UMASS/AMHERST * 31SDbbDDS3TbTDE <*\.-^ . :-. • fe ,■ ^4-'^ u *^. 7 '-H: I J ■» , i-':ni "^'W: ' M ■ .;*■ ^6 i -r. WHi. LIBRARY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS AGRICULTURAL rOLLEGE NO._ 1 S ^93 Tz..1r,lEEK SOURC C7 + ....^U-TQ-d-S... v.l v-l This book may be kept out TWO WEEKS only, and is subject to a fine of TWO CEN'TS a day thereafter. It will be due on the day indicated below. NOV 231904 o*-w>i*.. •^863 DATE DUE 1 UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS LIBRARY CARD w. - • ft ^ V '^x. V \'\ 'itf M*^ ^ N m & MSlSSllLflS iflfi 111 BY THE "®LB MOEFOLK FAEMEE' •V =r'Tlr- ._J^ ,y^^^^'i&*^^^d^!l^ Li;; -ItTUEo AGRICULTURE, A HISTORICAL ACCOUJN^T OF ITS PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE, EXEMPLIFIED IN THEIR RISE, PROGRESS, AND DEVELOPMENT. BY SAMUEL COPLAND, TITF. " OLP NORFOLK FARJOiR" OF THE MARK LANE KXTRESS. VOL. L LONDON: VIRTUE AND COMPANY, CITY ROAD. 1866. U 30 V- 1 PREFACE. Thk practice of Af^ricuUurc foimdcd upOii traditionary cxpcricMicc aloiio, was tlio rule until witiiin comparative!)' a few years; and it is admitted that in tlic hands of a man of intcllifjcncc, the cd'cct of such experience, when the operations are judiciously eondncted, may I)c successful. The experiments, too, of such men, even wlicn not associated with scientific knowledge, have frequently turned to good account. ]}ut the experience tlius actpiircd could be of little use to the agriculturists at large, on account of the isolation of the individuals themselves, and the al)sence of those means of communication by which practical information is disseminated. So far, therefore, as the public benefit was promoted, the efl'cct was confined witJiiu a very narrow circle, and the experiments probably died with the individuals with whom they originated, not every one being, like Tull, able and willing to commit his thoughts to print. But there was another, and more powerful, and general cause for tlie little [)rogrc89 made by individuals of intelligenee in tlie disstunination of their views, tianiely, the objection of the body of husbandmen to innovation, aiul their stolid indifference, or, rather, aversion to what they termed "book knowledge," which was a j)erfect bugbear to them. Nor is there any cause for surfirisc at thi.s aversion, when we consider the condition of the rural population up to tlie latter part of the last century'. Completely separated by the iiature of their profession from mingling with the world at large, and holding daily intercourse only with a class still lower in intelligence than themselves, and equally wedded to the opinions and practices of their forefathers, — never mixing even with those of their own profession, except at fairs or markets, when the business of the day was too frequently concluded by a low de])auch, — without the means or inclina- tion of receiving or communicating knowledge, they were content to follow in the steps marked out for them by their ancestors, and, as they expressed it, "let well alone." It may be readily conceived with wliat spirit the first attempt to unite Science to Agriculture, theory to practice, was received by the men whom we have described. The large majority scouted the idea ; and even some of the most enlightened doubted whether it could be productive of any practical benefit; and it was only after many years of persevering experiments that Sir Humphrey Davy's propositions were accepted and adopted on the farm. We must not blame the husbandman for this tardy acceptance of the boon thus offered to him, when we reflect that it is only during the last two centuries that Science herself has emerged from the dreamy philosophy of the alchemists, and taken that place on tlic pedestal of truth which nature has assigned to licr. With all the means and appliances at hand to direct and assist in their researches, the human race had e.xi.sted neurly six thousand years before chemistry began to emerge from tlie darkness by iv PREFACE. ■which it was enveloped. Step by step, from the time of Van Helmont,* the last of the alchemists, with painful and persevering industry have the men of science felt their way, grojnng in obscurity, to that broad daylight of knowledge, the results of which have confei-red unbounded benefits on mankind in every department of life, and in none to a more important extent than in that of the husbandman, who is now eager to bring all the physical sciences to bear upon the operations of the farm. Practice without Science in Agriculture may be compared to a man with only one arm, and science alone is equally inoperative. As an illustration of this, science demonstrated, by the experiments of Margraaf, that the Silesian beetroot contained five or six per cent, of sugar. This was in the year 1747, but it remained merely a curious fact until the beginning of the present centufy, when the necessities of the French in regard to a supply of sugar suggested turning the discovery to account ; and it is now one of the most important manufacturing industries in that country. Science and practice united prove the truth of the familiar adage, " Knowledge is power." A horse in a mill is a prince of blindfold workers compared with the husbandman who works on, wilfully shutting his eyes to the means offered to him of ameliorating his land, and doggedly persevering in the path beaten for him by his ancestors, equally ignorant with himself The number of such we believe to be now small, and they are diminish- ing every day. Railways and a free press coming in aid of Agricultural Associations have wrought miracles of eniighteiiment upon the minds of the cultivators of the land, and an enemy to science amongst them is as much out of date as the dodo amongst birds, or mastodon amongst animals; he belongs to a fossil age. The writer of this Work commenced farming just at the period when new views of the nature of Agriculture began to be entertained. It was a fortunate circumstance for him that his father, who for many years farmed his own estate of nearly 400 acres, in Norfolk, was, what was very unusual amongst agriculturists of that period, a large reader, as well as a deep thinker, and familiar with all the agricultural and general literature of the period. He fell in at once with the views of Arthur Young, so that the writer had the advantage of being able to study the works of that eminent man, and to see his system carried out in practice so far as the nature of the land justified it. At that time, also, the new husbandry, founded on the theorj' of Young, was in full operation on the far-famed Holkham estate, and the successful result of the system began to have its influence on the surrounding country. The annual sheep-shearings, instituted by Mr. Coke, purely in order to give greater publicity to the new method of farming by an exhibition of its practical superiority, aflforded those who attended them an excellent opportunity of studying the difference between an enlightened system of husbandry founded upon scientific principles and one based alone on traditional practice. The writer attended these interesting and instructive meetings for many years, and has since witnessed the universal triumph of the principles first practically exemplified on a large scale by the founder of those noble and patriotic institutions. Chemistry, a perfectly new subject to the agriculturist, first found a patron for its introduction on the farm in the Holkham chieftain ; and Sir Humphrey Davy, and other eminent chemists, appeared at those meetings to establish the fellowship between Science and Agriculture. * Van Helmont died in J64-4, at the bko of fi", thereby giving the lie to bis prefensions to tlie possession of a mcdieine by which he conid prolong bis life to an it, definite period. TREFACE. V About the year 1820 the interests of the writer led him to leave the country and reside in the metropolis. Engaged in other pursuits than agriculture^ but still nearly connected with it, and holding intercourse with many agricultaral friends, he continued to watch with a lover's eye the progress of improvement in that his favourite branch of rural industry. After some years, an engagement with a friend caused him to settle in Ireland, where, in addition to the business which took him thither, he occupied himself in cultivating a few acres of land attached to the house in which he resided. In 1848 he made an engagement with the editor of the Advocate newspaper (at that time the best agricultural and industrial journal in Ireland)j as a writer on agricultural and other subjects. This engagement he retained until 1853, when he returned to London, and immediately obtained employment in the same capacity from the editor of the Mark Lane Express, which paper he is still connected with ; and it has brought under his imme- diate consideration the opinions and practical experience of the most eminent farmers in every part of the United Kingdom, as well as on the Continent. With such jii'eparatory experience, he did not hesitate, when called on by the publishers, to undertake the present Work, of which he thinks it proper now to give a brief account, as it differs in some respects from all previous works of the kind. In reading a great number of these, it has occm-red to him that the nature of landed property is seldom or never touched upon, and that where referred to, very slight and inadequate ideas are conveyed respecting it. In Part I., Vol. I., he has therefore given a concise historical account of the origin of property in land, commencing with the patriarchal, which merged into the feudal system, and describing the processes by which the various tenures now existing were established ; also the value of land at different periods of history, and some of the most important laws by which it is governed. Part II. contains, with a short history of the rise and progress of Agriculture in England, a brief sketch of that of other countries, principally adverting to the hindrances existing to its advancement, and the eflforts making to counteract those impediments. Part III. relates to the connection of Agricul- ture with physical science, giving a sketch of those sciences immediately applicable to the farm. Part IV. relates to the domestic animals of the farm, their various species and varieties, and a history of those improvements in the various breeds which have raised their character and value iu every part of the world. Part V. gives a history of the vegetable kingdom, and the various kinds of agricultural produce. Part VI. contains an account of British husbandry, the different kinds of farms, the implements and machines employed in husbandry, the history of steam cultivation, and all the newly invented machines for lessening the amount of hand labour. Part VII. relates to different modes of draining and fencing, manui'es, the dairy, irrigation, soils, seed, &c. In Vol. II., Part VIII. commences a calendar of operations under the title of "The Seasons and their Engagements." It is divided into four seasons, namely — 1st, autumn, and early winter ; 2nd, winter, and early spring ; 3rd, spring, and early summer ; and 4th, summer, and early autumn. The writer makes the agricultural year begin at the close of harvest, which ought to be early in September, but is too often protracted in many parts of tbe country to the following month. The first season, therefore, is concluded at the end of November, the second at the end of February, the third at the close of May, and the fourth with August, or the harvest month. The operations on the land and at the homestead falling due in each of these periods, each of which is distinctive enough to form a separate scries, are described iu their several order of vi PREFACE. arrangement. If these are disregarded, and the work of one season unnecessarily thrown forward into the ne.Kt, in many cases it would throw the whole routine of the farm into confusion. The word " unnecessarily " is put in italics because, in some cases, the seasons are so unfavourable that it is impossible for the best management to keep the work ahead so as to secure the execution of every operation in the proper time. Such was the case in 1852-3, when little more than half the breadth of winter wheat could be sown, and much of that which was put in was destroyed. This portion of the work gives general directions for the execution of all the important operations of the farm dui'iug the year, which, however, will be varied to meet the differences of soil and climate. In this respect it is the most practical part of the book as regards the ordinary farm-work, and -will, it is presumed, be found, when coupled with the information scattered throughout the rest of the Work, sufficiently copious for reminding the farmer of the work to be performed, and the manner and time proper for doing it. Part IX. contains a list of " auxiliary plants," or those not generally cultivated on the farm, but yet sufficiently so to render a notice of them necessary. Also the treatment of forests and plantations, with a list of forest trees, and the method of cultivating them ; farm buildings, the apiary, the veterinary department, agricultui-al manufactures, insects, quadrupeds, and birds, injurious to the farm ; insurance, farm accounts, and a variety of other subjects of interest to the farmer, some of which are seldom enlarged upon, or even referred to, by writers on agriculture, and will therefore be new to the generality of readers. It has been the Author's endeavour to enliven what is in some respects a somewhat dull detail, by the insertion of anecdotes illustrative of the subject in hand. Many of these he has related from personal observation, whilst others are such as he has met with in the course of his reading, in which case the source from whence they were derived is referred to at the bottom of the page. In the compilation of the Work — for it would be presumption and folly in him or any other person to profess to have written such a book from personal experience alone — the writer has availed himself of all the most eminent works of husbandry, ancient and modern, that the noble library of the British Museum supplied. A list of most of these will be given at the end of the table of Contents ; but he wishes specially to mention the aid he has derived from Stephens's " Book of the Farm," and Morton's " Cyclo- peedia of Agriculture," which he considers the best modern works of their several kinds hitherto published : the first as an elementary treatise for the use of the agricultui-ai student, and the second as a book of reference in an alphabetical form. Whilst, how- ever, acknowledging his obligations to other authors, he makes no scruple of stating, that he has in every case exercised his own judgment, and weighed well the substance of the information he has met with, and compared it with his own experience as far as that would go, and with that of his friends, whom he had an opportunity of consulting. In some important instances his opinion has materially clashed with those of practical asriculturists, and in none more than on the construction and operation of the modern plough, and on the present and future status of steam cultivation. With regard to this latter subject, he has been censured by the reviewer in a weekly publication,* for having given too much space and too prominent a position to Halkett's C4uideway system, whilst Fowler's, Howard's and Smith's round-about systems, which are «/ present the only ones in full practical operation, have been allotted much less space * Gardeners* Chroiticle. PREFACE. vii in the Work. After reading what the reviewer has said on the subject, and re-considering the matter, he still maintains his opinion, that steam cultivation is in a transition state j that the present working systems, by being limited to one operation of the farm, are as far from developing the power of steam on the land as Handcock's steam omnibus was helpless in the extension of the traffic in goods and passengers ; and that, lastly, the present state of agriculture in regard to the competition in cereal produce with foreign growers, will soon necessitate the adoption of more economical modes of cultiva- tion. The writer is fully convinced that were the Halkett system adopted, the whole of the farm operations would be conducted at half the present expense, whilst the produce of the laud would be greatly increased. This is the only way in which the British husbandman can meet the foreigner, namely, by reducing the expense of cul- tivation to the minimum, and increasing the produce to the maximum. Let these objects be accomplished, aud no foreigner would be able to compete with us. Steam cultivation the writer considers the great agricultural question of the day — ■ the turning-point upon which hangs that of profit or loss by the occupation of the land. If the landlords knew their own interest, and cared for that of the tenants, they would not neglect making permanent improvements. But the indifference they display, as a body, iu availing themselves of the facility offered by the Government for draining their lands, affords little prospect of their laying down the land with rails at an expense of eighteen or twenty pounds per acre ; and it would be madness for a tenant-farmer to do so witnotTt a tenant-right guaranteeing to him remuneration at the expiry of his lease. It is therefore probable that only by the combined capital and enterprise of a public company will the Guideway system be inaugurated in the United Kingdom. The writer is too old to expect to live long enough to see it carried out, but he ventm-es to declare his conviction that such a company, uuder proper management, would not only confer a lasting benefit on the country by setting a splendid example, but would prove one of the most profitable enterprises of the present day, if properly conducted. The writer considers the present condition of the land of England to be very unsatisfactory, chiefly owing to circumstances which nothing less than legislative inter- ference can rectify. The chief obstacles to the improvement of the land, and the full development of its productive powers, are — first, the law of entail and inheritance, or primogeniture ; secondly, the want of a tenant-right ; thirdly, the game laws ; fourthly, the arbitrary power of the landlord over the tenant. The first of these is an impassable barrier to all improvement of estates, by making it imperative, as a matter of justice, for the present owner of an entailed estate to save every shilling in order to provide for the younger branches of his family in case of his death, instead of expending it in permanent works, however reproductive, the benefit of which will accrue to the eldest son, as the inheritor of the property, sooner or later. This more concerns the female than the male children, because these latter are sure, in one way or other, to be fastened upon the country, by official appointments either civil, military, or ecclesiastical, however unfit they may be to fulfil the duties belonging to them. The female members of a high family have but little chance of a settlement in life adequate to their rank, unless they can bring with them a fortune ; and to provide this the noble owner of many an estate is compelled to allow it to remain in an unpro- ductive, or at least half-productive state during his whole lifetime, to the injury of every one concerned in it. viii PREFACE. The second cause shuts out all permanent improvement by the tenant, who is restricted from cultivating the land he occupies to advantage, being compelled by his own interest to farm, as it were, from year to year, and to expend nothing upon the land but what he can reap an immediate benefit from. The third cause, which allows the landowner to keep up enormous heads of game at the expense of the tenant, without any remuneration, or the liberty of killing a single bird or hare for his own use, is bad enough in all conscience ; but it is rendered still more oppressive by the new laws made by certain owners of estates in the Midland Counties, by which their tenants are prohibited from employing reaping and mowing machines, and from ploughing within a certain distance of the fence, or cutting the brushwood on the borders, because all these operations destroy the harbour for the game, and spoil the shooting. We know not whether the tenants of these petty sovereigns have submitted to this tyranny ; but if they have, it is as little to their credit as Englishmen as the laws themselves are to their landlords. The fourth cause is equally serious and injurious. The covenants are too frequently stereotyped in all leases and engagements for land ; and, being drawn up by persons ignorant of husbandry, and without any regard to the nature of the land, and the difference of soils existing upon the property, render it imperative on the tenant to farm to great disadvantage. Like the bed of Procrustes, these restrictions are continually cramping his operations, interfering even where the property itself would be the better for a deviation, whilst it would promote the interests of the tenant. These subjects are all ti-eated on at greater length in the Work, especially that of the game laws, which the writer considers to be the most injurious to all parties concerned, and the most requiring the interference of the legislatui-e. If the writer has spoken with bitterness on this subject, it is because he has seen glaring instances of injustice in all parts of the country perpetrated by the upholders of the excessive preservation of game, who roh their tenants to gratify their selfish vanity. We see nothing in such men of the " old English gentleman," who looked upon his tenants as his children and friends, and consulted their interests as well as his own. The game was preserved for fair sporting; and if the tenants were not allowed to shoot it, the lord took care to send them a portion whenever he or his friends had a day's shooting. The game laws are one of the last relics of the feudal system, and the worst j and the sooner they are abolished, the better will it be for the landowner, the occupier, and for the country at large. CONTENTS OF VOLUME L Part I.— LAND. SECT. 1 PAGE 1 The history of Iho appropriation of land . The nature and origin of freeholds, copy- holds, leaseholds, tenants at ■will ; tenure of land in Ireland, &c 11 The value of land at different periods of historj- 24 SECT. PAGE 4. The aggregation and subdivision of land . 30 5. Cottage allotments, &c 39 6. Rural economy. — The farm lahourer, &c. . 45 7. Poor-laws.— Tithes 52 8. Game laws 71 9. Tenitorial customs 84 Paet II.— the THEOllY OF AGEICULTURE. 1. The ri.se and progress of agricultural prin- ciples in England 97 2. The agricidture of Scotland 119 3. Ireland 126 4. France 135 5. Prussia 144 6. The agriculture of Austria 154 7. the German Union . . 164 8. Switzerland 168 9. Belgium 172 10. Russia 184 U. United States of America 195 Paet III.— AGEICULTURE IN CONNECTION WITK PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 1. The subject considered 206 2. Agricultural physiology 209 3. The germination and constitution of plants 217 4. The food, diseases, and remedies of plants . 224 5. Agricultural chemistry 240 6. AgTicultural mechanics 253 7. Hydrodynamics 259 8. Agricultui-al geology 205 9. botany 283 10. Mcteorologj- 290 Paet IV.— THE DOMESTIC ANIMALS. 1. Bakewell's system 307 2. The horse 308 3. The English horse 310 4. The race-horse 313 5. The hunter 316 6. The hackney, or farmer's saddle-horse . . 322 7. The agricultural, or cart-horse 328 8. The Irish horse 331 9. Galloway cob and pony 332 10. The ox 337 11. The middle-horns, the Devon 340 12. the Cornish 346 13. the Somerset .... 347 14. the Hereford .... 318 15. the Sussex 351 16. the Welsh 353 17. the Scotch 357 IS. The polled catUe, the Galloway .... 365 19. the Norfolk 367 20. the Suffolk dun . . . .368 21. The polled cattle, the Devon nats .... 370 22. The long-homed cattle 370 23. The short-horns 377 24. Foreign cattle, the AJdemey and Brctonne . 384 25. On the selection of cattle 386 26. The sheep ; — the Teeswater, the Lincoln- shire, the New Leicester, the Cotswold, the Eomney Marsh, the Dartmoor, the Exmoor, the Heath or Black-facod, the Kyeland or Hereford, the Dorset, the AVilt-shire, the Southdown, the Old Norfolk, the Herd- wick, the Cheviot, the Dun-faced, the Shet- land, the Spanish Merino, the Slerino cross- breed 388—414 27. The pig 414 28. The British hog : — the Berkshire, the Hamp- shire, the Sussex and Kentisli, the Windsor, the White Suflblk, the improved Black Suffolk, the Essex, the Lincolnshire, the Chinese; the Irish pig 416 — 427 CONTENTS. 29. The rabbit 123 30. The poultry-yard 430 31. The different breeds of poultry : — the Dor- king, the Game fowl, the Polish, the Ham- burg, the Malay, the Spanish, the Bantam, the Frizzled, the Silk, the Shanghae, the SECT. PAOE Bumpless, the Barn-door, the turkey, the pea-fowl, the Guinea-fowl, the swan, the goose, the domestic duck, the Rouen duck, -the Aylesbury duck, the Buenos Ayrean duck, the farm-yard duck, the Brazilian duck 433—403 Pakt v.— the vegetable KINGDOM. 1 . Wheat — its history, its characteristics, its che- mical composition, its reproductive power, its different species 465 — 482 2. Barley — common English, Chevalier, Annat, Noble, Moldavian, Potter's, Black, the Bat- tledore, Common Bere, Victoria Bere, Sibe- rian Bere, the Oat Barley .... 482—487 3. Oats 487 4. Rye 491 5. Maize, or Indian corn 493-^, 6. Buck-wheat, or brank 494 7. The bean 495 8. The pea 499 9. Vetches, or tares 502 10. The cultivated forage plants, the natural grasses «03 11. The artificial grasses 512 12. The Sorgho, or Chinese sugar-cane . . . 515 13. Analyses of grasses 517 14. Formation of pastures 520 16. The turnip 525-^. 16. The mangold-wmzel 632-^^ 17. Kohl-rabi 536 18. The parsnip 538 / 19. The carrot S^f^^x/ 20. The Jerusalem artichoke 542 21. The cabbage 544 22. The potato 546 Pam YL— BRITISH HUSBANDEY. 1. British husbandry, its definition and progress 560 2. Of the different kinds of farms 664 3. The pastoral farms . 565 4. Arable farms 568 5. Implements of husbandry. — The plough . 571 6. The cultivator 584 7. Steam cultivation 5S9 8. Steam cultivation — its history 592 9. The harrow 611 10. The roller 614 11. The hoe 617 12. Sowing machines 619 13. Dibbling implements and machines . . . 625 14. Liquid and solid manure distributors . . 029 15. The threshing machine 631 16. Harvesting implements and machinery . . 634 17. The mowing machine 640 18. The hay-tedding macliine 641 19. The horse-rake 642 20. The corn di-essing machines 642 21. The chaff cutter 644 22. Root cutting machines 645 23. Oil-cake crushers, &c 647 24. The bone-mill 648 25. The tile-machine 643 26. The steam-engine 650 Pakt VII.— DRAINAGE ; MANURES ; THE DAIRY ; IRRIGATION ; SOILS ; SEEDS, ETC. Drainage 655 Different modes of drainage 658 Ai'terial, or main drainage 675 Fencing 679 Manures 691 S. JIanures, their distinctive characters . . 694 ;', Farm-yard manure 711 10. 11. 12. Animal manures — liquid manure — town sewage— 'tillage a substitute for manure . 7i7~ The dairy 742 Irrigation 762 On soils 772 Seeds 779 LIST OF PLATES. VOL. I. PAor English Farmyaud '. . . Frontispiece Harvest Field ................. Vignette Irish Cabin 132 Horses — Shetland, Roadster, Thoroughrred, and Welsh 307 „ Clydesd.vle, Cleveland, Flemish 328 Oxen — The Devons, Suffolk, Lancashire 3-10 „ Galloway, Bretonne, Shorthorns, and Kerry 365 „ Shorthorns 377 Sheep — Cotswold, Leicester, amd Lincoln " 397 Fowls — Dorking and Spanish 434 „ Spangled and Pencilled, Hamburgh and Gaub 437 Cochins and Turkeys 450 Ducks and Geese 458 Wheat 465 Barley, Oats, and Wheat 482 Agricultural Machinery 671 Agricultural Implements — Ploughs 5"8 „ „ Hay-making Machine, &c 584 Steam Ploughing Apparatus 606 Broadshare, Clodshare, Horse Hoe, Chain Harrows, and Chaff Cutter 611 Liquid Distributors and Two-edged Drill . . . . . . . . . . . . 629 Threshko by Machinery 631 Tukeshino M/chine, PiEAPlng Machine, &c. ............ 631 Burgess and Key's American Reaper ............. 638 GoRSE Machine, Root Washer, Chaff Cutter, &c 644 Portable Steam Engine, &c ... 650 VOL. II. Harvest Time - . . . . . Front ispieee IIayfield Vignette Pigs — Small Yorkshire and Berkshire ............ 50 Sheep — South Downs, Mountain and West Country Downs 60 Oak Tree 232 Farm Buildings erected for the Marquis of Bath 307 Ground Plan op Ditto 307 Labourer's Cottage— Single 337 „ „ Double 337 Bees and Bee-hives 342 The Horse — Bones of the Skeleton ............. 407 X „ External and Internal Anatomy of the Head 408 „ „ Muscles of the Hind-legs 418 J, ,1 Muscles op the Fore-legs 422 „ „ Bones of the Hock, &c 433 Insects 547 Pests of the Farm 615 Farm Buildings erected for Sir H. W. Dashwood, Bart 770 Ground Plan of Ditto 770 AUTHORITIES CONSULTED IN THE COMPILATION OF THIS WORK. Sir A. Fitzhubert's "Booke of Ilusbandrie." Sir Hugli Piatt's " Garden of Eden," Gabriel Pl.itt's " Discovery of Intinite Treasure,"' &c. Captain Walter Blyth. Samuel Harllib's " Complete Husbandman." Sir J. Evelyn's " rbilosophical Discourse of Earth." Olivier de Serre's " Le Theatre d'Agriculture." I ''l "it f " -Agriculture et Maison Rustique." Davenant. Maitland's " History of London." Miller's " Gardener's Dictionary." licckwith's " Frapnenta Antiquitatis." Rennet's " Parociiial Antiquities." Sir J. Eden's " State of the People." Cullum's " Hawstcad." Barnaby Googe, " A Booke of Husbandrie." Sir John Norden. Euggle's " History of the Poor." Bradley, corrected. Tus.ser's " Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandrie.*' Worledge's " New System of Husbandry." B. M. L., " Husb.andry and Architecture." Pinkethman's "Authentic Account of the History of Prices of Wheat, Bread, Malt, &c., from the coming of William I., to March, 1745." Grosshead's " Treatise on Husbandrie." Wynkcn de Worde's " One Thousand Five Hundred Pro- perties and Medicines for a Horse." Moldcr's " Chemistry." Sir H. Davy's " Agricultur.al Chemistrj-." G.ay-Lussac's " Chemistry." Nisbct's " Lectures on Agricultural Chemistry." Ure's " Chemistry and Mineralogy." Carpenter's " Vegetable Physiology and Zoology " Orr's " Circle of the Sciences." Sibson's " Agricultural Chemistry." Liebig's " Ciiemistry of Agriculture." Thompson's " Meteorology." Graham's " Elements of Chemistry." Liebig's " Animal Chemistry." Knapp's " Chemistrj- applied to the Arts." Bnussiugault's " Rural Economy." Whewell's " Elements of Mechanics." Eankine's "Mechanics." Nisbet's "Journal of the Chemical Society." Hcrapath's " Chemical Gazette." Jnnrnal of the R. A. Society of Eni/land. Youatt on the Horse. on Cattle. Culley on Live Stock. Laivrence on Cattle. Martin on the Siieep. Youatt on the Pig. Jlenfrey and Griffiths' " Microscopic Dictionary." Sir R. Kane's " Industrial Resources of Ireland." Marshall's " Agriculture of Norfolk." Bradley's " General Treatise on Agriculture." Sir F. 'Madden. Hugh Bryce's " Mirror of the World." Sir John Sinclair's " Statistics of Scotland." Welch and Lupton, " The Horse in the Stable." Mayhew on the Horse's Mouth. Stephens's " Book of the Farm." " Book of Farm Implements." Sir R. Gordon's " History of the Sutlierland Family." Parkes on Drainage. " Essays on the Philosophy of Drainage." Loudou's " Manual of Cottage Gardening." " Encyclnpa>dia of Agriculture." Morton's " Cyclop.Tdia of Agricidture." C. W. Johnson's " Farmer's Cyclop.i2dia." Macculloch on the Condition of the Labouring Classes. Weston. Arnot on Physics, Kirwau's " Geological Essays." Donaldson on Manures. Knight's " Food of Man." Nicholson's "Journal.'' Humboldt's " Central America." " Fallacies in Drainage." Richardson's " Pests of the Farm." Curtis on Farm Insects. Evelyn's " Sylva." SIrutt's "Sylva Britannica.'' Loudon's " Arboretum Britannienm." R. S. Burn's "Outlines of Modern Farming.'' Sibson's " History of Forest Trees." Bloomficld's Poems. Sinclair on the Weeds of Agriculture. Kirby and Spence, " Introduction to Entomology.'' Pe-sclicl's " Elements of Physics." Gerard's " Herbal." Sturgeon's " Annals of Electricity." Brown's " Farriery." Mac Gillivray's ""History of British Quadrupedc." Cooper's "Modern Domestic Brewer." Valentine's " Last Will and Testament." Foster's " Researches about Atmospheric Phenomena." Francis's " Chronicle of Life Insurance." Thomson's " Chemistry of Organic Bodies." ■ — " Brewing and Distilling." " Annals of Chemistry." Rham's " Dictionary of the Farm." Smith's " Ctironicon Rusticum," Ac. Torrens on Sir R. Peel's Act of 1844. Lnccock on Wool. Lord Sheffield on Wool. Bischoff on Woollen and Worsted Manufactures. ■ Foreign Tariffs. Columella's " Husbandry." Virgil's Georgics. Hawker's " Instructions to Young Sportsmen." Hunter's " Georgical Essays." Duncan on the Currency. Darwin's "Zoonomia." " Phytologia." Gregory's " Economy of Nature." Varlo's " New System of Husbandry." " Gleanings from Books of Agriculture." Lord Kames' " Gentleman Farmer." Graham's " British Georgics." I'"or.syth's " Practice of Agriculture." Petziioldt's " Chemical Lectures." Smith's " Lois-Weedon Husbandry." lull's " Husbandry." ' Year-book of .American Agriculture." ^'ille's " High Farming without Manure.' Frcke on the Origin of Species. Dumonceaux, " Elements of Agriculture." Lavergnc's " Rural Ilconomy of England," &a. " Rural Economy of France." Eilinhtiryh Jovrnal of Agrindture. Journal (TAnriciiUure Pratique. Mark Lane Exprcsa. Colic's " Institutes." Le Couteur on Wheat. Arthur Young's " Ann.ils of Agriculture." . " Farmer's Calendar." Encyclopieilia JSritannica. Bees' Encycloi'itdia. renuy Cyclojuedia. " Returns of the Board of Trade." Stephens's " Yester deep Tillage," ito. Whewell's "Inductive .Science." Kent's " Agricultural Sui-veys." Grisenthwaitc's "Agricultural Chemistry." AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. PART L— LAND. SECTION I. THE HISTORY OF THE APPROPKIATION OF LAND. The word "land" lias commonly two main significations. In its broadest and most general sense it implies one of the two grand divisions of tlie surface of the globe, of which it constitutes one-third. In a more restricted sense it signifies that portion, or those portions of the surface which are appropriated by mankind as a possession, for the purpose of raising the means of subsistence. It is in this latter application of the term only that we have at present to treat of it. The instinctive claim in the human mind upon the land is not confined to man in his civilised state. It is found as strongly developed in the nomadic tribes, who wander over the hunting-grounds of their native country in search of a precarious existence. There is, in fact, no race of people on the face of the earth so far reduced to a level with the inferior animals as not to feel that they have a claim upon the soil which gave them 2 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. Tiirth, or who will not defend that claim to the utmost of their power against the encroachments of others. This feeling may be traced back to the earliest ages of mankind; and we are indebted to the sacred writings for the first historical record of an individual appropriation and sale of land: the narrative of the purchase by Abraham of the cave of Machpelah and the field Epliron from the sons of Heth=!= is interesting, not only for the striking facts it relates, but as a specimen of the primitive manners of Eastern nations at that early age of the world, and of the dignified, honourable, and gentlemanly bearing of the old patriarch, who, feeling the elevation of his position as a man of wealth and influence, courteously refused to accept the possession as a free gift, and paid at once the full price for it, as fixed by the propi-ietors. When the patriarchal ages had passed aAvay, and the greater dispersion and increase of mankind began to suggest and extend the idea of a public interest, it was found necessai-y to invest individuals with certain powers that would qualify them to protect the weak from the attacks of the strong, and to promote the general interests and welfare of the society to which they belonged. It was natui-al that, in the first instance, the new government should be modelled upon the patriarchal plan, and that the head of the oldest branch of a tribe should govern the tribe, and hold, in trust, the territorial property belonging to, or conquered by it. But it has been foimd by experience tliat this principle, however applicable to a family, and possibly to a small tribe in a rude and primitive state of society, almost inevitably leads to a condition of slavery; and those nations, in the East especially, who have adhered to it, have invariably in a few generations fallen under the despotic sway of one man, by whom the natural rights of those he governed were disregarded. The first instances recorded in profane history of a departure from the patriarchal form of government, are those of the free states of Greece. These placed the supreme power of the state iu laws made by the mutual consent of the people, and the land was divided amongst the latter according to theii' families. Their example was copied by Romulus in establishing a colony at Rome (e.g. 753), the founders of which carried out the principles, both of law and government, they had derived from the Greeks. A portion of land — two jugera t — was allotted to each freeman, that being considered sufficient to support a family ; and laws were enacted to prevent either a subdivision or the amalgamation of the lots. Each lot was the property of a Roman, which could neither be taken from him nor sold by him. As the people increased in numbers, bands of young men were sent out to procure by conquest fresh tracts from the weak states of Italy, by whom Rome was surrounded. Thus their power and influence were extended in every direction, the two arts of war and agriculture being the only" ones to occupy them, there being no commerce. In process of time, however, this plan was found not to succeed, on account of the scarcity of labour in a community where every one was a lu'oprietor, except the slaves, who were inadequate to the task ; consequently, the land was very imperfectly cultivated. As, therefore, the patricians obtained fresh tracts, they compelled theii plebeian debtors, who were numerous, to cultivate it for them, to the neglect of their own lands. The laws of the Twelve Tables, J the first regular code of ' See Gen. xiiii. t Thejui/i'nim was about three-fourths of an acre, or as much as one yoke of osen could plough iu a day. X So called, either because the Romans then wrote with a style upon wooden tables, covered with wax ; or becausa they were engraven oa tables or plates of copper, to be exposed in the most conspicnous part of the public forum. HISTORY OF THE APPROPRIATION OF LAND. 3 laws enacted by the Romans, and which originated in the jealousy of the patricians of the power of the plebeians, made provision for the subdivision or alienation of the lauded property of the citizens. Some learned critics, however, have held that the clause which is supposed to refer to the subdivision of the land, had rather an allusion to the dismemberment of the debtor's body, when he could not pay his creditors in money. Being destitute of commerce and manufactures, the Romans were continually under the necessity of extending their empire by fresh conquests. By this means, the civiliza* tion of that people communicated itself by degrees over the Continent, and was in process of time conveyed to Britain, upon the conquest of that island by the Romans.* Whilst the ancient Germans remained in the woods, the patriarchal system prevailed. The land was the property of the tribe, and was cultivated for the general use. The practice of agricultiu-e, however, was considered degrading, and was, therefore, hateful to the free Germans. Their warlike and predatory habits frequently put them in possession of fi-esh tracts of land ; but these accessions of territory, to a people who despised the arts of peace, and were vmacquainted with a private or individual property in land, were rather burthensome than acceptable. They therefore retui'ned the conquered tracts to the vanquished, on condition of receiving assistance from them in their wars. This principle, applied in the first instance to conquered enemies, was afterwards adopted in the case of weak states. These, dreading the aggressions of more powerful nations, voluntarily resigned to them their lands, and received them back on the same condition of military service. The cultivation of the land was performed by one half of the tribes alternately, the other half being usually engaged in war. Thus the whole nation, like the Romans, became expert in both occupations, and at the same time ensured the continuance of their freedom. But when the advance of civilization, consequent on an intercourse with other nations, had introduced the idea of a private property in land, grants of land were made by the sovereigns to military leaders, in return for their services. These allotments were proportioned to the dignity and merits as warriors of the individuals ; and they were again distributed by them amongst their vassals, always on the same condition of military service. In the first instance, these arrangements were subject to the caprice of the grantor, who might, at a moment's warning, deprive his retainer or vassal of his possession. Afterwards, it was assui'ed to him for a year ; then for a term of years; at a later period, for life; and, ultimately, the property was allowed to descend to his heirs. These feudal teniu'es gave rise to a variety of terms stUl in use in English courts of law. Thus, fealty consisted in an oath of attachment and obedience to the prince or chief; homage was an acknowledgment on the part of a vassal of his lord's superiority. Wardship arose after the feudal tenure merged into a life-possession, or inheritance. Upon the death of a holder of land, the lord took the infant son and heir under his protection, both for the security of his person in those wild times, and for the improve- ment of his manners. He even exercised a power over his ward in the choice of a wife (or husband, if a female), and he was given in marriage to the most honourable * It is remarkable that the Romans never lost a foot of ground they had acquired by conquest. Agriculture and war being their only occapations, their armies were bodies of husbandmen, who settled on the lands they had conquered, and every husbandman vtas necessarily a warrior. 