Case of the Afflicted was very amazing, and deplorable; and the Charges brought against the Accused, such as were Ground of Sus picions yet very intricate, and difficult to draw up right Conclusions about them; I thought good for the satisfaction of my self, and such of my Friends as might be curious to inquiry into those Mysteries of Gods Providence and Satans Malice, to draw up and keep by me, a Brief Account of the most Remarkable things, that came to my Knowledge in those Affairs; which Remarks were afterwards, (at my Request) Revised and Corrected by some who Sate Judges on the Bench, in those Matters; and were now Transcribed, from the same Paper, on which they were then Written. A narrative so timely and so vouched for must have gone speedily into print.1 The latest day named in it — "the 5th of April" — was probably the date both of its completion and of its going to press. In 1693 it was reprinted in London by John Dunton, who appended to it an anonymous "Further Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches" (an ex tract from "a letter from thence to a Gentleman in London") bringing the story to February, 1693, and to both joined In- 1 One of the acutest students of New England witchcraft, Mr. George H. Moore (in his "Notes on the BibUography of Witchcraft in Massachusetts" in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 248), has said of it: "I cannot resist the impression upon reading it, that it was promoted by Cotton Mather and that he wrote the 'Bookseller's' notice 'to the Reader.'" If so, he may well have inspired to the task both author and publisher. INTRODUCTION 149 crease Mather's Cases of Conscience (see pp. 377,378, below) , pre fixing to the volume thus made up the title : A Further Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches. With the Observations of a Person who was upon the Place several Days when the sus pected Witches were first taken into Examination. To which is added, Cases of Conscience, etc.1 In 1704 Lawson, himself now in England, cast it into a new form as an appendix to the English edition of his Salem sermon.2 All names are now left out, that he "may not grieve any, whose Relations were either Accused or Afflicted, in those times of Trouble and Distress," and what had been a narrative is given a statistical form under "three Heads, viz. (1.) Relating to the Afflicted, (2.) Relating to the Accused, And (3.) Relating to the Confessing Witches." 3 On his own views, and the probable trend of his influence while at Salem, fight is thrown by his introductory words : After this,4 I being by the Providence of God called over into England, in the Year 1696; I then brought that Paper of Remarks on the Witchcraft with me; upon the sight thereof, some Worthy Ministers and Christian Friends here desired me to Reprint the Ser mon and subjoyn the Remarks thereunto, in way of Appendix, but for some particular Reasons I did then Decline it; But now, forasmuch as I my self had been an Eye and Ear Witness of most of those Amaz ing things, so far as they come within the Notice of Humane Senses; and the Requests of my Friends were Renewed since I came to Dwell in London; I have given way to the Publishing of them; that I may satisfy such as are not resolved to the Contrary, that there may be (and are) such Operations of the Powers of Darkness on the 1 The contents of this volume were reprinted at London, in 1862, by John Russell Smith, in the volume of his Library of Old Authors which contains also Cotton Mather's The Wonders of the Invisible World. In this reprint they fill pp. 199-291, being described in its main title by only the misleading words, "A Farther Account of the Tryals of the New-England Witches, by Increase Mather." 2 See below, p. 158, note 3. 8 This revised form of his Account has been reprinted in full at the end of C. W. Upham's Salem Witchcraft (Boston, 1867), and, with but slight omissions, in the Library of American Literature edited by Stedman and Hutchinson (New York, 1891), II. 106-114. 4 This passage immediately follows that above quoted. 150 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES Bodies and Minds of Mankind, by Divine Permission; and that those who Sate Judges in those Cases, may by the serious Considera tion of the formidable Aspect and perplexed Circumstances of that Afflictive Providence be in some measure excused; or at least be less Censured, for passing Sentance on several Persons, as being the Instruments of Satan in those Diabolical Operations, when they were involved in such a Dark and Dismal Scene of Providence, in which Satan did seem to Spin a finer Thred of Spiritual Wickedness than in the ordinary methods of Witchcraft; hence the Judges desiring to bear due Testimony against such Diabolical Practices, were inclined to admit the validity of such a sort of Evidence as was not so clearly and directly demonstrable to Human Senses, as in other Cases is required, or else they could not discover the Mysteries of Witch craft. . . . One can not read these words without a suspicion that the reaction in New England against those held responsible for the procedure at Salem may have had to do with his return to England; and even in England, it is clear, his cause now needed defense. If any can wish him further ill, let them be appeased by our two glimpses of his after fate — a despairing letter in 1714,1 begging from his New England friends meat, drink, and clothing for his sick and starving family, and the passing phrase of a writer who in 1727, mentioning Thomas Lawson, adds that "he was the father of the unhappy Mr. Deodate Lawson, who came hither from New England."2 But the reader should not enter on the study of the witch- panic of 1692 without knowing something of our other sources of knowledge. The contemporary narratives are practically all printed in the pages that follow, and a part of the trial records will be found embodied in Cotton Mather's Wonders ;3 but most of these must be sought otherwhere, and, alas, they are sadly scattered. Some Governor Hutchinson preserved in 1 Published (from the Bodleian Library's Rawlinson MS. C. 128, fol. 12) by George H. Moore, in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 268-269. 2 Edmund Calamy, in his Continuation, II. 629 (II. 192 of Palmer's revision of 1775, The Nonconformist's Memorial). 3 At pp. 215-244, below. INTRODUCTION 151 his wise and careful pages on this subject,1 where alone a part can now be found. Many have drifted into private hands — like those which in 1860 came into the hands of the Massa chusetts Historical Society and are in part printed in its Pro ceedings (1860-1862, pp. 31-37), or those published by Drake in the foot-notes and appendices to his various histories and editions,2 or those now in the keeping of the Essex Institute at Salem or of the Boston Public Library.3 Such of these as are in print are mentioned in the notes at the proper points. But most are still in public keeping at Salem; and these in 1864 were printed by W. Elliot Woodward in the two volumes of his Records of Salem Witchcraft, the work most fundamental for the first-hand study of this episode. It is, however, im perfect and far from complete, and there is hope of a better : the Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County, of which a third volume has just appeared, must in due course include these witch-trials, and Mr. George Francis Dow, their editor (who has already by his publication of the witchcraft records relating to Topsfield 4 shown his keenness in such work), has in mind the seizing of this opportunity to print all obtainable papers relating to the Salem Witchcraft episode. Precious documents too are published by Upham in his classical Salem Witchcraft 5 and in the acute and learned studies of Mr. Abner C. Goodell and Mr. George H. Moore.6 ' History of Massachusetts, II., ch. I. 8 In his History and Antiquities of Boston (Boston, 1856), pp. 497, 498, and in his The Witchcraft Delusion in New England, III. 126, 169-197. All these (the indictment and the testimony against Philip English, the examination of Mary Clark and of the slave Tituba) are now in the New York Public Library, as are also his documents of the Morse case, mentioned above, p. 31, note 1. 8 As to the fate of the records in general see Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 462. 4 In vol. XIII. of the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society (1908). 8 Boston, 1867, two vols. ' See p. 91, note 2; p. 373, note 3. A BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE A Brief and True Narrative Of some Remarkable Passages Relat ing to sundry Persons Afflicted by Witchcraft, at Salem Village Which happened from the Nineteenth of March, to the Fifth of April, 1692. Collected by Deodat Lawson. Boston, Printed for Benjamin Harris and are to be Sold at his Shop, over-against the Old-Meeting-House. 1692.1 The Bookseller to the Reader. The Ensuing Narrative, being a Collection of some Re markables, in an Affair now upon the Stage, made by a Credi ble Eye-witness, is now offered unto the Reader, only as a Tast, of more that may follow in Gods Time. If the Prayers of Good People may obtain this Favour of God, That the Misterious Assaults from Hell now made upon so many of our Friends may be thoroughly Detected and Defeated, we sup pose the Curious will be Entertained with as rare an History as perhaps an Age has had; whereof this Narrative is but a Forerunner. Benjamin Harris. On the Nineteenth day of March last2 I went to Salem Village,3 and lodged at Nathaniel Ingersols near to the Min- ' Title-page of the original. 2 1692. This narrative may well be studied in close connection with the parallel narratives of Calef and Hale, printed at pp. 296 ff. and 399 ff. of this volume. 8 Not Salem town, the present Salem city, but a rural district (what is now the township of Danvers, with parts of the townships adjoining it) which till 1672 had been a mere dependence of the town, but in that year, at the request of its inhabitants, was set off as a separate parish, though not as a distinct town. Despite the name of "village," there was in Salem Village no huddle of houses amounting to a hamlet, though about the meeting-house (where now is Danvers 152 1692] LAV/SON, BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE 153 ister Mr. P's. house,1 and presently after I came into my Lodging Capt. Walcuts Daughter Mary2 came to Lieut. Inger- sols and spake to me, but, suddenly after as she stood by the door, was bitten, so that she cried out of her Wrist, and look ing on it with a Candle, we saw apparently the marks of Teeth both upper and lower set, on each side of her wrist. In the beginning of the Evening, I went to give Mr. P.3 a visit. When I was there, his Kins-woman, Abigail Williams, (about 12 years of age,) had a grievous fit; she was at first hurryed with Violence to and fro in the room, (though Mrs. Ingersol endeavoured to hold her,) sometimes makeing as if she would fly, stretching up her arms as high as she could, and crying "Whish, Whish, Whish!" several times; Presently after she said there was Goodw. N.4 and said, "Do you not see her? Why there she stands!" And the said Goodw. N. offered her The Book, but she was resolved she would not Highlands) the farm-houses clustered more thickly than elsewhere. Prefixed to the Rev. Charles W. Upham's Salem Witchcraft is a map, which, on the basis of long and loving research, attempts to locate every house in all the region; and the text of that work will also be of constant use, as will the little volume of W. S. Nevins, Witchcraft in Salem Village (1892), with its views of sites and build ings (as "Stories of Salem Witchcraft" it had been printed in the New England Magazine, IV., V.) and the illustrated edition of John Fiske's New France and New England (1904). 1 Nathaniel Ingersoll, deacon in the village church and perhaps its most devoted member, kept the tavern, or "ordinary," which was the recognized centre of the "Village." The meeting-house adjoined it to the east, to the west the parsonage, where lived Mr. Parris. 2 Captain Jonathan Walcot, commander of the village militia, dwelt next beyond the parsonage. His daughter Mary was now seventeen. 8 The Rev. Samuel Parris (1653-1720), whose part, and whose family's, in the Salem panic was to be so great, had been at Salem Village since 1688, succeed ing Deodat Lawson as its spiritual head. Till then, though educated at Harvard, which is to say for the ministry, he had been engaged in the West Indian trade, and had lived for a time in Barbadoes, whence he had brought back with him the two slaves, John and Tituba, perhaps half negro, half native, with whom we must soon have to do. Abigail Williams, his niece, was a member of his house hold; and we shall meet also his little daughter Elizabeth, aged nine. The account of his life by S. P. Fowler (Essex Institute, Proceedings, II. 49-68) has been separately printed (Salem, 1857) and is appended to Drake's ed. of Mather and Calef (III. 198-222). But the student needs also Upham, Salem Witchcraft, and the documents reprinted by Calef, More Wonders, pp. 55-64. 4 Rebecca Nurse, a matron of 71, wife of Francis Nurse, an energetic and prosperous farmer. 154 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 take it, saying Often, "I wont, I wont, I wont, take it, I do not know what Book it is : I am sure it is none of Gods Book, it is the Divels Book, for ought I know." After that, she run to the Fire, and begun to throw Fire Brands, about the house; and run against the Back, as if she would run up Chimney, and, as they said, she had attempted to go into the Fire in other Fits. On Lords Day, the Twentieth of March, there were sun dry of the afflicted Persons at Meeting, as, Mrs. Pope, and Goodwife Bibber, Abigail Williams, Mary Walcut, Mary Lewes, and Docter Griggs' Maid.1 There was also at Meeting, Good- wife C.2 (who was afterward Examined on suspicion of being a Witch :) They had several Sore Fits, in the time of Publick Worship, which did something interrupt me in my First Prayer; being so unusual. After Psalm was Sung, Abigail Williams said to me, " Now stand up, and Name your Text " : And after it was read, she said, "It is a long Text." In the beginning of Sermon, Mrs. Pope, a Woman afflicted, said to me, "Now there is enough of that." And in the afternoon, Abigail Williams upon my referring to my Doctrine said to me, "I know no Doctrine you had, If you did name one, I have for got, it." In Sermon time when Goodw. C was present in the Meet inghouse Ab. W. called out, "Look where Goodw. C sits on the Beam suckling her Yellow bird betwixt her fingers"! Anne Putnam another Girle afflicted said there was a Yellow-bird sat on my hat as it hung on the Pin in the Pulpit: but those that were by, restrained her from speaking loud about it. On Monday the 21st of March, The Magistrates of Salem appointed to come to Examination of Goodw C.3 And about 1 Mrs. Pope was a woman of good social position and in early middle life; Sarah Bibber (or Vibber), aged 36, a loose-tongued creature, addicted to fits, who with her husband seems to have "worked out"; Mercy (not Mary) Lewes, a maid in the family of Thomas Putnam, whose wife and twelve-year-old daughter, both named Ann, were also to have a leading part among "the afflicted." "Doc tor Griggs' maid," Elizabeth Hubbard, aged 17, was a niece of his wife. It was probably Dr. Griggs, the physician of the Village, who had first pronounced the girls bewitched. 2 Martha Corey, wife of Giles Corey. She too was advanced in years. 8 For the official report of this examination, as of those to follow, and for all the legal documents connected with these cases, the student must of course 1692] LAWSON, BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE 155 twelve of the Clock, they went into the Meeting-House, which was Thronged with Spectators: Mr. Noyes1 began with a very pertinent and pathetic Prayer; and Goodwife C. being called to answer to what was Alledged against her, she desired to go to Prayer, which was much wondred at, in the presence of so many hundred people : The Magistrates told her, they would not admit it; they came not there to hear her Pray, but to Examine her, in what was Alledged against her. The Worshipful Mr. Hathorne2 asked her, Why she Afflicted those Children? she said, she did not Afflict them. He asked her, who did then? she said, " I do not know ; How should I know? " The Number of the Afflicted Persons were about that time Ten, viz. Four Married Women, Mrs. Pope, Mrs. Putman,3 Goodw. Bibber, and an Ancient WToman, named Goodall, three Maids, Mary Walcut, Mercy Lewes, at Thomas Putman's, and a Maid at Dr. Griggs's, jthere were three Girls from 9 to 12 Years of Age, [leach of thdm, or thereabouts, viz. (Elizabeth Parris, Abigail 'Williams and Ann Putman; these were! most of them}at G. C's Examination, and did vehemently accuse her in the Assembly of afflicting them, by Biting, Pinching, Stran gling, etc. And that they did in their Fit see her Likeness coming to them, and bringing a Book to them, she said, she had no Book; they affirmed, she had a Yellow-Bird, that used to suck betwixt her Fingers] and being asked about it, if she had any Familiar Spirit, that attended her, she said, She had no Familiarity with any such thing. | She was a Gospel Woman : which Title she called her self by; and the Afflicted Persons told her, ah! She was, A Gospel Witch. | Ann Putman did there affirm, that one day when Lieutenant Fuller was at turn to the publications embodying such court records (see p. 151, above). Those of Goodwife Corey's case may be found in Woodward's Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 50-60. Especially interesting is the evidence as to her rational attitude: "shee told us," testify those who went to arrest her, "that shee did not thinke that there were any witches." They add that it "was said of her that shee would open the eyes of the magistrates and ministers." 1 The Rev. Nicholas Noyes, minister at Salem town. 2 John Hathorne, or Hawthorne, a magistrate of the colony, and, as a mem ber of the highest court, a local magistrate as well, had his home on his farm in Salem Village and must have known personally all these neighbors. It must be remembered, and may well be pointed out here, that Massachusetts magistrates were not men trained to the law, but only respected laymen. * Putnam : this misspelling was common. 156 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Prayer at her Fathers House, she saw the shape of Goodw. C. and she thought Goodw. N. Praying at the same time to the Devil, she was not sure it was Goodw. N. she thought it was; but very sure she saw the Shape of G. C. The said C. said^ they were poor, cfistractedJChfldmu_an_d no Teed to be gjvgn~ -tcrwhat they said. Mr. .Hathorne and Mr. N^yes-repiye3Crt~ was the judgment of all that were present, they wer„eJBfiBdtchfiH^ and only she, the Accused Person said, they were,.Distractedr- It'was observed several times, that if she did but bite her Under lip in time of Examination the persons afflicted were bitten on their armes and wrists and produced the Marks before the Magistrates, Ministers and others. And being watched for that, if she did but Pinch her Fingers, or Graspe one hand hard in another, they were Pinched and produced the Marks before the Magistrates, and Spectators. [After that, it was observed, that if she did but lean her Breast against the Seat, in the Meeting House, (being the Barr at which she stood,) they were afflicted. Particularly Mrs. Pope complained of grievous torment in her Bowels as if they were torn out. She vehemently accused said C. as the instrument, and first threw her Muff at her; but that flying not home, she got off her Shoe, and hit Goodwife C. on the head with it. After these postures were watched, if said C. did but stir her feet, they were afflicted in their Feet, and stamped fearfully. The afflicted persons asked her why she did not go to the company of Witches which were before the Meeting house mustering? Did she not hear the Drum beat? They accused her of having Familiarity with the Devil, in the time of Ex amination, in the shape of a Black man whispering in her ear; they affirmed, that her Yellow-Bird sucked betwixt her Fingers in the Assembly; and order being given to see if there were any sign, the Girl that saw it said, it was too late now; she had removed a Pin, and put it on her head; which was found there sticking upright. They told her, she had Covenanted with the Devil for ten years, six of them were gone, and four more to come. She was required by the Magistrates to answer that Question in the Catechism, "How many persons be there in the God-Head?" she answered it but oddly, yet was there no great thing to be gathered from it; she denied all that was charged upon her, 1692] LAWSON, BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE 157 and said, They could not prove a Witch; she was that After noon Committed to Salem-Prison; and after she was in Custo dy, she did not so appear to them, and afflict them as before. On Wednesday the 23 of March, I went to Thomas Put- mans, on purpose to see his Wife : I found her lying on the Bed, having had a sore fit a little before. She spake to me, and said, she was glad to see me; her Husband and she both desired me to pray with her, while she was sensible; which I did, though the Apparition said, I should not go to Prayer. At the first beginning she attended; but after a little time, was taken with a fit: yet continued silent, and seemed to be Asleep: when Prayer was done, her Husband going to her, found her in a Fit; he took her off the Bed, to set her on his Knees; but at first she was so stiff, she could not be bended; but she after wards set down; but quickly began to strive violently with her Arms and Leggs; she then began to Complain of, and as it were to Converse personally with, Goodw. N., saying, "Goodw. N. Be gone! Be gone! Be gone! are you not ashamed, a Woman of your Profession, to afflict a poor Creature so? what hurt did I ever do you in my life! you have but two years to live, and then the Devil will torment your Soul, for this your Name is blotted out of Gods Book, and it shall never be put in Gods Book again, be gone for shame, are you not afraid of that which is coming upon you? I Know, I know, what will make you afraid; the wrath of an Angry God, I am sure that will make you afraid; be gone, do not tourment me, I know what you would have (we judged she meant, her Soul) but it is out of your reach; it is Clothed with the white Robes of Christs Righteousness." After this, she seemed to dispute with the Apparition about a particular Text of Scripture. The Appa rition seemed to deny it, (the Womans eyes being fast closed all this time); she said, She was sure there was such a Text; and she would tell it; and then the Shape would be gone, for said she, "I am sure you cannot stand before that Text!" then she was sorely Afflicted; her mouth drawn on one side, and her body strained for about a minute, and then said, " I will tell, I will tell; it is, it is, it is!" three or four times, and then was afflicted to hinder her from telling, at last she broke forth and said, "It is the third Chapter of the Revelations." I did something scruple the reading it, and did let my scruple ap- 158 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 pear, lest Satan should make any Superstitious lie to improve the Word of the Eternal God. However, tho' not versed in these things, I judged I might do it this once for an Experi ment. I began to read, and before I had near read through the first verse, she opened her eyes, and was well; this fit con tinued near half an hour. Her Husband and the Spectators told me, she had often been so relieved by reading Texts that she named, something pertinent to her Case; as Isa. 40. 1, Isa. 49. 1, Isa. 50. 1, and several others. On Thursday the Twenty fourth of march, (being in course the Lecture Day, at the Village,) Goodwife N. was brought before the Magistrates Mr. Hathorne and Mr. Corwin,1 about Ten of [the] Clock, in the Fore Noon, to be Examined in the Meeting House; the Reverend Mr. Hale2 begun with Prayer, and the Warrant being read, she was required to give answer, Why she aflicted those persons? she pleaded her owne innocency with earnestness. Thomas Putman's Wife, Abigail Williams and Thomas Putmans daughter accused her that she appeared to them, and afflicted them in their fitts : but some of the other said, that they had seen her, but knew not that ever she had hurt them; amongst which was Mary Walcut, who was presently after she had so declared bitten, and cryed out of her in the meeting-house; producing the Marks of teeth on her wrist. It was so disposed, that I had not leisure to attend the whole time of Examination,3 but both Magistrates 1 Jonathan Corwin was, like Hathorne, a member of the Court of Assistants, the highest legislative and judicial body of the colony, and like him the son of one of its founders. They were the men of highest note in the Salem region. Corwin lived in the town. 2 Of Beverly. As to him see p. 397, below. 3 What drew Mr. Lawson away from the examinations was doubtless the need to complete his preparation for the important sermon of that day; and it must have been this on which he was pondering when (as he records a few lines later) the shrieks of the afflicted reached him as he walked, "a little distance from the meeting-house." That sermon was, however, no extempore production, but a studied disquisition on the power and malice of the Devil, who "Contracts and Indents with Witches and Wizzards, that they shall be the Instruments by whom he may more secretly Affect and Afflict the Bodies and Minds of others." "And the Devil," taught Lawson, committing himself wholly to belief in the worth of that "spectral evidence" which was to play such a part in the Salem episode, "having them in his subjection, by their Consent, he will use their Bodies and Minds, Shapes and Representations, to Affright and Afflict others at his pleasure." The magistrates were present at the sermon; and to them he dedicated the ser- 1692] LAWSON, BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE 159 and Ministers told me, that the things alledged by the afflicted, and defences made by her, were much after the same manner, as the former was. And her Motions did produce like effects as to Biteing, Pinching, Bruising, Tormenting, at their Breasts, by her Leaning, and when, bended Back, were as if their Backs was broken. The afflicted persons said, the Black Man whis pered to her in the Assembly, and therefore she could not hear what the Magistrates said unto her. They said also that she did then ride by the Meeting-house, behind the Black Man. Thomas Putman's wife had a grievous Fit, in the time of Examination, to the very great Impairing of her strength, and wasting of her spirits, insomuch as she could hardly move hand, or foot, when she was carryed out. Others also were there grievously afflicted, so that there was once such an hideous scrietch and noise, (which I heard as I walked, at a little distance from the Meeting house,) as did amaze me, and some that were within told me the whole assembly was struck with consternation, and they were afraid, that those that sate next to them, were under the influence of Witchcraft. This woman also was that day committed to Salem Prison. The Magistrates and Ministers also did inf orme me, that they apprehended a child of Sarah G.1 and Examined it, being between 4 and 5 years of Age, And as to matter of Fact, they did Unanimously affirm, that when this Child did but cast its eye upon the afflicted persons, they were tormented, and they held her Head, and yet so many as her eye could fix upon were afflicted. Which they did several times make careful observation of : the afflicted complained, they had often been Bitten by this child, and produced the marks of a small set of teeth, accordingly, this was also committed to Salem Prison; the child looked hail, and well as other Children. I saw it at Lieut. Ingersols.2 After the commitment of Goodw. N., Tho : Putmans wife was much better, and had no violent fits mon when, in the following year, he gave it to the press under the title of Christ's Fidelity the only Shield against Satan's Malignity. A second edition was printed under his eye at London in 1704 (see p. 149, above). 'Sarah Good, who with Sarah Osburn and Parris's slave-woman Tituba had been examined and committed to jail on March 1, before Lawson's visit (see p. 343, below). 2 Little Dorcas Good, thus sent to prison "as hale and well as other chil dren," lay there seven or eight months, and "being chain'd in the dungeon was 160 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 at all from that 24th of March to the 5th of April. Some others also said they had not seen her so frequently appear to them, to hurt them. On the 25th of March, (as Capt. Stephen Sewal,1 of Salem, did afterwards inform me) Eliza. Paris had sore Fits, at his house, which much troubled himself, and his wife, so as he told me they were almost discouraged. She related, that the great Black Man came to her, and told her, if she would be ruled by him, she should have whatsoever she desired, and go to a Golden City. She relating this to Mrs. Sewall, she told the child, it was the Divel, and he was a Lyar from the Begin ning, and bid her tell him so, if he came again : which she did accordingly, at the next coming to her, in her fits. On the 26th of March, Mr. Hathorne, Mr. Corwin, and Mr. Higison2 were at the Prison-Keepers House, to Examine the Child,3 and it told them there, it had a little Snake that used to Suck on the lowest Joynt of it[s] Fore-Finger; and when they inquired where, pointing to other places, it told them, not there, but there, pointing on the Lowest point of Fore-Finger; where they Observed a deep Red Spot, about the Bigness of a Flea-bite, they asked who gave it that Snake? whether the great Black man, it said no, its Mother gave it. The 31 of March there was a Publick Fast kept at Salem on account of these Afflicted Persons. And Abigail Williams said, that the Witches had a Sacrament that day at an house in the Village, and that they had Red Bread and Red Drink. The first of April, Mercy Lewis, Thomas Putman's Maid, in her fitt, said, they did eat Red Bread like Mans Flesh, and so hardly used and terrifyed" that eighteen years later her father alleged "that she hath ever since been very chargeable, haveing little or no reason to govern herself." See his petition for damages, September 13, 1710 (printed in the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXXV. 253 — the MS. is now in tie President White Library at Cornell University). He was allowed £30. 1 Stephen Sewall, clerk of the courts at Salem, in whose home the Rev. Mr. Parris had now placed his daughter Elizabeth — a fact which may have some con nection with his being one of the most ardent furtherers of the trials. It was from him that Cotton Mather later asked the materials for his account of them (see p. 206, below). He must, of course, not be confused with his more eminent brother, Samuel Sewall, of Boston, whom we shall soon meet as a judge in the Salem trials. 2 The Rev. John Higginson, the aged senior minister of the church in Salem. ' Dorcas Good, of course, not Elizabeth Parris. 1692] LAWSON, BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE 161 would have had her eat some: but she would not; but turned away her head, and Spit at them, and said, "I will not Eat, I will not Drink, it is Blood," etc. She said, "That is not the Bread of Life, that is not the Water of Life; Christ gives the Bread of Life, I will have none of it!" This first of April also Marcy Lewis aforesaid saw in her fitt a White man and was with him in a Glorious Place, which had no Candles nor Sun, yet was full of Light and Brightness; where was a great Mul titude in White glittering Robes, and they Sung the Song in the fifth of Revelation the Ninth verse, and the 110 Psalm, and the 149 Psalm; and said with her self, "How long shall I stay here? let me be along with you" : She was loth to leave this place, and grieved that she could tarry no longer. This Whiteman1 hath appeared several times to some of them, and given them notice how long it should be before they had another Fit, which was sometimes a day, or day and half, or more or less: it hath fallen out accordingly. The third of April, the Lords-Day, being Sacrament-day, at the Village, Goodw. C.2 upon Mr. Parris's naming his Text, John 6, 70, One of them is a Devil, the said Goodw. C- went immediately out of the Meeting-House, and flung the door after her violently, to the amazement of the Congrega tion : She was afterward seen by some in their Fits, who said, "0 Goodw. C, I did not think to see you here!" (and being at their Red bread and drink) said to her, "Is this a time to re ceive the Sacrament, you ran-away on the Lords-Day, and scorned to receive it in the Meeting-House, and, Is this a time to receive it? I wonder at you!" This is the summ of what I either saw my self, or did receive Information from persons of undoubted Reputation and Credit. Remarks of things more than ordinary about the Afflicted Persons. 1. They are in their Fits tempted to be Witches, are shewed the List of the Names of others, and are tortured, because they will not yield to Subscribe, or meddle with, or touch the Book, and are promised to have present Relief if they would do it. 1 White man. 'Not Goodwife Corey, but Goodwife Sarah Cloyse, sister of Rebecca Nurse. For an explanation of the slammed door, see p. 346, below. 162 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 2. They did in the Assembly mutually Cure each other, even with a Touch of their Hand, when Strangled, and other wise Tortured; and would endeavour to get to their Afflicted, to Relieve them. 3. They did also foretel when anothers Fit was a-coming, and would say, "Look to her! she will have a Fit presently," which fell out accordingly, as many can bear witness, that heard and saw it. 4. That at the same time, when the Accused Person was present, the Afflicted Persons saw her Likeness in other places of the Meeting-House, suckling her Familiar, sometimes in one place and posture, and sometimes in anotJfcier._ , 5. That their Motions in their Fits are Preternatural, both as to the manner, which is so strange as a well person could not Screw their Body into; and as to the violence also it is preternatural, being much beyond the Ordinary force of the same person when they are in their right mind. 6. The eyes of some of them in their fits are exceeding fast closed, and if you ask a question they can give no answer, and I do believe they cannot hear at that time, yet do they plainely converse with the Appearances, as if they did discourse with real persons. 7. They are utterly pressed against any persons Praying with them, and told by the appearances, they shall not go to Prayer, so Tho. Putmans wife was told, I should not Pray; but she said, I should : and after I had done, reasoned with the Appearance, "Did not I say he should go to Prayer?" 8. The forementioned Mary W.1 being a little better at ease, the Afflicted persons said, she had signed the book; and that was the reason she was better. Told me by Edward Putman.2 Remarks concerning the Accused. 1. For introduction to the discovery of those that afflicted them, It is reported Mr. Parris's Indian Man and Woman made a Cake of Rye Meal, and the Childrens water, baked it ' Walcot. 2 Deacon Edward Putnam, a pillar of the village church, was brother and close neighbor to Thomas Putnam, whose wife, daughter, and maid were leaders among "the afflicted." 1692] LAWSON, BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE 163 in the Ashes, and gave it to a Dogge, since which they have discovered, and seen particular persons hurting of them. 2. In Time of Examination, they seemed little affected, though all the Spectators were much grieved to see it. 3. Natural Actions in them produced Preternatural actions in the Afflicted, so that they are their own Image without any Poppits of Wax or otherwise.1 4. That they are accused to have a Company about 23 or 24 and they did Muster in Armes, as it seemed to the Afflicted Persons. 5. Since they were confined, the Persons have not been so much Afflicted with their appearing to them, Biteing or Pinch ing of them, etc. 6. They are reported by the Afflicted Persons to keep dayes of Fast and dayes of Thanksgiving, and Sacraments; Satan endeavours to Transforme himself to an Angel of Light, and to make his Kingdom and Administrations to resemble those of our Lord Jesus Christ. 7. Satan Rages Principally amongst the Visible Subjects of Christ's Kingdom and makes use (at least in appearance) of some of them to Afflict others; that Christ's Kingdom may be divided against it self, and so be weakened. 8. Several things used in England at Tryal of Witches, to the Number of 14 or 15, which are wont to pass instead of or in Concurrence with Witnesses, at least 6 or 7 of them are found in these accused : see Keebles Statutes.2 1 /. e., these witches have no need, as do others (see p. 104), to make images, or puppets, in the likeness of those they wish to torment, and then by torturing the puppets to inflict the same tortures on those they represent : these witches have only to act, and their victims are preternaturally compelled to the same action. 2 What is meant is clearly not the collection of English statutes compiled by Joseph Keeble, or Keble, (1632-1710). Often printed (1676, 1681, 1684, 1695, 1706), this seems to have been standard in the colonies as at home; but it contains absolutely nothing but the text of the statutes in force, "with the titles of such as are expired, repealed, altered, or out of use," and at the end an analyt ical table of subjects. The work really meant is Keble's An Assistance to Justices of the Peace (London, 1683, 1689). This work, however, borrows its pages on witchcraft (pp. 217-220) from the older manuals of Lambarde, West, and Dal- ton; and the passage in question is one compiled by Michael Dal ton, for the later editions of his The Countrey Justice, from Thomas Potts's Discoverie of Witches (1613) and Richard Barnard's Guide to Grand-Jury Men (1627). For aid in this identification, and for a transcript of these pages from the Harvard copy of Keble, the editor is indebted to Mr. David M. Matteson. 164 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 9. Some of the most solid Afflicted Persons do affirme the same things concerning seeing the accused out of their Fitts as well as in them. 10. The Witches had a Fast, and told one of the Afflicted Girles, she must not Eat, because it was Fast Day, she said, she would: they told her they would Choake her then; which when she did eat, was endeavoured. Finis. LETTER OF THOMAS BRATTLE, F. R. S., 1692 INTRODUCTION From that April day when Mr. Lawson closed his account it was long before another eye-witness undertook a narrative. Yet great things were doing. At Salem accusation and hear ing went on apace, and the jails grew crowded, awaiting the session of a court. On May 14 arrived from England Presi dent Increase Mather, bringing the new charter, and with him the new governor, Sir William Phips. What the governor thought of the emergency and how he dealt with it we shall presently leam from his own pen. But other pens were earlier busy. Perhaps the most notable was that of Thomas Brattle, who early in October addressed the following letter to some clerical correspondent. Who this divine may have been whose questions the letter answers is unknown : our document is not the original, but a copy without superscription, and from its contents we can infer no more than that he lived or had lived in the colony. But Thomas Brattle we know well. "He was," wrote President Leverett of Harvard at his death, "a gentle man by his birth and education of the first order in this coun try." Bom at Boston, in 1658, of wealthy parentage, a grad uate and a master of arts of Harvard, then a traveller and a student abroad, he won such distinction as a mathematician, and notably as an astronomer, as to be made a member of the Royal Society, and was in close touch with the world of scholars; but his career was that of an opulent and cultivated Boston merchant, and for twenty years, from 1693 to his death in 1713, he was treasurer of Harvard College. "In the Church," said of him the Boston News-Letter, "he was known and valued for his Catholick Charity to all of the reformed 167 168 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES Religion, but more especially his great Veneration for the Church of England, although his general and more constant communion was with the Nonconformists." In other words, he was of the liberal party in religion and pohtics, an eminent opponent of the Puritan theocracy, and he did not escape the epithets "apostate" and "infidel." The letter here printed did not see print in his own day; but that the present copy exists suggests that it may have been meant to circulate in manuscript,1 and it is not impossible that it was even written for that purpose. Yet if so, we may be sure it was used with discretion. It was his grand-nephew, the then well-known Thomas Brattle, Esq., of Cambridge, who late in the eighteenth century communicated it to the Massachusetts Historical Society.2 From that manuscript copy it is here reprinted. 1 The suggestion is that of Sibley, in his sketch of Brattle's life (Harvard Graduates, II. 489-498), the best summary of what is known of him. That the extant copy is without superscription, and signed by initials only, may point to such a use. It must not be forgotten that it was written on the eve of the session of the General Court. 8 It was first published in that society's Collections, V. 61-79. LETTER OF THOMAS BRATTLE, F. R. S., 1692 October 8, 1692. Reverend Sir, Yotjr's I received the other day, and am very ready to serve you to my uttmost. I should be very loath to bring myself into any snare by my freedom with you, and therefore hope that you will put the best construction on what I write, and secure me from such as would interprett my lines otherwise than they are designed. Obedience to lawfuil authority I evermore accounted a great duty; and willingly I would not practise any thing that might thwart and contradict such a principle. Too many are ready to despise dominions, and speak evil of Dignities; and I am sure the mischiefs, which arise from a factious and rebellious spirit, are very sad and notorious; insomuch that I would sooner bite my finger's ends than willingly cast dirt on authority, or any way offer reproach to it : Far, therefore, be it from me, to have any thing to do with those men your letter mentions, whom you acknowl edge to be men of a factious spirit, and never more in their element than when they are declaiming against men in public place, and contriving methods that tend to the disturbance of the common peace. I never accounted it a credit to my cause, to have the good liking of such men. My son! (says Solomon) fear thou the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change. Prov. xxiv. 21. However, Sir, I never thought Judges infallible; but reckoned that they, as well as private men, might err; and that when they were guilty of erring, standers by, who possibly had not half their judgment, might, notwithstanding, be able to detect and be hold their errors. And furthermore, when errors of that nature are thus detected and observed, I never thought it an interfer ing with dutifullness and subjection for one man to communi cate his thoughts to another thereabout; and with modesty 169 16P170 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 and due reverence to debate the premised failings; at least, when errours are fundamental, and palpably pervert the great end of authority and government: for as to circumstantial errours, I must conf esse my principle is, that it is the duty of a good subject to cover with his silence a multitude of them. But I shall no longer detain you with my preface, but passe to some things you look for, and whether you expect such freedome from me, yea or no, yet shall you find, that I am very open to communicate my thoughts unto you, and in plain terms to tell you what my opinion is of the Salem proceedings. First, as to the method which the Salem Justices do take in their examinations, it is truly this: A warrant being issued put to apprehend the persons that are charged and cnmp1ajnecT~~ jof^y^the'an^ctedlcfifldren, (as they are called) ;,said-persons iare brought before the Justices, (the afflicted being present.) The Justices ask the apprehended why they afflict those poor ^children; to which the apprehended answer, they do not afflict them. The Justices order the apprehended to look upon the said children, which accordingly they do; and at the time of that look, (I dare not say by that look, as the Salem Gentlemen do) the afflicted are cast into a fitt. The apprehended are then blinded, and ordered to touch the afflicted; and at that touch, t;ho' not by the touch, (as above) the afflicted ordinarily do come out of their fitts. The afflicted persons then declare and affirm, that the apprehended have afflicted them; upon which the apprehended persons, tho' of never so good repute, are forthwith committed to prison, on suspicion for witchcraft. One of the Salem Justices1 was pleased to tell Mr. Alden,2 (when upon his examination) that truly he had been ac quainted with him these many years; and had always ac counted him a good man; but indeed now he should be obliged to change his opinion. This, there are more than one or two did hear, and are ready to swear to, if not in so many words, yet as to its natural and plain meaning. He saw reason to change his opinion of Mr. Alden, because that at the time he touched the poor child, the poor child came out of her fitt. 1 Bartholomew Gedney. 2 Captain John Alden, of Boston, son of the John Alden of the Mayflower and of Longfellow's poem. For Alden's own account of this episode see pp. 353- 355, below. 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 171 I suppose his Honour never made the experiment, whether there was not as much virtue in his own hand, as there was in Mr. Alden 's, to cure by a touch. I know a man that will venture two to one with any Salemite whatever, that let the matter be duly managed, and the afflicted person shall come out of her fitt upon the touch of the most religious hand in Salem. It is worthily noted by some, that at some times the afflicted will not presently come out of their fitts upon the touch of the suspected; and then, forsooth, they are ordered by the Justices to grasp hard, harder yet, etc. insomuch that at length, the afflicted come out of their fitts; and the reason is very good, because that a touch of any hand, and processe of time, will work the cure; infallibly they will do it, as experi ence teaches. I cannot but condemn this method of the Justices, of making this touch of the hand a rule to discover witchcraft; because I am fully persuaded that it is sorcery, and a super stitious method, and that which we have no rule for, either from reason or religion. The Salem Justices, at least some of them, do assert, that the cure of the afflicted persons is a natural effect of this touch; and they are so well instructed in the Cartesian philosophy, and in the doctrine of effluvia, that they undertake to give a demonstration how this touch does cure the afflicted persons; and the account they give of it is this; that by this touch, the venemous and malignant particles, that were ejected from the eye, do, by this means, return to the body whence they came, and so leave the afflicted persons pure and whole. I must confesse to you, that I am no small admirer of the Cartesian philosophy; but yet I have not so learned it. Certainly this is a strain that it will by no means allow of. I would fain know of these Salem Gentlemen, but as yet could never know, how it comes about, that if these appre hended persons are witches, and, by a look of the eye, do cast the afflicted into their fitts by poisoning them, how it comes about, I say, that, by a look of their eye, they do not cast others into fitts, and poison others by their looks; and in particular, tender, fearfull women, who often are beheld by them, and as likely as any in the whole world to receive an ill impression from them. This Salem philosophy, some men may ..-dll the 172 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 new philosophy; but I think it rather deserves the name of -Salem superstition and sorcery, and it is not fitt to be named in a land of such light as New-England is. I think the matter might be better solved another way; but I shall not make any attempt that way, further than to say, that these afflicted children, (as they are called,) do hold correspondence with the devill, even in the esteem and account of the S. G.;1 for when the black man, i. e. (say these gentlemen,) the Devill, does appear to them, they ask him many questions, and accordingly give information to the inquirer; and if this is not holding correspondence with the devill, and something worse, I know -not what is. But furthermore, I would fain know of these Salem Jus tices what need there is of further proof and evTdengg"tO "crnr- vict and condemn these apprehended persons, than tfilsTqqk" and touch, if so be they are so certain that this falling down and arising up, when there is a look and a touch, are natural effects of the said look and touch, and so a perfect demonstra tion and proof of witchcraft in those persons. Whatcan the Jury or Judges desire more, to convict any man of witchcraft, than a plain demonstration, that the said man is a witch? Now if this look and touch, circumstanced as before, be a plain demonstration, (as their Philosophy teaches,) what need they seek for further evidences, when, after all, it can be but a demonstration? But let this pass with the S. G. for never so plain and natural a demonstration; yet certain is it, that the reasonable part of the world, when acquainted herewith, will laugh at the demonstration, and conclude that the said S. G. are actu ally possessed, at least, with ignorance and folly. I most admire2 that Mr. N. N.3 the Reverend Teacher at Salem, who was educated at the School of Knowledge, and is certainly a learned, a charitable, and a good man, though all the devils in Hell, and all the possessed girls in Salem, should say to the contrary; at him, (I say,) I do most admire; that he should cry up the above mentioned philosophy after the manner that he does. I can assure you, that I can bring you more than two, or twice two, (very credible persons) that will 'i;*, Salem gentlemen — and so hereafter. 1 Maivel, am surprised. ' Nicholas Noyes. 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 173 affirm, that they have heard him vindicate the above men tioned demonstration as very reasonable. Secondly, with respect to the confessours, (as they are im properly called,) or such as confesse themselves to be witches, (the second thing you inquire into in your letter), there are now about fifty of them in Prison; many of which I have again and again seen and heard; and I cannot but tell you, that my faith is strong concerning them, that they are de luded, imposed upon, and under the influence of some evill spirit; and therefore unfitt to be evidences either against themselves, or any one else. I now speak of one sort of them, and of others afterward. f ^ {These confessours, j^as thev are_caUed,)|dQjm^&en--con- tramcOhemselves, as inconsistently as jsjjsual,f or any~cj:azed, ^-diste^bperea"'pefs6n to "So^^TEs the S. G. do see and take notice"trf,,"°lnd even the Judges themselves have, at some times, taken these confessours in flat lyes, or contradictions, even in the Courts;! By reason of which, one would have JiJaonghtr that1 the Judges would have frowned upon the said c^ffilessouT^T^scSfded them, and not mmde,d. one, tittle of any thing-jAat"they^sai.4;_ butJiastead- there©ry|(a!S"SUTe-^s we are nTeTi^f1ilg^J^ges_yindicat& these confessours, and salve their corrtr^KtmnSj^by proclaiming, tiba^h^Xje^j^igs^ away -^gr_memoryJIiijSlunpoWs'upoh tbjjir bjain.«If this reflects anywflereTlam very sorry for it: I can but assure you, that, upon the word of an honest man, it is truth, and that I can bring you many credible persons to witnesse it, who have been eye and ear wittnesses to these things. These confessours then, at least some of them, even in the Judges' own account, are under the influence of the Devill; and the brain of these Confessours is imposed upon by the Devill, even in (the Judges' account. But now,J if,] in the Judges' account,! these confessours are under the influence of the Devill, and their brains are affected and imposed upon by the Devill, so .that they are not their own men, why then should these Judges! or any other men,: make such account of, and set so much by, the words of these Confessours, as they do?j In short, I argue thus: If the Devill does actually take away the memory of them at some times, certainly the Devill, at other times, may very 174 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 reasonably be thought to affect their fancyes, and to represent false ideas to their imagination. But now, if it be thus granted, that the Devill is able to represent false ideas (to speak vul garly) to the imaginations of the confessours, what man of sense will regard the confessions, or any of the words, of these confessours? The great cry of many of our neighbours now is, What, will you not believe the confessours? Will you not believe men and women who confesse that they have signed to the Devill's book? that they were baptized by the Devill; and that they were at the mock-sacrament once and again? What! will you not believe that this is witchcraft, and that such and such men are witches, altho' the confessours do own and as sert it? Thus, I say, many of our good neighbours do argue; but methinks they might soon be convinced that there is nothing at all in all these 'their arguings, if they would but duly con sider of the premises. In the mean/time, I think we must rest satisfyed in it, and be thankfull to God for it, that all men are not thus bereft of their senses; but that we have here and there considerate and thinking men, who will not thus be imposed upon, and abused, by the subtle endeavours of the crafty one. In the next place, I proceed to the form of their indite- ments, and the Trials thereupon. The Inditement runs for sorcery and witchcraft, acted upon the body of such an one, (say M. Warren), at such a particu lar time, (say April 14, '92,) and at divers other times before and after, whereby the said M. W. is wasted and consumed, pined, etc. Now for the proof of the said sorcery and witchcraft, the prisoner at the bar pleading not guilty. 1. The afflicted persons are brought into Court; and after much patience and pains taken with them, do take their oaths, that the prisoner at the bar did afflict them : And here I think it very observable, that often, when the afflicted do mean and intend only the appearance and shape of such an one, (say G. Proctour) yet they positively swear that G. Proctour did afflict them; and they have been allowed so to do; as tho' there was no real difference between G. Proctour and the shape of G. 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER | 175; Proctour. This, methinks, may readily prove a stumbling block to the Jury, lead them into a very fundamental errour, and occasion innocent blood, yea the innocentest blood imag inable, to be in great danger. Whom it belongs unto, to be eyes unto the blind, and to remove such stumbling blocks, I know full well; and yet you, and every one else, do know as well as I who do not.1 2. The confessours do declare what they know of the said prisoner; andvsome of the confessours are allowed to give their oaths; a thing which I believe was never heard of in this world; that such as confesse themselves to be witches, to have renounced God and Christ, and all that is sacred, should yet be allowed and ordered to swear by the name of the great God! This indeed seemeth to me to be a grosse taking of God's name in vain. I know the S. G. do say, that there is hopes that the said Confessours have repented; I shall only say, that if they have repented, it is well for themselves; but if they have not, it is very ill for you know who. But then, 3. WTioever can be an evidence against the prisoner at the bar is ordered to come into Court; and here it scarce ever fails but that evidences, of one nature and another, are brought in, tho', I think, all of them altogether aliene to the matter of inditement; for they none of them do respect witchcraft upon the bodyes of the afflicted, which is the alone matter of charge in the inditement. 4. They are searched by a Jury; and as to some of them, the Jury brought in, that [on] such or such a place there was a preternatural excrescence. And I wonder what person there is, whether man or woman, of whom it cannot be said but that, in some part of their body or other, there is a preternatural excrescence. The term is a very general and inclusive term. Some of the S. G. are very forward to censure and con demn the poor prisoner at the bar, because he sheds no tears : but such betray great ignorance in the nature of passion, and as great heedlessnesse as to common passages of a man's life. Some there are who never shed tears; others there are that ordinarily shed tears upon light occasions, and yet for their lives cannot shed a tear when the deepest sorrow is upon their hearts; and who is there that knows not these things? Who 1 He means, of course, the judges. 176 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 knows not that an ecstasye of Joy will sometimes fetch teares, when as the quite contrary passion will shutt them close up? Why then should any be so silly and foolish as to take an argument from this appearance? But this is by the by. In short, the prisoner at the bar is indited for sorcery and witch craft acted upon the bodyes of the afflicted. Now, for the proof of this, I reckon that the only pertinent evidences brought in are the evidences of the said afflicted. It is true, that over and above the evidences of the afflicted persons, there are many evidences brought in, against the pris oner at the bar; either that he was at a witch meeting, or that he performed things which could not be done by an ordinary natural power; or that she sold butter to a saylor, which prov ing bad at sea, and the seamen exclaiming against her, she appeared, and soon after there was a storm, or the like. But what if there were ten thousand evidences of this nature; how do they prove the matter of inditement! And if they do not reach the matter of inditement, then I think it is clear, that the prisoner at the bar is brought in guilty, and condemned, merely from the evidences of the afflicted persons. The S. G. will by no means allow, that any are brought in guilty, and condemned, by virtue of spectre Evidence, (as it is called,) i. e. the evidence of these afflicted persons, who are said to have spectral eyes; but whether it is not purely by virtue of these spectre evidences, that these persons are found guilty, (considering what before has been said,) I leave you, and any man of sense, to judge and determine. When any man is indited for murthering the person of A. B. and all the direct evidence be, that the said man pistolled the shadow of the said A. B. tho' there be never so many evidences that the said person murthered C. D., E. F. and ten more persons, yet all this will not amount to a legal proof, that he murthered A. B. ; and upon that inditement, the person cannot be legally brought in guilty of the said inditement; it must be upon this supposition, that the evidence of a man's pistolling the shadow of A. B. is a legal evidence to prove that the said man did murther the person of A. B. Now no man will be so much out of his witts as to make this a legal evidence; and yet this seems to be our case; and how to apply it is very easy and obvious. 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 177 As to the late executions,1 I shall only tell you, that in the opinion of many unprejudiced, considerate and consider able spectatours, some of the condemned went out of the world not only with as great protestations, but also with as good shews of innocency, as men could do. ~ They protested their innocency as in the presence of the great God, whom forthwith they were to appear before : they wished, and declared their wish, that their blood might be the last innocent blood shed upon that account. With great affection2 they intreated Mr. C. M.3 to pray with them : they prayed that God would discover what witchcrafts were among us; they forgave their accusers; they spake without reflec tion on Jury and Judges, for bringing them in guilty, and con demning them : they prayed earnestly for pardon for all other sins, and for an interest in the pretious blood of our dear Redeemer; and seemed to be very sincere, upright, and sen sible of their circumstances on all accounts; especially Proctor and Willard, whose whole management of themselves, from the Goal to the Gallows, and whilst at the Gallows, was very affecting and melting to the hearts of some considerable Spec tatours, whom I could mention to you : — but they are executed, and so I leave them. Many things I cannot but admire and wonder at, an ac count of which I shall here send you. And 1. I do admire that some particular persons, and particularly Mrs. Thatcher of Boston,4 should be much com plained of by the afflicted persons, and yet that the Justices should never issue out their warrants to apprehend them, ' The names presently mentioned would seem to show that he has especially in mind the executions of August 19, and his words suggest that he was present on this occasion. Those then executed, besides John Proctor and John Willard, were the Rev. George Burroughs, George Jacobs, and Martha Carrier. For two other accounts of their death, both perhaps by eye-witnesses, see below, pp. 360-364. But there had been executions also on June 10, July 19, and September 22. 2 Emotion, earnestness. * Cotton Mather. 4 Mrs. Margaret Thacher (1625-1694), widow of the Rev. Thomas Thacher (d. 1678), first minister of the Old South Church. She was the only child of the wealthy Boston merchant Henry Webb, and had been left by a first marriage the widow of Jacob Sheafe, then the richest man in Boston. 178 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 when as upon the same account they issue out their warrants for the apprehending and imprisoning many others. This occasions much discourse and many hot words, and is a very great scandal and stumbling block to many good people; certainly distributive Justice should have its course, without respect to persons; and altho' the said Mrs. Thatcher be mother in law to Mr. Corwin,1 who is one of the Justices and Judges, yet if Justice and conscience do oblige them to apprehend others on the account of the afflicted their com plaints, I cannot see how, without injustice and violence to conscience, Mrs. Thatcher can escape, when it is well known how much she is, and has been, complained of. 2. I .cannot but admire that Mr. H. U.2 (whom we all think innocent,) should yet be apprehended on this account, and ordered to prison, by a mittimus under Mr. Lynd's3 his hand, and yet that he should be suffered, for above a fortnight, to be in a private house; and after that, to quitt the house, the town, and the Province, and yet that authority should not take effectual notice of it. Methinks that same Justice, that actually imprisoned others, and refused bail for them on any terms, should not be satisfyed without actually imprison ing Mr. U. and refusing bail for him, when his case is known to be the very same with the case of those others. If he may be suffered to go away, why may not others? If others may not be suffered to go, how in Justice can he be allowed herein? 3. If our Justices do think that Mrs. C.4 Mr. E.5 and his wife, Mr. A.6 and others, were capital offenders, and justly imprisoned on a capital account, I do adniire_that__the said Justice&„shQuld.fifiax..,Qf4^ they ajejjone and - e&teFtaHred,"-and yet not send jprthwith to the said places,! for the-^u^renderh^of^tterir; that Justice might be done them. In other Capitalls8 this has been prac- 1 Jonathan Corwin, of Salem. 2 Hezekiah Usher (1639-1697), a prominent Boston merchant. 'Doubtless Joseph Lynde (1637-1727), of Charlestown — since June a member of the Council under the new Mather charter. 4 Mrs. Nathaniel Cary, of Charlestown. See pp. 349-352. 5 Philip English, of Salem. See p. 371 and note 1. 5 John Alden, of Boston. See p. 170, note 2. ' J. e., to New York. 8 1. e., capital cases. 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 179 tised: why then is it not_practised in this case, if really judged -tcnbe so^eiaeusT^^TriadeTor?"' 4. I cannot but admire, that any snould go with their dis tempered friends and relations to the afflicted children, to know what their distempered friends ayl; whether they are not bewitched; who it is that afflicts them, and the like. 1T7 is true, I know no reason why these afflicted may not be con- j suited as well as any other, if so be that it was only their natural and ordinary knowledge that was had recourse to: but it is not on this notion that these afflicted children are sought unto; but as they have a supernatural knowledge; a knowledge which they obtain by their holding correspondence with spectres or evill spirits, as they themselves grant. This consulting of these afflicted children, as abovesaid, seems to me to be a very grosse evill, a real abomination, not fitt to be known in N. E.1 and yet is a thing practised, not only by Tom and John — I mean the ruder and more ignorant sort — but by many who professe high, and passe among us for some of the better sort. This is that which aggravates the evil, and makes it heinous and tremendous; and yet this is not the worst of it, for, as sure as I now write to you, even some of our civil leaders, and spiritual teachers, who, (I think,) should punish and preach down such sorcery and wickedness, do yet allow of, encourage, yea, and practise this very abomi nation. I know there are several worthy Gentlemen in Salem, who account this practise as an abomination, have trembled to see the methods of this nature which others have used, and have declared themselves to think the practise to be very evill and corrupt; but all avails little with the abettours of the said practice. A person from Boston, of no small note, carried up his child •to Salem, (near 20 miles,) on purpose that he might consult the afflicted about his child; which accordingly he did; and the afflicted told him, that his child was afflicted by Mrs. Cary and Mrs. Obinson.2 The man returned to Boston, and went forthwith to the Justices for a warrant to seise the said 1 New England. 2 Mrs. Obinson was probably the wife of William Obinson, or Obbinson^ a Boston tanner. ? 180 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Obinson, (the said Cary being out of the way) ; but the Boston Justices saw reason to deny a warrant. The Rev. Mr. I. M.1 of Boston, took occasion severely to reprove the said man; asking him whether there was not a God in Boston, that he should go to the Devill in Salem for advice; warning him very seriously against such naughty practices; which, I hope, proved to the conviction and good of the said person; if not, his blood will be upon his own head. This consulting of these afflicted children, about their sick, was the unhappy begining of the unhappy troubles at poor Andover : Horse and man were sent up to Salem Village, from the said Andover, for some of the said afflicted; and more than one or two of them were carried down to see Ballard's wife,2 and to tell who it was that did afflict her. I understand that the said B. took advice before he took this method; but what pity was it, that he should meet with, and hearken to such bad Counsellours? Jgoor-Andov-er -docs now-Jue_the_day that ever the said affficjtecLwent among-4h«m-;-the3Ll^^^ their foHy,"arrd_ are" an object of ,gr£at^^-aird-«eminiseration. Capt. B.3 and Mr. St.4 are complained of by the afflicted, have left the town, and do abscond. Deacon Fry's wife, Capt'n Osgood's wife, and some others, remarkably pious and good people in repute, are apprehended and imprisoned; and that that is more admirable, the forementioned women are become a kind of confessours, being first brought thereto by the urgings and arguings of their good husbands, who, having taken up that corrupt and highly pernicious opinion, that who ever were accused by the afflicted, were guilty, did break charity with their dear wives, upon their being accused, and urge them to confesse their guilt; which so far prevailed with them as to make them say, they were afraid of their being in the snare of the Devill; and which, through the rude and bar- 1 Increase Mather. 2 Mrs. Joseph Ballard. See below, pp. 371-372; and, for more as to this Andover episode, pp. 241-244, 418-420. The records of the Andover cases are printed by Woodward in his Records of Salem Witchcraft (Roxbury, 1864), and there are chapters on the episode in Abiel Abbot's History of Andover (Andover, 1829) and Sarah Loring Bailey's Historical Sketches of Andover (Boston, 1880). 3 Dudley Bradstreet. See p. 372. 4 Stevens? The conjecture is Mrs. Bailey's (Historical Sketches of Andover, p. 228). 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 181 barous methods* that were afterwards used at Salem, issued in somewhat plainer degrees of confession, and was attended with imprisonment. The good Deacon and Captain are now sensible of the errour they were in; do grieve and mourn bit terly, that they should break their charity with their wives, and urge them to confesse themselves witches. They now see and acknowledge their rashnesse and uncharitablenesse, and are very fitt objects for the pity and prayers of every good Christian. Now I am writing concerning Andover, I cannot omit the opportunity of sending you this information; that Whereas there is a report spread abroad the country, how that they were much addicted to Sorcery in the said town, and that there were fourty men in it that could raise the Devill as well as any astrologer, and the like; after the best search that I can make into it, it proves a mere slander, and a very unrighteous imputation. The Rev'd Elders of the said place were much surprized upon their hearing of the said Report, and faithfully made in quiry about it; but the whole of naughtiness, that they could discover and find out, was only this, that two or three girls had foolishly made use of the sieve and scissors,2 as children have done in other towns. This method of the girls I do not Justifye in any measure; but yet I think it very hard and unreasonable, that a town should lye under the blemish and * You may possibly think that my terms are too severe; but should I tell you what a kind of Blade was employed in bringing these women to their confession; what methods from damnation were taken; with what violence urged; how unseasonably they were kept up; what buzzings and chuckings of the hand were used, and the like, I am sure that you would call them, (as I do), rude and barbarous methods.' [Marginal note in the original.] ' What Brattle may mean by "methods from damnation" is a puzzle to the editor. Perhaps "damnation" is only a euphemism for "hell." Possibly he thinks of that clause in the Massachusetts laws (Body of Liberties of 1641, art. 45; Lawes and Libertyes, 1660, p. 67; 1672, p. 129) which permits a prisoner "in some capital case, when he is first fully convicted by clear and sufficient evidence to be guilty," to be tortured for the discovery of his accomplices, yet not with such tortures as are barbarous and inhuman. What he means by " buzzings" and chuck ings of the hand," i. e., whisperings and wheedlings, will grow clear if one turn to pp. 374-376, and read what these Andover women themselves tell of the methods used with them. 2 A mode of divination much in vogue in New England as in Old. Called also "sieve and shears" or "riddle and shears" : the learned name is coscinomancy. 182 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 scandal of sorceryes and conjuration, merely for the inconsid erate practices of two or three girls in the said town. 5. I cannot but admire that the Justices, whom I think to be well-meaning men, should so far give ear to the Devill, as merely upon his authority to issue out their warrants, and "apprehend people. Liberty was evermore accounted the great privfledge of an Englishman; but certainly, if the Devill will be heard against us, and his testimony taken, to the siezing and apprehending of us, our liberty vanishes, and we are fools "if we boast of our liberty. Now, that the Justices have thus far given ear to the Devill, I think may be mathematically demonstrated to any man of common sense: And for the demonstration and proof hereof, I desire, only, that these two things may be duly considered, viz. 1. That several persons have been apprehended purely upon the complaints of these afflicted, to whom the afflicted were perfect strangers, and had not the least knowledge of limaginable, before they were apprehended. 2. That the afflicted do own and assert, and the Justices do grant, that the Devill does inform and tell the afflicted the names of those persons that are thus unknown unto them. Now these two things being duly considered, I think it will appear evident to any one, that the Devill's information-is the fundamental testimony that is gone upon in the appre hending of the aforesaid people. If I believe such or such an assertion as comes immediately from the Minister of God in the pulpitt, because it is the word of the everliving God, I build my faith on God's testimony: and if I practise upon it, this my practice is properly built on the word of God : even so in the case before us, If I believe the afflicted persons as informed by the Devill, and act thereupon, this my act may properly be said to be grounded upon the testimony or information of the Devill. And now, if things are thus, I think it ought to be for a lam entation to you and me, and all such as would be accounted good Christians. If any should see the force of this argument, and upon it say, (as I heard a wise and good Judge once propose,) that they know not but that God almighty, or a good spirit, does give this information to these afflicted persons; I make answer 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 183 thereto, and say, that it is most certain that it is neither almighty God, nor yet any good Spirit, that gives this informa tion; and my Reason is good, because God is a God of truth; and the good Spirits will not lye; whereas these informations have several times proved false, when the accused were brought before the afflicted. 6. I cannot but admire that these afflicted persons should be so much countenanced and encouraged in their accusations as they are: I often think of the Groton woman, that was afflicted, an account of which we have in print, and is a most certain truth, not to be doubted of.1 I shall only say, that there was as much ground, in the hour of it, to countenance the said Groton woman, and to apprehend and imprison, on her accusations, as there is now to countenance these afflicted persons, and to apprehend and imprison on their accusations. But furthermore, it is worthy of our deepest consideration, that in the conclusion, (after multitudes have been imprisoned, and many have been put to death,) these afflicted persons should own that all was a mere fancy and delusion of the Devfll's, as the Groton woman did own and acknowledge with respect to herself; if, I say, in after times, this be acknowledged by them, how can the Justices, Judges, or any else concerned in these matters, look back upon these things without the greatest of sorrow and grief imaginable? I confesse to you, it makes me tremble when I seriously consider of this thing. I have heard that the chief judge2 has expressed himself very hardly of the accused woman at Groton, as tho' he believed her to be a witch to this day; but by such as knew the said woman, this is judged a very uncharitable opinion of the 1 "The Groton woman" was Elizabeth Knapp, and the "account in print" probably that of Increase Mather reprinted above, pp. 21-23, though possibly Willard's sermon (see p. 21, note 4) is meant. 2 William Stoughton, the new lieutenant-governor. He had been educated for the ministry in the Harvard class of 1650, and went to England, where he preached for some ten years, receiving meanwhile at Oxford his mastership in arts and the honor of a fellowship; but, ejected at the Restoration, he returned to New England, and there, though counted an able preacher, declined a settle ment and drifted into public life. He seems to have set store by his learning in theology, and to the end to have maintained the Devil's impotence to person ate by a spectre any but a guilty witch. As to his career see the careful study by Sibley, in his Harvard Graduates (I. 194-208). 184 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 said Judge, and I do not understand that any are proselyted thereto. Rev'd Sir, these things I cannot but admire and wonder at. Now, if so be it is the effect of my dullness that I thus admire, I hope you will pity, not censure me : but if, on the contrary, these things are just matter of admiration, I know that you will join with me in expressing your admiration hereat. The chief Judge is very zealous in these proceedings, and says, he is very clear as to all that hath as yet been acted by this Court, and, as far as ever I could perceive, is very impa tient in hearing any thing that looks another way. I very highly honour and reverence the wisdome and integrity of the said Judge, and hope that this matter shall not diminish my veneration for his honour; however, I cannot but say, my great fear is, that wisdome and counsel! are withheld from his hon our as to this matter, which yet I look upon not so much as a Judgment to his honour as to this poor land. But altho' the Chief Judge, and some of the other Judges, be very zealous in these proceedings, yet this you may take for a truth, that there are several about the Bay, men for understanding, Judgment, and Piety, inf eriour to few, (if any,) in N. E. that do utterly condemn the said proceedings, and do freely deliver their Judgment in the case to be this, viz. that these methods will utterly mine and undoe poor N. E. I shall nominate some of these to you, viz. The hon'ble Simon Bradstreet, Esq. (our late Governor); the hon'ble Thomas Danforth, Esq. (our late Deputy Governor) ; the Rev'd Mr. Increase Mather, and the Rev'd Mr. Samuel Willard. Major N. Saltonstall, Esq. who was one of the Judges, has left the Court, and is very much dissatisfyed with the proceedings of it. Excepting Mr. Hale, Mr. Noyes, and Mr. Parris, the Rev'd Elders, almost throughout the whole Country, are very- much dissatisfyed. Several of the late Justices, viz. Thomas Graves, Esq. N. Byfield, Esq. Francis Foxcroft, Esq. are much dissatisfyed; also several of the present Justices; and in par ticular, some of the Boston Justices, were resolved rather to throw up their commissions than be active in disturbing the liberty of their Majesties' subjects, merely on the accusations of these afflicted, possessed children. 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 185 Finally; the principal Gentlemen in Boston, and there about, are generally agreed that irregular and dangerous methods have been taken as to these matters. Sir, I would not willingly lead you into any errour, and therefore would desire you to note, 1. That when I call these afflicted "the afflicted children," I would not be understood as though I meant, that all that are afflicted are children: there are several young men and women that are afflicted, as well as children : but this term has most prevailed among us, because of the younger sort that were first afflicted, and therefore I make use of it. 2. That when I speak of the Salem Gentlemen, I would not be understood as tho' I meant every Individual Gentle man in Salem; nor yet as tho' I meant, that there were no men but in Salem that run upon these notions : some term they must have, and this seems not improper, because in Salem this sort of Gentlemen does most abound. 3. That other Justices in the Country, besides the Salem Justices, have issued out their warrants, and imprisoned, on the accusations of the afflicted as aforesaid; and therefore, when I speak of the Salem Justices, I do not mean them exclusively. 4. That as to the above mentioned Judges, that are com- missionated for this Court at Salem, five of them do belong to Suffolk county; four of which five do belong to Boston;1 and therefore I see no reason why Boston should talk of Salem, as tho' their own Judges had had no hand in these proceedings at Salem. <^ineteejL|)ersjms_bjLvejiow been executed, andone pressed to death~~for a mute: seven "more~are cohdemhed; two of Vrhkkrs^rrSpviiSved^ because they-pretenxh their being with child; one, viz. Mrs. Bradbury of Salisbury, from the inter cession of some friends; and two or three more, because they are confessours.2 The Court is adjourned to the first Tuesday in November, then to be kept at Salem; between this and then will be [the] 1 See p. 355. Richards, Sargent, Sewall, Winthrop, were of Boston; Stough- ton of Dorchester, close by. Only Gedney was of Salem, till Corwin was called in to replace Saltonstall (who was of Haverhill). 2 As to all these see below, pp. 360-374. 186 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 great assembly,1 and this matter will be a peculiar matter of their agitation. I think it is matter of earnest supplication and prayer to almighty God, that he would afford his gracious presence to the said assembly, and direct them aright in this weighty matter. Our hopes are here; and if, at this Juncture, God does not graciously appear for us, I think we may con clude that N. E. is undone and undone. I am very sensible, that it is irksome and disagreeable to go back, when a man's doing so is an implication that he has been walking in a wrong path : however, nothing is more hon ourable than, upon due conviction, to retract and undo, (so far as may be,) what has been amiss and irregular. I would hope that, in the conclusion, both the Judges and Justices will see and acknowledge that such were their best friends and advisers as disswaded from the methods which they have taken, tho' hitherto they have been angry with them, and apt to speak very hardly of them. I cannot but highly applaud, and think it our duty to be very thankfull, for the endeavours of several Elders,2 whose lips, (I think,) should preserve knowledge, and whose counsell should, I think, have been more regarded, in a case of this nature, than as yet it has been: in particular, I cannot but think very honourably of the endeavours of a Rev'd person in Boston,3 whose good affection to his countrey in general, 1 The General Court. It convened on October 12. Its attitude as to the Salem trials is thus tersely intimated in Judge Sewall's diary: "Oct. 26, 1692. A Bill is sent in about calling a Fast and Convocation of Ministers, that [we] may be led in the right way as to the Witchcrafts. The season and manner of doing it, is such, that the Court of Oyer and Terminer count themselves thereby dis missed. 29 Nos and 33 yeas to the Bill." The bill itself has been printed (from the Mass. Archives, XI. 70) by G. H. Moore, in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society (n. s., II. 172); and that those of Brattle's mind had not relied alone on prayer to influence the assembly may be seen by the petition printed in the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXVII. 55, and in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 246 (see also Proceedings, n. s., II. 171). 2 The ministers, now practically the only "elders." 8 It has been generally assumed, and with reason, that this "Rev'd person" was the Rev. Samuel Willard. Three of the judges (Sargent, Sewall, and Win throp) were members of his church (the Old South), and, unless one suspect Brattle of intent to mislead, "spiritual relation" must here mean a pastor's. The phrase "good affection to the country" suggests, too, one who, like Willard, 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 187 and spiritual relation to three of the Judges in particular, has made him very solicitous and industrious in this matter; and I am fully persuaded, that had his notions and proposals been hearkened to, and followed, when these troubles were in their birth, in an ordinary way, they would never have grown unto that heigth which now they have. He has as yet mett with little but unkindness, abuse, and reproach from many men; but I tmst that, in after times, his wisdome and service will find a more universal acknowledgment; and if not, his reward is with the Lord. Two or three things I should have hinted to you before, but they slipped my thoughts in their proper place. Many of these afflicted persons, who have scores of strange fitts in a day, yet in the intervals of time are hale and hearty, robust and lusty, as tho' nothing had afflicted them. I Re member that when the chief Judge gave the first Jury their charge, he told them, that they were not to mind whether the bodies of the said afflicted were really pined and consumed, as was expressed in the inditement; but whether the said afflicted did not suffer from the accused such afflictions as naturally shared Brattle's political views. We have seen already (p. 23) what caution in 1671 he used in the case of Elizabeth Knapp; and, if the "notions and proposals" meant by Brattle are now lost, we have from his pen what puts his position in 1692 beyond all question — a little dialogue, published anonymously while the troubles were at their height, which with fairness and courtesy, but with striking clearness and boldness, argues against the iniquity of the procedure. Its title runs : Some Miscellany Observations on our Present Debates respecting Witchcrafts, in a Dialogue between S. and B. By P. E. and J. A. Philadelphia, Printed by William Bradford, for Hezekiah Usher. 1692. "S." and "B." undoubtedly mean Salem and Boston. Philadelphia and Bradford probably had as little to do with the book (the type is not Bradford's) as did Hezekiah Usher, P. E. (Philip English), or J. A. (John Alden), three notable fugitives from Salem justice. All alike were merely remote enough to bear in safety the imputation of such a book. John Alden and Hezekiah Usher were members of Willard's church; and Philip English and his wife he visited while in custody at Boston, and probably was a party to their escape. At least the Rev. William Bentley, of Salem, re cording in his diary, May 21, 1793, what their great-granddaughter Susanna Hathorne had told him, relates that Willard and Moodey "visited them and in vited them to the public worship on the day before they were to return to Salem for trial. Their text was that they that are persecuted in one city, let them flee to another. After Meeting the Ministers visited them at the Gaol, and asked them whether they took notice of the discourse, and told them their danger and urged them to escape since so many had suffered. Mr. English replied, 'God 188 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 tended to their being pined and consumed, wasted, etc. This, (said he,) is a pining and consuming in the sense of the law. I add not. Furthermore: These afflicted persons do say, and often have declared it, that they can see Spectres when their eyes are shutt, as well as when they are open. This one thing I evermore accounted as very observable, and that which might serve as a good key tb unlock the nature of these myste rious troubles, if duly improved by us. Can they see Spectres when their eyes are shutt? I am sure they lye, at least speak falsely, if they say so; for the thing, in nature, is an utter im possibility. It is true, they may strongly fancye, or have things represented to their imagination, when their eyes are shutt; and I think this is all which ought to be allowed to these blind, nonsensical girls; and if our officers and Courts have apprehended, imprisoned, condemned, and executed our gufltlesse neighbours, certainly our errour is great, and we shall me it in the conclusion. There are two or three other things that I have observed in and by these afflicted persons, which make me strongly suspect that the Devill imposes upon their brains, and deludes their fancye and imagination; and that will not permit them to touch me.' Mrs. English said : 'Do you not think the sufferers innocent?' He (Moody) said 'Yes.' She then added, 'Why may we not suffer also?' The Ministers then told him if he would not carry his wife away they would." (Quoted by R. D. Paine, in his Ships and Sailors of Old Salem, from Bentley's privately printed diary, which seems to give the tale in a more primitive form than his letter to Alden, in the Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, X.) "It ought never to be forgotten," said Willard's colleague, Ebenezer Pem- berton, preaching in 1707 his funeral sermon, "with what Prudence, Courage and Zeal he appeared for the Good of this People in that Dark and Mysterious Season when we were assaulted from the Invisible World. And how singularly Instru mental he was in discovering the Cheats and Delusions of Satan, which did threaten to stain our Land with Blood and to deluge it with all manner of Woes." True, Judge Sewall, mentioning in 1696 (Diary, I. 433) Willard's sermon at the day of public prayer, says that he spake smartly "at last" about the Salem witchcraft; but "at last" here means "at the end," "as the peroration of his sermon." It is clearly Willard whom Cotton Mather has especially in mind when in his life of Phips and again in his Magnolia (bk. II., p. 62) he sets forth the views of those "who from the beginning were very much dissatisfied with these proceedings," having "already known of one at the Town of Groton" who had falsely accused a neighbor. The strange suggestion of W. F. Poole that Brattle here means Cotton Mather himself, is adequately answered by Upham, in his Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather. 1692] THOMAS BRATTLE, LETTER 189 the Devill's book (which they say has been offered them) is a mere fancye of theirs, and no reality: That the witches' meeting, the Devill's Baptism, and mock sacraments, which they oft speak of, are nothing else but the effect of their fancye, depraved and deluded by the Devill, and not a Reality to be regarded or minded by any wise man. And whereas the Con fessours have owned and asserted the said meetings, the said Baptism, and mock Sacrament, (which the S. G. and some others, make much account of) I am very apt to think, that, did you know the circumstances of the said Confessours, you would not be swayed thereby, any otherwise than to be con firmed, that all is perfect Devilism, and an Hellish design to mine and destroy this poor land: For whereas there are of the said Confessours 55 in number, some of them are known to be distracted, crazed women, something of which you may see by a petition lately offered to the chief Judge, a copy whereof I may now send you;1 others of them denyed their guilt, and maintained their innocency for above eighteen hours, after most violent, distracting, and draggooning2 methods had been used with them, to make them confesse. Such methods they were, that more than one of the said confessours did since tell many, with teares in their eyes, that they thought their very lives would have gone out of their bodyes; and wished that they might have been cast into the lowest dungeon, rather than be tortured with such repeated buzzings and chuck- ings and unreasonable urgings as they were treated withal. They soon recanted their confessions, acknowledging, with sorrow and grief, that it was an hour of great temptation with them; and I am very apt to think, that as for five or six of the said confessours, if they are not very good Christian women, it will be no easy matter to find so many good Christian women in N. E. But, finally, as to about thirty of these fifty- five Confessours, they are possessed (I reckon) with the Devill, and afflicted as the children are, and therefore not fitt to be regarded as to any thing they say of themselves or others. And whereas the S. G. do say that these confessours made 1 The paper meant is doubtless that printed at pp. 374-375, below. 2 The attempt of Louis XIV. to force his Protestant subjects to abandon their faith by turning loose his dragoons upon them had already furnished the English language with this new word. 190 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 their Confessions before they were afflicted, it is absolutely contrary to universal experience, as far as ever I could under stand. It is true, that some of these have made their con fession before they had their falling, tumbling fitts, but yet not absolutely before they had any fitts and marks of posses sion, for (as the S. G. know full well) when these persons were about first confessing, their mouths would be stopped, and their throats affected, as tho' there was danger of strangling, and afterward (it is true) came their tumbling fitts. So that, I say, the confessions of these persons were in the beginning of their fitts, and not truly before their fitts, as the S. G. would make us believe. Thus, (Sir,) I have given you as full a narrative of these matters as readily occurs to my mind, and I think every word of it is matter of fact; the several glosses and descants where upon, by way of Reasoning, I refer to your Judgment, whether to approve or disapprove. What will be the issue of these troubles, God only knows; I am afraid that ages will not wear off that reproach and those stains which these things will leave behind them upon our land. I pray God pity us, Humble us, Forgive us, and ap pear mercifully for us in this our mount of distress : Herewith I conclude, and subscribe myself, Reverend Sir, your real friend and humble servant, T. B. LETTERS OF GOVERNOR PHIPS TO THE HOME GOVERNMENT, 1692-1693 INTRODUCTION Sir William Phips, who arrived in May as the royal governor under the new charter, was no stranger to New En gland. Bom in 1651 at a hamlet on the Maine coast, just be yond the Kennebec, where his father, a Bristol gunsmith, had become a settler, he had early turned from sheep-herding to ship-carpentry, and then coming up to Boston, where at twenty-two he first learned to read and write, he had by thrift become the master of a vessel and had found a path to fortune in the rescue of lost treasure from Spanish galleons sunken in West Indian waters. These ventures had brought him into partnership with some of the most powerful of English nobles, and even with royalty itself, and his sturdy honesty (or per haps a wise use of his wealth) won him from the King in 1687 the honor of knighthood and in 1688 appointment as high sheriff of New England. The hostility of Governor Andros brought the sheriffship to nothing; but the English revolution overturned Andros in 1689, and the emancipated colonies made Sir William head of the expedition that conquered Nova Sco tia, and then sent him with another against Quebec. Mean while President Increase Mather was laboring in England, as the agent of Massachusetts, for the restoration of the ancient charter; and when Sir William (who during his absence had, as his son's convert, become a member of bis church) turned up there too, and just in time to support him against the other New England commissioners in accepting from the King what could be got, though not what could be wished, he was the natural nominee for the new governorship. But the new governor was little trained for such an emer- 193 194 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES gency as awaited him in New England. What more natural in such a crisis, which to the thought of that day seemed to need the divine more than the statesman, than to turn for counsel to his pastor and patron, or to his colleague the new lieutenant-governor,1 who had enjoyed precisely that training in theology which seemed now his own chief lack? Stoughton was made chief justice of a special court created by the gov ernor to try the witch-cases,2 and during the latter's repeated absences3 at the frontier became the acting governor. The ministers of Boston were "consulted by his Excellency and the Honourable Council" as to the conduct of the trials. Their "Return," bearing date of June 15, was drawn by Cotton Mather;4 and it was perhaps now that that divine, who had early (May 31) furnished the judges a body of instructions,5 was inspired by "the Direction of His Excellency the Gov ernor"6 to undertake that "Account of the Sufferings brought 'William Stoughton (see above, p. 183 and note 2) was of course also a nominee of Mather's. He had not been forward in the revolution which over threw the Andros government, but he had rallied to it, and Cotton Mather had written his father wishing he might "do anything to restore him to the favor of the country." 2 In the last week of May, at his first meetings with the new Council. The court began its sessions at Salem on June 2. aHe was present in Boston at meetings of the Council on June 13, 18, July 4, 8, 15, 18, 21, 22, 25, 26, September 5, 12, 16, and again on October 14 (Moore, in American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., V. 251 note). Sewall on September 29 notes in his diary: "Governor comes to Town." 4 A summary of it may be found on pp. 356-357, below; the full text is ap pended to Increase Mather's Cases of Conscience (1693) and has been often re printed, both with that work and in later books. It is Cotton Mather himself (in his life of Phips) who tells us that he drafted it. 6 In his letter of May 31 to his parishioner John Richards, a member of the court (Mather Papers, pp. 391-397). It is endorsed — with reason — "Mr Cotton Mather, an Essay concerning Witchcraft"; for an essay it really is. A supple ment, and an interesting one, is his letter of August 17 to John Foster, a member of the Council (printed by Upham in his Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather. pp. 39-10). 6 It has been questioned (by Upham and again by G. H. Moore) whether "the Governor" whose "commands" Mather alleges (see p. 206) may not be Stoughton instead of Phips; but his discrimination between the two is too clear and too constant to admit the suspicion, and still less can Stoughton and INTRODUCTION 195 upon the Countrey by Witchcraft," which was ready for sub mission to Sir William on his return from the east in early October, and with which, under its title of The Wonders of the Invisible World, we must soon make acquaintance. The open ing clauses of the governor's letter show plainly the influence of that book;1 and the change in tone between its earlier and its later portion, and yet more between the letter of October and that of February, is not the least interesting feature of these documents.2 Sewall (see pp. 251, 378) have been inexact. A doubt as to who consulted the clergy must be similarly answered. Yet Stoughton may well have been behind both acts. 1 His phrases are taken almost bodily from the book (see, in Drake's edition, pp. 102-109, not here reprinted); and his statement as to the methods of the court echoes Mather's. It has been suggested (by Moore) that Mather himself drafted the letter; but neither the style nor the matter of its later portion can be his. 2 Cotton Mather, in his life of Phips, names as one of the causes of the gov ernor's changing attitude, the reply of "the Dutch and French Ministers of the Province of New York," who had "their Judgement asked by the Chief Judge of that Province" — the Massachusetts Tory, Joseph Dudley. These questions (now printed with the answers in the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc, second series, I, 348-358) throw a vivid light on the problems then agitating the public mind. They are dated at New York on October 5, and the answers, dated Oc tober 11, cannot have reached Boston before the middle of that month. More distinctly than the Boston clergy they reject "spectral evidence." According to the Anglican rector at New York, John Miller (commenting on Mather's state ment as borrowed by the geographer Hermann Moll), "the advice of the estab lished English Minister was also asked and generously given"; "but," he adds, "they were not so civill as to thank him for it, nor do they here acknowledge it, although it was much to their purpose, and stood them in good stead." It may be found, however, written out by his own hand in his copy of Moll's Atlas (now in the New York Public Library); and it is summarized at pp. 274-276 of the New York Historical Society's Collections for 1869 and in the edition of Miller's New York considered (1695) by Mr. Paltsits (1903), to whom the editor owes suggestion of the matter. Miller's answers are, indeed, somewhat less credulous than those of his Calvinist colleagues; but (as appears from a "Memorandum" of his own) it is by no means certain that they reached New England. LETTERS OF GOVERNOR PHIPS When I first arrived I found this Province miserably har- rassed with a most Horrible witchcraft or Possession of Devflls which had broke in upon severall Townes, some scores of poor people were taken with preternaturall torments some scalded with brimstone some had pins stuck in their flesh others hur ried into the fire and water and some dragged out of their houses and carried over the tops of trees and hills for many Miles together; it hath been represented to mee much like that of Sweden about thirty years agoe,1 and there were many committed to prison upon suspicion of Witchcraft before my arrivall. The loud cries and clamours of the friends of the afflicted people with the advice of the Deputy Governor and many others prevailed with mee to give a Commission of Oyer and Terminer for discovering what witchcraft might be at the bottome or whether it were not a possession. The chief Judge in this Commission was the Deputy Govemour and the rest were persons of the best prudence and figure that could then be pitched upon. When the Court came to sitt at Salem in the County of Essex they convicted more than twenty per sons of being guilty of witchcraft, ^some of the convicted were such as confessed their Guilt, the Court as I understand began their proceedings with the accusations of the afflicted and then went upon other humane2 evidences to strengthen that. I was almost the whole time of the proceeding abroad in the service of Their Majesties in the Eastern part of the Country and de pended upon the Judgement of the Court as to a right method of proceeding in cases of Witchcraft but when I came home I found many persons in a strange ferment of dissatisfaction which was increased by some hott Spiritts that blew up the flame,3 but ' The famous case at Mohra in 1669-1670. Cotton Mather had appended to his Wonders an account of it. 2 Human. 3 He thinks perhaps of the Baptist preacher, William Milborne, one of the leaders in the later revolution, who on June 25 was called before the Council 196 1692] GOVERNOR PHIPS, LETTERS 197 on enquiring into the matter I found that the Devill had taken upon him the name and shape of severall persons who were doubtless inocent and to my certain knowledge of good reputar tion for which cause I have now forbidden the committing of any more that shall be accused without unavoydable necessity, and those that have been committed I would shelter from any Proceedings against them wherein there may be the least suspition of any wrong to be done unto the Innocent. I would also wait for any particular directions or commands if their Majesties please to give mee any for the fuller ordering this perplexed affair. I have also put a stop to the printing of any discourses one way or other, that may increase the needless disputes of people upon this occasion, because I saw a likely- hood of kindling an inextinguishable flame if I should admitt any publique and open Contests and I have grieved to see that some who should have done, their Majesties and this Province better service have so far taken Councill of Passion as to desire the precipitancy of these matters, these things have been im proved by some to give me many interuptions in their Majes ties service and in truth none of my vexations have been greater than this, than that their Majesties service has been hereby unhappily clogged, and the Persons who have made soe ill improvement of these matters here are seeking to tume it all upon mee,1 but I hereby declare that as soon as I came from fighting against their Majesties Enemyes and understood what danger some of their innocent subjects might be exposed to, if the evidence of the afflicted persons only did prevafle either to the committing or trying any of them, I did before . because of two papers subscribed by him and several others, "containing very high reflections upon the administration of public justice within this their Majesty's Province" (Moore, Notes on Witchcraft, p. 12; Final Notes, p. 72). What seems one of these papers, addressed "to the Grave and Juditious the Gen- erall Assembly of the Province," has been found (see it in N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXVII. 55, and reprinted by Moore in American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., V. 246) and proves a protest against the conviction "upon bare specter testimonie" of "persons of good fame and of unspotted reputa tion." It must have been in circulation before the detection of its author, and was very possibly the reason for the consultation of the clergy. 1 It must be remembered that the new charter, by opening the suffrage to those who were not church members, had greatly strengthened the party opposed to the theocracy — and to the theocracy's governor. More than once it has been said, too, that the Salem witchcraft was the rock on which the theocracy shattered. 198 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 any application was made unto me about it put a stop to the proceedings of the Court and they are now stopt till their Majesties pleasure be known. Sir I beg pardon for giving you all this trouble, the reason is because I know my enemies are seeking to turn it all upon me and I take this liberty because I depend upon your friendship, and desire you will please to give a true understanding of the matter if any thing of this kind be urged or made use of against mee. Because the just- nesse of my proceeding herein will bee a sufficient defence. Sir I am with all imaginable respect Your most humble Servt William Phips. Dated at Boston the 12th of October 1692.1 Mem'dm That my Lord President be pleased to acquaint his Ma'ty in Councill with the account received from New England from Sir Wm. Phips the Governor there touching Proceedings against severall persons for Witchcraft as appears by the Governor's letter concerning those matters. Boston in New England Febry 21st, 1691. May it please yor. Lordshp. By the Capn. of the Samuell and Henry I gave an account that att my arrivall here I found the Prisons full of people 1 This letter, with its memorandum, has been printed in the Essex Institute Historical Collections, IX. 86-88, from a copy made in the British archives ("Co lonial Entry Book, vol. 62, p. 414," now C. O. 5: 905, p. 414). It has since been printed also in the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1689-1692 (no. 2551, p. 720), which uses not only this MS. (mistakenly called "an extract") but another ("Board of Trade, New England, 6, no. 7," now C. O. 5: 857, no. 7); but the editor has corrected and paraphrased. The last-named MS. (C. 0. 5 : 857, no. 7) is, however, the original letter; and the present impression has been carefully collated with it at London, many corrections resulting. October 14, in the Essex Institute's reprint, is only a printer's error for October 12. The letter was addressed to William Blathwayt, clerk of the Privy Council, and it is he who added the memorandum (to the Entry Book copy). 1692] GOVERNOR PHIPS, LETTERS 199 committed upon suspition of witchcraft and that continuall complaints were made to me that many persons were grievously tormented by witches and that they cryed out upon severall persons by name, as the cause of their torments. The number of these complaints increasing every day, by advice of the Lieut Govr. and the Councill I gave a Commission of Oyer and Terminer to try the suspected witches and at that time the generality of the People represented the matter to me as reall witchcraft and gave very strange instances of the same. The first in Commission was the Lieut. Govr. and the rest per sons of the best prudence and figure that could then be pitched Upon and I depended upon the Court for a right method of proceeding in cases of witchcraft. At that time I went to command the army at the Eastern part of the Province, for the French and Indians had made an attack upon some of our Fronteer Towns. I continued there for some time but when I returned I found people much disatisfied at the proceedings! of the Court, for about Twenty persons were condemned and| executed of which number some were thought by many per-) sons to be innocent. The Court still proceeded in the same' method of trying them, which was by the evidence of the afflicted persons who when they were brought into the Court as soon as the suspected witches looked upon them instantly fell to the ground in strange agonies and grievous torments, but when touched by them upon the arme or some other part of their flesh they immediately revived and came to themselves, upon [which] they made oath that the Prisoner at the Bar did afflict them and that they saw their shape or spectre come from their bodies which put them to such paines and torments: When I enquired into the matter I was enformed by the Judges that they begun with this, but had humane testimony against such as were condemned and undoubted proof of their being witches, but at length I found that the Devill did take upon him the shape of Innocent persons and some were accused of whose innocency I was well assured and many considerable persons of unblameable life and conversation were cried out upon as witches and wizards. The Deputy Govr. notwith standing persisted vigorously in the same method, to the great disatisfaction and disturbance of the people, untill I put an 200 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 end to the Court and stopped the proceedings, which I did because I saw many innocent persons might otherwise perish and at that time I thought it my duty to give an account thereof that their Ma'ties pleasure might be signifyed, hoping that for the better ordering thereof the Judges learned in the law in England might give such rules and directions as have been practized in England for proceedings in so difficult and so nice a point; When I put an end to the Court1 there were at least fifty persons in prison in great misery by reason of the extream cold and their poverty, most of them having only spectre evidence against them, and their mittimusses being defective, I caused some of them to be lett out upon bayle and put the Judges upon considering of a way to reliefe others and prevent them from perishing in prison, upon which some of them were convinced and acknowledged that their former proceedings were too violent and not grounded upon a right foundation but that if they might sit againe, they would pro ceed after another method, and whereas Mr. Increase Mathew2 and severall other Divines did give it as their Judgment that the Devill might afflict in the shape of an innocent person and that the look and the touch of the suspected persons was not sufficient proofe against them, these things had not the same stress layd upon them as before, and upon this consideration I permitted a spetiall Superior Court3 to be held at Salem 1 It was on October 29, three days after the passage by the General Court of the bill calling for a fast and a convocation of ministers for guidance "as to the witchcrafts," and, as Judge Sewall tells us (see p. 186, note 1, above) in such "season and manner'' that "the Court of Oyer and Terminer count themselves thereby dismissed," that in the Council, when "Mr. Russel asked whether the Court of Oyer and Terminer should sit, expressing some fear of Inconvenience by its fall," the "Govemour said it must fall." (Sewall's Diary, I. 368.) 2 Mather. Undoubtedly an error of the English copyist. The advice meant was that of the twelve ministers of Boston and vicinity on June 15. See intro duction. 8 The Superior Court was created by act of the General Court of the prov ince — of course with the concurrence of the governor — on November 25, 1692; but its session at Salem would, under the law, have come in the next November, and a supplementary act was passed on December 16, providing, "upon con sideration that many persons charged capital offenders are now in custody within the county of Essex," for a court of assize and general jail delivery there on January 3. 1693] GOVERNOR PHIPS, LETTERS 201 in the County of Essex on the third day of January, the Lieut Govr. being Chief Judge. Their method of proceeding being altered, all that were brought to tryall to the number of fifetyi two, were cleared saving three, and I was enformed by the; Kings Attorny General! that some of the cleared and the con-i demned were under the same circumstances or that there was- the same reason to clear the three condemned as the rest according to his Judgment. The Deputy Govr. signed a War rant for their speedy execucion and also of five others who were condemned at the former Court of Oyer and terminer, but considering how the matter had been managed I sent a reprieve whereby the execucion was stopped untill their Maj. pleasure be signified and declared. The Lieut. Gov. upon this occasion was inraged and filled with passionate anger andre- fused to sitt upon the bench in a Superior Court then held at Charles Towne,1 and indeed hath from the beginning hurried on these matters with great precipitancy and by his warrant hath caused the estates, goods and chatties of the executed to be seized and disposed of without my knowledge or consent. The stop put to the first method of proceedings hath dissipated the blak cloud that threatened this Provmce with destruccion; for whereas this delusion of the Devill did spread and its dis- mall effects touched the lives and estates of many of their Ma'ties Subjects and the reputacion of some of the principall persons here,2 and indeed unhappily clogged and interrupted their Ma'ties affaires which hath been a great vexation to me, I have no new complaints but peoples minds before divided 1 For this episode see pp. 382-383. 2 A "letter from Boston" printed in the British Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1693-1696, p. 63, says that "The witchcraft at Salem went on vigor ously . . . until at last members of Council and Justices were accused"; and the Boston merchant Calef in 1697 wrote : "If it be true what was said at the Counsel- board in answer to the commendations of Sir William, for his stopping the pro ceedings about Witchcraft, viz. That it was high time for him to stop it, his own Lady being accused; if that Assertion were a truth, then New-England may seem to be more beholden to the accusers for accusing of her, and thereby necessi tating a stop, than to Sir William" (More Wonders, p. 154). Lady Phips had earned an accusation by daring, in Sir William's absence, herself to issue a war rant for the discharge of an accused woman. The keeper lost his place. (MS. letter quoted by Hutchinson, II. 61, note; the writer had it from the keeper him self and had seen the document.) 202 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 and distracted by differing opinions concerning this matter are now well composed. I am Yor. Lordships most faithfull humble Servant William Phips [Addressed:] To the Rt. Honble the Earle of Nottingham att Whitehall London [Indorsed :] R [i. e., received] May 24, 93 abt. Witches1 1 This letter is here reprinted from the Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, second ser., I. 340-342, where the original, in the British archives, is described as "America and West Indies, No. 591" and "also in Colonial Entry Book, No. 62, p. 426"; but the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1693-1696, which again prints it, though in abridged form, ascribes it to "America and West Indies, 561, nos. 28, 29," and mentions the duplicate as "Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LXII, pp. 426-430," and as "entered as addressed to William Blathwayt." It may also be found in G. H. Moore's Final Notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts (New York, 1885), pp. 90-93, with his annotations. Examination at the British Public Record Office shows that the original letter (formerly America and West Indies, 561, no. 28) is now C. O. 5 : 51, no. 28, and is plainly addressed to the Earl of Nottingham. FROM "THE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD," BY COTTON MATHER, 1693 INTRODUCTION How The Wonders of the Invisible World came to be written we have already seen.1 Its author had "a talent for sudden composures." We have seen what a scrap-bag was bis Mem orable Providences; and the pigeon-holes of his desk must for months have been gathering materials that could now be put to use. What these materials were is suggested by his title- page; but the title-:page description is not exact. There is first an essay, entitled "Enchantments Encountered," on New England as a home of the saints and the plot of the Devil against her, especially as revealed by the witches now confess ing; next an abstract of the rules of Perkins, Gaule, and Ber nard for the detection of witches. Then follows "A Discourse on the Wonders of the Invisible World, uttered (in part) on Aug. 4, 1692." It is a sermon on Rev. xii. 12, depicting in apocalyptic phrase the Devil's wrath and its present manifes tation. Next comes "An Hortatory and Necessary Address, to a Country now extraordinarily alarum'd by the Wrath of the Devil" — this, too, doubtless written for a sermon. "Hav ing thus discoursed on the Wonders of the Invisible World," says then the author, "I shall now, with God's help, go on to relate some Remarkable and Memorable Instances of Wonders which that World has given to ourselves." Yet he still inserts "A Narrative of an Apparition which a Gentleman in Boston had of his Brother," before proceeding to those Salem trials, the kernel of his book, which are reprinted below. Doubtless these were meant, as the title-page suggests, to form a part of the "Enchantments Encountered," but failed ' See pp. 194-195. 205 206 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES to arrive in time. Mather had long been begging them from Stephen Sewall (brother of Judge Sewall), the clerk of the court; but the clerk was then very busy. On September 20 Mather wrote: "That I may be the more capable to assist in lifting up a standard against the infernal enemy, I must renew my most importunate request." What he asks is "a narrative of the evidence given in at the trials of half a dozen, or. if you please, a dozen, of the principal witches that have been con demned." He pleads not only Sewall's promise, but that "his Excellency, the Governor, laid his positive commands upon me to desire this favor of you"; "and the truth is," he adds, "there are some of his circumstances with reference to this affair, which I need not mention, that call for the expedit ing of your kindness." He wants also some of the clerk's "observations about the confessors, and the credibility of what they assert, or about things evidently preternatural in the witchcrafts"; but, "assure yourself," he concludes, "I shall not wittingly make what you write prejudicial to any worthy design which those two excellent persons, Mr. Hale and Mr. Noyes, may have in hand." But the clerk took counsel before he acted. His brother's Diary records, on Thursday, Septem ber 22, that "William Stoughton, Esqr., John Hathorne, Esqr., Mr. Cotton Mather, and Capt. John Higginson, with my brother St., were at our house, speaking about publishing some Trials of the Witches." These had been received and utilized by early October (see p. 247), and the book, thus far complete, could before October 11 be laid before the judges (see p. 251) and by the 12th could furnish material for the governor's letter (see p. 195). Before the book was out of press there was time to add the narrative of the Swedish witches and the sermon on "the Devfl discovered"; but these could not seriously have delayed the printing, for the book, complete and printed, must have gone to London by the same ship which in mid-October took INTRODUCTION 207 Sir William's letter. A copy of the book was doubtless sent, with this letter, to the home government; and it was perhaps precisely for this use that the volume had been hurried into existence and into print. What is certain is that such a copy had before December 24 reached the hands of John Dunton, the London publisher; for on that day he announced its speedy publication, and by December 29 it was already in print, though with "1693" on its title-page.1 A "second edi tion," much abridged (though not by the omission of the Salem trials), he issued in February 1693, and reprinted it as a "third" in June. The news-letter, with imprint of 1692, calling itself A True Account of the Tryals . . . at Salem, in New England . . . in a Letter to a Friend in London and signed at end "C. M." is only a bookseller's fraud, compiled from the Wonders by some hack (who has not even taken the trouble to imitate its style) and printed in 1693. The Wonders was reprinted at Salem in 1861 (with Calef's More Wonders), by Mr. S. P. Fowler, in a volume called Salem Witchcraft; but, alas, from the abridged "third edition" and with serious further abridgment. In 1862 the first London edition was embodied in a volume of John Russell Smith's Library of Old Authors (cf. p. 149, note 1); and in 1866 the work was again reprinted, and with much more exactness,2 as ' That this London edition was printed, not from a manuscript copy, but from the printed Boston edition, broken up for the compositors, is clear to any printer who compares the two. See, for details, a paragraph in the N. Y. Nation for November 5, 1908 (LXXXVII. 435), or the descriptive note of G. F. Black in the New York Library's List of Works relating to Witchcraft in the United States (Bulletin, 1908, XII. 666). All extant copies of the Boston edition seem to have the title-page date "1693" (an alleged exception proves to be a myth); and this probably means that till January, at least, the book was withheld from circulation. As to all the early editions, see Moore, Notes on the Bibliography of Witchcraft in Massachusetts (American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., V.), and the New York Library's List, as above. 1 The type being set from the first London edition, but the proofs read by the Boston one. (See Drake's preface, p. vii, and his postscript, p. 247.) 