4 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. and powerful of his contemporaries. Relief was a fee or present^ given by a retainer or vassal to his superior upon receiving a fief, or portion of territory, which had reverted to the lord upon the death of a former holder. Aids, or benevolences, were voluntary contributions, granted to the prince by his vassals, upon extraordinary occasions — as the marriage of his daughter, the redemption of his captive family, or to fiu-uish a feast upon the introduction of his sons into life. An escheat was the expulsion of the retainer by his prince, or vassal by his lord, as a punishment for perfidy or cowardice, and the term was also applied afterwards to the resumption of a fief by the prince or lord on the failui'e of heirs. Such was the nature and origin of the feudal system. In the advance of civilization, and the increase and consolidation of society, military service, by which fiefs were held, was commuted for a consideration in money. The change of manners, the establishment of regular governments, which afforded protection to the persons and property of indi- viduals, the extension of commerce, and the growth of luxury, — all tended to produce a decay of the feudal system. Princes found greater subserviency and submission in hired troops than in their independent and turbulent subjects; whilst the latter, enervated by. the arts of peace and luxuiy, found it, on their part, more agreeable to remain at home and lord it over their vassals, than to risk their persons and estates by war. They therefore compounded for their military services by payment of a sum of money. Thus, in process of time, the relative obligations of prince and retainer, and of lord and vassal were changed, and the more onerous parts of the system were ameUorated, or fell into desuetude. The revenues of the Saxon monarchs in the early ages ivere very limited. The decline of the feudal system diminished their influence and authority step by step, until it was reduced exceedingly low. The lands retained by them were inalienable, and the people possessed an interest in them, so that they could not dispose of them, even for pious uses, and still less for private advantage. In some cases it was considered common property, but still held on a feudal tenure. These allodial lands were called by the Saxons, Folk-land, or Reeve-land; whilst the extensive tracts held by written contract were termed Book-land. All history proves that a private property in land had its origin in common property, and that, therefore, the owners have no right in the soil but by permission and for the benefit of the state. Nor were the prerogatives of the Saxon kings absolute. They could not declare war or make peace without the consent of the great council of the nation. The crown was considered by them as the gift of the people j and although it frequently descended from father to son, it was by the election of the people alone that the claim of the latter was established. Even after the right of succession began to be admitted, the people sometimes recurred to the same free mode of election when their rights were invaded by the sovereign ; and the crown was bestowed upon a more approved chief. Thus, the regal dignity was made to accord with and subserve the national freedom; and the great principle that the kingly office was established for, and must be subservient to, the public good alone, was recognised and acted upon by those rude warriors who afterwards founded the British monarchy. The German nobility were numerous and powerful. They resided in baronial castles, the centres of vast tracts of land, and capable of containing many hundreds, or even thousands of theii- vassals, whence they were able to defy theu" enemies. The HISTORY OF THE APPROPRIATION OP LAND. 5 Earls Palatine* possessed a superior authority to the simple earls j their privileges and jurisdiction were imbounded, whilst those of the latter were limited and precarious, and their territorial possessions much inferior. Next in rank to earls were the Com- panions, who in Germany were equal to the Thanef in England; these sometimes obtained grants of laud of great value for their services to the prince in war. The allodial or independent proprietors were Freeholders, and stood next in rank to the Companions. Fighting under a leader of their own choice, they took possession of lands that were pre^dously unoccupied, and appropriated them to their own use. Their jurisdiction was very limited, and they were neither encouraged by the sovereign nor the nobles. Envying, therefore, the superior privileges of the feudal holders of land, they surrendered their fi-ee possessions to the prince, and received them back as fiefs on the feudal tenru'e. The Ceorles were tenants of the lauds of the chief, and paid hini a certain proportion of their corn, cattle, &c. Being tenants at will, they were lialjle to be ejected at pleasm'e; but this power was seldom exercised. The last order of men were Slaves, or Villeins, — the "hewers of wood and drawers of water" of the privileged classes, aud attached by birth and service to the soil. Depending on their masters for subsistence, they could legally possess no property, and were sold or put to death by them with impunity, no price being ever set upon their heads, as was the case with all others. They were, however, generally treated with forbearance by their masters, and in time of war frequently obtained their freedom by their valour. In such cases they were presented with the spear and shield ; and if they remained a year and a day in a privileged town, the laws gave them their liberty. Thus the meanest in the community were not absolutely debarred from improving their condition aud rising in society, the duties of which were consequently performed with greater vigour aud alacrity, and civilization and the arts of life advanced under the fostering hand of freedom. It would appear probable that the agrarian law introduced by Romulus into the Roman colony, and previously practised by the states of Greece, were of a much earlier date than either the Greek or Roman commonwealths. From the history of Joseph, in the sacred writings, we learn that the Egyptians possessed lands of their own individually; for when the seven years of famine occui-red, and were in progress, Joseph bought the lands of tlie people for Pharaoh in exchange for wheat, aud afterwards put them again in possession of them, on condition that one-fifth of the produce should belong to the king, and the remain- ing four-fifths to the cultivators, for seed and for food for their families ; and this regula- tion, it is added, 'Mjecame a law in Egypt," at least to the time of the Exodus of the Israelites, which was between four and five hundred years after ; so that during that time the land of the whole country, except that which belonged to the priests, was the property of the sovereign, held by him in trust for the benefit of the whole community, as the terms on which it was returned to the former j)roprietors go to prove. The tenure of the latter, in fact, was very similar to the feudal tenants in Germany, who surrendered their lands to the prince and received them back as fiefs, on the usual condition of military service, which in Egypt was commuted for what may be called a corn-rent. The narrative justifies the assumption that, from the earliest ages of mankind, the state, whether under the patriarchal, monarchical, republican, or any other form of government whatever, • The word Fahil'me implies tlie possession of regal privileges and iinmuuitics. t TTtane signifies " a servant." Hence the motto of the Prince of Wales, derived from that of a German prince, " Ich dien" or " thien" " I serve," the Germans not being able to pronounce the dipthong ik otherwise than as d. 6 AGRICULTUIIE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. has been the trustee, or custodian, of the land of the country for the benefit of the people at large, and that private property in land is an institution first established by the state, and stiU remains subject, in all respects, to the exigencies of the state; so that no man can have an inalienable right in it, if the welfare of the community requires its sm-render in whole or in part. This claim on the part of the state, however, does not bar that of the proprietor to compensation, to the full extent of the loss he would otherwise suffer. We see this principle acted upon on an extensive scale in the case of railways, canals, public roads, and other works undertaken for the general benefit of the commimity ; and upon a stiU more extended one in that of the " Encumbered Estates" in Ireland, which, by virtue of an act of parliament, have been compul- sorily sold, under the fiat of, and by, the commissioners appointed for the same by the government, to the value of nearly thii-ty millions sterling in ten or twelve years, for the express reason that a large proijortion of them were so hopelessly involved in mortgages, legacies, do-ivi'ies, &c., &c., as to be of little or no value to the proprietoi', the mortgagee, the occupier, or the coimtry at large. In the freest country in the world, therefore, a man has no inalienable property apart from the state, except his own person, and that claim upon others arising out of the exalted character of humanity and the general obligations of society. He can claim the fruits of his own labour and skill, because these are portions of himself, the efforts of his head and hands imparted to a given subject in a specific form. But even these are not absolutely inalienable, because the form itself is evanescent; and when that passes away, the right ceases. Thus, a man rears an ox or a sheep ; he knows that if he keeps either beyond a certain age he loses them, or by them, and he therefore disposes of his right in them under the compulsion of that conviction. The money he receives for them is his compensation for the loss of them. If either should die in the mean while, he loses his claim altogether ; and the state also is a loser, because the public good is but an aggregation of private good. No individual member of a community can sufier mthout the state also suffering to a greater or less extent, according to the nature or amount of the individual injury. " The state therefore," says Kant, " is not a combination of landed proprietors, for these have become such only by means of the state itself; and it is just as absm'd to derive the existence of the state from something that receives existence from it, as to consider nobility older than sovereignty and independent of it. This is against all history ; for the soil at an early period was common to all the inhabitants, and at a subsequent period it was regarded as the rightful possession of a certain family or com- munity. But the origin of a family property can only be ti'aced to the immediate gift of a higher power. Canaan was promised to Abraham by the dirine Being ; and the American Indians claim the right to their himting-grouuds by the gift of the ' Great Spirit.^ Hence tithes and the division of land into separate properties or possessions, is the natural effect of an increase of population." The British legislatm-e has recog- nised the correctness of the principle here laid down, by abolishing the territorial quali- fication test in the admission of members to the lower house of parliament, — a recent and tardy act of justice, which, had it been rendered a few years sooner, would probably have saved the coimtry from a large portion of tlie national debt. All the nations of Europe have acted upon the principles laid down in the foregoing observations, and have not allowed land capable of cultivation to be unimproved. In HISTORY OF THE APPEOPKIATION OF LAND. 7 some cases they have carried their interference so far as even to prescribe the mode of cultivation^ and have limited or forbidden the cultiu-e of plants that contribute nothing to the sustentation of man, as tobacco ; and have encouraged that of others. It is, however, a question whether this interference may not be carried too far by too much checking private enterprise, and tampering with the right every man possesses of making the most and best of his skill and industry. Tlie nature of the claim or right by which landed property was held in England previous to the Roman conquest of the island is involved in great obscmity. Agriculture had been introduced by the Gauls, who had crossed over from Calais and other points of their coast nearest to that of Albion, and taking quiet possession of unoccupied lands, cultivated them successfvdly, and thus instructed the native Britons in the art. This, according to Cresar,* was about a hundred years before he arrived in the country. The Romans, who were well skilled iu husbandry, introduced their system, and effected great improvements, so tliat large quantities of both corn and wool were exported anmially to the Continent. It is evident from this circumstance that they did not dispossess the natives of their lands, but rather, by taking possession of unoccupied tracts, and cultivating them according to their own methods, conferred a benefit upon them. The smallness of the population compared with the extent of the country rendered land of little value ; and it is probable that the cultivation of a portion for a certain time gave the occupier a title to it. Nor did the Romans annul the laws by which, under the Druidical system, the Britons were governed ; these were the code of Diinwallo Mohnutius, which was enacted about fovu" hundred years before the birth of Christ j and the Romans, instead of cancelling, engrafted many of their own upon it, according to their usual custom. The Britons, therefore, were governed by that code imtil the year 408 of the Christian era, when Constantius, the reigning emperor, finding that the troubles of the empire at home rendered it impossible for him any longer to govern so distant a province, drew together a vast mixed army of Romans and Britons, and with them abandoned the island. No sooner were the Britons left without their defenders, than the Picts and Scots ravaged the coimtry without mercy. The natives having in vain implored aid from the Romans, turned their eyes to the Saxons, who about the middle of the sixth centmy landed on the island ; and, having quickly di'iven the Picts and Scots back to their barren fastnesses, subdued, in their turn, the Britons also, and at difterent intervals established the seven independent kingdoms of the " Saxon Heptarchy." " No conquest," says Stewart, " made by any tribe of barbarians was half so terrible as that of the Saxons. Other nations lived and mixed with the ancient inhabitants of the countries they subdued ; but the Britons were so entirely exterminated, that few traces remained of their own laws and peculiar customs, or of those which were imposed on them by the Romans ; and philologers have observed that there is not remaining a single British word in our language." The few remaining inhabitant natives that escaped the massacres of the Saxons retu-ed into Wales, where, although there was less scope for agricultui'e, necessity compelled them to practise it. Their agrarian laws appear singular at the present day. No man was allowed to guide a plough who could not construct one, and it was enacted that the ploughman should also make the ropes of twisted willow, or osier, with which it was di-awn. • Csesar, "De Bell. Giill.," lib. v. c. 13. 8 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. If any person laid dung upon a field with the consent of the proprietor^ the law gave him the use of the land for oue year. If the manure was carried out in a cart in large quantities^ he had the use of the land for three years. If a man cut down a wood with the consent of the owner, and converted it into arable land, he was to have the use of it for five years. If any one folded his cattle for one year, upon a piece of ground belong- ing to another, with the consent of the owner, he was allowed the use of that field for four years. The Britons, therefore, in the barren mountains of Wales, did not lose their love of agriculture; but it was otherwise witli their conquerors, the Anglo-Saxons. These invaders having exterminated the Britons, and taken possession of, and divided, their lands, found themselves on the point of starvation. Hating agricultm-e and the other arts of peace, they were, nevertheless, compelled to have recourse to it ; but they enacted laws to prevent its being followed by any except women and slaves. The princes and great men amongst them, who had received the largest shares, are said to have divided their estates into two parts, which were called inlands and oidlands. The former, being those which lay contiguous to the mansion-house of the owner, he kept in his own occupation, and cultivated them by his slaves, under the direction of a bailiff, for the purpose of raising provisions for his family and numerous vassals. The outlands were those at a distance fi'om the house, and were let to the ceorles, or farmers, at very low rents. At the beginning of the eighth century, Ina, King of the West Saxons, enacted a law by which " ten hides or plough-lands,"* constituting a farm, was to pay the following rent : — " Ten casks of honey, three hundi'cd loaves of bread, twelve casks of strong ale, thirty casks of small ale, two oxen, ten wedders, ten geese, twenty hens, ten cheeses, one cask of butter, five salmon, twenty loads of forage, and a hundi-ed eels." By this account it appears that the land was both divided into large estates and large farms at this period, as ten hides were equal to from six hundred to twelve hundred acres. The most remarkable arrangement of the land of England was made under the reign of Alfred the Great, towards the close of the ninth centmy. Upon the expulsion of the Danes by that king, he divided the whole country into small sections, called titldngs. The towns constituted separate jurisdictions, and were distinguished by the name of toion tithings, whilst the others were called r-ural tithings. The management of each tithing was vested iu all the inhabitants paying " scot and lot," and these also annually elected the magistrates and other local officers. The chief officer of a tithing was charged with the executive authority, but the legislative power was committed to a local coimcil. So excellent, complete, and efficient was the system of internal policy established by this wise and great prince, that it is said, " if a gold bracelet were hung up in a place where four ways met, no man dared to touch it." The next arrangement was the union of a number of tithings for military defence, this was called a tuapentake , or weapon-take. The feudal militia consisted of one hundred men out of every wapentake. This body, in the ruder period of the feudal system, uuder the Anglo-Saxon government, was a voluntary service; but under the Norman conqueror, William, when the system of feudalism assumed its full develop- ment, it was exchanged for the tenure of knight-service. The third and final division of the laud consisted of a certain number of wapentakes, and was called a shire (or scyre), or one complete share, which united all the tithings in each shire iuto one compact body, subject to the laws and regulations made by the * A ^ide of land was variously estimated at from sixty to a hundred and twenty acres, and was equivalent to a carucate. \ HISTOEY OF THE APPROPKIATION OF LAND, 9 scyre-gemot, or sliire-parliament. This was composed of the chief magistrates of the tithings, who represented the respective districts in all matters in which they were concerned. Towards the close of the sixth century, when the Anglo-Saxons had fully estahlished themselves in the kingdom, there arose another power, an imperium in imperio, which profited and strengthened itself by every change, civil or political, that took place from time to time, to the prejudice of every other class of society. Under the ancient order of things, the Druids held nnbounded influence over the people. When the Romans came, the Druidical system yielded partially to that of the less gloomy influence of the thousand deities of that enterprising, but superstitious people. But neither of these, although they claimed a large share in the management of state affairs, appear to have attempted to appropriate to themselves, as a sacerdotal order, the lands of their devotees. It was otherwise when the monk Augustin, at the command of Pope Gregory I., at the close of the sixth century, came into Britain to establish the papal system. Received coirrteously by Ethelred, King of Kent, his mission was successful, and from that period the Church of Rome never relaxed its encroachment upon the landed property of the kingdom. Strengthening their power and influence by usurping a right, in virtue of their office, to a share in the legislature, they passed laws ivhicli forbade the alienation of the smallest portion of their property, under pain of the ban of the church here, and eternal damnation hereafter. It is not denied that the immense landed property formerly held by the Chiu'ch of Rome was in general let to the people on easy terms, or that the monks were better landlords than many of the barons, who cruelly oppressed their dependents. The lands, too, held by the monks, in their own occupation, were cultivated by themselves, and were more productive than those held by the laity. But that the system was injui-ious to the material interests of the kingdom, at the same time that it was made instrumental in fettering both body aud mind, and thus placing barriers to the progress of enlighten- ment and knowledge, will not admit of a question. The conquest of England by the Danes in 1013 made but little change in the laws of the country. A part of their own laws which were engrafted, like those of the Romans, upon the existing code, was siibmitted to, and adopted by, tlie national council. The difference, however, between the Anglo-Saxon and Danish codes consisted rather in the scales of mulcts and penalties for infractions of the laws, than in the framework of the laws themselves : nor was any great change in the form of government attempted. In fact, the Danes had but little time allowed them for establishing extensive alterations ; for in 1066, upon the death of Edward the Confessor, the Norman William prevaU upon the Pope to confirm a supposed promise of the deceased King Edwa him heir to the crown. Armed with this then formidable sanction, he fitted out a large fleet, and putting on board a numerous and well-appointed army, he crossed the channel and landed at Hastings, where he defeated and slew Harold, who had been elected to the sovereignty by the wittena gemotte, or great national council. Whatever forbearance the Danes might have shown in not forcing their laws upon the British, no such weakness was exhibited by William. The lands of the barons who opposed him were wrested from them, and given to his Norman followers ; and this was carried to a still greater extent, when shortly after his accession they revolted against liim. Having overcome them, he put all the leaders to death, and confiscated their 10 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. estates, which were also bestowed upon his warriors. Earl Morton thus became pos- sessed of 793 manors ; Hugh de Ali-insis obtained the whole palatinate of Chester ; Allen, Earl of Brittany, 442 manors; Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, 493; "William, Earl Warren, 228, besides 28 towns or hamlets in Yorkshire; and the large county of Norfolk was divided amongst only 66 proprietors. The owners of these large properties resided almost entirely upon them, except when engaged in war, and usually held the land in their own occupation. The elder Spenser, in a petition to parliament about the year 1580, complaining of outrages vipon his property, states his movable effects to be 28,000 sheep, 1,000 oxen, 1,000 cows, 500 cart horses, 2,000 hogs, 600 bacons, 80 carcasses of beef, and 600 sheep in the larder, 10 tons of eider, and arms for 200 men. This wiU afford a good idea of the households kept up in the baronial haUs, and the large tracts of land necessary to support them.* The practice of sub-infeudation\ was greatly extended, and gave rise to the manorial system. The term maner'ms, or maneriuni, is derived from the Latin word manire and the French memoir, and denotes a large mansion or dwelling. In the Exchequer Doomsday Book it is called a manerium, and in that of Exeter a mansio, both being equivalent to the Anglo-Saxon or French term used by the officers who made the survey. It is, how- ever, to be observed that the characteristics of the English manor were never prevalent enough in France to demand a specific designation. A manor is commonly composed of demesnes and services. The demesnes are those lands within the manor, of which the lord is seized or possessed, i. e. of which he has the freehold, whether they are in his own occupation, or that of his tenants-at-ivill, or his tenants-for-years. The services of a manor are the quit-rents aud other services Awe from freehold tenants holding of the manor. These services are annexed with, or appendant to, the seigniory over the lands holden by such freehold tenants. These lands, however, although thus far holden of the manor, are not within, or parcel of it, though within the lord's fee or manorial seigniory. At the present time, a manor rather signifies a jurisdiction or royalty incorporeal, than the land and suit; for a man may now have a manor in gross, that is, the right and interest of a court baron with its perquisites, whilst others possess and enjoy every foot of land belonging to it. In general, however, a manor may be composed of divers things, as a mansion, arable land, pastm-e, meadow, Avoodlaud, suit, advowson, court baron, &c., as possessed by the lords fi'om time immemorial. * Dugdale's "Baronetage," and Hume, vol. ii. p. 155. t " Sub-iiifeiulatioii— a grsat of laud on feudal conditions to an inferior tenant, by a person holding it himself upon lile conditions of a superior lord." — See Webster. It was, in fact, similar to the sub-letting by middlemen in Irelnr.d the condition in the latter being a money payment instead of feudal service. SECTION II. THE NATUKE AND ORIGIN OP FREEHOLDS, COPYHOLDS, LEASEHOLDS, TENANTS-AT-WILL.— TENURE OF LAND IN IRELAND— TENANT-RIGHT. A FREEHOLD, 01' frank tenement {libruni tenementum, in law), is an estate held for life, oi some uncertain period, and of which the possessor cannot legally be deprived under ordinary circumstances. As we have already seen, it was by slow degrees amongst the ancient nations of Germany that the land became allodial, or freehold; merging thus from being the property of a tribe, for the common purposes and support of the community, to that of individuals. Amongst the Franks this word was sometimes restricted to such lands as had descended by inheritance. These were subject to no burthens except that of public defence. They passed to all the children equally, or in their failure, to the nearest kindred. In England, during the middle ages, when the people were struggling for that freedom which we now enjoy, confiscations for rebellion against the reigning sovereign were of frequent occurrence, and in some instances to an enormous extent. These wholesale escheats afforded the monarch opportunities for enriching those who steadily adhered to his cause. Thus, as Hallam asserts, " In twenty years from the time of William the Conqueror's accession, almost the whole soil of England was confiscated and divided amongst foreigners, and very few of the original owners were left in possession as vassals of the Norman barons." Besides the allodial lauds distributed among the people, others were reserved to the crown ; partly to support its dignity, and partly for the exercise of its munificence. These were called " fiscal lands," and formed the most regular and certain source of revenue to the sovereign. They were, however, generally granted out to favourite subjects, under the title of benefices, the nature of which is one of the most important points in the policy of those ages. It is probable that benefices were most frequently bestowed upon the professed courtiers, — the antrustiones or leudes, — and upon the provincial 12 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. governors. It does not appear that any conditions of military service were expressly annexed to these grants, but it Tras expected that those who were the recipients of them ■would support the monarch in his wars, -whether domestic or foreign. Beneficiary tenants were more closely connected with the crown than the mere allodial proprietors ; and whoever possessed a benefice was considered bound to serve the sovereign in the field. But of the allodial proprietors, only the owners of " three mansi," or manors, were called upon for service. By the law of England the possession of the land constitutes a freehold ; and such estate as requires actual possession of the land, and no other, is, legally speaking, freehold ; which actual possession can, by the course of common law, be only given by the ceremony called " livery of seisin," which is the same as the feudal investiture. The ancient grants of land were frequently comprehended and expressed in few words in the deeds of gift, and many of them display a whimsical turn for jesting in those by whom they were drawn up. A grant of a large estate in Bedfordshire to the Burgoyne family was worded in the following quaint rhyme : — " I, John of Gaunt, Do give and do graunt. To Roger Burgoyne, And the heirs of his line, Sutton and Potton, Until the world's rotten." The following is a still more ancient deed of gift by a Saxon monarch : — " I, King Athelstane, Do give to Paullane, Odiham and Rodihara. Als guid, and als fayre, AIs ever yay mine wayre. And yarto wilnesse Malde, my wife." William the Conqueror too, or his lawyers, aimed at rhymes in their deeds of gift. He gave one of his Norman followers, "The hunter, the hop, and the hoptown, With all the bounds, upside and down ; And in witnesse thereof that it was sooth, He bit the wax with his fong tooth." We have spoken of the English manor as signifying a mansion-house, the residence of the lord of the surrounding lands, which were originally granted by the king for special military or other services. Some were also granted by the superior lords on similar conditions, with the payment of such fees as by the grant were rcqixired. The grantees of the manors subdivided their lands and let them to inferior tenants, receiving in tlieir turn rent and service from them. The superior lords, under whom the smaller manors continued to be held, were called in such cases, " the lords paramount " over all these manors, and his seigniory is to this day, in some cases, called an "honor," not a manor, especially if it has belonged to an ancient feudal barony, or has been at any time in the hands of the crown. The sudivision, or sub-infeudation, by the inferior lords, was carried to such a pitch, that at length the superior lords interfered, as they thereby lost NATURE AND ORIGIN OF FREEHOLDS, ETC. 13 their feudal profits on -wardsliips, marriages, and escheats, which were monopolised by the mesne, or middle lords, who were the immediate superiors of the terre tenants, or occupiers of the land ; and also because the mesne lords themselves were so impoverished thereby, that they were disabled from performing their services to their own superiors. Provision was therefore made in the 32ud chapter of the Magna Charta of the 9th Henry III. (not being found in the first charter granted by that king, nor in the great charter of King John), that no man should either "sell or give his land without reserving sufficient to answer the demands of the lord paramount;" and also in the statute of Westminster 3, or Quia Empiores, 18 Edward I., c. 1, which directs that "in all sales or feoft'ments of lands, the feoffee shall hold the same, not of his own immediate feoffor, but of the chief lord of the fee, of whom such feoffor held it." But these provisions not extending to the king's own tenants in capite, the like law is declared by the statutes of Prerogatica Regis, 17th Edward II., c. 6, and by the 31th Edward III., c. xv. ; by which last, all the sub-infeodations previous to the reign of Edward I. were confirmed, but all subsequent to that period loere left open to the king's prerogative. Hence it is clear, that all manors existing at this time must have existed as early as Edward I., for it is essential to a manor that there be tenants who hold of the lord. And by the operation of these statutes, no tenant in capite since the accession of that prince, and no tenant of the common lord since the statute of Quia Emptm-es, could create any more tenants to hold of himself. A manor is necessarily a freehold tenure in itself; but it is the origin of the copy- hold tenure, for which the possessor has nothing to show but the copy of the roll, made by the steward of the lord's com't. In this respect, however, the title is more valid than those of some freeholds, which, in passing through many hands, may, through the negligence or ignoi'ance of the lawyers, be damnified by the omission of a name,* &c. j whereas on every change of hands of a copyhold estate, it must necessarily be taken up, and the fines paid at the customary court ; and thus the transactions of the manor-court become a historical and reiterated testimony to the validity of the title. The steward of the com-t for the time being is bound to keep and enrol a register of the tenants who are admitted to any parcel of land, or tenements belonging to the manor ; and the transcript which each tenant can demand of his own title is called "the copy of the court-roll." Copyhold is called base tenure, because the tenant holds apparently at the will of the lord. Fitzherbert says, it was formerly called " tenure on villeinage," and that copyhold is but a modern name. This was the land which the Saxons termed folk-land, as being held sine scripta, in contradistinction to book-land, or charter land, " terre-ex-scripta," now called freehold. But the distinction is not now strictly correct, because copyhold is not held simply at the will of the lord, but according to the custom of the coimty or the manor ; nor is it held absolutely sine scripta, for the possessor holds a title in the " copy of the coiu-t- roll," which the lord cannot annul, provided the tenant fulfils his part of the service. It is true that copyholds originated in a series of immemorial encroachments on the " The writer once purchased a freehold property which had been sold long before under the Bankruptcy C!ourt, and by some strange negligence of the solicitors, both of the sellers and purchaser, the names of the assignees were not appended to the sale 1 Twenty years had elapsed, and only one of the assignees had survived, and he had gone, no one knew where. .\fter lengthened inquiries, his residence was discovered, and his signature obtained. But it cost the lawyers who made the blunder — and who were, as honourable men, quite ready to take the onus upon themselves — much time, trouble, and money to rectify it. U AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. lord, by whicli the intruders at length estahlished a "customary right to those estates which previously were held absolutely at the will of the lord." To this cause is ascribed, by lawyers the different customs prevailing in different manors, with respect both to the descent of the estates and the privileges belonging to the tenants. This "custom of the manor" is called "the life of copyhold estates;" for without a custom, or if a copyholder breaks the customs, he is then subject to the will of the lord ; and as a copyhold is created by custom, it is also guided by custom. A copyholder who performs his services, and does not break the custom of the manor, cannot be ejected by the lord; if he be, he shall have trespass against liim. Nor can the lord refuse to admit ; for if he does, he can be compelled in the Com't of Chancery. In some manors, where it has been the custom to permit the heir to succeed the ancestor in his tenure, the estates are called " copyholds of inheritance." In others, where the lords have been more vigilant in the maintenance of their rights, they remain " copyholds for life" only. The eu.stom of tlic manor has, in both instances, so far superseded the will of the lord that, provided the service be performed, or stipulated for by fealty, he cannot in the first instance refuse to admit the heir of his tenant upon his death ; nor, in the second place, can he remove his present tenant so long as he lives, though he holds nominally by the precarious teniu-e of his lord's will. And if a lord refuse to admit a surrender on account of a disagreement about the fine to be paid, tli(^- Coiu't of B. R.^f^ will grant a mandamus to compel him to admit, without examining the right to fine. But that court will not grant a mandamus to admit a copyholder by descent, because, without admittances, he has a complete title against all but the lord. Copyholds descend according to the rules and maxims of the common law (unless in particular manors there are contrary customs of great antiquity) ; but under the ancient law, such customary inheritances are not assets to charge the heir in actions of dcl)t, &c., though leases for one year of copyhold land, which are warranted by the common law, arc assets in the hands of an executor. There may be an estate-tail in copyhold lands by custom, with the co-operation of the statutes of William II. ; and as a copyhold may be entailed by custom, so by custom the entail may be cut off by surrender. A copyholder cannot convey or transfer his copyhold to another otherwise than by surrender at the general court-baron of the manor. Copyholds are held by fine certain or fine arbitrary. Fine certain is when the fine payable to the lord upon taking up an estate, being fixed by the custom of the manor, cannot be increased by the lord, who, upon the amount being paid and the services performed, must admit the new tenant. Fine arbitrary is when the fine is only limited in amount by the lord's own conscience, which is not usually of a very tender kind.f One of the ancient obligations of a copyhold tenant was that of grinding at the lord's, or manor mill. In ancient records, mills are spoken of as valuable property; and landlords, in letting the rest of their land, generally reserved the mill-house to themselves, it being frequently appended to the great mansion or manor-house. The following is the account of a mill-house in Barnaby Goodge's "Fourc Books of Ilusbaudrie :" — " When as in a great house there is gi-eate neede of eorn-mylles, and the common myllcs being farre ofiF, the way foule, and I at my owne libertie to grmd at • Bancus Segius, or King's Bench. + The writer once purchased a small copyhold property under fine arUtrary, and the steward managed to make the Dae and cipenses ainonnt to 80 per cent, of the purchase-money of Ihc jiroperly. NATUEE AND ORIGIN OF FREEHOLDS, ETC. 15 home, or when I lyste, thinking to make a mylle here at home, where neither place nor auethoritie will serve me to build either a water-mylle or wynde-mylle, and a quernc, or hande-mylle, doeth but a little goode, and to build a horse-mylle were troublesome ; when I saw the wheclcs which they used to draw water with, turned with asses or men, I thought in the like sort, the wheele of a mylle might be tamed. And after this sort, I divised this engine, which a couple of asses, guided by a boy, do easily turn, and make very fine meale, sufficient for mine owne house, and most times for my neighbours) whom I suffer to grind free of toll." The word lease is derived from the French laisser, to let. In law, a demise or a letting of lands, tenements, or hereditaments unto another for life, a term of years, or at will, for a rent reserved. A contract for the possession of land, &c., for some determinate period is " an estate for years." If the lease be for one year, half a year, or a quarter, or any less time, the lessee is reputed a " tenant for years," and is so styled in some proceedings, because a year is the shortest term the law takes notice of in this case. A lease for twelve months is only for forty-eight weeks, but if it be for a twelvemonth, in the singular number, it is good for the whole year. These leases or estates for years were originally granted to mere farmers or husbandmen, ivho every year rendered some equivalent in money, pro- visions, or other rent to the lessors or landlords. But, in order to encourage them to cultivate and manm'c the land, they had a permanent interest in it granted them, not determinable at the will of the lord. Their possession, however, was considered of so little consequence, that they were looked upon rather as the bailiffs or servants of the proprietors, and were to account to them for the profits at a fixed price, thaii as having any property of their own, and, therefore, they were not allowed to have a freehold estate in it. But their interest existed after their deaths in their executors, who were to make up the accounts of theii* estates with the lord and his other creditors, and were entitled to the stock upon the fai'm.* The question of the necessity of leases, and of their advantages to both landlords and tenants has been well ventilated of late years, and is well understood by most persons conversant with farming upon the modern system, and no liberal or enlightened landlord refuses to grant leases to his tenants ; nor will any improving tenant entrust his property, by expending it in the necessarij permanent improvements on a farm, from which the caprice, or the cupidity, of the landlord might eject him at six months' notice without a shilling remuneration. The danger of such a dismissal is no imaginary one, instances of it being of too frequent occurrence in the country. A recent case in a northern county — in which one of the best farmers in England, and whose family had occupied the farm for many years, was thus summarily ejected without the whisper of a com])laint of his conduct, either in the management of his farm, or his conduct to his noble landlord, and after expending a great part of his property in permanent improve- ments — is sufficient to open the eyes of the farmers to the danger. It was a melancholy satisfaction to the tenant, after being thus plundered of his property, that his neighbours have testified their sense, both of the excellence of his character and of the unjust and mean conduct of his landlord, by presenting him with a valuable and hand- * It 13 proper to state that the legal arguments and definitions in the foregoing account of the different tenures are derived from various sources, but chiefly from Rees' " Encycloprcdia," which contains the dearest digest eitantof the laws on the snbject. 16 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. some testimonial, in token of their respect and esteem. His unworthy landlord has shown the motives which actuated him by letting the land to a new tenant at an advanced rent. Lord Kamesj in his " Gentleman Farmer/' has strongly insisted on the necessity of a long lease (nineteen or thirty-eight years) to secure the tenant in his possession, and enable him safely to effect those improvements that will at once both benefit the estate and aftbrd him the opportunity of deriving the greatest profit from his capital. The heads of a lease on a liberal plan are given in the work ; and the Board of Agri- culture, which was established iu 1793 (about seventeen years after the publication of Lord Kamcs' book), adopted most of the principles laid down by him. There may be landlords who, while hesitating or refusing to grant leases to their tenants, under the apprehension that it is giving up too much power over their property, who yet are too honourable, and would, therefore, scorn to take an unfair advantage of a good and improving tenant by robbing him of his property, and his future profits upon the outlay. Independent of this, the impolicy of the system is as apparent as its injustice. Good landlords do not live for ever ; and it is unjust to hold a tenant at arm's length, and allow him to expend his property on the laud upon the precarious tenure of his own life, when he does not know but that his successor may be a man of a very different disposition, and disposed to take every advantage of his tenants. We have no hesitation in saying that, if the predecessors of Mr. W.'s late landlord had acted upon the same principle in dealing with their tenants, the estate would not be now worth half its present value. The only safe plan that the present holder of the land can pursue, is to avail himself of Mr. W.'s improvements, and get as much out of the land as possible without expending a shilling upon it in improvements, the profits of which he would probably he deprived of by an ejectment, to make room for another tenant at a farther advance of rent — the landlord's profit upon his outlay. Any man conversant with rural affairs is able to judge, as he rides along the high roads, of the nature of the tenure by which the land is held. He has nothing to do but to look over the hedges to determine whether the land is held on lease or at-will. It is astonishing that the owners of laud cannot see, by the different appearance of the fields, the impolicy of preventing the tenants from improving their farms by making it unsafe for them to do so. The interests of landlords and tenants are inseparable, and one can- not secure an undue advantage over the other. A good landlord Avill have, as a rule, good tenants; aud vice versa. It is imfortunately the case that many landlords are governed more by their stewards, or land agents, than by the principles of equity in their dealings with their tenants. These gentlemen have many of them a keen ej'e to their own emolument, and too often set a black mark against those tenants who display any independence of mind, and will not submit to their extortions.* Lord Kames justly observes that in a lease of a corn-farm the object iu view should be to restrain the tenant from impoverishing the land, and yet leave him at liberty to improve it. He compares a tenant with a British monarch, who has unboimdcd power * The late Earl of 13. employed one of tlicse legal sharks. " 1 am surprised," said his couutess to him on one occasion, when he had sharply lectured his steward for some pecidations, — "I am surprised, my lord, that you keep that man in your employ, when you know he is robbing you every day of your life." " True, my lady," was the reply, " 1 know he is a thief, but I also know that he takes good care my tenants shall not rob me. Better to have one rogue to deal with than one hundred and fifty." NATURE AND OEIGIN OF FREEHOLDS, ETO 17 to do goodj none to do miscliief. He declaims against tying a tenant down to an invariable course of cropping, wliicli must be regulated by the season^ the variableness of which raay^ for one year^ at least, necessitate a change in an otherwise well arranged system. And although many good tenants may be trusted with unlimited scope in the management of their land, a landlord cannot, as a general rule, tell the disposition of a tenant in this respect beforehand ; and, therefore, it is proper that a decided, but liberal code of covenants should in all cases be adopted to secui'e both the landlord and a profitable cultivation. The value and importance of granting suitable and long leases is sufficiently exem- plified by the results on those estates on which it is the practice. Any man, for instance, in passing through the county of Norfolk, where long leases, as a rule, prevail, will be struck both with the high state of cultivation which the fields present, and the wealth, ease, and independence of the occupiers. Perhaps the Holkham property is an exceptional case, the farms being in general very large, and the tenants unusually wealthy. The farm-houses are more like gentlemen's seats than the dwellings of husbandmen, and the fields are many of them large enough to constitute a good sized farm. But it may be safely assumed that the highly prosperous condition of the Holkham estate, which has increased three or four times in value since the late jiroprietor succeeded to it, is entirely owing to the liberal principle on which he acted in letting liis farms, and the twenty-one years' leases on which they were invariably held. The policy of this was proved by the result ; for, probably, there is not a landlord in the Idngdom who has had less trouble with his tenants, or whose tenants have more cheerfidly, at the expiration of their leases, agreed to pay the advanced rent which the diminished value of money rendered reasonable. The Earl of Yarborough's property in Lincolnshire is another instance in point. Following the example of the " Holkham chieftain," he has increased its value from £3,000 to j630,000 a year. Most of the farms in Lincolnshire are large ; and although the custom of the county has generally been against leases, the lands being held from year to year, a tacit understanding exists between landlord and tenant, which is seldom broken. We may also mention the Duke of Bedford's estate at Woburn as a proof of the advantage of granting leases. The late Francis Duke of Bedford was the friend and coadjutor of Mr. Coke, afterwards Earl of Leicestex", and adopted his system in every respect. His unfortunate death in 1801,* put a stop to many of the more public measures which he adopted for the improvement of agricultiu'e. But although his immediate successor did not profess himself an agriculturist, he pursued the same liberal course with his tenantry, and the present proprietor follows in their steps. The con- sequence is, the estate has increased in value until it realises £100,000 a year. The present duke, indeed, is a model for landlords to copy from. When agricultm-e had reached a certain crisis, he instituted a valuation of his property, and offered fresh terms to his tenants, to which they readily acceded. He also erected comfortable cottages for the labourers on every part of the estate, with gardens attached, and established schools for their children, and other means of instruction. On the other hand, he has undertaken the expense of permanent improvements, such as di-ainage and other substantial works, for which the tenant willingly pays a moderate per centage. But the most remarkable * The duke was killed iu playing at teaais. The ball struck him oa a part that was ruptured, which increased the wound, produced morti6cation, and carried him off in a few days U 18 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. concession to the welfare of his tenantry is, his abandoning the excessive preservation of game, and the absurd and un-English battue — a German innovation, which in this highly cultivated country is as senseless and puerile as shooting fowls in a barn-yard, to which it bears a striking resemblance. As we shall have occasion to refer to this silly practice when treating on the Game Laws, we shall say no more about it at present. It is in Scotland that the practice of granting leases has received the gi'catest extension, and in no part of the United Kingdom has the benefit been more clearly developed. Agricultiire in that country cannot be said to have existed more than a centurv, for previous to the year 1770 cidtivation was conducted on the most primitive plan. Yet, with very inadequate means, but mth steady economy, pnidence, and per- severance, and with the aid of an excellent system of banking, Scotland has progressed in agriculture faster than England. These advantages, however, would have availed nothing but for the system of leases on liberal terms, which, by inspiring the occupier with confidence, enabled him to prosecute his calling with spirit and success. Most of the leases are granted upon a corn-rent. " Under this system the rent is represented by a payment in kind, converted at the market price, with a maximum and minimum limitation for periods of scarcity or abundance."