208 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES no. V. of the Historical Series of W. Elliot Woodward (Rox- bury, Mass.), being again coupled with Calef's More Wonders (forming nos. VI., VII., of the same series) under a common title, The Witchcraft Delusion in New England, and a common editor, S. G. Drake, who contributes elaborate introductions and notes. An alleged reprint by J. Smith, London, 1834 (and again by H. Howell in 1840), as an addition to Baxter's, Certainty of the World of Spirits is not Mather's Wonders at all, but only the witchcraft pages of his Magnolia. THE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD The Wonders of the Invisible World. Observations As well His torical as Theological, upon the Nature, the Number, and the Operations of the Devils. Accompany'd with I. Some Accounts of the Grievous Molestations, by Damons and Witchcrafts, which have lately annoy'd the Countrey; and the Trials of some eminent Malefactors Executed upon occasion thereof: with several Remarkable Curiosities therein occurring. II. Some Counsils, Directing a due Improvement of the terrible things, lately dime, by the Unusual and Amazing Range of Evil Spirits, in Our Neighbourhood: and the methods to pre vent the Wrongs which those Evil Angels may intend against all sorts of people among us; especially in Accusations of the Innocent. HI. Some Conjectures upon the great Events, likely to befall the World in General, and New-England in Particular; as also upon the Advances of the time, when we shall see Better Dayes. TV. A short Narrative of a late Outrage committed by a knot of Witches in Swedeland, very much Resembling, and so far Explaining, That under which our parts of America have laboured! V. The Devil Discovered: In a Brief Discourse upon those Temptations, which are the more Ordinary Devices of the Wicked One. By Cotton Mather. Boston, Printed, by Benjamin Harris for Sam. Phillips. 1693.1 Published by the Special Command of His Excellency, the Gover- nour of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay in New-En gland.2 1 Title-page of original. 2 Reverse of title-page. Governor Sir William Phips. We have just read, indeed, his own assertion (p. 197, above) that he had "put a stop to the printing of any discourses one way or other," and this may explain why, though this 209 210 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 The Author's Defence. 'Tis, as I remember, the Learned Scribonius,1 who Re ports, that One of his Acquaintance, devoutly making his Prayers on the behalf of a Person molested by Evil Spirits, received from those Evil Spirits an horrible Blow over the Face : And I may my self Expect not few or small Buff etings from Evil Spirits, for the Endeavours wherewith I am now going to Encounter them. I am far from Insensible, That at this Extraordinary Time of the Devils Coining down in Great Wrath upon us, there are too many Tongues and Hearts thereby Set on Fire of Hell; that the various Opinions about the Witchcrafts which of Later Time have Troubled us, are [ maintained by some with so much Cloudy Fury, as if they could never be sufficiently Stated, unless written in the Liquor wherewith Witches use to write their Covenants; and that he who becomes an Author at such a Time, had need be Fenced with Iron, and the Staff of a Spear. The unaccountable Fro- wardness, Asperity, Untreatableness, and Inconsistency of many persons, every Day gives a Visible Exposition of that passage, An Evil Spirit from the Lord came upon Saul ; and Illustration of that Story, There met him two Possessed with Devils, exceeding Fierce, so that no man might pass by that way. To send abroad a Book, among such Readers, were a very un advised Thing, if a man had not such Reasons to give, as I can bring, for such an Undertaking. Briefly, I hope it cannot be said, They are all so; No, I hope the Body of this People, are yet in such a Temper, as to be capable of Applying their Thoughts, to make a Right Use of the Stupendous and pro digious Things that are happening among us : and because I book was complete in October, it was not published before January, as well as why, when it did appear, it thus bore the express sanction of the governor. As to the suggestion of Upham and Moore that not Phips but Stoughton may be here meant, see p. 194, note 6. ' Wilhelm Adolf Scribonius, a Hessian scholar, is best known in the literature of witchcraft as the chief advocate of the water ordeal (see p. 21, above) for the detection of witches. This story is told on ff. 82-83 of his Physiologia Sagarum (Marburg, 1588 — the full title is De Sagarum Natura et Potestate, deque his rede cognoscendis et puniendis Physiologia), and in English by Baxter, Worlds of Spirits, p. 104. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 211 was concern'd, when I saw that no Abler Hand Emitted any Essayes to Engage the Minds of this People in such Holy, Pious, Fruitful Improvements, as God would have to be made of His Amazing Dispensations now upon us, Therefore it is, that One of the Least among the Children of New-England, has here done, what is done. None, but the Father, who sees in Secret, knows the Heart-breaking Exercises, wherewith I have Composed what is now going to be Exposed, Lest I should in any One Thing miss of Doing my Designed Service for His Glory, and for His People; But I am now somewhat comforta bly Assured of His favourable Acceptance; and, I will not Fear; what can a Satan do unto me! Having Performed Something of what God Required, in labouring to suit His Words unto His Works, at this Day among us, and therewithal handled a Theme that has been sometimes counted not unworthy the Pen, even of a King, it will easily be perceived, that some subordinate Ends have been considered in these Endeavours. I have indeed set my self to Countermine the whole Plot of the Devfl against New-England,1 in every Branch of it, as far as one of my Darkness can comprehend such a Work of Darkness. I may add, that I have herein also aimed at the Information and Satisfaction of Good men in another Coun trey, a Thousand Leagues off, where I have, it may be, More, or however, more Considerable Friends, than in My Own;2 And I do what I can to have that Countrey, now as well as alwayes, in the best Terms with My Own. But while I am 1 As to this "plot of the Devil," see Mather's own words (Wonders, pp. 16-19, 25, not here reprinted) : "we have been advised . . . that a Malefactor, accused ~* , of Witchcraft as well as Murder, and Executed in this place more than Forty ! Years ago, did then give Notice of An Horrible Plot against the Country by Witchcraft, and a Foundation of Witchcraft then laid, which if it were not seasonably discovered would probably Blow up, and pull down all the Churches j in the Country." "We have now with Horror," he adds, "seen the Discovery of such a Witchcraft!" and from the confessions at Salem he learns that "at pro-"' digious Witch-Meetings the Wretches have proceeded so far as to Concert and Consult the Methods of Rooting out the Christian Religion from this Country" _, and setting up instead of it a "Diabolism." Not even this is all: "it may be fear'd that, in the Horrible Tempest which is now upon ourselves, the design of the Devil is to sink that Happy Settlement of Government wherewith Almighty God has graciously enclined Their Majesties to favour us." 2 It is of England, of course, that he speaks. 212 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES ( [1692 doing these things, I have been driven a little to do something likewise for My self; I mean, by taking off the false Reports and hard Censures about my Opinion in these matters, the Parters Portion, which my pursuit of Peace has procured me among the Keen. My hitherto Unvaried Thoughts are here Published; and, I believe, they will be owned by most of the Ministers of God in these Colonies; nor can amends be well made me, for the wrong done me, by other sorts of Represen tations. In fine, For the Dogmatical part of my Discourse, I want no Defence; for the Historical part of it, I have a very Great One. The Lieutenant-Governour of New-England, having perused it, has done me the Honour of giving me a Shield,1 under the Umbrage whereof I now dare to walk Abroad. Reverend and Dear Sir, You Very much Gratify'd me, as well as put a kind Respect upon me, when you put into my hands, Your Elaborate and most seasonable Discourse, entituled, The Wonders of the Invisible World. And having now Perused so fruitful and happy a Composure, upon such a Subject, at this Juncture of Time, and considering the Place that I Hold in the Court of Oyer and Terminer, still Labouring and Proceeding in the Trial of the persons Accused and Convicted for Witchcraft, I find that I am more nearly and highly concerned than as a meer Ordinary Reader, to Express my Obligation and Thank fulness to you for so great Pains; and cannot but hold my self many ways bound, even to the utmost of what is proper for me, in my present Publick Capacity, to declare my Singular Approbation thereof. Such is Your Design, most plainly expressed throughout the whole; such Your Zeal for God, Your Enmity to Satan and his Kingdom, Your Faithfulness and Compassion to this poor people; Such the Vigour, but yet great Temper of your Spirit; Such your Instruction and Counsel, your Care of Truth, Your Wisdom and Dexterity in allaying and moderating that among us, which needs it; Such your Clear Discerning of Divine Providences and Periods, now running on apace towards their Glorious Issues in the World; and finally, Such your Good News of The Shortness of the Devils Time, That all Good Men must needs Desire the making of this your Dis- 1 As to Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton, head of the court which had tried the witch cases, see above, p. 183 and note 2, and pp. 196-201. His "shield" means the following letter. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 213 course PubUck to the World; and will greatly Re Joyce that the Spirit of the Lord has thus Enabled you to Lift up a Standard against the Infernal Enemy, that hath been Coming in like a Flood upon us. I do therefore make it my particular and Earnest Request unto you, that as soon as may be, you will Commit the same unto the Press accordingly. I am, Your Assured Friend, William Stoughton. I Live by Neighbours that force me to produce these Un deserved Lines. But now, as when Mr. Wilson,1 beholding a great Muster of Souldiers, had it by a Gentleman then present said unto him, "Sir, I'l tell you a great Thing: here is a mighty Body of People; and there is not Seven of them all but what Loves Mr. Wilson;" that Gracious Man pres ently and pleasantly Reply'd, "Sir, I'll tell you as good a thing as that; here is a mighty Body of People, and there is not so much as One among them all, but Mr. Wilson Loves him." Somewhat so: 'Tis possible that among this Body of People there may be few that Love the Writer of this Book; but give me leave to boast so far, there is not one among all this Body of People, whom this Mather would not Study to Serve, as well as to Love. With such a Spirit of Love, is the Book now before us written : I appeal to all this World; and if this World will deny me the Right of acknowledging so much, I Appeal to the Other, that it is Not written with an Evil Spirit : for which cause I shall not wonder, if Evil Spirits be Exasperated by what is Written, as the Sadducees doubtless were with what was Discoursed in the Days of our Saviour. I only Demand the Justice, that others Read it, with the same Spirit where with I writ it.2 But I shall no longer detain my Reader, from His expected entertainment, in a Brief Account of the Trials which have passed upon some of the Malefactors Lately Executed at Salem, for the Witchcrafts whereof they stood Convicted. 1 Doubtless the Rev. John Wilson (d. 1667), the first minister of Boston. 2 There now follow the miscellaneous matters described in the introduction, making up more than half of his volume. 214 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 For my own part, I was not Present at any of Them;1 nor ever Had I any personal prejudice at the persons thus brought upon the Stage; much less at the Surviving Relations of those persons, with and for whom I would be as Hearty a mourner as any man Living in the World: The Lord Comfort them! But having Received a Command so to do,2 1 can do no other than shortly Relate the Chief Matters of fact, which occurr'd in the Trials of some that were Executed, in an Abridgment collected out of the Court-Papers, on this occasion put into my Hands.3 You are to take the Truth, just as it was; and the Truth will hurt no good man. There might have been more of these, if my Book would not thereby have been swollen too big; and if some other worthy hands did not perhaps in tend something further in these Collections;4 for which cause I have only singled out Four or Five, which may serve to Illustrate the way of dealing, wherein Witchcrafts use to be concerned; and I Report matters not as an Advocate but as an Historian. They were some of the Gracious Words inserted in the Advice, which many of the Neighbouring Ministers did this Summer humbly lay before our Honorable Judges, "We cannot but with all thankfulness acknowledge the success which the Merciful God has given unto the Sedulous and Assiduous en deavours of Our Honourable Rulers, to detect the abomina ble Witchcrafts which have been committed in the Country; Humbly Praying that the discovery of those mysterious and mischievous wickednesses, may be perfected." s If in the midst of the many Dissatisfactions among us, the publication of these Trials may promote such a pious Thankfulness unto God, for Justice being so far executed among us, I shall Re- 1 He must at least have been present at some of the examinations (like those described by Lawson) preceding the trials; for in his Diary (I. 151), commending the judges, he adds, "and my Compassion, upon the Sight of their Difficulties, raised by my Journeyes to Salem, the chief Seat of these diabolical Vexations, caused mee yett more to do so." From attending the trials he had excused him self (see the letter mentioned on p. 194, note 5) on the score of ill health. 2 From the governor; see above, p. 194, and p. 250. 3 See introduction. * Meaning, doubtless, Hale and Noyes. See p. 206, above. 6 This is the second paragraph in the reply of the ministers of Boston, June 15, 1692, to the request of the governor and Council for advice. (See p. 194, above.) It was drawn up by Cotton Mather himself. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 215 Joyce that God is Glorified; and pray that no wrong steps of ours may ever sully any of His Glorious Works.1 I. The Tryal of G. B.2 At a Court of Oyer and Terminer, Held in Salem, 1692. Glad should I have been, if I had never known the Name of this man; or never had this occasion to mention so much as the first Letters of his Name.3 But the Government re quiring some Account of his Trial to be Inserted in this Book, it becomes me with all Obedience to submit unto the Order. I. This G. B. was indicted for Witch-crafts, and in the Prosecution of the Charge against him, he was Accused by five or six of the Bewitched, as the Author of their Miseries; he was Accused by eight of the Confessing Witches, as being an Head Actor at some of their Hellish Randezvouzes, and one ' What next follows, very cleverly ensuring a friendly attitude toward the Salem court, is an account of the English witch-trial of 1664 before Sir Matthew Hale. It is abridged from the well-known booklet (A Tryal of Witches at the Assizes held at Bury St. Edmonds, etc.) published at London in 1682, which had been a guide to the Salem judges (see p. 416, below). 2 The Rev. George Burroughs, the most notable of the victims at Salem. A graduate of Harvard in the class of 1670, he preached in Maine for some years, and in 1680 became pastor at Salem Village, where he fell heir to a parish quarrel, and, becoming involved in it, found it wise to remove in 1683 — Deodat Lawson succeeding him. Burroughs returned to Maine, and was a pastor there at Wells, when his accusation by the "afflicted" at Salem caused his arrest. He was brought back to Salem on May 4, committed on May 9, tried on August 5, exe cuted on August 19. As to his story see especially Upham, Salem Witchcraft, Sibley, Harvard Graduates (II. 323-334), Moore, "Notes on the Bibliography of Witchcraft in Massachusetts" (in American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., V.), pp. 270-273, but, first of all, the mentions of Calef, reprinted below (pp. 301, 360-365, 378-379). 3 It is not improbable that Mather had already begun to find himself blamed for his harsh words as to Burroughs. On August 5, the day of his trial, he had written to a friend : "Our Good God is working of Miracles. Five Witches were Lately Executed, impudently demanding of God a Miraculous Vindication of their Innocency. Immediately upon this, Our God Miraculously sent in Five Andover- Witches, who made a most ample, surprising, amazing Confession, of all their Villainies and declared the Five newly executed to have been of their Company; discovering many more; but all agreeing in Burroughs being their Ringleader, who, I suppose, this day receives his Trial at Salem, whither a Vast Concourse of people is gone; My Father this morning among the Rest." ¦J 216 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 who had the promise of being a King in Satans Kingdom, now going to be Erected : he was Accused by nine persons for ex traordinary Lifting, and such Feats of Strength, as could not be done without a Diabolical Assistance. And for other such Things he was Accused, untfl about Thirty Testimonies were brought in against him; nor were these judg'd the half of what might have been considered for bis Conviction : however they were enough to fix the Character of a Witch upon him accord ing to the Rules^of Reasoning, by the Judicious Gaule,1 in that Case directed. II. The Court being sensible, that the Testimonies of the Parties Bewitched use to have a Room among the Suspicions or Presumptions, brought in against one Indicted for Witch craft, there were now heard the Testimonies of several Per sons, who were most notoriously Bewitched, and every day Tortured by Invisible Hands, and these now all charged the Spectres of G. B. to have a share in their Torments. At the Examination of this G. B. the Bewitched People were griev ously harassed with Preternatural Mischiefs, which could not possibly be Dissembled; and they still ascribed it unto the Endeavours of G. B. to kill them. And now upon his Trial, one of the Bewitched Persons testify'd, That in her Agonies, a little Black hair'd man came to her, saying his Name was B. and bidding her set her hand unto a Book which he show'd unto her; and bragging that he was a Conjurer, above the ordinary Rank of Witches; That he often persecuted her with the offer of that Book, saying, She should be well, and need fear no body, if she would but Sign it; but he inflicted cruel Pains and Hurts upon her, because of her Denying so to do. The Testimonies of the other Sufferers concurred with these; and it was Remarkable, that whereas Biting was one of the ways which the Witches used for the vexing of the Sufferers, when they cry'd out of G. B. biting them, the print of the Teeth would be seen on the Flesh of the Complainers, and just 1 John Gaule, rector of Great Stoughton, in Huntingdonshire, was the first to oppose openly the witch-finder Hopkins, and wrote a little book, Select Cases of Conscience touching Witches and Witchcrafts (London, 1646), to lay bare his outrages and suggest saner methods. (See Notestein, Witchcraft in England, pp. 186-187, 236-237.) His rules for the detection of witches are published (though not without serious garbling) earlier in Mather's volume. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 217 such a sett of Teeth as G. B's would then appear upon them, which could be distinguished from those of some other mens. Others of them testify'd, That in their Torments, G. B. tempted them to go unto a Sacrament, unto which they per ceived him with a sound of Trampet Summoning of other Witches, who quickly after the Sound would come from all Quarters unto the Rendezvouz. One of them falling into a kind of Trance, afterwards affirmed, That G. B. had carried her into a very high Mountain, where he show'd her mighty and glorious Kingdoms, and said, He would give them all to her, if she would write in his Book; but she told him, They were none of his to give; and refused the motions, enduring of much misery for that Refusal. It cost the Court a wonderful deal of Trouble, to hear the Testimonies of the Sufferers; for when they were going to give in their Depositions, they would for a long time be taken with fitts, that made them uncapable of saying any thing. The Chief Judge asked the prisoner, who he thought hindred these witnesses from giving their testimonies? and he answered, He supposed it was the Divel. That Honourable person then reply'd, How comes the Divel so loathe to have any Testi mony bom against you? Which cast him into very great confusion. III. It has been a frequent thing for the Bewitched peo ple to be entertained with Apparitions of Ghosts of murdered people, at the same time that the Spectres of the witches trouble them. These Ghosts do always affright the Beholders more than all the other spectral Representations; and when they exhibit themselves, they cry out, of being Murdered by the witchcrafts or other violences of the persons who are then in spectre present. It is further considerable, that once or twice, these Apparitions have been seen by others at the very same time that they have shewn them selves to the Bewitched; and seldom have there been these Apparitions but when some thing unusual and suspected had attended the Death of the party thus Appearing. Some that have bin accused by these Apparitions, accosting of the Bewitched People, who had never heard a word of any such persons ever being in the world, have upon a fair examination freely and fully confessed the murders of those very persons, altho' these also did not know 218 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 how the Apparitions had complained of them. Accordingly several of the Bewitched had given in their Testimony, that they had been troubled with the Apparitions of two women, who said that they were G. B's two wives, and that he had been the Death of them; and that the Magistrates must be told of it, before whom if B. upon his trial deny'd it, they did not know but that they should appear again in the Court. Now, G. B. had been infamous for the Barbarous usage of his two successive wives, all the Country over. Moreover, It was testify'd, the spectre of G. B. threatning of the sufferers told them, he had killed (besides others) Mrs. Lawson and her Daughter Ann.1 And it was noted, That these were the ver tuous wife and Daughter of one at whom this G. B. might have a prejudice for his being serviceable at Salem-village, from whence himself had in 111 Terms removed some years before: and that when they dy'd, which was long since, there were some odd circumstances about them, which made some of the Attendents there suspect something of witchcraft, tho' none Imagined from what Quarter it should come. Well, G. B. being now upon his Triall, one of the Bewitched persons was cast into Horror at the Ghosts of B's two de ceased wives then appearing before him, and crying for Ven geance against him. Hereupon several of the Bewitched per sons were successively called in, who all not knowing what the former had seen and said, concurred in their Horror of the Apparition, which they affirmed that he had before him. But he, tho' much appalled, utterly deny'd that he discerned any thing of it; nor was it any part of his Conviction. IV. Judicious Writers have assigned it a great place in the Conviction of witches, when persons are Impeached by other Notorious witches, to be as 111 as themselves; especially, if the persons have been much noted for neglecting the Wor ship of God. Now, as there might have been Testimonies Enough of G. B's Antipathy to Prayer and the other Ordi nances of God, tho' by his profession singularly obliged there unto; so, there now came in against the prisoner the Testi monies of several persons, who confessed their own having been Horrible Witches, and ever since their confessions had been themselves terribly Tortured by the Devils and other 1 The wife and the daughter of Deodat Lawson; see p. 148. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 219 Witches, even like the other Sufferers; and therein undergone the pains of many Deaths for their Confessions. These now Testify'd, that G. B. had been at Witch-meetings with them; and that he was the Person who had Seduc'd and Compell'd them into the snares of Witchcraft : That he promised them Fine Cloaths, for doing it; that he brought Poppets to them, and thorns to stick into those Poppets, for the afflicting of other People; And that he exhorted them, with the rest of the Cme, to bewitch all Salem-Vfllage, but be sure to do it Gradually, .if they would prevail in what they did. When the Lancashire Witches1 were condemn'd, I don't Remember that there was any considerable further Evidence, than that of the Bewitched, and then that of some that con fessed. We see so much already against G. B. But this being indeed not Enough, there were other things to render what had already been produced credible. V. A famous Divine2 recites this among the Convictions of a Witch; The Testimony of the Party Bewitched, whether Pining or Dying; together with the Joint Oathes of Sufficient Persons that have seen certain Prodigious Pranks or Feats wrought by the party Accused. Now God had been pleased so to leave this G. B. that he had ensnared himself by several Instances, which he had formerly given of a Preternatural strength, and which were now produced against him. JHe was a very Puny man;3 yet he had often done things beyond the strengthjof a_ Giant ._ A Gun of about seven foot barrel, and so~heavy that strong men could not steadily hold it out with both hands; there were several Testimonies, given in by Per sons of Credit and Honour, that he made nothing of taking up such a Gun behind the Lock, with but one hand, and holding it out like a Pistol, at Arms-end. G. B. in his Vindication was so foolish as to say, That an Indian was there, and held it out at the same time : Whereas, none of the Spectators ever saw 1 1, e., those tried and executed in 1612, and famous through the Discoverie of Potts (London, 1613), which Mather seems here to use, and the play of Shad- well. 2 John Gaule again: this is the fifth of his "more certain" signs. (Select Cases, p. 82.) 3 But see, on the contrary, page 301. 220 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 any such Indian; but they suppos'd the Black man (as the Witches call the Devil; and they generally say he resembles an Indian) might give him that Assistence. There was Evi dence likewise brought in, that he made nothing of Taking up whole Barrels fill'd with Malasses or Cider, in very Disadvan- tagious Postures, and Carrying of them through the Difficult- est Places out of a Canoo to the Shore. Yea, there were Two Testimonies that G. B. with only putting the Fore-Finger of his Right hand into the Muzzel of an heavy Gun, a Fowling-piece of about six or seven foot Barrel, did Lift up the Gun, and hold it out at Arms end; a Gun which the Deponents though strong men could not with both hands Lift up, and hold out at the Butt end, as is usual. Indeed, one of these Witnesses was over perswaded by some persons to be out of the way upon G. B's Trial; but he came afterwards with sorrow for his withdraw, and gave in his Testimony: Nor were either of these Witnesses made use of as evidences in the Trial. VI. There came in several Testimonies relating to the Domestick Affayrs of G. B. which had a very hard Aspect upon him; and not only prov'd him a very ill man; but also confirmed the Belief of the Character, which had been already fastned on him. 'Twas testifyed, That keeping his two Successive Wives in a strange kind of Slavery, he would when he came home from abroad pretend to tell the Talk which any had with them; That he has brought them to the point of Death, by his Harsh Dealings with his Wives, and then made the People about him to promise that in Case Death should happen, they would say nothing of it; That he used all means to make his Wives Write, Sign, Seal, and Swear a Covenant, never to Reveal any of his Secrets; That his Wives had privately complained unto the Neighbours about frightful Apparitions of Evil Spirits, with which their House was sometimes infested; and that many such things have been Whispered among the Neighbourhood. There were also some other Testimonies, re lating to the Death of People, whereby the Consciences of an Impartial Jury were convinced that G. B. had Bewitched the persons mentioned in the Complaints. But I am forced to omit several passages, in this, as well as in all the succeeding 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 221 Trials, because the Scribes who took Notice of them, have not Supplyed me. VII. One Mr. Ruck, Brother in Law to this G. B., Testi- fy'd, that G. B. and he himself, and his Sister, who was G. B's Wife, going out for Two or three Miles to gather Straw-Berries, Ruck with his Sister the Wife of G. B. Rode home very Softly, with G. B. on Foot in their Company. G. B. stept aside a little into the Bushes; Whereupon they Halted and Halloo'd for him. He not answering, they went away homewards, with a Quickened pace, without any expectation of seeing him in a considerable while; and yet when they were got near home, to their Astonishment they found him on foot with them, having a Basket, of Straw-Berries. G. B. immediately then fell to chiding his Wife, on the account of what she had been speaking to her Brother, of him, on the Road : which when they wondred at, he said, He knew their thoughts. Ruck being startled at that, made some Reply, intimating that the Devil himself did not know so far; but G. B. answered, My God makes known your Thoughts unto me. The prisoner now at the Barr had nothing to answer, unto what was thus Witnessed against him, that was worth considering. Only he said, Ruck and his Wife left a Man with him, when they left him. Which Ruck now afnrm'd to be false; and when the Court asked G. B. What the Man's Name was? his countenance was much altered; nor could he say, who 'twas. But the Court began to think, that he then step'd aside, only that by the assistance of the Black Man, he might put on his Invisibility, and in that Fascinating Mist, gratifie his own Jealous humour, to hear what they said of him. Which trick of rendring themselves Invisible, our Witches do in their confessions pretend that they sometimes are Masters of; and it is the more credible, because there is Demonstration that they often render many other things utterly Invisible. VIII. Faltring, Faulty, unconstant, and contrary Answers upon Judicial and deliberate examination, are counted some unlucky symptoms of guilt, in all crimes, Especially in Witch crafts.1 Now there never was a prisoner more Eminent for them, than G. B. both at bis Examination and on his Trial. 'He is quoting John Gaule — the first of his "more certain" signs (Select Cases, pp. 80-81). 222 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 His Tergiversations, Contradictions, and Falsehoods, were very sensible : he had little to say, but that he had heard some things that he could not prove, Reflecting upon the Reputation of some of the witnesses. Only he gave in a paper to the Jury; wherein, altho' he had many times before granted, not only that there are Witches, but also that the present sufferings of the Countrey are the Effect of horrible Witchcrafts, yet he now goes to evince it, That there neither are, nor ever were Witches, that having made a compact with the Divel, Can send a Divel to Torment other people at a distance. This paper was Transcribed out of Ady;1 which the Court pres ently2 knew, as soon as they heard it. But he said, he had taken none of it out of any Book; for which, his evasion after wards was, that a Gentleman gave him the discourse in a manuscript, from whence he Transcribed it. IX. The Jury brought him in guilty : But when he came to Dy, he utterly deny'd the Fact, whereof he had been thus convicted.3 1 Thomas Ady, A Candle in the Dark (London, 1656) — reprinted in 1661 as A Perfect Discovery of Witches. In neither edition are precisely these words to be found; but their substance occurs often. How bold and thoroughgoing a skeptic is Ady, and why Mather counts it answer enough that the passage was taken from his book, may be guessed from his opening sentence in which he gives "The Reason of the Book" : "The Grand Errour of these latter Ages is ascribing power to Witches, and by foolish imagination of mens brains, without grounds in the Scriptures, wrongfull killing of the innocent under the name of Witches." "When one Mr. Burroughs, a Clergyman, who some few years since was hang'd in New-England as a Wizzard, stood upon his Tryal," wrote Dr. Hutchinson in 1718 in the book that was to end the controversy (Historical Essay concerning Witchcraft, p. xv), "he pull'd out of his Pocket a Leaf that he had got of Mr. Ady's Book, to prove that the Scripture Witchcrafts were not like ours : And as that Defence was not able to save him, I humbly offer my Book as an Argument on the Behalf of all such miserable People." 2 "Presently" then meant "at once." 8 For details as to his execution see above, p. 177, and below, pp. 360-361. Before accepting in perfect faith Mather's account of his trial, one should weigh not only the comments of Calef (see pp. 378-380, below) and the severer criti cisms of Upham (Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather) but the extant records (Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 109-128; Mass. Hist Soc., Proceedings, 1860- 1862, pp. 31-37; indictment, Calef, p. 113). 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 223 II. The Tryal of Bridget Bishop,1 alias Oliver, At the Court of Oyer and Terminer Held at Salem, June 2, 1692. I. She was Indicted for Bewitching of several persons in the Neighbourhood, the Indictment being drawn up, accord ing to the Form in such Cases usual. And pleading, Not Guilty, there were brought in several persons, who had long undergone many kinds of Miseries, which were preternaturafly Inflicted, and generally ascribed unto an horrible Witchcraft. There was little Occasion to prove the Witchcraft, it being Evident and Notorious to all Beholders. Now to fix the Witch craft on the Prisoner at the Bar, the first thing used, was the Testimony of the Bewitched; whereof several Testify 'd, That the Shape of the Prisoner did oftentimes very grievously pinch them, choak them, Bite them, and Afflict them; urging them to write their Names in a Book, which the said Spectre called, Ours. One of them did further Testify, that it was the Shape of this Prisoner, with another, which one Day took her from her Wheel, and carrying her to the River side, threatned there to Drown her, if she did not Sign to the Book mentioned: which yet she refused. Others of them did also Testify, that the said Shape did in her Threats brag to them that she had been the Death of sundry persons, then by her Named; that she had Ridden a man then likewise Named. Another Testi- fy'd the Apparition of Ghosts unto the Spectre of Bishop, crying out, You Murdered us! About the Truth whereof, there was in the matter of Fact but too much Suspicion. II. It was Testify'd, That at the Examination of the Prisoner before the Magistrates, the Bewitched were extreamly Tortured. If she did but cast her Eyes on them, they were presently struck down; and this in such a manner as there could be no Collusion in the Business. But upon the Touch of her Hand upon them, when they lay in their Swoons, they would immediately Revive; and not upon the Touch of any ones else. Moreover, upon some Special Actions of her Body, 1 As to Bridget Bishop see also pp. 249, 356, below. She was of Salem Village, where she kept a sort of wayside tavern, but had long lived in the town, and still held property there. She was the first witch to be tried (June 2) and executed (June 10) — perhaps because she had so long been under suspicion. The records of her case are printed in Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 135-172. 224 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 as the shaking of her Head, or the Turning of her Eyes, they presently and painfully fell into the like postures. And many of the like Accidents now fell out, while she was at the Bar. One at the same time testifying, That she said, She could not be Troubled to see the Afflicted thus Tormented. III. There was Testimony likewise brought in, that a man striking once at the place, where a Bewitched person said, the Shape of this Bishop stood, the Bewitched cried out, that he had Tore her Coat, in the place then particularly specif y'd; and the Womans Coat was found to be Tom in that very place. IV. One Deliverance Hobbs, who had Confessed her being a Witch, was now Tormented by the Spectres, for her Confession. And she now Testify'd, That this Bishop tempted her to Sign the Book again, and to Deny what she had Con- fess'd. She affirmed, that it was the Shape of this Prisoner, which whipped her with Iron Rods, to compel her thereunto. And she affirmed, that this Bishop was at a General Meeting of the Witches, in a Field at Salem-Village, and there partook of a Diabolical Sacrament in Bread and Wine then Administred! V. To render it further Unquestionable, that the prisoner at the Bar was the Person truly charged in this Witchcraft, there were produced many Evidences of other Witchcrafts, by her perpetrated. For Instance, John Cook testify'd, that about five or six years ago, One morning, about Sun-Rise, he was in his Chamber assaulted by the Shape of this prisoner: which Look'd on him, grin'd at him, and very much hurt him with a Blow on the side of the Head : and that on the same day, about Noon, the same Shape walked in the Room where he was, and an Apple strangely flew out of his Hand, into the Lap of his Mother, six or eight foot from him. VI. Samuel Gray testify'd, That about fourteen years ago, he wak'd on a Night, and saw the Room where he lay full of Light; and that he then saw plainly a Woman between the Cradle and the Bed-side, which look'd upon him. He Rose, and it vanished; tho' he found the Doors all fast. Look ing out at the Entry-Door, he saw the same Woman, in the same Garb again; and said, In Gods Name, what do you come for? He went to Bed, and had the same Woman again assaulting him. The Child in the Cradle gave a great schreech, and the Woman Disappeared. It was long before the Child 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 225 could be quieted; and tho' it were a very likely thriving Child, yet from this time it pined away, and after divers months dy'd in a sad Condition. He knew not Bishop, nor her Name; but when he saw her after this, he knew by her Countenance, and Apparrel, and all Circumstances, that it was the Appari tion of this Bishop which had thus troubled him. VII. John Bly and his Wife testify'd, that he bought a sow of Edward Bishop, the Husband of the prisoner; and was to pay the price agreed, unto another person. This Prisoner being Angry that she was thus hindred from fingring the money, Quarrell'd with Bly. Soon after which, the Sow was taken with strange Fits, Jumping, Leaping, and knocking her head against the Fence; she seem'd Blind and Deaf, and would neither eat nor be suck'd. Whereupon a neighbour said, she believed the Creature was Over-Looked; and sundry other circumstances concurred, which made the Deponents Belive that Bishop had Bewitched it. VIII. Richard Coman testify'd, that eight years ago, as he lay Awake in his Bed, with a Light Burning in the Room, he was annoy'd with the Apparition of this Bishop, and of two more that were strangers to him, who came and oppressed him so, that he could neither stir himself, nor wake any one else, and that he was the night after molested again in the like manner; the said Bishop taking him by the Throat, and pulling him almost out of the Bed. His kinsman offered for this cause to lodge with him; and that Night, as they were Awake, Discoursing together, this Coman was once more vis ited by the Guests which had formerly been so troublesome; his kinsman being at the same time strook speechless and un able to move Hand or Foot. He had laid his sword by him, which these unhappy spectres did strive much to wrest from him; only he held too fast for them. He then grew able to call the People of his house; but altho' they heard him, yet they had not power to speak or stirr; untfl at last, one of the people crying out, what's the matter? the spectres all vanished. IX. Samuel Shattock testify'd, That in the Year 1680, this Bridget Bishop often came to his house upon such frivo lous and foolish errands, that they suspected she came indeed with a purpose of mischief. Presently whereupon his eldest child, which was of as promising Health and Sense as any 226 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 child of its Age, began to droop exceedingly; and the oftener that Bishop came to the House, the worse grew the Chfld. As the Child would be standing at the Door, he would be thrown and braised against the Stones, by an Invisible Hand, and in like sort knock his Face against the sides of the House, and braise it after a miserable manner. Afterwards this Bishop would bring him things to Dy, whereof he could not Imagine any use; and when she paid him a piece of Money, the Purse and Money were unaccountably conveyed out of a Lock'd box, and never seen more. The Child was immediately here upon taken with terrible fits, whereof his Friends thought he would have dyed : indeed he did almost nothing but cry and Sleep for several Months together; and at length his under standing was utterly taken away. Among other Symptoms of an Inchantment upon him, one was, that there was a Board in the Garden, whereon he would walk; and all the invitations in the world could never fetch him off. About Seventeen or Eighteen years after, there came a Stranger to Shattocks House, who seeing the Child, said, "This poor Child is Be witched; and you have a Neighbour living not far off, who is a Witch." He added, "Your Neighbour has had a falling out with your Wife; and she said in her Heart, your Wife is a proud Woman, and she would bring down her Pride in this Child." He then Remembred, that Bishop had parted from his Wife in muttering and menacing Terms, a httle before the Child was taken HI. The abovesaid Stranger would needs carry the Bewitched Boy with him to Bishops House, on pre tence of buying a pot of Cyder. The Woman Entertained him in furious manner; and flew also upon the Boy, scratching his Face till the Blood came; and saying, "Thou Rogue, what, dost thou bring this Fellow here to plague me?" Now it seems the Man had said, before he went, that he would fetch Blood of her. Ever after the Boy was follow'd with grievous Fits, which the Doctors themselves generally ascribed unto Witchcraft; and wherein he would be thrown still into the Fire or the Water, if he were not constantly look'd after; and it was verily believed that Bishop was the cause of it. X. John Louder testify'd, that upon some little contro versy with Bishop about her fowles, going well to Bed, he did awake in the Night by moonlight, and did see clearly the like- 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 227 ness of this woman grievously oppressing him; in which miser able condition she held him, unable to help him self, till near Day. He told Bishop of this; but she deny'd it, and threatned him very much. Quickly after this, being at home on a Lords day, with the doors shutt about him, he saw a Black Pig ap proach him; at which he going to kick, it vanished away. Immediately after, sitting down, he saw a Black thing Jump in at the Window, and come and stand before him. The Body was like that of a Monkey, the Feet like a Cocks, but the Face much like a mans. He being so extreemly affrighted, that he could not speak, this Monster spoke to him, and said, "I am a Messenger sent unto you, for I understand that you are in some Trouble of Mind, and if you will be ruled by me, you shall want for nothing in this world." Whereupon he endeavoured to clap his hands upon it; but he could feel no substance, and it jumped out of the window again; but immediately came in by the Porch, though the Doors were shut, and said, "You had better take my Counsel!" He then struck at it with a stick, but struck only the Groundsel, and broke the Stick. The Arm with which he struck was presently Disen abled, and it vanished away. He presently went out at the Back-Door, and spyed this Bishop, in her Orchard, going to ward her House; but he had not power to set one foot forward unto her. Whereupon returning into the House, he was im mediately accosted by the Monster he had seen before; which Goblin was now going to Fly at him; whereat he cry'd out, "The whole Armour of God be between me and you!" So it sprang back, and flew over the Apple Tree, shaking many Apples off the Tree, in its flying over. At its Leap, it flung Dirt with its Feet against the Stomach of the Man; whereon he was then struck Dumb, and so continued for three Days together. Upon the producing of this Testimony, Bishop deny'd that she knew this Deponent : yet their two Orchards joined, and they had often had their Little Quarrels for some years together. XL William Stacy Testifyed, That receiving Money of this Bishop, for work done by him, he was gone but a matter of Three Rods from her, and looking for his money, found it unaccountably gone from him. Some time after, Bishop asked him, whether his Father would grind her grist for her? He 228 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 demanded why? she Reply 'd, "Because Folks count me a Witch." He answered, "No Question, but he wfll grind it for you." Being then gone about six Rods from her, with a small Load in his Cart, suddenly the Off-wheel slump 't and sunk down into an Hole upon plain ground, so that the De ponent was forced to get help for the Recovering of the wheel. But stepping Back to look for the Hole which might give him this disaster, there was none at all to be found. Some time after, he was waked in the Night; but it seem'd as Light as Day, and he perfectly saw the shape of this Bishop in the Room, Troubling of him; but upon her going out, all was Dark again. He charg'd Bishop afterwards with it, and she deny'd it not; but was very angry. Quickly after, this Deponent having been threatned by Bishop, as he was in a dark Night going to the Barn, he was very suddenly taken or lifted from the ground, and thrown against a stone wall; After that, he was again hoisted up and thrown down a Bank, at the end of bis House. After this again, passing by this Bishop, his Horse with a small load, striving to Draw, all bis Gears flew to pieces, and the Cart fell down; and this deponent going then to lift a Bag of corn, of about two Bushels, could not budge it with all his might. Many other pranks of this Bishops this Deponent was Ready to testify. He also testify'd, that he verily Believed, the said Bishop was the Instrument of his Daughter Priscilla's Death; of which suspicion, pregnant Reasons were assigned. XII. To Crown all, John Bly and William Bly Testify'd, That being Employ'd by Bridget Bishop, to help take down the Cellar-wall of the old House, wherein she for merly Lived, they did in Holes of the said old Wall find several Poppets,1 made up of Rags and Hogs Brussels, with Headless Pins in them, the Points being outward. Whereof she could give no Account unto the Court, that was Reasonable or Tolerable. XIII. One thing that made against the Prisoner was, her being evidently convicted of Gross Lying in the Court, several Times, while she was making her Plea. But besides this, a ' Supposed, of course, by her accusers to be such "images" as witches were alleged to make of their victims, for the sake of torturing them by proxy. (See above, p. 163, note 1, p. 219, and below, p. 440, note 1.) 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 229 Jury of Women found a preternatural Teat upon her Body;1 but upon a second search, within Three or four hours, there was no such thing to be seen. There was also an account of other people whom this woman had afflicted. And there might have been many more, if they had been enquired for. But there was no need of them. XIV. There was one very strange thing more, with which the Court was newly Entertained. As this Woman was, under a Guard, passing by the Great and Spacious Meeting-House of Salem, she gave a Look towards the House. And immedi ately a Daemon Invisibly Entring the Meeting-house, Tore down a part of it; so that tho' there were no person to be seen there, yet the people at the Noise running in, found a Board, which was strongly fastned with several Nails, transported unto another quarter of the House. III. The Tryal of Susanna Martin2 At the Court of Oyer and Terminer, Held by Adjournment at Salem, June 29, 1692. I. Susanna Martin, pleading Not Guilty to the Indict ment of Witchcraft brought in against her, there were pro duced the evidences of many persons very sensibly and griev ously Bewitched; who all complaned of the prisoner at the Bar, as the person whom they Believed the cause of their Miseries. And now, as well as in the other Trials, there was an extraordinary endeavour by Witchcrafts, with Cruel and Frequent Fits, to hinder the poor sufferers from giving in their complaints; which the Court was forced with much patience to obtain, by much waiting and watching for it. II. There was now also an Account given, of what passed at her first examination before the Magistrates. The cast of her eye then striking the Afflicted People to the ground, whether they saw that Cast or no; there were these among other passages between the Magistrates and the Examinate. Magistrate. Pray, what ails these People? Martin. I don't know. 1 See below, p. 436, and note 1. 2 Of Amesbury. She too had been long accused. For the trial records see Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 193-233. She was executed on July 19. 230 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Magistrate. But what do you think ails them? Martin. I don't desire to spend my Judgment upon it. Magistrate. Don't you think they are Bewitch'd? Martin. No, I do not think they are. Magistrate. Tell us your thoughts about them then. Martin. No, my thoughts are my own when they are in, but when they are out, they are anothers. Their Master Magistrate. Their Master? who do you think is then- Master? Martin. If they be dealing in the Black Art, you may know as well as I. Magistrate. Well, what have you done towards this? Martin. Nothing at all. Magistrate. Why, tis you or your Appearance. Martin. I cannot help it. Magistrate. Is it not Your Master? How comes your Appearance to hurt these? Martin. How do I know? He that appeared in the shape of Samuel, a Glorify'd Saint, may Appear in any ones shape. It was then also noted in her, as in others like her, that if the Afflicted went to approach her, they were flung down to the Ground. And, when she was asked the Reason of it, she said, "I cannot tell; it may be, the Devil bears me more Malice than another." III. The Court accounted themselves Alarum'd by these things, to Enquire further into the Conversation of the Pris oner; and see what there might occur, to render these Accusa tions further credible. Whereupon, John Allen, of Salisbury, testify'd, That he refusing, because of the weakness of his Oxen, to Cart some Staves, at the request of this Martin, she was displeased at it; and said, "It had been as good that he had; for his Oxen should never do him much more Service." Whereupon this Deponent said, "Dost thou threaten me, thou old Witch? I'l throw thee into the Brook" : Which to avoid, she flew over the Bridge, and escaped. But, as he was going home, one of his Oxen Tired, so that he was forced to Unyoke him, that he might get him home. He then put his Oxen, with many more, upon Salisbury Beach, where Cattle did use to get Flesh. In a few days, all the Oxen upon the Beach were found by their Tracks, to have run unto the mouth of 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 231 Merrimack-River, and not returned; but the next day they were found come ashore upon Plum-Island. They that sought them used all imaginable gentleness, but they would still run away with a violence that seemed wholly Diabolical, till they came near the mouth of Merrimack-River; when they ran right into the Sea, swimming as far as they could be seen. One of them then swam back again, with a swiftness amazing to the Beholders, who stood ready to receive him, and help up his Tired Carcass : But the Beast ran furiously up into the Island, and from thence, through the Marishes, up into New bury Town, and so up into the Woods; and there after a while found near Amesbury. So that, of Fourteen good Oxen, there was only this saved : the rest were all cast up, some in one place, and some in another, Drowned. IV. John Atkinson Testify'd, That he Exchanged a Cow with a Son of Susanna Martins, whereat she muttered, and was unwilling he should have it. Going to Receive this Cow, tho' he Hamstring'd her, and Halter'd her, she of a Tame Creature grew so mad, that they could scarce get her along. She broke all the Ropes that were fastned unto her, and though she were Ty'd fast unto a Tree, yet she made her Escape, and gave them such further Trouble, as they could ascribe to no cause but Witchcraft. V. Bernard Peache testify'd, That being in Bed on a Lords-day Night, he heard a scrabbling at the Window, whereat he then saw Susanna Martin come in, and jump down upon the Floor. She took hold of this Deponents Feet, and drawing his Body up into an Heap, she lay upon him near Two Hours; in all which time he could neither speak nor stirr. At length, when he could begin to move, he laid hold on her Hand, and pulling it up to his mouth, he bit three of her Fingers, as he judged, unto the Bone. Whereupon she went from the Cham ber, down the Stairs, out at the Door. This Deponent there upon called unto the people of the House, to advise them of what passed; and he himself did follow her. The people saw her not; but there being a Bucket at the Left-hand of the Door, there was a drop of Blood found on it; and several more drops of Blood upon the Snow newly fallen abroad. There was likewise the print of her two Feet just without the Thresh old; but no more sign of any Footing further off. 232 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 At another time this Deponent was desired by the Prisoner, to come unto an Husking of Corn, at her House; and she said, If he did not come, it were better that he did! He went not; but the Night following, Susanna Martin, as he judged, and another came towards him. One of them said, "Here he is!" but he having a Quarter-staff, made a Blow at them. The Roof of the Bam broke his Blow; but following them to the Window, he made another Blow at them, and struck them down; yet they got up, and got out, and he saw no more of them. About this time, there was a Rumour about the Town, that Martin had a Broken Head; but the Deponent could say nothing to that. The said Peache also testify'd the Bewitching of Cattle to Death, upon Martin's Discontents. VI. Robert Downer testifyed, That this Prisoner being some years ago prosecuted at Court for a Witch,1 he then said unto her, He believed she was a Witch. Whereat she being dissatisfied, said, That some Shee-Devil would Shortly fetch him away! Which words were heard by others, as well as himself. The Night following, as he lay in his Bed, there came in at the Window the likeness of a Cat, which Flew upon him, took fast hold of his Throat, lay on him a considerable while, and almost killed him. At length he remembred what Susanna Martin had threatned the Day before; and with much striving he cryed out, "Avoid, thou Shee-Devil! In the Name of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, Avoid!" Whereupon it left him, leap'd on the Floor, and Flew out at the Window. And there also came in several Testimonies, that before ever Downer spoke a word of this Accident, Susanna Martin and her Family had related, How this Downer had been Handled! VII. John Kembal testifyed, that Susanna Martin, upon a Causeless Disgust, had threatned him, about a certain Cow of his, That she should never do him any more Good : and it ' In 1669. She was then bound over to the Superior Court, but was dis charged without trial. (Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, II., ch. I., as published from an earlier draft, with notes by W. F. Poole, in iV. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXIV.) 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 233 came to pass accordingly. For soon after the Cow was found stark Dead on the dry Ground, without any Distemper to be discerned upon her. Upon which he was followed with a strange Death upon more of his Cattle, whereof he lost in One Spring to the value of Thirty Pounds. But the said John Kembal had a further Testimony to give in against the Pris oner which was truly admirable. Being desirous to furnish himself with a Dog, he applied himself to buy one of this Martin, who had a Bitch with Whelps in her House. But she not letting him have his Choice, he said, he would supply himself then at one Blezdels. Having mark'd a puppy which he lik'd at Blezdels, he met George Martin, the Husband of the prisoner, going by, who asked him, Whether he would not have one of his Wives Puppies? and he answered, No. The same Day, one Edmund Eliot, being at Martins House, heard George Martin relate, where this Kembal had been, and what he had said. Whereupon Susanna Martin replyed, "If I live, I'll give him Puppies enough!" Within a few Dayes after, this Kembal coming out of the Woods, there arose a little Black Cloud in the N.W. and Kembal immediately felt a Force upon him, which made him not able to avoid running upon the stumps of Trees, that were before him, albeit he had a broad, plain Cart way, before him; but tho' he had his Ax also on his Shoulder to endanger him in his Falls, he could not forbear going out of his way to tumble over them. When he came below the Meeting-House, there appeared unto him a little thing like a Puppy, of a Dark ish Colour; and it shot backwards and forwards between his Legs. He had the Courage to use all possible Endeavours of Cutting it with his Ax; but he could not Hit it; the Puppy gave a jump from him, and went, as to him it seem'd, into the Ground. Going a little further, there appeared unto him a Black Puppy, somewhat bigger than the first, but as Black as a Cole. Its motions were quicker than those of bis Ax; it Flew at his Belly, and away; then at his Throat; so, over his Shoulder one way, and then over his Shoulder another way. His heart now began to fail him, and he thought the Dog would have Tore his Throat out. But he recovered himself, and called upon God in his Distress; and Naming the Name of Jesus Christ, it Vanished away at once. The Deponent Spoke 234 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 not one Word of these Accidents, for fear of affrighting his wife. But the next Morning, Edmond Eliot going into Mar tins House, this woman asked him where Kembal was? He Replyed, At home, a bed, for ought he knew. She returned, "They say, he was frighted last Night." Efiot asked, "With what?" She answered, "With Puppies." Eliot asked, Where she heard of it, for he had heard nothing of it? She rejoined, "About the Town." Altho' Kembal had mentioned the Matter to no Creature Living. VIII. William Brown testify'd, that Heaven having blessed him with a most Pious and prudent wife, this wife of his one day mett with Susanna Martin; but when she ap- proch'd just unto her, Martin vanished out of sight, and left her extremely affrighted. After which time, the said Martin often appear'd unto her, giving her no little trouble; and when she did come, she was visited with Birds that sorely peck't and Prick'd her; and sometimes a Bunch, like a pullets egg, would Rise in her throat, ready to Choak her, till she cry'd out, " Witch, you shan't choak me ! " While this good Woman was in this Extremity, the Church appointed a Day of Prayer, on her behalf; whereupon her Trouble ceas'd; she saw not Martin as formerly; and the Church, instead of their Fast, gave Thanks for her Deliverance. But a considerable while after, she being Summoned to give in some Evidence at the Court, against this Martin, quickly thereupon this Martin came behind her, while she was rnflking her Cow, and said unto her, "For thy defaming me at Court, I'l make thee the miserablest Creature in the World." Soon after which, she fell into a strange kind of Distemper, and became horribly Frantick, and uncapable of any Reasonable Action; the Physicians declaring, that her Distemper was preternatural, and that some Devil had certainly Bewitched her; and in that Condition she now remained. IX. Sarah Atkinson testify'd, That Susanna Martin came from Amesbury to their House at Newbury, in an extraordinary Season, when it was not fit for any one to Travel. She came (as she said unto Atkinson) all that long way on Foot. She brag'd and show'd how dry she was; nor could it be perceived that so much as the Soles of her Shoes were wet. Atkinson was amazed at it; and professed, that she should her self have 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 235 been wet up to the knees, if she had then came so far; but Martin reply' d, She scorn'd to be Drabbled! It was noted, that this Testimony upon her Trial cast her in a very singular Confusion. X. John Pressy testify'd, That being one Evening very unaccountably Bewfldred, near a field of Martins, and several times, as one under an Enchantment, returning to the place he had left, at length he saw a marvellous Light, about the Bigness of an Half-Bushel, near two Rod out of the way. He went, and struck at it with a Stick, and laid it on with all his might. He gave it near forty blows; and felt it a palpable substance. But going from it, his Heels were struck up, and he was laid with his Back on the Ground, Sliding, as he thought, into a Pit; from whence he recover'd, by taking hold on the Bush; altho' afterwards he could find no such Pit in the place. Having, after his Recovery, gone five or six Rod, he saw Su sanna Martin standing on his Left-hand, as the Light had done before; but they changed no words with one another. He could scarce find his House in his Return; but at length he got home, extreamly affrighted. The next day, it was upon Enquiry understood, that Martin was in a miserable condi tion by pains and hurts that were upon her. It was further testify'd by this Deponent, That after he had given in some Evidence against Susanna Martin, many years ago, she gave him foul words about it ; and said, He should never prosper more; particularly, That he should never have more than two Cows; that tho' he were never so likely to have more, yet he should never have them. And that from that very Day to this, namely for Twenty Years together, he could never exceed that Number; but some strange thing or other still prevented his having of any more. XL Jervis Ring testifyed, that about seven years ago, he was oftentimes and grievously Oppressed in the Night, but saw not who Troubled him, untfl at last he, Lying per fectly Awake, plainly saw Susanna Martin approach him. She came to him, and forceably Bit him by the Finger; so that the Print of the Bite is now so long after to be seen upon him. XII. But besides all of these Evidences, there was a most wonderful Account of one Joseph Ring, produced on this Occasion. 236 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 This man has been strangely carried about by Daemons, from one Witch-Meeting to another, for near two years to gether; and for one Quarter of this Time, they have made him and kept him Dumb, tho' he is now again able to speak/ There was one T. H.1 who having, as tis judged, a Design of engaging this Joseph Ring in a Snare of Devfllism, contrived a wile, to bring this Ring two Shillings in Debt unto him. Afterwards, this poor man would be visited with unknown shapes, and this T. H. sometimes among them; which would force him away with them, unto unknown Places, where he saw meetings, Feastings, Dancings; and after his Return, wherein they hurried him along thro' the Air, he gave Demon strations to the Neighbours, that he had indeed been so trans ported. When he was brought unto these Hellish meetings, one of the First things they still 2 did unto him, was to give him a knock on the Back, whereupon he was ever as if Bound with Chains, uncapable of Stirring out of the place, till they should Release him. He related, that there often came to him a man, who presented him a Book, whereto he would have him set his Hand; promising to him, that he should then have even what he would; and presenting him with all the Delecta ble Things, persons, and places, that he could imagine. But he refusing to subscribe, the business would end with dreadful Shapes, Noises and Screeches, which almost scared him out of his witts. Once with the Book, there was a Pen offered him, and an Inkhorn with Liquor in it, that seemed like Blood: but he never toucht it. This man did now affirm, that he saw the Prisoner at several of those Hellish Randezvouzes. Note, This Woman was one of the most Impudent, Scur rilous, wicked creatures in the world; and she did now through out her whole Trial discover herself to be such an one. Yet when she was asked, what she had to say for her self? her Cheef Plea was, That she had Led a most virtuous and Holy Life! ' Thomas Hardy, of Great Island, near Portsmouth. See Records, I. 216. 2 Always. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 237 IV. The Trial of Elizabeth How,1 at the Court of Oyer and Terminer, Held by Adjournment at Salem, June 30, 1692. I. Elizabeth How pleading Not Guilty to the Indictment of Witchcrafts, then charged upon her, the Court, according to the usual proceeding of the Courts in England, in such Cases, began with hearing the Depositions of Several Afflicted People, who were grievously Tortured by sensible and evident Witch crafts, and all complained of the Prisoner, as the cause of their Trouble. It was also found that the Sufferers were not able to bear her Look, as likewise, that in their greatest Swoons, they distinguished her Touch from other peoples, being thereby raised out of them. And there was other Testimony of people to whom the shape of this How gave trouble Nine or Ten years ago. II. It has been a most usual thing for the Bewitched per sons, at the same time that the Spectres representing the Witches Troubled them, to be visited with Apparitions of Ghosts, pretending to have bin Murdered by the Witches then represented. And sometimes the confessions of the witches afterwards acknowledged those very Murders, which these Apparitions charged upon them; altho' they had never heard what Informations had been given by the Sufferers. There were such Apparitions of Ghosts testified by some of the present Sufferers, and the Ghosts affirmed that this How had Murdered them : which things were Fear'd but not prov'd. III. This How had made some Attempts of Joyning to the Church, at Ipswich, several years ago; but she was deny'd an Admission into that Holy Society, partly through a sus picion of witchcraft, then urged against her. And there now came in Testimony, of Preternatural Mischiefs, presently be falling some that had been Instrumental to Debar her from the Communion, whereupon she was Intruding. ' Of Ipswich. For the touching story of her trial and of the loyalty of her blind husband and her daughters, see especially Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 216-223, and, in the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society, XIII. (1908), the study on "Topsfield in the Witchcraft Delusion," by Mrs. Towne and Miss Clark. In the same volume (pp. 107-126) Mr. G. F. Dow has published the records of her case more completely than has Woodward in Records of Salem Witchcraft (II. 69-94). She was executed on July 19. 238 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 IV. There was a particular Deposition of Joseph Safford, That his Wife had conceived an extream Aversion to this How, on the Reports of her Witchcrafts : but How one day, taking her by the hand, and saying, "I believe you are not Ignorant of the great Scandal that I ly under, by an evil Report Raised upon me," She immediately, unreasonably, and unperswade- ably, even like one Enchanted, began to take this Womans part. How being soon after propounded, as desiring an Ad mission to the Table of the Lord, some of the pious Brethren were unsatisfy'd about her> The Elders appointed a Meeting to hear Matters objected against her; and no Arguments in the world could hinder this Goodwife Safford from going to the Lecture. She did indeed promise, with much ado, that she would not go to the Church-Meeting, yet she could not refrain going thither also. How's Affayrs there were so Canvased, that she came off rather Guilty than Cleared; never theless Goodwife Safford could not forbear taking her by the Hand, and saying, "Tho' you are Condemned before men, you are Justify'd before God." She was quickly taken in a very strange manner, Frantick, Raving, Raging and Crying out, " Goody How must come into the Church; she is a precious Saint; and tho' she be Condemned before Men, she is Justi fy'd before God." So she continued for the space of two or three Hours; and then fell into a Trance. But coming to her self, she cry'd out, "Ha! I was mistaken"; and afterwards again repeated, "Ha! I was mistaken!" Being asked by a stander by, "Wherein?" She replyed, "I thought Goody How had been a Precious Saint of God, but now I see she is a Witch. She has Bewitched me, and my Chfld, and we shall never be well, till there be Testimony for her, that she may be taken into the Church." And How said afterwards, that she was very Sorry to see Safford at the Church-Meeting mentioned. Safford after this declared herself to be afflicted by the Shape of How; and from that Shape she endured many Miseries. V. John How, Brother to the" Husband of the prisoner testifyed, that he refusing to accompany the prisoner unto her Examination, as was by her desired, immediately some of his Cattle were Bewitched to Death, Leaping three or four foot high, turning about, Squeaking, Falling, and Dying, at once; and going to cut off an Ear, for an use that might as well per- 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 239 haps have been Omitted,1 the Hand wherein he held his knife was taken very Numb, and so it remained, and full of Pain, for several Dayes; being not well at this very Time. And he suspected this prisoner for the Author of it. VI. Nehemiah Abbot testify'd, that unusual and mis chievous Accidents would befal his cattle, whenever he had any Difference with this Prisoner. Once, Particularly, she wished his Oxe Choaked; and within a Little while that Oxe was Choaked with a Turnip in his Throat. At another time, refusing to lend his horse, at the Request of her Daughter, the horse was in a Preternatural manner abused. And several other Odd Things of that kind were testify'd. VII. There came in Testimony, that one goodwife Sher- win, upon some Difference with How, was Bewitched, and that she Dy'd, Charging this How of having an Hand in her Death. And that other People had their Barrels of Drink unaccount ably mischieved, spoilt, and spilt, upon their Displeasing of her. The things in themselves were Trivial; but there being such a Course of them, it made them the more to be con sidered. Among others, Martha Wood gave her Testimony, that a Little after her Father had been employ'd in gathering an Account of Howes Conversation, they once and again Lost Great Quantities of Drink out of their Vessels, in such a man ner, as they could ascribe to nothing but Witchcraft. As also, that How giving her some Apples, when she had eaten of them she was taken with a very strange kind of a maze, insomuch that she knew not what she said or did. VIII. There was Likewise a cluster of Depositions, that one Isaac Cummings refusing to lend his Mare unto the Hus band of this How, the mare was within a Day or two taken in a strange condition. The Beast seemed much Abused; being 1 What this purpose may have been does not appear in the evidence: John How testifies merely that a neighbor who had laughed at him for thinking the sow bewitched told him to cut off her ear, "the which I did." It was doubtless to burn it, as a means to detect the witch. So, Perkins and Gaule say, in England it was a practice to burn the thing bewitched; and so at New Haven, in 1657, Thomas Mullener cut off the tail and ear of a pig and threw them into the fire to find out the witch (Records of the Colony of New Haven, II. 224). The belief was that the person who then first came to the fire was the witch (see below, p. 411). 240 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Braised, as if she had been Running over the Rocks, and marked where the Bridle went, as if burnt with a Red hot Bridle. Moreover, one using a Pipe of Tobacco for the Cure of the Beast, a blew Flame issued out of her, took hold of her Hair, and not only Spread and Burnt on her, but it also flew upwards towards the Roof of the Barn, and had like to have set the Barn on Fire. And the Mare dy'd very suddenly. IX. Timothy Perley and his Wife Testify'd, not only that unaccountable Mischiefs befel their Cattle, upon their having of Differences with this Prisoner: but also, that they had a Daughter destroy'd by Witchcrafts; which Daughter still charged How as the cause of her Affliction; and it was noted, that she would be struck down, whenever How were spoken of. She was often endeavoured to be Thrown into the Fire, and into the Water, in her strange Fits : tho' her Father had Corrected her for Charging How with Bewitching her, yet (as was testify'd by others also) she said, she was sure of it, and must dy standing to it. Accordingly she Charged How to the very Death; and said, Tho' How could Afflict and Tor ment her Body, yet she could not Hurt her Soul : and, That the Truth of this matter would appear, when she should be Dead and Gone. X. Francis Lane testify'd, That being hired by the Hus band of this How to get him a parcel of Posts and Rails, this Lane hired John Pearly to assist him. This Prisoner then told Lane, that she believed the Posts and Rails would not do, be cause John Perley helped him; but that if he had got them alone, without John Pearlies help, they might have done well enough. When James How came to receive his Posts and Rails of Lane, How taking them up by the ends, they, tho' good and sound, yet unaccountably broke off, so that Lane was forced to get Thirty or Forty more. And this Prisoner being informed of it, she said, she told him so before; because Pearly help'd about them. XI. Afterwards there came in the Confessions of several other (penitent) Witches, which affirmed this How to be one of those, who with them had been baptized by the Devil in the River at Newbery-Falls : before which, he made them there kneel down by the Brink of the River and Worship him. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 241 V. The Trial of Martha Carrier,1 at the Court of Oyer and Ter miner, Held by Adjournment at Salem, August 2, 1692. I. Martha Carrier was Indicted for the Bewitching of certain Persons, according to the Form usual in such Cases, Pleading Not Guilty, to her Indictment, there were First brought in a considerable number of the Bewitched Persons; who not only made the Court sensible of an horrid Witchcraft committed upon them, but also deposed, That it was Martha Carrier, or her Shape, that Grievously Tormented them, by Biting, Pricking, Pinchmg, and Choaking of them. It was further deposed, that while this Carrier was on her Examina tion, before the Magistrates, the Poor People were so Tortured that every one expected their Death upon the very Spott; but that upon the binding of Carrier they were eased. More over the Look of Carrier then laid the Afflicted People for Dead; and her Touch, if her Eye at the same Time were off them, raised them again. Which things were also now seen upon her Trial. And it was Testifyed, that upon the mention of some having their Necks twisted almost round, by the Shape of this Carrier, she replyed, "Its no matter, tho' their Necks had been twisted quite off." II. Before the Trial of this prisoner, several of her own Children had frankly and fully confessed, not only that they were Witches themselves, but that this their Mother had made them so. This Confession they made with great shows of Repentance, and with much Demonstration of Truth. They Related Place, Time, Occasion; they gave an account of Jour- neyes, Meetings, and Mischiefs by them performed; and were very credible in what they said. Nevertheless, this Evidence was not produced against the Prisoner at the Bar, inasmuch as there was other Evidence enough to proceed upon. III. Benjamin Abbot gave in his Testimony, that last March was a twelve month, this Carrier was very Angry with ' Of Andover. She was executed, like Burroughs, on August 19, the day when Mather himself was present and said "all died by a righteous sentence" (Sewall, Diary, I. 363). "All of them," says Judge Sewall, "said they were inno cent, Carrier and all." Important for her case are, beside the Records of Salem Witchcraft (II. 54-68, 198-199), the documents preserved by Hutchinson (Massa- 242 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 him, upon laying out some Land, near her Husbands: Her Expressions in this Anger, were, That she would stick as close' to Abbot, as the Bark stuck to the Tree, and that he should Repent of it afore seven years came to an end, so as Doctor Prescot should never cure him. These words were heard by others, besides Abbot himself; who also heard her say, She would hold his Nose as close to the Grindstone, as ever it was held since his Name was Abbot. Presently after this, he was taken with a swelling in his Foot, and then with a pain in his side, and exceedingly Tormented. It bred into a sore, which was Lanced by Doctor Prescot, and several Gallons of Corrup tion ran out of it. For six weeks it continued very bad; and then another sore bred in his Groin, which was also Lanc'd by Doctor Prescot. Another Sore then bred in his Groin, which was likewise Cut, and put him to very great Misery. He was brought unto Deaths Door, and so remained until Carrier was taken, and carried away by the Constable; from which very day, he began to mend, and so grew better every day, and is well ever since. Sarah Abbot also, his Wife, testify'd, that her Husband was not only all this while Afflicted in his Body, but also that strange, extraordinary and unaccountable Calamities befel his Cattel; their Death being such as they could guess at no Natural Reason for. IV. Allin Toothaker testify'd, That Richard, the Son of Martha Carrier, having some Difference with him, pull'd him down by the Hair of the Head. When he Rose again, he was going to strike at Richard Carrier; but fell down flat on his Back to the ground, and had not power to stir hand or foot, untfl he told Carrier he yielded; and then he saw the Shape of Martha Carrier go off his Breast. This Toothaker had Received a Wound in the Wars; and he now testify'd, that Martha Carrier told him, He should never be Cured. Just afore the Apprehending of Carrier, he could thrust a knitting Needle into his Wound, four Inches chusetts, II., ch. I., and the draft edited by Poole in N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXIV.). They are reprinted in Abbot's History of Andover (Andover, 1829), and Mrs. Bailey, in her Historical Sketches of Andover (Boston, 1880) has added others and told the story in detail (pp. 194-237). On Goodwife Carrier and her Andover neighbors see also pp. 180-182, 363, 371-375. 418-421. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 243 Deep; but presently after her being Siezed, he was thoroughly Healed. He further testify'd, That when Carrier and he sometimes were at variance, she would clap her hands at him, and say, He should get nothing by it; Whereupon he several times lost his Cattle, by strange Deaths, whereof no Natural Causes could be given. V. John Rogger also testifyed, That upon the threatnifig words of this malicious Carrier, his Cattle would be strangely Bewitched; as was more particularly then described. VI. Samuel Preston testify'd, that about two years ago, having some Difference with Martha Carrier, he lost a Cow in a strange Preternatural unusual manner; and about a month after this, the said Carrier, having again some Difference with him, she told him, He had lately lost a Cow, and it should not be long before he Lost another! which accord ingly came to Pass; for he had a Thriving and well-kept Cow, which without any known cause quickly fell down and Dy'd. VII. Phebe Chandler testify'd, that about a Fortnight before the apprehension of Martha Carrier, on a Lords-Day, while the Psalm was singing, in the Church, this Carrier then took her by the shoulder and shaking her, asked her, where she Lived? she made her no Answer, although as Carrier, who lived next door to her Fathers House, could not in reason but know who she was. Quickly after this, as she was at several times crossing the Fields, she heard a voice, that she took to be Martha Carriers, and it seem'd as if it was over her Head. The voice told her, she should within two or three days be Poisoned. Accordingly, within such a Little time, One Half of her Right Hand became greatly swollen, and very painful; as also part of her Face; whereof she can give no account how it came. It continued very Bad for some dayes; and several times since, she has had a great pain in her Breast; and been so siezed on her Legs, that she has hardly been able to go. She added that lately, going well to the House of God, Richard, the Son of Martha Carrier, Look'd very earnestly upon her, and immediately her hand, which had formerly been poisoned, as is abovesaid, began to pain her greatley, and she had a strange Burning at her stomach; but was then struck deaf, 244 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 so that she could not hear any of the prayer, or singing, till the two or three last words of the Psalme. VIII. One Foster, who confessed her own Share in the Witchcraft for which the Prisoner stood indicted, affirm'd, That she had seen the Prisoner at some of their Witch-Meetings, and that it was this Carrier, who perswaded her to be a Witch. She confessed, That the Devil carry'd them on a Pole, to a Witch-Meeting; but the Pole broke, and she hanging about Carriers Neck, they both fell down, and she then Received an Hurt by the Fall, whereof she was not at this very time Re covered. IX. One Lacy, who likewise confessed her share in this Witchcraft, now Testify'd, That she and the Prisoner were once Bodily present at a Witch-meeting in Salem-Vfllage; and that she knew the Prisoner to be a Witch, and to have been at a Diabolical Sacrament, and that the Prisoner was the un doing of her and her Children, by Enticing them into the Snare of the Devil. X. Another Lacy, who also Confessed her share in this Witchcraft, now Testify'd, That the Prisoner was at the Witch- Meeting, in Salem Village, where they had Bread and Wine Administred unto them. XI. In the Time of this Prisoner's Trial, one Susanna Shelden in open Court had her Hands Unaccountably Ty'd together with a Wheel-band, so fast that without Cutting it could not be Loosed: It was done by a Spectre; and the Sufferer affirm'd, it was the Prisoners. Memorandum. This Rampant Hag, Martha Carrier, was the Person, of whom the Confessions of the Witches, and of her own Children among the rest, agreed, That the Devil had promised her, she should be Queen of Hell. Having thus far done the Service imposed upon me, I will further pursue it, by relating a few of those Matchless Curi osities, with which the Witchcraft now upon us has entertained us. And I shall Report nothing but with Good Authority, and what I would Invite all my Readers to examine, while tis yet Fresh and New, that if there be found any mistake, it may be as willingly Retracted, as it was unwillingly Committed. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 245 The First Curiositie. I. Tis very Remarkable to see what an Impious and Im pudent Imitation of Divine Things is Apishly affected by the Devil, in several of those matters, whereof the Confessions of our Witches and the Afflictions of our Sufferers have informed us. That Reverend and Excellent Person, Mr. John Higginson,1 in My Conversation with him, Once invited me to this Reflec tion; That the Indians which came from far to settle about Mexico, were in their Progress to that Settlement, under a Conduct of the Devil, very strangely Emulating what the Blessed God gave to Israel in the Wilderness. Acosta2 is our Author for it, that the Devfl in their Idol Vitzlipultzli governed that mighty Nation. He com manded them to leave their Country, promising to make them Lords over all the Provinces possessed by Six other Nations of Indians, and give them a Land abounding with all precious things. They went forth, carrying their Idol with them, in a Coffer of Reeds, sup ported by Four of their Principal Priests; with whom he still Disr coursed, in secret, Revealing to them the Successes, and Accidents of their way. He advised them, when to March, and where to Stay, and without his Commandment they moved not. The first thing they did, wherever they came, was to Erect a Tabernacle, for their False God; which they set always in the midst of their Camp, and there placed the Ark upon an Altar. When they, Tired with pains, talked of proceeding no further in their Journey, than a certain pleasant Stage, whereto they were arrived, this Devil in one night horribly kill'd them that had started this Talk, by pulling out their Hearts. And so they passed on, till they came to Mexico. The Devil which then thus imitated what was in the Church of the Old Testament, now among Us would Imitate the Affayrs 'Senior minister at Salem Town. See also p. 248, note 2, and pp. 398, 399-402. 2 It is the Spanish Jesuit, Joseph Acosta, who in his Natural and Moral His tory of the Indies (bk. VII., ch. 4) relates this. Mather seems to have used the English version of Grimston (London, 1604), paraphrasing and abridging after a free fashion and inserting from the following chapter what is in hi3 last two sentences. 246 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 of the Church in the New. The Witches do say, that they form themselves much after the manner of Congregational Churches; and that they have a Baptism and a Supper, and Officers among them, abominably Resembling those of our Lord. But there are many more of these Bloody Imitations, if the Confessions of the Witches are to be Received; which I confess, ought to be but with very much of Caution. What is their striking down with a fierce Look? What is their making of the Afflicted Rise, with a touch of their Hand? What is their Transportation thro' the Air? What is their Travelling in Spirit, while their Body is cast into a Trance? What is their causing of Cattle to ran mad and perish? What is their Entring their Names in a Book? What is their coming together from all parts, at the Sound of a Trumpet? What is their Appearing sometimes Cloathed with Light or Fire upon them? What is their Covering of themselves and their In struments with Invisibility? But a Blasphemous Imitation of certain Things recorded about our Saviour, or His Prophets, or the Saints in the Kingdom of God. A Second Curiositie. II. In all the Witchcraft which now Grievously Vexes us, I know not whether any thing be more Unaccountable, than the Trick which the Witches have, to render themselves and their Tools Invisible. Witchcraft seems to be the Skill of Applying the Plastic Spirit of the World1 unto some unlawful purposes, by means of a Confederacy with Evil Spirits. Yet one would wonder how the Evil Spirits themselves can do some things : especially at Invisibflizing of the Grossest Bodies. I. can tell the Name of an Ancient Author, who pretends to show the way, how a man may come to walk about Invisible, and I can tell the Name of another Ancient Author, who pre tends to Explode that way. But I will not speak too plainly, Lest I should unawares Poison some of my Readers, as the 'This phrase shows the influence of Ralph Cudworth (see his Intellectual System, bk. I., ch. III., § 37) and through him of Cambridge Platonism — whose demonology (e. g., Cudworth, bk. I., ch. V., at end) must also be remembered here. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 247 Pious Hemingius did one of his Pupils, when he only by way of Diversion recited a Spell, which, they had said, would cure Agues.1 This much I wfll say; The notion of procuring In visibility, by any Natural Expedient yet known, is, I Believe, a meer Plinyism; How far it may be obtained by a Magical Sacrament, is best known to the Dangerous Knaves that have Try'd it. But our Witches do seem to have got the Knack : and this is one of the Things, that make me flunk, Witchcraft will not be fully understood, untfl the Day when there shall not be one Witch in the World. There are certain people very Dogmatical about these matters; but I'l give them only these Three Bones to Pick. First, One of our Bewitched people was cruelly assaulted by a Spectre, that, she said, ran at her with a Spindle : tho' no body else in the Room, could see either the Spectre or the Spindle. At last, in her miseries, giving a Snatch at the Spec tre, she pull'd the Spindle away; and it was no sooner got into her hand, but the other people then present beheld, that it was indeed a Real, Proper, Iron Spindle, belonging they knew to whom; which when they Lock'd up very safe, it was nevertheless by Daemons unaccountably stole away, to do further mischief. Secondly, Another of our Bewitched People was haunted with a most abusive Spectre, which came to her, she said, with a Sheet about her. After she had undergone a deal of Teaze, from the Annoyances of the Spectre, she gave a Violent Snatch at the Sheet that was upon it; wherefrom she tore a Comer, which in her Hand immediately became Visible to a Roomful of Spectators; a Palpable Corner of a Sheet. Her Father, who was now holding her, Catch'd that he might Keep what his Daughter had so strangely Seized, but the unseen Spectre had like to have pull'd his Hand off, by Endeavouring to wrest it from him; however he still held it, and I suppose has it still to show; it being but a few Hours ago, namely about the Beginning of this October, that this Accident hap pened; in the family of one Pitman, at Manchester. Thirdly, A young man, delaying to procure Testimonials 1 It is the great Danish theologian Nicholas Hemming (Niels Hemmingsen) who tells this story of himself in his Admonitio de Superstitionibus Magieis vitandis (Copenhagen, 1575), fol. C2 verso. 248 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 for his Parents, who being under confinement on Suspicion of Witchcraft, required him to do that Service for them, was quickly pursued with odd Inconveniences. But once above the Rest, an Officer going to put his Brand on the Horns of some Cows, belonging to these people, which tho' he had Siez'd for some of their Debts, yet he was willing to leave in their Possession, for the Subsistence of the poor Family; this young man help'd in holding the Cows to be thus Branded. The three first Cows he held well enough; but when the hot Brand was clap't upon the Fourth, he winc'd and shrunk at such a rate, as that he could hold the Cow no longer. Being after wards Examined about it, he Confessed, That at that very Instant when the Brand entred the Cows Horn, exactly the like burning Brand was clap'd upon his own Thigh; where he has Exposed the Lasting Marks of it, unto such as asked to see them. Unriddle these Things, — Et Eris mihi magnus Apolh.1 A Third Curiositie. III. If a Drop of Innocent Blood should be shed, in the Prosecution of the Witchcrafts among us, how unhappy are we ! For which cause, I cannot express my self in better terms, than those of a most Worthy Person, who lives near the pres ent Center of these things.2 "The Mind of God in these mat ters, is to be carefully look'd into, with due Circumspection, that Satan deceive us not with his Devices, who transforms himself into an Angel of Light, and may pretend Justice and yet intend Mischief." But on the other side, if the Storm of Justice do now fall only on the Heads of those Guilty Witches and Wretches which have defiled our Land, How Happy! The Execution of some that have lately Dyed has been immediately attended with a strange Deliverance of some, that had lain for many years in a most sad Condition, under ' "And thou shalt be to me a great Apollo" — i. e., a great revealer of mys teries. For their unriddling see p. 370, below. 2 It has been suggested that this means the Rev. John Higginson, the ven erable senior minister at Salem, whose hesitation as to the proceedings may be inferred from Brattle's words (p. 184, above) — and from all else we know. See below, p. 398. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 249 they knew not whose Evil Hands. As I am abundantly satis- fy'd, That many of the Self-Murders committed here, have been the effects of a Cruel and Bloody Witchcraft, letting fly Daemons upon the miserable Seneca's;1 thus, it has been ad mirable unto me to see, how a Devilfish Witchcraft, sending Devils upon them, has driven many poor people to Despair, and persecuted their minds with such Buzzes2 of Atheism and Blasphemy, as has made them even run Distracted with Ter rors: and some long Bow'd down under such a Spirit of In firmity, have been marvelously Recovered upon the Death of the Witches. One Whetford particularly ten years ago, challenging of Bridget Bishop (whose Trial you have had) with Stealing of a Spoon, Bishop threatned her very direfully: presently after this was Whetford in the Night, and in her Bed, visited by Bishop, with one Parker, who making the Room Light at their coining in, there discoursed of several mischiefs they would inflict upon her. At last, they pull'd her out, and carried her unto the Sea-side, there to drown her; but she calling upon God, they left her, tho' not without Expressions of their Fury. From that very Time, this poor Whetford was utterly spoilt, and grew a Tempted, Froward, Crazed sort of a Woman; a vexation to her self, and all about her; and many ways un reasonable. In this Distraction she lay, till those women were Apprehended, by the Authority; then she began to mend; and upon their Execution, was presently and perfectly Re covered, from the ten years madness that had been upon her. A Fourth Curiositie. IV. 'Tis a thousand pitties, that we should permit our Eyes to be so Blood-shot with passions, as to loose the sight of many wonderful Things, wherein the Wisdom and Justice of God, would be Glorify'd. Some of those Things, are the frequent Apparitions of Ghosts, whereby many Old Murders among us, come to be considered. And, among many Instances of this kind, I will single out one, which concerned a poor man, 1 The philosopher Seneca, it will be remembered, was an advocate of suicide and ended his own life thus. 2 Whisperings. 250 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 lately Prest unto Death, because of his Refusing to Plead for his Life.1 I shall make an Extract of a Letter, which was written to my Honourable Friend, Samuel Sewal, Esq.,2 by Mr. Putman,3 to this purpose; The Last Night my Daughter Ann was grievously Tormented by Witches, Threatning that she should be Pressed to Death, be fore Giles Cory. But thro' the Goodness of a Gracious God, she had at last a little Respite. Whereupon there appeared unto her (she said) a man in a Winding Sheet; who told her that Giles Cory had Murdered him, by Pressing him to Death with his Feet; but that the Devil there appeared unto him, and Covenanted with him, and promised him, He should not be Hanged. The Apparition said, God Hardened his Heart, that he should not hearken to the Advice of the Court, and so Dy an easy Death; because as it said, "It must be done to him as he has done to me." The Apparition also said, That Giles Cory was carry'd to the Court for this, and that the Jury had found the Murder, and that her Father knew the man, and the thing was done before she was born. Now Sir, This is not a little strange to us; that no body should Remember these things, all the while that Giles Cory was in Prison, and so often before the Court. For all people now Remember very well, (and the Records of the Court also mention it,) That about Seventeen Years ago, Giles Cory kept a man in his House, that was almost a Natural Fool: which Man Dy'd suddenly. A Jury was Impannel'd upon him, among whom was Dr. Zorobbabel Endicot;4 who found the man bruised to Death, and having dodders of Blood about his Heart. The Jury, whereof several are yet alive, brought in the man Murdered; but as if some Enchantment had hindred the Prosecution of the Matter, the Court Proceeded not against Giles Cory, tho' it cost him a great deal of Mony to get off. Thus the Story. The Reverend and Worthy Author, having at the Direction of His Excellency the Govemour, so far Obliged the Publick, as to give some Account of the Sufferings brought upon the ' As to the case of Giles Corey see below, pp. 366-367. 2 Judge Sewall, of the court. 3 Thomas Putnam, of Salem Village, whose wife and daughter played so large a part as accusers. 4 Of Salem Village. A son of John Endicott, the first governor of the Bay colony, and himself much honored as a physician. 1692] COTTON MATHER, WONDERS 251 Countrey by Witchcraft; and of the Trials which have passed upon several Executed for the Same : Upon Perusal thereof, We find the Matters of Fact and Evidence, Truly reported. And a Prospect given, of the Methods of Conviction, used in the Proceedings of the Court at Salem. Boston Octob 11. William Stoughton 1692. Samuel Sewall. A BRAND PLUCK'D OUT OF THE BURNING, BY COTTON MATHER, 1693 INTRODUCTION The Wonders of the Invisible World was not yet issued, the General Court was still debating its course toward the accused who filled the jails, and Judge Sewall (on November 22, 1692) was just imploring God to "bless the Assembly in their debates" and (if "consisting with his Justice and Holi ness") to "vindicate the late Judges," when there fell into the hands of the Rev. Cotton Mather an opportunity to show the provmce and the world how a case of bewitchment should be handled. It is likely enough that he had known Mercy Short from the time of her first seizure, in the early summer; but from November, and especially from the day when she fell into a paroxysm while attending his church, and was carried into a neighbor's, where for weeks she lay at his door, till her "deliverance" on March 16, he gave the case the attention that fruited in the following journal. The journal was doubt less soon thereafter completed, and, like his earlier narrative of the case of the Goodwin children,1 and his later one of Mar garet Rule's,2 put into circulation among his friends. The manuscript, still extant in his own handwriting, bears on its cover-page, in his hand, "To be returned unto Cotton Mather." And in the possession of Cotton Mather and his family it seems to have remained until 1814, when his grand daughter, Mrs. Hannah (Mather) Crocker, presented it, with many other papers, to the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, Massachusetts.3 "About ten years ago," writes » See p. 119 and p. 126, note 1. 2 See p. 306, note 3, p. 307, note 1. '"The manuscript," writes Mr. Brigham, the present librarian of that society, "unquestionably came to the Society in December, 1814, under which 255 256 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES W. F. Poole in the second volume (1881) of the Memorial History of Boston, "Dr. Samuel F. Haven, the accomplished librarian of the American Antiquarian Society, in looking through the Mather manuscripts in that library, found one entitled, A Brand Pluckt out of the Burning, and on examina tion it proved to be the long-lost Mercy Short narrative." " Dr. Haven, in announcing the discovery," he adds, "promised to print it with notes; but he has not yet found leisure to fulfil his promise." That leisure never came. A transcript of the booklet was made and lent to Poole, who made it the basis of his careful summary of the case,1 and this transcript has since been used by other scholars; but when, after Dr. Haven's death (in 1881), his successor was frequently asked, "When date is the following entry in the Donation Book : 'Above Nine Hundred Sermons, in manuscript and separate, written and preached by the Mathers. Together with a number of manuscript books and papers which were in the Mather Library. Presented to the Society by Mrs. Hannah Crocker of Boston.' " The vicissitudes, earlier and later, of the papers and books of the Mathers have been related in much detail by Mr. Julius H. Tuttle ("The Libraries of the Mathers," in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., XX. 269-356), and he narrates (p. 310) how in October, 1831, another body of old papers, which "nobody could read," found their way from the garret once Samuel Mather's to the Antiquarian Society. But it is the hand of President Isaiah Thomas (d. April, 1831), who received the gift of Mrs. Crocker, that has written on the cover-page of our MS. its title of "Brand Plucked out of the Burning"; and it was doubtless while looking over the "debris from the drawers and pigeon holes of a student's desk, that came to this Society with the family library from Mrs. Hannah Mather Crocker," that Librarian Haven (see his report, p. 36 in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1869) first noticed it. The original manuscript is 7% inches high by 6 inches wide. It contains 20 leaves, of which the first is blank. The remaining pages are numbered from 1 to 38, p. 26 having nothing upon it and therefore no numbering. At the end of p. 38 the text breaks off abruptly, after the opening words (printed below, p. 286) of section 29. These suffice to show the section merely a postscript and to con vince us that few words are missing. The manuscript shows marks of much use; many words are blotted or erased, and there are some interlineations in a different ink, some in the same ink, but practically all in the same hand. The most im portant marks of the writer's later thought are in the shape of marginal addi tions. For this careful description of the MS. thanks are due to Librarian Brigham and to Dr. Charles H. Lincoln, who has prepared the copy for the printer. 1 Memorial History of Boston, II. 147-152. INTRODUCTION 257 shall you publish Cotton Mather's account of the trial of Mercy Short?" he could only reply that it "should see the light at an early day, under the editorial supervision of Such students of the witchcraft problem as Drs. Poole and Moore."1 Poole seriously thought of the task. "His study of the witchcraft problem and literature," said Librarian Barton at his death,2 "had led him to hope that he might edit with notes our Cot ton Mather manuscript account of the case of Mercy Short"; but he seems never to have taken it in hand, and no other has since attempted it. The importance of the narrative lies not only in its contem poraneity with the Salem trials and the side-lights it gives us on that episode and its environment, but yet more in the clear ness with which it shows just what its author stood for in the matter. To him the case of Mercy Short was not only iden tical in kind with those of "the Bewitched people then tor mented by Invisible Furies in the County of Essex": it was itself one of those cases. And from first to last he was con scious that he was making his treatment of it an object lesson. The present editor is far, indeed, from finding in it, like Mr. Poole, "the principles and methods of the Boston ministers" in general, and yet farther from his conviction that Mather meant his method to be a rival of the court's. He can not overlook that author's own explanation that, "had wee not studiously suppressed all clamours and Rumours that might have touched the Reputacion of people exhibited in this Witch craft, there might have ensued most uncomfortable uproar";3 or that, if he himself used prayer and fasting, he had a little earlier reminded the court how in Sweden a fast "was im mediately [followed] with a remarkable Smile of God upon the endeavours of the Judges to discover and Extirpate the Authors of that Execrable witchcraft";4 or that, if he found ' Report of Librarian Barton, April, 1885, in Proceedings, n. s., III. 385-386. 2 See his report for April, 1894 (ibid., IX. 184). ' See p. 276, below. 'Mass. Hist. Soc, Collections, fourth series, VIII. 392. 258 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES in Mercy Short's revelations confirmation of his view that the Devil may sometimes personate the innocent, he found con firmation also for his faith that such a "dark dispensation" must be rare and that God could find a way to shelter the guiltless;1 or that, if he restrained the bewitched girl from be traying to any but himself the names of her tormentors, he was ready himself to betray them to justice as fast as they seemed to him "dangerous and damnable" and as there could be found "more cause," i. e., such added evidence as he had again and again declared satisfactory in the Salem convictions.2 But for these conclusions, as for Mr. Poole's, the present nar rative must serve pre-eminently as a criterion; and for the precise nature and limits of his method, for the appraisal of his credulity and of his r61e as exorcist and as dupe, no other can compare with it, not even that of Margaret Rule.3 And, unlike the latter, it does not come to us through the hand of a foe. It is in the light of such contemporary utterances that one must read those pages of his Diary which there is so much reason to believe the work of later years.4 ' P. 274, below. 2 Ibid. ' Pp. 308-323, below. 4 That A Brand pluck'd out of the Burning was written before Another Brand pluckt out of the Burning is clear from their titles; and the mention, in the latter, of Mercy Short's experiences, "whereof a Narrative has been already given," as ending "about half a year" earlier, before Margaret Rule's began — i. e., before September 10, 1693 — gives us March of that year as a terminus a quo. March 16, 1693, is the latest date mentioned in the manuscript itself; and it is clear from the hope with which it ends that its author then lost little time in closing his record and sharing it with his friends — if, in a less complete form, it was not already known to them. I . &>«# * (f&spyrfo*&nffih* ¦&}*****), * #«*•*-«*• -.,: ~-'\i jti. unl <&g? fo,-t7^1«~0»a*" we *-* <>f that- i/fji? L&tf^A $f*vj* J$^ <*V k^*~ 'V'T^Jf for « {cdtS- *«¦{(. otvKl v% .Mm? Cf^H J 91 *». & ¦ 'uy^.' ¦ fwjwfl. A BRAND PLUCK'D OUT OF THE BURNING First page of the original manuscript, in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society A BRAND PLUCK'D OUT OF THE BURNING1 § 1. Mercy Short had been taken Captive by our cruel and Bloody Indians in the East, who at the same time hor ribly Butchered her Father, her Mother, her Brother, her Sister, and others of her Kindred and then carried her, and three surviving Brothers with two Sisters, from Nieuchewan- nic2 unto Canada : after which our Fleet Returning from Que- beck to Boston, brought them with other prisoners that were then Redeemed. But altho she had then already Born the Yoke in her youth, Yett God Almighty saw it Good for her to Bear more of that Yoke, before seventeen years of her Life had Rolled away. § 2. It was in the Summer of the Year 1692, when sever[al] persons were committed unto the Gaol in Boston on suspicion of having an Hand in that most Horrid and Hellish Witch craft, which had brought in the Divels upon several parts of the Country, at such a rate as is the just Astonishment of the world; Then it was that Mercy Short, being sent by her Mis tress upon an Errand unto the prison, was asked by one of the Suspected Witches for a httle Tobacco ; and she affronted the 1 A cover-page of the manuscript bears the inscription (by a later hand) : "Brand Plucked out of the Burning, being an Account of Mercy Short who was supposed to suffer by Witchcraft 1692." And in the hand of Cotton Mather himself are written the words: "To be returned unto Cotton Mather." 2 Or Salmon Falls, a New Hampshire settlement on the river dividing that province from Maine, where now on the Maine side is the village of Berwick. In his Magnolia (bk. VIL, art. 6) Mather has told in detail the story of this taking of Salmon Falls by the French and Indians (March 18, 1690) and what share in this calamity "fell to the family of one Clement Short" : "This honest man, with his pious wife, and three children, were kill'd; and six or seven of their children were made prisoners." His knowledge of the episode was doubtless gathered from Mercy Short. The fleet, which brought her to Boston, arrived November 19, 1690. She probably went into domestic service, and, as we shall see, in a neighborhood where were "people of quality." 259 260 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Hag (t'was one Sarah Good, since executed at Salem)1 by throwing an Handful of Shavings at her and saying, That's Tobacco good enough for you. Whereupon that Wretched Woman bestowed some ill words upon her, and poor Mercy was taken with just such, or perhaps much worse, Fits as those which held the Bewitched people then Tormented by Invisible Furies in the County of Essex. A world of misery did shee endure, for diverse weeks together, and such as could not pos sibly bee inflicted upon her without the Immediate efficiency of some Agent, or Rational or Malicious; until God was pleased at length to hear the multiply'd prayers of His people for her Deliverance. There were many Remarkable Things in the molestations then given her; Whereof one was that they made her Fast for Twelve Days together. § 3. Being happily Delivered, shee for diverse months re mained so; even until the Winter following. But then shee suddenly fell into a swoon wherein shee lay for Dead many hours together; and it was not long before the Distinct and Formal Fits of Witchcraft return'd upon her.2 Shee con tinued variously Tortured and Harassed by Evil Spirits; and in the same circumstances that had been upon her formerly until one of the ministers in the Town3 took a little company of his praying Neighbors, and kept a Day of prayer with her and for her. On which day shee lay wholly insensible of the people that were thus concerned on her behalf and entertained with none but the cursed Spectres, whom alone shee saw, shee heard, shee felt; nevertheless while that minister was preach ing on Marc. 9. 28, 29, shee flew upon him and shee tore a leaf of his Bible.4 For some days after This Day shee continued 1 Sarah Good (see pp. 343 ff., 414) was sent to the Boston jail on March 7, condemned at Salem June 30, executed on July 19. As she is here spoken of as only "suspected," the interview with Mercy Short was as early as June. 2 The event is noted by Sewall (Diary, I. 370) under November 22: "Now about, Mercy Short grows ill again, as formerly." This he probably added when about to write the following entry: "November 25. Mr. Mather sent for to her." 3 Mather himself, of course. 4 Then doubtless it was— "Nov. 29. 1692"— that Mather wrote in his Bible: "While I was preaching at a private fast (kept for a possessed young woman)— on Mark 9. 28, 29. — the Devel in the Damsel flew upon mee, and tore the Leaf, as it is now torn over against the Text." A facsimile of this autograph note is 1692] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 261 in her grievous vexations; but then, after what was little short of an Entire and a Total Fast for about Nine Dayes together, in those miseries, at length shee gained about Three Dayes Remission. In this Intermission of her Anguishes, shee did eat a little, and but a very httle, Victuals; and shee was able on the Lords Day to visit the Lords House, near half a mile from the place of her abode.1 § 4. While shee was in the congregation shee so fell under the Arrest of her Invisible Troublers that shee now Saw and Heard nothing but those horrid Fiends, but when the Assembly was just broke up, they fell to Tormenting of her at such a rate, that many strong men with an united Force, could not well carry her any Further than the House of a kind Neigh bour, who charitably took her in. T'was by the singular Provi dence of God, that shee was thus cast amojng] a Neighborhood whose Hearts Hee stirred up to pitty her, to releeve her, to pray for her, and with a most christian compassion do all that could piously bee done, for her Deliverance. There shee lay for diverse weeks; and you shall now bee told in what manner handled! A manner differing Little or Nothing from that wherein shee had been thus long already Tortured. § 5. There exhibited himself unto her a Divel having the Figure of A Short and a Black Man; and it was remarkable that altho' shee had no sort of Acquaintance with Histories of what has happened elswhere, to make any Impressions upon her Imagination, yett the Divel that visited her was just of the same Stature, Feature, and complexion with what the Histories of the Witchcrafts beyond-sea ascribe unto him; he was a wretch no taller than an ordinary Walking-Staff; hee was not of a Negro, but of a Tawney, or an Indian colour; hee wore an high-crowned Hat, with strait Hair; and had one Cloven- Foot. This Divel still brought with him unto her a consider able Number of Spectres, most exactly resembling the persons of several people in the countrey, some of whose Names were prefixed by Sparks to the life of Cotton Mather in his Library of American Biog raphy (at p. 161), and the tracing made by him for it is treasured, with his others, in the library of Cornell University. 1 /. e., to come to Mather's church on Sunday, December 4 : her nine days' fast, if begun on November 22, ended on December 1, and "three days' remis sion" had followed. 262 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 either formerly known, or now by their companions told unto her. And these wicked Spectres assisted, or obeyed, their Divellish Master, who brought them to infest her with such hideous Assaults, as were the Astonishment of all the standers- by. § 6. When this Divel with his confederate and concomitant Spectres came unto this our poor Neighbour, it was their cus tom to cast her into such horrible Darkness that shee still imagined herself in a desolate cellar, where Day or Night could not bee distinguished. Her eyes were open, moving to and fro after the Hellish Harpyes that were now fluttering about her; but so little able to see any thing else, that altho wee made as if wee would strike at her eyes, it would not make her wink. If wee laid our Hands upon them it hindred her from a view of those Fiends which troubled her; but shee gave us afterwards to understand, that it put her unto much pain to bee so hindred. Her ears were altogether stopt unto all of our Noises, being wholly engrossed by the Invisible Assailants; insomuch that tho' wee sometimes halloo'd extremely loud in her ears, yett shee heard nothing of it. And it was particu larly considerable that altho shee could bee no other than utterly ignorant of what the European Books relate concern ing such matters, nevertheless the Voice of these Daemons was exactly such as you shall read in Glanvils collections1 and elsewhere; twas Big, Low, Thick, and such as ordinarily caused her to say Haah! or How! or What do you say? and listen and oblige them to Repeat before shee could understand. Note. That wee the standers-by could neither see nor Hear the things which thus entertained this young woman, and I hope wee never shall; but wee were informed partly from the Speeches that fell from her in these Trances; partly from the Accounts by her afterwards given unto us; and partly by a multitude of other concurrant circumstances. § 7. The Divel, and his crew, having thus forced her senses from conversing with their ordinary objects, and captivated them unto this communion with The Powers of Darkness, Their manner was in the first place, to make her a tender of a Book, somewhat long and thick (Like the wast-books of many Traders), butt bound and clasp't, and filled not only with the ' As to Joseph Glanvill and his "collections," see above, pp. 5-6. 1692] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 263 Names or Marks, but also with the explicit (short) Covenants of such as had listed themselves in the Service of Satan, and the Design of Witchcraft; all written in Red characters; many whereof shee had opportunity to read when they opened the Book before her. This Book of Death did they Tempt her to sign; and condescended so far in their sollicitacions, as to tell her, That if shee would only Touch it with her Finger it should bee enough. Only the received signification of this little ceremony should bee That shee now became the De voted Vassal of the Divel. This was the Temptacion with which they still persecuted her; and it was the very same, that the Evil Spirits were at the same time using upon far more than a Score of miserable people so posessed in several other parts of the countrey. Whether this Book bee indeed a Real Book or no I dispute not. Mercy herself shee thinks it is; and gives this reason for it, That a Touch of it (they told her) would have cured her. Besides They diverse times made her Eyes very sore by thrusting it hard upon them, to make her Touch it when shee should unawares lift up her Hands to save her Eyes. And they at last gave her to understand, That they thought they should bee forced shortly to drop it. § 8. As the Bewitched, in other parts of the world, have commonly had no other style for their Tormentors but only They and Them; so had Mercy Short. Wherefore to consult Brevity, wee shall Note the Divel, and those that accompanied him in this Business, by that style. And so I go on to say That They first used a thousand Flatteries and Allurements to induce her unto a compliance with the Desire of the Divel. They showed her very splendid garments, arid thence proceeded unto greater glories, which they promised her if shee would sign to Their Book. They engag'd unto her, I know not how many more conveniences, if shee would but so much as Touch it. When all these persuasives were ineffectual, They terri- fy'd her with horrible Threatnings of miseries which they would inflict upon her, and then They as cruelly Inflicted a great part of what They Threatened. But that which added unto the Horror of the matter was that when those Tygres were addressing themselves to some of their Furious Inflictions, They would so cloathe themselves in Flames of Fire (a Divellish and most impudent imitation, 264 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 sure, of something mentioned in the Scripture!) as to render themselves beyond measure formidable; and accordingly, just before They fell upon her with any Torments of a more than ordinary Account, shee would sometims, by the fright of what shee perceived them doing, fall a Trembling so that the very Bed would shake under her. Memorandum. That one eve ning I had with mee a Lanthorn accomodated with a glass- Ball, which rendered the Light so extremely glaring that one could hardly bear to look upon it, but one might thereby read a very small print a very great way off; and shee being then able to see and speak, told us That Hee (meaning The Black Man) sometimes came to her with Eyes Flaming like the Light of that Lanthom. § 9. T'would bee a long work to Recite all the Tortures with which They plagued her. I shall only Touch upon the principal. Besides the Thousands of cruel pinches given her by those Barbarous Visitants, they stuck innumerable pins into her. Many of those pins They did themselves pluck out again; and yett They left the Bloody Marks of them, which would bee as tis the strange Property of most Witch-wounds to bee, cured, perhaps in less than a Minute. But some of the Pins They left in her, and those wee took out, with Wonder ment. Yea, sometimes They would force Pins into her Mouth, for her to swallow them; and tho' Shee strove all shee was able to keep them out, yett They were too hard for her. Only before they were gott into her Throat, the Standers-by would by some Dexterity gett hold of them, and fetch them away. When this mischief was over, They would then come and sitt upon her Breast, and pull open her Jaw, and keep her without fetching one sensible Breath, sometimes for Half-an-hour, and sometimes for several whole Hours together. At last, when wee came to understand that it was the Sitting of the Spectres upon her, which cast her into those doleful Postures, wee would with main Force, (and so heavy shee was beyond her Ordinary Weight, that the lifting of her called for a more than Ordinary Force) lift her upright, and the Spectres would imediately then so fall off, that her Breath return'd unto her. At other times there would be heard, it may bee, by more than seven Witnesses at a time, the Scratches of the Spectres on the Bed and on the Wall. 1692] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 265 § 10. Moreover, They would sometimes bring her a little Cup that had a Whitesh Liquor in it (unto Us, wholly invisi ble), which They would pour down her Throat, holding her Jawes wide open in spite of all the Shriekings and Strivings wherewith shee expressed a Reluctancy to Taking of it. Wee saw her swallow this Poison, tho wee saw not the Poison; and immediately shee would swell prodigiously, and bee just like one poisoned with a Dose of Rats-bane. After these Potions, shee was capable ordinarily to beg of us, that wee would help her to some Sallet Oyl.1 Upon the Taking whereof, the swelling would in a little while abate. Behold, a proper Venefic Witchcraft!2 Because the Name for Sorcerers in the Bible may signify Poisoners, tis a foolish Thing thence to infer that by Witches, the Scripture means no more than such as committ Murders by Poisons. One great Skill, and way of Afflicting People in Witchcraft, is by another sort of Poisoning than what may bee seen by common Eyes. Yea I suppose, all the Bewitched have undergone such a Spirituous Infection that wee may count them in a manner poisoned. Notandum, That Sometimes our laying our Hands on the Mouth of Mercy Short, when wee perceived the Spectres forcing their Poisons into her Mouth, did keep her from taking of them in. § 11. Another of the Miseries Whereto They putt her was an Extreme Fasting for many Days together. Shee having obtained a Liberty of Eating for Three Dayes, after a Fast of Nine Dayes, was immediately compelled unto another Fast, which lasted for about Fifteen Dayes together. In all this Time, shee was permitted scarce to swallow one bitt or drop of any Victuals. One Raw Pear shee ate, and now and then an Apple, and some Hard Cider shee drank, things that would rather sett an Edge upon the Severity of her Fast : Sometimes also a Chestnut might go down into her Craving Stomach and sometimes a little Cold Water. If anything else were offered her, her Teeth would bee sett, and Shee thrown into hideous 1 Salad-oil, olive oil. 2Weyer (and after him many other opponents of witch persecution) had maintained that venefica, the name for witch in the Latin Bible, meant only "a poisoner." 