* In this way the farmer is protected against sudden fluctuations in the value of his commodities, as well as in that of money. " The usual term for renewing leases is Wliitsimtide, as being the most favourable period to prepare for the crops of a new course." t Scotch leases are generally granted for nineteen years, and a lease is considered real property, and as such passes to the heir-at- law. This is an injustice to the younger branches of the family, being equal to an entail ; but, at the same time, it prevents that subdivision of the land which in Ireland produces frequent famines, and in France and other countries of the Continent has prevented progress in agriculture. Every estate which must expire at a period certain and prefixed, by whatever words enacted, is an estate for years, and therefore this estate is called a term, — terminus, — because its duration is limited and determined; for every such estate must have a certain beginning, and a certain ending. A lease for so many years as a man may live is void from the beginning, but a lease for twenty or more years, if he shall live so long, is good ; for a certain period is fixed, beyond which it cannot last, though it may be determined sooner by the person's death. An estate for life is a freehold ; but an estate for a thousand years is only a chattel, and is reckoned part of the personal estate. EsTATE-AT-wiLL. — This is another kind of estate not freehold, where lands are let by one man to another " to have and to hold" at the will of the lessor; and the tenant by force of this lease obtains possession. Every estate-at-will is at the will of both parties, landlord and tenant, so that either of them may determine liis will, and quit his connection with the other at his own pleasure. A lease in writing, though not under seal, cannot be put in evidence unless it be stamped. Leases exceeding three years must be made in writing ; and if the substance of a lease be put in writing and signed by the parties, though it is not sealed, it shall have the effect of a lease for years. Articles with covenants to make a lease, to let and make a lease of lands for a certain term, at so much rent, hath been adjudged a lease. In a covenant with the words " have, possess, and occupy lands in consideration of a yearly rent," without the word " demise," it was held a good lease; and a licence " to * De Lavergnc, t Ibid. NATURE AND ORIGIN OF FREEHOLDS, ETC. 19 occupy, take the profits," &c., which passeth an interest, amounts to a lease. An agreement of tlie parties that the lessee should enjoy the lands will make a lease ; hut if the agreement hath a reference to the lease to he made, and implies an interest not to he perfected till then, it is not a perfect lease till made afterwards. If a man, on promise of a lease to he made to him, lays out money on the premises, he shall oblige the lessor afterwards to make the lease, the agreement being executed on the lessee's part ; where no such expense hath been, a bare promise of a lease for a terra of years, though the lessee hath possession, shall not be good without some writing. A lease for years may begin from a day past or to come, at Michaelmas last, Christmas next, three or four years after, or after the death of the lessee, &c., though a term cannot commence upon a contingency which depends upon another contingency. If one makes a lease for a year, and so fi'om year to year, it is a lease for two years, and afterwards it is but an estate-at-will ; and if from three years to three years, it is a good lease for six years. Tenancies-at-will, or until the customary notice be given by either party to the other, are valid without any written contract or agreement, the only tie between the parties being the custom of the estate or of the county in which it lies, or the common law of the land. This, Marshall conceives, may be considered as the "simple holding which succeeded the feudal or copyhold tenure," but which is now going fast into disuse. A second mode is, of "holding from year to year, under a written agreement, with specific covenants." This, which is a more modern usage, is, on the contrary, becoming more and more prevalent, even where leases for a term of years were formerly granted. A third is, a lease for a term of years, as seven, fourteen, twenty-one, or a greater number of years certain, but without the power of assignment, unless with the consent of the lessor. A fourth is, a lease-for-lives, as one, two, three, or more lives, without the power of assignment. These are rarely granted in England, but are common in "Wales and Ireland, the rent being there settled according to the value of the land at the time of letting, as on granting a lease for a term. In the western extremity of England, what are termed life-leases are still common ; but they are, in fact, rather pledges for money taken up, or deeds of sale for lives, than leases, as nearly the whole estimated value of the land during the life-terra is paid down at the time of purchase, the seller reserving only a quit-rent, or anmial aclcnowledgment. "It is a well-authenticated fact," says a modern writer, " that the great and mani- fold improvements which have taken place in agriculture are in those counties where leases for a term of years have been granted."* Tenure op Land in Ireland. — The peculiar nature of the landed property in Ireland deserves a passing notice, although, in consequence of the operations of the Encumbered Estates Court, the old system is fast dying out, and a new order of things is succeeding it. It is well known that in the various rebellions in that country, — for rebellion was formerly its normal condition, — a very large portion of the land was wrested from the proprietors and bestowed upon the favom-ites of the reigning monarchs, or sold for a sum of money. Thus the Ironmongers' Company obtained by purchase a whole county, which was ceded to it by James I., who confiscated six counties at once, and parcelled them out amongst his fiivourites. Charles I. declared the whole province of * The single exception to this rule is a part of Lincolnshire, where yearly tenancy is the rule ; but a tenant-right exists, by which an outgoing tenant is indemnified. c2 20 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. Connaught tlie property of tlie crown ; and Cromwell seized and appropriated the lands of the other provinces. Ulster was made a plantation for a Scotch colony, and the dispossessed Irish were ordered to go "to heU or Connaught." The object of eveiy government, from that of the Tudors to the accession of William III., had the same end in ^new, of preventing the Irish from holding land in their own country. Nearly all the landed property of Ireland was entailed, consequently improvement was checked at the outset; for the owners, being generally poor, would not expend money on improvements by which their heirs-at-law alone would reap the benefit. But the great evil of the land system in Ireland was the absenteeism of the proprietors, who entrusting the management of their estates to lawyers, cared little about their tenantry, provided they received the rental, which they spent in England or on the Continent. The land was let to a large extent to midcUe-men, generally on a lease, who being anxious to make the most of it, underlet it in small farms to the peasantry at high rents. These built their hovels upon the land, and cultivated the potato as the most productive plant for human food. The Irish landlord of bygone times was a remarkable character in his way. Reckless extravagance marked his conduct, and, provided he could obtain money, cared little how it came, or where from, or by what means it was made away with. Tenant-right. — If the arguments we have used to prove that land, as a national property, is in all cases vested in the cro^vn as the custodian for the common weal, and that private interest must, in law and in equity, give way to the public good, then the legislatiu-e is bound to interfere to prevent the land from deterioration on the one hand, and to promote, by wise and equitable general measures, its improvement. We have endeavoui'ed to show that the want of leases is the direct and chief cause of the land of England not being properly cultivated ; tliat no tenant-at-wiU can have any inducement to expend money in permanent, or, in fact, any improvement whatever, of which his landlord may, and fi-equently does, deprive him, allowing him no time for reaping any benefit from his outlay. As a national affair, this was formerly of no apparent consequence j because, badly as the land was cultivated, and inadequate as was the produce, compared with what it might have been, it usually exceeded the consumption both of man and beast ; and therefore the injxuy being limited to a restriction of the exporting power, it was less palpable, except in seasons of scarcity, when the deficiency was ascribed to a bad and unproductive harvest. But now that, in consequence of the vast increase of the population, and the improved condition of the operative classes, the consumption has so prodigiously increased as to require, in the present state of agi'iculture, an importation of agi-icultm-al produce (animal and vegetable) amounting on an average to not less than £20,000,000 sterling per year, it behoves the government or the legislatm-e to devise means for preventing, as far as possible, this enormous expenditure from increasing, which it certainly will, unless measm-es are adopted for rendering the land more productive. Under the present system of the tenure of land, this can only be done by passing an equitable and liberal law for establishing a system of tenant-right, which whilst it would give to the landlord the full value of any improved outlay the outgoing tenant may justly claim, the latter may fearlessly incur that expenditure without the risk of being deprived of it by a summai-y dismissal from his farm. Whilst this principle applies with greatest force to the position of the tenant-at-will, in NATURE AND ORIGIN OP FREEHOLDS, ETC. 21 a national point of view, it is to a certain, though lesser extent, applicable to all tenures ; because it is a well-known practice with tenants on leases for years, or of whatever duration, if intending or compelled to quit their farms, to run the land the last three or four years of the term, or at least to put nothing into it ; consequently, the productiveness of such land is for the time greatly deteriorated, and the landlord, the succeeding tenant, and the community at large, are mutual sufferers. It is now become a universal opinion that the lands of England, whatever advances may have been already made in agricultiu'e, are far, very far, from ha^^ug reached the maximum of production ; that, in fact, if they were properly cultivated, we should be an exporting instead of an importing coxmtry. Many causes exist to prevent this from being the case, but the chief ruling cause is that the landed proprietors steadily refuse to allow the legislatm'c to interfere with their property, the welfare of the country at large being a matter of secondary or no importance compared with retaining their rights intact. The question, however, will force itself upon the government before long, for in a year of scarcity the consequences are serious. In the last year (1860), for instance, the deficiency was so lai'ge that it will require importations altogether to the value of nearer £30,000,000* than £20,000,000— a sum sufiScient to throw the finances of the country into a state of confusion. That an equitable tenant-right, giving the occupier of land, on whatever tenure, at the close of his occupancy, a legal title to the remaining value of his improvements and outlay, would do more for the advancement of agriculture and the increase of the productiveness of the land than any other measure, no one will entertain a doubt who has ever considered the subject. Whilst the light lands of Norfolk and Suffolk are made to produce from four to six quarters of wheat per acre, immense tracts of far superior soils do not produce more than half that amount, simply because the tenure of land is so precarious that the occupier has no inducement to improve it. It is probable that fully three-foui'ths of the land of the country is in this condition, and will continue in the same state so long as the proprietors claim the right of " doing what they like with their own." The question of tenant-right has been long and amply discussed in Ireland, where an association, or league, exists for procuring a legislative enactment for its general establishment. Such an act is even more required in that coimtry than in England, although the changes which have recently been effected in the proprietorship of land have, to a considerable extent, altered the condition of real property. As on aU subjects, whether political or social, taken up by the Irish, the ideas entertained by some of the leaders in the movement were most extravagant, and amounted rather to a surrender of the freehold to the tenant, than an equitable claim for compensation at the expii-ation of the lease. Fixity of tenure was combined with a reduction of rent to the minimum value of unimproved or waste land, estimated by these revolutionists at Is. Qd. per acre 1 This fixity of tenure was neither more nor less than an interminable lease, equal to an English copyhold, with a fine certain of Is. &d. per acre as a quit-rent; so that, could this object have been obtained, it would have amounted to a surrender of the laud to the tenants mthout any remuneration to the proprietor, who was looked upon and verbally treated as an interloper and a tyrant. * Ten million quarters of wheat and flour, at 50j. per quarter, £25,000,000 ; and barley, oats, beans, pea;, potatoes, End cattle, to the amount of more than the remaining £5,000,000. 22 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. True enougli it is that tlie teuiu'e of land iu Ireland was of a nature to render a change a national necessity, in order to avert tlie normal tendency to famine and scarcity wliicli, up to 18 18j prevailed there. A large portion of the soil was in the hands of middle-men (the owners beiag absentees), whose object was, as a rule, to make the most out of the property, while their lease lasted, without any regard to the mode in which the land was cidtivated. It was therefore let in smaU holdings, as the means best calculated to effect their pru'pose, and the overwhelming excess of the rural population* was favourable to it. Thus the greater part of the country was in the hands of the most ignorant class of cultivators, without means or knowledge to effect improvements, and deriving from the land a scanty supply of potatoes and oats for their own families. The larger farms are sometimes let on lease ; but the proprietor gives himself no trouble, and ■nill, in general, incur no expense in the erection of dwelliug-houses or out -buildings ; the consequence is, that the majority of farm-bnildiugs are such as no Englishman would put iip with, whilst the cabins of the humbler tenantry were not fit for human beiugs to reside ia, being in many cases built with loose stones, without cement, against the side of a bank or hill, which formed one wall of the dwelling. It is e^'ideut that nothing but a compulsory law, giving the tenant a claim at the close of his lease for any improvements effected either in the laud or the buildings of a farm, woidd produce any change in this state of things. The people of Ireland were therefore perfectly justified in demanding a tenant-right law ; and had they not in the fii'st instance extended theu- demand to fixity of tenui-e, and what may be called an abrogation of rent, it is probable they might have obtained what was absolutely required. But, listening to incendiary demagogues, they claimed a right to the soil, and, conse- quently, gained nothing. In the province of Ulster tenant-right has long been established by custom, and if we may judge by the different state of agrieultm-e in that province from any other part of Ireland, it has certainly woi'ked well, and prevented that deterioration of the soU which was everywhere else apparent. Such however was the demand for land, that the claim for compensation upon the transfer of a lease was iu some instances most extraordinary. As much as fi-om jEIS to £20 per acre has been given for leases of small farms, without reference to any material improvements. Nor can this be considered extravagant in a country where lands were let on the con-acre system,t as high as thirty pounds per acre per annum, and when the lowest rent upon that tenure was i£lO per acre. It is not to be supposed, however, that either these enormous rents Avere always punctually paid, or that the tenants were able to live out of the produce of the land. On the contrary, the payment of the rent was dependent on the contingency of a good crop, and the support of the tenant and his family upon the same, with the additional chance of obtaiuiug harvest work in England. The great catastrophe of 1846 revealed the entii-e rottenness of the land system in Ireland, and the fallacy of the claim of the nominal proprietors of the estates called by their names. The Encumbered Estates Coui't with ruthless baud completed the exposure, and the results of its operations have vindicated the conduct of the legislatLU'e in its iiistitution. * la Ireland the rural population amounted, before tlie famine, to 25 to the hundred acres; in Prance, to 10 j England, 12 ; aud the Lowlands of Scotland, 5 to the hundred acres. t Con-acre tenure is the letting of a piece of laud well manured to a tenant for one year, generally for the purpose of raising potatoes. The rent ranged from £10 to i30 per acre, according to the quality and condition of the laud. This system was abolished by the famine of lS:l6-8, NATUEE AND OEIGIN OP FEEEHOLDS, ETC. 23 Tenant-right, however, is not unknown in England, for in two counties, Lincolnshire and the Weald of Sussex, it has long been established by custom. In the former it has worked well, for no part of England is better cultivated, or more productive, although yearly tenures are the rule. In the Weald of Sussex agricultui-e is far from being in a flourishing condition, but this is in spite of the tenant-right, and not in consequence of it. If we may judge from analogy, the state of that district would be still worse without it. Sussex is perhaps, in some parts, one of the most difficult counties in England to farm. In a dry season the soil is iron and brass ; and in a wet one, a mass of adhesive mud. A rental of from 4s. to 6s. per acre explains the whole case. The objection urged against tenant-right is, that it renders an in-coming tenant— possibly a young man just starting in life — liable to a heavy claim* that will absorb a large portion of his capital, with which he ought to stock his farm ; and that it opens a door for fraud, by " inducing the farmer to look more to the indemnity he claims on leaving his farm, than to good farming while in possession.'''t There is certainly truth iu the objection that a young farmer would be compelled to pay a large portion of his capital iu the piu-chase of the tenant-right, and thus cramp his future operations on the farm ; but this will teU in favour of, as well as against, the system. It is surely better to step into an improved farm, with the land in a good — not to say high — state of cultivation, and which will afl"ord an immediate profit, even if he has to pay for it, than into one which has been completely run out the last foiu: or five years of the previous occupation, and wiU require quite as many more before it can be brought into a profitable condition. It would, however, be better perhaps if the landlord would pay the out-going tenant for the permanent improvements, such as draining, marling, claying, fencing, &c., and charge the in-coming tenant a fair per centage upon the outlay, as has been done by the Duke of Bedford and a few other liberal landlords. Whether, therefore, we look at the just rights of the out-going tenant, the success of the in-coming one, the prosperity of the estate, or the well-being of the community, as all concerned in the proper cultivation of the soil, all their interests would be pro- moted by a tenant-right, which, while it would prevent the deterioration of the land at the expiration of a lease, would enable the tenant-at-will to farm on the system best adapted to promote his own advantage and the interests of all parties concerned. * In Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshire the usual claim ia £4 to £4 Ws. per acre, and in Sussex from SOs. to 50s. per acre. The former is moderate, the latter " all the money too dear." t De Laversne. SECTION III. ON THE VALUE OF LA.ND AT DIFFERENT PERIODS, AND THE CAUSES WHICH OPERATE TO INCREASE OR DIMINISH IT. It appears a strauge tiling to an English farmer to be told that there was a time when land in this country was sold at three or four shillings, and let at one halfpenny, an acre. Yet this is not more strange or extraordinary than that at the present time, excellent land may be purchased in the United States for a dollar an acre ; and that in Canada any person may obtain a grant of two hundred acres of land for nothing, if he will only undertake to clear and cultivate it within a certain period. There are various causes operating to aflfect the value of land : such as the relative proportion between the quantity of land and the number of inhabitants ; the scarcity or abundance of money ; the existence of good roads ; the distance from markets, &c. The following particulars are extracted from Cullum's "Antiquities of Hawstead in Suffolk." The parish of Hawstead is set down in the Doomsday Book at thirteen carucates, or 1,300 acres, of land, being eight furlongs in length and six in width. " In both these particulars," adds the learned historian, "it is wrong; it contains 3,000 acres, and if stated at double the length and breadth, it will be nearer its real dimensions." By a survey taken the fouj-teenth of Edward I., it appears there were two manors in Hawstead, that of Fitz-Eustace being called " the Manor," which was valued at 40s. per annum. In the same year seven persons held amongst them 968 acres of arable, and forty acres of meadow land ; the rent paid ranged from 7d. to one farthing an acre a year, averaging about 4rf. per acre. In the seventh and eighth centuries the ordinary price of an acre of the best land in Cambridgeshire was sixteen Saxon pennies, or about As. of our money. In the seventh of Henry V. (1420) the manor was said to be of the yearly value of £42 15*. lOf/., and half a pound of pepper. This last was paid for eleven acres of land. " In the twenty-sixth of Henry VI. (1448) John Bokenham sold all his lands and IcncmentSj woods, meads and pastures, rents and services, which were let to one Jolui VALUE OF LAND AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 25 Bokenham, brother unto the said John Bokenham^ as they lie in the towns and fields of Hawsteadj Horningshorthe, Newton, and Whipsted in the shire of Suffolke, for the sum of £cx (£110) good and lawful money, to John Marshall, Esquyer, reserving to himself and wife a life interest therein : " this last appears to have been a very large sale, although the number of acres is not stated. Thomas France held a messuage and thirty acres of land, arable and pasture, at the yearly rent of 20s., a Christmas offering of 4f/., cocks and hens, and to mow the lord's meadows three days, and have one bushel of wheat and Qd. for drink, and one day's pro- duce of the dairy, and eight whole days in autumn reaping, having every day a wheaten loaf of fifteen to the bushel of wheat, and eleven herrings at nine o'clock. The said Thomas holds another messuage and fifteen acres of arable land, for which he pays 13^. a year. About the thirteeuth century, according to Pleta, if an acre of wheat yielded only three times the seed sown, the farmer would be a loser, unless corn should sell dear. Three ploughings Is. Qd., han-owing Id., two bushels of seed Is., weeding \d., reaping 5c?., carrying 3ft'., in all 3s. \\d., which is more than six bushels of wheat by l^c?. The same year the price of a bullock was 8s. Qd., a hog 2s. Qd., a pig Qd., threshing a quarter of wheat Zd., of seligo 2\d., barley l\d., peas 2d., draget \d., oats \d. A man's wages for cutting fire-wood two days, 4«?. In 1359 the lord of the principal manor held in his own hands fifty-seven acres of arable land, estimated at from 4c?. to 8rf. per acre, and eight pieces of meadow or mowing land, valued at 202s. 4c?. a year, the quantities being about fifty acres; forty acres of wood at Is. per acre, and the cropping of the trees and hedges at 6s. 8c?. per year. In 1420 eight acres of arable land were let at Qd. per acre ; thirty-eight acres at 9c?. The hay of an acre was worth 5s. In I49I the Abbot of Bury let eighteen acres of pasture to a man and his wife and their executors, for eighty years, at 6s. 8c?. a year, or 4|c?. per acre. In 1500 the most valuable land was let at from Is. 4rf. to Is. Qd. per acre. In the reign of Henry VIII. thirty-one and a half acres of arable land were let at Is. per acre ; thirty-foul' and a half of arable and four and a half of pasture for 40s. In 1536 four acres of arable land let for 4s. a year, seven acres for 8s., and Clopton's Close in Hawstead (twenty-five acres) for 20s. (now worth £20 — 1813). Up to this period, although the discovery of INIexico had opened the gold and silver mines of that country to Europe, the jealousy of Spain of other nations prevented it fi-om acting upon the value of property in England. But towards the close of the sixteenth century an active smuggling trade was maintained between England and the Spanish American colonies, which poured a mint of wealth into this country, the effects of which were soon apparent. In 1572 thirty-nine acres were let for twenty-one years for £4 9s. a year, or 2s. Zd. per acre ; and fourteen acres three roods were let for twenty-one years at £2 9s. 3c?., or 3s. 6c?. per acre. In 1600 Hawstead Hall or Manor-house and 126 acres of land were let to William Crofts, of Bury St. Edmunds, for eleven years for £40 and ten coombs of oats a year, or about 6s. 8c?. per acre. In 1611 the dau-y-house, a barn, garden, several utensils of household, the use of the brewing and baking-house, with four parcels of Hawstead 26 AGRIOULTUKE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. Park, coutaiiiiug together 155 acres, were let for three yeai's for £85 5s. a year, Avhich is near lis. per acre. In 1616 a sm-vey of the manor was taken, and the demesne lands, consisting of 366| acres of arable and pasture land, and thirty-eight and three quarter acres of meadow, in all 405 i acres, were valued at £249 a year, or 12s. per acre ; thii-ty-nine and a half acres of wood at £12, or 6s. per acre. We shall now turn to another part of the country. In Bartlett's "Antiquities of Mancester," in Warwickshii-e, ayc find the following notices : — " The manor of Ansley in that parish was valued in Doomsday at 100s. In 1791 it was sold for £3,000. "In the reign of Hemy V. (about 1420) the manor of Wynfield, containing 2,000 acres, was valued at £7 9s. lid. per annum beyond reprises. In 1684 it was let at £250 ; and in 1791 it was agaia let on lease for twenty-one years, at £1,500 or 15s. per acre per annum." This last entry is a complete series leading to the following observations. In the year 1684, when the second letting took place, the influence of the influx of the precious metals into the country was in fuU operation ; and it is probable that if no other addi- tion to the circulating media had intervened, vei-y little advance in the value of land would have been experienced. But at the close of the seventeenth centmy a new element was introduced into the circulating medium of the country by the establishment of the Bank of England, and the issue of bank notes. For the first fifty years this had but bttle influence upon prices, because the Bank was not allowed to issue notes for a less nominal value than £20 imtil the year 1 759, when the privilege was extended to the issue of £10 and £15 notes. The restriction to £20 confined the circulation chiefly to the higher class of merchants and tradesmen ; but the issue of £10 and £15 notes brought them within the means of the more humble class of traders and agriculturists. The consequence was that land advanced rapidly, so that we find it iucreased in value, in the case of Wynfield Manor, from £250 to £1,500 per annum, or 600 per cent. Probably the same land would now let for 25s. or 30s. per acre, or from 66 to 100 per cent, higher than in 1791. Other cii'cumstances, however, have now intervened to increase the value of land. The establishment of the cotton manufactvire, and consequent creation of extensive markets in the northern hives of industry for every kind of agi'icultui-al produce ; the great increase of the population; the establishment of banks of issue in all parts of the United Kingdom ; the vast extension of foreign commerce, by which the wealth of the country has trebled within fifty years ; the institution of the railway system ; the employment of machinery and steam in agricidtural operations ; and lastly, biit not least, the important discoveries of the gold fields of California and Australia ; — all these circum- stances have combined to increase the value of land, and will probably continue to operate as the consumption of the country increases, and the individual accumulation of wealth by commerce and manufactures continues. But wo must give a few more illustra- tions of the progressive increase in the value of real property, to complete the series. Anno 1082. Robert de Oily holds Burmester for two manors. Those are fifteen and a half hides of land of twenty-two carucates, of which land three hides are in demesne, wherein are six carucates and five servants, and twenty-eight villaues, with fomteen borderers, and they have sixteen carucates. There ai-e two mills of 40s. rent, and twelve VALUE OF LAND AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. 27 acres of meadow. A wood of one quarantine (forty perclies or a fiu-loug) iu leugtli, and one iu breadth. Iu the time of Edward (king) it was worth £15, now it is worth JI6. (See Kennett's " Barchester.") " King John, 1203. Brunhall, a manor of King Edward. The land was always twenty- five earucates. In demesne there are three (carucates), there are twenty villanes and eighty-three borderers ; they have sixteen earucates, and there may be five more. There is one mill of 10s. rent ; a meadow of twenty earucates ; wood for 300 hogs. In the wliole, it pays yearly thirty-eight pounds of white silver [i.e., the pure metal before it is coined), and for the forest twelve pounds burnt and weighed {i.e., melted down). In the time of King Edward it paid eighteen pounds in number {i.e., in ready money)." 1335. Robert, Prior of Bercestre, and his convent, let and demised to John le Mann and Amicia Pekkard, his wife, and Walter Pekkard, their son, one messuage and fifty acres of land belonging to the said priory, to hold for their lives, and the longest liver of them, paying the yeaiiy rent of 24*. quarterly. In Grote's "Antiquities of Warwickshii-c" we find the follomng account : — "9th Edward II. (1316) 160 acres valued at 3 SECTION VI. RURAL ECONOMY— THE FARM LABOURER, HIS RIGHTS AND DUTIES. Rural Economy has been described as comprehendiug^ in a general way, the amelioration and improvement of every kind of riu'al property. It embraces, therefore, the laying out, enclosing, and cultivating of laud, aud the management of the different practices, operations, and processes which have relation thereto, or to its produce : the regulation of the various kinds of labour which attend them ; the disposal of different articles of provisions raised upon the land, at fairs and markets ; in short, embracing every subject connected with rural affairs and the pursuits of husbandry. This is the definition given of the term in Rees' Encyclopaadia ; but a more modem application of it imparts to it a greater distinctness and a more appropriate meaning. A young man, starting in life, finds himself in possession of just sufficient money to stock and carry on a farm of 200 acres, without the means of increasing his capital bj' any chance. It would be good economy for him resolutely to determine not to be tempted to exceed that quantity of land, but rather look below it than above it in the selection of a farm. But another opportunity presents itself of obtaining one of 250 or 300 acres, and he embraces it. This is not economy, but an abandonment of it ; because, at the outset, he finds himself so cramped for capital, that he is unable to effect those improvements which are of so much importance to be done at the commencement of a lease, in order to reap the full benefit of them during the term, and for want of which his fields will never yield their full produce. Many farmers, with just sufficient capital to manage the lands they occupy to advantage, are tempted, by the offer of others contiguous to their own, to increase the size of their farms, by which they find themselves hampered and embarrassed for life, without reaping a larger profit from the additional pxtoiit of land. 46 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. It may be good policy (so far as profit is concerned) in a new country, to occupy a large rather than a small tract of land. "Washington, in reply to Sir John Sinclair, who, in a letter, asked how it was that the rich lands of America produced only eight bushels of wheat per acre, said that " in that country land was so cheap, and labour so dear, that it answered better to cultivate a large quantity badly than a small one well." The farmers of the United States have generally acted upon this principle, and have therefore undoubtedly found it correct, so far as theii- o^vn individual interests are concerned. But in a national point of -view it is destructive of economy, because the lands become exhausted under the system, and thousands of acres have gone out of cultivation in the eastern states, whilst the aggregate produce of those states declines yearly. But whatever may be the case in that country, it cannot apply to om* own, where the rent of land, and the expense of stocking and cultivating it exceeds by five or six-fold that of the United States. It is the greatest error a young man can commit on entering into life, to take more land than he has capital fairly to cany it on. It is, perhaps, one of the principal causes of the success of agricultiu'c in Scotland, that no farmer, if he has only money enough to stock, &c., fifty acres, woidd on any account exceed that quantity. Rural economy, in fact, is better understood, and more efficiently carried out, by the Scottish farmers, than by the English, and their success has been the more certain. Rm'al economy, then, embraces the entire range of agriculture in theory and practice. In the present state of knowledge of the subject, it includes a certain amount of scientific acquaintance with the principles on which the art is founded, and -ndth the nature and habits of the plants and animals which are its results. Without this knowledge, the farmer of the present day will, like his ancestors, be groping in the dark, and either farming his fields at hazard, or in a stereotyped path, with no other reason to allege for it than that his father practised it before him. Perhaps there is no department in the manage- ment of a farm in which economy is less understood by the generality of cultivators than in the treatment and remuneration of laboui'crs, who are the working wheels, as the master is the mainspring, of the machine. To a consideration of this branch of the subject we shall now direct the attention of the reader. That " labom' is the basis and origin of all wealth," — commercial, manufactm-ing, and agricultural, — is an axiom which no man of reflection will controvert. Of what value were the gold-fields of California to the Spaniards during the three hundred years of their possession of that country ? What was it that stamped a value of many millions sterling annually upon them fi'om almost the moment that Spain had abandoned the coimtry (for a small consideration) to the United States government ? What, again, was it that in thirty years raised Chicago from a small village, not considered worth inserting in a gazetteer, to a city containing a wealthy and flourishing community of 130,000 inhabitants ? These and such as these results are the eflccts of labour. It is this that stamps a value upon everything that the earth contains or produces, and upon the land itself ; for where no labour is, or where there is a deficiency of labour, there land is of little or no value. In England, as we have akeady shown, whilst the land was in excess of the wants of the population, its value Avas as nothing compared with what it now is. It is labour that has been the chief cause of its present value ; and it is meet that the condition of the class of men who have been instrumental in producing RURAL ECONOMY, THE FARM LABOURER, ETC. 47 this result should occupy a large space iu the cousideration of those who reap the heuefit of their labour. " Farm lahoiu-ers," says Paley, " being the most valuable class of meu that a populous country possesses, should have every comfort provided for them that is com- patible ■\vith their situation, and conformable to the general interests of the commimity. Their wages ought to be, everywhere and at all times, sufficient for the maintenance of themselves and families while in health, with a sm-plus to provide against the day of sickness, Avithout their being under the debasing necessity of making apijlication to theii' neighbovu's for relief. Persons so essentially useful to society should not merely support existence, but have the comfort of wholesome habitations, with sufficient space of ground to furnish them and their families with changes of proper vegetable food without much expense." In an economic point of view, labour is an article of commerce as much as any other production. An excess of labour in a country will reduce the price, on the same prin- ciple as an excess of any kind of manufacturing or agricultural produce will do. On the other hand, a scarcity of labour will as inevitably enhance its price : because, where the labourer is free, and not bound to the soil or to the master, he can, under the circum- stances, avail himself of the competition to obtain an advance of wages. In the present condition of society, however, in England, as the labourer, in consequence of the law of settlement, can hardly be called a wholly free agent, there arc other considerations with an employer to prevent, in a great measure, the employed from reaping the benefit of competition, whilst he has all the disadvantages to bear from an excess of labour. Nor can the economic principles under which labour is brought by the laws of demand and supply, divest the labourer of those claims upon an employer springing out of the fact that, unlike other articles of merchandise — to which labour in the aljstract is not unjustly compared — the labomer himself has an intrinsic, irrespective of the economic, value of his agency, and which entitles him to a consideration beyond the mere commercial remuneration for his brute labour. It arises out of his humanity, which, however low he may be in the scale of intelligence, raises him infinitely above every other class of being aroimd him, and places him upon the same level platform with his employer. This question begins to be much better understood, and more generally considered than formerly ; and those employers who continue to treat their labourers as if they were cattle, or worse, form the exception, and not the rule. To " grind the faces of the poor,"* and extract from them the maximum of labom', whilst awarding them the minimum of wages, is no longer found to be good policy, if it ever was ; whilst it is admitted that, as intelligent beings, capable of and possessing the same feelings, capabilities, and aspirations as other human beings, those qualities were not bestowed upon him to be crushed and annihilated, but to be cultivated and improved by moral training. Such is the state of the question between the employer and the employed ; and we shall now point out some of those claims which the former is bound to consider, and to award to the latter. * At the commeacemeut of the present century it Was no uncommon thing for the farmers of a parish, iu orJer to tvade the high price of labour, to put the labourers up to auction every Saturday night; when, by an arrangement amongst themselves, they thus obtained their workmen at from Gd. to 8d, a day, and the dilTerence between that and the standard price of labour, which was from 2s. Gd. to Ss. per day, was made up out of the poor's rates ; thus making the non-agricultural part of ihe parishioners pay their labourers. The writer could name two parishes in which, of his own knowledge, the farmers practised this detestable fraud for some years. 48 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. The first consideration, in the remuneration of a labourer, is that of his physical wants. His animal nattire, and that of his family, require a certain amount of support, to enable him to sustain, without sinking, the arduous duties of his station. It is evident that it would be bad policy in a master to reduce wages so low as to incapacitate the labourer for properly and efficiently performing his work. On the other hand, as the supply of labour must necessarily be kept up, it is equally incxmibent on an employer so to pay the labourer that he may rear a family in decency and respectability. Wages, therefore, of labour must, as a matter of economic consideration, embrace these two objects — the adequate support of the labourer and his family, so that the former may efficiently fulfil his duties, and the latter be reared in such a degree of comfort and sufficiency as to prepare them at a future period for similar duties. The second consideration connected with his physical condition, is that of a decent and healthy habitation, which hitherto has been biit little attended to by agriculturists, although it is perhaps of more importance to the moral and physical efficiency of a labourer and his family than anything else. Uncared for, the peasantry of England, "■enerally, have been compelled to reside, huddled together in hovels, far worse in some instances than those provided for the cattle or pigs, and in which the sexes of the family are mingled in the most immoral and disgraceful manner, to the utter destruction of all decency of feeling in either the males or the females, and frequently leading to crimes of the most abhorrent character. Nor is the injury to the health of the labourer and his family less certain than that to his morals. For a whole family to be crowded up into one bedroom, scarcely large enough for the man and his wife, must be destructive of health, generating fever and other disorders, and incapacitating them for laboixr. Nor is it the least evil arising from tlie want of a decent and comfortable home, that the farm labourer is too frequently di-iven by its discomforts to the public-house or the beer-shop, where he learns to spend his money in dissipation, and moreover gets initiated into crime, as the testimony of all the judges and magistrates of the country goes to prove. Good policy, therefore, dictates to the employers of labourers, or the landowners, that they should — if they wish to lessen the amount of crime, and render their peasantry more efficient and more obedient to the laws — provide comfortable homes for them, so that they may have no, or at least less, temptation to spend their leisure time and their wages in enervatiug and enfeebling dissipation, and in acquiring those habits and practices which too frequently lead to crimes of the worst description. It has been deliberately asserted by country magistrates, as well as the judges of the land, that from eighty to ninety per cent, of the crimes committed in the rural districts have been concocted at the public-house or the beer-shop ; and that if these were done away with, or otherwise controlled, the functions of the magistrate would almost cease. If, then, this cannot be done, let the landlords counteract their evil tendencies by making it desirable for the peasantry to spend their evenings at home, by providing such habitations for them as shall leave no inducement to look elsewhere for enjoyment. But the labourer is a moral and intellectual being, however much these qualities have been neglected, and however low they may have ebbed for want of cultivation. It has been a maxim with many persons — themselves of cultivated minds — that to educate the peasantry is equal to making them above the law, and rendering them independent of all authority ; that it would be putting a weapon into their hands, with which they would infallibly leave their proper sphere, and become unfit to fulfil the duties of theu' RURAL ECONOMY, THE FARM LABOURER, ETC. 49 station. Such -were the absm-d ideas entertained by the country gentlemen of former generations, and by a few of the present day. But these antiquated ideas are becoming obsolete^ and a more enlightened spirit and policy have supervened. The example of Scotland, where all the peasantry are educated, and are so far from being injm-ed by it in then- moral and industrial character, or elevated above their sphere of life, that they are the most obedient and industrious laboui'ers in the United Kingdom, as well as the most enlightened and intelligent — has not been thrown away or overlooked. Many of om* noblemen and gentry are exerting themselves in theii' several districts to raise the character of the peasantry ai'ound them, by education and other means of enlightenment, and by awarding premiums for good conduct. When, however, we speak of education for the rural peasantry, we do not intend to confine that term to the mere mechanical arts of reading and writing. These, it is true, are considered the elementary parts of education ; but, in point of fact, of themselves, they form only one part of that moral training which fits a man for fulfilling worthily the station in life to which he is destined. To render elementary instruction useful and efficient for all the more valuable purposes of life, it must be accompaxiied with an initiation into those moral and religious principles which constitute the basis of worth in society, and which alone can render the acquisition of the highest intellectual attain- ments otherwise than dangerous to the possessor. There never was h. greater error committed by any government than that of enforcing a pm-ely secular education, without any reference to the moral and religious parts of instruction. "The grand object," says a modem writer, " in educating the lower classes, should be to teach them to regulate their conduct with a view to their well-being, whatever may be their employments. The acquisition of scientific information, or even of the arts of reading or writing, though of the greatest importance, is subordinate and inferior to an acquaintance with the great art of ' lining well ; ' that is, of li^dng so as to secm-e the greatest amount of comfort and respectability to indi\dduals, imder whatever circumstances they may be placed."