266 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Torments : and it must bee usually for two or three Dayes together, that such poor Things as These also must bee deny'd her. Breefly, Shee scarce took any jot of Sustenance, but what wee suppos'd would rather increase the Tortures and Mis chiefs of her Fast. How shee was all this while supported I pretend not now to guess. But the famous Henricus ab Heer,1 in his Observacions, affirms upon Oath, That a Bewitched Girl, residing in his House, kept just such another Fast; and That for Fifteen Dayes and Nights together shee took neither Meat nor Drink. And yett, this Fast was not so long as that men tioned by Dr Plott,2 in his Natural History of Oxford-shire; who affirms, That in the Year 1671, one Rebecka Smith, who was thought Bewitched, continued without Eating or Drinking for Ten Weeks together; and afterwards lived only upon warm Broaths taken in Small Quantities for a whole Twelvemonth. It seems that Long Fasting is not only Tolerable, but strangely Agreeable to such as have something more than Ordinary to do with the Invisible World. § 12. But Burning seem'd the cruellest of all her Tortures. They would Flash upon her the Flames of a Fire, that was to Us indeed (tho not unto her) Invisible; but unto us all, in the Mischiefs and Effects of it, the most sensible Thing that could bee. The Agonies of One Roasting a Faggot at the Stake were not more Exquisite, than what Shee underwent, in the Scalds which those Hell-hounds gave unto her, sometimes for near a Quarter of an Hour together. Wee saw not the Flames, but Once the Room smelt of Brimstone, and at other, yea, at many Times, wee saw her made Excessively Sore by these Flames, and wee saw Blisters thereby Raised upon her. To cure the Soreness which this Fiery Trial would give unto her, wee were forced sometimes to apply the Oyle commonly used for the cure of Scalds, and yett (Like other Witch-wounds) in a Day or Two all would bee well again: Only the marks of some Wounds thus given her, shee will probably carry to her Grave. I may add, That once They thrust an hot Iron down her 1 Henricus ab Heer (Hendrik van Heer), c. 1570-c. 1636, many years private physician of the prince-archbishops of Cologne. 2 Robert Plot (1640-1696), a Kentish antiquary, published in 1676 his Natural History of Oxfordshire. It won him a place in the Royal Society, of which in 1682 he became secretary. 1692] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 267 Throat; which tho' it were to us Invisible, yett wee saw the Skin fetch'd off her Tongue and Lips. § 13. Reader, If thou hadst a Desire to have seen a Picture of Hell, it was visible in the doleful Circumstances of Mercy Short! Here was one lying in Outer Darkness, haunted with the Divel and his Angels, deprived of all common Comforts, tortured with most cruciating Fires, Wounded with a thousand Pains all over, and cured immediately, that the Pains of those Wounds might bee repeated. It was of old said, If One went unto them from the Dead, they will Repent. As for us, wee have had not only the Damned coming to us from the Dead, in this Witchcraft, but the very State of the Damned itself represented most visibly before our eyes : Hard-hearted Wee, if wee do not Repent of the Things which may expose us to an Eternal Durance in such a State! § 14. Her Discourses to Them were some of the most Sur prising Things imaginable, and incredibly beyond what might have been expected, from one of her small Education or Ex perience. In the Times of her Tortures, Little came from her, besides direful Shrieks, which were indeed so frightful, as to make many people Quitt the Room. Only now and then any Expression of marvellous Constancy would bee heard from her; e. g. "Tho' you kill mee, I'l never do what you would have mee. — Do what you will, yett with the Help of Christ, I'l never touch your Book. — Do, Bum mee then, if you wfll; Better Bum here, then [than] Burn in Hell." But when her Torturer went off, Then t'was that her senses being still detained in a Captivity to Spectres, as the only object of them, Wee were Ear-witnesses to Disputacions that amazed us. Indeed Wee could not hear what They said unto her; nor could shee her self hear them ordinarily without causing them to say over again: But Wee could Hear Her Answers, and from her Answers Wee could usually gather the Tenour of Their As saults. One very Frequent Theam with Them was Railing and Slander against a certain Person in the Town,1 Whom shee often quoted in her Arguments against the Divel, and at Whom, shee thought, the Divel had a very particular Provoca- 'This "certain person," like the "one man" of the following sentence, was of course Mather himself: it must be remembered that this account was meant to seem anonymous. 268 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 tion and Malignity. Yea, There was One Man Who on a cer tain Sabbath had solemnly prayed for her (I think hee said) no less than Ten Times. Four of which Times, were with her too, and yett wee perceived the Divel at Night Revihng that man unto her, with telling her, That hee had not in the Day past pray'd for her so much as Once! But the cheef Argu ment held between Her and Them, was upon the Business of Signing the Book, by Them tendred unto Her. — In the Han dling of this Argument, innumerable Things were uttered by her which would have been more Agreeable to1 One of a greater Elevation in Christianity; but omitting multitudes of such passages, I shall record a few, which were to This Purpose. Oh You horrid Wretch! You make my very Heart cold within mee. It is an Hell to mee, to hear You speak so! What? Are You God f No, bee gone, You Divel! Don't pester mee any more with such horrid Blasphemies! You! Do You say that You are Christ ! No, You are a Divel, and I hope that Christ will shortly deliver mee from such a Divel. — The Christ of God came to seek and to save that which is Lost, such as I am; but as for You, You come to seek and confound all that you can light upon. If You are Christ, Pray how came you by that Cloven Foot? — If You are a Christ I am sure you are a very odious One; You shall bee no Christ for mee. — Pray, go about Your Business; if You are Christ, yett I tell you plainly, You shall bee none of my Christ. I know of a Better Christ; and Him will I follow. — You, a Christ! No, You are a Beast. If You had not been a Beast, would You have asked of our Lord that Hee would give You leave to enter into an Herd of Swine! — I think truly, That Hogs are the fittest company for You! — Would You know my mind? Why then, I say this: — When You have become a Man, and have suffered a cruel Death on a Cross for me; and when you have Reconciled me to God, and been some Ages in Heaven powerfully Interceding for my Salvation from the Divel, — Then come to mee again, and I shall have something further to say to You. — In the meantime I say to You, In the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, Beegone! You pretend a precious deal of Love to mee indeed! If You Love mee so much, pray, why do you Starve mee? I am een fam ished; It is Nine Dayes now, that I have not eaten one bitt of Victuals. 1 More suitable for. 1692] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 269 Fine Promises! You'l bestow an Husband upon mee, if I'l bee your Servant. An Husband! What? A Divel! I shall then bee finely fitted with an Husband: No I hope the Blessed Lord Jesus Christ will marry my Soul to Himself yett before Hee has done with mee, as poor a Wretch as I am! — Fine Clothes! What? Such as Your Friend Sarah Good1 had, who hardly had Rags to cover her! Pray why did you not provide better for Her Then? — Never Dy! What? Is my Life in Your Hands? No, if it had, You had killed mee long before this Time! — Whats that? — So You can! — Do it then, if You can. Come, I dare You; here, I challenge You to do it. Kill mee if You can. — Poor Fool! — But hark Yee! If you can keep your Servants alive, the more false Wretch you, to lett the Halter choke the Witches that were hanged the t'other Day! tho' You promised them, that when the Halters were about their Necks, You would come and Rescue them! You talk of carrying mee to Heaven! It makes mee think of Goody Carrier;2 pray whither did you carry her? — Heaven! What a foolish Question is that? Was I ever there? No, I never was there; but I hope I shall be there; and I believe what I have heard and read in the Word of God concerning it. I confess, You were once in Heaven; but God for Your Pride, hurled you thence; and You shall never come there again. — They that follow You, will mis take the Way to Heaven, I'l promise 'em. Hee that has the Divel for his Leader must bee content with Hell for his Lodging. — Hell! Yee Lying Wretch, I have catch'd you in an hundred Lyes; Who would beleeve one Word You say? Yesterday or t'otherday, You told mee there was no Hell; and now You tell mee, that One may come out of Hell when they will. Pray then, Lett Sarah Good come; if I could see her, I am confident shee would tell mee that Hell is a terrible place; and I know there is no coming out. — But if all the Wood in this World were laid in One Fire, it would not bee so dread ful as Hell; that Hell, whither You carry all that follow You. They are out of there Wits that will serve such a Divel. Well if You do Burn mee, I had better Burn for an Hour or Two here then in Hell forever. — What? Will you Burn all Boston and shall I bee Burnt in that Fire? — No, tis not in Your Power. I hope God won't lett you do that. (Memorandum, The Night after these Words were spoken, the Town had like to have been burn't; but God wonderfully prevented it.) What?— Germany?— Was that Place in Germany as big as Boston?— Well, I hope that in spite of You, Boston shall stand until the Great Burning of all; and I pray what will come of You Then!— Safe enough!— How, Safe enough?— ' See pp. 343 ff., 414. 2 See pp. 241 ff. 270 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Among the Jews! — Why, what will you do among Them? They'I have none such as You among them, I warrant yee! Stay, One at once! — Well, And is that all that You have to say? — Pray then, Hear what I have to say. — I say this, That when You, yee filthy Witches, first gave yourselves to your Black Master there, it was the worst Dayes work that ever You did in Your Lives. And I seriously advise you all, to Repent of what You have done. I hope tis not altogether Too late, at least for some of you, to Repent. — Tho' you have done mee so much Wrong, yett I heartily wish you so much Good, as Repentance and Conversion. — O that you would fall down before the God against Whom you have sinned, and beg of Him, that for the sake of Jesus Christ, Hee would pardon your hor rible sin. — If You won't take this Counsil, I think, twil bee no Hurt to wish that God would bring you out, and that you may Dy for what you have done and that the World may be no longer troubled with you. Whats that? Must the Younger Women, do yee say, hearken to the Elder? — They must bee another Sort of Elder Women than You then! they must not bee Elder Witches, I am sure. Pray, do you for once Hearken to mee. — What a dreadful Sight are You! An Old Woman, an Old Servant of the Divel! You, that should instruct such poor, young, Foolish Creatures as I am, to serve the Lord Jesus Christ, come and urge mee to serve the Divel ! Tis an horrible Thing ! — And pray, how durst You, after You had given yourself to the Divel, come to the Table of the Lord : I profess I wonder the Divel did not come and fetch you away alive! — But God is a long-suffering God! Well; and what if I am Fatherless? How often have you told mee of That? No, I been't Fatherless. I have God for my Father and I don't Question but Hee'l provide well for me. Has not Hee upheld mee all the while? I had signed your Book before now, if God had not kept mee with His Grace. You had before now made an end of mee, if God had not stood by mee. And I beleeve that God will yett deliver mee out of your Cruel Hands. You are Wicked Wretches. What do you show mee the Shape of that good Woman for? I know her. Shee's a good Woman. Shee never did mee any Hurt. Yett you would fain have mee cry out of her. But I will bee so far from crying out of Her that I will not cry out of You; I don't know what Tricks you have gott; but I hope God will keep mee from letting fall one word that may blast the Name of any Person in the World. I will never tell any body, who you are that have Tormented mee, only it may bee I may tell One Gentleman' who will be as careful, that no Harm should come on't, as I can desire him. — How ever I hope God will find you out. ' The "one Gentleman" hinted at is of course to be understood as Mather. 1692] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 271 Truly I am in a very miserable Condicion. Tis a sad Thing to ly starving in the Dark one Day after another, and to see none but HelUsh Fiends all the While, and suffer all maimer of cruelties from them. — You tell me, that some do but Laugh at mee; I am sure, they would do better to Pray for mee. — You say, that such and such are in the Room; Why won't you lett mee see them then? Well, I am perswaded, that yett for all this I shall bee gloriously delivered, and God will have a great deal of Glory. Had I not be longed unto God, I can't think that you would have made such a Deal of aDo to gett mee into your Hands. And if God had not a purpose to make mee one of His own Servants, I can't but think Hee would have left mee before now to become one of Yours. — What a blessed thing will this bee! I can't butt think that You are very shortly to loose mee, both Body and Soul too, and that what You have been doing to my Body, will but help forward the Everlasting Sal- vacion of my Soul. It makes my Heart Rejoice, to think how finely You'l bee cheated! Memorandum. T'was an ordinary thing for the Divel to persecute her with Stories of what this and that Body in the Town spoke against her. The Unjust and Absurd Reflections cast upon her by Rash People in the coffee-houses or elsewhere, Wee discerned that the Divel Reported such Passages unto her in her Fitts, to discourage her. But shee bore those Trials as well as the rest. § 15. But when shee had so much Release from the capti vating Impressions of the Wretches that haunted her, as to bee able to see and hear the Good People about her in the Room, Shee underwent another sort of plague, which I don't Remem ber that ever I observed in more than One or Two Bewitched person[s] besides her. Her Tortures were turned into Frolicks; and Shee became as extravagant as a Wild-cat. Shee now had her Imaginacion so strangely disordered, that shee must not Acknowledge any of her Friends; but tho' shee Retained a Secret Notion, Who wee were, yett shee might by no means confess it. Shee would sometimes have diverse of these Fitts in a Day, and shee was always excessively Witty in them; never downright Profane, but yett sufficiently Insolent and Abusive to such as were about her. And in these Fitts also shee took an extraordinary Liberty (which I have likewise noted in some other possessed Persons) to animadvert upon all 272 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 People, that had any thing in their Apparrel that savoured of Curiosity or Ornament. Her Apprehension, Understanding, and Memory, were now Riper than ever in her Life; and yett, when shee was herself, Shee could Remember the other Acci dents of her Afflictions but Forgot almost everything that passed in these Ludicrous Intervals. § 16. There was this Remarkable in these Frolicks, that al tho' shee could Hear and Make all manner of other Discourse, yett shee might bee partaker of None that had anything of Religeon in it: Her Ear would immediately bee stop'd, if wee spoke any good Thing, and her Mouth, if shee went to speak any such Thing. Nevertheless, the charms upon her were so circumstanced, that wee were able by little Tricks and Signs to make her sensible of many Devout Things, after which her Cravings were so greedy that shee would sometimes cry for vexation (as Frolicksome as shee was) if shee missed of presently comprehending us. If any Prayers or Psalms were used in the Room, shee could not Hear a Word; and yett could hear the least Whisper of any thing else that passed, even in that very Instant. Shee would importunately require us to Pray; yett shee might not utter that Word but say "Do — You know what " ; or, " Do, what You use to do." And when wee had any thing to say unto her about Prayer, wee could make her hear tho' not the Word itself (much less the Thing) yett the Letters of the Word severally] mentioned. The Spel upon her was not such but that a good Word might bee Spelt, when it could not bee Spoke unto her. I give One Specimen of the way wee took to convey unto her mind, those Religious Notions, whereto shee had a manifested Inclination. Shee cry'd unto a Minister,1 that hee would tell her what shee should say to Them, When They should again assault her. Hee there upon advised her, " Mercy, tell 'em, That the Lord Jesus Christ has broke the Old Serpents Head." And the communication that follow' d, was after this fashion. Mer. What do you say? Min. I say, Tell 'em, That the Lord Jesus Christ has broken the Old Serpents Head. — Can you hear? Mer. No. I can't hear a Word. ' Mather of course again means himself. 1692] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 273 Min. Well, then; mind mee and you shall Know what you can't Hear. — A Snake. — Mercy, can you hear? Mer. Yes. Min. Well, — An Old Snake. — can you hear? Mer. Yes, — well, what of an old snake? Min. (Striking with his Finger on his Forhead) Why, His Head broke. — D'ye Hear? Mer. Yes; and what then? Min. (Pointing up to Heaven.) Why, Who broke it? D'yee mind? Mer. Oh! I understand. — Well, what else shall I tell them? After this rate, a Minister in two or three Minutes once made her apprehend about Seven or Eight Things Wherewith shee might [maintain] herself against the Spectres. And when They came next upon her, shee had all of them up unto her Troublers with a Readiness and Exactness beyond what the minister supposed hee could himself have had if hee had been putt upon Repeating them. I mention This with the more of particularity, because it affords a Matter of Curious Reflec tion. Moreover, While shee was in these Frolicks, it seems that shee was able still to see what Spectres were hovering about her chamber, and how They were employed. Shee shook for fear, when shee saw them once preparing an Image in the Room; wherefrom shee foretold, That the Image being formed in order to her Torment, Shee should have a Terrible Eve ning on't. And so shee had! But shee afterwards told one in whose custody that Image might bee found. At an other time, Shee fell a Laughing at One in the Room,1 and asked him, Whether hee had not a Gold Ring about him? Hee knew hee had, and look'd for it in the pocket where hee knew it was, but it was missing; and Shee, laughing, told him, That a Spectre had newly taken it out; but, said shee, "Look in such a Place and you shall find it." Accordingly, hee Look'd and Found. Shee added, "They said, that if hee putt it on, They would have it off his Finger again before hee gott home." Hee, to spite Them, Try'd; but tho' hee diverse times between That and Home, thought his Finger taken with an odd Numb ness, yett hee kept it on. 1 Unquestionably himself again. 274 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 § 17. As for the Spectres that Visited and Afflicted Mercy Short, there were among them such as wore the shape of sev eral, who are doubtless Innocent as to the Crime of Witch craft; it would bee a great Iniquity in Mee, to judge them otherwise; and the World, I hope, shall neither by My means, nor by Hers, ever know, who they were. But there is Cause to fear that some few of the persons thus Represented, are as Dangerous and as Damnable Witches as ever were in the World; altho These also must bee covered untfl there bee more Cause for their being made obnoxious. However, tis a very dark Dispensacion of Divine Providence, and such as carries much Humflliation in it, that an Innocent Person should bee, tho' but in Effigie, Randevouz'd among these Fiends of Darkness. And concerning these Diabolical Spectres, wee mark'd sundry other Things that were beyond measure Odd. One was This: The Honest man, who had given entertainment unto this distressed Mercy, observing that when shee lay, as to us wholly senseless, the motion of her Eyes did intimate whereabouts the Spectres cheefly play'd, hee silently fetch'd a Sword, with a purpose to make a pass at them. Nevertheless, if hee did but go at any time to take the Sword into his hand, tho' shee could not pos sibly discern any thing of it, yett her Eyes would presently bee shutt, and her Head pull'd into Bed, so that hee must loose the Direction which her Looke had given him. I cannot say that This Oddity would bear an Inference that the Witches were any of them Corporeally tho' Invisibly present in the Chamber. But there was Another, that would make one suspect they might. On the twenty-fifth of December it was,1 that Mercy said, They were going to have a Dance; and immediately those that were attending her, most plainly Heard and Felt a Dance, as of Barefooted People, upon the Floor; whereof they are willing to make oath before any Lawful Authority. If I should now venture to suppose, That the Witches do some times come in person to do their Mischiefs, and yett have the horrible skill of cloathing themselves with Invisibilities, it would seem Romantic. And yett I am inclinable to think it, upon Reasons more than tis here a Place to mention. But in my Opinion, Tis not more Incredible, or Inscrutable, than what 1 Modern readers may need to be reminded of the Puritan horror of the celebration of Christmas, and even of the use of its name. 1692] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 275 I am going to Relate; namely, That altho' wee have all the Demonstration a Reasonable man can desire, that Mercy Short could not in the least measure Hear, when wee were perhaps Half an Hundred of us together singing of a Psalm in the Room; nevertheless, at that very Time, shee could Hear a little Knock of a little Child at the Door. I say, the Phi losophy that can give an Account for the One of these may do it for t'other too! § 18. There were some strange things attending of Mercy Short, whereof some were at some Loss about the Original, whence they should proceed. It was marvellous to Hear how much her Answers to the Spectres transcended her ordinary capacity. That shee should so patiently and resolutely undergo her Intolerable Torments, when one Stroke of her Finger would have eased them all, is yet more marvellous. But that which carries most of marvel in it, is, The Impulse which directed her unto the Scriptures that might have assisted or quickened us in our Devotions, If wee had seen Cause to have made that Use of them. In her Trances, a Bible Happening to ly on her Bed, shee has taken it up, and without ever cast ing her Eye upon it, shee has Turned over many Leaves, at last folding down a Leaf to a Text, I holding up the Text unto the Spectres; but of all the Texts in the Bible, which do you think it was? T'was That, in Rev. 12. 12, The Divel is come down unto you, having great Wrath, because hee knows hee hath but a short Time. Again, in her Humours, calling for a Psalm- book, shee has, in the Dark, turned over many Leaves, and at length, without Reading a Syllable, shee has turn'd down a Leaf to a Psalm, advising us to go sing it, on her behalf. I do affirm That no man living ever could have singled out Psalms more expressive of, and suitable to, her circumstances, than those that shee pitch'd upon. One of them, I remember, was the Beginning of the Hundred and second. And when One present said, "No, Lett us not sing that psalm: it may bee tis They direct it; and it won't bee good for us to follow Their Direction"; She reply'd with Indignacion, "They, Fool! No, Tis not They direct mee; Do you think They would go to to direct a fitt psalm for my Condicion? No, My Direction comes from another Quarter; If you would know Whence, the first letter of the Name is G" — (it seems, that shee could not 276 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 speak out the Word.) When shee came to herself, shee told mee, her manner was to Turn the Leaves, till t'was Darted into her Mind that shee had the Place; and there shee folded. Moreover, shee did sometimes with much vehemency exclaim, That there were (three perhaps, or six) persons in the Room, that never pray'd so much as once in all their Lives : and shee was importunate that a Minister then in the Room1 would go drive those Prayerless Wretches out of the Room. The Min ister chid her, and said, If there were any such, hee knew not how to distinguish them, and hee would not ask her to do it for him. "Well, its no matter," said shee, "take but a Candle then and look in their Faces, and you'l know by their Blushing who they are; Turn them out that Blush." But all that the Minister did, was to warn the Company, That if any of them had the guilt of a Prayerless Life upon their Consciences, they must Repent of it, or know who was well acquainted with it. Nevertheless there was cause given to fear too much of Truth in the Accusacion. § 19. The Methods that were taken for the Deliverance of Mr. Goodwins afflicted Family, four years ago,2 were the very same that wee now follow'd for Mercy Short; and Shee would herself most affectionately express her own Desires, that none but Such might bee taken. Had wee not studiously suppressed all Clamours and Rumours that might have touched the Repu- tacion of people exhibited in this Witchcraft, there might have ensued most uncomfortable Uproars. But Prayer with Fast ing wee knew to bee a course against which none but men most braitishly Atheistical (and yett such there are among us) could make Exceptions. Wherefore a number of Pious People did ordinarily every Day go in and Pray with her; and whereas many of our People had some singularly grounded perswasions, that no Exercise of Religion did give so much Vexacion unto the Spectres in the Haunted Chamber, as the Singing of Psalms, they commonly sang between almost every Prayer. But they judg'd it necessary to Fast as well as Pray : and as I have had opportunity to see, in some former Dispossessions, the People of God usually speed not, until they do what may bee called A Beseechfing of] the Lord Thrice; Thus the Christians here were putt upon spending Three Dayes in Fasting and Prayer ' Again himself, of course. 2 For that story see pp. 99 ff., above. 1693] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 277 one quickly after another : And indeed, it was the special Grace of God, that carried the Faith of His poor Servants thro' the Difficulty of beholding the Rage of the Divel to grow under and against all their Prayer for the conquering of that Rage. Some of us had fearful Suggestions of Unbeleef now and then buzz'd into our Minds; and (which was a little suprizing!) the Divel in the Next Fitts would sometimes tell Mercy Short what they were. It was also remarkable that when wee were intending a Day of Prayer, the Spectres would ussually advise her of our Intention, and brag that They would hinder the People from coining: According to which Brag of Theirs, t'was wonderful to see how many Pious Christians that were desirous to have been with us were hindered of their Desires, by unexpected occasions pressing in upon them. However, Many of the Children of God in the Neighbourhood were helped by Him to an extraordinary exercise of Grace, and while some in the Town who by their profession were under obliga- cion to better things, kept Scoffing, Railing, Raving, These kept Praying, Fasting and Beleeving. Until at Length, Meat came out of the Eater! — As her Deliverance drew near, it was with her as I have seen in one more Possessed Person. A strange Fancy of Dying Possessed her, and her Discourse ran much upon her Funeral. Wee then quickly saw the Death and Burial of the Trouble now upon her. § 20. It was not long after the Third Fast, that on the evening before the Sabbath, which began this New- Year, 1693, Mercy Short fell into a Fitt of Despair wherein her Anguishes exceeded any that had bin yett upon her. The Spectres kept continually howling in her Ears, That God had utterly cast her off, and that shee was to bee Damned after all. But that which made all the misery was, that in this point they so gain'd upon her, as they had never done before; that is, they made her almost conclude that what they said of this matter, had something of Truth in it. And the dolours now Raised in her were inexpressible! Shee Shriek'd, shee Roar'd, shee Cry'd out, "This is worse than all the Rest! What? must I bee Banished from the Favour of God after all?" Yea, shee imagined that the Spectres were indeed fetching of her away! In this Agony, shee call'd for a Minister in the Neighbourhood; upon whose coming in, shee quickly called for her Clothes, 278 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 dressed herself, and came to him, with a Countenance marvel lously altered into a Look of Discretion and Gravity; and shee said, "Now, Go, and Give to the Great God, the greatest Thanks you can devise; for I am gloriously delivered! My Troubles are gone, and I hope they'l visit mee no more." It seems They left her, just before, in very Raging Terms, and said, They had no further Power over her. Shee has ever since continued free from her Invisible Troublers; only they left her extremely Faint and Weak. But the Neighbourhood then returned solemn Thanks to that Faithful God, who thus gave them to Tread upon the Lion, and to Trample the Dragon underfoot. § 21. Mercy Short having obtained this Deliverance, did for a Sabbath of Weeks Enjoy What shee had obtained; yett not without frequent Fainting and Swooning Fits, that seem'd the Effect of the weakness wherein the Torments of her former Enchantment left her. But at the End of Seven Weeks, her Invisible Tormentors again siezed her on a Lords Day, in the midst of the Assembly then meeting at North Boston, for the Worship of God; just before which unhappy siezure shee thought shee felt the Threatnings of it, in unaccountable Dis orders, and in a scent of Brimstone haunting of her Lodgings. The Spectres now under the Conduct of their Black Leader, handled the poor Young Woman for the most part just as they did in the former Visitation; but rather with more Vigour and Fury, and such as wee judged could not but putt a Speedy End unto her Life. § 22. The Impudence of the Troublesome Spectres was now somewhat more Daring and Broad-faced than formerly. It grew common with them to snatch from her such Apples and Biskets, as were given her to Try whether shee could eat them; so that no more could ever bee seen of them. And Mercy Short affirm'd, That shee saw the Spectres (tho' wee could not,) eating them in the Room, what wee perceived they had stolen from her. And whether it were from the Mistake or from the Malice of the Spectres, it was no Rare Thing for the Standers-by to have their Arms cruelly scratch'd, and Pins thrust into their Flesh, by these Fiends, while they were molesting of Mercy Short. Yea, several Persons did some times actually lay their Hands upon these Fiends; the Wretches 1693] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 279 were Palpable, while yett they were not Visible, and several of our People, tho' they Saw nothing, yett Felt a Substance that seem'd hke a Cat, or Dog, and tho' they were not Fanciful, they Dy'd away at the Fright! This Thing was too Sensible and Repeated a Thing, to bee pure Imaginacion. I suspected, That one Thing which more heightened the Boldness of the Spectres, was the Freedom used by some of our Folks in striking with swords, at the parts of the Room where they conjectured Them to bee Hovering. It was particularly remarkable, That some who were very Busy in this method of treating the Spec tres, upon a presumption that they might bee corporally pres ent, (tho' covered with such a Cloud of Invisibilitie as Virgil, I remember, gave once unto his Eneas), were terribly scared with Apparitions in their joumeyes home, whereof, tho' they made no manner of Report, yett Mercy Short was presently after able to tell her Attendents; as having heard the Spectres brag unto her, and unto one another, how They had paid such and such for striking at them. They were another sort of Weapons, unto which therefore I advised my Neighber; even the Ancient Arms of the Church. § 23. In the new Assault, They did not make the poor Dam sels Fast extend much above a Week; tho' about so long They did. After That, shee gott Liberty once in Two or Three Days, or so, to swallow a Mouthful or Two of some Refreshment. Her other Fits were such as formerly attended her; but in her Frolicks, I found the Charms upon her so feeble that altho' shee might not Hear a Word of Religion, (after the hearing whereof her Longings were nevertheless very passionate), yett there was No Word, but what wee could make her Hear, by spelling it unto her. Even those words, God, Christ, Lord, Jesus, Soul, Sin, Heaven, Hell, Angels, Divels, Witches, which They would never permitt her to Hear in any kind of Discourse what ever, yett wee could make her Hear by Spelling of them. More over One of her Neighber[s] using a little Ingenuity, related a great part of the Histories in the Bible unto her, while shee was in these Humors, and helped her to apply them unto her own comfortable Direction and Encouragement; but hee was forced still to disguise these Histories with a Sort of Air that could not so well have been given them, upon any other Occa sion. 280 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 § 24. The Thing still prest upon her, was to Sign, or to Touch Their Book ; and about that Book, wee now had several Odd Entertainments, beyond what we had before. Shee said They have had Three Books, whereof the Third was newly begun; and This was the Book which they now offered her in her Temptacions; tho' they sometimes also show'd her the Second, which it seems wanted but a Leaf or two, to bee fill'd in her former Visitacion. While shee lay in her Extatic Cir cumstances, Two or Three of us diverse Times Heard her to Read in one or t'other of these Books, upon her demanding of it, as proper for her to See the Books, before they could imagine it Reasonable for her to sett her hand unto any of them. What she read, I do for some just causes, forbear fully to relate; but, in general, the Book seem'd a Journal of the cheef things acted or design'd at Their great Witch-meetings; not without some circumstances that carried an odd Resemblence of the Alcoran; it had in it the Methods to bee used in seducing of people unto the service of the Divel, and the Names of them that had been seduced, with the Terms which they were to serve. It par ticularly surprised some in the Room, on the Eve of March 9, 1693, to overhear her, in the Book then opened unto her, spelling a Word that was too hard for her; but from the best Judgment that could bee made of the Letters that shee recited, it was Quadragesima. And several more such odd Things were overheard: whereof One was a Discourse to bee used by Witchmakers unto their Proselytes, of this purport, That when Paul and Silas were in prison, they sang; but it was unto the Divel that they sang; an Earthquake then came, and the Prison-doors were opened. But it was the Divel that made that Earthquake and opened those prison-doors. Ac cordingly, if the Servants of the Divel should come at any time to bee clap'd up in Goal they might Expect a like Deliverance. Horrible stuff! But I'l tell no more. Shee one Day sent a Request unto His Excellency, the Governer,1 and unto a Minister in the Neighbourhood,2 that shee might Receive a Visit from them; in which Visit, shee inform'd them, That the Spectres had newly confessed unto her, that they had been compelled, a Day or two before, to Drop Their Second Book, in the Cockloft of a Garret belonging to the House of a person 1 Sir William Phips. 2 Mather, of course. 1693] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 281 of Quality, not far off. But Their Difficulty to Beleave, that there was any Corporeal (or any more than a Mystical) Book in the Business, caused them to bee Negligent in the Search of it; however, They did after some Dayes, upon mature con sideration, permitt a Discreet Servant privately to go see whether there were any Thing in that place or no. When the Servant was Examining the place directed, a great Black Cat, never before known to bee in the House, jumping over him, threw him into such a Fright and Sweat, that altho' hee were one otherwise of Courage enough, hee desisted at that Time from looking any further. Mercy Short presently after sent for the Minister, and expressed an extreme Discontent and Vexation for his minding so little, what Inf ormacion shee had given about the Book; adding (tho' her Attendents affirm'd shee had never been told a Word of What had happened) That the Spectres had pray'd and beg'd of their Black-man so hard, that their Book might not yett come to light, hee had at length permitted one of them, to putt on the Shape of a Cat and fetch the Book away; which was done (shee said) just as the Servant had almost laid his hand upon it; but that hee had been so scared by the Cat as to give over the Search. However shee beleeved They must shortly Drop it again. For my own part, I look'd upon these Things as having much of Diabolical Delusion in them; and as intended partly to make Diversion for Divels that love to play upon mankind. Whether the Cat were what was pretended, I shall give no Opinion : tho' I know the Assertion of some, That every Spirit is endued with an Innate Power by which it can attract suit able matter out of all Things for a Covering or Body, of a proportionable Form and Nature to itself: which Assertion, Well stated, Proved, and Applyed, would solve some of the hardest Phenomena that belong to the uncouth and horrid Shapes, wherein mischiefs are done by Witchcraft. § 25. But there were some strange Occurrence about another Book, which, whether there lay any thing in the bottom of them, further than a Trick of the Divels, to decoy us into some Inconveniences, wee could not Conclude, but thought it not amiss to Beware. One who was Executed at Salem for Witch craft had confessed That at their Cheef Witch-meetings, there had been present some French Canadians, and some Indian 282 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 Sagamores, to concert the methods of ruining New England. Now tho' Mercy Short had never heard, as far as I have learn't, of any such Confession, yett the Spectres now, as it were clap ping a Chain upon her, would leave her sometimes in a Stupid, Sottish, Senseless Condicion, for many Hours together: out of which Condition when shee came, shee told us, That at such Times the Spectres went away to Their Witch-meetings; but that when They Returned, the whole Crew, besides her daily Troublers, look'd in upon her, to see how the work was carried on; That there were French Canadiens and Indian Sagampres among them, diverse of whom shee knew, and particularly Nam'd em : And, that They show'd her a Book, out of which, they said, they took their Directions for the Devotions per- form'd at their Meetings; and they added, That they did use to fetch that Book from the Study of a certain Person in the Neighbourhood;1 Yea, that «they had, unbeknown to him, gott the Book away to their conventions more than an hun dred times; moreover to confirm her in the Beleef of what They said, they folded a Leaf of it, before her eyes. These Things did shee tell us, and shee described unto us the Colour, the Breadth, and Length, and Thickness, and other Circum stances of the Book, with all the Exactness Imaginable: say ing also, That there were Psalms in it. Accordingly the per son mentioned, tho' Hee were owner of a Library furnished with Books of all sorts, yett quickly found in it, the Book with which these Theevish Divels had made so bold; and Mercy, having it shown unto her, immediately knew it from any other. It was a Book that indeed came from Canada; a French Book of Idolatrous Devotions, entituled, Les Saints Devoirs de L'Ame Devote. Avec L'Office de La Vierge, pour tous Les Temps De L'Annie: Et L'Office Des Morts, de La Croix, et Autres; re- formez au Saint Concile de Trente.2 But that which added unto the surprise was, That hee found a Leaf doubled down in the Book, which hee could not conceive how it should come : and when a Night or Two after, just as hee went unto his Rest, hee left this Book on his Table in his Study, carefully 1 Mather's own. * An ordinary book of Catholic devotion : "The Holy Duties of the Devout Soul. With the Devotions due the Virgin throughout the Year: and the Office of the Dead, of the Cross, and others; reformed at the Holy Council of Trent." 1693] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 283 seeing that there should not bee one Leaf at all folded in it; yett the next morning hee found Three Leaves unaccountably Folded, and then Visiting Mercy, hee perceived the Spectres bragging, That tho' shee had [said] shee would warrant them, that Gentleman would keep his Book out of their Hands, yett they had Last Night stole the Book again unto one of their meetings, and folded sundry Leaves in it. They also told her afterwards, That the said person had another Book standing by this, with a Gray Cover, a Little Bigger than This, but much akin to it, and having many pictures in it; which Book they sometimes Likewise used at their meetings; and that they had newly used it, but returning it they had sett it up the Backside outwards. Now to increase our surprize, tho' what they said about using the Book abroad might bee all a Ly, yett all the rest was very Trae, The Title of the Book was L'Office de La Semaine Sainte, et de L 'Octave de Pasque, a L' usage de Rome, et du Diocese de Paris.1 These Things very Naturally Raised in mee, a Contemplacion of the proper Enchantments whereby Popery was at first Begun, and has been Maintain' d; and of the Confusion with which the Divels may probably bee cast, from an Apprehension of the Total Dissolution that is quickly to bee given unto all the Charms, which have hitherto Intoxicated the Nations in that Superstition. But if I should so far forget myself, as to Lay before my Readers, the several Reflections which I found myself invited still to make on these Occasions, I should perform a Work, which for a thousand Reasons I choose rather to Reserve. § 26. Whether I ask my Readers to do it, or no, I know they will variously spend their Judgments upon one of the strangest Things that has occured in our Story, now to bee Related. Mercy Short was attended with another Spirit, be sides those which were her continual Tormentors; a Spirit, which indeed never was Visible nor, I think, properly Audible, any further than in Whisper, unto her; but which managed his Communion with her cheefly by an Impulse, most powerfully and sensibly making Impressions upon her Mind. This Wonderful Spirit would suggest unto her, How to Answer the Temptacions of the Diabolical Spectres, and comfort her with Assurances that shee should at last bee Victorious over Them. 1 This too is but a Catholic book of devotion — the offices of Holy Week. 284 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 T'was by the Guidance of this Spirit that shee would some times take a Bible into her Hands, and without even casting an Eye so much as once upon it, after Turning over Scores of Leaves, Turn down a Leaf at last, unto the most pertinent Place that could bee thought of, and from thence Argue against the Wretches that molested her. For Instance, Once when They were urging her to write her Name in Their Book, shee did in that unaccountable Manner Turn to Rev. 13. 8. All that dwell upon Earth shall worship him, whose Names are not written in the Book of Life of the Lamb : and tho' shee saw not the Text herself, yett Folding down a Leaf unto it, shee held it up unto the Spectres, for Them to Read it; adding withal, That her Name was already in that Book of the Lamb, and therefore it should never come into Their cursed Book! To which They Reply'd, Shee had shown them a Scripture which one (they named)1 had never yett preached upon : and in That, they spoke Trae. Another Time shee did in that marvellous Manner, Folding a Leaf, without any Looking, show the Spectres that Place in Luc. 7. 21. And in that same Hour, Hee cured many of their Infirmities, and plagues and of Evil Spirits. Thus also, After They had been trying to perswade her, that there would bee no Day of Judg ment, shee did in the same astonishing manner show them that place in Act. 1.11. This same Jesus Which is taken up from you into Heaven, shall so come, in Like Manner, as yee have seen Him go into Heaven. Well, When the young Woman had lain under her miseries about Three Weeks, this Notable Spirit, in the Beginning of the Fourth Week, bid her, Bee of Good Cheer and Hold her Integrity against all the Rage of the Divel and his Witches, for the Next Thursday in the Evening about Nine or Ten a clock, shee should bee gloriously delivered, And accordingly, some Dayes a forehand, shee desired that I would, with my Brother, bee There at the Time. I suppose many of my Readers will bee at as much Loss to Determine, what sort of Spirit this is, as the New-foundlanders are, what to think of that spirit by them called White-Hat! who ordi narily appears on the Shore, in a White-hat, crying out, Hale up ! Hale up ! a little before some dangerous Tempest. § 27. The people of God in the Neighbourhood still kept 1 Of course again Mather. 1693] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 285 themselves close unto the unexceptionable way of Continual and Importunate Prayer, for the Deliverance of the Afflicted Maid. For my part, I did all I could, that not so much as the Name of any one good person in the World might suffer the least Ill-Report on this occasion; but unwearied Prayer, wee thought, was our only Way now to Resist the Divel. Accordingly, the Pious People in the North-part of Boston, did very much Pray With the young Woman as well as For her. There are, in that vicinage, several meetings of Young Folks (both sexes apart) who every week meet, that they may Pray with one another; and These now Adjourned their meetings, at the Seasons of them, unto the Haunted Chamber. Yea, There was, I think, scarce a Night for near a Month together, which was not All spent in the Exercise of Devotion, by those that Watched. Indeed, in this New Molestacion of Mercy Short, the Good people kept not any Whole Dayes for Prayer with Fasting on her behalf, as they did before, yett I have understood that shee had a Friend or Two, who did so; but behold, the Lord must bee again Besought Thrice! The First and the Second of the Dayes thus kept had not their full Answer; the Third was no sooner kept, but the Answer came; whereof You are now to bee Informed. § 28. The Young Woman on the Thursday Evening which had been by her mentioned (namely March 16, 1693) lay very free from her usual Torments. Wee perceived from her, That the Spectres Try'd all the Evening long to inflict their Tortures upon her, but still They found her so Hedged by some unseen Defence, that they were unable to Touch her; and the Black Man would thereupon Kick Them, Cuff Them, and Maul Them, for Their so failing in all Their Attempts to wound her. Where upon with a sort of Bravery shee Insulted over Them; and at last, when the Hour came, Shee said in a way of Derision, "Well, I see you are going; What good counsil have you to give mee, before you go? " They then spoke, I know not what pestiferous Things unto her; but, giving them an Angry In terruption, Shee bid them Hear Her counsil to Them. So, Telling the Black Man that shee had nothing to say unto him, for his Condition was beyond Repentance and Forgiveness, unto the rest shee gave such savoury Admonitions, about en deavouring their own Recovery out of the Snare of the Divel, 286 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 as might have broke an Heart of Stone to have heard Them. They at last bid her leave off, and now, Take their Blessing; which it seems was of this Tenour, " Go and bee Damned, Wee can do no more!" Whereunto Shee Reply' d, "0 yee cursed Wretches; Is that Your Blessing? Well After all the wrong that you have done to mee, I do not wish that any one of you may bee Damned; I wish you may bee all saved, if that bee possible. However, In the Name of the Blessed Lord Jesus Christ, bee gone, and lett mee bee no more Troubled with you." Upon That, they flew away Immediately, Striking an other young Woman down for Dead upon the Floor as they went along; and so, with a Raised Soul, shee bore a Part with us, in Giving Thanks to God for her Deliverance; Nor have her Troublers ever since troubled her with any further Visits. Upon her first Rescue from these evil Hands, altho' her Eyes were seemingly Fair, yett the poisons they had used upon them were such, that shee was as blind as one that had been struck with Lightning; but in a few Dayes her sight Re turned. They also left her under a very 111 Habit of Body, whereof shee could not bee cured without some Time and Care; but in That also shee experienced much of the Divine Good ness. Nor am I without Hope, that God will enable her to walk answerable to the great obligations, which Hee has thus laid upon her, by bringing her up out of an Horrible Pitt! § 29. My Reader must excuse mee, that I so much Forbear to give my Opinion about the trae Nature and Meaning of these preternatural occurrences. If God, the Father of Lights, graciously should grant unto any of His poor Servants (as I beleeve to some Hee hath!) a System of Consistent Thoughts about such Works of Darkness, yett such is the froward, flout ing sidred,1 and proud Humour, whereunto the people are now Enchanted, no man in his Wits would fully expose his Thoughts unto them, till the charms which enrage the people are a little better Dissipated. I remember an Odd Relation, in the German Ephemerides, for2 . . . 'Cidered, i. e., soured. 2 Here, with the end of its thirty-eighth page, the manuscript breaks abruptly off. The "Ephemerides" at the close means the Miscellanea Curiosa, or Epheme rides Medico-physicae, which since 1670 had been published yearly in Germany. The best postscript for this narrative is that inserted by Mather himself 1693] C. MATHER, BRAND OUT OF THE BURNING 287 into his diary for 1693, after the entry for February 12 : "About this Time, I had many wonderful Entertainments, from the Invisible World, in the Circumstances of a Young Woman, horribly possessed with Divels. The Damsel was cast into my cares, by the singular Providence of God; and accordingly besides my Cares to releeve her, to advise her, to observe the prodigious things that befel her (whereof I have written a Narrative) I procured some of my devout Neighbours, to join with mee in praying for her. Wee kept Three Successive Dayes of Prayer with Fasting on her behalf, and then wee saw her Delivered; for which, wee kept a Time of solemn Thanksgiving. But after a while, her Tormentors returned, and her Miseries renewed; and my Neighbours being now either too weary or too busy, to do as afore, tho' they made much Prayer daily with her as well as for her, I did alone in my Study fast and pray for her Deliverance. And, unto my Amazement, when I had kept my third Day for her, shee was finally and for ever delivered from the hands of evil Angels; and I had afterwards the Satis faction of seeing not only her so brought home unto the Lord, that shee was ad mitted unto our Church, but also many other, even some scores, of young People, awakened by the Picture of Hell, exhibited in her Sufferings, to flee from the Wrath to come." It was perhaps more nearly at the time that, to the entry of March 28 recording the birth of his malformed and short-lived babe, he added: "I had great Reason to suspect a Witchcraft, in this prseternatural Accident; because my Wife, a few weeks before her Deliverance, was affrighted with an horrible Spectre, in our Porch, which Fright caused her Bowels to turn within her; and the Spectres which, both before and after, tormented a young Woman in our Neighbourhood, brag'd of their giving my Wife that Fright, in hopes, they said, of doing Mischief unto her Infant at least, if not unto the Mother : and besides all this, the Child was no sooner born, but a suspected Woman sent unto my Father, a Letter full of railing against myself, wherein shee told him, Hee little knew, what might quickly befall some of his Posterity." From this passage it is clear that Mercy Short was not at the end of her besetments; and one should not turn from her story, or from that of Margaret Rule, next to be told, without reading (at p. 384, below) what in 1697 a contem porary writes of "their vicious courses since." FROM "MORE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD," BY ROBERT CALEF, 1700 INTRODUCTION Of Robert Calef almost nothing is known except what can be learned from his book. There has even been doubt as to whether, of the two Robert Calefs known to us in Boston at this time, the writer was the father or the son. In 1692, the time of the Salem witchcraft, the father's age was 44, the son's 18.1 It is unlikely that anybody would have thought of the son but for a note copied into one of the memorandum- books of Dr. Jeremy Belknap (1744-1798) .2 This note, of unknown source, reads: "Robert Calef, author of 'More Wonders of the Invisible World,' printed at London in 1700, was a native of England; a young man of good sense, and free from superstition; a merchant in Boston. He was furnished with materials for his work by Mr. Brattle, of Cambridge; and his brother, of Boston; and other gentlemen, who were opposed to the Salem proceedings. — E. P." The writer speaks as if with knowledge; and that so sound a historian as Dr. Belknap should have copied the note speaks for its worth. Able scholars have by it been led to ascribe the book to the younger Robert; but more careful study seems to show the objections insuperable. The author never adds "Jr." to his name, as a son would have done, and as seems to have been the younger Robert's custom.3 He never pleads youth, even 1 S. G. Drake, in the introduction to his edition of Calef, would make his age 14; but the genealogist of the family, Mr. Matthew A. Stickney, says 18. Yet Mr. Stickney urges the father's authorship (N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXX. 461; XLIX. 224). He died in 1894, leaving this genealogy, alas, unpub lished, and his heirs decline to let it be consulted. 2 Mass. Hist. Soc, Proceedings, 1858, p. 288. 3 Thus in 1706 "Robt. Calef, Jun.," was chosen a clerk of the market (Boston Record Commissioners' Reports, VIII. 36); thus in 1708 "Robert Calef, 291 292 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES when most apologetic; and, what weighs more, his indignant foes, seeking all ways to discredit him, never hint at such a thing. His matter and style have in them nothing of boyish ness; and once, in words suggestive of a migrant and a man of years, he speaks (p. 297, below) of "sound Reason, which is what I have been long seeking for in this Country in vain." Most serious of all, his handwriting seems that found in docu ments clearly the elder Calef's, and is that of a mature and even by 1700 that of an aging man; while that of the younger Robert was in 1719-1722 still firm and flexible — and notably different.1 Robert Calef the elder came to America at some time before 1688. He was a cloth-merchant, and doubtless a maker as junr." becomes a constable (id., VHI. 45), and gains permission to erect a house (id., XI. 68, XXLX. 187); thus, too, in that year (see plate) he signs himself "Ro. Calfe Jnr"; thus in 1710 "Robert Calfe, Jr.," appears on the rolls of the Artillery Company (iV. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXXVIII. 341); and it is after his father's death that (see plate) in 1719 to a receipted account, in 1721 to his will, in 1722 to the release of a mortgage, he signed "Rob: Calfe", "Ro: Calfe", "Robert Calfe" (see the last two in Drake's Witchcraft Delusion, II. xxii, xxiv). 1 From the author of More Wonders we have two unquestionable auto graphs : (1) his marginalia of 1695 on Cotton Mather's paper (see below, p. 306, note 1) and (2) a letter of 1700 presenting a copy of his book to the Earl of Bellomont, then governor of Massachusetts and New York. A page of the former is to be photographed in the Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceed ings for 1913-1914; and the latter (now in the New York Public Library) is re produced in full in the Memorial History of Boston (II. 168). Specimens of both are given in our own plate; and to these are added (1) the signature "Robert Calef" from the report of two appraisers, October 30, 1693; (2) the signature "Robt. Calef" from the verdict of a Boston coroner's jury, January 15, 1696; (3) the same signature, with a line or two of text in the same hand, from the decision of two arbitrators (Boston, July 29, 1697); and (4) the last lines and the signa ture of a paper drawn by " Robt. Calef " as a selectman of Roxbury in March, 1717 (?). That all six specimens are in the same hand, and in a hand differ ent from the younger Calef's, will hardly be questioned. Is not the older Robert, too, more likely than the younger to have been an appraiser in 1693, a coroner's juror in 1696, and an arbiter in 1697? And (though Calef and Calfe were undoubtedly pronounced alike or nearly so) is it not less probable that the author of More Wonders changed the habitual spelling of his signature than that a younger Robert, if not the author, should thus have distinguished his identity from his father's? What arguments led the genealogist Stickney to ascribe the book to the father cannot now be learned: the "full statement of the reasons" s. *rfajjfcjjE&43^££>fc Vu*u*l CrraM'fttJ, initial r?*y {AS w+ to-fat***) ^-•'//taniV • r\ */<7^ ¦ -L— i~'~ »7 ' &H~¥Z^«3*A*l*<*»-<'M-c*l rV"»« «**«.. 3. ¦.->> * &Uef /? &Q+»^cfi^ 4> ^ fe;^£^2i*''~^/^/«-^«««^^^^ ¦ ^pz&p?"»> %f™?f: ¦»z-'^?itf™ °»q *m-^a*v 'J^F&JL £*L h i^r#-af.#^n.M~L£.<~«-t*~>i frUfgl £*vJ-l£l- C&n-Sr 'J~&~ As (pi^, JKX- AUTOGRAPHS OP ROBERT CALEF AND OP MS SON ROBERT From various originals INTRODUCTION 293 well as a seller of cloths.1 Of his eight children the eldest was, in 1692, a physician in Ipswich. What led to the writing of More Wonders he has himself told us in his book. It remains only to testify to the care and exactness which all comparison of his work with the records seems to show, and to remark that to a student of the literature of witchcraft it is evident that his reading is larger than he cares to parade. Though he clearly belonged to the popular party, this is as likely to be a result as a cause — it is probably neither — of his feeling on the subject of the witch superstition; and that he had else any grievance against the Mathers or their colleagues there is no reason to think. His book, though completed in 1697, was not printed till 1700, and then in London. In June, 1698, Cotton Mather records in his diary that "a sort of a Sadducee in this town" " hath written a Volumn of invented and notorious lies ' ' ; "this Volumn," he adds, "hee is, as I understand, sending to En gland, that it may bee printed there." Why it found no printer in New England can be guessed; the storm it raised when it appeared in print is well known. President Increase Mather "ordered the wicked book to be burnt in the college yard," 2 and his son's diary is eloquent with vexation. "Some Years ago," runs his entry of November 15, 1700, "a very wicked sort of a Sadducee in this Town, raking to gether a crae of Libels, which he had written at several Times, promised by him to the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register (see XXX. 461) was, like his genealogy, never published. But, from an article on "Robert Calef" by Mr. W. S. Harris in the Granite Monthly for 1907 (XXXIX. 157-163), and from correspondence with its author, it is learned that another student of the Calef pedigree (Mr. W. W. Lunt, of Hingham, Mass.) has reached that result by a comparison of handwritings. Mr. Harris, it should be added, quotes the Rev. John Kelly as saying in a funeral sermon (1808) for Judge John Calfe (b. 1740) of Hampstead, N. H, that the latter's ancestor (who was the elder Calef, not the younger) was the author of the book. 1 In 1701 Cotton Mather calls him "the Weaver (though he presumes to call himself Merchant) " (Some Few Remarks, p. 35). 2Eliot, Biographical Dictionary (1809), *. v. "Calef." 294 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES (especially relating to the Wonders of the Invisible World, which have been among us) wherein I am the cheef Butt of his Mal ice, (tho' many other better Servants of the Lord are also most maliciously abused by him :) he sent this vile Volume to Lon don to be published. Now, tho' I had often and often cried unto the Lord, that the Cup of this Man's abominable Bundle of Lies, written on purpose, with a Quil under a special Energy and Management of Satan, to damnify my precious Oppor tunities of Glorifying my Lord Jesus Christ, might pass from me; Yett, in this point, the Lord has denied my Request: the Book is printed, and the Impression is this week arrived here." It was even felt necessary to print a reply; but the two Mathers held it beneath them to plead in their own vindication. It fell to their parishioners. "My pious neighbours are so provoked," writes Cotton Mather (December 4), "at the dia bolical Wickedness of the Man who has published a Volume of Libels against my Father and myself, that they sett apart whole Dayes of Prayer, to complain unto God against him." The outcome of their communings together was a pamphlet called Some Few Remarks upon a Scandalous Book against the Gospel and Ministry of New England, written by one Robert Calef. It was signed by seven, one of them John Goodwin; but the materials were furnished by their pastors. It aimed however at their personal exculpation, and has small interest for the public story.1 The doughty merchant survived the storm. In 1702-1704 he served his townsmen as an overseer of the poor, in 1707 i Let any who would know the contents of the excessively rare little booklet turn to the works of Upham and Poole mentioned on p. 91 ; and in his Diary (I. 383-384) Mather narrates how the book was compiled. The More Wonders it describes as "a Libellous Bbok lately come into this Countrey . . . which is writ (with what help we know not) by one Robert Calef, who presumes to call himself Merchant of Boston." "It was highly rejoicing to us," add the writers, "when we heard that our Booksellers were so well acquainted with the Integrity of our Pastors, as that not one of them could admit of any of those Libels to be vended in their shops." Pp. 34-50 of its seventy-one pages are taken up by a letter of Cotton Mather to the authors. It was perhaps a passage in Mather's INTRODUCTION 295 was chosen an assessor, in 1710 a tithingman. It was perhaps about this time that he retired to Roxbury, where in 1707 he had bought a place and where he was a selectman of the town when, in 1719, death found him. There, in the old burial ground just opposite his home, a stone still testifies that "Here lyes buried the body of Mr. Robert Calef, aged seventy-one years, died April the Thirteenth, 1719." * Calef's book has been five times reprinted: in 1796, at Salem, by William Carlton (12°, pp. 318) ; again at Salem, in 1823, a mere reimpression, with the addition, from the court files, of Giles Corey's examination (12°, pp. 312) ; in Boston, 1828 (24°, pp. 333), again a reimpression; at Salem, 1861, edited by Mr. S. P. Fowler, with Cotton Mather's Wonders, in his volume Salem Witchcraft (see p. 207) ; and, more faith fully, in 1866 at Roxbury, as nos. VI., VII., of Woodward's Historical Series, under the editorship of S. G. Drake (see pp. 207-208). The present text follows the original edition (1700), but corrects it by the list of Errata to be found in the copy (once Cotton Mather's) possessed by the Massachusetts Historical Society.2 letter that led "E. P." to think Robert Calef a "young man"; for those words, in italics and with capital initials, stare from a sentence so obscure that to a hasty glance Calef, instead of Mather himself, might easily seem to be meant. 1 For these and other personal details see Drake's memoir, in his ed. of Calef, and his History and Antiquities of Boston, pp. 529, 531; Boston Record Commis sioners' Reports, I. 156, 160, VII. 210, 218, 225, 229, VIII. 24, 26, 31, 33, 41, 43, 75, IX. 179, 195, XI. 145; Memorial History of Boston, IV. 652; F. S. Drake, The Town of Roxbury (Boston, 1905), pp. 102, 140-149; iV. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XIV. 52; and the above-cited article of W. S. Harris, which has a photograph of the gravestone. From these mentions will be learned also the name of his wife, Mary, and of the two of his eight children who were born (1688, 1691) after his coming to Boston. It will be learned, too, that in 1692 he was a constable, in 1694 hayward and fenceviewer, in 1697 a surveyor of highways, in 1698 a clerk of the market. At least it is to "Robert Calef," not to "Robert Calef, Jr.," that the records award these offices. And it is perhaps to be noticed that while the name of "Robert Calef" is often preceded by "Mr.", that title does not appear before that of "Robert Calef, Jr." 2 See Drake's ed., III. 223. MORE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD More Wonders of the Invisible World: Or, The Wonders of the Invisible World, Display'd in Five Parts. Part I. An Account of the Sufferings of Margaret Rule, Written by the Reverend Mr. C. M. P. II. Several Letters to the Author, etc. And his Reply relat ing to Witchcraft. P. III. The Differences between the Inhabitants of Salem Vil lage, and Mr. Parris their Minister, in New-England. P. IV. Letters of a Gentleman uninterested, Endeavouring to prove the received Opinions about Witchcraft to be Orthodox. With short Essays to their Answers. P. V. A short Historical Accou[n]t of Matters of Fact in that Affair. To which is added, A Postscript relating to a Book intitled, The Life of Sir William Phips. Collected by Robert Calef, Merchant, of Boston in New-England. Licensed and Entred according to Order. London: Printed for Nath. Hillar, at the Princes-Arms, in Leaden-Hall-street, over against St. Mary-Ax, and Joseph Collyer, at the Golden-Bible, on London-Bridge. 1700.1 The Epistle to the Reader, And more especially to the Noble Bereans2 of this Age, wherever Residing. Gentlemen, You that are freed from the Slavery of a corrupt Education; and that in spite of human Precepts, Examples and Presidents,3 can hearken to the Dictates of Scripture and Reason : 'Title-page of original. 2 /. e., to those with open minds : the Bereans are commended (Acts xvii. 11) as "more noble" because "they received the word with all readiness of mind, and searched the Scriptures daily, whether these things were so." a Precedents : this odd spelling was then the current one. 296 1697] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 297 For your sakes I am content, that these Collections of mine, as also my Sentiments should be exposed to publick view; In hopes that having well considered, and compared them with Scripture, you will see reason, as I do, to question a belief so prevalent (as that here treated of) as also the practice flowing from thence; they standing as nearly connext as cause and effect; it being found wholly impracticable, to extirpate the latter without first curing the former. And if the Buffoon or Satyrical will be exercising their Talents, or if the Biggots wilfully and blindly reject the Testi monies of their own Reason, and more sure word, it is no more than what I expected from them. But you Gentlemen, I doubt not, are willing to Distinguish between Truth and Error, and if this may be any furtherance to you herein, I shall not miss my Aim. But if you find the contrary, and that my belief herein is any way Heterodox, I shall be thankful for the Information to any Learned or Reverend Person, or others, that shall take that pains to inform me better by Scripture, or sound Reason, which is what I have been long seeking for in this Country in vain. In a time when not only England in particular, but almost all Europe had been labouring against the Usurpations of Tyranny and Slavery, The English America has not been behind in a share in the Common calamities; more especially New-England has met not only with such calamities as are common to the rest, but with several aggravations enhansing such Afflictions, by the Devastations and Cruelties of the Bar barous Indians in their Eastern borders, etc. But this is not all, they have been harrast (on many ac counts) by a more dreadful Enemy, as will herein appear to the considerate. P. 66.1 Were it as we are told in Wonders of the Invisible World, that the Devils were walking about our Streets with 1 This page-number and those which follow refer to the pages of Mather's Wonders (original edition), from which the substance of these paragraphs is quoted. The passages quoted will be found in Mather's book at pp. 48, 41, 50, of the first London edition, at pp. 95, 80-82, 100, of that of 1862, at pp. 121- 122, 102-104, 128, of the American edition of 1866. They do not belong to the pages reprinted in the present volume. 298 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1697 lengthned Chains making a dreadful noise in our Ears, and Brimstone, even without a Metaphor, was making a horrid and a hellish stench in our Nostrils, P. 49. And that the Devil exhibiting himself ordinarily as a black-Man,1 had decoy 'd a fearful knot of Proud, Fro- ward, Ignorant, Envious and Malitious Creatures, to list them selves in his horrid Service, by entring their Names in a Book tendered unto them; and that they have had their Meetings and Sacraments, and associated themselves to destroy the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, in these parts of the World; having each of them their Spectres, or Devils Commissionated by them, and representing of them, to be the Engines of their Malice, by these wicked Spectres siezing poor People about the Country with various and bloody Torments. And of those evidently preternatural Torments some to[o] have died. And that they have bewitched some even so far, as to make them self destroyers, and others in many Towns here and there languish'd under their evil hands. The People thus afflicted miserably scratch'd and bitten; and that the same Invisible Furies did stick Pins in them, and scald them, distort and dis joint them, with a Thousand other Plagues; and sometimes drag them out of their Chambers, and carry them over Trees and Hills Miles together, many of them being tempted to sign the Devils Laws. P. 7[0]. Those furies whereof several have killed more People perhaps than would serve to make a Village.2 If this be the true state of the Afflictions of this Country, it is very deplorable, and beyond all other outward Calamities miserable. But if on the other side, the Matter be as others do understand it, That the Devil has been too hard for us by his Temptations, signs, and lying Wonders, with the help of pernicious notions, formerly imbibed and professed; together with the Accusations of a parcel of possessed, distracted, or lying Wenches, accusing their Innocent Neighbours, pretend ing they see their Spectres (i. e.) Devils in their likeness Afflict ing of them, and that God in righteous Judgment (after Men 'How Mather conceived this "black man" to look appears from the de scription he ascribes to Mercy Short (p. 261, above). 2 In the original there is here no paragraph, the paragraph beginning after the next sentence with "But if," etc. 1697] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 299 had ascribed his Power to Witches, of Commissionating Devils to do these things) may have given them over to strong de lusions to believe lyes, etc. And to let loose the Devils of Envy, Hatred, Pride, Cruelty, and Malice against each other; yet still disguised under the Mask of Zeal for God, and left them to the branding one another with the odious Name of Witch; and upon the Accusation of those above mentioned, Brother to Accuse and Prosecute Brother, Children their Parents, Pastors and Teachers their immediate Flock unto death; Shepherds becoming Wolves, Wise Men Infatuated; People hauled to Prisons, with a bloody noise pursuing to, and insulting over, the (trae) Sufferers at Execution, while some are fleeing from that call'd Justice, Justice it self fleeing before such Accusations, when once it did but begin to refrain further proceedings, and to question such Practises, some making their Escape out of Prisons, rather than by an obstinate Defence of their Innocency, to run so apparent hazard of their Lives; Estates seized, Families of Children and others left to the Mercy of the Wilderness (not to mention here the Numbers prescribed,1 dead in Prisons, or Executed, etc.) All which Tragedies, tho begun in one Town, or rather by one Parish, has Plague-like spread more than through that Country. And by its Eccho giving a brand of Infamy to this whole Country, throughout the World, If this were the Miserable case of this Country in the time thereof, and that the Devfl had so far prevailed upon us in our Sentiments and Actions, as to draw us from so much as look ing into the Scriptures for our guidance in these pretended Intricacies, leading us to a trusting in blind guides, such as the corrupt practices of some other Countries, or the bloody Ex periments of Bodin, and such other Authors — Then tho our Case be most miserable, yet it must be said of New-England, Thou hast destroyed thy self, and brought this greatest of Miseries upon thee. And now whether the Witches (such as have made a com pact by Explicit Covenant with the Devfl, having thereby obtained a power to Commissionate him) have been the cause of our miseries, Or whether a Zeal governed by blindness and passion, and '"Prescribed," as then often, for "proscribed," i. e., condemned to death. 300 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1697 led by president, has not herein precipitated us into far greater wickedness (if not Witchcrafts) than any have been yet proved against those that suffered, To be able to distinguish aright in this matter, to which of these two to refer our Miseries is the present Work. As to the former, I know of no sober Man, much less Reverend ; Christian, that being ask'd dares affirm and abide by it, that Witches have that power; viz. to Commissionate Devils to kill and destroy. And as to the latter, it were well if there were not too much of truth in it, which remains to be demon strated. But here it will be said, what need of Raking in the Coals that lay buried in oblivion. We cannot recall those to Life again that have suffered, supposmg it were unjustly; it tends but to the exposing the Actors, as if they had proceeded irregularly. Truly I take this to be just as the Devil would have it, so much to fear disobliging men, as not to endeavour to detect his Wiles, that so he may the sooner, and with the greater Ad vantages set the same on foot again (either here or else where) so dragging us through the Pond twice by the same Cat.1 And if Reports do not (herein) deceive us, much the same has been acting this present year in Scotland.2 And what King dom or Country is it, that has not had their bloody fits and turns at it. And if this is such a catching disease, and so uni versal, I presume I need make no Apology for my Endeavours to prevent, as far as in my power, any more such bloody Vic tims or Sacrifices; tho indeed I had rather any other would 1 For a description of the joke, played on boobies, of "dragging through a pond with a cat," see the Oxford Dictionary, s. v. Cat, III. 14, or Grose, Diction ary of Vulgar Terms, s. v. "Cat-whipping." "We hope, sir," said in 1682 the London Gazette, "that this Nation will be too wise, to be drawn twice through the same Water by the very same Cat." 2 As Calef is writing in August, 1697, he doubtless has in mind the cases in Renfrewshire, where on June 10 several witches were hanged, then burned, on the Gallow Green of Paisley; a "Relation" then printed recounts "the Diabolical Practices of above Twenty." Neither the relation nor the tidings of the burning could well have reached America by August 11; but the trials had been notorious for months. In Scotland, however, such things had been constant, as may be seen by the records of the Privy Council. Those of this period are chronicled by Robert Chambers in his Domestic Annals of Scotland. 1697] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 301 have undertaken so offensive, tho necessary a task; yet all things weighed, I had rather thus Expose my self to Censure, than that it should be wholly omitted. Were the notions in question innocent and harmless, respecting the Glory of God, and well being of Men, I should not have engaged in them, but finding them in my esteem so intollerably destructive of both, This together with my being by Warrant called before the Justices, in my own Just Vindication, I took it to be a call from God, to my Power,1 to Vindicate his Truths, against the Pagan and Popish Assertions, which are so prevalent; for tho Christians in general do own the Scriptures to be their only Rule of Faith and Doctrine, yet these Notions wfll tell us, that the Scriptures have not sufficiently, nor at all described the crime of Witchcraft, whereby the culpable might be detected, tho it be positive in the Command to punish it by Death; hence the World has been from time to time perplext in the prosecution of the several Diabolical mediums of Heathenish and Popish Invention, to detect an Imaginary Crime (not but that there are Witches, such as the Law of God describes) which has produced a deluge of Blood; hereby rendering the Commands of God not only void but dangerous. So also they own Gods Providence and Government of the World, and that Tempests and Storms, Afflictions and Diseases, are of his sending; yet these Notions tell us, that the Devil has the power of all these, and can perform them when com- mission'd by a Witch thereto, and that he has a power at the Witches call to act and do, without and against the course of Nature, and all natural causes, in afflicting and killing of In nocents; and this is that so many have died for. Also it is generally believed, that if any Man has strength, it is from God the Almighty Being: But these notions will tell us, that the Devil can make one Man as strong as many, which was one of the best proofs, as it was counted, against Mr. Burroughs the Minister;2 tho his contemporaries in the Schools during his Minority could have testified, that his strength was then as much superiour to theirs as ever (setting aside incredible Romances) it was discovered to be since. Thus rendring the power of God, and his providence of none Effect. 1 1, e., to the utmost of my power. 2 See pp. 219-220, above. 302 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1697 These are some of the destructive notions of this Age, and however the asserters of them seem sometimes to value them selves much upon sheltring their Neighbours from Spectral Accusations, They may deserve as much thanks as that Tyrant, that having industriously obtained an unintelligible charge against his Subjects, in matters wherein it was impos sible they should be Guilty, having thereby their lives in his power, yet suffers them of his meer Grace to live, and will be call'd gracious Lord. It were too Icarian1 a task for one unfurnish'd with neces sary learning, and Library, to give any Just account, from whence so great delusions have sprang, and so long continued. Yet as an Essay from those scraps of reading that I have had opportunity of, it will be no great venture to say, that Signs and Lying Wonders have been one principal cause.2 It is written of Justin Martyr, who lived in the second Century, that he was before bis conversion a great Philosopher; first in the way of the Stoicks, and after of the Peripateticks, after that of the Pythagorean, and after that of the Platonists sects; and after all proved of Eminent use in the Church of Christ; Yet a certain Author speaking of one Apollonius Tyaneus3 has these words, "That the most Orthodox them selves began to deem him vested with power sufficient for a Deity; which occasioned that so strange a doubt from Justin Martyr, as cited by the learned Gregory, Fol. 37. Ei ®«fe eo-rt,4 etc. If God be the Creator and Lord of the World, how comes it to pass that Apollonius his Telisms,5 have so much over-ruled the course of things! for we see that they also have stilled the Waves of the Sea, and the raging of the Winds, and prevailed against the Noisome Flies, and Incursions of wild Beasts," etc. If so Eminent and Early a Christian were by these false shews in such doubt, it is the less wonder in our 1 1, e., presumptuous, like the venture of Icarus, who flew so high that the sun melted off his wings. 2 He is thinking, of course, of such "Remarkables" as those told by the Mathers. 'Apollonius of Tyana, the first-century Pythagorean philosopher and wonder-worker, like Justin Martyr, the second-century apologist of Christianity, is perhaps too well known to need a footnote. 4 Justin Martyr, Quaestiones et Responsianes ad Orthodoxos, qu. 24. 5 Telesmata, talismans, magical devices. 1697] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 303 depraved times, to meet with what is Equivalent thereto: Besides this a certain Author informs me, that "Julian (after wards called the Apostate) being instructed in the Philosophy and Disciplines of the Heathen, by Libarius1 bis Tutor, by this means he came to love Philosophy better than the Gospel, and so by degrees turn'd from Christianity to Heathenism." This same Julian did, when Apostate, forbid that Christians should be instructed in the Discipline of the Gentiles, which (it seems) Socrates a Writer of the Ecclesiastical History, does acknowledge to be by the singular Providence of God; Chris tians having then begun to degenerate from the Gospel, and to betake themselves to Heathenish learning. And in the Mercury for the Month of February, 1695, there is this Ac count, "That the Christian Doctors conversing much with the writings of the Heathen, for the gaining of Eloquence, A Counsel2 was held at Carthage, which forbad the reading of the Books of the Gentiles." From all which it may be easily perceived, that in the Primitive times of Christianity, when not only many Heathen of the Vulgar, but also many learn'd Men and Philosophers had imbraced the Christian Faith, they still retained a love to their Heathen-learning, which as one observes being trans planted into a Christian sofle, soon proved productive of per nicious weeds, which over-ran the face of the Church, hence it was so deformed as the Reformation found it. Among other pernicious Weeds arising from this Root, the Doctrine of the power of Devfls and Witchcraft as it is now, and long has been understood, is not the least; the Fables of Homer, Virgil, Horace and Ovid, etc., being for the Elegancy of their Language retained then (and so are to this day) in the schools, have not only introduced, but established such Doctrines to the poisoning the Christian World. A certain Author Expresses it thus, "that as the Christian Schools at first brought Men from Heathenism to the Gospel, so these Schools carry Men from the Gospel to Heathenism, as to their great perfection," and Mr. I. M.3 in his Remarkable Providences, gives an account that (as he calls it) an Old Counsel4 did 1 Libanius. * Council : the Fourth Council of Carthage, 398 A. D. * Increase Mather. 4 Council : the Spanish Council of Bracara, 561 A. D. 304 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1697 Anathematize all those that beheved such power of the Devils, accounting it a Damnable Doctrine. But as other Evils did afterwards increase in the Church (partly by such Education) so this insensibly grew up with them, tho not to that degree, as that any Counsel1 I have ever heard or Read of has to this day taken off those Anathema's; yet after this the Church so far declined, that Witchcraft became a Principal Ecclesiastical Engine (as also that of Heresie was) to root up all that stood in their way; and besides the ways of Tryal that we have still in practice, they invented some, which were peculiar to them selves; which when ever they were minded to improve against any Orthodox believer, they could easily make Effectual: That Deluge of Blood which that Scarlet Whore2 has to an swer for, shed under this notion, how amazing is it. The first in England that I have read of, of any note since the Reformation, that asserts this Doctrine, is the famous Mr. Perkins,3 he (as also Mr. Gaul,4 and Mr. Bernard,5 etc. seems all of them to have undertaken one Task, they) taking notice of the Multiplicity of irregular ways to try them by, invented by Heathen and Papists, made it their business and main work herein to oppose such as they saw to be pernicious. And if they did not look more narrowly into it, but followed the first, viz. Mr. Perkins whose Education (as theirs also) had 1 Council. 2 He means the Roman church. Revelation, xvii. 8 William Perkins (1558-1602), the eminent Cambridge divine — "our Perkins," as Increase Mather calls him — whose Discourse of the Damned Art of Witchcraft (London, 1608, 1610, and in the many editions of his Works) was the highest authority to Puritans. 4 John Gaule. See p. 216, note 1. 6 Richard Bernard (1567-1641), long minister of Batcombe in Somersetshire. His Guide to Grand-Jurymen . . . in cases of Witchcraft (1627, 1629) was, though credulous and cruel enough, the most mild and cautious of the Puritan mono graphs. The tiny volume, now very rare, had perhaps never a great circulation (in 1692 Increase Mather declares it, like Gaule's book, "rare to be had"); but its rules for the detection of witches gained much vogue from their adoption by Michael Dalton into his The Countrey Justice, the standard manual for the pro cedure of the lower courts. It is clearly, however, from Bernard's book itself that Cotton Mather has abridged these rules in his Wonders; and the book, as well as this extract, was doubtless in the hands of the Salem judges. Increase Mather quotes it often, and by page, and tells us that it "is a solid and a wise treatise." (Cases of Conscience, 1693, p. 18.) 1697] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 305 forestall'd him into such behef, whom they readily followed, it cannot be wondered at: And that they were men liable to Err, and so not to be trusted to as perfect guides, will mani festly appear to him that shall see their several receits laid down to detect them by their Presumptive and Positive ones. And consider how few of either have any foundation in Scrip ture or Reason; and how vastly they differ from each other in both, each having his Art by 'himself, which Forty or an Hundred more may as well imitate, and give theirs, ad infini tum, being without all manner of proof. But tho this be their main design to take off People from those Evil and bloody ways of trial which they speak so much against, Yet this does not binder to this day, but the same evil ways or as bad are still used to detect them by, and that even among Protestants; and is so far Justified, that a Rev erend Person has said lately here, how else shall we detect Witches? And another being urged to prove by Scripture such a sort of Witch as has power to send Devils to kill men, replied, that he did as firmly believe it as any article of his Faith. And that he (the Inquirer) did not go to the Scripture, to learn the Mysteries of his trade or Art. What can be said more to Establish there Heathenish notions and to vfllifie the Scriptures, our only Rule; and that after we have seen such dire effects thereof, as has threatned the utter Extirpation of this whole Country. And as to most of the Actors in these Tragedies, tho they are so far from defending their Actions that they will Readily own, that undue steps have been taken, etc., Yet it seems they choose that the same should be Acted over again inforced by their Example, rather than that it should Remain as a Warning to Posterity, wherein they have mist it. So far are they from giving Glory to God, and taking the due shame to themselves." And now to sum up all in a few words, we have seen a Biggotted Zeal, stirring up a Blind and most Bloody rage, not against Enemies, or Irreligious Proffligate Persons, But (in Judgment of Charity, and to view) against as Vertuous and Religious as any they have left behind them in this Country, which have suffered as Evil doers with the utmost extent of rigour (not that so high a Character is due to all that Suffered) 306 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1697 and this by the Testimony of Vile Varlets as not only were known before, but have been further apparent since by their Manifest Lives, Whordoms, Incest, etc. The Accusations of these, from their Spectral Sight, being the chief Evidence against those that Suffered. In which Accusations they were upheld by both Magistrates and Ministers, so long as they Apprehended themselves in no Danger. And then tho they could defend neither the Doctrine, nor the Practice, yet none of them have in such a publick manner as the case Requires, testified against either; tho at the same time they could not but be sensible what a Stain and lasting Infamy they have brought upon the whole Country, to the Indangering the future welfair not only of this but of other places, induced by their Example; if not, to an intailing the Guilt of all the Righteous Blood that has been _byjthe_same means Shed, by Heathen or Papists, etc., upon themselves, whose deeds they have so far justified, occasioning the great Dishonour and Blasphemy of the Name of God, Scandalizing the Heathen, hardning of Enemies; and as a Natural effect thereof, to the great Increase of Atheism. I shall conclude only with acquainting the Reader, that of these Collections, the first, containing more Wonders of the Invisible World, I received of a Gentleman,1 who had it of the Author and communicated it to me,2 with his express con sent, of which this is a trae Copy.3 As to the Letters, they 1 It has been conjectured that this gentleman may have been one of the two Brattles. In a letter of March 1, 1695 (More Wonders, p. 30 — not here reprinted), to a "Mr. B." (Brattle?) Calef mentions other papers received from Mather through his hands — but to be returned speedily and not copied. He, however, he says, made notes in the margin where he thought it needful. These papers, as it will rejoice all students to learn, have just been identified by Mr. Worthing- ton C. Ford (to whose courtesy the editor owes his knowledge of them) among those in the keeping of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and they will be published in full — both Mather's text and Calef's marginalia (with a facsimile plate) in that society's Proceedings for 1913-1914. See also below, p. 388, at end. 2 The original ha3 "use"; but this is corrected to "me" in the Errata (see p. 295, above). * A copy, not of the "express consent," but of the "More Wonders of the Invisible World" — the Margaret Rule story as a whole — to which the letter of Mather introducing it was perhaps attached as a sort of open "letter to the reader. ' ' Between this preface and that letter there intervenes a table of contents, not here reprinted. 1697] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 307 are for Substance the same I sent, tho with some small Varia tion or Addition. Touching the two Letters from a Gentle man, at his request I have forborn naming him. It is great Pity the matters of Fact, and indeed the whole, had not been done by some abler hand better Accomplished and Advantaged with both natural and acquired Judgments, but others not Appearing, I have inforc'd my self to do what is done, my other occasions Will not admit any further Scrutiny therein. R. C. Boston in New-England, Aug. 11, 1697. Sir, I now lay before you a very Entertaining Story, a Story which relates yet more Wonders of the Invisible World,1 a Story which tells the Remarkable Afflictions and Deliverance of one that had been Prodigiously handled by the Evil Angels. I was my self a daily Eye Witness to a large part of these Occur rences, and there may be produced Scores of Substantial Wit nesses to the most of them; yea, I know not of any one Passage of the Story, but what may be sufficiently Attested. I do not Write it with a design of throwing it presently into the Press, but only to preserve the Memory of such Memorable things, the forgetting whereof would neither be pleasing to God, nor useful to Men; as also to give you, with some others of peculiar and obliging Friends, a sight of some Curiosities, and I hope this Apologie wfll serve to Excuse me, if I mention, as perhaps I may, when I come to a tenth Paragraph in my Writing,2 some things which I would have omitted in a farther Publication. Cotton Mather.3 1 It is, in other words, a supplement to his book thus entitled, as its other name, "Another Brand pluckt out of the Burning," makes it a supplement to his Mercy Short narrative. 2 See his "Sect. 10" (pp. 316-318, below). » As to this letter see p. 306, note 3. The Margaret Rule MS. is still pre served in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society; and Poole, who used it for his chapter on witchcraft in the Memorial History of Boston, has in a footnote (II. 152) printed a facsimile of the "To bee Return'd unto C. Mather" written on it by its author. 308 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1691 ANOTHER BRAND PLUCKT OUT OF THE BURNING, OR, MORE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD PART I. Section I. The Afflictions of Margaret Rule. Within these few years there died in the Southern Parts a Christian Indian, who notwithstanding some of bis Indian Weakness, had something of a better Character of vertue and Goodness, than many of our People can allow to most of their Countrey-men, that profess the Christian Religion. He had been a Zealous Preacher of the Gospel to his Neighbour-hood, and a sort of Overseer, or Officer, to whose Conduct was owing very much of what good order was maintained among those Proselited Savages : This Man returning home from the Funeral of his Son, was Complemented by an English-Man, expressing Sorrow for his Loss; now, tho' the Indians use, upon the Death of Relations, to be the most Passionate and Outragious Creatures in the World, yet this Converted Indian Handsomely and Chearfully repli'd, "Truly I am sorry, and I am not sorry; I am sorry that I have Buried a dear Son; but I am not sorry that the will of God is done. I know that without the will of God my Son could not have Died, and I know that the will of God is allways just and good, and so I am satisfied." Immediately upon this, even within a few hours, he fell himself Sick of a Disease that quickly kfll'd him; in the time of which Disease he called his Folks about him, earnestly perswading them to be Sincere in their Praying unto God, and beware of the Drunkenness, the Idleness, the Lying, whereby so many of that Nation disgrac'd their Profession of Christianity; adding, that he was ashamed when he thought how little Service he had hitherto done for God; and that if God would prolong his Life he would Labour to do better Ser vice, but that he was fully sure he was now going to the Lord Jesus Christ, who had bought him with his own Precious Blood; and for his part he long'd to Die that he might be with his Glorious Lord; and in the mid'st of such passages he gave up 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 309 the Ghost, but in such repute, that the English People of good Fashion did not think much of Travelling a great way to his Interment. Lest my Reader do now wonder why I have re lated this piece of a Story, I will now hasten to abate that Wonder, by telling that whereto this was intended, but for an Introduction: Know then that this remarkable Indian being a httle before he Died at work in the Wood making of Tarr, there appeared unto him a Black-Man, of a Terrible aspect, and more than humane Dimensions, threatning bitterly to kill him if he would not promise to leave off Preaching as he did to his Countrey-Men, and promise particularly, that if he Preached any more, he would say nothing of Jesus Christ unto them. The Indian amaz'd, yet had the courage to answer, I wfll in spite of you go on to Preach Christ more than ever I did, and the God whom I serve wfll keep me that you shall^ never hurt me. Hereupon the Apparition abating somewhat • of his fierceness, offered to the Indian a Book of a considerable thickness and a Pen and Ink, and said, that if he would now set his hand unto that Book, he would require nothing further of him; but the Man refused the motion with indignation, and fell down upon his knees into a Fervent and Pious Prayer unto God for help against the Tempter, whereupon the Daemon ; Vanish't. This is a Story which I would never have tendered unto my Reader, if I had not Receiv'd it from an honest and useful English Man, who is at this time a Preacher of the Gospel to the Indians,1 nor would the probable2 Truth of it have en couraged me to have tendered it, if this also had not been a fit introduction unto yet a further Narrative. Sect. 2. 'Twas not much above a year or two, after this Accident (of which no manner of Noise has been made) that there was a Prodigious descent of Devils upon divers places near the Center of this Province, wherein some scores of Mis- 'Very probably his uncle, the Rev. John Cotton (1640-1699), who had formerly preached in Martha's Vineyard (1664-1667) and had there learned the Indian tongue, and who now, at Plymouth, continued to preach to Indians as well as whites. In his life of Eliot and in bk. VI. of his Magnolia Mather relates much more of the Christian Indians of Martha's Vineyard and of the witchcrafts there. 2 Provable, demonstrable. 310 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 erable People were Troubled by horrible appearances of a Black-Man, accompanied with Spectres, wearing these and those Humane Shapes, who offer'd them a Book to be by them sign'd, in token of their being Listed for the Service of the Devil, and upon their denying to do it, they were Dragoon'd1 with a thousand Preternatural Torments, which gave no little terror to the beholders of these unhappy Energuments.2 There was one in the North part of Boston seized by the Evil-Angels many Months after the General Storm of the late Inchantments was over, and when the Countrey had long lain pretty quiet, both as to Molestations and Accusations from the Invisible World, her Name was Margaret Rule, a Young Woman. She was born of sober and honest Parents, yet Living, but what her own Character was before her Visitation, I can speak with the less confidence of exactness, because I observe that wherever the Devils have been let loose to worry any Poor Creature amongst us, a great part of the Neighbourhood presently set themselves to inquire and relate all the httle Vanities of their Childhood, with such unequal exaggerations, as to make them appear greater Sinners than any whom the Pilate of Hell has not yet Preyed upon : But it is affirm'd, that for about half a year before her Visitation, she was observably improved in the hopeful symptoms of a new Creature; She was become seriously concern'd for the everlasting Salvation of her Soul, and careful to avoid the snares of Evil Company. This Young Woman had never seen the affliction of Mercy Short, whereof a Narrative has been already given,3 and yet about half a year after the glorious and signal deliverance of that poor Damsel, this Margaret fell into an affliction, marvellous, re sembling hers in almost all the circumstances of it, indeed the Afflictions were so much alike, that the relation I have given of the one, would almost serve as the full History of the other, this was to that, little more than the second part to the same Tune, indeed Margarets case was in several points less remark able than Mercies, and in some other things the Entertainment did a little vary. Sect. 3. 'Twas upon the Lords Day the 10th of September, in the Year 1693, that Margaret Rule, after some hours of previous disturbance in the Publick Assembly, fell into odd 1 See p. 189, note 2. 2 Energumens : i. e., demoniacs. * See pp. 255 ff., above. 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 311 Fits, which caused her Friends to carry her home, where her Fits in a few hours grew into a Figure that satisfied the Spec tators of their being preternatural; some of the Neighbours were forward enough to suspect the rise of this Mischief in an House hard-by, where lived a Miserable Woman, who had been formerly Imprisoned on the suspicion of Witchcraft, and who had frequently Cured very painfull Hurts by muttering over them certain Charms, which I shall not indanger the- Poysoning of my Reader by repeating. This Woman had the Evening before Margaret fell into her Calamities, very bitterly treated her, and threatn'd her; but the hazard of hurting a poor Woman that might be innocent, notwithstanding Sur mizes that might have been more strongly grounded than those, caus'd the pious People in the Vicinity to try rather whether incessant Supplication to God alone, might not pro cure a quicker and safer Ease to the Afflicted, than hasty Prose cution of any suppos'd Criminal, and accordingly that unex ceptionable course was all that was ever followed; yea, which I look't on as a token for good, the Afflicted Family was as averse as any of us all to entertain thoughts of any other course. Sect. 4. The Young Woman was assaulted by Eight cruel Spectres, whereof she imagin'd that she knew three or four, but the rest came still with their Faces cover'd, so that she could never have a distinguishing view of the countenance of those whom she thought she knew; she was very careful of my reitterated charges to forbear blazing the Names, lest any good Person should come to suffer any blast of Reputation thro' the cunning Malice of the great Accuser; nevertheless having since privately named them to my self, I will venture to say this of them, that they are a sort of Wretches who for these many years have gone under as Violent Presumptions of Witchcraft, as perhaps any creatures yet living upon Earth; altho' I am farr from thinking that the Visions of this Young Woman were Evidence enough to prove them so. These cursed Spectres now brought unto her a Book about a Cubet long, a Book Red and thick, but not very broad, and they demanded of her that she would set her Hand to that Book, or touch it at least with her Hand, as a Sign of her becoming a Servant of the Devil; upon her peremptory refusal to do what they asked, they did not after renew the profers of the 312 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 Book unto her, but instead thereof, they fell to Tormenting of her in a manner too Hellish to be sufficiently described, in those Torments confining her to her Bed, for just Six weeks together. Sect. 5. Sometimes, but not always, together with the Spectres there look't in upon the Young Woman (according to her account) a short and a Black Man, whom they call'd their Master, a Wight exactly of the same Dimensions and Complexion and voice, with the Divel that has exhibited him self unto other infested People, not only in other parts of this Country but also in other Countrys, even of the European World, as the relation of the Enchantments there inform us, they all profest themselves Vassals of this Devfl, and in obedi ence unto him they address themselves unto various ways of Torturing her; accordingly she was cruelly pinch't with In visible hands very often in a Day, and the black and blew marks of the pinches became immediately visible unto the standers by. Besides this, when her attendants had left her without so much as one pin about her, that so they might prevent some fear'd inconveniencies; yet she would ever now and then be miserably hurt with Pins which were found stuck into her Neck, Back and Arms, however, the Wounds made by the Pins would in a few minutes ordinarily be cured; she would also be strangely distorted in her Joynts, and thrown into such ex orbitant Convulsions as were astonishing unto the Spectators in General; They that could behold the doleful condition of the poor Family without sensible compassions, might have Intrals indeed, but I am sure they could have no trae Bowels in them. Sect. 6. It were a most Unchristian and uncivil, yea a most unreasonable thing to imagine that the Fitt's of the Young Woman were but meer Impostures: And I believe scarce any, but People of a particular Dirtiness, will harbour such an Uncharitable Censure; however, because I know not how far the Devil may drive the Imagination of poor Creatures when he has possession of them, that at another time when they are themselves would scorn to Dissemble any thing, I shall now confine my Narrative unto passages, wherein there could be no room left for any Dissimulation. Of these the first that I'll mention shall be this; From the time that Margaret Rule 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 313 first found herself to be formally besieged by the Spectres untfll the Ninth Day following, namely from the Tenth of September to the Eighteenth, she kept an entire Fast, and yet she was unto all appearance as Fresh, as Lively, as Hearty, at the Nine Days End, as before they began; in all this time, tho' she had a very eager Hunger upon her Stomach, yet if any refreshment were brought unto her, her Teeth would be set, and she would be thrown into many Miseries, Indeed once or twice or so in all this time, her Tormentors permitted her to swallow a Mouthful of somewhat that might encrease her Miseries, whereof a Spoonful of Rum was the most considerable; but otherwise, as I said, her Fast unto the Ninth day was very extream and rigid: However, afterwards there scarce passed a day wherein she had not liberty to take something or other for her Sustentation, And I must add this further, that this business of her Fast was carried so, that it was impossible to be dissembled without a Combination of Multitudes of People unacquainted with one another to support the Juggle, but he that can imagine such a thing of a Neighbourhood so fill'd with Vertuous People is a base man, I cannot call him any other. Sect. 7. But if the Sufferings of this Young Woman were not Imposture, yet might they not be pure Distemper? I will not here inquire of our Saducees, what sort of Distemper 'tis shall stick the Body full of Pins, without any Hand that could be seen to stick them; or whether all the Pin-makers in the World would be willing to be Evaporated into certain ill habits of Body producing a Distemper, but of the Distemper my Reader shall be Judge when I have told him something further of those unusual Sufferings. I do believe that the Evil Angels do often take Advantage from Natural Distempers in the Chil dren of Men to annoy them with such further Mischiefs as we call preternatural. The Malignant Vapours and Humours of our Diseased Bodies may be used by Devils thereinto insinu ating as engine of the Execution of their Malice upon those Bodies; and perhaps for this reason one Sex may suffer more Troubles of some kinds from the Invisible World than the other, as well as for that reason for which the Old Serpent made where he did his first Address. But I Pray what will you say to this, Margaret Rule would sometimes have her Jaws for- 314 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 cibly pulled open, whereupon something Invisible would be poured down her Throat; we all saw her swallow, and yet we saw her try all she could by Spitting, Coughing and Shriking,1 that she might not swalow, but one time the standers by plainly saw something of that odd Liquor it self on the outside of her Neck; She cried out of it as of Scalding Brimstone poured into her, and the whole House would Immediately scent so hot of Brimstone that we were scarce able to endure it, whereof there are scores of Witnesses; but the Young Woman her self would be so monstrously Inflam'd that it would have broke a Heart of Stone to have seen her Agonies. This was a thing that several times happen'd and several times when her Mouth was thus pull'd open, the standers by clapping their Hands close thereupon the distresses that otherwise followed would be diverted. Moreover there was a whitish powder to us Invisible somtimes cast upon the Eyes of this Young Woman, whereby her Eyes would be extreamly incommoded, but one time some of this Powder was fallen actually Visible upon her Cheek, from whence the People in the Room wiped it with their Handkerchiefs, and somtimes the Young Woman would also be so bitterly scorched with the unseen Sulphur thrown upon her, that very sensible Blisters would be raised upon her Skin, whereto her Friends found it necessary to apply the Oyl's proper for common Burning, but the most of these Hurts would be cured in two or three days at farthest : I think I may without Vanity pretend to have read not a few of the best System's of Physick that have been yet seen in these American Regions, but I must confess that I have never yet learned the Name of the Natural Distemper, whereto these odd symptoms do belong : However I might suggest perhaps many a Natural Medicine, which would be of singular use against many of them. Sect. 8. But there fell out some other matters far beyond the reach of Natural Distemper: This Margaret Rule once in the middle of the Night Lamented sadly that the Spectres threatned the Drowning of a Young Man in the Neighbour hood, whom she named unto the Company: well it was after wards found that at that very time this Young Man, having been prest on Board a Man of War then in the Harbour, was • Hawking? The word is unknown to the dictionaries. 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 315 out of some dissatisfaction attempting to swim ashoar, and he had been Drowned in the attempt, ifja Boat had not seasonably taken him up; it was by computation a minute or two after the Young Womans discourse of the Drowning, that the Young Man took the Water. At another time she told us that the Spectres bragg'd and laughed in her hearing about an exploit they had lately done, by stealing from a Gentleman his Will soon after he had written it; and within a few hours after she had spoken this there came to me a Gentleman with a private complaint, that having written his Will it was unaccountably gone out of the way, how or where he could not Imagine; and besides all this, there were wonderful Noises every now and then made about the Room, which our People could Ascribe to no other Authors but the Spectres, yea, the Watchers affirm that they heard those fiends clapping of their hands together with an Audibleness, wherein they could not be Imposed upon: And once her Tormentors pull'd her up to the Cieling of the Chamber, and held her there before a very Numerous Company of Spectators, who found it as much as they could all do to pull her down again. There was also another very surprising circumstance about her, agreeable to what we have not only Read in several Histories concerning the Imps that have been Imployed in Witchcraft; but also known in some of our own afflicted : We once thought we perceived something stir upon her Pillow at a little distance from her, whereupon one present laying his hand there, he to his horror apprehended that he felt, tho' none could see it, a living Creature, not altogether unlike a Rat, which nimbly escap'd from him: and there were diverse other Persons who were thrown into a great consterna tion by feeling, as they Judg'd, at other times the same In visible Animal. Sect. 9. Aa it has been with a Thousand other Inchanted People, so it was with Margaret Rule in this particular, that there were several words which her Tormentors would not let her hear, especially the words Pray or Prayer, and yet she could so hear the letters of those words distinctly mentioned as to know what they ment. The standers by were forced sometimes thus in discourse to spell a word to her, but because there were some so ridiculous as to count it a sort of Spell or a Charm for any thus to accommodate themselves to the 316 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 capacity of the Sufferer, httle of this kind was done. But that which was more singular in this matter, was that she could not use these words in those penetrating discourses, where with she would sometimes address the Spectres that were about her. She would sometimes for a long while together apply herself to the Spectres, whom she supposed the Witches, with such Exhortations to Repentance as would have melted an Heart of Adamant to have heard them; her strains of Expres sion and Argument were truly Extraordinary; A person per haps of the best Education and Experience and of Attainments much beyond hers could not have exceeded them: neverthe less when she came to these Words God, Lord, Christ, Good, Repent, and some other such, her Mouth could not utter them, whereupon she would somtimes in an Angry Parenthesis com plain of their Wickedness in stopping that Word, but she would then go on with some other Terms that would serve to tell what she ment. And I believe that if the most suspicious Person in the world had beheld all the Circumstances of this matter, he would have said it could not have been dissembled. Sect. 10. Not only in the Swedish, but also in the Salem Witchcraft the Inchanted People have talked much of a White Spirit from whence they received marvellous Assistances in their Miseries; what lately befel Mercy Short from the Com munications of such a Spirit, hath been the just Wonder of us all, but by such a Spirit was Margaret Rule now also visited. She says that she could never see his Face; but that she had a frequent view of his bright, Shining and Glorious Garments; he stood by her Bed-side continually heartning and comfort ing of her and counselling her to maintain her Faith and hope in God, and never comply with the temptations of her Adver saries; she says he told her, that God had permitted her Afflictions to befall her for the everlasting and unspeakable good of her own Soul, and for the good of many others, and for his own Immortal Glory, and that she should therefore be of good Chear and be assured of a speedy deliverance; And the wonderful resolution of mind wherewith she encountered her Afflictions were but agreeable to such expectations. More over a Minister1 having one Day with some Importunity Prayed for the deliverance of this Young Woman, and pleaded 1 Mather himself, of course. 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 317 that she belong'd to his Flock and charge; he had so far a right unto her as that he was to do the part of a Minister of our Lord for the bringing of her home unto God; only now the Devil hindred him in doing that which he had a right thus to do, and whereas He had a better Title unto her to bring her home to God than the Divel could have unto her to carry her away from the Lord, he therefore humbly applied himself unto God, who alone could right this matter, with a suit that she might be rescued out of Satans Hands; Immediatly upon this, tho' she heard nothing of this transaction she began to call that Minister her Father, and that was the Name whereby she every day before all sorts of People distinguished him: the occasion of it she says was this, the white Spirit presently upon this transaction did after this manner speak to her, "Margaret, you now are to take notice that" (such a Man) "is your Father, God has given you to him, do you from this time look upon him as your Father, obey him, regard him as your Father, follow his Counsels and you shall do well"; And tho' there was one passage more, which I do as httle know what to make of as any of the Rest, I am now going to relate it; more than three times have I seen it fulfilled in the Deliver ance of Inchanted and Possest Persons, whom the Providence of God has cast into my way, that their Deliverance could not be obtained before the third Fast kept for them, and the third day still obtain'd the Deliverance, altho' I have thought of beseeching of the Lord thrice, when buffeted by Satan, yet I must earnestly Intreat all my Readers to beware of any super stitious conceits upon the Number Three; if our God will hear us upon once Praying and Fasting before him 'tis well, and if he will not vouchsafe his Mercy upon our thrice doing so, yet we must not be so discouraged as to throw by our Devotion but if the Soveraign Grace of our God will in any particular Instances count our Patience enough tryed when we have Solemnly waited upon him for any determinate Number of times, who shall say to him, what doest thou, and if there shall be any Number of Instances, wherein this Grace of our God has exactly holden the same course, it may have a room in our humble Observations, I hope, without any Superstition; I say then that after Margaret Rule had been more than five weeks in her Miseries, this White Spirit said unto her, "Well 318 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 this day such a Man" (whom he named1) "has kept a third day for your deliverance, now be of good cheer you shall speedfly be delivered." I inquired whether what had been said of that Man were trae, and I gained exact and certain Information that it was precisely so, but I doubt lest in relat ing this Passage that I have used more openness than a Friend should be treated with, and for that cause I have concealed several of the most memorable things that have occurred not only in this but in some former Histories, altho indeed I am not so well satisfied about the trae nature of this white Spirit, as to count that I can do a Friend much Honour by reporting what notice this white Spirit may have thus taken of him. Sect. 11. On the last day of the Week her Tormentors as she thought and said, approaching towards her, would be forced still to recoil and retire as unaccountably unable to meddle with her, and they would retire to the Fire side with their Poppets; but going to stick Pins into those Poppets, they could not (according to their visions) make the Pins to enter, she insulted over them with a very Proper derision, daring them now to do their worst, whilst she had the satisfaction to see their Black Master strike them and kick them, like an Overseer of so many Negro's, to make them to do their work, and renew the marks of bis vengeance on them, when they failed of doing of it. At last being as it were tired with their ineffectual Attempts to mortifie her they furiously said, " Well you shant be the last." And after a pause they added, "Go, and the Devfl go with you, we can do no more"; whereupon they flew out of the Room and she returning perfectly to her self most affectionately gave thanks to God for her deliverance; her Tormentors left her extream weak and faint, and over whelmed with Vapours, which would not only cause her some times to Swoon away, but also now and then for a httle while discompose the reasonableness of her Thoughts; Neverthe less her former troubles returned not, but we are now waiting to see the good effects of those troubles upon the Souls of all concern'd. And now I suppose that some of our Learned wit lings of the Coffee-House, for fear lest these proofs of an In visible-world should spoil some of their sport, will endeavour to turn them all into sport, for which Buffoonary their only 1 Again there can be little doubt that the writer means himself. 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 319 pretence will be, they cant understand how such things as these could be done, whereas indeed he that is but Philosopher enough to have read but one Little Treatise, Published in the Year 1656 by no other Man than the Chyrargion of an Army,1 or but one Chap, of Helmont,2 which I will not quote at this time too particularly, may give a far more intelligible account of these Appearances than most of these Blades can give why and how their Tobacco makes 'em Spit; or which way the flame of their Candle becomes illuminating. As for that cavil, the world would be undone if the Devils could have such power as they seem to have in several of our stories, it may be Answered that as to many things the Lying Devils have only known them to be done, and then pretended unto the doing of those things, but the trae and best Answer is, that by these things we only see what the Devils could have powers to do, if the great God should give them those powers, whereas now our Histories affords a Glorious Evidence for the being of a God, the World would indeed be undone, and horribly undone, if these Devils, who now and then get liberty to play some very mischievous pranks, were not under a daily restraint of some Almighty Superior from doing more of such Mischiefs. Wherefore in stead of all Apish flouts and jeers at Histories, which have such undoubted confirmation, as that no Man that has breeding enough to regard the Common Laws of Humane Society, wfll offer to doubt of 'em, it becomes us rather to adore the Good ness of God, who does not permit such things every day to befall us all, as he sometimes did permit to befall some few of our miserable Neighbours.,- Sect. 12. And what, /after all my unwearied Cares and 'Who this "Chyrurgion" was and what his treatise, is a puzzle — as it was perhaps meant to be. Balthasar Timaus von Guldenklee (1600-1667), physician to the Elector of Brandenburg, had earned his nobility by healing the Swedish army of the pest in 1637, and in his Casus Medicinales has a passage on diseases ascribed to witchcraft; but it does not appear that this work was published be fore 1662. Antonius Deusing (1612-1666), physician to the Stadholder of Fries- land, published in 1656 a treatise on this subject; but it does not appear that he was ever an army surgeon. 1 Doubtless the elder, Jan Baptista van Helmont (1577-1644), the eminent but visionary Flemish physician; and the "one Chap." that on "Recepta injecta" in his Tractatus de Morbis — though he goes into the subject as fully in paragraphs 87-152 of his De Magnelica Vvlnerum Curatione. 320 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 Pains, to rescue the Miserable from the Lions and Bears of Hell, which had siezed them, and after all my Studies to dis appoint the Devils in their designs to confound my Neighbour hood, must I be driven to the necessity of an Apologie?/ Truly the hard representations wherewith some 111 Men have reviled my conduct, and the Countenance which other Men have given to these representations, oblige me to give Mankind some ac count of my Behaviour; No Christian can, I say none but evil workers can criminate my visiting such of my poor flock as have at any time fallen under the terrible and sensible molestations of Evil- Angels; let their Afflictions have been what they will, I could not have answered it unto my Glorious Lord, if I had withheld my just Counsels and Comforts from them; and if I have also with some exactness observ'd the methods of the Invisible- World, when they have thus become observable, I have been but a Servant of Mankind in doing so; yea no less a Person than the Venerable Baxter has more than once or twice in the most Publick manner invited Mankind to thank me for that Service.1 I have not been insensible of a greater danger attending me in this fulfilment of my Ministry, than if I had been to take Ten Thousand steps over a Rocky Mountain fill'd with Rattle-Snakes, but I have con- sider'd, he that is wise wfll observe things, and the Surprizing Explication and confirmation of the biggest part of the Bible, which I have seen given in these things, has abundantly paid me for observing them. Now in my visiting of the Miserable, I was always of this opinion that we were Ignorant of what Powersjthe Devils might have to do their mischiefs in the shapes of some that had never been explicitly engaged in Diabolical Confederacies, and that therefore tho' many Witchcrafts had been fairly detected on Enquiries provoked and begun by Specteral Exhibitions, yet we could not easily be too jealous2 of the Snares laid for us in the devices of Satan; the World knows how many Pages I have Composed and Published, and particular Gentlemen in the Government know how many Letters I have written to prevent the excessive Credit of ' Notably in his own book on The Certainty of the Worlds of Spirits (London, 1691) and in the preface which he wrote for the London edition of Mather's Memorable Providences, published in that year. 2 Suspicious. 