* The principles here pleaded for, should be instilled into the peasant's mind in early childhood, in order to have their full effect. It is therefore good economy for the agriculturist to take care that proper schools are established, in which such moral and religious training and instruction shall be given, as shall fit the future man or woman worthily to fiU the station to which they may be destined. The question of the secular education of the rural peasantry has of late years assumed a character of absolute necessity, in consequence of the extended and extending employment of machinery, and especially steam power, in agricultm-al operations. Although for the present it may be desirable, and even necessary, to employ skilled workmen and engineers in the management of the various machines now in use, it must soon occm' to the mind of the farmer that he has a body of workmen at home, for whom it is both his duty and his interest to provide employment, and who are quite as capable of learning the proper method of conducting machinery as other men ; and that all they want is a suitable education. He has therefore a powerful motive to qualify those around him for the employment which he is now compelled to entrust to a stranger ; and the sooner the task is undertaken the better. The work is increasing beyond the ability or the qualification of the right workman to execute it ; and a very few years * " A Treatise on the Circumstances wliicli determine tLe Rate of Wages and the Coudilion ot the Lahouring Classes," by J, R. MaccuUoch, Esq. B 50 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. will bring about one of the most ■wonderful revolutions in the condition of nu'al affairs that can be conceived. Such are the principal claims of the labouring classes upon their employers, Avhose interest is, in fact, as much concerned in their fulfilment as that of the peasantry them- selves. When these claims, united with the system of cottage allotments and suitable habitations, are universally conceded, and not till then, the agriculture of the United Kingdom will become what it ought to be — a system of justice and equity ; and country life will be a scene of miiversal happiness and enjoyment, so far as the events and casualties of life will admit of. But the labourers, or husbandmen, have their duties to fulfil as well as rights to claim. The moral obligation is not all on one side ; nor are the claims of the employer weakened or neutralized by those of the employed, although the latter may not be conceded to the full extent of their expectations. This is no excuse for a neglect of those duties, or the commission of those acts of injustice which are too common with the agricultural labourer. It is unfortunate for the character, as well as the welfare of this class, that the law of settlement, as now administered, is nearly equal to the system of serfdom, as it, in a manner, binds the labourer to his parish, and almost to one master, let the latter be as unjust and as brutal as he may. In this case, provided the employer keeps strictly within the verge of the law, the labourer has no redress, the magistrate having no cognizance unless the law is absolutely bi'oken or set at nought. There is not a doubt Ijut that this state of things has, in numberless eases, driven an ignorant labourer, who has never been under aiay kind of moral training, to the commission of oflences ; and while it forms no justification, at least fully accounts for his delinquencies. Fortunately for the labourer, there are outlets of which he can still avail himself to seek employment, notwithstanding the stringent law which was intended to confine him to the parish iu which he was born. These are the manufacturing establishments of the country, and emigration to the British colonies, or to the United States of America. The extension of the former has already absorbed a large portion of the rural popula- tions ; and an additional number have gone out to people the wild legions in those new countries, which are rising to social and political iiuportance by the rapidity with which their wealth and populations increase. By these means the condition of those who remain in the country as husbandmen has been greatly improved, both by the advance in the price of labour and by the additional importance attaching to them in the estimation of the master — under the apprehension, that unless by a liberal treatment they can attach them to their present employment, they, too, will aljandon their native country, and follow their former neighbours and friends to the New World. We cannot be surprised at the unsettled condition of the agricultural laboiirers in many parts of the country when we consider the crviel harshness with which they are treated. In order to compel the peasants to leave the parishes where they reside, and thus lessen the poor's rates, many landowners pull down the cottages, and thus di'ivc them to reside in neighbouring towns or villages where they can obtain a lodging, and from whence they retm-n to their daily labour. On the contrary, many other noblemen and land proprietors have built comfortable cottages for their peasantry, with gardens attached to them. AVe have already referred to this subject, and instanced a noble duke as one of the foremost in this improved policy. The barbarity and short-sightedness of the former practice cannot be more powerfully illustrated than by contrasting the con- EURAL ECONOMY, THE FARM LABOURER, ETC. 51 dition of the peasantry under it with those under the latter ; and it is only astonishing that any man can be so destitute of the eommonest principles of humanity as to sacrifice the comfort of his fellow-creatures, ■vrho are dependent upon him for subsistence, to the sordid and selfish desire of evading the payment of a just tax. Can we be siu-prised that the ignorant peasant should forget his duties, and seek by unlawful or unjust means to increase his comforts, that he should be firofligate, and intemperate, and dishonest, when he sees that his landlord or employer makes no scruple of unjustly, although not illegally, depriving him of the shelter to which, as a native of the parish, he is morally and socially entitled ? Under such circumstances it is difficult, we admit, but not impossible, for the labourer to adhere to the straightforward path which it is both his duty and his interest to pursue. Nevertheless, it. is equally true that the injustice of the master is no justifi- cation of a dereliction of duty in the servant. Whatever may be the treatment of the former, the latter, if he continues in his service, is bound by every consideration of right — though not of gratitude — to respect his property, to avoid wasting his time, to execute his orders with promptness and in the best manner in his power, and to treat him with that manly deference which their relative positions demand. On the other hand, his self-respect oi^ght to teach him to abstain from those practices, which, while they waste his scanty wages — at best barely sufficient to support him and his family — lead liiin to forget every moral obligation due either to his employer, his family, or himself. He must avoid the public-house and the beer-shop as he would a pestilence, and as the source of nearly all the moral and physical e\'ils with which the agricultural laljourers are visited. Here it is that every scheme of dishonesty and illegality is concocted ; here the poacher, the fowl-stealer, the wrecker, and the perpetrator of more serious crimes meet, not only to plan their schemes of plunder, and to divide and spend the produce of their criminal pursiiits, but to employ every effort and every base argument to inveigle the young and imwary into their magic circle. They ridicule the idea of resting satisfied with the ordinary and scanty wages of labour, and boast that, with little effort and less danger, they can more than double their incomes, and be able, without starving their families and themselves, to enjoy the comfort of a cheerful glass and good company. And as to the danger of detection and punishment, it is only a short imprisonment, which, after all, is no great matter,* as the parish must in that case support the family. Such are the arguments used by the old adepts in crime to seduce aud ensnare the young, and which are too frequently successful. The encoiu-agement held out to the poacher by the excessive preservation of game by the country gentlemen assists the delusion, and thoi;sands of the rural populations are thereby led step by step into courses which end in the ruin of themselves and their families. It is the duty, therefore, of those who have the care of the education of the young peasantry to instil into their minds those principles that will lead them in after life to avoid those places and oppor- tunities of dissipation and intemperance, of which the least e^-ils are the pinching of their wives and children with cold and hunger, whilst they leave the men a prey to enticements which too frequently end in utter ruin, if not in the gallows. * The writer once had a poacher in his employment who had been an inmate of every gaol in the county of N., and when asked which he liked best, candidly re])Iied, he had no great fanlt to find with any of them ; but if he preferred one more than another, it was that at W., as they treated a poacher like a gentleman I e2 53 AGEICULTUEE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. SECTION VII. POOR-LAWS— TITHES. If there is one trutli in social ethics more potent than another, and which has ohtained in all ages, and in aU countries of the world, it is this — that " the poor ivill never cease out of the land." It matters not what form of government a people may exist mider, what may be the richness and productiveness of the soil, what the extent and value of its commei'ce and manufactures, or what the industry and application of the inliabitants — such is the constitution of man, and such the construction of human society, that there will still be a class whose destitute condition claims for them the sympathy and help of those who by a more fortunate arrangement of the circumstance of life are in a more favourable and prosperous state, and whose duty it is to administer to the wants of their indigent fellow-creatm-es. . Wlien, however, we speak of poverty, we do not imply merely the want or absence of wealth, or what is called competency. Although the possession of this is generally considered to constitute riches, it does not absolutely render a man rich. In point of fact, one man may be poor though in possession of a valuable estate, whilst another may be rich that seldom has a sovereign in his pocket, or is in the enjoyment of any of the luxuries of life. Neither of these are absolutely poor while they can obtain a sufficiency of the necessaries of life, the want of which, and the inability to obtain them, being what constiti;tes the condition of poverty. " A man's life consists not in the abimdance of the things which he possesseth," but in the enjoyment of those advantages which the goodness of Pro\ideuce has bestowed xipon him as the fruits of his laboiu', or the rcsidts of the circumstances in whicli he has been placed. In this sense, the husbandman with his 12s. or lAs. a week may be as happy, and therefore as rich, as the master whom he serves ; and, on the other hand, the noble, maji who numliers his acres by thousands, and his menials by hundreds, may, in reality, be poorer than the humblest labourer who works upon his land. Poverty, therefore, in the abstract, is the inability — whether fi'om misfortmic unavoidable, or mismanagement, or imprudence, or profligacy, or crime — to obtain the necessaries of life ; and the poor, whatever may have been the cause of their destitution, may demand, by reason of their humanity, that assistance from society which their abject condition requires. This, and this alone, is the basis and the object of all legis- lation on the subject of the poor. Without going into the remote history of the state of society previous to the Norman conquest of Britain, the state of serfdom which existed, necessarily produced a large amoimt of physical suffering, and absolute want of the necessaries of life, rendering the assistance of others indispensable. After the conquest, the strictness with which the feudal system was established and enforced increased the mmiber of those who, whilst they toiled for their daily bread, were continually liable to casualties which reduced them to poverty. For the relief of these there were no legislative or compulsory enactments imposed upon the wealthy classes ; but as the villeins or serfs were at the uncontrolled disposal of their masters or lords, and could be transferred by deed, sale, or conveyance from one owner to another, there was a general understanding based upon POOR LAWS— TITHES. 53 custonij and arising out of the common feelings of humanity, that the lord should provide for his villeins in eases of sickness or other accidents that incapacitated them for labour. But although the immediate eifect of the couquest was to increase the amount of serfdom as the consequence of the transference of the land from the Anglo-Saxon to the Norman lords, no new slaves were allowed to be introduced by means of captives taken in war ; and this is considered to have ultimately had the effect of abolishing slavery altogether, by causing it to die out for want of a fresh supjily. It is recorded by ancient writers that in the twelfth century a law was enacted in a great council at "Westminster to the following effect : — " Let no man for the future presume to carry on the wicked trade of selling men in market like brute beasts, which hitherto hath been the common custom of England." * The clergy of the Chui'ch of Rome frequently induced the lords to enfranchise tlieii' slaves. " Temporal men, by little and little, by reason of that terror in their conscience, were glad to manumitte aU their villeins , but," adds the historian, "the said holy fathers, with the abbots and priors, did not in like sort by theirs, for they had not con- science to impoverish and dispoyle tlie clim'ch so much as to manumitte such as were Ijound to their churches, or to the manors which the church had gotten, and so kept theii's still." " Indeed, such numbers were in their service that no less than 2,000 viUeins belonged to some of the richest abbeys."f Gradually the state of villeinage merged into that of servile tenants, allowed by theii- owners to occupy small portions of that part of their estates which lay farthest from the mansion, on condition of rendering certain services, such as reaping the lord's corn, cleansing his fish-ponds, &c. While not thus emijloyed in his lord's service, the serf was allowed to work for his own benefit, either on his own land or for others at wages. The introduction of the woollen manufacture into England in the fom-teenth centmy (1331), iinder the sanction and support of King Edward III., helped the process still further by increasing the riches of the people in towns, while the owners of land were in comparative poverty; and the freedom enjoyed by those engaged in mercantile or trading pursuits being accompanied with a superior mode of living, rendered the villeins discontented with their bondage, and led them to combine for the pm-pose of com- pelling their lords to grant them manumission. INIany of them fled into the towns, where they were received and protected by the manufacturers and merchants, who found employment for them. Those who remained were emboldened to treat their masters so insolently that they were afraid to exercise their power over them for fear of losing them altogether. % By this means were the viUeins converted into free labourers. The dreadful pestilence which occurred in England in 1339, by decimating the rural population, rendered those who survived more alive to a sense of their value and import- ance to their lords. "The Statute of Labom-ers," passed in the reign of King Edward III., while it gives a good idea of the value of labom-, serves also to show that the free labourer was not a rare or strange being, and that their numbers were sufficiently large to render them an object of legislation ; and although the statute was enacted in consequence of the labom-ers taking advantage of the scarcity of hands * Eadmer, vol. iii. p. OS. + Sir r. M. Eden, " State of the Poor," vol. i. p. 1 !. X Ibid., p. 30. 54 AGRIOULTUEE, ANCIENT AND IIODERN. created by the pestilence to demand double wages^ it also prevented the employers from reducing them below the standard fixed by the statute. It is evident that with the abolition of ^illeinage and the introduction of fi'ee laboiu', the obligation of the lord to support his former bondsmen ceased, and that the latter were thro^vn, so far as compulsory support was coucernedj upon their own resom-ces. The poor, therefore, in those days had lost Avith their servitude that aid in sickness or other casualties on which they could rely when bound to their lords. In this case, however, the clergy stepped in and supplied the deficiency by raising funds, in virtue of their sacred character, for the purpose ; and previous to the time of Elizabeth they and the convents were the almoners of the public. Independent of these, however, many benevolent individuals made permanent provision for the indigent poor, while others were induced to do the same in expiation of some crime, or for the repose of the souls of their friends. Still, the ecclesiastical body were the chief support of the indigent poor, and by their exhortations — in some cases amounting to command — obtained large sums for that pm-pose ; and not only this, but one third of the livings of the clergy were by law reserved expressly for the support of the poor, so that there was, in fact, a compulsory provision, although no legislative enactment to enforce it. The rupture between Henry VIII. and the Pope, or the Chvu-ch of Rome, completely changed the course of things relating to the support of the poor. The convents had, heretofore, been the mainstay of that class, and their suppression cut off their chief dependency. Independent, however, of those who were reduced by reason of old age, sick- ness, or other imavoidable misfortimes, there was a class of sturdy beggars, who roamed the country in a kind of semi-religious character, making a merit of poverty, and claiming by virtue of a vow the charity of the wealthy. These idle vagabonds were patronised by the convents and the Romish clergy in England just the same as they are in Spain and other Catholic countries at the present day. But the Reformation cut off" the resources of these also, and they could no longer resort to the convents, and there claim the aid which the monks were only too willing to accord to them. In future they must depend, while tolerated, on the eleemosynary assistance of those who still adhered to the Romish faith ; but the progress of the Reformation soon drove them either into foreign countries, or to change tlieir habits, and seek by labour to gain an liouest livelihood. There was, therefore, from that time, only tlie really indigent poor for whom a ju'ovision was neces- sary, and these were placed by the Reformation in the most helpless condition. The clergy of the Establishment were now the principal almoners of the volimtary contributions, on which alone the poor were supported. Their appeals to their parishioners ■were frequent and urgent ; and dmiug the reign of Henry VIII. several notices of the condition of the jjoor were to be found in the records of parliament. The means, how- ever, raised for the poor were found to be utterly insufficient ; and so urgent did the case become, that in 1601 the compulsory act of the -13rd Elizabeth was passed, -which continued the law, with but few modifications, for two hundred and thirty years, and mitil the present poor-law was jiasscd in the third and fourth years of the reign of William IV. This act of Elizabeth arose out of a pressing necessity. The voluntaiy source of support on >\hich the poor relied after the Reformation was nearly dried up, as we may gather from the frequent, ui'geut, and even menacing appeals of the clergy, and theii' reproaches of their hearers for theii' remissness in giving their money. This was the POOE-LA^VS— TITHES. 55 necessary and inevitable consequence of its being left to every one to give or notj as it suited bis purpose. People prefer knowing wbat are tbe real moral and legal claims upon tliem, ratber tban to bave tliose claims constantly brougbt before tliem^ witbout any definite knowledge of tbe amount to wbicb tbey are amenable^ or even of tbe precise accouut of tbe manner in wbicb tbey are disposed of. Tbe act, tberefore, of tbe 43rd of Elizabeth was accepted by tbe public as a fair, as well as a necessary, arrangement, by wbicb aU persons would be called ou to contribute according to their cii'cumstances, as shown by a prima facie view of theii- position in society. But there was a moral as well as a social necessity for tbe act. In consequence of the system piu'sued by tbe clergy and tbe convents, of entertaining those who were under a vow of poverty, but who were in fact too idle to work, swarms of lazy beggars infested the towns and villages upon the suppression of the monasteries, who preyed upon the industrious without scruple, and, as of yore, demanded that relief to which they assumed that theu- position and character for sanctity gave them a claim. But tbe spell was broken, and people began to question the right of these sturdy beggars to live at tbe expense of their industrious neigbbom-s, destitute, as tbey in general were, of a single qualification that could entitle them to relief. Tbe act, therefore, of the 43rd of Elizabeth at once put a stop to this system, and instead of receiving tbe eleemosynary relief they demanded, tbey were referred to the oflicials appointed under the act, who soon gave them to understand that they were not the persons who could claim the pro- tection vmder its provisions. Nor was this all ; for such persons had been taken cogni- zance of by an act passed iu 1530, wbicb divided beggars into two classes, namely, the aged and impotent, and vagabonds and idle persons. The first were licensed by tbe magistrates, in letters under seal, to beg within a certain precinct, as they should think they had most need. These were registered and certified at the quarter sessions ; and if tbey begged out of the prescribed limits tbey were liable to be set in tbe stocks for two days and two nights, and fed on bread and water j and a similar pimishment was inflicted upon them for begging without a licence. But upon tliose beggars who were capable of working a much more severe punishment was inflicted. "Every vagabond, whole and mighty in body, who should be found begging, and could give no account how he got a livdng, was to be tied to a carf s tail and whipped tUI his body was bloody by reason of such whipping ; and then sworn to return to the place where he was born, or last dwelt for tbe space of three years, and there put himself to labour." And in an act of the 27tb of Henry VIII., c. 25, a still more severe pimishment was inflicted upon those termed " rufflers" (noisy, boisterous fellows), and " valiant beggars." For the first offence tbey were simply Avhipped and sent home, as above stated ; but for the repetition of it, tbey were again to be whipped, and have the upper part of tbeii' right ears cut clean oft', and then sent home, as on tbe first occasion.* This act appears to have been an imperfect attempt to establish a compulsorj^ support of the iudigent poor ; for it not only calls upon tbe people to subscribe then.' money for that pirrpose, but it directs all ofiicial persons, both in cities, towns, and villages, to coUect alms fi'om benevolent persons, and to dispense them " in such good and discreet wise as that the poor, and others not able to work, may be provided, bolpen, and relieved, so that none of them in no wise be sufiered to go openly in begging." f The clergy, particularly, were enjoined by this act to aid by sermons, collections, biddings of the * Sir F. M. Eden, toI. i. p. 87. t IbiJ. vol. i. p. 85. 56 AGRICULTUKE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. beads, as in times of confessions, and at the making of wills or testaments of any persons, at all times of tlie year, in calling on tlic people to be liberal in gi^'ing tlieir money from time to time towards the comfort and relief of the said poor, impotent, decrepid, indigent, and needy people, and for setting and keeping them at work.* The above enactments, be it observed, were prior to the Reformation, from which it woidd seem that notwithstanding the encouragement given to begging by the monastic system, the evil had grown to such a height as to call for a measm'e to check it. "Among other bad eflPects," says Sir F. M. Eden, "which attended the monastic institutions, it was not perhaps one of the least (though frequently esteemed quite otherwise), that they supported and fed a very numerous and idle poor, whose sustenance depended upon what was daily distributed in alms at the gates of the religious houses. But upon the total dissolution of these, the inconvenience of thus eneom'aging the poor in habits of indolence and beggary was quickly felt throughout the kingdom; and abundance of statutes were made iu the reign of King Henry VIII. for prodding for the poor and impotent, which, as the preambles to some of them recite, had of late years strangely increased." f Even before the Reformation, the monasteries became alarmed at this increase, and complained of it to the king so early as the time of Henry III. But the system naturally engenders beggary ; to be convinced of which, any person has only to go to those cormtries in which the Roman Catholic religion, and consequently, the monastic system, prevails. There they will see swarms of sturdy beggars, of all ages, and of both sexes, whose only mode of living is the bounty of the charitable, who deem it a religious duty to give to them without any consideration of the merits of the ease. J It may be supposed that the breaking up of the monastic system, by which the stiu'dy vagrants who had been supported by them were thrown upon theu- own resom-ces, woidd naturally produce a great amount of crime ; and we find that in the latter part of the reign of Hemy and that of Elizabeth, every part of the kingdom was infested with vagabonds and robbers. To suppress these, the most stringent laws were enacted and put in force. Such was the severity with which these laws were executed, that it is said that 72,000 great and petty thieves were put to death during the reign of Hemy VIII. ; and even in that of Elizabeth, " there was not one year, commonly, wherein 300 or 400 of them were not devoui'cd and eaten up by the gallows in one place or other." In Somersetshire (as is related by Stiype), in the year 1596, only five years before the statute of the 43rd of Elizabeth, " forty persons had been there executed in one year for robberies, thefts, and other felonies ; thirty-five burnt in the hand ; thirty-seven whipped; 183 discharged : that those which were discharged were most wicked and desperate persons, who never could come to any good, because they woald not work, and none would take them into ser\ice ; that notwithstanding these great numbers of indictments, * Sir F. M. Eden, vol. i. p. 84. t Ibid, p. 95. i Tlie refrain of the old song would seem to intimate that the professional beggar was quite an independent character in his way ; and, we are bound to say, it is too much the case in the present day : — " Of all the trades in London a beggar's is the best, For when a man is weary, he sits him down to rest. And a begging we will go, will go, will go. And a begging we will go I "I've a bag for my oatmeal, another for my salt. And a little pair of crutches just to see how I can halt. And a begging," &c., &c., &c. POOR-LAWS— TITHES. 57 the fifth part of the felonies committed in the county were not brought to trial, and the greater number escaped censure, either from the superior cunning of the felons, the remissness of the magistrates, or the foolish lenity of the people ; that the rapines committed by the infinite number of wicked, wandering, idle people were intolerable to the poor countrymen, and obliged them to a perpetual watch of their sheepfolds, pastures, woods, and corn-fields ; that the other counties of the kingdom were in no better con- dition than Somersetshire ; and many of them were even in a worse ; that there were, at least, 300 or 400 able-bodied vagabonds in every coimty, who lived by theft and rapine ; and who sometimes met in troops to the number of sixty, and committed spoU on the inhabitants, and that the magistrates were overawed, by the associations and the threats of confederates, from executing justice on the offenders."* Such was the desperate condition of the country as revealed by the dissolution of the monastic orders and the suppression of religious houses, to the existence of which a large portion of this disorder may justly be ascribed. The indiscriminate relief they afforded, the sanction they awarded, on principle, to vows of voluntary poverty by laymen, and the existence of orders of begging friars, are quite sufficient to account for the large numbers of "valiant beggars" who infested the country, and preyed on the industrious when they found their eleemosynary resoui'ces cut off, and themselves driven to find out other means of securing a livelihood. Accustomed to an indolent life, they were too lazy to work ; and, therefore, when no longer permitted to beg, they took to more violent courses, which ended by leading tbem to the gallows. Another cause however existed, which rendered the condition of the honest and industrious labourers more difficult. This was the increasing wealth of the country in consequence of the influx of the precious metals after the discovery of America, and the conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards. This circumstance made no alteration in the price eitlier of labour or provisions for nearly a century after it took place. The reason of this was, that Spain took such precautions to keep the supply of gold and silver to herself in the first instance, that other nations of Europe profited but little by the discovery. But when, through the increase of riches, the Spaniards began to relax in their industrial habits, they by degrees foimd themselves compelled to obtain from other countries those manufactured goods, which previously were the produce of their OAvn looms. Thus, the city of Seville alone, when the conquest of Mexico and Peru had opened fresh markets for Spanish goods, employed 16,000 looms; but in a few years, so completely Avere the habits of the people changed, that the looms numbered only 300, and the merchants were compelled to go to England, France, and Holland for those articles, which their own countrymen could no longer supply to them. The following table shows the gradual advance in the prices of wheat and labour at the different periods specified. AVEUAGE PRICES OF WHEAT 4Ni) LABOUK FROM THE TEAR 1400 TO 1800. * Wheat, per qaarter. Labour, per day. £ s. d. £ «. d. From 1400 to 1500 6 71 6| „ J 500 „ 1600 17 5i 6i „ IGOO „ 1700 2 3 s' lOi „ 1700 „ 1800 26 ei 013 Thus, whilst wheat had advanced from 600 to 800 per cent., labour had not advanced more * Strvpe's " Annals," vol. ir. p. 290. 58 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. than 150 per cent. This alone will help to account for the large increase of pauperism in England. For, although during the sixteenth century the price of wheat had only risen 200 per cent., that of labour had not advanced at aU. And this state of things became still worse the next two centuries j and the same disproportion between the price of the necessaries of life and that of labour has continued up to the present time. It is very plain that the labourer was far better off in the fifteenth century^ when wages were only 6^d. per day, than when, in the eighteenth, he was receiving Is. 3d. per day. In the first case his wages were equal to nearly tlu-ee pecks of wheat per day; but in the latter they would scarcely purchase one peck. We have, therefore, quite causes enough to account for the necessity existing at the commencement of the seventeenth century for the enactment of the 43rd of Elizabeth for the maintenance of the indigent poor, to the consideration of the working of which we shall next address oui'selves. It is a fact well known to those who are acquainted with the histor)' of the agricul- tural labouring class, that up to a certain recent period — say about the year 1800 — per- sons of that class were the last to avail themselves of the legal provision secured to them by the law of Elizabeth. Many circumstances existed to account for this reluctance. In many respects the poor were well oft'j for, in addition to their weekly wages, there were the commons, on which they could keep a cow and a few geese, which helped to support their families in comparative comfort. Besides this, the industrious laboui'er was not the lowest step in the scale of society ; there was always a class who, by their impro- vidence and dissipation, placed themselves out of the pale of regular employment, and it was not allowable that these should starve. The workhouse, therefore, was theii- regular place of resort when they could not procure other means of support. This circumstance rendered parish relief still more odious to the industrious man, who, generally speaking, would make any shift rather than apply to the overseer for relief, in common with the thriftless, the drunkard, or the dishonest, who in many cases were the constant inmates of the poor-house when work was scarce. But when, at the beginning of the present century, and during the war -with France, the price of all kinds of pro\dsions rose to an enormous height, and everything used in housekeeping kept pace with it, it became necessary, in order to increase the production, to enclose the commons, and bring them under cultivation, which still further curtailed the resovu'ces of the labouring poor. The consequence was, that such was the distress amongst them, especially those avIio had large families to support, that the spirit of independence for which the peasantry of England had previously been distinguished was broken down. Deficient harvests heightened the calamity brought upon the country by the war ; and out-door relief was administered to such an extent, that a regular scale of allowance was fixed by the magistrates to be given to those who liad families, according to the number of their children. It may be imagined that under such a system not only did the poor-rates become enormously heavy,* but the whole body of the peasantry were reduced to distress ; and acting upon the old snatch of the song— " Hang sorrow and drive away care ; The parish is bound to maintain us," — they no longer hesitated to receive relief from the parish, but, on the contrary, the * The writer was on a farm in Norfolk at that period, the poor's rates of which were exactly equal to the rent, i.e., £350 a year. One of his labourers, who had eight children, received by order of the magistrates 20j. a week, from the rates, besides his wages, which were half-a-crowu a day. « POOE-LAWS— TITHES. 59 object was to obtaiu as mucli as possible by fraudulent means. Sucli impositions always accompany the disposition to live at ease without laboui- ; and the difficulty of detecting them arises from inability to devote the time necessary for inquiiy, and the indolence or indisposition of those whose duty it is to take the trouble of doing so. At the period of which we are now writing, the magistrates throughout the country appear to have been actuated by a conviction that it was impossible for a man to maintain a family by the wages he received for his labour, and they therefore acted upon that principle. Single men they left to shift for themselves, unless in times of sickness, or when unable to procure work. But all the married men were allowed so much a-head for himself, his wife, and each of their children, which system, in fact, was nothing less than paying the just wages of the farm labourer out of the poor's rates to the injury of those who had no land, but were equally assessed. But the great evil arising from the system was the injury done to the poor them- selves by thus accustoming them to receive gratuitous relief. " A law of this kind," says a modern writer, " would obviously render all those who by their exertions could at the utmost earn Ijut a bare subsistence averse to industry, which in such a case would be a sacrifice of ease without any increased advantage. If present industry were rendered useless, so would thrift and forethought become a folly, an abandonment of present enjoyment without an object. Every present indulgence that the law allowed would wisely be enjoyed ; good moral habits and bodily skill woidd have little merit, if the law should place those with them and those without them in the enjoyment of the like benefits. What appears desirable for a man's advantage, it is a virtue in him to do also for his ehildreu. The pauper's progeny would be themselves paupers, and the law would present to them every inducement to beget other paupers, and no inducement to refrain. Such we have seen the English pauper — slothful, thoughtless but of his parish pay, sometimes living to see three generations of his progeny paupers, like to, or worse than, himself." * There can be no qaestion of tlic rapid demoralization of the working classes under such a system, rendered necessary vmder the old law after the peasantry had been deprived of the advantages they once enjoyed in the exercise of common rights, and the price of provisions had risen to so alarming a height diu-ing the war. The evidence adduced before the commissioners of inquiry are sufficiently explicit on that head. " We have cases of three generations of paupers in the house at once," says one witness, " relieved at the rate of £100 a year." A clergyman in Cumberland speaks of the practice of that county : " A very diflereut description of women have of late years Ijccome the mothers of bastard children. Formerly it was confined to the daughters of cottagers, and girls employed in farm husbandry ; but of late, very respectable fanners' daughters have been in that situation, and have ajjplied to have their ofifspriug taken care of by the parish : " An overseer states, " We, at this time, in om* parish, are sujj- porting two bastard ehildreu, whose mothers have landed property of their own, and would not marry the fathers of their children." Another says, " The daughters of some, farmers, and even landowners have bastard children. These farmers and landowners and children with them, regularly kept back their poor-rates to meet the parish allow- ance for their daughters' bastards."t * " EucyclopteJia Britannica," article Poor-Laws, t See Report of Commissioners of Inquiry, &c. 60 AGRIGULTUEE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. That the working of the act of the 43rd Elizabeth was as had as it could possibly be, for nearly half a century previous to its repeal, there cannot exist any difference of opinion, and the declaration of Lord Brougham that unless the system was abolished it would soon absorb all the landed property of the kingdom, was fully justified by the annual increase of the sums raised for the relief of the poor. "Whatever wages the labourer received, not one in fifty ever thought of laying by against a time of sickness or slackness of work. One case in the Bedford level is recorded, in which the earnings of the labourers amounted to from £60 to £70 a year ; but upon a stoppage of works by a frost, and generally from November till March, almost every labourer came on the parish. When the farmers remonstrated with the magistrates upon these facts the reply was, " Why, what are we to do ? they spend it all, and then come and say they are starving, and we must relieve them." In the northern division of Devonshire, " the practice of granting allowance for children is so general and confirmed, that the pauper is in the habit of giving formal notice to the overseer of the pregnancy of his wife. Should the overseer refuse the application for the fixed sum allowed for the second, third, or fourth child, the magis- trate's single inquiry, on his appearance before him under a summons, would have been as to the custom of the parish or the hxmdred. ' At what number does allowance begin with you ? ' was the common mode of putting the question, as I was repeatedly assured by overseers. The previous or present earnings of the paupei', or of any of his family, ivere never mentioned."* " At Freston, in Suffolk, Mr. Stuart stated that ' a child is entitled to relief at the rate of 35. a week, on his own account, from the age of fourteen.' At Bottisham, in Cambridgeshire, a boy of sixteen receives 2s. &d. for the week ; he lives at home mth his father; the family consists of his father, mother, brother, and himself. Seventeen is the age at which a young man is entitled to separate relief as an unemployed laljourer. His pay then is 3^. Qd. The allowance to oiu- single young men out of employ used to be 2s. \0d., according to the scale of four quartern loaves, price %\d. Last November they came in a body to the sessions, and complained to the magistrates of the iusufii- ciency, and it was then raised to 3s. Qd. This sum they received when above a certain age, although residing with their families." f By the act 43rd Elizabeth it was not lawful to aflPord relief to any but the impotent, except in retm-n for work ; but this part of the statute appears to have been greatly neglected ; " according to the returns for the year 1832, out of £7,036,968 expended, only £354,000, scarcely one-twentieth part, was paid for work, including work on the roads and in the workhouse." The reasons for this were, that the task of finding work for the pauper was more troublesome and difficult to the overseers than gratuitous relief; that wherever work was to be paid for, there must have been superintendence, but where paupers were the work-people much more than the average degree of superintendence was necessary (it will be easily anticipated that the superintendence Avas very rarely given, and that in far the greater number of instances in which work was professedly required from paupers, in fact, no work was done) ; that collecting the paupers in gangs for the performance of parish work was found to be more immediately injurious to their conduct than even allowance or relief without requiring any work at all. Whatever might have been the general character of the parish labourers, all the worst of the • Report, &c., p. 31. t H^'d- POOR-LAWS— TITHES. 61 inhabitants were sure to be amongst tbe number ; and it is well known that the effect of such an association is always to degrade the good^ not to elevate the bad. The inter- ference of the magistrates in these cases was always injm'ious. " Under the idea of compelling tlie able-bodied pauper to find work for himself, they restricted the hours of labour for the parish to four or five. This half-work, half-idle kind of lifSj while the pauper was sure of his allowance from the parish, whether he worked or not, produced the worst but necessary effects ; such men became the worst in their several parishes, and were always found ready to join in any scheme of riot or distiu'bance, or of dishonesty, that might be suggested to them : and yet, in many instances, these paupers received more wages than the industrious poor. At Eastbourn, in Sussex, for instance, the average of wages for hard labom- was 12s. a-week, whilst the paupers received for their nominal labour 16s. a-week. Two families received in the year ending Lady Day, 1833, £92 4s., or nearly 17*. 9d. per week each ! No wonder that the wives of the independent labourers regretted that their husbands were not paupers."