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 321 Specteral Accusations^/wherefore I have still charged the Afflicted that they should Cry out of no body for Afflicting of 'em. But that if this might be any Advantage they might privately tell their minds to some one Person of discretion enough to make no ill use of their communications, accord ingly there has been this effect of it, that the Name of No one good Person in the World ever came under any blemish by means of any Afflicted Person that fell under my particular cognisance, yea no one Man, Woman or Chfld ever came into any trouble for the sake of any that were Afflicted after I had once begun to look after 'em; how often have I had this thrown into my dish, that many years ago I had an opportunity to have brought forth such People as have in the late storm of Witchcraft been complain'd of, but that I smother'd all, and after that storm was rais'd at Salem, I did myself offer to pro vide Meat, Drink and Lodging for no less than Six of the Afflicted, that so an Experiment might be made, whether Prayer with Fasting upon the removal of the distressed might not put a Period to the trouble then rising, without giving the Civil Authority the trouble of prosecuting those things which nothing but a Conscientious regard unto the cries of Miser able Families, could have overcome the Reluctancies of the Honourable Judges to meddle with; In short I do humbly but freely affirm it, there is not that Man living in this World who has been more desirous than the poor Man I to shelter my Neighbours from the Inconveniencies of Specteral Outcries, yea I am very jealous I have done so much that way as to Sin in what I have done, such have been the Cowardize and Fearfulness whereunto my regard unto the dissatisfactions of other People has precipitated me. I know a Man in the World, who has thought he has been able to Convict some such Witches as ought to Dye, but his respect unto the Publick Peace has caused him rather to try whether He could not re new them by Repentance: And as I have been Studious to defeat the Devils of their expectations to set people together by the Ears, thus, I have also checked and quell'd those for bidden curiosities, which would have given the Devil an invi tation to have tarried amongst us, when I have seen wonder ful Snares laid for Curious People, by the secret and future things discovered from the Mouths of Damsels possest with a 322 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 Spirit of divination; Indeed I can recollect but one thing wherein there could be given so much as a Shadow of Reason for Exceptions, and that is my allowing of so many to come and see those that were Afflicted, now for that I have this to say, that I have almost a Thousand times intreated the Friends of the Miserable, that they would not permit the Intrusion of any Company, but such as by Prayers or other ways might be helpful to them; Nevertheless I have not absolutely for bid all Company from coming to your Haunted Chambers, partly because the Calamities of the Families were such as required the Assistance of many Friends; partly because I have been willing that there should be disinterested Witnesses of all sorts, to confute the Calumnies of such as would say all was but Imposture; and partly because I saw God had Sanc tified the Spectacle of the Miseries on the Afflicted unto the Souls of many that were Spectators, and it is a very Glorious thing that I have now to mention — The Devils have with most horrendous operations broke in upon our Neighbourhood, and God has at such a rate over-ruled all the Fury and Malice of those Devfls, that all the Afflicted have not only been De livered, but I hope also savingly brought home unto God, and the Reputation of no one good Person in the World has been damaged, but instead thereof the Souls of many, especially of the rising Generation, have been thereby awaken'd unto some acquaintance with Religion; our young People who be longed unto the Praying Meetings, of both Sexes, a part would ordinarily spend whole Nights by the whole Weeks together in Prayers and Psalms upon these occasions, in which Devotions the Devils could get nothing but like Fools a Scourge for their own Backs, and some scores of other young People, who were strangers to real Piety, were now struck with the lively dem onstrations of Hell evidently set forth before their Eyes, when they saw Persons cruelly Frighted, wounded and Starved by Devfls and Scalded with burning Brimstone, and yet so preserved in this tortured estate as that at the end of one Months wretchedness they were as able still to undergo an other, so that of these also it might now be said, Behold they Pray in the whole — The Devil got just nothing; but God got praises, Christ got Subjects, the Holy Spirit got Temples, the Church got Addition, and the Souls of Men got everlasting 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 323 Benefits; I am not so vain as to say that any Wisdome or Vertue of mine did contribute unto this good order of things : But I am so just, as to say I did not hinder this Good. When therefore there have been those that pickt up httle incoherent scraps and bits of my Discourses in this faithful discharge of my Ministry, and so traversted1 'em in their abusive Pam phlets,2 as to perswade the Town that I was their common Enemy in those very points, wherein, if in any one thing whatsoever, I have sensibly approved my self as trae a Serv ant unto 'em as possibly I could, tho my Life and Soul had been at Stake for it, Yea to do like Satan himself, by sly, base, unpretending Insinuations, as if I wore not the Modesty and Gravity which became a Minister of the Gospel, I could not but think my self unkindly dealt withal, and the neglects of others to do me justice in this affair has caused me to con clude this Narrative with complaints in another hearing of such Monstrous Injuries.3 1 Travestied. * See p. 332, below. ' The story of Margaret Rule is told again in Mather's Diary (I. 171 ff.) and in a way that throws fresh light on his relation to the case. "About a Week after the Beginning of September, being sollicitous to do some further Service, for the Name of God, I took a Journey to Salem. There, I not only sought a further Supply of my Furniture for my Church-History, but also endeavoured, that the complete History of the late Witchcrafts and Possessions might not bee lost. I judg'd that the Preservacion of that History might in a while bee a singular Benefit unto the Church, and unto the World, which made mee sollicitous about it. Moreover, I was willing to preach the Word of God unto the numerous Congregation at Salem; which I did, on both Parts of the Sabbath, not only with a most glorious Assistence of Heaven, but also with some Assur ance of Good thereby to bee done among the People. But I had one singular Unhappiness, which befel mee, in this Journey. I had largely written three Dis courses, which I designed both to preach at Salem, and hereafter to print. These Notes were before the Sabbath stolen from mee, with such Circumstances, that I am somewhat satisfied, The Spectres, or Agents in the invisible World, were the Robbers. This Disaster had like to have disturbed my Designs for the Sabbath; but God helped mee to remember a great part of what I had written, and to deliver also many other Things, which else I had not now made use of. So that the Divel gott nothing 1 "Among other things which entertained mee at Salem, one was, a Discourse with one Mrs. Carver, who had been strangely visited with some shining Spirits, which were good Angels, in her opinion of them. "She intimated several things unto mee whereof some were to be kept secret. Shee also told mee, That a new Storm of Witchcraft would fall upon the Coun trey, to chastise the Iniquity that was used in the wilful Smothering and Covering 324 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 PART II. A Letter to Mr. C. M. Boston, Jan. 11th, 1693.1 Mr. Cotton Mather, Reverend Sir, I finding it needful on many accounts, I here present you with the Copy of that Paper, which has been so much Misrepresented, to the End that what shall be found defective or not fairly Represented, if any such shall appear, they may be set right, which Runs thus. September the 13th, 1693. In the Evening when the Sun was withdrawn, giving place to Darkness to succeed, I with some others were drawn by curiosity to see Margaret Rule, and so much the rather because it was reported Mr. M * would be there that Night : Being come to her Fathers House into the Chamber wherein she was in Bed, found her of a of the Last; and that many fierce Opposites to the Discovery of that Witchcraft would bee thereby convinced. "Unto my Surprise, when I came home, I found one of my Neighbours hor ribly arrested by evil Spirits. I then beg'd of God, that Hee would help mee wisely to discharge my Duty upon this occasion, and avoid gratifying of the evil Angels in any of their Expectacions. I did then concern myself to use and gett as much Prayer as I could for the afflicted young Woman; and at the same time, to forbid, either her from accusing any of her Neighbours, or others from enquir ing any thing of her. Nevertheless, a wicked Man wrote a most lying Libel to revile my Conduct in these matters; which drove mee to the Blessed God, with my Supplications that Hee would wonderfully protect mee, as well from unreason able Men acted by the Divels, as from the Divels themselves. I did at first, it may bee, too much resent the Injuries of that Libel; but God brought good out of it; it occasioned the Multiplication of my Prayers before Him; it very much promoted the Works of Humiliation and Mortification in my Soul. Indeed, the Divel made that Libel an Occasion of those Paroxysms in the Town, that would have exceedingly gratify'd him, if God had not helped mee to forgive and forgett the Injuries done unto mee, and to bee deaf unto the Sollicitations of those that would have had mee so to have resented the Injuries of some few Persons, as to have deserted the Lecture at the Old Meeting house. "When the afflicted young woman had undergone six Weeks of prseternatural Calamities and when God had helped mee to keep just three Dayes of Prayer on her behalf, I had the Pleasure of seeing the same Success, which I used to have, on my third Fast, for such possessed People, as have been cast into my 1 1694 of our present calendar. s Mather. 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 325 healthy countenance of about seventeen Years Old, lying very still, and speaking very little, what she did say seem'd as if she were Light headed. Then Mr. M , Father and Son, came up and others with them, in the whole were about 30 or 40 Persons; they being sat, the Father on a Stool, and the Son upon the Bedside by her, the Son began to question her, Margaret Rule, how do you do? then a pause without any answer. Question. What, do there a great many Witches sit upon you? Answer. Yes. Q. Do you not know that there is a hard Master? Then she was in a Fit; He laid his hand upon her Face and Nose, but, as he said, without perceiving Breath; then he brush'd her on the Face with his Glove, and rubb'd her Stomach (her breast not covered with the Bed-cloaths) and bid others do so too, and said it eased her, then she revived. Q. Don't you know there is a hard Master? A. Yes. Reply; Don't serve that hard Master, you know who. Q. Do you believe? Then again she was in a Fit, and he again rub'd her Breast, etc. (about this time Margaret Perd an attendant assisted him in rubbing of her. The Afflicted spake angerely to her saying don't you meddle with me, and hastily put away her hand) he wrought his Fingers before her Eyes and asked her if she saw the Witches? A. No. Q. Do you cares. God gave her a glorious Deliverance; The remarkable Circumstances whereof, I have more fully related, in an History of the whole Business. "As for my missing Notes, the possessed young Woman, of her own Accord, enquir'd whether I missed them not? Shee told mee, the Spectres brag'd in her hearing, that they had rob't mee of them; shee added,'4Bee n't concern'd; for they confess, they can't keep them al wayes from you; you shall have them all brought you again. (They were Notes on Ps. 119. 19 and Ps. 90. 12 and Hag. 1. 7, 9. I was tender. of them and often pray'd unto God, that they might bee return'd.) On the fifth of, October following, every Leaf of my Notes again came into my Hands, tho' they were in eighteen separate Quarters of Sheets. They were found drop't here and there, about the Streets of Lyn; but how they came to bee so drop't I cannot imagine; and I as much wonder at the Exactness of their Preservation." And under October 10th he adds : "On this Day, I also visited a possessed young Woman in the Neighbourhood, whose Distresses were not the least occa sion of my being thus before the Lord. I wrestled with God for her : and among other things, I pleaded, that God had made it my Office and Business to engage my Neighbours in the Service of the Lord Jesus Christ; and that this young Woman had expressed her Compliance with my Invitations unto that Service; only that the evil Spirits now hindred her from doing what shee had vowd: and therefore that I had a sort of Right to demand her Deliverance from these in vading Divels, and to demand such a Liberty for her as might make her capable of glorifying. my Glorious Lord; which I did accordingly. In the close of this Day, a wonderful Spirit, in White and bright Raiment, with a Face unseen, appeared unto this young woman, and bid her count mee her Father, and re- 326 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 believe? A. Yes. Q. Do you believe in you know who? A. Yes. Q. Would you have other people do so too, to believe in you know who? A. Yes. Q. Who is it that Afflicts you? A. I know not, there is a great many of them (about this time the Father question'd if she knew the Spectres? An attendant said, if she did she would not tell; The Son proceeded) Q. You have seen the Black-man, hant1 you? A. No. Reply; I hope you never shall. Q. You have had a Book offered you, hant you? A. No. Q. The brushing of you gives you ease, don't it? A. Yes. She turn'd her selfe and a little Groan'd. Q. Now the Witches Scratch you and Pinch you, and Bite you, don't they? A. Yes. Then he put his hand upon her Breast and Belly, viz. on the Cloaths over her, and felt a Living thing, as he said, which moved the Father also to feel, and some others; Q. Don't you feel the Live thing in the Bed? A. No. Reply, that is only Fancie. Q. the great company of People increase your Torment, don't they? A. Yes. The People about were de sired to withdraw. One Woman said, I am sure I am no Witch, I will not go; so others, so none withdrew. Q. Shall we go to Prayers? Then she lay in a Fit as before. But this time to revive her, they waved a Hat and brushed her Head and Pillow therewith. Q. Shall we go to Pray, etc. Spelling the Word. A. Yes. The Father went gard mee and obey mee, as her Father; for hee said, the Lord had given her to mee; and she should now within a few Dayes bee delivered. It proved, accordingly." And again in December (p. 178) : "And one memorable Providence, I must not forgett. A young Woman being arrested, possessed, afflicted by evil Angels, her Tormentors made my Image or Picture to appear before her, and then made themselves Masters of her Tongue so far, that she began in her Fits to complain that I threatened her and molested her, tho' when shee came out of them, shee own'd, that they could not so much as make my dead Shape do her any Harm, and that they putt a Force upon her Tongue in her Exclamations. Her greatest Out-cries when shee was herself, were, for my poor Prayers to be concerned on her behalf. "Being hereupon extremely sensible, how much a malicious Town and Land would insult over mee, if such a lying Piece of a Story should fly abroad, that the Divels in my Shape tormented the Neighbourhood, I was putt upon some Agonies, and singular Salleys and Efforts of Soul, in the Resignation of my Name unto the Lord; content that if Hee had no further service for my Name, it should bee torn to pieces with all the Reproches in the world. But I cried unto the Lord as for the Deliverance of my Name, from the Malice of Hell, so for the Deliverance of the young Woman, whom the Powers of Hell had now seized upon. And behold I Without any further Noise, the possessed Person, upon my praying by her, was delivered from her Captivity, on the very same Day that shee fell into it; and the whole Plott of the Divel, to reproach a poor Servant of the Lord Jesus Christ, was defeated." 1 Haven't, hain't. 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 327 to Prayer for perhaps half an Hour, chiefly against the Power of the Devil and Witchcraft, and that God would bring out the Afflicters : during Prayer-time, the Son stood by, and when they thought she was in a Fit, rub'd her and brush'd her as before, and beckned to others to do the Hke; after Prayer he proceeded; Q. You did not hear when we were at Prayer, did you? A. Yes. Q. You dont hear always, you dont hear sometimes past a Word or two, do you? A. No. Then turning him about said, this is just another Mercy Short: Margaret Perd reply'd, she was not like her in her Fits. Q. What does she eat or drink? A. Not eat at all; but drink Rum. Then he admonished the young People to take warning, etc. Saying it was a sad thing to be so Tormented by the Devil and his Instru ments: A Young-man present in the habit of a Seaman, reply'd this is the Devil all over. Than1 the Ministers withdrew. Soon after they were gon the Afflicted desired the Women to be gone, saying, that the Company of the Men was not offensive to her, and having hold of the hand of a Young-man, said to have been her Sweet-heart formerly, who was withdrawing; She pull'd him again into his Seat, saying he should not go to Night. September the 19th, 1693. This Night I renew'd my Visit, and found her rather of a fresher Countenance than before, about eight Persons present with her, she was in a Fit Screeming and making a Noise : Three or four Persons rub'd and brush'd her with their hands, they said that the brushing did put them away, if they brush'd or rub'd in the right place; there fore they brush'd and rub'd in several places, and said that when they did it in the right place she could fetch her Breath, and by that they knew. She being come to her self was soon in a merry talking Fit. A Young-man came in and ask'd her how she did? She answered very bad, but at present a little better; he soon told her he must be gon and bid her good Night, at which she seem'd troubled, saying, that she liked his Company, and said she would not have him go till she was well; adding, for I shall Die when you are gon. Then she complained they did not put her on a clean Cap, but let her ly so like a Beast, saying, she should lose her Fellows. She said she won dered any People should be so Wicked as to think she was not Afflicted, but to think she Dissembled. A Young-woman answered Yes, if they were to see you in this merry Fit, they would say you Dissem bled indeed; She reply'd, Mr. M said this was her laughing time, she must laugh now: She said Mr. M had been there this Evening, and she enquired, how long he had been gon? She said, ' Then. 328 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 he stay'd alone with her in the room half an Hour, and said that he told her there were some that came for Spies, and to report about Town that she was not Afflicted. That during the said time she had no Fit, that he asked her if she knew how many times he had Prayed for her to Day? And that she answered that she could not tell; and that he replyed he had Prayed for her Nine times to Day; the Attendants said that she was sometimes in a Fit that none could open her Joynts, and that there came an Old Iron-jaw'd Woman and try'd, but could not do it; they likewise said, that her Head could not be moved from the Pillow; I try'd to move her head, and found no more difficulty than another Bodies (and so did others) but was not willing to offend by lifting it up, one being reproved for endeavour ing it, they saying angrily you will break her Neck; The Attend ants said Mr. M would not go to Prayer with her when People were in the Room, as they did one Night, that Night he felt the Live Creature. Margaret Perd and another said they smelt Brim stone; I and others said we did not smell any; then they said they did not know what it was : This Margaret said, she wish'd she had been here when Mr. M was here, another Attendant said, if you had been here you might not have been permitted in, for her own Mother was not suffered to be present. Sir, after the sorest Affliction and greatest blemish to Religion that ever befel this Countrey, and after most Men began to Fear that some undue steps had been taken, and after His Excellency (with their Majesties Approbation1 as is said) had put a stop to Executions, and Men began to hope there would never be a return of the like; finding these Ac counts to contain in them something extraordinary, I writ them down the same Nights in order to attain the certainty of them, and soon found them so confirmed that I have (besides other Demonstrations) the whole, under the Hands of two Persons are ready to attest the Truth of it; but not satisfied herewith, I shewed them to some of your particular Friends, 'The answer to Governor Phips's letter of October 12 (see pp. 196-198, above) was indeed a royal order of January 26 "approving his action in stopping the proceedings against the witches in New England, and directing that in all future proceedings against persons accused of witchcraft or of possession by the devil, all circumspection be used so far as may be without impediment to the ordinary course of justice" — what Frederick the Great would have called "a vague answer — in the Austrian style — that should mean nothing." It of course did not reach America till after the despatch of Sir William's letter of February 21 (pp. 198-202, above). 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 329 that so I might have the greater certainty: But was much surprized with the Message you sent me, that I should be Arrested for Slander, and at your calling me one of the worst of Lyars, making it Pulpit news with the Name of Pernicious Libels, etc. This occasion'd my first Letter. September the 29th, 1693. Reverend Sir, I having written from the Mouths of several Persons, who affirm they were present with Margaret Rule, the 13th Instant, her Answers and Behaviours, etc. And having shewed it to several of my Friends, as also yours, and understanding you are offended at it; This is to acquaint you, that if you and any one particular Friend, will please to meet me and some other Indifferent Person with me, at Mr. Wil- kins, or at Ben. Harris's,1 you intimating the time, I shall be ready there to read it to you, as also a further Account of proceedings the 19th Instant, which may be needful to prevent Groundless prejudices, and let deserved blame be cast where it ought; From, Sir, yours in what I may, „ n The effects of which, Sir, (not to mention that long Letter only once read to me) was, you sent me word you would meet me at Mr. Wilkins, but before that Answer, at yours and your Fathers complaint, I was brought before their Majesties Jus tice, by Warrant, as for Scandalous Libels against your self, and was bound over to Answer at Sessions; I do not remember you then objected against the Truth of what I had wrote, but asserted it was wronged by omissions, which if it were so was past any Power of mine to remedy, having given a faithful account of all that came to my knowledge; And Sir, that you might not be without some Cognisance of the reasons why I took so much pains in it, as also for my own Information, if it might have been, I wrote to you my second Letter to this effect. November the 24th, 1693. Reverend Sir, Having expected some Weeks, your meeting me at Mr. Wilkins ac cording to what you intimated to Mr. J. M. 2 and the time draw- 1 The two Boston booksellers'. 2 It is perhaps idle to guess at the identity of this gentleman; but his initials suggest the Rev. Joshua Moodey, whose kindlier attitude toward witches and ,/ 330 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 ing near for our meeting elsewhere, I thought it not amiss to give you a Summary of my thoughts in the great concern, which as you say has been agitated with so much heat. That there are Witches is not the doubt, the Scriptures else were in vain, which assign their Pun ishment to be by Death; But what this Witchcraft is, or wherein it does consist, seems to he the whole difficulty: And as it may be easily demonstrated, that all that bear that Name cannot be justly so accounted, so that some things and Actions not so esteemed by the most, yet upon due examination will be found to merit no better I Character. In your late Book you lay down a brief Synopsis of what has been written on that Subject, by a Triumvirate of as Eminent Men as ever handled it (as you are pleas'd to call them) Viz. Mr. Perkins,1 Gaule,2 and Bernard3 consisting of about 30 Tokens to know them by, many of them distinct from, if not thwarting each other : Among all of which I can find but one decisive, Viz. That of Mr. Gaule, Head IV. and runs thus; Among the most unhappy Circumstances to convict a Witch, one is a maligning and oppugning the Word, Work, or Worship of God, and by any extraordinary Sign seeking to seduce any from it, see Deu. 13. 1, 2. Mat. 24. 24. Acts. 13. 8, 10. 2 Tim. 3. 8. Do but mark well the places, and for this very property of thus opposing and perverting, they are all there concluded Arrant and absolute Witches.4 This Head as here laid down and inserted by you, either is a Truth or not; if not, why is it here inserted from one of the Trium virate, if it be a Truth, as the Scriptures quoted will abundantly tes- tifie, whence is it that it is so little regarded, tho it be the only Head well proved by Scripture, or that the rest of the Triumvirate should so far forget their Work as not to mention it. It were to be unjust to the Memory of those otherwise Wise Men, to suppose them to have any Sinister design; But perhaps the force of a prevailing opinion, together with an Education thereto Suited, might over- their defenders may be inferred from his course in the case of Philip English (see pp. 187-188, note), and who, though early in 1693 he returned to Ports mouth, was still often in Boston. Nor may it be forgotten that the initials of the Rev. Increase Mather are by the printer constantly made "J. M." 1 See above, p. 304, note 3. 2 See above, p. 216, note 1, and p. 219. 3 See above, p. 304, note 5. 4 To the end of the paragraph the words are Gaule's. Calef is quoting them, not from Gaule's book, but from Mather's Wonders; for Gaule numbers this rule, not IV., but X., and the introductory words ("Among the most un happy Circumstances to convict a witch, one is") are not his, but Mather's— and there are other slight departures from Gaule's wording. 1693] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 331 shadow their Judgments, as being wont to be but too prevalent in many other cases. But if the above be Truth, then the Scripture is full and plain, What is Witchcraft? And if so, what need of his next Head of Hanging of People without as full and clear Evidence as in other Cases? Or what need of the rest of the Receipts of the Trium virate? what need of Praying that the Afflicted may be able to dis cover who tis that Afflicts them? or what need of Searching for Tet's for the Devil to Suck in his Old Age, or the Experiment of saying the Lords Prayer, etc. Which1 a multitude more practised in some places Superstitiously inclin'd. Other Actions have been practised for easing the Afflicted, less justifiable, if not strongly savouring of Witchcraft it self, viz. Fondly Imagining by the Hand, etc., to drive off Spectres, or to knock off Invisible Chains, or by striking in the Air to Wound either the Afflicted or others, etc. I write not this to accuse any, but that all may beware believing, That the Devil's bounds are set, which he cannot pass, That the Devils are so full of Malice, That it cant be added to by Mankind, That where he hath Power, he neither can nor will omit Executing it, That 'tis only the Almighty that sets bounds to his rage, and that only can Commis- sionate him to hurt or destroy any. These last, Sir, are such Foundations of Truth, in my esteem, that I cannot but own it to be my duty to ascert them, when call'd tho' with the hazard of my All : And consequently to detect such as these, That a Witch can Commissionate Devils to Afflict Mortals, That he can at his or the Witches pleasure Assume any Shape, That Hanging or Chaining of Witches can lessen his Power of Afflicting, or restore those that were at a distance Tormented, with many others depending on these; all tending, in my esteem, highly to the Dis- ; honour of God, and the Indangering the well-being of a People, and^ do further add, that as the Scriptures are full that there is Witch craft, (ut sup.) so 'tis as plain that there are Possessions, and that the Bodies of the Possest have hence been not only Afflicted, but strangely agitated, if not their Tongues improved to foretell futuri ties, etc. and why not to accuse the Innocent, as bewitching them^- having pretence to Divination to gain credence. This being reason able to be expected, from him who is the Father of Lies, to the end he may thereby involve a Countrey in Blood, Mallice, and Evil, sur mising which fie greedily seeks after, and so finally lead them from their fear and dependence upon God to fear him, and a supposed Witch thereby attaining his end upon Mankind; and not only so, but Natural Distemper, as has been frequently observed by the Judicious, have so operated as to deceive, more than the Vulgar, as ' With. 332 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1693 is testified by many Famous Physicians, and others. And as for that proof of Multitudes of Confessions, this Countrey may be by this time thought Competent Judges, what credence we ought to give them, having had such numerous Instances, as also how obtain'd. And now Sir, if herein be any thing in your esteem valuable, let me intreat you, not to account it the worse for coming from so mean a hand; which however you may have receiv'd Prejudices, etc., Am ready to serve you to my Power; but if you Judge otherwise hereof, you may take your own Methods for my better Information. Who am, Sir, yours to command, in what I may, R. C.1 In Answer to this last, Sir, you replyed to the Gentleman that presented it, that you had nothing to Prosecute against me; and said as to your Sentiments in your Books, you did not bind any to believe them, and then again renew'd your promise of meeting me, as before, tho' not yet performed. Accordingly, tho' I waited at Sessions, there was none to object ought against me, upon which I was dismissed. This gave me some reason to believe that you intended all should have been for gotten; But instead of that, I find the Coals are fresh blown up, I being supposed to be represented, in a late Manuscript, More Wonders of the, etc., as Traversing2 your Discourse in your Faithful discharge of your Duty, etc. And such as see not with the Authors Eyes, rendred Sadducees and Witlins,3 etc., and the Arguments that square not with the Sentiments therein contain'd, Buffoonary; rarely no doubt, agreeing with the Spirit of Christ, and his dealings with an unbelieving Thomas, yet whose infidelity was without compare less ex cusable, but the Author having resolved long since, to have no more than one single Grain of Patience, with them that deny,4 etc., the Wonder is the less. It must needs be that offences come, but wo to him by whom they come. To vin dicate my self therefore from such false Imputations, of Satan like insinuations, and misrepresenting your Actions, etc., and to vindicate your self, Sir, as much as is in my Power from those Suggestions, said to be Insinuated, as if you wore not the Modesty and Gravity, that becomes a Minister of the Gospel; which it seems, some that never saw the said Narra- ' By a misprint the original has "P. C." 2 Travestying. See p. 323, above. 11 See p. 318, above. 4 See p. 123, above. 1694] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 333 tives, report them to contain; I say, Sir, for these reasons, I here present you with the first Coppy that ever was taken, etc. And purpose for a Weeks time to be ready, if you shall intimate your pleasure, to wait upon you, either at the place formerly appointed, or any other that is indifferent to the End; that if there shall appear any defects in that Narrative, they may be amended. Thus, Sir, I have given you a genuine account of my Senti ments and Actions in this Affair; and do request and pray, that if I err, I may be shewed it from Scripture, or sound Reason, and not by quotations out of Virgil, nor Spanish Rhetorick. For I find the Witlings mentioned, are~so far from answering your profound questions, that they cannot so much as pretend to shew a distinction between Witchcraft in the Common notion of it, and Possession; Nor so much as to demonstrate that ever the Jews or primitive Christians did believe, that a Witch could send a Devil to Afflict her Neigh bours; but to all these, Sir, (ye being the Salt of the Earth, etc.) I have reason to hope for a Satisfactory Answer to him, who is one that reverences your Person and Office; And am, Sir, yours to Command in what I may, R. C. Boston, January the 15th, 169f . Mr. R. C. Whereas you intimate your desires, that what's not fairly, (I take it for granted you mean truly also,) represented in a Paper you lately sent me, containing a pretended Narrative of a Visit by my Father and self to an Afflicted Young woman, whom we apprehended to be under a Diabolical Possession, might be rectified : I have this to say, as I have often already said, that I do scarcely find any one thing in the whole Paper, whether respecting my Father or self, either fairly or truly represented. Nor can I think that any that know my Parents Circumstances, but must think him deserving a better Char acter by far, than this Narrative can be thought to give him. When the main design we managed in Visiting the poor Afflicted Creature, was to prevent the Accusations of the Neighbourhood, can it be fairly represented that our design was to draw out such Accusations, which is the representation 334 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1694 of the Paper? We have Testimonies of the best Witnesses and in Number not a few, That when we asked Rule whether she thought she knew who Tormented her? the Question was but an Introduction to the Solemn charges which we then largely gave, that she should rather Dye than tell the Names of any whom she might Imagine that she knew. Your Informers have reported the Question, and report nothing of what follows, as essential to the giving of that Question: And can this be termed a piece of fairness? Fair it cannot be, that when Min isters Faithfully and Carefully discharge their Duty to the Miserable in their Flock, little bits, scraps and shreds of their Discourses should be tackt together to make them contemtible, when there shall be no notice of all the Necessary, Seasonable, and Profitable things that occur'd, in those Discourses; And without which, the occasion of the lesser Passages cannot be understood; And yet I am furnished with abundant Evi dences, ready to be Sworn, that will possitively prove this part of unfairness, by the above mention'd Narrative, to be done both to my Father and self. Again, it seems not fair or reason able that I should be expos'd, for which your self (not to say some others) might have expos'd me for, if I had not done, Viz. for discouraging so much Company from flocking about the Possest Maid, and yet, as I perswade my self, you cannot but think it to be good advice, to keep much Company from such haunted Chambers; besides the unfairness doth more appear, in that I find nothing repeated of what I said about the ad vantage, which the Devfl takes from too much Observation and Curiosity. In that several of the Questions in the Paper are so Worded, as to carry in them a presupposal of the things inquired after, to say the best of it is very unfair : But this is not all, the Nar rative contains a number of Mistakes and Falshoods; which were they willful and design'd, might justly be termed gross Lies. The representations are far from true, when 'tis affirm'd my Father and self being come into the Room, I began the Discourse; I hope I understand breeding a little better than so : For proof of this, did occasion serve, sundry can depose the contrary. 'Tis no less untrue, that either my Father or self put the Question, how many Witches sit upon you? We always 1694] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 335 cautiously avoided that expression; It being contrary to our inward belief : All the standers by will (I believe) Swear they did not hear us use it (your Witnesses excepted) and I tremble to think how hardy those woful Creatures must be, to call the Almighty by an Oath, to so false a thing. As false a repre sentation 'tis, that I rub'd Rule's Stomach, her Breast not being covered. The Oath of the nearest Spectators, giving a true account of that matter will prove this to be little less than a gross (if not a doubled) Lie; and to be somewhat plainer, it carries the Face of a Lie contrived on purpose (by them at least, to whom you are beholden for the Narrative) Wickedly1 and Basely to expose me. For you cannot but know how much this Representation hath contributed, to make People believe aSmin^Jthingof me; I am far from thinking, but that in your own Conscience you believe, that no indecent Action of that Nature could then be done by me before such observers, had I been so Wicked as to have been inclin'd to what is Base. It looks next to impossible that a reparation shoud be made me for the wrong done to, I hope, as to any Scandal, an un- blemish'd, tho' weak and small Servant of the Church of God. Nor is what follows a less untruth, that 'twas an Attendant and not my self who said, if Rule knows who Afflicts her, yet she wont tell. I therefore spoke it that I might incourage her to continue in that concealment of all Names whatsoever; to this I am able to furnish my self with the Attestation of Sufficient Oaths. 'Tis as far from true, that my apprehension of the Imp, about Rule, was on her Belly, for the Oaths of the Spectators, and even of those that thought they felt it, can testify that 'twas upon the Pillow, at a distance from her Body. As untrue a Representation is that which follows, Viz. That it was said unto her, that her not Apprehending of that odd pal pable, tho' not visible, Mover was from her Fancy, for I en deavoured to perswade her that it might be but Fancy in others, that there was any such thing at all. Witnesses every way sufficient can be produced for this also. 'Tis falsely repre sented that my Father felt on the Young-woman after the ap pearance mentioned, for his hand was never near her; Oath can sufficiently vindicate him. 'Tis very untrue that my Father Prayed for perhaps half an Hour, against the power of the Devil and Witchcraft, and that God would bring out the 336 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1694 Afflictors. Witnesses of the best Credit, can depose, that his Prayer was not a quarter of an Hour, and that there was no more than about one clause towards the close of the Prayer, which was of this import; And this clause also was guarded with a singular wariness and modesty, Viz. If there were any evil Instruments in this matter God would please to discover them : And that there was more than common reason for that Petition I can satisfie any one that will please to Inquire of me. And strange it is, that a Gentleman that from 18 to 54 hath been an Exemplary Minister of the Gospel; and that besides a station in the Church of God, as considerable as any that his own Country can afford, hath for divers years come off with Honour, in his Application to three Crown'd Heads, and the chiefest Nobility of three Kingdoms, Knows not yet how to make one short Prayer of a quarter of an hour, but in New-England he must be Libell'd for it. There are divers other down-right mistakes, which you have permitted your self, I would hope not knowingly, and with a Malicious design, to be receiver or Compiler of, which I shall now forbear to Animadvert upon. As for the Appendix of the Narrative I do find myself therein Injuriously treated, for the utmost of your proof for what you say of me, amounts to little more than, viz. Some People told you, that others told them, that such and such things did pass, but you may assure yourself, that I am not unfurnish'd with Witnesses, that can convict the same. Whereas you would give me to believe the bottom of these your Methods, to be some dissatisfaction about the com monly receiv'd Power of Devils and Witches; I do not only with all freedom offer you the use of any part of my Library, which you may see cause to peruse on that Subject, but also if you and any else, whom you please, will visit me at my Study, yea, or meet me at any other place, less inconvenient than those by you propos'd; I will with all the fairness and calmness in the World dispute the point. I beg of God that he would bestow as many Blessings on you, as ever on myself, and out of a sincere wish, that you may be made yet more capable of these Blessings, I take this occasion to lay before you the faults (not few nor small ones neither) which the Paper contained, you lately sent me in order to be Examined by me. In case you want a true and full Narrative of my 1694] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 337 Visit, whereof such an indecent Traversty (to say the best) hath been made, I am not unwilling to communicate it, in mean time must take hberty to say, 'Tis scarcely consistent with Common Civihty, much less Christian Charity, to offer the Narrative, now with you, for a trae one, till you have a truer, or for a full one, till you have a fuller. Your Sincere (tho Injur'd) Friend and Servant, C. Matheb. The Copy of a Paper Receiv'd with the above Letter. I do Testifie that I have seen Margaret Rule in her Afflic tions from the Invisible World, lifted up from her Bed, wholly by an Invisible force, a great way towards the top of the Room where she lay; in her being so lifted, she had no Assistance from any use of her own Arms or Hands, or any other part of her Body, not so much as her Heels touching her Bed, or rest ing on any support whatsoever. And I have seen her thus lifted, when not only a strong Person hath thrown his whole weight a cross her to pull her down; but several other Persons have endeavoured, with all their might, to hinder her from being so raised up, which I suppose that several others will testifie as well as my self, when call'd unto it. Witness my Hand, Samuel Aves. We can also Testifie to the substance of what is above Written, and have several times seen Margaret Rule so lifted up from her Bed, as that she had no use of her own Lims to help her up, but it was the declared apprehension of us, as well as others that saw it, impossible for any hands, but some of the Invisible World to lift her. Robert Earle. Copia. John Wilkins. Dan. Williams. We whose Names are under-writted do testifie, That one Evening when we were in the Chamber where Margaret Rule then lay, in her late Affliction, we observed her to be, by an 338 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1694 Invisible Force, lifted up from the Bed whereon she lay, so as to touch the Garret Floor, while yet neither her Feet, nor any other part of her Body rested either on the Bed, or any other support, but were also by the same force, lifted up from all that was under her, and all this for a considerable while, we judg'd it several Minutes; and it was as much as several of us could do, with all our strength to pull her down. All which happened when there was not only we two in the Cham ber, but we suppose ten or a dozen more, whose Names we have forgotten, Copia. Thomas Thornton. William Hudson Testifies to the substance of Thorntons Testimony, to which he also hath set his Hand. Boston, Jan. 18, 1693.1 Mr. Cotton Mather, Reverend Sir, Yours of the 15th Instant, I receiv'd yesterday; and soon found I had promised my self too much by it, Viz, Either con currence with, or a denial of those Fundamentals mentioned in mine, of Novem. the 24th, finding this waved by an Invita tion to your Library, etc. I thank God I have the Bible, and do Judge that sufficient to demonstrate that cited Head of Mr. Gaule to be a Truth, as also those other Heads mentioned, as the Foundations of Religion. And in my apprehension, if it be asked any Christian, whether God governs the World, and whether it be he only can Commissionate Devfls, and such other Fundamentals, He ought to be as ready as in the Ques tion, who made him? (a little Writing certainly might be of more use, to clear up the controverted points, than either looking over many Books in a well furnish'd Library, or than a dispute, if I were qualified for it; the Inconveniencies of Pas sion being this way best avoided) And am not without hopes that you will yet oblige me so far, as to consider that Letter, and if I Err, to let me see it by Scripture, etc. Yours, almost the whole of it, is concerning the Narrative I sent to you, and you seem to intimate as if Twere giving 1 1694 of new style. 1694] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 339 Characters, Reflections, and Libell's, etc. concerning your self and Relations; all which were as far from my thoughts, as ever they were in writing after either your self, or any other Minister. In the front you declare your apprehension to be, that the Afflicted was under a Diabolical Possession, and if so, I see not how it should be occasion'd by any Witchcraft (unless we ascribe that Power to a Witch, which is only the Preroga tive of the Almighty, of Sending or Commissionating the Devils to Afflict her.) But to your particular_Objgctions against the Narrative; and to the first my intelligence not giving me any further, I could not insert that I knew not. And it seems im probable that a Question should be put, whether she knew (or rather who they were) and at the same time to charge her, and that upon her Life, not to tell, and if you had done so, I see but little good you could promise your self or others by it, she being Possest, as also having it inculcated so much to her of Witchcraft. And as to the next Objection about company flocking, etc., I do profess my Ignorance, not knowing what you mean by it. And Sir, that most of the Questions did carry with them a presupposing the things inquired after, is evident, if there were such as those relating to the Black-man and a Book, and about her hearing the Prayer, etc. (related in the said Narrative, which I find no Objection against.) As to that which is said of mentioning your self first discoursing and your hopes that your breeding was better (I doubt it not) nor do I doubt your Father might first apply himself to others; but my intelligence is, that you first spake to the Afflicted or Possessed, for which you had the advantage of a nearer ap proach. The next two Objections are founded upon mistakes: I find not in the Narrative any such Question, as how many Witches sit upon you? and that her Breast was not covered, in which those material words "with the Bed-Cloaths" are wholly omitted; I am not willing to retort here your own Language upon you; but can tell you, that your own discourse of it publickly, at Sir W. P.'s1 Table, has much more contributed to, etc. As to the Reply, if she could she would not tell, whether either or both spake it it matters not much. Neither does the Narrative say you felt the live thing on her Belly; tho I omit now to say what further demonstrations there are 1 Sir William Phips's. 340 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1694 of it. As to that Reply, that is only her fancy, I find the word "her" added. And as to your Fathers feeling for the five Creature after you had felt it, if it were on the Bed it was not so very far from her. And for the length of his Prayer, pos sibly your Witnesses might keep a more exact account of the time than those others, and I stand not for a few Minutes. For the rest of the Objections I suppose them of less moment, if less can be (however shall be ready to receive them, those matters of greatest concern I find no Objections against). These being all that yet appear, it may be thought that if the Narrative be not fully exact, it was as near as Memory could bear away; but should be glad to see one more perfect (which yet is not to be expected, seeing none writ at the time). You mention the appendix, by which I understand the Second Visit, and if you be by the possessed belyed (as being half an hour with her alone, excluding her own Mother, and as telling her you had Prayed for her Nine times that day, and that now was her Laughing time, she must Laugh now) I can see no Wonder in it; what can be expected less from the Father of Lies, by whom, you Judge, she was possest. And besides the above Letter, you were pleased to send me another Paper containing several Testimonies of the Possessed being lifted up, and held a space of several Minutes to the Garret floor, etc., but they omit giving the account, whether after she was down they bound her down : or kept holding her : And relate not how many were to pull her down, which hinders the knowledge what number they must be to be stronger than an Invisible Force. Upon the whole, I suppose you expect I should beheve it; and if so, the only advantage gain'd, is that which has been so long controverted between Protestants and Papists, whether Miracles are ceast, will hereby seem to be decided for the latter; it being, for ought I can see, if so, as trae a Miracle as for Iron to swim, and that the Devil can work such Miracles. But Sir, leaving these little disputable things, I do again pray that you would let me have the happiness of your appro bation or confutation of that Letter before referred to. And now, Sir, that the God of all Grace may enable us Zealously to own his Truths, and to follow those things that tend to Peace, and that yourself may be as an useful Instru- 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 341 ment in his hand, effectually to ruin the remainders of Heathen ish and Popish Superstitions, is the earnest desire and prayer of yours to command, in what I may. R. C.1 PART V. An Impartial Account of the most Memorable Matters of Fact, touching the supposed Witchcraft in New England2 Mr. Parris had been some years a Minister in Salem-Vfl- lage,3 when this sad Calamity (as a deluge) overflowed them, spreading it self far and near: He was a Gentleman of Liberal Education, and not meeting with any great Encouragement, or Advantage in Merchandizing, to which for some time he apply'd himself, betook himself to the work of the Ministry; this Village being then vacant, he met with so much Encour agement, as to settle in that Capacity among them. After he had been there about two years, he obtained a Grant from a part of the Town, that the House and Land he Occupied, and which had been Alotted by the whole People to the Ministry, should be and remain to him, etc. as his own Estate in Fee Simple. This occasioned great Divisions both between the Inhabitants themselves, and between a consider able part of them and their said Minister, which Divisions were but as a beginning or Praeludium to what immediately followed. It was the latter end of February 1691,4 when divers young Persons belonging to Mr. Parris's Famfly, and one or ' Between this letter and the pages of Calef's book which here follow there intervene (1) further letters from him to Mather and to other Boston ministers, on whom he urges his views, (2) a body of documents relating to the controversy between the Rev. Mr. Parris and his disaffected parishioners at Salem Village between the period of the witch-trials and his removal, (3) an epistolary discus sion a3 to the theory of witchcraft between Calef and a Scotsman named Stuart. 2 1, e., the witchcraft at Salem in 1692. 8 As to Parris and Salem Village, and in general as to the Salem witchcraft, which is the subject of the rest of Calef's narrative, see the introduction and notes to Lawson's Brief Account (pp. 147-164, above). That account (as also the parallel narrative of Hale, at pp. 413 ff., below) should be constantly compared with the present one. 4 1692 of our calendar. 342 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 more of the Neighbourhood, began to Act, after a strange and unusual manner, viz. as by getting into Holes, and creep ing under Chairs and Stools, and to use sundry odd Postures and Antick Gestures, uttering foolish, ridiculous Speeches, which neither they themselves nor any others could make sense of; the Physicians that were called could assign no reason for this; but it seems one of them,1 having recourse to the old shift, told them he was afraid they were Bewitched; upon such suggestions, they that were concerned apphed themselves to Fasting and Prayer, which was attended not only in their own private Families, but with calling in the help of others. March the 11th. Mr. Parris invited several Neighbouring Ministers to join with him in keeping a Solemn day of Prayer at his own House; the time of the exercise those Persons were for the most part silent, but after any one Prayer was ended, they would Act and Speak strangely and Ridiculously, yet were such as had been well Educated and of good Behaviour, the one, a Girl of 11 or 12 years old,2 would sometimes seem to be in a Convulsion Fit, her Limbs being twisted several ways, and very stiff, but presently her Fit would be over. A few days before this Solemn day of Prayer, Mr. Parris's Indian Man and Woman3 made a Cake of Rye Meal, with the Childrens' Water, and Baked it in the Ashes, and as is said, gave it to the Dog; this was done as a means to Dis cover Witchcraft;4 soon after which those ill affected or afflicted Persons named several that they said they saw, when in their Fits, afflicting of them. 'Doubtless Dr. William Griggs, of Salem Village, whose wife's niece, a maid in his household, was one of the "afflicted." 2 Abigail Williams, Parris's niece. 3 West-Indian slaves, brought back with him from Barbadoes. 4 It was suggested by the wife of a neighbor. When, a fortnight later, she was disciplined by the village church for this dabbling in superstition, Parris himself wrote in the church-record book: "It is well known that when these Calamities first began, which was in my own Family, the Affliction was several weeks before such hellish Operations as Witchcraft was suspected; Nay, it never broke forth to any considerable Light, until diabolical Means was used, by the making of a cake by my Indian Man, who had his Directions from this our Sister Mary Sibly; since which Apparitions have been plenty, and exceeding much Mischief hath followed." (Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 95; Hanson, Danvers, p. 289, quoted by Drake.) 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 343 The first complain'd of, was the said Indian Woman, named Tituba. She confessed that the Devil urged her to sign a Book, which he presented to her, and also to work Mischief to the Children, etc. She was afterwards Committed to Prison, and lay there till Sold for her Fees.1 The account she since gives of it is, that her Master did beat her and other- ways abuse her, to make her confess and accuse (such as he call'd) her Sister- Witches, and that whatsoever she said by way of confessing or accusing others, was the effect of such usage; her Master refused ,fcopay her Fees, unless she would stand to what she had said.2 The Children complained likewise of two other Women, to be the Authors of their Hurt, Viz. Sarah Good, who had long been counted a Melancholy or Distracted Woman, and one Osburn, an Old Bed-rid Woman; which two were Persons so ill thought of, that the accusation was the more readily be lieved; and after Examination before two Salem Magistrates,3 were committed: March the 19th, Mr. Lawson (who had been formerly a Preacher at the said Village) came thither, and hath since set fourth in Print an account of what then passed, about which time, as he saith, they complained of Goodwife Cory, and Goodwife Nurse, Members of the Churches at the Village and at Salem, many others being by that time Accused. March the 21st, Goodwife Cory was examined before the Magistrates of Salem, at the Meeting House in the Village, a throng of Spectators being present to see the Novelty. Mr. Noyes, one of the Ministers of Salem, began with Prayer, after which the Prisoner being call'd, in order to answer to what should be Alledged against her, she desired that she might go to Prayer, and was answered by the Magistrates, that they did not come to hear her pray, but to examine her. The number of the Afflicted were at that time about Ten, 1 I.e., to meet her prison expenses. She lay there for a year and a month. 2 Besides the documents of Tituba's case printed in the Records of Salem Witchcraft (I. 41-50), a much fuller report of her examination (March 1-2, 1692) strangely differing from that already printed, is appended to Drake's edition of Mather and Calef (The Witchcraft Delusion in New England, III. 185-195). 'On March 1, before John Hathorne and Jonathan Corwin. From this point to his entry of April 3 Calef's narrative rests wholly on that of Lawson. 344 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Viz. Mrs. Pope, Mrs. Putman, Goodwife Bibber, and Good- wife Goodall, Mary Wolcott, Mercy Lewes (at Thomas Put- mans) and Dr. Griggs Maid, and three Girls, Viz. Elizabeth Parris, Daughter to the Minister, Abigail Williams his Neice, and Ann Putman, which last three were not only the begin ners, but were also the chief in these Accusations. These Ten were most of them present at the Examination, and did vehemently accuse her of Afflicting them, by Biting, Pinching, Strangling, etc. And they said, they did in their Fits see her likeness coming to them, and bringing a Book for them to Sign; Mr. Hathorn, a Magistrate of Salem, asked her, why she Afflicted those Children? she said, she did not Afflict them; he asked her, who did then? she said, " I do not know, how should I know?" she said, they were Poor Distracted Creatures, and no heed to be given to what they said; Mr. Hathom and Mr. Noyes replied that it was the Judgment of all that were there present, that they were bewitched, and only she (the Accused) said they were Distracted: She was Accused by them, that the Black Man Whispered to her in her Ear now (while she was upon Examination) and that she had a Yellow Bird, that did use to Suck between her Fingers, and that the said Bird did Suck now in the Assembly; order being given to look in that place to see if there were any sign, the Girl that pretended to see it said, that it was too late now, for she had removed a Pin, and put it on her Head, it was upon search found, that a Pin was there sticking upright. When the Accused had any motion of their Body, Hands or Mouth, the Accusers would cry out, as when she bit her Lip, they would cry out of being bitten, if she grasped one hand with the other, they would cry out of being Pinched by her, and would produce marks, so of the other motions of her Body, as complaining of being Prest, when she lean'd to the seat next her, if she stirred her Feet, they would stamp and cry out of Pain there. After the hearing the said Cory was com mitted to Salem Prison, and then their crying out of her abated. March the 2Uh, Goodwife Nurse was brought before Mr. Hathorn and Mr. Curwin (Magistrates) in the Meeting House. Mr. Hale, Minister of Beverly, began with Prayer, after which she being Accus'd of much the same Crimes made the like an- 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 345 swers, asserting her own Innocence with earnestness. The Accusers were mostly the same, Tho. Putmans Wife, etc. com plaining much. The dreadful Shreiking from her and others, was very amazing, which was heard at a great distance; she was also Committed to Prison. A Child of Sarah Goods was likewise apprehended, being between 4 and 5 years Old. The Accusers said this Child bit them, and would shew such like marks, as those of a small Sett of Teeth upon their Arms; as many of the Afflicted as the Child cast its Eye upon, would complain they were in Tor ment; which Chfld they also Committed. Concerning these that had been hitherto Examined and Committed, it is among other things observed by Mr. Lawson (in Print1) that they were by the Accusers charged to belong to a Company that did muster in Arms, and were reported by them to keep Days of Fast, Thanksgiving and Sacraments; and that those Afflicted (or Accusers) did in the Assembly Cure each others, even with a touch of their Hand, when strangled and otherways tortured, and would endeavour to get to the Afflicted to relieve them thereby (for hitherto they had not used the Experiment of bringing the Accused to touch the Afflicted, in order to their Cure) and could foretel one anothers Fits to be coming, and would say, look to such a one, she will have a Fit presently and so it happened, and that at the same time when the Accused person was present, the Afflicted said they saw her Spectre or likeness in other places of the Meeting House Suckling2 of their Familiars. The said Mr. Lawson being to Preach at the Village, after the Psalm was Sung, Abigail Williams said, " Now stand up and name your Text"; after it was read, she said, "It is a long Text." Mrs. Pope in the beginning of Sermon said to him, " Now there is enough of that." In Sermon, he referring to his Doctrine, Abigail Williams said to him, " I know no Doctrine you had, if you did name one I have forgot it." Ann Put man, an afflicted Girl, said, There was a Yellow Bird sate on his Hat as it hung on the Pin in the Pulpit. March 31, 1692. Was set apart as a day of Solemn Hu miliation at Salem, upon the Account of this Business, on which day Abigail Williams said, That she saw a great number 1 See above, pp. 162-164. 