* It is impossible to conceive of a system more calculated to demoralize the whole body of the peasantry of a country than this. By it the idle and dissolute were placed in a condition of material comfort above the industrious independent labourer ; and, with a very imperfect training, it is not likely that the latter should be able to resist the con- taminating influence, and desire to share in the bounty thus awarded to his fortunate neighljour. And this process was accelerated when by illness, or some other casualty, the independent labourer was compelled to have recourse to the parish allowance. In such cases his spirit broke down at once, and his independence was gone. His former reluc tance to subject himself to the ignominy of pauperism gave way to the indifference of con- firmed dependence upon parish relief; and when again at worlc for his regular employer, he felt that the stimidus to industry and good behaviour was gone, and he became as reck- less aiad careless of pleasing as others, with whom he had been associated in his period of abstraction from his regular labour. Early marriages, too, were encouraged by tlie system. The single man, even as a pauper, was allowed barely sufiicient to support life ; but directly he married his prospects brightened. One child was an advantage, but every succeeding one was doubly so. "With three, his wages from the parish were more than equal to the pay of an industriou.s independent workman ; witli half-a- dozen, he arose to the dignity of being entitled by "justice's law" to 16s. a-week, with or vnthout work. " It appeared to the pauper that the government had undertaken to repeal in his favour the ordinary laws of nature ; to enact that the children shoidd not suffer for the misconduct of their parents, the wife for the husband, or the husband for that of the wife ; that no one should lose the means of comfortable subsistence, whatever might be his indolence, prodigality, or vice : in short, that the penalty which, after all, must be paid by some one for idleness and improvidence, should fall, not on the guilty person or on his family, but on the proprietors of the lands and houses encumbered by his settlement. Can we wonder if the uneducated were seduced into approving a system which aimed its allm-ements at all the weakest parts of our natm-e, which offered marriage to the young, security to the anxious, ease to the lazy, and impunity to the profligate ?" The reasoning in the above paragraph is abundantly borne out by the evidence given before the Commission of Inquiry, from which we select two cases. " The answers giveu * Rejort, &c., p. 39. 62 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. by the magistrates when a niau's had conduct is urged by the overseer against his rehef, is, — " We cannot help that ; his -wife and family are not to suffer because the man has done wrong." . . . . " And whereas it appears that the wife of the said Robert Reed is now confined in the House of Correction at Cambridge, and that he is put to considerable expense in providing a person to look after his said four children, we do therefore order the churchwardens and overseers of the poor of the said parish, or such of them to whom these presents shall come, to pay unto the said Robert Reed the sum of eleven shUUngs weekly, and every week, for and towards the maintenance and support of himself and family, for one month from the day of the date hereof. Given under our hands and seals this 20th day of February, 1833."* The statute of the 43rd of Elizabeth was certainly not answerable for all this abuse of the power of paying the idle and profligate out of the labour of the industrious. TJndoubtedly the state of the country was widely different at this period from what it was when the poor-law was first instituted, and that extensive alterations were requisite to make it square with the times. But everyone who looks at the question now, at a distance, must condemn the manner in which the law was constituted and carried out, — by which all that were bad of the rural population were encouraged, and the industrious made to contribute to their profligacy, whilst all that were honest and industrious amongst the peasantiy were left to theu' shifts to get through as they could. The system of out-door relief, in fact, as administered by the magistrates during the last thirty years of the existence of the statute of Elizabeth, was an exaggerated imitation of the practice of the monasteries — an indiscriminate distribution of the funds of the parish to all who applied for them, without reference to character or the means possessed by the applicant to maintain himself. The statute neither contemplated nor admitted of such a system as this, but provided that only the indigent and impotent should be relieved. The provisions of the statute were — " Eii'st, — to afford necessary relief to the lame, impotent, old, blind, and such other among them being poor and not able to work ; and, secondly, to provide work for such as are able, and cannot otherwise get employ- ment." For these purposes, the overseers of the poor were empowered to raise funds in each parish suflScient for the maintenance of the poor. Such is an abstract of the intentions of the statute which placed the distribution of the funds in the hands oi the overseers, assisted by the parishioners assembled in vestry ; but latterly the magistrates took the power of distribution fi-om both, and they who raised or paid the money were deprived of the control the act gave them of discriminating between the really and the fraudulent poor. The practice, in fact, was opposed both to the letter and the spii'it of the statute, and was as destructive to the morals as it was to the industrial habits of the labourer, and to the interest of the rate-payers. The only excuse that can possibly be given for this is the . unprecedented state into which the country was thrown by the war, and the consequent high price of provisions, without a corresponding rise in the rate of wages. This latter also wants explanation. In the valuation of a farm before hiring, it was usual for the valuers to estimate the rent of the land by the amount of the poor's rate rather than the price paid for laboiu". It was therefore the interest of the farmers that the latter should be low and the former high ; for the magistrates, as if to forward this view of the case, drew oiit a scale of wages according to their own estimate of the value of labour; and every labom'cr * Kt-port, p. 69. POOR-LAWS— TITHES. 63 receiving less than the scale was entitled to have it made up to him out of the poor's rate, upon the party showing that he depended solely on his wages for the support of himself and his family. This disastrous system, which opened the door to so much fraud on tlic part of the rate-payers (or rather the agriculturists, for they instautly availed themselves of it to reduce the rates of wages), originated with the Berkshu'e magistrates, with benevolent, undoubtedly, but shortsighted motives, to compel the farmers to pay their labourers wages in proportion with the price of bread. It had directly the opposite effect ; for it lowered wages and increased the poor's rates, at the same time destroying the independence and moral feeling of the whole body of the rural peasantry. An .anonymous writer, commenting on this system, says, " It is evident that under it, unless a man does work enough to get higher wages than those of the allowance system, he may (as regards the amount of wages) just as well do no work at all, for all that he gets will be deducted from his allowance, whereas every hour's hard work ought to better a man's condition." The only persons, indeed, who suffered under the system were the very men for whose benefit the act was supposed to have been passed — the labourers and their families. Prudence and forethought in them were punished instead of being rewarded. A man with a large family was, by common consent among the rate-payers in rural districts, employed so as to keep his family from being placed upon the poor-rates, rather than the single man, or him who had no family, or who had the means by labour, or otherwise, of supporting himself. Piece-work was refused to the single man, or to the married, if he had any property, because they could exist upon day wages ; it was refused to the active and intelligent labourer because he could earn too much. If he left his parish and sought work where there was a demand for labour, he was di-iven back — however much he and his new employer might suit each other — by some parochial expedient against non-parishioners, to his old home to receive as a pauper perhaps (jd. a day at road-work, at which he might laze away his time and acquire habits that would place him on a level with the lowest of the paupers, to which the miserable pay reduced him in his own estimation. The actual effect of this system was that the agricultural labourers were brought to look upon priidence, industry, and economy on their part as objects of punishment by their masters, while recklessness and improvidence entitled them to support and con- sideration. The former, suffering under an undeserved ban, and restricted by the unjust practice of the parish authorities, became, in their turn, reckless ; and, to make up an income adequate to their necessities, took to poaching, or fowl stealing, or other unlawful acts, to which so many of the peasantry have resorted, and which swell the number of criminals at the county assizes or the quarter sessions in the country. It will require two or three generations of this class to eradicate the monster evils of the administration of the old poor-laws, and to convince the peasantry that the new law, if duly submitted to by them, and humanely and properly administered by the authorities, is calcidated to raise him in the scale of moral and social importance as a part of the national family. The Commission of Inquiry into the working of the poor-law was appointed by parliament in the year 1831, and during its sitting a body of information was elicited from the evidence given before it of the most valuable and convincing character, and its report is considered one of the most masterly and conclusive documents ever presented to the legislature. The evidence went to prove that the mode adopted of 64 AGRICULTUEE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. giving relief raised tlie paujjcr and depressed the independent labourer^ and tliat the effect had been to cause the latter to abandon his position and character, and place himself on a par with the former. Thus the parish, as the best paymastei', Avas become the first instead of the last resource. They therefore recommended that any legislation on the subject should, above all, reverse the order of things, and place the two classes in their proper position ; that is, the pauper below the independent labourer. The report contemplated no changes in the principle of the ancient poor-law — the alterations proposed by them relating rather to the appointment of more responsible agencj', to assist and control that which had been found so inefficient except for evil. This was the only addition to tlie principle of the statute of Elizabeth; but some useless or injurious parts of the law — which although adapted possibly to the times in which they were adopted, had become no longer so — were repealed. The committee recommended, " First, that, except for medical attendance, and subject to the exception respecting apprenticeship, all relief wliatever to able-bodied persons, or to their families, otherwise than in well-regulated workhouses (i. e. places where they may be set to work according to the spirit and intention of the 43rd of Elizabeth), shall be declared unlawful, and shall cease, in manner and at periods hereafter specified, and that all relief afforded in respect to children under the age of sixteen shaU be considered as afforded to their parents." * The reason offered for what has since been termed " the workhouse test," was, " that it is demoralizing and ruinous to offer to the able-bodied of the best characters more than a simple subsistence." The person of bad character, if he be allowed anything, could not be allowed less. By the means which we propose, the line between those who do and those who do not need relief, is drawn, and drawn perfectly. If the claimant does not comply with the terms on which relief is given to the destitute, he gets nothing; and if he does comply, the compliance proves the truth of his claim, namely, his desti- tution. If these regulations were established and enforced with the degree of strictness that has been attained in the depauperized parishes, the workhouse doors might be thrown open to all who would enter them and conform to the regidations. Not only would no agency for contending against fraiidulent rapacity and perjury, no stages of appeal (vexatious to the appellant and painfal to the magistrates), be requisite to keep the able-bodied from the parish, but the intentions of the statute of Elizabeth, in setting the idle to ivork, might be accomplished, and vagrants and mendicants actually forced on the parish — that is, forced into a condition of salutary restriction and labour. It would be found that tliey might be supported much cheaper under proper regulations than when living at large on mendicity and depredation.t ' " Little need be said on the next effect of the abolition of partisd relief— in drawing a broad line of distinction between the paupers and the independent labourers. Experience has shown that it will induce many of those whose wants arise from their idleness, to earn the means of subsistence ; repress the fraudulent claims of those who have now adequate means of independent support ; and obtain for others assistance from their friends, who are willing to see their relations pensioners, but would exert themselves to prevent their being inmates of workhouse." J The recommendations of the commissioners were adopted, with some slight modifica^ ' Si'C Report, pp. 2fil, 2G-3. t IbiJ., p. 204. \ Ibia., p. 270. / POOR-LAWS— TITHES. 65 tions, l)y the legislatui'e, as was also the second specific measure of a " central board, to control the administration of the poor-laws, with such assistant commissioners as may be found requisite. And the commissioners shall be empowered and directed to frame and enforce regulations for the government of workliouses, and as to the natm-e and amount of the relief to be granted and the labour to be exacted in them ; and that such regulations shall, as far as may be practicable, be uniform throughout the country." * Adopting these views, the legislatm-e enacted that a board of three commissioners should be appointed by the king, and these should select assistant commissioners, who should receive the authority of the commission by delegation — the commissioners them- selves having power to control the entire administration of relief throughout England and Wales, especially the government of workhouses. The inequality in the populations of parishes, and the inability of many to fiu'nish any, much less a succession of officers to carry out the provisions, suggested the idea of unions of parishes. This was further urged in consequence of the inequality of the sums raised for the relief of the poor. It was found that the largest parishes paid the least per head of the population, the smallest, the most, and the intermediate, a sum between the two. Taking England throughout, the hundred largest, with a population of 3,196,064 inhabitants, paid 6s. 7d. per head; the hundred intermediate parishes, with IQ.Sil inhabitants, paid I5s. per head ; and the hundi-ed least parishes, with only 1,708 inhabitants, paid £\ lis. \\\d. per head ! With the above measures, adopted in the new poor-law, was combined an uniform system of accounts, and the appointment of paid and permanent officers ; an alteration of the bastardy-law, by which the onus of the liability to support the illegitimate child is made to rest upon the mother, the same as in the case of a widow and her lawful children ; and making it necessary to bring collateral evidence with that of the mother to establish her charge against the person she accuses of being the father. f With regard to the law of settlement, the principal alterations in it were the repealing the settlement by hii-ing and service, which, in a manner, bound the labourer to his parish, and created a dependence upon it ; the settlement by occupation without pay- ment of poor-rates ; and that by apprenticeship to the sea-service. Some alterations were also made in the law of removal of paupers ; but these are in some cases evaded with great cruelty, and in others legally enforced, with entire disregard to the justice of the case. The results of the alterations in the poor-laws are well known, and require no detailed account; but the following statement of pauperism in the twenty unions of Sussex, before, and one year after, the passing of the new act, is worth recording : — Population 205,936 Average annual rates up to the time of forminsj the unions £229,fil3 Rates for the quarter, Oune to September, 18:36 £27,044 Number of able-bodied paupers at the time of forming the unions ... 6,160 Number of ditto, March, 1836 544 Number of ditto June, 1836 124 We believe the improvement has been general throughout the country, and that now, * Report, p. 296. t " Au unmarried girl, npon leaving the workhouse after her fourth confinement, said to the master, ' Well, if I have the good luck to have another child, I shall draw a good sum from the parish, and with what I can earn myself, shall be better off than any married woman in the parish j ' and, the master added, she had met with the good luck she hoped for, as F 66 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. after seventeeu years' trials the country is perfectly satisfied with the change. The moral effect is quite as great as the material and social one. The only part of the act which strikes the humane as unjust and harsh, is the separation of husband and wife, and that of parent and children, when necessity compels tli£m to seek an asylum in the workhouse. To an aged couple, past work, this clause in the act is a species of cruelty which is considered by many wholly imnecessary, however plausible may be the reason adduced for it. To separate those who have passed their days together in harmony and love, and whose only remaining consolation is thus wrested from them,— that of sharing each other's sorrows, which would thereby mitigate them, — might surely be, by some trifling arrangement, avoided without increasing the biu'thens upon a union, or distm-biug the general arrangements imder the law. Tithes. — The origin of tithes is involved in some obscurity, unless we take it from the practice of the patriarch Abram, who paid a tenth of the spoil he had taken from Chedorlaomer, to Melchizedek, King of Salem.* This, however, was not a tenth of his income, or an annual, or periodical payment, and has therefore no affinity to the tithes under the Mosaic law, or to those now paid to our clergy. The case of Jacob also is alleged, in which he vowed to devote to God a tenth of all that He should give him, if He prospered him in his journey. But in this case also, Jacob, who made the vow, was himself, like Abram, a priest ; and the vow was not to another priest, but to the Divine Being himself. In both these cases, too, the tenths were free and voluntary gifts — in that of Abram, an isolated act of homage to a superior chief, or king, who was also a priest; and in Jacob, a grateful acknowledgment of the superintendence of God in the disposal of the blessings of life. The establishment of tithes as a means of support of religion was definite enough iu the history of the Israelites under the Jewish dispensation. They were of four kinds : — first, the tithe of all the fruits was given to the Levites ; secondly, the tithe, or tenth, of the remaining nine parts was set apart in each family, to be taken to Jerusalem for the service of the tabernacle or the temple j thirdly, the tithe of the tithe was to be given by the Levites to the priests ; and, fourthly, tithes of the thii'd year. These were for the support of the Levites, strangers, fatherless, and widows. The Avhole of these tithes are estimated to amount to one-sixth of the Jew's income. It is upon the Jewish law, as above stated, that the system of tithes under the Christian dispensation receives its sanction ; but if the two cases are closely investigated, they will be fomid totally difl'erent in principle and in detail. The Jemsh form of government was theocratic, and the Divine command to the Israelites to pay tithes, was closely allied with the ceremonial observances under the Levitical law. Under that law there was a special object in the establishment of tithes as a part of it, namely, the service of the tabernacle, and it was constantly and necessarily connected with the altar and the sacrifices thereon ; and besides, the tithes were not given to the Levites until they had been presented at the altar as " a heave-offering to the Lord," without which they were considered polluted and unsanctified. They were, therefore, a sacrificial oflering from first to last ; for when the Jewish altar and sacrifice were abolished, the tithes ceased, she told him, a short tioie before I was at Holbeach, that she was five months gone with chihl. 1 asked what she got for each child ? He answered, ' Two sbiUiugs ; and that women iu that neighbourhood eould easily earn live shillings a week all the year round.' Thus she wiU have fifteen shilliags a week."— Keport, p. 176. * Geu. xiv. 20. POOR-LAWS— TITHES. 67 and the Jews have never resumed the practice of paying tithes. It is not a little remarkable, too, and confii'matory of this view of the case, that for the first thi-ee hundred years of the Christian dispensation, tithes were never thought of, or attempted to be re-established ; and it was not until the Christian worship began to be corrupted by the introduction of an altar, and oblations, and lighted candles upon it at noon, that the attempt to renew the system of tithes took place. Another peculiarity of tithes under the Mosaic economy was, that although the Divine command was imperative, there was no civil penalty attached to its non-observance. The contributions, in fact, were voluntary, and only morally and religiously binding upon the Jews. Punishments were certainly threatened to be inflicted upon the Jews for the non- observance of any of the Divine commands as given by Moses, and that respecting tithes among the rest ; biit those punishments were divine, not human, inflicted judicially and providentially by Him who was the object of the worship, for the support and maintenance of which the tithes were appointed. This again proves that they were part and parcel of the Jewish ceremonial law, which was abrogated by, and upon, the introduction of Christianity; under which, no intimation is given by its founder of its renewal. On the contrary, it was enjoined upon the apostles to go forth and preach the Gospel ^\-ithout taking any precautions for their own maintenance. In accordance with this, they and theu- successors in the ministry, for three himdred years, were supported entirely by the voluntary contributions of the body of the believers. The first intimation in history of the adoption of the system of tithes was in 356, when, at a provincial synod, held at Cullen, they were declared to be " God's rent." It does not, however, appear that tithes were at all introduced into England until the year 794, when OfFa, the Danish King of Mercia, gave to the church a legal claim to the tithes of all his kingdom in expiation of the death of Ethelbert, King of the East Angles, whom he had caused to be mui'dered. It is supposed by some that tithes were collected fi'om the time of the arrival of St. Augustine j but there is no proof of this, and the law of Offa is the first intimation in history of their adoption, and of the church obtaining by law a civil claim to them in England. Sixty years after, Ethelwulph extended the right of the clergy to tithes over the whole of England. It should, however, be stated, that in 786, that is, eight years previous to the gift of Ofi"a, at a synod, it was decreed that the payment of tithes should be strongly enjoined upon the laity. This was in imitation of Charlemagne, who in 773 had established the system in France. He divided tithes into four parts : — the first, to maintain and repair the edifice ; the second, to support the poor ; the thii-d, for the bishop ; and the fourth, for the parochial clergy. The system was established thi-oughout England by a con- vention of the estates of the realm, consisting of the kings of Mercia and Northumberland, the bishops, dukes, senators, and people. Blackstone alleges, as another foundation for the establishment of tithes, the Fcedus Edwardi et Guthruni, or the laws agreed upon between King Guthrim the Dane, and Alfred and his son Edward the Elder, successively kings of England, about the year 900.* This arrangement both legalizes the exaction of tithes by the clergy, and imposes a penalty upon non-payment ; and this was confirmed by Athelstane in 930. It is worthy of remark, that the heathen nations exacted tithes for the service of theii' gods. Thus, Xcnophon mentions in his "Expedition of Cyrus," that they found a * Blackstone'a " Commentaries," b. ii. c. 3, sec. 1. f2 68 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. column, on which was an inscription warning the people not to omit offering a tenth of their revenues every year to the 'goddess Diana, whose temple stood near. The Baby- lonians, Egyptians, and Romans paid tithes — the two former to their kings, probably for ecclesiastical purposes ; and the latter gave a tenth of all they took from theii" enemies to the god Mars;* and Festus Pomponiust (a.d. 358) states that the ancients used to give tithes of everything to their gods. Such are the facts in history, upon which the present claim of the church to tithes is founded. Still, the question returns of the adaptation of a system which, in the case of the Israelites, was certainly merely ceremonial, and connected with a ceremonial institution which has wholly passed away, to another institution, the Founder of which repudiated compulsory support, and whose disciples and followers acting upon that repudiation, threw themselves upon the free and voluntary contributions of the church at large for tlu'ee centimes after His death ? Taking, however, the system of tithes as an established fact, as well as a law, of long standiug, we shall now state the objections to theu" exaction in kind, which induced the legislature of the country to substitute for it a rent-charge upon the land. The subject was brought before parliament in the 6th year of WiUiam IV. It was previously agitated in Ireland, where, by the advice and assistance of O'Connell, who might at that time be termed the de facto " King of the Irish," the people had almost wholly repudiated tithes, and set themselves in defiance of the laws for their collection. So determined and general was this opposition, that the clergy, being reduced to the greatest distress, were anxious for a change ; and the government, yielding to a necessity which was above every conservative consideration, introduced and passed a bill for the substitution of a rent-charge upon the land, payable by the landowner, and not by the tenant, who was from that period exempted from a direct tax, which had always been a source of dissatisfaction on account of the hostility of the majority to the established form of religion. The change effected in the tithe system in Ireland produced a movement in England for a similar measui-e. In some important respects, it is true, the cases were by no means analogoiis, the Chiu'ch of England being, in regard to its doctrines, in conformity with the great body of the people. Even many of those who dissented from its ritual regarded the tithes, by reason of their antiquity, as much the property of the impro- priators, whether lay or clerical, as the land was that of the landowners. Notwithstanding this, there were serious objections of a public and national character which, whatever might have been the case in former times, stood in the way of the improvement of the land and prevented its increase in value in proportion with other things. By taking one-tenth of the produce, without deducting anything for the rent, taxes, interest of money, and cultivation of the soil, the tithe, instead of being one-tenth, amounted to nearly (if not quite, in some cases) one-half of the profit of the farmer, and that without any of the anxiety or trouble of raising it. It is evident that this must ultimately fall upon the landlord, because, where the tithes were taken in kind, they always entered into the calculation in the contract for a farm, and were estimated according to the strictness with which the incumbent exacted his dues. Nor was their influence less felt in preventing the improvement of the soil. What- ever a tenant might effect in this respect, he was certain that the clergyman would take * Crosar's " Commeutiuies." f " De Verb. Sigaif." POOR-LAWS— TITHES. 69 far more tliau liis equitable share of the benefit. For instance : suppose a person takes a farm^ tlie land of wbich, in its unimproved condition, will yield twenty-five bushels of wheat per acre ; but by draining, subsoiling, extra manuring, and superior management, it is brought to produce, say forty bushels ; the tithes upon the latter will be four bushels instead of two and a half, the extra bushel and a half being taken without the receiver of the tithe having participated to the extent of one penny in the expenses the farmer has incurred in rendering the land more productive, and it probably amounts to nearly the profit upon the expenditure by which the increase has been effected; this, too, would continue year after year, as long as the lease continued. But this is not all the evil arising from the system in preventing improvement. A farmer, in most covenants of lease, is restricted from selling or otherwise parting from any hay or straw raised upon the land, in order to prevent it from being exhausted ; and any slight deviation from this almost universal covenant would involve the ine^itable forfeiture of the lease, whatever expense he might otherwise have incurred in improving his farm. This is no imaginary case, but one that has repeatedly been the cause of ruin to the tenant who has fallen into the hands of an imscrupulous and unreasonable landlord. Well, here was a system which, without any compensating application to the land in the shape of manure, took equal to the eniir-e year's produce every tenth year, of hay, straw, corn, roots, &c. &e., and without paying one shilling towards the expenses by which the several crops had been raised. It is no alleviation of the injury, that instead of being all taken at once every tenth year, it was levied upon the farmer by degrees ; the evil was quite as great, and as destructive to the land, though less felt, like all progressive evils. Had the custom been changed to every tenth crop of the entii'c farm, the monstrosity of the mischief to the land would certainly have been more palpable, but not less certain. The above evils of the tithe system were so fully and ably ui-ged in parliament, that in the 6th and 7th of W^illiam IV. a bill was passed by which the collection of tithes was thenceforth abolished, and a rent-charge substituted. This was denominated " An Act for the Commutation of- Tithes in England and Wales," and commissioners were appointed under it to carry out its provisions. The statute substitutes, in lieu of the right to tithes in kind, an amiual money payment, in the nature of a rent-charge upon the land, and payable half-yearly, with power of distress and entry upon the land in default of payment. The commutations are either voluntary or compulsory, being in either case arranged under the superin- tendence of the tithe commissioners. In the first case, meetings of the landowners and tithe proprietors of every parish were convoked for the purpose of coming to, an agreement for the general commutation of the tithes of each parish ; and the act declares that a parochial agreement to the payment of an annual sum by way of rent-charge in lieu of great and small tithes respectively or severally to the respective owners thereof — if executed by the land and tithe owners present, whose interest in the land and tithes of the parish respectively shall not be less than two-thirds of the land subject to the tithes, two-thirds of the great tithes and two-thnds of the small tithes — shall, subject to the approval of the patron and of the tithe commissioners, be an effective commutation, and bind all persons interested, as owners of the tithes and of the land in the parish. In the case of compulsory commutation, authority is given to the commissioners after the 1st of October, 1838, to ascertain and award the value of the tithes in a parish in which no previous commutation has been effected, the value to be computed ou an 70 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. average of tithes for seven years preceding Christmas, 1835, dedueting all necessary expenses for the collecting and preparing for market or sale (where the tithes were taken in kind), but making no deduction on account of parliamentary, county, parochial, or other rates and assessments to which tithes have been liable. Power is reserved to the commissioners, in certain cases, to diminish or increase the sum to be paid for commu- tation. Special provisions are made for valuing the tithes of liops, fruit, and garden produce, for the valuation of lands to which a seven years' average ^vill not apply, and for allowing for moduses, compositions, real, or customary, or prescriptive payments in lieu of tithes, in the award. The commissioners are to hear and determine disputes touching the right to tithes and the existence of moduses, &c., and claims of exemption from, and non-liability to, the payment of tithes ; subject, however, to an appeal by an issue at law, or, as the case may be, to the opinion of a court of law. The terms of the award to which the commissioners have agreed, having been made publicly known, and they having heard and considered all objections that have been raised thereto, shall finally confirm the award; and then valuers, chosen by the owners of land subject to tithes, shall proceed to apportion among the said owners the sum awarded. The amount of rent-charge is to be regulated by the corn averages, and land may be given by the landowners in lieu of the said rent-charge. By the 5th of Victoria, c. 15, it is enacted that lands shall be discharged from tithes after the confirmation of the avrard, and previous to the confirma- tion of the appointment, where secm'ity is given by the landowner for the due payment of the rent-charge. The rent-charge is subject to all rates, &c., to which tithes had previously been liable; and these, by the 1st of Victoria, c. 69, are to be assessed on the owner of the rent-charge. Such are the main provisions of the bill, which reflects as much credit on the par- liament as it did on those who first originated it. Not only was the tithe system a continual soui'ce of ill-wiU and bad feeling between many of the clergy and their parishioners, but in many cases the means of annoyance resorted to by both parties when disputes arose, were of the most disgraceful character. As a farmer could not remove his own corn until the parson had set out the tithe, the latter has in some cases been known, by way of revenge, to let corn remain imtil it was destroyed by the weather. On the other hand, farmers have given notice to the clergyman of theii' intention to take up turnips or other roots on a certain day, and when the latter has sent his horse and cart, the farmers would draw ten tui'nips and tell the tithing-man to take 07ie, " but it would not suit them to draw any more that day." * The injury done to religion itself by such bickerings as these was incalculable. What possible harmony could exist in a parish, or what moral influence could a clergyman possess, where such a spirit was displayed on either or both sides ? The interests, there- fore, of the Establishment itself were as much concerned in procuring the change as those of the landlord and tenant ; and all parties must rejoice that a soiu-ce of so much evil, moral, spiritual, and material, has been abolished. In almost all cases the collection of the tithes in kind excited a hostile feeling against the clergyman, because the very act proved he was determined to claim his rights to the very last farthing, especially when the small tithes, such as eggs, fowls, milk, pigs, vegetables, and other garden produce were collected, which was commonly the case, to the disgrace of the clergyman and the intolerable annoyance of the farmers. There is no doubt that at the time when tithes * Report. POOR-LAWS— TITHES. 71 were iutroduced into England, they, as well as rents, were paid in kind on account of the scai'city of money. Almost all trade also was at that period carried on by barter ; and the low price of land and of every kind of agricultm-al produce made it an easy matter to pay a tenth of the latter to the clergy. Even so late as Latimer's time (the beginning of the sixteenth century), which was just after the discovery of America, the rent of land was exceedingly low. "My father," says that great reformer, "was a yeoman, and had no land of his o^vn ; only he had a farm of three or four pounds by the year at the iittermost, and hereupon he tilled as much as kept half a dozen men. He had walk for 100 sheep, and my mother milked thirty kine. He was able to, and did, find the king a harness, with himself and his horse, while (until) he came to the place that he should receive the king's wages. He kept me to school, else I had not been able to preach before the king's majesty now. He married my sisters with five pounds, or twenty nobles apiece, so that he brought them up in godliness and fear of God. He kept hospitality for his poor neighbours, and some alms he gave to the poor, and all this he did out of the said farm." When we compare the abundance of the produce as implied in the above statement, which supj)orted six men, and enabled his motlier to keep thirty cows, &c. &c., with the small amount of money by which the rent and his daughters' fortunes were represented, we may readily conclude that it was far more easy, up to that period, to pay tithes in kind than in money. That the practice should have been continued after money had become more plentiful, and especially after the Reformation, can only be accounted for by the greater difficulty of effecting changes in ecclesiastical than in civil matters, and to the clergyman preferring the practice to that of being paid in money — because in one case he was certain of having all that the law gave him, whilst in the other a fixed sum only was paid, which might, or might not repre- sent his legal claim. The entu-e change in the social condition of the country had long rendered the practice, not merely inconvenient and annoying to the farmer, but unjust and disgraceful to the clergy. Such was the view taken by the legislature when the subject came before it for discussion ; and the result has proved the change to be in accordance with the principles of reason and equity. SECTION VIII. THE GAME LAWS. Perhaps there is nothing in the management of landed property more destructive to good husbandry, or more obstructive of agricultm-al improvement than the game laws, as they are now administered by the magistrates in many parts of the country, and the excessive preservation of game on many of the large estates of the nobility. The length to which this latter practice is now carried, and the stringency with which the occupiers of land are debarred from destroying the game which they have fed, or from in any way keeping down the breed of hai-es and rabbits, argues as little for their honesty, as it does for the good sense of the landowners. Perhaps, however, the farmers them- 72 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. selves, after all^ are to blame ; for if they would as a body set their faces against the system^ and one and aU refuse a farm on which the game is strictly preservedj — and which are generally kuown^ — the landowners would soon be compelled to make a change, and bring the system more in accordance with the spirit of the age. The " privileges of the chase" are of very ancient standing, having existed from a period long previous to the Norman Conquest. Before the reign of Canute it was almost exclusively a royal prerogative to kill game of any kind, not even the allodial proprietors being allowed to do so, except by hawking. That monarch was the first to extend to the yeoman the right of hunting and shooting with the cross-bow, as well as hawking, on their own land, but not on any royal manor, forest, or chase.* By the 13th Richard II., stat. I., eh. 13, a property qualification was instituted, and persons not having to the value of 40s. a-year in land, if a layman, or a benefice of £10 a-year if a priest, were not allowed to keep greyhounds, or use ferrets, or to take hares, rabbits, or other gentlemen's game. This qualification was increased fi-om time to time, until by the act of the 22nd and 23rd Charles II., ch. 25, sect. 3, it was raised to £100 a-yeai- in lands, tenements, &c., or £300 a-year in personal property. This continued the law until I83I, when the property qualification was abolished altogether, and any person taking out a licence was qualified to shoot on any land with the consent of the owner. The game laws are a relic of the feudal system, and are held by the lando-\vners with so much tenacity, that while they can command a majority in parliament it will be the last that they will give up ; yet they have been denoimced by some of our first la^vyers as unworthy of the English constitution and code. Blackstone says, " Though the forest laws are now mitigated, and by degrees grown obsolete, yet from this root has sprung up a bastard slip, known by the name of the game laws, now arrived to, and wantoning in, its greatest vigour ; both founded upon the same unreasonable notion of a permanent property in wUd creatures, and both productive of the same tyranny to the commons, but with this difference, that the forest laws established only one mighty hunter throughout the land, the game laws have raised a little Nimrod in every manor. And in one respect the ancient law was less um-easonable than the modern, for the king's grantee of a chase or free warren might kiU game on every part of his franchise ; but now, tliough a freeholder of a £100 a-year is forbidden to kill a partridge on his own estate, yet nobody else (not even the lord of the manor, rmless he has a grant of free warren) can do it, without committing a trespass and subjecting himself to action." f The forest laws were severe enough before the Norman conquest, but much more so after it. In creating the New Forest in Hampshire, Wdliam destroyed the country, and drove out the inhabitants of forty-five square miles (12,271 acres). Hollinshed says that all the county of Essex was once a forest. The four principal forests at present are the New Forest, Sherwood, Dene, and Windsor. The game laws are almost the only remaining statutory features of feudalism in England, and are in theu- nature perfectly sui generis, there being nothing at all similar * la Coke's " Institutes " it is stated that " the forest and chase differ in ciBcers and laws. Every forest is & chase, but every chase is not a forest. Both differ from a park in not being enclosed, vfhich the park must be, as its name implies, being derived from the French verb parquer, ' to pen up or inclose." " It is called in 'Doamii^y parens. In law it signifies a great quantity of ground inclosed, privileged for wild beasts of chase by prescription, or by the king's grant. The beasts of park or chase properly extend to the buck, the doe, the fox, the matron, the roe, but in a common and legal sense to all beasts of the forest.—" Institutes," lib. iii. cap. 5, p. 233, sect. 378. t Blackstone's " Commentaries," bk. iv., ch. 33. GAME LAWS. 73 to them iu nature in the whole of our social system. The laws that protect propertj% whether real or personal, do not apply, and have no analogy with those for the preservation of game. There is not, and there cannot virtually be, a property in a hare or a pheasant at large similar to that in a sheep, a bullock, or a horse. A landowner may certainly raise a head of pheasants or other game in his preserves, and by dint of feeding them constantly may prevail upon them to remain, or make that spot their home ; but unless he likewise incloses his preserve in an immense aviary he cannot prevent them from flying off to his neighbour's plantations, where they are no longer his, and may be killed by the said neighbour. With all his care and feeding they are wild animals still, and the property of any person to whose ground they choose to resort. He can neither claim them dead or alive, nor prosecute any one for killing them except as a poacher. It would be impossible to make a property of game otherwise than by confining them as we do rare foreign birds in aviaries. Even Colonel Hawker, who is a great stickler for proper game laws, confesses that, much as it would be to his private interest to make them property, he could not " conscientiously say that it would give satisfaction to the public. The most correct man," he says, " would for ever be liable to get into difficulties, by which means there would be more, instead of fewer, disputes between sportsmen and occupiers of land."* We have stated that the Game Act of 1831 allows the farmer, with the consent of the landlord, to kill hares and rabbits in any way without a licence ; and this was con- firmed by the act of 1860, when the new regulations respecting the game licences were enacted. These animals are considered by all except the inveterate game preservers, as vermin, and as such they ought to be destroyed by the farmer. But the statute, how- ever intentionally favourable to the occupier of land, is rendered nugatory by leaving it to the decision of the landlord, whether the tenant may or may not destroy these pests. This is a heavy grievance, because in a large majority of cases, the landlord will not allow the tenant to kill hares, whatever he may do in regard to rabbits. In other words, they who feed the game, and in some cases are eaten up by it, are prohibited from shooting or trapping as much as the stranger. " Following up the same bad policy, the landlords make war with the very men who, of aU others, have the power to be our best assistants, who are constantly on the groimd, and about it at all hours, and who have the lower classes under their immediate control — I mean the farmers. They who feed the game are subject to even a greater penalty than the unknown trespasser, and are liable to pay ^£1 for every head of game, in addition to the £2 penalty for trespassing. Can any man of common sense imagine that while such a law exists a farmer will exert himself to prohibit his labourers from poaching, or feel the smallest interest in pre- serving the nest of a partridge ? Impossible \"f With respect to the description of animals denominated " game," it has varied at * Hawker on Shooting, p. 497. An amusing incident illustrative of the folly of calling game property is given in an admirable paper read before the Farmers' Club by the secretary, Mr. Corbet, and afterwards published as a pamphlet by Ridgway. " A Sussex gentleman I met the other day, not a heavy game preserver, but who has a little quiet shooting of his own, gave me the following anecdote. During the past season he killed a few fine fat pheasants, to which his cook called bis attention as all remarkable for having no hach daw. He could not explain this at the time ; but, meeting the head keeper of a neighbouring establishment a few days after, he began to tell him the story as rather a curious fact iu natural history. He got no further, however, than ' they were in famous condition, and had no hack claws' when the other savagely interrupted him with 'Why, dang it I that was our toe-mark; you've been eating my pheasants,' as no doubt he had."- — Corbet's Tract, p. 10. t Ilawker, p. 493. 74 AGEICULTUEE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. • diiferent periods. Under the old forest laws it included almost every bird that flieSj and every animal that runs. In Coke's " Institutes" they are accurately defined. " There be both beasts and fowles of the warren. Beasts^ as hares, conies, and roes, called in records caprioli. Fowles of two sorts, viz., terrestres and aquatiles. Terrestres of two sorts, sylvestres and campestres : campestres, as partridge, quail, raile, &c. ; sylvestres, as pheasants, woodcocke, &c. ; aquatiles, as mallard, heme (heron), &c It is resolved by the justices and the king's council that cajjrioR id est non sunt bestice de foresta eo quodfugans, alias ferus. Beasts of forest be properly hart, hinde, buck, hare, boare, wolfe, but legally all wild beasts of venery."* By the act of the 2iid James I., ch. 27, the term " game " included by enumeration pheasant, partridge, pigeon, hearne, mallard, duck, teal, widgeon, grouse, heath-cock, moor-game, and hare. The water-fowl in this list ceased at a subsequent period to be considered game; but, on the other hand, early in the present century, snipes, wood- cocks, and rabbits were added to the prohibited list, and they still continue to be absurdly called game, although the two first are to a great extent birds of passage, and at best of that migratory character as to render them even less available as property than pheasants and partridges. The framers of the law could only have included them for the express purpose of preventing unqualified and unlicenced persons fi-om carrying a gun. By the act of the 2nd William IV., the occupier of land is allowed (as we have already stated) to kill hares and rabbits with other vermin, without a licence, with the consent of the landlord, which is so frequently withheld, that the legal permission is rendered in a majority of cases nugatory. We shall now point out the various objections that are urged against the present state of the game question, and the evils inflicted upon society by the laws. Some of these evils are of such magnitude that a few of our nobility have on accoxmt of them nobly abandoned the system of game preserving. If more have not done so it is because of the selfishness of the advocates of the system, and their desire to withhold from their dependents a privilege they wish to monopolise to themselves. In enumerating these evils we would defend ourselves from the supposition that we consider a due protection of game by law an evil, or that it should be lawful for any one to destroy it without restriction. We believe that if a liberal and honest law were enacted, allowing those who feed the game to kill it for theii' own use, it would meet the approval of the great body of tenant farmers, and that there would be no lack of game on the farms when the occupiers were thus endowed by law with an interest in its preservation. The old- fashioned field-sporting and wood-shooting with dog and gim is conducive to health, imparts a manly vigour and bearing to the character, and afibrds an agreeable variety in the monotony of coimtry life. On the other hand, there would be no justice in allowing any one by laiu, and without leave from the owner or occupier of laud, to run over an estate or a farm for the purpose of killing game, to the rearing of which he has not in any way whatever contributed. This restriction, however, is not intended to apply to those birds of passage and aquatic fowls which come and go, having no settled abode on our shores. These cannot by possibility be anybody's property, or form an exclusive privilege of killing them, and should, therefore, be left free to whoever may consider it worth his attention to pursue them. To abolish entirely the game laws, and allow every one to range the country for the purpose of killing game without reference to the owner or * " Institutes," lib. iii., cap. 5, sect. 373. GAME LAWS. 75 occupier of a farm, would be productive of as mucli evil as the present system. The appropriation of the land renders it unbearable, if not impossible, that it should be liable at all times to be overrun by any one who can purchase a gun or keep a dog. The interests of agriculture, and, therefore, of the country at large, require that trespasses on private property should not be allowed on any pretence whatever, and that the game should belong — not as property, but as of j)ri\ilege — to the owner or occupier of land, as they can agree between them. It is, therefore, against the excessive preservation of game, and the restriction laid upon the farmer who feeds it, that the observations are directed, and from which all the accompanying e\ ils originate. These are comprehended in — first, the injury sustained by the farmer and the nation at large in the destruction of crops; secondly, the encouragement given to poachers; thirdly, the employment of gangs of keepers ; fourthly, the demoralization of the lower classes ; fifthly, the lowering of the character of the landovraers. First, — the injury done to the crops of grain and roots is incalculable; but it may be said to be so great as to form no small national consideration, and would probably amount (it it could be estimated) to thrice the value annually of all the game in the country. The late Mr. Pusey estimated that three hares will consume as much as a sheep ; but even this does not half represent the injury done to a crop by these vermin. A hare is a very dainty animal, and in entering a turnip field in a morning, hungry, wiU chip off the rind of perhaps half-a-dozen tm-nips before he makes his selection for a breakfast. Every one of these chipped bulbs is by that act exposed to the action of fi-ost and rain alternately, and if it has done growing will infallibly be rotten as soon as the fi-ost goes away. It may easily be conceived what will be the effect upon fields bordered by coverts in which are kept from 200 to 500 hares, all of which are at full liberty, without molestation, to gratify their tastes as well as their appetites. The injury to the grain crops may not be so palpable to the eye as that to the turnips, but it probably amounts to far more in value. " Look at the progress," says a practical farmer and land agent (Mr. Grey, of DUston), " of a single hare. You see a hare enter a wheat -field ; you see him pick out a stem here and there in his course over the field ; he will nibble an inch or two from this stem, and he does not stop till he has cut off a great many. It is not that the inch he has consumed has any appreciable value whatever, but the ear of corn would have been matured, which the hare has prevented by cutting the stem ofi"; and if you consider the damage which is done by one individual hare in a wheat-field in one night, you will find that the damage done by these animals night after night comes to a considerable sum : it may amount to bushels an acre."* Another case is mentioned by Mr. Corbet. "My correspondent," he says, "is an extensive occupier in one of the best farmed coimties in England, but farther than this I shall not care to identify him. I shall allude to hares in the first instance, con- sidering them to be the most objectionable : they are in the habit of congregating together, and may be seen as many as one, two, and three liundi-ed, or more, in fields of from twenty to forty acres, feeding on the produce of the land ; and I need scarcely say they prefer the best and sweetest herbage. Game abounds chiefly on light soils, and dry seasons greatly favour their destructive habits. The cereals being of kinder growth and naturally of sweeter quality, it is here that irreparable injury is done to growing crops, be they wheat, barley, or clover, — constantly eating day and night, and all the * Corbet's Tract, p. 12. 76 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. year round, does it not become evident they must consume and destroy what would and should have been additional food for man and beast ? But hares are most destructive to crops in the months of May and June : always on the move, they cut their way through the corn and clovers ; and to such serious extent do they clear off roods, and in some instances acres together, that, literally, I have smelt the perfume arising from the ■withering influence of hot weather in those months. Independently of the loss just mentioned, which appears, as it were, sheer mischief, the com thus prematurely cut off will attempt to grow again, and, if some of it should be so fortunate as to get partially into ear, will always be so far behind the other portion of the field at harvest as to greatly injure the sample of produce already diminished in yield. It may be considered a pretty novel sight to see two or three hundred hares in an enclosure as we travel through the country, just as we view a herd of deer ; but does it strike the beholder they are eating the farmer's produce ? Is it just, I ask, that land capable of providing food for the country should be allowed, I may say, to be monopolised by game ?" Rabbits, it may be said, are individually less injurious than hares ; not being of so roving a disposition they keep nearer to their bm-rows. But, on the other hand, in their localities they destroy everything ; and in consequence of their breeding so frequently,— every month or six weeks, throughout the summer, — and having so many at a litter ; when they are preserved, which they too frequently are now, as the perquisite of the keeper, or even as a part of his salary, they very soon overi'un a farm, and lay waste every crop. Both these and hares ought to be considered by the legislatui-e as much vermin as rats and hedgehogs, for they are far more deadly enemies to good husbandry than either of the two latter. At Southacre, in Norfolk, according to the testimony of one of the most eminent farmers in the neighboui-hood, who calls it the " plague spot of the district," it is no uncommon thing for the party there to shoot four hundred or five hundred hares in a day when they shoot those coverts. And as to rabbits, they are sent to Sheffield by half-ton and ton at a time. " But if a fox goes to Southacre he gets his toes nipped The place swarms T*ith vermin — rats, rabbits, and hares." The ■writer, who is a landowner as well as a farmer, adds, " Preservation to the game — pheasants and partridges ; but destruction to the vermin — rats, rabbits, and hares ! " Such is the case with the preservation of hares and rabbits ; pheasants and partridges are generally considered as harmless compared -with them ; yet the excessive preservation of pheasants is kept up at no small cost to the farmer, not^withstanding they are regularly fed by the keepers. At seed time, it is almost in vain to sow wheat in the ■vicinity of a covert where there is a large head of these birds, for they are sure to scratch up and eat enoiigh to spoil the crop. And the case is still w'orse when the corn is ripe and on the shock. Here again we must refer to Mr. Corbet's paper for the following graphic description : — " Occasionally they do a great deal of harm and eat a vast deal of corn. No one M'ho has seen them perched on the shocks, towards the end of harvest, can suppose their investigations, at such a time and place, are directed altogether to the extermination of the wire-worm. And I am assured that during the last season, on the property of a noted game-preserving nobleman in Suffolk, towards the close of an autumn afternoon, three hundred pheasants were counted round a tenant's barley stack. I will not say exactly what they were there for. It might, perhaps, be a public meeting, called by some old cock, to take into consideration what effect the chancellor of the exchequer's proposition for a cheap certificate might have on the long-tailed interest ; or to devise GAME LAWS. 77 some measiires against the comiug discussiou at the Farmers' Club. However, as it is a pretty general rule with us to wind up all such proceedings with a dinner, I much question whether this influential gathering separated without partaking of some refreshment. The pheasants shall call the meeting, the marquis shall give the land to hold it on, and Mr. Martyr shall stand the dinner. But these bii-ds do not confine themselves to corn. At a recent valuation on the western Une, for damages done by game, a shepherd declared that, ' in the spring of the year, he believed the pheasants ate as much of the Swedes as his flock of sheep.'"* Secondly, — the encouragement given to the poacher by the excessive preservation of game, is in itself an evil that calls loudly upon the legislature to interfere. It is not denied that, whether game is preserved in large or small numbers, thei-e will still be reckless men who will risk the penalty they iucui', for the sake of the exciting pleasure of the lawless pursuit. In fact, it is exceedingly difficult to persuade a peasant that the destruction of wild animals, — as they justly consider them, for they are denominated /«•« natur, .-, The superintendence of the master over every kind of labour is incessant, whien ensures its being well done, and vrith as little delay as possible. Most, if not all, of * This was some years since ; we btlitve it is now lower. Ui AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. tlie Scottish farmers are practically acquainted with the various lahoiu's of husbandry, and are therefore well qualified for seeing that they are properly done. The farm- servants and labourers, therefore, know that it is at the peril of losing their employment if they neglect, or lounge over, or improperly perform the allotted task. The labourers, generally, are a well-conducted class, especially on the modei'ate-sized farms, on which the master has a control (if he wishes to exercise it) over the moral conduct of his men. There is, however, one flaw in the system, which has been the subject of much discussion in Scotland, and it is to be hoped it will lead to an alteration. We refer to the bot/nj system, by which all the unmarried servants of the farm are herded together in a hovel that the farmer would think it a disgrace for him to assign to his cattle. Some of the farmers have already improved these places, or erected improved bothies; but the system itself is bad, because it removes the young labom-er from under the immediate control of the master when not at work, leaving liim to the contaminating influence of whatever bad characters he may come into contact with. The employer is as much concerned in preserving him from this as the man is himself, and it is a short-sighted policy that leads him to neglect it. In other respects, the rm-al population in Scotland are remarkably steady and respectable in their conduct and behanour. They all receive an education in the parochial schools, which renders them intelligent to an extent far above the same class in England, whilst the attention paid to the Sabbath, and the universal attendance of the whole population on public worship on that day, imparts a steadiness and reflective tm-n to the character very favourable to good moral conduct. The servants arc usually hired for the year or half year, and do not receive their money wages until the expiration of the term. But the usual mode of payment is half in money, and half in produce, so that the labourer has the latter to live on, and receives the former in one sum ; which, after deducting what he requires for clothing, if he is a single man, is placed in a savings' bank to constitute a fund, on which to fall back, on his marriage, or in case of sickness or any other casualty. In some of the counties tlie largest portion of the wages is paid in kind ; in which case, wliile the married men are well provided for, the iinmarried have frequently produce to sell. The Scottish peasant is generally well dressed, and, on the Sunday, turns out to go to church in as good a coat as his master. The establisliment of an Agricultural Chemistry Association in Scotland is due to Mr. John Finnic, a farmer at Swanstone, in Mid-Lothian. The object he had primarily in view, was the prevention of the adulteration of artificial maniu'es, which, it is well known, is practised to an enormous extent, and by which the farmers have been shame- lessly plundered. As nothing but a rigid analysis can properly detect this species of robbery, Mr. Finnic conceived the idea of forming an association for the purpose of obtaining and remunerating the services of a first-rate analytical chemist, who would not only determine the value of a manure offered for sale, but by his knowledge of the nature of plants and their pi-oper food, would be enabled to give the farmers information on the application of manures of the homestead, and also on the best methods of feeding live stock according to the properties of the food employed. Mr. Finnic, in the first instance, wrote to Sir Charles Gordon, the secretary of the Highland Society, and requested him to lay the letter before the board of directors. The letter contained a rough draft of the plan on which he conceived the measure should be carried out by the society; but "cold water" being thrown upon it by the HISTORY OF SCOTTISH AGRICULTURE. 125 board, who replied, " that the object of the association was highly deserving- the appro- Ijation of the society, and the best wishes of the directors for its success," Mr. Finnic drew up a prospectus, which he offered to the farmers at the market at Edinburgh, and had the satisfaction of obtaining the signatures of sixty farmers on the first day as annual subscribers. He then called a meeting at Edinburgh, at which he laid before the persons present the ideas he entertained and the objects of the proposed association. He also sent a letter to every landowner and tenant in Scotland, explaining Its design, and calling on tliem to support it. At a subsequent meeting at Edinburgh, on which occasion Lord Viscount INIelville took the chair, while Lord Dunfermline and many of the most eminent gentlemen of Scotland were present, resolutions were proposed and carried unanimously, and a committee chosen to promote the measure, with power to call a meeting of the subscribers on a certain day for the purpose of formally Instituting the " Agricultural Chemistry Association of Scotland," and appointing the requisite officers. This took place on the 11th of January, 1843, and in July following, the society was In full operation, Andrew Coventry, Esq., being appointed honorary secretary, with a numerous committee of noblemen and gentlemen, and a subscription-list of £900 per annum, each subscriber guaranteeing his subscription for five years. The committee received applications from ten persons offering themselves as chemical officer; but the selection fell upon Professor Johnstone, of Durham, who having accepted the appoint- ment, entered upon his office at a salary of £500 per annum, and a moderate scale of charges for executing analyses. The association continued In existence five years; at the expiration of which (great bodies moving proverbially slow) the Highland Society began to conceive that a chemical department would be a proper adjunct to their institution. They therefore proposed that the association should be dissolved, and its labours transferred to the society; and upon the assurance of the directors that they would appoint a chemist, and give the tenant farmers the same privileges they enjoyed from the association, this latter was dissolved. Dr. Thomas Anderson was appointed chemical officer; and the results of his labours are now regularly Inserted in the quarterly transactions of the Highland Society, published in Edinburgh.* The quantity of land under a rotation of crops in Scotland, In 1857, was 3,556,572 acres, distributed in the following manner : — Wheat. Barley. Oats. Uve. Bere. Beans. Peas. Tares. Turnips. Potatoes. Fallow. Grass. 322,152i 198,3871 938,613^- 5,989i 21,607i 39,186 3,087i 18,418^.476,6911 139,819 18,582? 1,4.59,305J TABLE OP ESTIMATED GKOSS PUODUCE OF THE PKINCIPAL CKOPS (iN BUSIlELs), 1857. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Bere. Beans, &c. Turnips. Potatoes. 6,154,986 6,524,429 32,750,763 671,778 1,037,760 6,690,109 430,468 The rotation of crops in the Lothians, and in Stirlingshire, is rigorously kept up, and is generally as follows :— 1st, oats; 2nd, beans or potatoes; 3rd, Avheat; 4th, tuniips; 5th, wheat or barley ; 6th, grass. This allows but few animals being kept in summer, the small quantity under grass only fm-nishiug food for the horses and a few cattle or sheep. But in the winter, the cattle and sheep pastiu-ed on the mountains in summer are brought down to the Lowlands to be fattened. In Aberdeenshire the soil and climate are better adapted to forage crops, and the rotation is as follows : — 1st, oats ; 2nd, turnips ; * See Morton's Cyclopcedia, article " Scottish Agriculture." 126 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 3rd, oats, barley, or here ; 4th, grass ; 5th, grass ; 6th, grass. Great numbers of fine cattle of the native breeds, or crossed with the short-horned, are fed here for the London market. On the Cheviot and Laramermuii" highlands a good deal of land has been brought under cultivation, and a large number of the Cheviot breed of sheep are also fed on the natural pastures. Some have crossed this breed with the Leicester, and produced thereby an excellent type that fattens early to a good size. They are generally got ready for the butcher about the beginning of June. In Berwickshire the five course rotation is observed — 1st, oats; 2nd, turnips; 3rd, barley or wheat; 4th, grass; 5th, grass. It appears by the figures of the statistics that the oat crop occupies fully one-fifth of the cultivated land of Scotland under rotation, turnips one-fifth, wheat and barley one fifth, grass nearly two-fifths. On the richer lands of Haddington, Stirling, Pife, and Perth, the extent of beans and peas is larger, being a good preparatory crop for wheat, the proportion of which is also increased. Potatoes also take the place of turnips, which are more cultivated in Banff than in Ayrshire. The western farms are smaller, and the moisture of the climate renders it more suitable for dairies, of which many are kept. A very large proportion of the land in Scotland is incapable of cultivation, not only on account of its mountainous character, but owing to its sterility. Great improve- ments have been effected by draining and other methods, Ijy which the natural grasses are rendered more productive, and the moory soils made capable of bearing the cattle and sheep upon them. These highlands are now divided into sheep farms of large size and at low rents, the valleys only being cultivated, of which the proportion is small. These new arrangements necessarily, in the first instance, caused great luieasincss by the dispossession of the old tenants, who most of them emigrated ; but it is certain that the Highlands support and contain a larger population than they did before the new arrangements were effected, and that the material condition of the rural peasantry is much better. SECTION III. THE AGRICULTURE OF IRELAND. In the history of the wlujlc world there probably never was a more complete failure in a land system than in that of Ireland, or one which in its progress and final disruption inflicted more miseiy and disaster on all involved in it. The causes that have led to it are as numerous as the persons who have undertaken to cx]3lain them ; * and so compli- cated were their nature, and so hopeless the prospect of their removal, that a violent and despotical interference of the legislature was at length found to be the only means by whicli the land could be restored to a condition profitable to the owner, the occupier, or the country at large. * These may be enumerated as follows :— Ut, the law of entails ; Snd, the improvlJeuee of the landowners ; Si-d, the system of niiddle-men; 4th, the subdivision of the soil; 5th, the want of a middle class; fith, the abaeulceism of proprietors; 7lh, want of manufactures; 8th, excess of rural population; 9th, continual political and agrarian agitation; lOlh, depeudeuce of the cottiers on one kind of fi'od : Uih, thi^ effect" of fn-ri'^r mM..'.'v<'rnmfnt, THE AGRICULTURE OF IRELAND. 127 Tlie native agricultural resom-ces of Ireland are, at leastj equal to those of Eugiaiid. The soil is of a generous staple, eapablc, with proper culture, of producing both cereal and all other crops in aloundance, particularly roots, such as mangold- wiu-zel, turnips, potatoes, cabbages, &c. &c. Its pastures are proverbially rich in verdure, and their deep green hue, maintained throughout the year, has given to the country its sylvan name of " the Emerald Isle," by which it is commonly known. Irrigated in all its extent by a thousand rivers, brooks, and springs issuing from the mountain range which occupies the centre of the island from north to south, and watered besides by gentle showers of rain, which, vihilst not in the aggregate greater in amount than that which falls in England, is spread over a greater number of days, a florid vegetation, is sustained throughout the year, exhibiting a freshness in winter, unknown at that season in England. We add to these advantages a mild and equable climate, never either hot or cold in excess, being tempered by the western breezes, which, passing over the tail of the gulf stream, prevail in Ireland at least nine months out of the twelve. "With all these, and a thousand other som-ces of prosperity and wealth, the crisis of 1848 found the landed interest in Ireland steeped to the lips in poverty, helpless and hopeless of extricating itself by any efforts of its own ; and the whole system collapsed like a huge balloon rent by a storm. It would be foreign to our purpose to dilate upon the fearful miseries endured by the )'ural population diu'ing that awful %'isitation of famine, fever, and cholera combined ; but we may state that these calamities, added to an extensive emigration, which deprived Ireland of upwards of two millions, or one-fourth of its population,* deprived also, to the same extent, the landowners of their tenantry, and consequently of their rent. And so extensi\ely was this the case, that many large estates, especially in the west and south, had scarcely a tenant left ; in some districts you might have travelled twenty miles without meeting a living man or animal of any description, or seeing a single field in which the operations of husbandry were carried on. It therefore became utterly impossible that the heavy encumbrances upon the estates could any longer be * Tljt; writer, vvho resided iu Irclauil during tkat awl'ul crisis, aud had ample ojjportiinity, by his couaectiou with the press, uf leurniug the leading facts, has made the following estimate of the loss of population, and the relative proportions due to disease and emigration : — Population according to the census of 1841 8,] 74,031 Natural increase from 1841 to 1846,— TJ per cent 61:1050 Estimated population in 1846 8,787,081 Population according to census of 18Jl 6,550,210 Actual decrease . . . 2,236,871 Emigrations from 1841 to 1851 . \ 1,600,000 Decrease by disease ,, „ 636,871 2,236,871 The following are the returns in the " Blue Books " of the number of emigrants in the ten years from 1841 to 1851 :— ' 1842 .... 40,000 Brought forward 332,087 1843 .... 40,469 184? ... . 220,027 1844 ..... 58.285 1848 .... 184,410 1845 .... 86,949 1849 .... 218,699 1846 .... 106,384 1850 .... 217,460 1851 ... . 257,841 832,087 1,430,521 Migration to England and Scotland, and not accounted for in the Blue Books— say 169,476 1,600,000 128 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND HfODERN. paid ; and preparations were made throughout the country for throwing tliern into the Court of Chancery, which had already taken a considerable number of properties under its dubious protection. Under these circumstances the legislatm'e passed the bill fox- the establishment of the " Encumbered Estates Court," which is considered by all impartial persons as the only measure that has, or could have, saved the lauded interest of Ireland from almost universal bankruptcy. Whatever hardships may have been inflicted in some cases, in the first instance, by the precipitate sale of properties whilst the country was still in a state of collapse, and the value of land at the lowest point, the advantages of making purcliases under the act, soon became so apparent that a spirited competition arose, wliicli soon restored the confidence of the public in the natural resources of the country, and its ability by a new and vigorous development of them, to recover itself and enter upon a course of prosperity. By the division of the large estates submitted to the operations of the act into farms, a considerable proportion of land has been purchased by farmers who occupy and farm it tliemselvesj and thus has been created, what was so much wanted in Ireland, a middle class of yeomanry, whose interest in the welfare of the country is the strongest safeguard of its stability and prosperity. Another advantage arising from the ineasure was the infusion of capital, and its direct application to the land in the manner most profitable to the country. Formerly, what with the absenteeism of the landowners, and the large sums paid to mortgagees, annuitants, and other non-resident claimants upon property, a very small proportion of the rental of many estates remained to be spent in the country, whilst the corn and cattle were also in a great measure sent over to England, the population in the rural districts subsisting chiefly upon buttermilk and potatoes. But under the new system the land which had been abandoned by its tenantry, being placed under the operation of the court, was purchased to a great extent by residents, or persons who intended to reside upon theii' newly purchased properties, and to expend the produce in the countrj'. Another important alteration in the land system is the amalgamation of the small holdings, so as to form moderate sized farms, by which a better and regular system of husl)andry is rendered possible, which was not the case before. When Sir Robert (then Mr.) Kane, in 184-1-, wrote his celebrated work on the " Industrial Resources of Ireland," the subdivision of the land had reached its culminating point, having been encouraged, and almost enforced, by the political agitators of the time, in order to promote their incendiary purposes. The entire area of land in Ireland, according to Sir Robert Kane (" Industrial Resources," p. 244), was 20,808,271 acres,* distributed as follows : — Arable land 13,404,300 acres. I'lautations 374,482 „ Under towns and villages 43,929 ,, Uncultivated 6,295,733 „ Lakes and rivers 630,823 „ 20.808,271 „ * The projiortions iu the difl'erent iirovinces were — Acres. Roods. Poles. Ulster 5,312,189 13 Munster 4,834,803 1 18 Leinslcr 5,934,789 2 29 Connaught 4,233.190 1 t) 20,315,040 1 20 This statement differs from the above, but the latter beiug taken from the " survey," may therefore be considered correct. THE AGRICULTURE OF IRELAND. 1.29 The cultivated laud was divided iuto holdings as follows, according to the census of 1841 :— Farms of from 1 to 5 acres 306,915 'J.-o „,„ 5 „ 15 „ 251,128) " 13 "30 7^'95ih27%0 „ above 30 „ 48,312 i 685,309 These proportions were reduced in 1857 in the following ratio : — Farms of from 1 to 5 acres 119,084 ) nqo 017 5 „ 15 , 179,733 > " " 15 „30 „ 139.193] 295,575 „ above 30 156,383 3 594,392 The following is the abstract of the crops for the foui' years from 1855 to 1858 inclusive : — 1855. 1856. 1857. 1858. Wheat Oats Barley Bere and rye . . . Beans and peas Potatoes Turnips JIangolds .... Cabbage Parsnips and carrots . Tares and rape . . . Flax Meadow and clover , Acre?. 445,775 2,118,858 226,629 22,817 18,485 982,301 366,953 22,567 24,121 19.042 29,406 97,075 1,314,307 Acres. 529,050 2,037,437 182,796 19,891 16,034 1,104,704 354,451 22,201 27,968 20,734 29,183 106,311 1,302,787 Acres. 559,643 1,980,934 211,288 21,374 13,586 1,146,647 350,047 21,629 30,011 21,602 34,740 97,741 1,369,892 Acres. 551,386 1,976,929 190,721 16,489 12,876 1,160,056 337,077 30,027 33,107 23,450 33,441 91,555 1,424,578 And the following is the average produce per acre, for ten years, from 1849 to 1858 inclusive : — Wheat 5'7 barrels of 20 stone each, equal to 26^ bushels. Oats 7-8 „ 14 „ „ BsILj. „ Barley 85 „ 10 „ „ 88 „ Bere 8" „ 16 „ „ 36 „ Rye 7-1 „ 20 „ „ 35 Beans and peas . . . 2?'j bushels of 8 gallons each. Potatoes 39-4 barrels of 20 stone each „ 180 „ r Turnips IS'l tons. Mangolds . . . .16-6 „ Cabbage 13-1 „ Flax 35-8 stone of 14 lbs. each. Hay 2 tons. The entire quantity of land in the possession of freeholders in 1848, according to the Registrar-General's report, was 20,220,502 acres, of which 4,674,423 acres were returned as under bog, or unallotted waste; 2,162,421 in farms under 15 acres; 9,927,959 from 15 to 100 acres; 3,232,927 from 100 to 200; and 4,897,275 in farms of upAvards of 200 acres. F. 130 AGEICULTURE, ANOIENT AND MODERN. The next table gives the number of live stock, and shov6 the increase in foui- years, fiom 1855 to 1858 inclusive :— 1855 1856 1857 1858 Horses. Cattle. Sheep. Pigs. Value. 556,287 573,403 599,782 601,717 Increase. 45,430 3,564,400 3,587,858 3,620,954 3,601,594 Increase. 97,194 3,602,342 3,694,294 3,452,252 3,487,785 Decrease. 114,557 1,177,605 918,525 1,255,186 1,402,812 Increase. 225,207 £33,053,478 33,120,220 33,700,916 34,276,175 Increase. £1,222,697 One of the largest benefits bestowed by the Encumbered Estates Court upon the land of Ii'eland is the undeniable title it confers upon aU purchases efiected in it. The process is as follows : — When a petition for the sale of an estate is presented to the court, whether by the nominal proprietor or an encumbrancer, his right to do so being ascertained, notice of the fact is given by advertisement in the public joiu'nals, in which claimants upon the property are required to come forward and assert then" pretensions against a certain day, otherwise the sale of the property wiU take place, and they will hereafter be excluded from all participation in the proceeds. Every claim thus ])ut forward is investigated aud argued in open coiu't by professional men, the same as in other courts of law, and admitted or rejected according as the e\"idence estabhshes, or otherwise, a legal or equitable right. The decision of the court is final, and not, we believe, subject to a revision by any other com't; aud these preliminaries being adjusted, the estate is put up, either whole or in parts, aud sold by the commissioners to the highest bidder ; and, the purchase money being paid, a title is given which can never be the subject of litigation, except at the expense and risk of the plaintifl" in the case.* Previous to the establishment of this court, there was scarcely an estate in Ireland * A remarkable instance of this kind occurred in the case of one of the first (if not the first) estates sold by the court. This property, which consisted of several thousand acres, chiefly of wild mountain-land on the western coast, was sold under peculiar circumstances, at so low a price, that it was urged by the opponents of the act as a proof of the wanton spoliation of property to which the owners of estates would be subject. The price was £500 ; but so little was it considered worth the money, that the purchaser availed himself of some technical quibble and threw up the bargain. It was again sold at a lower price, and again thrown up. A third time, upon being submitted to sale, it was purchased by a wealthy Dublin tradesman for £350, and the bargain was this time concluded, and a title given. Soon after, the purchaser went to look over his newly-acquired property, which he found to consist, apparently, of chiefly barren granite rock, in the condition in which nature left it at the creation. In walking along the sea-shore, he thought he perceived indications of some sort of metallic ore. In order to ascertain what it was, he procured some peasants with piek-ases and spades, and soon raised a few tons, which turned out to be very rich copper ore, worth, at Swansea, from £50 to £60 per ton ! The affair soon became known : and in the course of a few weeks the proprietor had let the working of the mine to a mining company at £1,000 per annum. It happened, however, that about seventy years before, the then proprietor of the estate had escbanged it with the Marquis of Sligo for some land in the county of Sligo, and the marquis had sold it to the family of the party who placed it in the court, and who was at once owner, petitioner, and solicitor. The descendant of the original owner hearing of the discovery, wrote to the purchaser, requesting to be allowed to visit the old spot. This was granted ; but n hat was the astonishment of the purchaser on being served with an injunction from the Court of Chancery, restraining him and all other persons from working any mines whatever upon the estate, on the plea that the exchange with the Marquis of Sligo extended no further than to the surface, all "mines and royalties" being left out of the deed of contract, and, therefore, reuiaiuing the property of the original owner or his heirs. Had this estate been sold iu the ordinary course of business, the seller could not have given a title that would have covered the "mines and royalties;" but the precautions taken by the commissioners of the court, in advertising for claimants of every descrip/ion, and none appearing, the estate was sold absolutely, with the "mines and royalties" expressed in the deed. The claimant, therefore, came too late, and the Court of Chancery having no power to set aside the deed, the claim was annulled. We understand that the proprietor has discovered another copper mine upon the property, which he has let at the same rent as the first. — See the article " Irish Agriculture," iu the EdMuri/h Journal of Agriculture, by the author of this work. THE AGRICULTURE OF IRELAND. 131 to which a free and indefeasible title conld be gi^eu, and it was dangerous^ as well as expensive, to attempt to make a piu-chase. The charge for undertaking to search the register for the title of a large property was not less than .€500. In some cases, the charges upon estates dated more than a hundi-ed years back, and in one case that came under the notice of the wi-iter, they numbered a hundred and fifty, embracing every possible description of claim the law could invent or the proprietor grant. The task, therefore, of searching the register implied a tedious and minute examination; and the negligence of a solicitor might involve a purchaser in ruinous litigation. This Gordian knot was cut by the Encumbered Estates Court, by throwing the onus of establishing a claim, by a certain day, upon the claimant, and barring, by its final decision, all future litigation on the question of title. The result of this security in purchasing property imder the act has been most beneficial. A large number of English and Scottish capitalists and farmers have hired or made purchases of land in every part of Ireland, and have introduced there the system of husbandry practised in their own country, thereby changing the entu-e appearance of the land. Up to the year 1858, the number of these new settlers amounted to 756, namely, 660 Scottish, and 96 English. As tenants, those of them who have hired farms have been granted long leases (generally thirty-one years) at com- paratively low rents, in order to induce others to come forward. Most of these have taken over -with them Scotch or EugUsh labom-ers or stewards to superintend and instruct the native peasantry. The number of these immigrants, with their families, amount to some thousands, and by their careful and industrious habits, cannot fail to exercise a beneficial influence upon those by whom they are surrounded. This migration of British agricultmists, and their distribution throughout the country, is, in fact, producing a complete revolution in husbandry and in the character of the rui'al peasantry. The physical appearance of the land, as well as of the people, is undergoing a remarkable change. Industry has taken the place of idleness ; wages have risen from 4d., 6d., and 8d. per day, to Is., ]s. 3d., and 1*. 6d. ; and at harvest time almost any price may be obtained for eflBcient laboiu'. The large diminution of the rural peasantry, however lamentable may have been the cause, has undoubtedly relieved the country from a load of pauperism and misery that weighed principally upon the land, and prevented all attempts at improvement. The poor's rates, which at one time threatened to swallow up the whole produce of the land, have fallen below those of England, and in some districts are not more than from M. in the pound, as the minimum, to Is. 6d., the maximum ; in very few cases being so high as the latter. According to the census of the present year (1861), the diminution of the population is still going on. Without any other cause than that of emigration, the decrease amounts to 785,667, the emigration in the ten years since 1851 being 1,230,986.* * The following statement exhibits the actual stale of the population : — Present number, aceording to the census . S,'?64,543 Emigration in ten years 1,230,986 Number, if all had remained 6,995,529 Population according to the census of 1851 6,550,210 Number due to natural increase 445,319 This gives only about G| per cent, of births over deaths ; and if the immigration of English and Scotch were deducted, the decrease would have been much larger. k3 132 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. This is matter of considerable surprise, there being no weighty cause now existing to render a removal to another country necessary or desirable. The effect, liOTcever, wUI be to raise the price of laboiu-, and, at the same time, cause the increased use of machinery in agriculture. We should be failing in a duty we owe to a most beneficial institution if we were to omit to mention the incessant and patriotic exertions of the Eoyal Dublin Society, as well as those of the Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland, to promote the interests of agriculture in that country. The annual shows of the latter have been productive of a spirit of emidation throughout the country, both in the breeding and rearing of live stock, and in the improvement of the soil. By their efforts and instructions, a more rational system of husbandry is fast gaining ground, and root and green crops are becoming almost universally prevalent as a necessary part of a coui'se of cropping, and artificial manures are extensively u^sed. Some of the richest lands in Ireland, which, previous to the famine, were known to produce upwards of twenty barrels of wheat, of twenty stone each, per acre (amounting to ninety-three bushels per Irish acre, which is about one and a half acres English), were so reduced by exhaustion and the want of lime, that they fell off to a produce of from five to eight barrels, and it became a question with many whether it could ever recover its fertility, and whether wheat could ever again be cultivated to advantage. Lime is found to be an essential dressing for wheat in Ireland ; and it is a remarkable fact, that whilst a large portion of the country lies over a deep limestone subsoil, not a particle of calcareous matter has been dis- covered in the surface soil, proving that it has been formed of the debris of rocks at a distance, in which no limestone exists. The societies we refer to, have also employed lecturers to instruct the people in the principles of farming, by which useful information is disseminated. By their efforts too. Chairs of Agriculture have been instituted in all the Queen's colleges j and a great number of youths are in constant attendance upon the lectui'es delivered by the pro- fessors and others on the subject of husbandry. All their efforts, however, were in the first instance baflSed by the innumerable evils under which the landed property of Ireland was weighed down, and prosperity and progress were alike rendered hopeless. Since the breaking down of the system, and the transfer of the land to new owners and occupiers, their exertions have been unremitting; and, having a better material to work upon, success is crowning their efforts. Ireland has made a greater progress during the last twelve years than any country in the world, and, assisted by the aid of general and local Agricultural Associations, must still advance. Both soil and climate are particularly favourable to the breeding and grazing of cattle and sheep, from the luxuriance of its pasture-grounds, and the adaptation of the soil to the cultivation and growth of roots and artificial grasses. The produce of mangold-wurzel, when well manured, is extraordinary, amounting, on some soils, to seventy or eighty tons per acre. Hitherto, the north of Ireland has been the best cultivated part, being to a con- siderable extent occupied by the descendants of Scottish settlers. Although the land was as much subdivided in Ulster as in other parts, the rural classes were in a far better state than those of the south and west. This is to be ascribed to the union of manufacture with agriculture which prevailed there, almost all the female part of the population being engaged either in the weaving of linen or in the sewed muslin trade, of which an immense quantity is done in that part of the island. The flax culture and 1=1 [=1 1=1 THE AGRICULTURE OF IRELAND. 