2 "Sucking" in original; corrected in Errata. 346 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 of Persons in the Village at the Administration of a Mock Sacrament, where they had Bread as read as raw Flesh, and red Drink. April 1. Mercy Lewis affirmed, That she saw a man in white, with whom she went into a Glorious Place, viz. In her fits, where was no Light of the Sun, much less of Candles, yet was full of Light and Brightness, with a great Multitude in White Glittering Robes, who Sang the Song in 5. Rev. 9. and the 110 and 149 Psalms; And was grieved that she might tarry no longer in this place. This White Man is said to have appeared several times to others of them, and to have given them notice how long it should be before they should have another Fit. April the 3d. Being Sacrament Day at the Village, Sarah Cloys, Sister to Goodwife Nurse, a Member to one of the Churches, was (tho' it seems with difficulty prevafl'd with to be) present; but being entred the place, and Mr. Parris naming his Text, 6 John, 70. Have not I chosen you Twelve, and one of you is a Devil (for what cause may rest as a doubt whether upon the account of her Sisters being Committed, or because of the choice of that Text) she rose up and went out, the wind shutting the Door forcibly, gave occasion to some to suppose she went out in Anger, and might occasion a sus picion of her; however she was soon after complain'd of, examin'd and Committed. April the 11th. By this time the number of the Accused and Accusers being much encreased, was a Publick Examina tion at Salem, Six of the Magistrates with several Ministers being present;1 there appeared several who complain'd against others with hidious clamors and Screechings. Goodwife Proc tor was brought thither, being Accused or cryed out against; her Husband coming to attend and assist her, as there might 1 Among them was Samuel Sewall, who wrote in his diary for that day : "Went to Salem, where, in the Meeting-house, the persons accused of Witch craft were examined; was a very great Assembly; 'twas awfuU to see how the afflicted persons were agitated. Mr. Noyes pray'd at the beginning, and Mr. Higginson concluded." In the margin he has later added: "Vae, Vae, Vae, Witchcraft" — i. e., "woe, woe, woe!" So many (seven) of the magistrates were present that the court took the form of a "council" (the highest of colonial tri bunals), under the presidency of Deputy-governor Danforth (Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 101; Hutchinson, Massachusetts, second ed., II. 27-30). 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 347 be need, the Accusers cryed out of him also, and that with so much earnestness, that he was Committed with his Wife. About this time besides the Experiment of the Afflicted fall ing at the sight, etc., they put the Accused upon saying the Lords Prayer, which one among them performed, except in j that petition, Deliver us from Evil, she exprest it thus, Deliver j us from all Evil. This was lookt upon as if she Prayed against \ what she was now justly under, and being put upon it again, and repeating those words, Hallowed be thy name, she exprest / it, Hollowed be thy Name, this was counted a depraving the' words, as signifying to make void, and so a Curse rather then1 a Prayer, upon the whole it was concluded that she also could not say it, etc. Proceeding in this work of examination and Commitment, many were sent to Prison. As an Instance, see the following Mittimus: To their Majesties Goal-keeper2 in Salem. You are in Their Majesties Names hereby required to take into your care, and safe custody, the Bodies of William Hobs, and Deb orah3 his Wife, Mary Easty, the Wife of Isaac Easty, and Sarah Wild, the Wife of John Wild, all of Topsfield; and Edward Bishop of Salem-Village, Husbandman, and Sarah his Wife, and Mary Black, a Negro of Lieutenant Nathaniel Putmans of Salem-Village; also Mary English the Wife of Philip English, Merchant in Salem;4 who stand charged with High Suspicion of Sundry Acts of Witchcraft, done or committed by them lately upon the Bodies of 'Ann Putman, Mercy Lewis5 and Abigail Williams, of Salem-Village, whereby great Hurt and Damage hath been done to the Bodies of the said Persons, [as] according to the complaint of Thomas Putman and John Buxton of Salem-Village, Exhibited Salem, Apr 21, 1692, appears, whom you are to secure in order to their further Examination. Fail not. John Hathorn, 1 ^tanfe> JONA. CURWIN, J Dated Salem, April 22, 1692. ' I. e., than. This spelling was then usual. 2 Jail-keeper. 3 Deliverance. 4 Mary Easty, aged 56, was a sister of Rebecca Nurse and Sarah Cloyse. We shall meet her again. As to these Topsfield cases, see above, p. 237, note 1. Edward Bishop, aged 44, was probably a step-son of Bridget Bishop (see above, pp. 223-229, and below, p. 356), and his wife was a daughter of John Wilds. On Mary Black, see Chandler, American Criminal Trials, I. 427, and Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 136-137. As for Mary English, see below, p. 371. 6 "Mary" in original; corrected in Errata. 348 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 To Marshal George Herrick of Salem Essex. You are in their Majesties Names hereby required to convey the above-named to the Goal at Salem. Fail not. John Hathorn, 1 AssistanL. Jona. Curwin, J Asmtants- Dated Salem, Apr 22, 1692. The occasion of Bishops being cry'd out of1 was, he being at an Examination in Salem, when at the Inn an afflicted Indian2 was very unruly, whom he undertook, and so man aged him, that he was very orderly, after which in riding home, in company of him and other Accusers, the Indian fell into a fit, and clapping hold with his Teeth on the back of the Man that rode before him, thereby held himself upon the Horse, but said Bishop striking him with his stick, the Indian soon recovered, and promised he would do so no more; to which Bishop replied, that he doubted not, but he could cure them all, with more to the same effect; immediately after he was parted from them, he was cried out of, etc. May 14, 1692. Sir William Phips arrived with Commis sion from Their Majesties to be Govemour, pursuant to the New-Charter; which he now brought with him; the Ancient Charter having been vacated by King Charles, and King James (by which they had a power not only to make their own Laws; but also to chuse their own Govemour and Officers;) and the Countrey for some years was put under an absolute Commission-Government, till the Revolution,3 at which time tho more than two thirds of the People were for reassuming their ancient Government, (to which they had encouragement by His then Royal Highness's Proclamation) yet some that might have been better imployed (in another Station)4 made it their business (by printing, as well as speaking) to their 1 1, e., cried out against, accused. 2 The afflicted Indian, i. e., Parris's John: it is clearly a misprint. 3 1, e., the English Revolution and the overthrow in New England of the Andros government (1689). 4 He doubtless means especially Cotton Mather. So, at least, Mather assumes in his reply (his letter in Some Few Remarks, etc., pp. 46-47) and vigor ously denies that he opposed the reassumption. 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 349 utmost to divert them from such a settlement; and so far prevailed, that for about seven Weeks after the Revolution, here was not so much as a face of any Government; but some few Men upon their own Nomination would be called a Committee of Safety; but at length the Assembly prevailed with those that had been of the Government, to promise that they would reassume; and accordingly a Proclamation was drawn, but before pubhsbing it, it was underwritten, that they would not have it understood that they did reassume Charter-Government; so that between Government and no Government, this Countrey remained till Sir William arrived; Agents being in this time impowered in England, which no doubt did not all of them act according to the Minds or In terests of those that impowered them, which is manifest by their not acting jointly in what was done; so that this place is perhaps a single Instance (even in the best of Reigns) of a Charter not restored after so happy a Revolution. This settlement by Sir William Phips his being come Gov emour put an end to all disputes of these things, and being arrived, and having read his Commission, the first thing he exerted his Power in, was said to be his giving Orders that Irons should be put upon those in Prison; for tho for some time after these were Committed, the Accusers ceased to cry out of them;1 yet now the cry against them was renewed, which occasioned such Order; and tho there was partiality in the executing it (some having taken them off2 almost as soon as put on) yet the cry of these Accusers against such ceased after this Order.3 May 24. Mrs. Cary of Charlestown, was Examined and Committed. Her Husband Mr. Nathaniel Cary4 has given account thereof, as also of her Escape, to this Effect, 1 See p. 348, note 1. 2 Doubtless a misprint for "having them taken off." 8 The reason for the irons was the assertion of the "afflicted" that their sufferings did not cease till the accused were thus in fetters. An account of the prison-keeper (Hanson, Danvers, p. 290) has such items as: "May 9th, To Chains for Sarah Good and Sarah Osborn, 14s. May 23d, To Shackles for 10 Prisoners. May 29th, to 1 pr. Irons." See also Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 212, 213. Even little Dorcas Good was put into chains. 'Captain Nathaniel Cary was a shipmaster, a man of ability and promi nence, later a member of the General Court and a justice. 350 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 I having heard some days, that my Wife was accused of Witch craft, being much disturbed at it, by advice, we went to Salem- Village, to see if the afflicted did know her; we arrived there, 24 May, it happened to be a day appointed for Examination; accord ingly soon after our arrival, Mr. Hathorn and Mr. Curwin, etc., went to the Meeting-house, which was the place appointed for that Work, the Minister began with Prayer, and having taken care to get a convenient place, I observed, that the afflicted were two Girls of about Ten Years old,1 and about two or three other, of about eight een, one of the Girls talked most, and could discern more than the rest. The Prisoners were called in one by one, and as they came in were cried out of, etc. The Prisoner was placed about 7 or 8 foot from the Justices, and the Accusers between the Justices and them; the Prisoner was ordered to stand right before the Justices, with an Officer appointed to hold each hand, least they should therewith afflict them, and the Prisoners Eyes must be constantly on the Jus tices; for if they look'd on the afflicted, they would either fall into their Fits, or cry out of being hurt by them; after Examination of the Prisoners, who it was afflicted these Girls, etc., they were put upon saying the Lords Prayer, as a tryal of their guilt; after the afflicted seem'd to be out of their Fits, they would look steadfastly on some one person, and frequently not speak; and then the Justices said they were struck dumb, and after a little time would speak again; then the Justices said to the Accusers, " which of you will go and touch the Prisoner at the Bar?" then the most couragious would ad venture, but before they had made three steps would ordinarily fall down as in a Fit; the Justices ordered that they should be taken up and carried to the Prisoner, that she might touch them; and as soon as they were touched by the accused, the Justices would say, they are /('well, before I could discern any alteration; by which I observed that Ithe Justices understood the manner of it. Thus far I was only as a Spectator, my Wife also was there part of the time, but no notice taken of her by the afflicted, except once or twice they came to her and asked her name. But I having an opportunity to Discourse2 Mr. Hale3 (with whom I had formerly acquaintance) I took his advice, what I had best to do, and desired of him that I might have an opportunity to speak with her that accused my Wife; which he promised should be, I acquainting him that I reposed my trust in him. Accordingly he came to me after the Examination was over, and told me I had now an opportunity to speak with the said Accuser, 1 Abigail Williams and Ann Putnam. * Talk with. 3 The Rev. John Hale, of Beverly. As to his part in the trials see below, p. 369. 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 351 viz. Abigail Williams, a Girl of 11 or 12 Years old; but that we could not be in private at Mr. Parris's House, as he had promised me; we went therefore into the Alehouse, where an Indian Man attended us, who it seems was one of the afflicted: to him we gave some Cyder, he shewed several Scars, that seemed as if they had been long there, and shewed them as done by Witchcraft, and acquainted us that his Wife, who also was a Slave, was imprison'd for Witchcraft.1 And now instead of one Accuser, they all came in, who began to tumble down like Swine, and then three Women were called in to attend them. We in the Room were all at a stand, to see who they would cry out of; but in a short time they cried out, Cary; and immediately after a Warrant was sent from the Justices to bring my Wife before them, who were sitting in a Chamber near by, waiting for this. Being brought before the Justices, her chief accusers were two Girls; my Wife declared to the Justices, that she never had any- knowledge of them before that day; she was forced to stand with her Arms stretched out. I did request that I might hold one of her hands, but it was denied me; then she desired me to wipe the Tears- from her Eyes, and the Sweat from her Face, which I did; then she desired she might lean her self on me, saying, she should faint. Justice Hathorn replied, she had strength enough to torment those persons, and she should have strength enough to stand. I speaking something against their cruel proceedings, they commanded me to be silent, or else I should be turned out of the Room. The Indian before mentioned, was also brought in, to be one of her Accusers : being come in, he now (when before the Justices) fell down and tumbled about like a Hog, but said nothing. The Justices asked the Girls, who afflicted the Indian? they answered she (meaning my Wife) and now lay upon him; the Justices ordered her to touch him, in order to his cure, but her head must be turned another way, least instead of curing, she should make him worse, by her looking on him, her hand being guided to take hold of his; but the Indian took hold on her hand, and pulled her down on the Floor, in a barbarous manner; then his hand was taken off, and her hand put on his, and the cure was quickly wrought. I being extreamly troubled at their Inhumane dealings, uttered a hasty Speech (That God would take vengeance on them, and desired that God would deliver us out of the hands of unmerciful men.) Then her Mittimus was writ. I did with difficulty and charge obtain the liberty of a Room, but no Beds in it; if there had, could have taken but little rest that Night. She was committed to Boston Prison; but I obtained a Habeas Corpus to remove her to Cambridge Prison, which is in our County of Mid- 1 Cary is speaking, of course, of "John Indian" and Tituba. 352 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 dlesex. Having been there one Night, next Morning the Jaylor put Irons on her legs (having received such a command) the weight of them was about eight pounds; these Irons and her other Afflictions, soon brought her into Convulsion Fits, so that I thought she would have died that Night. I sent to intreat that the Irons might be taken off, but all intreaties were in vain, if it would have saved her Life, so that in this condition she must continue. The Tryals at Salem coming on, I went thither, to see how things were there man aged; and finding that the Spectre-Evidence was there received, together with Idle, if not malicious Stories, against Peoples Lives, I did easily perceive which way the rest would go; for the same Evi dence that served for one, would serve for all the rest. I acquainted her with her danger; and that if she were carried to Salem to be tried, I feared she would never return. I did my utmost that she might have her Tryal in our own County, I with several others Petitioning the Judge for it, and were put in hopes of it; but I soon saw so much, that I understood thereby it was not intended, which put me upon consulting the means of her escape; which thro the goodness of God was effected, and she got to Road Island,1 but soon found her self not safe when there, by reason of the pursuit after her; from thence she went to New-York, along with some others that had escaped their cruel hands; where we found his Excellency Benjamin Fletcher, Esq; Govemour, who was very courteous to us. After this some of my Goods were seized in a Friends hands, with whom I had left them, and my self imprisoned by the Sheriff, and kept in Custody half a day, and then dismist; but to speak of their usage of the Prisoners, and their Inhumanity shewn to them, at the time of their Execution, no sober Christian could bear; they had also tryals of cruel mockings; which is the more, considering what a ' People for Religion, I mean the profession of it, we have been; those that suffered being many of them Church-Members, and most of them unspotted in their Conversation, till their Adversary the Devil took up this Method for accusing them. Per Nathaniel2 Cary. May 31. Captain John Aldin3 was Examined at Salem, and Committed to Boston Prison. The Prison-Keeper seeing 1 Rhode Island. "July 30, 1692. Mrs. Cary makes her escape out of Cam bridge-Prison, who was Committed for Witchcraft." (Sewall, Diary, I. 362.) 2 "Jonathan" in original: corrected to "Nathaniel" in Errata. 8 See above, pp. 170, note 2, and 178, note 6. Captain Alden, Indian fighter, naval commander, now at seventy a man of wealth, was one of the leading figures of New England. 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 353 such a Man Committed, of whom he had a good esteem, was after this the more Compassionate to those that were in Prison on the like account; and did refrain from such hard things to the Prisoners, as before he had used. Mr. Aldin himself has given account of his Examination, in these Words. An Account how John Aldin, Senior, was dealt with at Salem-Village. John Aldin Senior, of Boston, in the County of Suffolk, Mar- riner, on the 28th Day of May, 1692, was sent for by the Magistrates of Salem, in the County of Essex, upon the Accusation of a company of poor distracted, or possessed Creatures or Witches; and being sent by Mr. Stoughton,1 arrived there the 31st of May, and appeared at Salem-Village, before Mr. Gidney,2 Mr. Hathorn, and Mr. Cur- win. Those Wenches being present, who plaid their jugHng tricks, falling down, crying out, and staring in Peoples Faces; the Magis trates demanded of them several times, who it was of all the People in the Room that hurt them? one of these Accusers pointed several times at one Captain Hill, there present, but spake nothing; the same Accuser had a Man standing at her back to hold her up; he stooped down to her Ear, then she cried out, Aldin, Aldin afflicted her; one of the Magistrates asked her if she had ever seen Aldin, she answered no, he asked her how she knew it was Aldin? She said, the Man told her so. Then all were ordered to go down into the Street, where a Ring was made; and the same Accuser cried out, "there stands Aldin, a bold fellow with his Hat on before the Judges, he sells Powder and Shot to the Indians and French, and lies with the Indian Squaes, and has Indian Papooses." Then was Aldin committed to the Mar shal's Custody, and his Sword taken from him; for they said he afflicted them with his Sword. After some hours Aldin was sent for to the Meeting-house in the Village before the Magistrates; who re quired Aldin to stand upon a Chair, to the open view of all the People. The Accusers cried out that Aldin did pinch them, then, when he stood upon the Chair, in the sight of all the People, a good way dis tant from them, one of the Magistrates bid the Marshal to hold open Aldin's hands, that he might not pinch those Creatures. Aldin asked 1 The lieutenant-governor — soon to be head of the special court for the trial of the witches. See above, p. 183, note 2, and p. 199. 2 Bartholomew Gedney, of Salem, the third magistrate, was, like his col leagues, an assistant of the province. 354 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 them why they should think, that he should come to that Village to afflict those persons that he never knew or saw before? Mr. Gidney bid Aldin confess, and give glory to God; Aldin said he hoped he should give glory to God, and hoped he should never gratifie the Devil; but appealed to all that ever knew him, if they ever suspected him to be such a person, and challenged any one, that could bring in any thing upon their own knowledge, that might give suspicion of his being such an one. Mr. Gidney said he had known Aldin many Years, and had been at Sea with him, and always look'd upon him to be an honest Man, but now he did see cause to alter his judgment: Aldin answered, he was sorry for that, but he hoped God would clear up his Innocency, that he would recall that judgment again, and added that he hoped that he should with Job maintain his In tegrity till he died. They bid Aldin look upon the Accusers, which he did, and then they fell down. Aldin asked Mr. Gidney, what Reason there could be given, why Aldin's looking upon him did not strike him down as well; but no reason was given that I heard. But the Accusers were brought to Aldin to touch them, and this touch they said made them well. Aldin began to speak of the Providence of God in suffering these Creatures to accuse Innocent persons. Mr. Noyes asked Aldin why he would offer to speak of the Providence of God. God by his Providence (said Mr. Noyes) governs the World, and keeps it in peace; and so went on with Discourse, and stopt Aldin's mouth, as to that. Aldin told Mr. Gidney, that he could assure him that there was a lying Spirit in them, for I can assure you that there is not a word of truth in all these say of me. But Aldin was again committed to the Marshal, and his Mittimus written, which was as follows. To Mr. John Arnold, Keeper of the Prison in Boston, in the County of Suffolk. Whereas Captain John Aldin of Boston, Marriner, and Sarah Rice, Wife of Nicholas Rice of Reding, Husbandman, have been this day brought before us, John Hathorn and Jonathan Curwin, Esquires; being accused and suspected of perpetrating divers acts of Witchcraft, contrary to the form of the Statute, in that Case made and provided : These are therefore in Their Majesties, King William and Queen Marys Names, to Will and require you, to take into your Custody, the bodies of the said John Aldin, and Sarah Rice, and them safely keep, until they shall thence be delivered by due course of Law; as you will answer the contrary at your peril; and this shall be your sufficient Warrant. Given under our hands at Salem Village, the 31st of May, in the Fourth Year of the Reign of our 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 355 Sovereign Lord and Lady, William and Mary, now King and Queen over England, etc., Anno Dom. 1692. John Hathorn, 1 . • . . Jonathan Curwin, } As™tants- To Boston Aldin was carried by a Constable, no Bail would be taken for him; but was delivered to the Prison-keeper, where he re mained Fifteen Weeks;1 and then observing the manner of Tryals, and Evidence then taken, was at length prevailed with to make his Escape, and being returned, was bound over to Answer at the Superior Court at Boston, the last Tuesday in April, Anno 1693. And was there cleared by Proclamation, none appearing against him. Per John Aldin. At Examination, and at other times, 'twas usual for the Accusers to tell of the black Man, or of a Spectre, as being then on the Table, etc. The People about would strike with Swords, or sticks at those places. One Justice broke bis Cane at this Exercise, and sometimes the Accusers would say, they struck the Spectre, and it is reported several of the accused were hurt and wounded thereby, though at home at the same time. The Justices proceeding in these works of Examination, and Commitment, to the end of May, there was by that time about a Hundred persons Imprisoned upon that Account. June 2. A special Commission of Oyer and Terminer hav ing been Issued out, to Mr. Stoughton, the New Lieutenant Govemour, Major Saltonstall, Major Richards, Major Gidny, Mr. Wait Winthrop, Captain Sewall, and Mr. Sergeant;2 These (a Quorum of them) sat at Salem this day; where the ' Captain Alden's case seems to have made a great stir. On July 20 there was held a special "Fast at the house of Capt. Alden, upon his account." Judge Sewall read a sermon, and Willard, Allen, and Cotton Mather prayed, then Cap tain Hill and Captain Scottow; "concluded about 5. aclock." (Sewall, Diary, I. 361-362.) A year later, on June 12, 1693, Sewall records: "I visit Capt. Alden and his wife, and tell them I was sorry for their Sorrow and Temptations by reason of his Imprisonment, and that [I] was glad of his Restauration." 2 See above, pp. 183-185, 196-198. These gentlemen were all members of the new Council of the province. Saltonstall, out of dissatisfaction with the proceedings, early withdrew (see above, p. 184), and was later himself accused (Sewall's Diary, I. 373). Jonathan Corwin took his place. A quorum was five. All the judges had had experience in the colony's Court of Assistants; but none had had a legal training. 356 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 most that was done this Week, was the Tryal of one Bishop, alias Oliver, of Salem; who having long undergone the repute of a Witch, occasioned by the Accusations of one Samuel Gray: he about 20 Years since, having charged her with such Crimes, and though upon his Death-bed he testified his sorrow and repentance for such Accusations, as being wholly groundless; yet the report taken up by his means continued, and she being accused by those afflicted, and upon search a Tet, as they call it, being found, she was brought in guilty by the Jury; she received her Sentence of Death, and was Executed, June 10, but made not the least Confession of any thing relating to Witchcraft.1 June 15. Several Ministers in and near Boston, having been to that end consulted by his Excellency,2 exprest their minds to this effect, viz. That they were affected with the deplorable state of the afflicted; That they were thankful for the dfligent care of the Rulers, to detect the abominable Witchcrafts, which have been committed in the Country, praying for a perfect discovery thereof. But advised to a cautious proceeding, least many Evils ensue, etc. And that tenderness be used towards those accused, relating to matters presumptive and convictive, and also to privacy in Exammations, and to consult Mr. Perkins and Mr. Bernard,3 what tests to make use of in the Scrutiny: That Presumptions and Convictions ought to have better grounds, than the Accusers affirming that they see such per sons Spectres afflicting them : And that the Devfl may afflict in the shape of 'good Men; and that falling at the sight, and rising at the touch of the Accused, is no infallible proof of guilt; That seeing the Devils strength consists in such Accusa tions, our disbelieving them may be a means to put a period to the dreadful Calamities; Nevertheless they humbly recom mend to the Government, the speedy and vigorous prosecu- 1 As to the trial of Bridget Bishop see above, pp. 223-229. Before her last marriage she had been a widow Oliver. The testimony against her includes the deposition of a Samuel Gray (Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 152-153) as to her bewitching to death his child some fourteen years before. Of his repentance at his death, which must have been recent when Calef wrote, the writer doubtless speaks from personal knowledge. 2 See above, p. 194. 8 See above, p. 304, notes 3, 5. 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 357 tion of such as have rendered themselves obnoxious, according to the direction given in the Laws of God, and the wholesome Statutes of the English Nation, for the Detection of Witch craft. This is briefly the substance of what may be seen more at large in Cases of Conscience, (ult.)1 And one of them2 since taking occasion to repeat some part of this advice, Wonders of the Invisible World, p. 83, declares, (notwithstanding the Dis satisfaction of others) that if his said Book may conduce to promote thankfulness to God for such Executions, he shall rejoyce, etc. The 30th of June, the Court according to Adjournment again sat; five more were tried, viz. Sarah Good and Rebecca Nurse, of Salem-Village; Susanna Martin of Amsbury; Eliza beth How of Ipswich; and Sarah Wildes of Topsfield; these were all condemned that Sessions, and were all Executed on the 19th of July.3 At the Tryal of Sarah Good, one of the afflicted fell in a Fit, and after coming out of it, she cried out of the Prisoner, for stabing her in the breast with a Knife, and that she had broken the Knife in stabbing of her, accordingly a piece of the blade of a Knife was found about her. Immediately informa tion being given to the Court, a young Man was called, who produced a Haft and part of the Blade, which the Court having viewed and compared, saw it to be the same. And upon in quiry the young Man affirmed, that yesterday he happened to break that Knife, and that he cast away the upper part, this afflicted person being then present. The young Man was 1 The full text of the document, that is, may be found at the end of Increase Mather's Cases of Conscience (London, 1693). With that book, or from it, it has been often reprinted. In his life of Phips (and in its reprint in his Magnolia) Cotton Mather tells us that it was drawn up by himself; but it doubtless em bodied a compromise. Increase Mather calls it "the humble Advice which twelve Ministers concurringly presented before his Excellency and Council," and it entitles itself "The Return of several Ministers consulted by his Excellency, and the Honourable Council, upon the present Witchcrafts in Salem Village." 2 Cotton Mather, of course. 3 As to the trials of Susanna Martin and Elizabeth How see above, pp. 229- 240, and records there cited. The documents for those of Sarah Good, Rebecca Nurse, Sarah Wildes, may be found in Records of Salem Witchcraft (I. 11-34, 76-99, 180-189), but for the two last more fully in the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society (XIII. 80-92). 358 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 dismist, and she was bidden by the Court not to tell lyes; and was improved (after as she had been before) to give Evi dence against the Prisoners. At Execution, Mr. Noyes urged Sarah Good to Confess, and told her she was a Witch, and she knew she was a Witch, to which she replied, "you are a Iyer; I am no more a Witch than you are a Wizard, and if you take away my Life, God will give you Blood to drink." At the Tryal of Rebecka Nurse, this was remarkable that the Jury brought in their Verdict not Guilty, immediately all the accusers in the Court, and suddenly after all the afflicted out of Court, made an hideous out-cry, to the amazement, not only of the Spectators, but the Court also seemed strangely surprized; one of the Judges exprest himself not satisfied, an other of them as he was going off the Bench, said they would have her Indicted anew. The chief Judge said he would not Impose upon the Jury; but intimated, as if they had not well considered one Expression of the Prisoners, when she was upon Tryal, viz. That when one Hobbs, who had confessed her self to be a Witch, was brought into the Court to witness against her, the Prisoner turning her head to her, said, " What, do you bring her? she is one of us," or to that effect; this together with the Clamours of the Accusers, induced the Jury to go out again, after their Verdict, not Guilty. But not agreeing, they came into the Court, and she being then at the Bar, her words were repeated to her, in order to have had her explanation of them, and she making no Reply to them, they found the Bill, and brought her in Guilty; these words being the Induce ment to it, as the Foreman has signified in writing, as follows. July 4, 1692. I Thomas Fisk, the Subscriber hereof, being one of them that were of the Jury the last week at Salem-Court, upon the Tryal of Rebecka Nurse, etc., being desired by some of the Relations to give a Reason why the Jury brought her in Guilty, after her Ver dict not Guilty; I do hereby give my Reasons to be as follows, viz. When the Verdict not Guilty was, the honoured Court was pleased to object against it, saying to them, that they think they let slip the words, which the Prisoner at the Bar spake against her self, which were spoken in reply to Goodwife Hobbs and her Daughter, who had been faulty in setting their hands to the Devils Book, as they have confessed formerly; the words were "What, do these per- 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 359 sons give in Evidence against me now, they used to come among us." After the honoured Court had manifested their dissatisfaction of the Verdict, several of the Jury declared themselves desirous to go out again, and thereupon the honoured Court gave leave; but when we came to consider of the Case, I could not tell how to take her words, as an Evidence against her, till she had a further opportunity to put her Sense upon them, if she would take it; and then going into Court, I mentioned the words aforesaid, which by one of the Court were affirmed to have been spoken by her, she being then at the Bar, but made no reply, nor interpretation of them; whereupon these words were to me a principal Evidence against her. Thomas Fisk. When Goodwife Nurse was informed what use was made of these words, she put in this following Declaration into the Court. These presents do humbly shew, to the honoured Court and Jury, that I being informed, that the Jury brought me in Guilty, upon my saying that Goodwife Hobbs and her Daughter were of our Company; but I intended no otherways, then as1 they were Prisoners with us, and therefore did then, and yet do judge them not legal Evidence against their fellow Prisoners. And I being something hard of hearing, and full of grief, none informing me how the Court took up my words, and therefore had not opportunity to declare what I intended, when I said they were of our Company. Rebecka Nurse. After her Condemnation she was by one of the Ministers of Salem excommunicated;2 yet the Govemour saw cause to grant a Reprieve, which when known (and some say imme diately upon granting) the Accusers renewed their dismal out cries against her, insomuch that the Govemour was by some Salem Gentleman prevailed with to recall the Reprieve, and she was Executed with the rest. 1 /. e., than that. ! 2 By Mr. Noyes, of whose church in Salem Town she was a member. Says the church record: "1692, July 3. — After sacrament, the elders propounded to the church, — and it was, by an unanimous vote, consented to, — that our sister Nurse, being a convicted witch by the Court, and condemned to die, should be excommunicated; which was accordingly done in the afternoon, she being present." (Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 290.) Upham, himself long pastor of this church, has drawn a powerful picture of the probable scene. 360 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 The Testimonials of her Christian behaviour, both in the course of her Life, and at her Death, and her extraordinary care in educating her Children, and setting them good Ex amples, etc., under the hands of so many, are so numerous, that for brevity they are here omitted.1 It was at the Tryal of these that one of the Accusers cried out publickly of Mr. Willard Minister in Boston,2 as afflicting of her; she was sent out of the Court, and it was told about she was mistaken in the person. August 5. The Court again sitting, six more were tried on the same Account, viz. JM^-Geprge^ Burroughs, sometime minister of Wells, John Procter, and Elizabeth Procter his Wife, with John Willard of Salem-Village, George' Jacobs Senior, of Salem, and Martha Carryer of Andover,-3 these were all brought in Guilty and Condemned; and were all Executed Aug. 19, except Procter's Wife, who pleaded Preg nancy.4 Mr. Burroughs was carried in a Cart with the others, through the streets of Salem to Execution; when he was upon the Ladder, he made a Speech for the clearing of bis Innocency, with such Solemn and Serious Expressions, as were to the Admiration of all present; his Prayer (which he concluded by repeating the Lord's Prayer,) was so well worded, and uttered with such composedness, and such (at least seeming) fervency of Spirit, as was very affecting, and drew Tears from many (so that it seemed to some, that the Spectators would hinder 1 Two of these testimonials, one of them signed by thirty-eight of her neighbors, are printed by Upham (Salem Witchcraft, II. 271-272), and more ex actly, from the still extant MSS., in the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society (XIII. 57-58) — and with them the touching evidence of the neighbors who first bore her the news of her accusation. 2 See above, pp. 22, 184, and 186, note 3. 3 As to the trials of Burroughs and Goodwife Carrier see above, pp. 215-222, 241-244, and records there cited. Those relating to Procter and his wife, to Willard, and to Jacobs may be found in Records of Salem Witchcraft (I. 60-74, 99-117, 266-279, 253-265). The testimonials on behalf of the Procters are re printed (with corrections) by Upham (Salem Witchcraft, II. 305-307). As to Willard other papers will be found in Dr. S. A. Green's Groton in the Witchcraft Times (Groton, 1883), pp. 23-29. The documents relating to Jacobs are to be found also in the Collections of the Essex Institute (II. 49-57), where (and in I. 52-56) are further details as to him and his household. 4 For Brattle's account of their execution see above, p. 177. 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 361 the Execution). The accusers said the black Man stood and dictated to him; as soon as he was turned off, Mr. Cotton Mather, being mounted upon a Horse, addressed himself to the People, partly to declare, that he was no ordained Minis ter, and partly to possess the People of his guilt; saying, That the Devfl has often been transformed into an Angel of Light; and this did somewhat appease the People, and the Execu tions went on; when he was cut down, he was dragged by the Halter to a Hole, or Grave, between the Rocks, about two foot deep, his Shirt and Breeches being pulled off, and an old pair of Trousers of one Executed, put on his lower parts, he was so put in, together with Willard and Carryer, one of his Hands and his Chin, and a Foot of one [of] them being left uncovered.1 John Willard had been imployed to fetch in several that were accused; but taking dissatisfaction from his being sent, to fetch up some that he had better thoughts of, he declined the Service, and presently after he himself was accused of the same Crime, and that with such vehemency, that they sent after him to apprehend him; he had made his Escape as far as Nashawag,2 about 40 Miles from Salem; yet 'tis said those Accusers did then presently tell the exact time, saying, now Willard is taken. John Procter and his Wife being in Prison, the Sheriff came to his House and seized all the Goods, Provisions, and Cattle that he could come at, and sold some of the Cattle at half price, and killed others, and put them up for the West- Indies; threw out the Beer out of a Barrel, and carried away the Barrel; emptied a Pot of Broath, and took away the Pot, and left nothing in the House for the support of the Children : No part of the said Goods are known to be returned. Procter earnestly requested Mr. Noyes to pray with and for him, but '"This day," writes Judge Sewall in his diary, "George Burrough, John Willard, Jno. Procter, Martha Carrier and George Jacobs were executed at Salem, a very great number of Spectators being present. Mr. Cotton Mather was there, Mr. Sims, Hale, Noyes, Chiever, etc. All of them said they were innocent, Carrier and all. Mr. Mather says they all died by a Righteous Sentence. Mr^_ ^urrouj^JjyJn^jjpeechj^rayCT^ much .move untiunking persons, which c«casions~TheuTlp^akingliardl^ jxeciitei^'~^^tMTmargin re~Iate7^ded^!Dolefull Witchcraft!" 2 Nashaway, an old name of Lancaster. 362 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 J it was wholly denied, because he would not own himself to be a Witch. During his Imprisonment he sent the following Letter, in behalf of himself and others. Salem-Prison, July 23, 1692. Mr. Mather, Mr. Allen, Mr. Moody, Mr. Willard, and Mr. Bailey.1 Reverend Gentlemen. The innocency of our Case with the Enmity of our Accusers and our Judges, and Jury, whom nothing but our Innocent Blood will serve their turn, having Condemned us already before our Tryals, being so much incensed and engaged against us by the Devil, makes us bold to Beg and Implore your Favourable Assistance of this our Humble Petition to his Excellency, That if it be possible our Inno cent Blood may be spared, which undoubtedly otherwise will be shed, if the Lord doth not mercifully step in. The Magistrates, Min isters, Jewries,2 and all the People in general, being so much inraged and incensed against us by the Delusion of the Devil, which we can term no other, by reason we know in our own Consciences, we are all Innocent Persons. Here are five Persons who have lately 1 By "Mr. Mather" is unquestionably meant Increase Mather. He alone, as the senior in age and in dignity, could with propriety be thus given the first place; and his son, if named at all, would have been identified as "Mr. Cotton Mather." That he is not named at all needs no explanation to those who have read his own words as to accusers and accused and his complaints as to the blame heaped upon himself. Of Moody, Willard, Bailey, we have perhaps seen enough in earlier pages to guess why such an appeal might with hope be addressed to them. The Boston Tory Joshua Broadbent, writing on June 21 from New York, reported that "Mrs. Moody, Parson Moody's wife, is said to be one" of the witches. (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1689-1692, p. 653.) Of Allen, the well-to-do minister of the First Church, who seems to have been a man of much caution, it may be well to remember that prior to 1678 he had owned the estate at Salem Village since occupied, but not yet in full ownership, by the Nurses, Procter's near neighbors, and that he was doubtless personally known to the petitioner. Bailey, who had come to America in 1683, had at first assisted Wil lard at the South Church, and, after a pastorate at Watertown, was now Allen's assistant at the First. 2 Juries. It should not be overlooked that in these trials of 1692 the jurors were chosen from among church-members only, not, as later, from all who had the property to make them voters under the new charter. The act establish ing this qualification for the jurors was not passed till November 25. (See Goodell in Mass. Hist. Soc, Proceedings, second series, I. 67-68.) 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 363 confessed themselves to be Witches, and do accuse some of us, of being along with them at a Sacrament, since we were committed into close Prison, which we know to be Lies. Two of the 5 are (Carriers Sons1) Young-men, who would not confess any thing till they tyed them Neck and Heels2 till the Blood was ready to come out of their Noses, and 'tis credibly believed and reported this was the occasion of making them confess that3 they never did, by reason they said one had been a Witch a Month, and another five Weeks, and that their Mother had made them so, who has been confined here this nine Weeks. My son William Procter, when he was examin'd, be cause he would not confess that he was Guilty, when he was Innocent, they tyed him Neck and Heels till the Blood gushed out at his Nose, and would have kept him so 24 Hours, if one more Merciful than the rest, had not taken pity on him, and caused him to be unbound. These actions are very like the Popish Cruelties. They have already undone us in our Estates, and that will not serve their turns, without our Innocent Bloods. If it cannot be granted that we can have our 1 Richard and Andrew, sons of Martha Carrier, of Andover. (See above, pp. 241-244.) Richard was 18. ffis to this form of torture see above, p. 102 and note 1. For some of the evidence extorted by it in this case see Records of Salem Witchcraft, p. 198. The use of torture in cases of witchcraft had been recommended by Perkins, the Puritan oracle, and yet more warmly by King James; and despite protesting jurists it came into use. Even Coke, who maintains that "there is no Law to warrant tortures in this land, nor can they be justified by any prescription," has to add "being so lately brought in" (Institutes, III., cap. 2). As to its actual use in English witch-trials see Notestein, Witchcraft in England, index, s. v. "Torture." But Massachusetts law, from 1641 on, had straitly forbidden it ex cept, after conviction, to extort the names of accomplices; and even then forbade "such tortures as be barbarous and inhumane" (see Body of Liberties, par. 45; ed. of 1660, p. 67; ed. of 1672, p. 129). If in 1648 the highest court of the colony, learning with admiration of the achievements of Matthew Hopkins in England, was "desirous that the same course which hath been taken in England for the discovery of witches, by watchinge, may also be taken here," and ordered, in the case of a witch, that "a strict watch be set about her every night, and that her husband be confined to a private room, and watched also" (Records of Massa chusetts, III. 126), their phrasing betrays how little they understood the rigor of the English method. In 1692 even Cotton Mather declared himself "farr from urging the un-English method of torture" (Mather Papers, p. 394), though he urged on the judges "whatever hath a tendency to put the witches into con fusion," such as "Crosse and Swift Questions." But the procedure of that day, like our own, drew a line between what might be used in the courts and what might be permitted to extra-judicial inquiry, and we shall see yet more of methods used at Salem to extort confession. 3 That which. 364 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 Trials at Boston, we humbly beg that you would endeavour to have these Magistrates changed, and others in their rooms, begging also and beseeching you would be pleased to be here, if not all, some of you at our Trials, hoping thereby you may be the means of saving the shedding our Innocent Bloods, desiring your Prayers to the Lord in our behalf, we rest your Poor Afflicted Servants, John Procter, etc. He pleaded very hard at Execution, for a httle respite of time, saying that he was not fit to Die; but it was not granted. Old Jacobs being Condemned, the Sheriff and Officers came and seized all he had, his Wife had her Wedding Ring taken from her, but with great difficulty obtained it again. She was forced to buy Provisions of the Sheriff, such as he had taken, towards her own support, which not being sufficient, the Neighbours of Charity relieved her.1 Margaret Jacobs being one that had confessed her own Guilt, and testified against her Grand-Father Jacobs, Mr. Burroughs, and John Willard, She the day before Executions, came to Mr. Burroughs, acknowledging that she had belyed them,2 and begged Mr. Burroughs Forgiveness, who not only ' I. e., out of charity the neighbors relieved her. 2 How she was brought to confess she herself told in a brave paper : "The humble declaration of Margaret Jacobs unto the honoured court now sitting at Salem, sheweth "That whereas your poor and humble declarant being closely confined here in Salem jail for the crime of witchcraft, which crime, thanks be to the Lord, I am altogether ignorant of, as will appear at the great day of judgment. May it please the honoured court, I was cried out upon by some of the possessed per sons, as afflicting of them; whereupon I was brought to my examination, which persons at the sight of me fell down, which did very much startle and affright me. The Lord above knows I knew nothing, in the least measure, how or who afflicted them; they told me, without doubt I did, or else they would not fall down at me; they told me if I would not confess, I should be put down into the dungeon and would be hanged, but if I would confess I should have my life; the which did so affright me, with my own vile wicked heart, to save my life made me make the confession I did, which confession, may it please the honoured court, is alto gether false and untrue. The very first night after I had made my confession, I was in such horror of conscience that I could not sleep, for fear the Devil should carry me away for telling such horrid lies. I was, may it please the honoured court, sworn to my confession, as I understand since, but then, at that time, was ignorant of it, not knowing what an oath did mean. The Lord, I hope, in whom I trust, out of the abundance of his mercy, will forgive me my false for- 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 365 forgave her, but also Prayed with and for her. She wrote the following Letter to her Father. From the Dungeon in Salem-Prison, August 20, 92. Honoured Father, After my Humble Duty Remembred to you, hoping in the Lord of your good Health, as Blessed be God I enjoy, tho in abundance of Affliction, being close confined here in a loathsome Dungeon, the Lord look down in mercy upon me, not knowing how soon I shall be put to Death, by means of the Afflicted Persons; my Grand-Father having Suffered already, and all his Estate Seized for the King. The reason of my Confinement is this, I having, through the Magistrates Threatnings, and my own Vile and Wretched Heart, confessed sev eral things contrary to my Conscience and Knowledg, tho to the Wounding of my own Soul, the Lord pardon me for it; but Oh! the terrors of a wounded Conscience who can bear. But blessed be the Lord, he would not let me go on in my Sins, but in mercy I hope so my Soul would not suffer me to keep it in any longer, but I was forced to confess the truth of all before the Magistrates, who would not believe me, but tis their pleasure to put me in here, and God knows how soon I shall be put to death. Dear Father, let me beg your Prayers to the Lord on my behalf, and send us a Joyful and Happy meeting in Heaven. My Mother poor Woman is very Crazey, and swearing myself. What I said was altogether false, against my grandfather, and Mr. Burroughs, which I did to save my life and to have my hberty; but the Lord, charging it to my conscience, made me in so much horror, that I could not contain myself before I had denied my confession, which I did, though I saw nothing but death before me, choosing rather death with a quiet conscience, than to live in such horror, which I could not suffer. Whereupon my denying my confession, I was committed to close prison, where I have enjoyed more felicity in spirit a thousand times than I did before in my enlargement. "And now, may it please your honours, your poor and humble declarant having, in part, given your honours a description of my condition, do leave it to your honours pious and judicious discretions to take pity and compassion on my young and tender years; to act and do with me as the Lord above and your hon ours shall see good, having no friend but the Lord to plead my cause for me; not being guilty in the least measure of the crime of witchcraft, nor any other sin that deserves death from man; and your poor and humble declarant shall forever pray, as she is bound in duty, for your honours' happiness in this life, and eternal felicity in the world to come. So prays your honours declarant. "Margaret Jacobs." The document is preserved by Hutchinson, and may be found in the first chapter of his second volume (or in Poole's reprint of an earlier draft, N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, XXIV. 402-403). 366 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 remembers her kind Love to you, and to Uncle, viz. D. A.1 So leaving you to the protection of the Lord, I rest your Dutiful Daughter, Margaret Jacobs. At the time appointed for her Tryal, she had an Impos- thume in her head, which was her Escape.2 September 9. Six more were tried, and received Sentance of Death, viz. Martha Cory of Salem-Village, Mary Easty of Topsfield, Alice Parker and Ann Pudeater of Salem, Dorcas Hoar of Beverly, and Mary Bradberry of Salisbury.3 Septem ber 16, Giles Cory was prest to Death. September 17. Nine more received Sentance of Death, viz. Margaret Scot of Rowly, Goodwife Redd of Marblehead, Samuel Wardwell, and Mary Parker of Andover, also Abigail Falkner of Andover, who pleaded Pregnancy, Rebecka Eames of Boxford, Mary Lacy, and Ann Foster of Andover, and Abi gail Hobbs of Topsfield.4 Of these Eight were Executed, ' Daniel Andrew, the kinsman and neighbor who had fled with her father. He had been a leading man, a teacher, a deputy to the General Court, and appar ently a staunch opponent of the panic. As to the crazed mother, see p. 371, below, and the grandmother's petition in Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, V. 79 (or in Chandler's American Criminal Trials, I. 431-432). 2 For a little more of her story see below, p. 371. She was acquitted in January, but had to remain in jail, even after the governor by proclamation had freed the prisoners (May, 1693), for want of means to pay her prison fees. A stranger, touched with compassion on hearing of her case, advanced the money — and was in time repaid. (Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 353-354.) 5 The papers relating to Ann Pudeater (Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 12- 22) have been embodied in a study of her case by G. F. Chever in the Collections of the Essex Institute (II. 37-42, 49-54). The widow Dorcas Hoar seems to have earned some suspicion by an interest in fortune-telling (Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 235-253), and, though she confessed, she was condemned; but she had potent friends. "A petition is sent to Town," says Sewall in his Diary on September 21, "in behalf of Dorcas Hoar, who now confesses. Accordingly an order is sent to the Sheriff to forbear her Execution." "This is," he adds, "the first condemned person who has confess'd." The aged Mrs. Bradbury, daughter of John Perkins of Ipswich and wife of Captain Thomas Bradbury of Salisbury, was not only one of the most socially eminent but one of the most venerated women of her region, and her arrest enlisted in her defence the public sentiment of all the district (see Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 160-174). She was aided to escape from prison, and so from death. 4 For the Andover and Topsfield cases reference may again be made to Mrs. Bailey's Historical Sketches of Andover and to vol. XIII. of the Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society as well as to the Records of Salem Witchcraft. The 1692] CALEF, MORE WONDERS 367 September 22, viz. Martha Cory, Mary Easty, Alice Parker, Ann Pudeater, Margaret Scot, Willmet Redd, Samuel Ward- well, and Mary Parker. Giles Cory pleaded not Guilty to his Indictment, but would not put himself upon Tryal by the Jury (they having cleared none upon Tryal) and knowing there would be the same Wit nesses against him, rather chose to undergo what Death they would put him to. In pressing his Tongue being prest out of his Mouth, the Sheriff with his Cane forced it in again, when he was dying. He^was the first in New-England, that was ever prest to DeatK.1 The Cart going up the Hill with these Eight to Execution, was for some time at a sett; the afflicted and others said, that the Devil hindred it, etc. Martha Cory, Wife to Giles Cory, protesting her Inno cency, concluded her Life with an Eminent Prayer upon the Ladder. Wardwell having formerly confessed himself Guilty, and after denied it, was soon brought upon his Tryal; his former Confession and Spectre Testimony was all that appeared against him. At Execution while he was speaking to the Peo ple, protesting his Innocency, the Executioner being at the same time smoaking Tobacco, the smoak coming in his Face, interrupted his Discourse, those Accusers said, the Devil hin dred him with smoak. Mary Easty, Sister also to Rebecka Nurse, when she took papers as to Wilmot Redd, or Reed, are in the Records (II. 97-106); Margaret Scott's seem lost. The examinations of Mary Lacy and Ann Foster should be studied in Hutchinson's chapter as well as in the Records (II. 135-142), and see also p. 244, above, and pp. 418-419, below. iji This was, of course, the old English "peine forte et dure" for those who, in cases of petty treason or of felony, will not "put themselves upon the country," or, as Coke has it, "when the offender standeth mute, and refuseth to be tryed by the common law of the land." (See Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, second ed., II. 650-652.) Whether in Giles Corey's case this was mere proud protest or had some ulterior end is not yet clear. The theory that he hoped thereby to save himself from attainder and preserve his right to bequeath his property has been learnedly contested by G. H. Moore (see especially his Fined Notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts, New York, 1885, pp. 40-59). As to Giles Corey see also p. 250, above, and Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 175-180. The missmg report of his examination is printed at the end of Calef's book in the editions of 1823, 1861, and 1866. 368 NARRATIVES OF THE WITCHCRAFT CASES [1692 her last farewell of her Husband, Children and Friends, was, as is reported by them present, as Serious, Religious, Distinct, and Affectionate as could well be exprest, drawing Tears from the Eyes of almost all present. It seems besides the Testi mony of the Accusers and Confessors, another proof, as it was counted, appeared against her, it having been usual to search the Accused for Tets; upon some parts of her Body, not here to be named, was found an Excrescence, which they called a Tet. Before her Death she put up the following Petition: To the Honorable Judge and Bench now sitting in Judicature in Salem and the Reverend Ministers, humbly sheweth, That whereas your humble poor Petitioner being Condemned to die, doth humbly beg of you, to take it into your Judicious and Pious Consideration, that your poor and humble Petitioner knowing my own Innocency (blessed be the Lord for it) and seeing plainly the Wiles and Subtilty of my Accusers, by my self, cannot but judge charitably of others, that are going the same way with my self, if the Lord step not mightily in. I was confined a whole Month on the same account that I am now condemned for, and then cleared by the Afflicted per sons, as some of your Honours know, and in two days time I was cried out upon by them, and have been confined, and now am con demned to die. The Lord above knows my Innocency then, and likewise doth now, as at the great day will be known to Men and Angels. I Petition to your Honours not for my own Life, for I know I must die, and my appointed time is set; but the Lord he knows it is, if it be possible, that no more Innocent Blood be shed, which un doubtedly cannot be avoided in the way and course you go in. I question not, but your Honours do to the utmost of your powers, in the discovery and detecting of Witchcraft and Witches, and would not be guilty of Innocent Blood for the World; but by my own Innocency I know you are in the wrong way. The Lord in his in finite Mercy direct you in this great work, if it be his blessed will, that Innocent Blood be not shed; I would humbly beg of you, that your Honours would be pleased to Examine some of those confess ing Witches, I being confident there are several of them have belyed themselves and others, as will appear, if not in this World, I am sure in the World to come, whither I am going; and I question not, but your selves will see an alteration in these things : They say, my self and others have made a league with the Devil, we cannot confess. I know and the Lord he knows (as will shortly appear) they belye me, and so I question not but they do others; the Lord alone, who is the searcher of all hearts, knows that as I shall answer it at the if *&*!¦* "**7 «? ?Hj$&%. "'¦ ^'it^J***** ^^'V^f /%£> ^tutHUm <*%?«*- o'h™ oats ~<*-32* T7 4«.,rff +fc &p n ft,f '^n'h ™<^ljfJM l»" « r/iiS'l*ein tfutijT nimce-n+ fj^) 'fas*** /Jici q^et'dt Rifo JtftUTS <» „<**¦>"''»* if!i