133 manufacture also employ a lai'ge number of persons of both sexes, and a great amount of money is paid to them as wages, by which their condition is rendered far more comfortable than that of tlieii- countrymen of the other provinces. Although the land in the north is generally less fertile than that of the south and centre, the farms exhibited much better management and system of tillage, so that a traveller, if ever so little acquainted with the country, in going from the south to the north, could not fail to be struck mth the difference. This, however, is much less the case now than it was ten years ago, so greatly has tlie face of the whole country been changed during that period. In remarking upon this improvement Lavergue wrote as follows : " This frightful calamity (the famine) has efi'ected what years of war and oppression failed to do — it has subdued Ireland. . . . What was before impossible in rural economy, hence- forth becomes easy. The too great division of the farms is no longer a matter of necessity. In place of seven hmidred thousand farms, there may be now, and indeed ought to be, only half the number, and, consequently, of twice the size. Where two families of cidtivators were imable to exist, one may in fiitvu-e live in comfort. Potatoes and oats, which had been grown in excess, may now be reduced within proper bounds. The foiu--course system may be more extended, and with it, rural prosperity, of which it is a token. Meadows and pastures, hitherto neglected, begin to receive the attention they merit, and which they ought to repay a hundredfold. Ireland will again become — what she should never have ceased to be — the Emerald Isle, -par excellence ; that is to say, the finest grass country in the world. Cattle, which were never sufficiently encouraged, because the population could not find enough to feed themselves, will now find a more abundant alimentation. Wages being no longer unduly depressed by a superabundance of hands, labour becomes more productive and better paid ; and, provided the impetus imparted to manufactures and commerce for the last few years is maintained and increased, the over-crowding of the fields need no longer be feared, even should the population rise again to its former level."^ The above was written in ISS-t, and up to this time the anticipations of the writer have been fully realized, but certainly the whole is not due to the famine. That calamity only prepared the way, and the Encumbered Estates Court has been the main instrument in the renovation of the country. Had the estates been thrown into the Court of Chancery, which they would and must have been but for the institution of the former eom-t, the consequences would have been the most ruinous it is possible to conceive, and instead of a revival of prosperity, the land of Ireland would have been doomed to perpetual sterility and unproductiveness. There is abundant evidence that such would have been the result, m the condition of those estates which had been placed under the superintendence of Chancery. What with the interminable litigation that was sure to follow,* and the abominable management of the agents employed, such * The Duke de Grammont asked the Chancellor D'Aguesseau on some occasion, whether, with his eiperience of the chicanery in legal processes, and of their length, he had never thought of some regulation which would put an end to them? " I had gone so far," replied the chancellor, "as to commit a plan of such a regulation to writing; but after I had made some progress, I reflected on the great number of advocates, attorneys, and officers of justice whom it would ruin ; compassion for them made the pen fall from my hand. The length and number of lawsuits confer on the gentlemen of the long robe their wealth and autliority; one must therefore continue to jiermit their infant growth and everlasting endurance" (See Butler's "Reminiscences," p. 58.) The same selfish and unworthy motive caused the strenuous opposition of the Irish lawyers to the Encumbered Estates Acts, and still prevents the passing of a similar measure for England. The contrast between light and darkness is not greater than that between the Encumbered Estates Court in Ireland and the Court of Chancery. 13 i AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. properties became uotliiug else than a prey to tlie ''gentlemen of the long robe" who had the good fortune to be engaged in the suits, and who generally managed to absorb all that was left of them in the expenses. The importance of the institution of the Encumbered Estates Court will be at 'once admitted when we consider the vast extent of its operations. The following is a summary of its proceedings during the twelve years that the act has been in force : — "In 1848, the Act 11 and 12 Vict., c. 48, to facilitate the sale of encumbered estates in Ireland was passed; but o«ing to the defectiveness of its construction it proved wholly inoperative ; and in the following year, 1849, the Act of 12 and 13 Vict., c. 77, was passed. Under the pro^asions of this act, a royal commission was issued, under the title of ' The Commission for sale of Encumbered Estates in Ireland,' having three commissioners, appointed by the crown ; and to be a Court of Record, with powers to frame rules for regulating its proceedings ; which rules, when approved of by the Privy Council and enrolled in Chancery, were to have the same authority as if enacted by parliament. "The commissioners commenced their sittings for the despatch of business in October, 1849. The total number of petitions presented to the commissioners in the eight years ended 31st August, 1857, were 4,413. Of these 1,363 have been lodged by owners, and the com't has made 3,547 absolute orders for sale. The first sale was held on the 21st of February, 1850. " In 1858, an act was passed extending the powers of the Encumbered Estates Court for the sale of encumbered properties to properties that are unenciimbered. By this act, the judges and officers of the former coiu't are transferred to a new court, called ' The Landed Estates Court,' which commenced its sittings on the 1st of November. "The gross amount produced by sales from October, 1849, up to August, 1859, was £25,190,839. The court has distributed to creditors £24,229,027, inclusive of .€3,692,611 allowed to encumbrancers who became purchasers. A sum of .€961,809 remains in hand to satisfy unadjusted claims."* The eifect of the liberation of so large an extent of piroperty from the weight of encumbrances \inder which it had lain, and the admission of such an influx of capital in its cultivation as has been already expended, may readily be conceived. The want of this latter was one of the great excuses for the little progress made in agriculture and other industrial piu'suits ; the real fact, however, was, that there was no real want of capital in Ireland, as was proved by the Irish investments in the English funds, amounting to several millions annuallj^ ; and the additional fact, that most of the land sold under the act has been pui'chased by Irishmen and paid for with Irish capital. The main cause was the insecm'ity hanging over the possession of land, whether as proprietor or tenant, but especially the former, on account of the number of claimants who in many cases started upt to dispute a title to lauded property with the nominal owner. On the other hand, it was dangerous for a farmer to take laud as a tenant, lest he should be committing an agrarian crime against the laws of the Ribbon Society, which was sure to be visited with condign punishment. * See Thorn's " Dublin Directory," for 1861. t A friinJ of the writer's tenanted a property in Ireland, for the rent of which five claimants served him with notices of action if it was not paid to them. The result was, he held the property for some years, and by the advice of a clever lawyer, paid nothing, and was never sued for it. HISTORY OP FKENCH AGRICULTURE. 135 These are no fictitious or slight obstacles iii the way of Ireland's prosperity. Numberless instances have occurred in which murder has resulted, or gross outrages at least been committed, upon persons hiring land that was claimed by others as tenants. Nor have piu'chasers under the Encumbered Estates Act lieen in all cases allowed to hold possession with impunity, several lives having been sacrificed to the lawless and vindictive vengeance of the Ribbon Society, whose baneful influence is felt in every part of Ireland, and the existence of which is a standing reproach to the nation at large. There is not a doubt that it is in the power of the Roman Catholic priesthood to put down the society if they chose ; but there is too much reason to believe, that while ostensibly pretending to discountenance, they secretly encourage it. Catholics, when asked why they pay no attention to the denunciations of the priests, reply at once, "Because we do not believe they are in earnest in their denunciations."* Nor is it possible for them to svippose their priests sincere, when the latter denounce the victims of the society at the altar before a murder, and absolve the murderer imme- diately after it, and, in some eases, also before. Nothing is wanting to the increase of Ireland's prosperity and happiness but the entire suppression of that agitation which has been all along its bane and its disgrace. " With every element of wealth in its soil, and with a climate incomparable to that of either England or Scotland in salubrity and adaptation to the pui'suits of agriculture, she only wants to be freed from those secret associations which every now and then manifest their presence by agrarian outrages and lawless denunciations, and which have to so great an extent prevented capital and skill from flowing into the country, whilst it has driven some of the most valuable characters to absent themselves from their estates, and to reside where they can live unmolested and at peace. Emigration, it is true, has removed a large portion of the population most addicted to those unmanly and dastardly crimes which inflict so deep a stain ixpon the national character. Recent events, how- ever, unfortunately prove that the spirit is still latent, and that human life is considered of no value, when set in competition with the possession of a patch of land, or any other agrarian object. The cry of ' Ireland for the Irish ' is still acted upon, if not openly pronounced, notwithstanding the advantages the country has derived from the establishment of English and Scottish agriculturists, aud the improved condition of the peasantry consequent on the great advance in the price of labour." f SECTION IV. HISTORY OF FRENCH AGRICULTURE. It has been remarked by an eminent writer that " the history of the kingdom of France affords a striking example of how little can be done towards the imj)rovement of agricultui-e by the mere efi'orts of government or of speculative men in publishing books * See evidence of H. W. Rowau, Esq., before the committee of the Lords ia 1839, t See Journal of Agriculture for 1859, p. 185. 133 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT ^iND MODERN. or offering premiums for treatises on the subject." This, however, although true, is not the whole truth. The writer (Forsyth) might have added that the necessity for the interference of a government in agriculture can only exist under a despotism, and that agriculture, as well as every other industry, requires perfect freedom of action to ensure success and progress. France affords a complete illustration of the evils arising from a want, or the absence, of such freedom. At the commencement of the seventeenth century great efforts were made in France to revive agriculture in that country. Many eminent writers arose, and works of great merit were published by Palissy, Olivier Deserres, Lebault, and others. The second of these, Deserres, possessed a considerable landed property at Pradel, in Vivarais, where he lived a retired life and cultivated his own estate. His principal work was the " Theatre d'Agricultui-e," which was published in 1600, and is reckoned by Lavergne as the best treatise on agriculture existing in any modern language. " All the good systems of agriculture," says Mr. Lavergne, "were known in Olivier's time. He gives directions which might be followed by our agricultui'ists at the present day. Production made rapid progress iu the course of a few years ' to the great profit of your people,' he says, addressing the king in his dedication, ' dwelling safely under their fig-tree, culti- vating their land; and who, under shelter of your majesty, have justice and peace dwelling with them.'"-*- Provence and Languedoc, on the borders of which Deserre's estate was situated, were considered the best cultivated parts of France at this period. The assassination of Henry IV., after a few years, put a stop in a great measure to the prosperity of agriculture. Louis XIII., who succeeded him, was a minor, and at his death in 1643 his son, and heir to the crown, Louis XIV., was only five years of age. At this period the country districts of France were inhabited by the nobility, who, in the midst of their peasantry, cultivated the land, and promoted the interests of the rural population, with whom they identified themselves. The grandeur of the court of Louis XIV. attracted to the metropolis most of the nobles, and by degrees estranged them from the love of a country life. The enormous expenses and destructive wars of tlie sovereign, who literally made war a game of hazard, exhausted the resources, and threw back the prosperity of France. Its reflux action, too, upon the courtiers, who imitated the splendour of their master, was no less injurious to the industrial portion of the country. All the youth of the rural districts were di-afted off to fill up the ranks of the army, and the entire population decreased. "While in England, after the revolution of 1688, agriculture made such rapid progress that she was enabled to export corn to the amount of from 500,000 to 1,000,000 quarters annually, France, which in the seventeenth century supplied England, was scarcely able to feed her own population. Nothing is more destructive of agricultiu'e than the war spirit and the passion for " national glory," as it is termed. When once this has taken possession of a people there is an end to industrial prosperity. A constant craving for exciting scenes and exciting news weakens the liands, while the gratification of the desire exhausts the resources of labour. The wars in which Louis XIV. and his profligate successor engaged impoverished France, weaned the country gentlemen from the fondness of a rural life, and thus left the peasantry to themselves, and the merciless superintendence of stewards, ♦ Xavcrgno, " Rural Economy of England and Scotland," &c., p. 3 38. HISTOEY OF FRENCH AGRICULTURE. 137 whose only business was to extort from tliem the highest rent their industry would yield. In 1750^ out of 135,000,000 acres (the extent of France without Corsica and Lorraine, which did not then belong to her), only 45,000,000 were cultivated, of which 8,000,000 were under large, and thirty-seven under small, farming. By large farms, Quesnay, who makes the statement, means those on which horses were employed for tillage, and farmed on the triennial rotation of wheat, oats, and fallow ; the small farmers being the metayers whose course was biennial, namely, wheat and fallow. " This division," says Lavergne, " ought to be quite correct, for it corresponds with the existing state of things. France continues still divided into two distinct regions, the one in the north, where the lease system prevails, tillage by horses, and triennial rotation more or less modified ; the other, the south, where small holdings predominate, labour by cattle, and biennial rotation ; only since 1750 the first has gained ground and the latter has declined."* The reign of Louis XV. was most disastrous to France. The utter disregard of that profligate sovereign to the distresses of his people, and the determination, at all hazards and expenditure, to gratify his own selfish indulgence, laid the foundation of that frightful drama which commenced in 1 789, and is still in progress : for all the changes that have taken place in that distracted country, all the misfortunes and disgraces to which it has been compelled to submit, are but so many acts and incidents of the same drama, the plot of which is by no means wound up ; nor is it likely that any permanent improvement in the industrial interests of the country can be established, whilst the military spirit of the nation predominates — until the ploughshare shall take the place of the sword, and the pruning-hook of the spear. A nation upheld by peaceful industry has a fund of wealth and loyalty to fall back upon when the defence of its territory calls for it ; but one that bases its glory and strength upon the nimiber of its standing army, which constitutes a permanent menace to the surrounding states^ is sure in the end to be compelled to succumb to the enemies it has raised up. The condition of the whole population of France, not excepting even the upper classes, or the proprietors of estates, is described as wretched in the extreme in 1750. The net revenue from the arable or corn lands was not more than .€3,200,000, and that of the vineyards about as much more. The rent of the large farms was at the rate of 5 lin-es per arpent {\\ acre), and that of the small farms from 20 to 30 sous ; say 3s. Qd. for the first, and 9d. to Is. for the second per acre. The produce of the large farm land was seventeen bushels, and of the small eight and a half bushels per acre. The number of horned cattle was 5,000,000, and those slaiightered for food only from 400,000 to 500,000 per year. Previous to this period (1739) the Marquis d'Argenson speaks as follows of the distress of the people : — " The real evil, that which undermines the kingdom and cannot fail to l:)riug ruin upon it, is that at Versailles they shut their eyes too much to the distressing state of things in the provinces. In my own days I have observed a gradual decrease of wealth and population in France. We have the present certainty that misery has become general to an unheard-of degree. While I write in the midst of profound peace, with indications, if not of abundance, at least of an average harvest, men are dying around ns like Jlies of want, and eating grass. The pro\'inces of Maine, Angoumis, Touraine, Haute-Poitou, Perigord, Orleannais, and Berry are the most wretched, and the distress is advancing towards Versailles. The Diike of Orleans lately laid before the council a piece of bread, Avhich we got for him * " Rural EcOQOray of Englaud, Scotland," &c-, Ul. 138 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. made of ferns ; in placing it upon the king's table lie said, ' Sire, here is what your subjects live on!' " Such was the state of things up to the time when Louis XVI. ascended the throne of France in May, 1774 ; and all impartial historians agree in representing him to have been really desirous of promoting to the utmost of his power the prosperity of the country. Agriculture was encouraged and began to revive, and free scope was given to labour and commerce in grain, which latter was entirely a new idea in France. Many reforms of an useful character had been effected previous to 1789, when the revolution commenced, which soon resulted in the destruction of the monarchy, and the establish- ment of a state of anarchy, which naturally led to a despotism so much worse than that of the Bourbons, that it had its sole foundation in military power and its support in the military spirit. Louis XVI. had abolished the feudal rights of the seigneurs, which was confirmed by the law of the Convention of September, 1 791 . It was thereby enacted that " the territory of France in all its extent is as free as the persons who inhabit it, so that all territorial property can be subject only to customs established or recognised by the law, and to the sacrifices required by the public welfare, under the condition of a just and preliminary indemnity;" and that "the proprietors are free to vary at will the cultivation of their lands, to store and keep at will their corn, and to dispose of all the produce of their farms, either at home or in foreign parts, without prejudice to the rights of others, and in conformity to the laws." These principles were scarcely sanctioned and adopted by the Convention, than they were violated by the turbulent governments which succeeded the breaking up of the monarchy. In the convulsion which ensued, all the bonds which held society together were ruthlessly snapped asunder. The lords of the soil were massacred or di-iven from their country. In cither case their estates were forfeited to the republic, and sold so far as pm-chasers could be foixnd. The property of the church, also, and of the ecclesiastical and religious institutions was sold, and amounted, according to Treillard, to nearly £107,000,000 sterling, being in some of the provinces one-third, and in others one-half of the real property. It may easily be conceived, not only what a change the sale of this enormous quantity of land, all thrown into tlie market at once, must have created, but what a hindrance the convulsion which occasioned it, and the confusion which followed, must have presented to the cultivation of tlie soil. To these drawbacks were added the continual drafts upon the rural population of the best men to serve in the immense armaments necessarily kept on foot by the ever- changing governments, on the one hand to keep at bay the enemies of the republic, and on the other to carry the war beyond the frontier, and attack those enemies on their oato ground. A levee-en-masse on the 22nd August, 1793, declared that "all Frenchmen will be required for the ser\dce of the republic. Tlie young men will go to battle, the married will forge arms and transport provisions ; the women will make tents and clothes, and attend the hospitals ; the children will convert old linen into lint ; the old men will be taken to the public squares, to rouse the courage of the warriors, and preach hatred to kings and love to the republic," &c. &c. Where then were the hands that were to till the soil ? The natm-al consequence of the revolutionary madness was famine and scarcity. Had the decree been carried out to the letter, there would have remained neither man nor beast to furnish food for the country. HISTOEY OF FEEiYCH AGEICULTURE. 139 The subsidence of the first horrors of the revolution brought no respite to the rural inhabitants. Such was the want of a proper and efficient system of police, that bands of robbers infested all the public roads, even up to the very gates of Paris, rendering it dangerous to travel, and even to reside in any secluded situation. These brigands called themselves chauffcvrs, because they made a point of burning the feet of their victims to extort money from them, or compel them to tell where they had concealed it, nor was there any mitigation of these hideous evils until 1803, when Napoleon became first consul, and directed movable columns to traverse the country to try, by military commissions, the robbers they could apprehend. Thus, from the commencement of the revolution to the date just stated, agriculture, as well as every other branch of industry, languished ; and notwithstanding the efforts of Napoleon, first as consul and afterwards as emperor, to resuscitate the industrial spirit, the renewal and continuance of the war, and the universal passion for the phantom of " national glory," as it was called, but which in less courtly phrase might be termed "national madness," neutralised to a great extent the efforts of the government, and caused agriculture to decline. M. de Lavergne shows, by reference to statistics, that whatever progress was made between 1789 and 1815 was during the consulate, and, therefore, that neither to the republic, nor to the empire was France indebted for any addition to the territorial wealth of the country. The only redeeming featiu-e in this picture is that the establishment for promoting the breeding of Merino sheep at Rambouillet survived the ravages of the revolution, and to this day remains a monument of the patriotism of Louis XVI., by whom it was first instituted. One other source of wealth was inaiigin-ated at this period, arising rather out of the disasters of the country than from any preconceived notion of improvement ; this was the cultivation of the Silesian beetroot, and the manufacture of sugar therefrom. France had lost, one after another, all her sugar colonies in the West Indies, and in the Indian Ocean. These had been taken by the squadrons of Great Britain, which had thus acquired almost the whole monojioly of sugar. Galled at the idea of having to pui'chase this necessary condiment of his detested rival. Napoleon issued the famous Berlin and Milan decrees, which prohibited all kinds of British produce from the Continent : at the same time prizes were offered for the discovery of the best mode of manufacturing sixgar from European vegetables. Chemists were set to work upon this scheme, and M. Achard, a Prussian, formed the first establishment for the purpose. It succeeded, and the manufactm'e was speedily introduced into France imder the warmest patronage of the emperor, who directed that 100,000 acres, at least, of beetroot should be cultivated for the purpose. The sugar at first produced was of a wi-etchedly inferior quality, and nothing but necessity would have induced the people to iise it. After the peace of 1815 it was ill calculated to stand a competition with the produce of the West or East Indies ; and notwithstanding an almost prohibitory duty ou the latter, the native manufacture for a time declined ; but the ingenuity and perseverance of the French chemists and machinists at length overcame every obstacle, and their efforts were crowned with such success that for many years the beet-sugar manufactu.re has been one of the most profitable and valuable objects of industry in the Northern Departments of France. One of the most influential featm'cs of the land system of France, is that arising out of the law of succession, which provides that upon the death of a proprietor intestate his 140 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. real property shall be divided equally amongst all his children, both male and female. We have alluded to the system of small farms already as being more numerous in France even before the revolution than large ones ; but these referred to a great extent to tenant farmers, and not to proprietors. To show the proportion in which the small proprietors in land have increased, we may state that in 1815 there were — 21,456 families possessing an avera£;e of 2,172 acres. IGS.GJS „ „ 153 „ 217,817 „ „ 54 „ 256,533 „ „ 29 „ 258,452 „ „ 19 „ 361,711 „ „ 12 ,. 567,687 „ „ 7 „ 851,280 „ „ 4 „ 1,101,421 ,, „ 1 „ 3,805,000 At the present time the distribution stands as follows : — 50,000 proprietors holding an average of 737 acres. 500,000 „ ., 74 „ 5,000.000 „ „ 7 „ 6,550,000 These figures speak for themselves, and the subdivision is still going on, leading to an entanglement of property that has created alarm amongst the most strenuous advo- cates of the system.* After the restoration in 1815 a season of agricultural prosperity succeeded. The industrial spirit of the people rose with the return of peace, and the cessation of that excitement which the stirring events of the previous twenty years occasioned and kept alive. This prosperity continued imtil the expulsion of Louis Philippe from the throne of France in 1848, after which it has again declined. It speaks but little in favour of the empire that imder both the first and the second industrial pursuits have made no progi'ess, notwithstanding that, under both, the efforts of the government to promote it have been unceasing. Agricultural associations have been instituted, shows have been held, and every inducement put forward for the agriculturists to adopt the best modes of cultivation ; but the efiect has been feeble, and it seems impossible to overcome the causes which appear to weigh down the spii-it of enterprise. M. Lavergne ascribes this, first, to the destruction of the potatoes ; secondly, to the events of 1848 ; thirdly, to the bad harvests of 1853 and 1855 ; fourthly, to the Crimean war ; fifthly, to the cholera ; sixthly, the war in Italy ; seventhly, the public works of Paris and other large towns, which have drained the rural districts of a vast number of the best hands. He might have added to the list the operation of the conscription law, which annually takes away * The great evil of small farming is the total inability of the holders to make those improvements which are continually being discovered in rural economy, .\rthiir Young has graphically described this inability of the small farmir in the following «'ords : — " Let mu ask of the advocates of small farms where the little farmer is to be found who will cover his whole farm with marl at the rate of 100 or 150 tons per acre ; who wUl drain all his land at the expense of two or three pounds per acre ; who will pay a heavy price for the manure of towns, aud convey it thirty miles by land- carriage ; who will float his meadows at the expense of five pounds per acre ; who, to improve the breed of sheep, will give 1,000 guincasfor theuse of asingle ram forasingle season; who will give twenty-five guineas per cow for being covered by a fine bull ; who will send across the kingdom to distant provinces for new implements, and for men to use them ; who employ and i)ay men for residing in provinces where practices are found which they want to introduce ou their farms ? At the very mention of such exertions, common in England, what mind can be so perversely framed as to imagine for a single moment that such things are to be effected by little farmers? Deduct from agriculture all the practices that have made it fiourishing in this island, and you have precisely the management of small farms." HISTORY OF FEENCH AGRICULTURE. 141 SOjOOO of the flower of tlie peasantiy to serve three years in the army. That the effect of this latter upon the population is prejudicial to agriculture there cannot be a doubt, nor is it less injurious to the rural population in a social sense. Such has been the consequence of this draft, coupled with other circumstances, that not less than one-third of the men are rejected because they are incapacitated by disease or other imjjerfection for joining the ranks ; and the standard height, too, has been repeatedly lowered because the race of men has degenerated, and they can no longer find a sufficient number at the former standard."* We cannot but consider this conscription law as far more prejudicial to French agriculture than any of the former causes ; and when we add to the whole the sub- division of the land, which fiUs the country with a multitude of cottier proprietors, who are too poor and too ignorant to cultivate the soil to the best advantage, and whose whole aim is rather to save by frugality than to expend their savings in improvements that would be largely reproductive, we can be at no loss in accounting for the backward state of agriculture in France, or the difficulty the government experiences in stimu- lating enterprise amongst the farmers. Such is the general condition of agriculture in France as deduced from the admissions of one of the most intelligent and honest writers on the subject in that country.f With a soil and climate far superior to that of the British Isles, and with every facility and means of improvement by the application of natuial and artificial manures to the modern system of husbandry — whilst the extent of arable and pasture land is nearly double that of England, France cannot supply her population with cereal food,- even of the inferior kinds, which are most cultivated. The progress made in the most favoured districts is slow, and the adherence of the farmers to ancient modes of cultivation is with great difficulty overcome. It is not denied that in some parts of France considerable progress has been made in agricultural improvements, and it would be strange indeed if it were not so, after all the efforts made by the government to jiromote it. The north-west region is by far the richest, being that in which the capital is situated, and reflects its wealth over the whole region by the large extent of its markets, and the influence of its intelligence and industrial establishments. The consumption of agricultural produce it creates is chiefly supplied by the surrounding districts, which are everyAvhere intersected with highways, railroads, canals, and navigable rivers. Forty-five per cent, of the whole public revenue of France is paid by this region. The department of the Seine, in which Paris is situated, although the smallest in extent of any in the empire, and not more than one-twelfth the average size of the regional departments, contains more than one-fom'th of the population, and pays more than one-third of the taxes. This department, with that of the north and the Pas-de-Calais, are the most floui'ishing and best cultivated portions of France ; this is due chiefly to the ricinage of the capital, but also to the manufacture of beet-sugar, for which the climate is peculiarly adapted. There are in the department of the north alone 340 beet-sugar works, to supply which 50,000 acres of that root are * If there is any tnitli in the laws of physiology, this continual draft of the most healthy of the population for the army, leaving only the diseased, the feeble, and the diminutive to cultivate the soil, and sustain by ptocreatiou the species, the system pursued must necessarily deteriorate and diminish the population. Such is, in fact, the case; the rural ])op>i!ation decreases in number, and in physical strength, as is proved by the census, by the lowering of the military standard, and by the rejection of so large a proportion of the peasantry by the conscription. t De Lavergne. 142 AGRICULTUEE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. annually ciLlti\'ated. This Lavei'gne considers the masterpiece of rural maniifactui-Cj causing a collateral increase of cereal and animal produce^ raising a large quantity of cattle food, and consequently of manure from the megass or refuse of the works. The rent of land ranges fr-om £\ 14s. in the rui-al districts to £2 \ls. per acre in the neighboiu'hood of the large cities. But these departments are under the operation of the small-farm system^ which universally prevails, and is productive of an enl wliich detracts greatly from the admi- ration it would otherwise excite. The population amounts to 86' 17 per 100 acres, half of which, or upwards of forty to the 100 acres, live by agricultm-e, whilst one-third of the lohole are supported out of the public funds, a proportion greater than that of any other country in Em'ope. Lavergne sees no hope of reducing this pauperism but in reducing the population by emigration, there not being any employment for the sm'plus, notwith- standing the large manufactm'ing and other establishments spread over the different dejoartments. In the centre and the south of France the metayer system of tenure prevails ; and destitute as they are of markets, or roads to convey the produce to a distance, no other mode of letting or occupying the soil is possible. That such facilities should not have been provided by the government, reflects deeply upon its policy. Whilst millions upon millions are expended upon the embellishments of the capital, and upon an army and navy that constitute a permanent thi'eat to the neighbouring nations, no efforts are made to remedy the defects under which the rural jjopulations of the distant departments are held in poverty and distress. The picture cbawn by Lavergne of the mode of li\ing of the metayer and his landlord is deeply affecting. " The cultivatoi'," he says, " has little or nothing to dispose of ; why does he work ? To feed himself and his master with the produce of his labour. The master divides the produce with him, and consumes his portion ; if it is wheat and wines, master and metayer eat wheat and di-uik wine ; if it is rye, buckwheat, potatoes, these they consume together. Wool and flax are shared in like manner, and serve to make the coarse stuffs with which both clothe themselves. Should there happen to remain over, a few lean sheep, some ill-fed pigs, or some calves reared with difiiculty by over-worked cows, whose milk is disjiuted ■\nth their oftsjjring, they are sold to pay taxes." The great misfortune of the rural districts of France is, that with the destruction of the seignorial system by the revolution, and the division and sale of the seignorial estates, there remained no lauded aristocracy to reside amongst the tenantry ; whilst the military aristocracy which succeeded it held agriculture, as well as all other industrial occupa- tions, in utter contempt. In England, if the pictm'es of rural life drawn by Thomson, Akenside, and other poets, are highly coloured, they arc in the main true, and give a faithful, though flattering, idea of the state of the peasantry in many parts of the country. "UTiat a contrast does this present to the description given of the peasantry by the French poet Bruyere, whose career was contemporary with Thomson. " We behold," said he, " throughout the country, a set of ferocious-looking crcatm-es, both male and female, dark, livid, and scorched with the sun, attached to the laud, which they dig and grub with an im tiring pertinacity. Their voice has a resemblance to that of a man, and when they rise on their- feet they exhibit a human countenance ; they are in fact men. At night they retire to their dens, where they live upon black bread, water, and roots. They save other men the labom- of solving and reaping, and certainly do not deserve to HISTORY OF FRENCH AGRICULTURE. 143 be mthout that bread which they themselves have produced." M. Lavergne says, " this terrible description will ever remain as a cry of remorse from the Great Age/' — that of Louis XIV. The condition of the centre of France is not much better in the present day, if we may credit the accounts of those who have travelled there. A bad harvest is synonymous to them with a famine, for the metayers have nothing in that case to fall back upon, but, like the cottier fixrmers of Ireland in 1847, succumb at once to the calamity. The military hierarchy, which succeeded the seignorial, is still the only aristocracy of France, and is as much opposed to rural life as ever. But few of them who possess estates ever think of residing iipon them, and leave the management to their stewards or men of business. The moving principle of a French military man is national glory, and his great aim, to rise in the army, and obtain the notice and favour of his emperor. When, therefore, not in the camp or the field, the court, and not the country, is his resort. The revenue from his estate, if he possesses one, is spent far away from those who have contributed to it, consequently there is no sympathy between them. " The true ballast of the body politic — the salt of society, that which holds it together — is the country feeling. This feeling, no doubt, is of an aristocratic kind, but it is not aristocracy itself, for both may exist independently. British aristocracy has made common cause with the country feeling, and this is Avhat constitutes its strength : French aristocracy holds itself aloof from it, and herein lies its weakness. In England, the country life of the upper classes has, in the first place, produced energetic and high- miaded habits, out of which the constitution has taken its rise; and then, owing to these very habits, liberty has been prevented from running into excesses. The liberal and conservative element has been wanting with us in France. In our own day, as formerly, absenteeism has effected, even in a political point of view, nearly all the mischief; and this is the reason why these two apparently distinct causes of prosperity — liberty mthout revolutions, and the country feeling — are really but one."* The system of agriculture in the southern departments of France is different from that of the north and centre, being adapted to the soil and climate. The produce is chiefly maize, vines, mulberry-trees for the sillcworm, and olives. These of course involve a totally different species of culture from the cereal and root-crops which are produced in the north. The beetroot cannot be grown at all to advantage — the proportion of saccharine it contains decreasing, the further it proceeds south. They have, however, as a substitute, the sorgho,t which yields as large an amount of sugar iu the south as the beetroot iu the north, and a considerable quantity is cultivated for that manufacture. The climate is intensely hot and dry in summer, and the crops of grain frequently suffer from droiight, which, however, is favourable to the -sine, the olive, and the maize. The Rhenish departments are considered the most thickly popidated and closely cultivated of any part of France except the Nord ; but the subdivision of the land has reached to such a degree as to cause extensive emigration, and the authorities have become alarmed for the consequences. The entanglements of the numerous properties, which consist of diminutive slips of land in open fields, intermixed with each other without the slightest regard to proximity of individual ownership, has become so embarrassing and obstructive to agriculture, as to call loudly for a change ; but what that change should be, is a subject of controversy. Whatever is done, it is evident that unless an entire alteration * De Lavergne, " Kural Economy of England," &c., p. 149. f Sorghum Saccharatum. 144 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. is effected in tlie law of succession, any modification can be only a palliative^ wliicli it will be necessary to repeat after a few more years. In the meanwhile, tbe competition for land is so great that the most extravagant prices are given for it, and in tlic ueighboiu'hood of towns it has brought as much, in some cases, as one hundred years' purchase. This is especially the case in the ■nine districts of Burgundy and the adjoining parts, where most of the properties are excessively small and, formerly, profitable ; but the disease which has attacked the vine for some years past, has greatly impoverished the proprietors as well as deteriorated the produce. Indeed, many of the wine-growers of that fertile district have become so despairing of any beneficial change, that they have displaced the finer types of the viue^ which they formerly cultivated, by the introduction of a more hardy, but greatly inferior species. This may possibly be the means of stopping the disease, but it will materially affect the character of the produce of the district, which formerly was held in such high estimation. SECTION V. PRUSSIAN AGRICULTURE. The systems adopted by many of the continental governments since the era of the French revolution, and, amongst the rest, by Prussia, are both anti-progressive in regard to industrial pm'suits, and revolutionary in their political tendency. With the latter efFect we have nothing to do, otherwise than to show how they hinder the advancement of agriculture, their chief bearing being upon the land and that portion of the population connected with it. In speaking, therefore, of the agriculture of Prussia, it is impossible to avoid referring to those political circumstances which, we believe, retard or promote, as the case may be, the improvement of the soil, and the increase of its productive capacity. The subdivision of the land had long before been introduced into Italy and many of the smaller continental states. We have already endeavoiu'cd to show the effect produced by it in France and Ireland ; in the former of which it is peremptorily provided for and enforced by legislative enactments ; in the latter, by long custom. Prussia has been one of the last to adopt it, and we shall endeavour to show that its influence is not less marked in that country than it is in France. At the commencement of the present century, the Prussian government found itself deeply involved in the wars of Napoleon, which, in their progress, threatened the very existence of the nation. At that period the feudal system prevailed in that country in all its rigour, the land being chiefly divided into large baronial estates or seignories, belonging to the nobles. The rural population were serfs or slaves, having no political or social rights, but subject to the uncontrolled authority of the seigneur, who possessed a complete jurisdiction within his seignory, and virtually the power of life and death over them. It is true the serf had the right of appeal to the sovereign in case of injustice on the part of the lord ; but this was attended with such difficulties as to PRUSSIAN AGRICULTURE. 145 reucler it almost a dead letter. But whilst on the one hand they belonged to, and were part and parcel of, the estate, which they could not leave for a day without the sanction of the lord, and were liable to be sold like the cattle with the land as a part and parcel of tlie personal property, on the other, they possessed a tacit, customary, and hereditary right in the soil to a certain extent, of which the seigneur could not deprive them. By virtue of this right, they held a small portion of land for which they paid a rent in kind, and performed a certain amount of labour on the domain, with other services. "Whilst these were performed, the seigneur could not eject them from their holdings, nor deprive thera of any property they might acquire. Such was the condition of things in Prussia when the state of active wai'fare in which that country became involved with France rendered it necessary to bestow iipon the masses of the population a more free and direct interest in the soil, in order to induce them to make greater exertions in its defence. The Prussian government therefore determined upon the emancipation of the serfs, and a distribution of the land in small quantities amongst them, so as to give them a stronger and more personal interest in the protection of the country. Another motive, however, influenced the sovereign in this decision; this was, to break down the power of the landed aristocracy, which, at times, had been found troublesome when opposed to his wishes. The object, therefore, was to render the government more despotic by centring the power in the hands of the sovereign, who threw himself, by the measure, upon the masses of the people. It was in 1807 that decrees began to be issued for the purpose, by virtue of which the feudal system was abolished, the whole of the rural population made free from serfdom, and the lords of the soil — the landed aristocracy of the kingdom — compelled, on certain conditions, to transfer to them a share, in perpetuity, of the land ; in some cases, on payment of a fixed sum, either down at once, or by instalments, security being given for such payment. But although the decree was compulsory on the lord, it was made optional on the part of the peasant ; and, in the first instance, many of thera who were under liberal and kind masters, to whom they were attached, preferred to continue upon their old tenures. We believe, however, that such cases were rare, and that there are now very few remaining, if any, who have not availed themselves of the law to become freeholders. The decrees by which this great change in the policy of the Prussian monarchy and in the condition of the peasantry was effected, were completed in 1811. This measure was but a first step in elevating the moral and material condition of the rural population of Prussia, and by which, nominally at least, they acquired a political existence and position in the state, as occupying to a certain extent tlie place of the ancient aristocracy. They thus became the most important element of the social body ; but the government, unwilling to surrender any portion of its own power, whilst it annihilated without scrapie that of the landed proprietors, shrank from taking the next step — of granting to the people the constitution which was promised to them at the Congress of Vienna in 1815. Freedom from local oppression was bestowed, and the means of subsistence by their own free labour ; but political freedom -was still withheld, nor were they invested with political influence in any form whatever. No representative legislature, no voice in any measure proposed by the government. In the place of the ancient aristocracy, a numerous body of new functionaries was created, whose interference h 146 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. in all the arrangements of social life are qnite as onerous^ and far more annoying, than that of the former lords of the soil. Every social institntion, every civil appointment, even every domestic movement of the people, are under the surveillance of the police, and, thereby, the control of the government, in which is centred the entire pmver over the whole political, civil, and social affairs of the nation, nncontrollcd by, and irresponsible to, any jurisdiction whatever. But the Prussian government did not confine itself to the change we have referred to, nor deem the power it had acquired over the masses of the people a sufficient safeguard to the cro^vii and the country. The kingdom of Prussia is composed of various states, each of which possesses a language, a nationality, and habits of life of its own, and, consequently, between them there is but little sympathy. The war with the first Napoleon had taught the government of Prussia its weakness, and the necessity, if it could not create a national feeling amongst the several sections of the kingdom, of endeavouring to amalgamate them in a military organization for the national defence. The conscription law, adopted in France by the republic in 1792, and continued by the successive governments that succeeded it, by which 80,000 oi' the male population were annually enrolled in regiments of the line, suggested the necessity of a similar measure to prepare the kingdom against whatever contingency might arise. With the twofold object, therefore, of national defence against a dan- gerous neighbour, and the desire of uniting as far as possible the discordant elements of which the Prussian dominions were composed, the la/uliveJu' vfns determined on. As the operation of this institution has a most material influence on the general, and an especial one on the agricultural, industry of the country, we shall explain its nature. By the decree for the formation and permanent continuance of the landivehr, every male inhabitant of Prussia, whatever may be his rank, wealth, station, profession, or calling, is compelled, when between the age of twenty and twenty-five years, to serve for three years in a regiment of the line. This system was estahlished hy decrees of the 3rd of Septemher, 1814, and the 2nd of November, 1815 ; and such is the rigour and impartiality with which it is enforced, that nothing but the most obvious incapacity of body or mind, from natural or accidental causes, can procure exemption. Every conscript undergoes an examination by a local board of commissioners for military affairs, whose proceedings are reported to, and narrowly watched by, a superior pro- vincial board ; and both report upon every claim to exemption, to the war department. Such is the construction of these boards, that no favour or partiality can by anj' possibility be secretly exercised without detection ; nor can any local interest screen an individual from his turn for entering the army for three years, which is determined by lot, drawn by those who are between the prescribed ages, as stated above. Each conscript is appointed to a particular branch of the service, and to a certain regiment, determiiied by his height, constitution, or previous occupation. Officers from each department of the service attend the boards at their sittings to regulate the selection. In special cases, in which so long a service as three years would be destructive or highly detrimental to a person following a particular profession, the period is shortened to two or one year, upon a certificate of the facts being given and the party finding his own clothes and accoutrements. Such instances, however, are very rare and exceptional, and cannot be claimed as a right, being entirely at the discretion of the hiffher authorities. PRUSSIAN AGRICULTURE. 147 After the three years have passed, and the conscript has completed his service in the armvj he retiu-ns home on leave of absence, not absolutely as a civilian, but as a supernimicrary, and is liable to rejoin his regiment in case of a war. On reaching his twenty-sixth year he is discharged from the standing army, and is then attached to the army of reserve, or that division of it called erster-aufgelboths, or " first for service." This is considered the effective army of the country, being composed entirely of soldiers of three years' training, and between the ages of twenty-six and thirty-two years. One-third of the standing army is discharged every autumn into this division of the army of reserve, and is replaced in the spring out of the population, by the local and provisional boards of commissioners. The army of reserve is called out for exercise in field manceuvi'es for fourteen days every year, which, however, is sometimes extended to twenty-eight days. After the age of thirty-two, the conscript is turned over from this first to the second division of the army of reserve. In case of war, this division will not take the field, but will do garrison duty, as being composed mostly of men of families and more advanced in life ; and also of half-invalids, who have been found unfit to serve in severe duty. After liis forty-ninth year, the conscript is trans- ferred to the landsturm, or levee-en-masse, which is only mustered or exercised in its own locality, and will only be called out in case of actual invasion or a popular tumult. The whole land is thus one vast encampment, the whole male population one vast army, every man, of whatever age, in whatever situation in life, or in whatever locality, being a drilled soldier, who knows his regiment, his company, his squad, his military place in it ; and he appears under arms at his rendezvous, for duty, with as little delay or confusion, and as complete in all military appointments, as a soldier in any standing army quartered in cantonments.* It is impossible to conceive of any national institution more directly subversive of industrial habits, or presenting greater obstacles to industrial progress, whether in commerce, manufacture, or agriculture, but particularly the last, than this of the landwehr in Prussia. Can it be doubtful what must necessarily be the effect upon these interests, to have the entire male population abstracted for three years from their industrial pursuits, just at that age when labour itself is a pastime, and its instruments toys in the hands of the workman ? "What, too, must be the efl^ect on the moral character and habits of the majority of these young men, produced by incorporation with the regular army at that period of life when the mind is most susceptible of impressions, and the profession of a soldier, half spent in idleness and dissipation, and the other half in acquiring a taste for military life, is thus imperiously forced upon him for the whole of his existence ? for such in point of fact is its real diu-ation. Although necessity may compel the conscript, during the intervals of his military service, after leaving the regular army, to work for his bread, the dissipated and desultory habits of the guard- house and the camp will cleave to him through life ; and independent of the time abstracted from the years of useful labour, his industrial qualifications themselves are deteriorated by those acquu'ed in his military capacity. Nor does the mischief stop here. The land being thus constantly deprived of the labour of the strongest and most efficient of its hands, is chiefly managed by the women, and those youths or men who are unfit for the army, and is consequently very imperfectly tilled ; whilst the subdivision to infinity, by the same process that ' See Laing'3 " Notes of a Tour," &c. L 2 148 AGRICULTUEE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. prevails in France, presents tlie same bar of ignorance and poverty to the progress of improvement.* The emancipation of tlie serfs or peasantry in Prussia is, therefore, nothing more than a change of masters effected by breaking up the ancient landed aristocracy, who were to a great extent independent of the crown, and the substitution of a military aristocracy, dependent upon, and under the absolute control of, the crown. The serfs, it is true, have been constituted freeholders upon the land formerly held by the seignem-s, but it was accompanied with the condition of surrendering to the crown their entire ci\'il rights, and of being thenceforth governed, controlled, and overlooked by functionaries created, maintained, and commanded by the crown. Instead of a baronial master, who, whilst standing between the serf and the crown, might be supposed to have had an interest in the welfare of his retainers, these latter are now imder the constant surveil- lance of a set of officials, wlio liavc no other interest to look to than that of giving satisfaction to the power that employs them. So far as any social consolidation of the separate provinces of the kingdom is concerned, the system is a complete failm-c. The raw materials — if we may so express it — are aggregated, but not amalgamated; centralised, but not socialised. Composed of different and hostile pro\'inces, conquered or transferred, each retains virtually its nationality and peculiarities in language, manners, and religion ; and the government, which keeps them in unwilling subjection, has no hold upon their sympathies. "It is connected," says Laing, " only by two ties — that of the military army with its officers, and that of the civil army with its functionaries. The material interests of the people, even amongst themselves, are not amalgamated. There are no common interests, common laws, common religion, common voice in the legislature, for their common centre, uniting all." Nor has Prussia been more successful in the attempt to raise her military power above that of the neighboiiring states. All the second-rate German states have, of necessit}-, adopted the same principle, so that the effect has been that every government of Europe is compelled to maintain a war establishment in the midst of profound peace, not only to the exhaustion and embarrassment of its financial resources, biit to the injury of every industrial interest, and throwing back the progress of civilization throughout Euroj)e by the overwhelming predominance of the war spirit which it engenders and keeps alive. Far from being strengthened by thus endeavouring to raise her military power above that of her neighbours, Prussia is in reality weakened; whilst adding largely to her expenditure, her natm-al resources are undeveloped through the injury done to the industrial interests of the coimtry, and by the demoralization of its population. With the danger arising to tlie crown itself by thus putting arms into the hands of a people of mixed nationalities, upon the affections of a large proportion of whom it has no hold, but rather the contrary, we have nothing to do here ; om* only object in referring to the subject being to afford a more extended view of the land system in Prussia, and the influences which retard the development of its resources. In the year 1825 ]\Ir. Jacob was deputed by the British government to visit the * The entanglement of tlic land in Prussia bad arrived at such a pitch a few years siace as to call for a legislative measure to regulate it. 50.000,000 acres (the term used by Lnvergne is jouniaiu; wbicb, in Fleming's and Tibbing's Freneb Dictionary, is stated to be used instead of arpent in many of the rural districts of France: the arpent is an acre in some parts, atul an a^-ic and a half in others), the properly of 1,000.000 proprietors, were thrown into masses, according to the districts, and the i)roportions awarded to each according to Ihclr scparalc chilms. PRUSSIAN AGRICULTURE. 119 produces of uortheni Eui'ope, for the purpose of ascertaining the state of agriculture in the grain-exporting coimtries. The system of tlie subdivision of the land amongst the rural population had been in operation eighteen years, so that a fair judgment might be formed of its effect both upon the character of the people, and upon the productive powers of the soil. This would undoubtedly have been the case had not the measures of the government in other respects been at variance with the benefits conferred upon them by the abolition of serfdom. We must, therefore, take the state of things as we find them, being unable to judge except by analogy, how far the low state of agriculture in Prussia is due to the system of small farming or proprietaries, or to the political causes we have described. At the period of Mr. Jacob's visit there were in Prussia 314,533 estates under fifty acres in extent, and 2o7,31'7 of from fifty to 250 acres. There were also 608,400 adult male Prussians, some of whom had each a small house of his own, whilst the remainder were labourers for others, and did not possess either house or land, but were allowed by their masters the use of a field for the support of one or two cows. It was possible for the poorest young man, if intelligent, prudent, and self-denying, to pui'chase a farm or garden for himself. Mr. Jacob, in his report, does not tell us the state of the land in Prussia in regard to the number or size of the farms, but is very explicit in speaking of the condition of the peasant proprietors, as well as of those who work for wages. Neither of these have their counterpart in any class in England. Their dwellings were built of boards, or of stone put together without cement, and covered with shingles ; their food potatoes, rye, or buckwheat ; their clothing is manufactured by themselves — the linen from flax or hemp grown on their own patches of land, their woollens from the fleeces of their own sheep. An earthen pot that would bear the fire was the most important article of furniture. The honey produced by their bees served as a substitute for sugar; chicory grown on their own land for coffee. Wood abounded everywhere for fuel, and was burned in close stoves. Water was the only general beverage, theii' means not allowing of either spirits or beer in common. Nothing can illustrate the efieet of the military system upon the agriculture of Prussia more sti'ongly than the fact that the land is chiefly cultivated by women and girls, and that very few men are to be seen in the fields. The women are found in numbers performing every operation of husbandry, even to digging — the most laborious part — the men being either engaged in their military duties, or idling away tlieir time amongst their comrades of the regiment. The account given by Mr. Jacob of the condition of the rural population is confirmed by Laing and other more I'eeent writers. Without capital or agricultural knowledge, and having no remunerative labour to employ their spare time, the peasant proprietors have no chance of improving their condition. The Prussian crown holds large landed property, which in Mr. Jacob's time was let out in large farms at rentals ranging from 8d. to 4*. per acre according to the quality. These crown tenants, however, do not appear to have been in much better condition or circumstairces than the freeholders. ]\Ir. Jacob states that they had allowed the rents to run in arrears for ten years, when the crown, finding that they were imable to pay the back rents, consented to waive its claim, on condition that they would pay in future. This they promised to do; but he states that it does not appear" they had been able to fulfil their engagement. 150 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND JIODKRN. Under such circumstances the cultivation of the soil was necessarily at a low ebb. The triennial system — a fallow and two crops of corn — was laniversally adopted, and tlie produce was necessarily small. The following is the amount, according to Mr. Jficob, of the actual return, in Pomerania, of the four principal grains : — Bushels. Bushels. Wheat sown 155,933 iiroduced 996,224 Eye „ 1,254,960 „ 4,383,584 : Barley „ 619,992 „ 2,757.688 Oats „ 1,245,701 „ 2,975,880 3,376,588 11,11.3,370 This gives a produce of only 3-pj of the seed sown of all kinds of cereals taken together, or separately — Wheat G^ Kye 3-1^ B^rfey ij% Oats 2W The value of laud at that period was very low. ]Mr. Jacob speaks of one farm of 3,800 acres of good sandy loam, chiefly arable, which was sold whilst he was in the country for .€5,300, or not quite 405. per acre. Another farm of 4,200 acres of land of inferior quality, which was mortgaged for £3,000, was put up for sale upon a foreclosure, when it would not fetch enough to cover the mortgage, aud the creditor was obliged to take it. This cost him little more than 14*. per acre ; but being a wealthy man he could afford to expend j€3,000 more iipou it, and thus probably made it a more profitable, because a more productive, occupation than the former owner had it in his power to do. Such was the value of land in Prussia in 1825, since which the system of subdivision has proceeded rapidly, without any change in the social or political condition of the country, to relieve the peasant proprietors from the heavy ta.'c upon their time and laboru, inflicted by the landwehr. The following was the distribution of the land in 1852 :— farms of from 1 to 4 acres .... 936,370 or 4890 per cent. 4 „ 19 „ . . . . 565,354 „ 2950 „ 19 „ 189 „ ... . 382,515 „ 1999 „ 189 „ 378 „ ... . 14,020 „ 073 ., above 378 , 17,003 „ 088 1.915,462* 10000 The above statement, which is taken from the official accounts of the Board of Trade, exhibits an increase of more than 300 per cent, in the number of farms imder 350 acres. The following shows the mode in which the land is appropriated : — Gardens, vineyards, and orchards 892,079 acres. Arable land 30,094,640 „ Meadows 5,266,449 „ Permanent pastures 5,419,192 ,. Forests 13.614,564 „ Waste laud 13.529.614 ,. 68,816,538 • The Prussian statements are given in morgens, a measure to which we have nothing analogous in English. The morijen coutaius about 101 perches Euglish measure. PRUSSIAN AGRICULTURE. 151 The entire produce of the principal crops in the year 1851 was as folloAVS : — Wheat 3,674,063 quarters. Rye 12,020,250 „ Barley 3,600,000 „ Oats 14218,125 Potatoes 52,593,750 „ It is erideut from the abo\-e table that wheaten bread forms no part of the common food of the Prussian people. INIr. Jacob states that from the time he left the iSTether- iands, in passing through Saxony, Prussia, Poland, Austria, Bavaria, and Wurtemberg, lie never saw, either in the baker's shops, in the hotels, or at private tables, a loaf of wheaten bread. The only form in which it could be obtained was that of small rolls, and they were only seen when foreigners were at table. Since his time it has probably come more into use amongst the wealthy classes, but still the quantity consumed is comparatively small, the produce as stated above not allowing more than two Ijushels per head per annum for the whole population. Nor does that produce admit of any exportation of wheat of Prussian growth. It is a well-known fact that the wheat exported from Dantzic, Konigsberg, and other Prussian ports comes from the Polish provinces of Russia and Prussia, where the land is good, and wheat is a principal crop. Rye bread is universally eaten, and, with potatoes and buckwheat, forms the principal food of the peasantry, meat being a luxury beyond their means. The following was the number of live stock, &c., in Prussia in 1849 :— Horses 1,575,417 Horned cattle 5,371,644 Sheep 16,296,928 Goats 584,771 Swine 2,466,316 Wool 35,853,242 lbs. There were brought into cultivation between the years 1849 and 1852 2,768,880 acres of land previously waste, which was applied as follows : — Gardens, &c 08,228 acres. Arable land ; 1,195,110 „ Meadow 170,067 „ Permanent pasture 192,299 „ Forest 1,143,176 „ 2,768,880 From the statements given above, it appears that the farms under four acres amounted in 1825 to one half of the entire number, and they probably have considerably increased since. The available land, exclusive of the forests, may now be assigned in the following manner : — 936,570 farms averaging 2i acres 2,341,425 565,345 „ „ 10 „ 5,653,450 382,515 „ „ 60 „ 22,950,900 14,020 „ „ 250 „ 3,505,000 17,003 „ „ 300 „ 8,501,500 42,952,275 acres. This, of course, is only an approximate division, there being no certain data on the subject. It is sufficiently near to show the relative extent to which the different 153 AGRICULTQUE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. grades of agriculturists hold the land. The table of produce is important as exhibiting the agricultural results. It should^ liowever, be stated that the cultivation of the Silesian beetroot for the manufactui-e of sugar, and for distilling, is extensively followed in Prussia. In 1853 the quantity grown in that country and its dependencies, and consumed by the sugar factories alone, amounted to nearly 1,000,000 tons, which, reckoning the average produce at ten tons per acre, require an extent of 100,000 acres of land. The potatoes may be reckoaed at twelve quarters or three tons per acre, which will make the quantity of land under that root 4,049,480 acres. The triennial fallow deducts one- third from the cultivated land, leaving 20,063,094 under crop. The entire produce of cereal crops amounts, in round numbers, to 33,500,000 quarters. If we estimate these at 2^ quarters per acre we have an aggregate of 13,400,000 acres under cereal crops. The following is, therefore, the disposition of the arable land : — L:nd under crop 20,0C3,094 acres. AVheat, barley, rye, and 0dt3 ... 13 400,000 Potatoes 4,0-l'J,4S0 Beetroot ] 00,000 Other produce 2,513.fil4 20,003,094 acres. The above estimate of the yield of cereal crops appears small ; but when, in addition to the drawbacks upon agriculture we have referred to, it is added that the land of most parts of Prussia proper is liglit and sandy, and that it is frequently subject to drought iu summer, it will not be thought that the produce is understated. The most fertile and best cultivated part of the kingdom is the Rhenish district. A recent estimate published of the crops in those provinces makes the average produce of all the cereals amount to thirty-three bushels per acre, according to the following table : — Wheat 26 bushels per acre. Rye 26 Barley .... .35 „ Oats 48 Divided 4) 135 Average 33| bushels. This, however, is an exceptional case, and does not represent the general yield of the kingdom. Mr. Jacob's estimate makes the return only 3-ny of the seed so^m. If wc average this at three bushels per acre it amounts to only IO5 bushels per acre of all cereals, which is a little less than one-third the estimated return given of the Rhenish provinces. Since Mr. Jacob's time, however, great advances have been made in agriculture, through the exertions of the government, by instituting agricultiu-al asso- ciations and shows. There is no doubt that the high price of grain the last few years, and its free admission into the United Kingdom at a nominal duty, lias given a stimulus to agriculture in Prussia, as well as in other maritime states. Incredible exertions have been made in Prussia to stimulate the cultivation of the soil, and to improve the breeds of domestic animals, particidarly sheep. In 1842 the " Landes (Economie Collegium" was organized by the government; this is a consulting committee of agriculture, and has the right of initiating any propositions the interests of agriculture may require. This institution has been of essential service in establishing, and assisting in establishing, various associations and committeesj and other leading measui'es, which have been PEUSSIAN AGRICULTURE. 153 eagerly responded to by the lauded proprietors. Instruction in agriculture \vas first instituted by private individuals, but lias been taken up by the government, and there are now four public agricultural institutions, namely, at Eldena, in Pomerania ; Proskau, in Silesia ; Poppelsdorf, near Bonn upon the Rhine ; and Waldau, near Kouigsberg, the ancient capital of Prussia. The following are some of the details of these institutes :— Date of formation. Extent of cultivation in morgens. Number of professors. Government praiits. Tlialers.* 1 Number of pupils— 1860. Eldena .... Proskau . . . Popjiclsdorf . Waldau. . . . 1835 18-I.7 184.7 1858 1,605 8,926 128 1,677 a 5 5 5 4,720 7,070 6.951 7,000 50 fil 78 5t An important measure has been undertaken by the Prussian government at the close of 1860. We have already i-elated the steps taken to emancipate the serfs and give them a portion of the lands formerly held by the seigneurs. This measure, however, was never fully carried out to a complete settlement of the conflicting claims between the emancipated serf and the seiguem*. The cause of this delay is, that in order to avoid as much as possible the increase of the irritation the settlements might occasion, the arrangements were left in a great measure to the amicable agreement between the parties. "When this could not be effected, the law ordained that the metayer having the hereditary beneficial occupation of an agricultural property, should render one-third, and he who had not such hereditary tenure, one-half, to the seigneur. These conditions might be executed either by a real surrender, in kind, of a third or half the land, or be- holding that portion against an annual rent, payable in wheat or in money. A special oflSce, employing numerous agents, was instituted to execute these arrangements, according to the views of the government. At the end of 1858 this office had completed the following operations : — 82,137 farms, comprising 5,471,629 morgens, were declared the property of the peasants who cultivated them ; and 1,101,469 others had been freed from the onerous dues and services with which they had been burthened. The indemnity paid to the ancient proprietors had risen to 52,617,267 thalers (£8,171,414) iu cash on the spot, a rent in money of 5,162,630 thalers (£756,661), and by a rent in kind, of 282,826 scheffels (53,030 qrs.) of cereals. 1,613,644 morgens of land have been siuTcndered. Apart from these operations relating to compact farms, they have pm'chased or liquidated the several charges, assessed upon 54,852,958 morgens of arable lands, meadows, pastures, forest, and commons. The fines in money have all been settled under the form of letters o/ rewf, negociable, purchaseable, and destined to liquidation." f The emancipation of the serfs, and the conversion of the class into freeholders, can only be considered as a first step in the progress of agriculture ; and were there no influences of a counteracting nature existing, to act as a drawback iipou the industry of the country, and prevent the riu^al proprietors from reaping the benefit of the change, we might expect that, in time, they woidd, like the ancient yeomen of England, become sufiiciently enlightened to see the folly of adhering to antiquated systems of cultivation, * The thaler is about 3«. IJc/. English. t The above account of this important operation, which will effect the complete emancipation of the peasantry and of land, is taken from the French Journal d'Ji/mullure I'raliijife of April 20, 1860. 154 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 1)y which the soil is kept in a half-productive state. But the overwhelming operation of the political institutions of the country, by which the whole population is placed between two armies, civil and militarv^ and subject to the rigorous discipline of both, while attached by constraint to the most poweiful of the two; when every thought, word, and action of the peasant's life is subject to the scrutiny of these institutions, so that the mind, as well as the body, is, in the strictest sense, the property of the state ; when the moral and social character of eveiy individual is a stereotyped production of the centralized power and authority of the government ; when, not content with claiming the youth as soon as he arrives at an age to serve in the army, the government takes charge of him from his infancy, superintending, by its own functionaries, his education, and giving the bias to his mind, and dictating the track in which his every thought must run dm-ing the entire course of his life ; — how is it possible that, under such circumstances, any considerable progress can be made in a profession which requii-es habits of thought and of action, free from any extraneous influence to fetter and confine them to stereotyped rules ? But even these are not all the disadvantages luider which the Prussian husbandman labours, and against which he has to contend. His time and energies are monopolised by the government to an extent that totally unfits him for the duties of his calling. His profession of a soldier, to which he is bound for life, interferes with every arrange- ment of his regular business to such an extent that, what with the harassing natui-e of his military duties, and the desultory habits of life created by them, the peasant loses all relish for his regular calling, and spends his time in idleness and dissipation, leaving the cultivation of the laud to the females of the family. Under such circumstances, the small properties of the peasants can barely produce sufficient to support existence. Even the produce of the Rhenish farms is raised at an expense that leaves but little profit for the cultivator. It is estimated at 69 fr. per hectare (or 23s. 4d. per acre), and this was under the English system of cultivation j and the narrator justly remarks, "What would this be if, instead of following the precepts of alternate cropping we have indicated, they had obstinately followed the ancient system of Charlemagne ? . . . . The laborious life, therefore, of the peasants of Eifel was far from enriching them previous to the increase in the price of cereals, since the period that supplied the items employed in our calculations. . . . Who knows if, even dui'ing these last years, many of them have not found that the increased price of the little produce they were able to take to the market has not made up to them the loss in the deficiency of the harvest?" SECTION VI. AUSTRIAN AGRICULTURE. Austria is now the only one of the great European powers (except England) that has not adopted the system of a subdivision of the soil amongst the peasantry as a principle of policy. A few of its dependencies— as Venetia, the Tyrol, and that which it has recently lost, Lombardy — have long been subjected to it, and in these it is still in full operation. AU.STIUAX AGlilOULTUnE. 155 But in all the large uorthein states, Upper and Lower Austria proper, Hungary, Bohemia, Moravia, &c., the ancient feudal system prevails in all its force, with the exception of a few modifications; and the land is di^dded into large baronial estates, in part occupied by the owners, and in part let out to tenants. Austria, as at present constituted, comprehends twenty provinces, several of which were transferred to her by the Congress of Vienna, in 1S15. At the same period the ancient title of Emperor of Germany, of which the Austrian sovei'eign had been deprived by Napoleon, was restored to him ; so that, in point of real political power and territory, the Emperor of Austria occupied as high a position as at any former period of historj'. This power, however, is based upon the greatness of his military forces, rather than upon the affections of his subjects or the real union of the discordant elements of which the empire is composed. The population, according to the most recent accounts, is stated to be 37,443,633, having increased ten millions since 181G. From this number the population of Lombardy must now be deducted, which will probably reduce it by nearly three millions. The following is the distribution amongst the provinces according to the census of 1852 : — POPULATIONS OF THE AUSTRIAN STATES IN 1853: — Lombardy 2,670,833 Venetia 2,257,200 Bohemia 4,347,902 Moravia and Silesia 2,250,594 Lower Austria 1,494,399 Upper Austria 856,694 Istria, Gortz, Trieste 500,101 Galicia aud the Bukoyiue 5,105,558 Hungary 11,000,000 Styria 1,003,074 Transylvania 2,182,710 Carynthia and Carniola 784,786 Dal'matia 410,988 Military frontiers 1,226,408 The Tyrol 859,250 The army 492,486 37,443,043 Deduct Lombardy .... 2,678,833 Total 34,764,210 Agriculture in Austria is in a very backward state, no progress having been made in it during the last thirty years, if we except, to a certain extent, the archduchy of Austria proper, and a few of the southern pi-ovinces. Many causes, to which we shall have occasion to refer, have contributed to this, not the least of which is the stringent protection granted to the native manufacturers of machinery, amounting to a prohibition of foreign-made implements and instruments of husbandry. This compels the farmers to purchase them at the dearest market, and of inferior construction; whilst the continual interference and super\dsion of the government officials in this, as well as every other industrial occupation, is of itself sufficient to account for the backward state in which agriculture is now found in Austria. The entire extent of the Austrian dominions is comprehended in an area of 300,000 square miles, or 192,000,000 statute English acres. Of land capable of cul- luG AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. tivation, tliere are 255,226 square miles, or 163,344,640 acres, of -n-hich 208,570 sciuare milesj or 133,481,800 acres, are actually appropriated iu tlie following manner : — Square miles. Acres. .\rable land 91,300 58,432,000 Gardens, &c 3,040 1,94 5,600 Vineyards 4.090 2,617.600 Meadon-8 18,390 11,769,600 Permanent pastures 18,530 11,859,200 I'oresta 73,220 46,860,800 208,570 133,484,800 The following is tLe comparative per ceutage of cultivated land of Great Britain, France, and Austria: — Gt. Brilaiu. France. Austria. Land under tillage 34 44 31 Vineyards, orchards, gardens, &c. ... 1 5 3 Grass land 40 14 17 Forest, plautations, copses, &c. ... 5 17 2G Uuciiltivated 20 20 20 100 100 100 Comparative population per square mile . 220 165 130 The aggi'egate produce of cereals is variously estimated by Austrian statisticians, so that much dependence cannot be placed upon them. The following are the estimates of the most eminent writers on the subject : — £ST1S1AT£S OF THE CROPS OF WHEAT, BARLEY, AND OATS l^i AUSTRIA Bt VARIOUS AUTHORITIES. Liehlenstein 36,134,000 qrs. Blumeubach 43,640,000 „ Stein 45,820,000 „ Hassell ■ 76,300,000 „ MalcUus 88,070,000 „ Other writers 93,600,000 „ It is considered by those best acquainted with Austrian agricultiu'e, that Malchus is the most reliable authority of any of the above. According to him, the proportions of the produce of wheat, and the inferior cereals, are as follows : — Wheat 38,080,000 qrs. Barley aud oats 49,990,000 „ 88,070,000 „ The quantity of seed sown to produce these results he estimates at 17,820,000 qrs., which allows a return of about 4?- of the seed sown, taking the three cereals together. The consumption of bread-corn amounts to 32,280,000 qrs., wliich allows six bushels, three pecks, nine pints per head for the whole population. Maize is extensively cultivated in Hungary, Galicia, Bohemia, and Lombardy. The quantity produced is upwards of 5,000,000 qrs. Rice is also an object of attention in the islands of the Adriatic around Venice, and many millions of quarters are pro- duced. Tobacco is raised in most parts of the Austrian provinces; but the finest iiuality of that weed is grown in Hungary. The entire quantity grown is about 35,000 tons, nearly one-half of which is Hungarian. Most of the Austrian provinces are well provided with natural pastures, many of wliich, on the banks of the mountain streams, aie very rich and fertile. But the AUSTRIAN AORICULTURE. 157 number of animals kept upon them is by no means adequate to the extent and excellence of the pastures, being estimated as follows : — Horsea 2,110,393 Horned cattle 10,495,456 Sheep 30,000,000 Mules and asses 59,000 The best horses are bred in the Bukovine and Transylvania, where the Turkish races are generally kept. The Hungarian horses are light made, swift, hardy, and durable. Those reared in ^lora^da and Bohemia are chiefly of the hea^y cart breeds. The finest races of horned cattle arc bred in Hungary, Transylvania, Lombardy, and Styria. In other parts, the native races prevail ; but the breeders are beginning to cross them with others from Switzerland, Belgium, and other places. The price, however, of butchers' meat is so low, that it holds out but little encoiu'agemeut to the graziers to give much attention to the subject, the chief inducement to keeping them being the raising a quantity of manure. In the purchase of cattle, the buyers look more at the size than at tlie quality of those they select, and pay but little regard to race. The rearing of sheep has been long the subject of special attention, both with the landowners and the Austrian government. In the year 1761, during the reign of Maria Theresa, the iSIerino breed was first introduced into Austria upon tlie imperial domains of Mannersdorp and HoUitsch. The barons of Silesia, Moravia, Bohemia, and Hungary followed the royal example, and became extensive flock-masters. Powerful efforts were made to extend the breed, both of ^lerinos and the best of the English types. The most active and eminent of those engaged in the enterprise were the barons Bartenstein and Ehrenfels, Count Wrbna, Prince Lichnowski, counts Colloredo, jMansfeldt, Hemyade, aird Karoly, and Messrs. Christian, Andree, and Bernard Petri. These influential persons contributed largely to extend the breed of Merinos, which from that time became the most important agricultm-al product of the empire, and "the choicest jewel in the Austrian crown." Some of the nobles still possess immense flocks of sheep. About the year 1808 or 1809, the writer was at Holkham .sheep- shearing, when Prince Esterhazy was also present, who, in an after-dinner speech., referred to the large flocks kept in his country. On being asked the number of his own, he said he could not tell within a few thousands ; but he offered Mr. Coke a bet of £10 that he had more shepherds on his estate than Mr. Coke had sheep on his farm. The wager was accepted, and upon writing to his steward for the necessary information, the prince gained it by one shepherd over Mr. Coke's flock. The prince (for he is still alive) can travel sixty miles in a straight line from Vienna on his own land, and his present flock consists of 260,000 ewes, besides lambs. At that time, it was upwards of 200,000 — the sheep, with theii' wool, being considered the most convertible produce of the soil. Less attention, however, has been paid to sheep of late years, owing to the minds of the landowners having been diverted into other channels, as we shall presently have occasion to show. Since 1818, too, owing to the unsettled state of the empire, both cattle and sheep have declined in numbers and quality. But the recent advance in the price of wool has again given a stimulus to the breeding of the latter, and the farmers and large proprietors are directing their attention to the breeds of fine woollcd sheep. On the other hand, the high price of all kinds of animal food in France and Prussia, in 158 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. consequence of the increasing subdivision and morceUement of the land^ which operates against the breeding and feeding of live stock, is likely still further to promote these objects in Aiistria, especially now that railways are established in the latter country, offering new facilities for the transmission of live cattle and sheep to all parts of Germany, as well as to France. There are two peculiarities connected with the agriculture of Austria of sufficient importance to demand special notice, as having already exercised a powerful influence upon its welfare, and being likely to affect it hereafter in a stUl greater degree. These are, the establishment on all the large estates of works for the manufacture of sugar from the Silesian beetroot, and others for the distillation of spirits (alcohol) from grain or potatoes. The first of these — the manufacture of sugar — had obtained a firm footing, both in Prance, as we have already shown, and in most of the continental states from the commencement of the present century; so that, without going again into its history, we may state that, in the year 1853, the number of sugar-works, and the quantity of beet consumed, was as follows : — No. of works. Beet, in tons. Prussia ISl 16,383,235 Its depeudencies 85 2,358,412 Bavaria 5 385,107 Saxony i 15'J,440 Wurtembm-g 4 628,763 Baden 2 1,150,789 Electoral Hesse 4 83,898 Thuringia 4 155,594 Brunswick 8 766,101 Fraukfort 1 27,510 298 22,067,849 The sugar produced from it was 1,51.0,^60 cwts., which allows an average yield of 7 per cent, of crystallized sugar, independent of the molasses and inegass, or residue, both of which are valuable items in the account. In was in the year 1830 that the first sugar-A\orks Avere established in Austria. They were erected by Prince Oettengen-WoUerstein, on his estate at Kleenkerchel, near Prague. About the same period other factories were established by Baron Stratendorf at Bedeskau, in Bohemia; Prince Latour and Taxis at Dobrobit; Count Czernin at Sudkal, Bohemia; Count CoUoredo Mansfeld at Stacy, in Lower Austria, and some others of less note. Between 1830 and 1810, 115 factories were erected; but many of these being on too small a scale to be profitable, they were, as was also the case in France, abandoned. A few years since the number was reduced to 108, which consume annually 303,170 tons of beetroot, from which is extracted 437,380 cwts. of crystallized sugar, 183,100 cwts. of molasses, and 30,316 tons of residue. The latter is employed in fattening cattle and swine. The quantity of land occupied in this culture is 13,000 hectares (31,687 statute acres), which allows an average produce of nine tons per acre. The price of the raw beetroot varies from 19*. to oOs. per ton ; the prices of the produce at the factory average about as follows : — &, s. d. Crystallized sugar 300 per ewt. Molasses 5 2 „ Residue 12 G per ton. AUSTRIAN AGRICULTURE. 159 At these prices, tlie original cost of the nuv beet is' about triplet!, and an ample profit is realized by the manufacturer. It is estimated that the residue and the foliage of the beetroot, which latter is also economised at the continental sugar-works, are sufficient to maintain 6,500 oxen of the average size. Upwards of 20,000 persons are employed in this manufacture during the five winter months, when out-door employment is almost at a stand in northern Germany, and it is likely to be still further extended, having, at present, scarcely been introduced into Hungary, Galicia, Croatia, or Sclavonia. It is a question, howevei', whether it would pay the manufacturer in any latitude below 45° N., it being well understood that the proportion of saccharine decreases as it approaches the south. In the south of France it has been wholly abandoned on that account, the yield of sugar not being large enough to afford a profit. We shall next give an account of the introduction, development, and effects upon the rural economy of Austria of the principle of agricultural distilleries, by which, as well as by the beet-sugar movement, the two branches of industry — agriculture arid manufacture — have been miited. 13oth took their rise under the same circum- stances, namely, — the long continuance of extreme low prices of all kinds of agricultural produce in the fifteen years succeeding the peace of 1815, with the exception of two seasons, when the large deficiency in the cereal crops of the Continent rendered the advance in prices unavailing, so far as the profits of the growers were concerned. The ancient and close connection between distillation and husbandry, directed the attention of the great land proprietors to this branch of industry as a last resource for the disposal of the produce of the soil. In many respects, Austria, as an agricultural country, was more unfavourably situated than either France, Prussia, or Russia, in that she had no outlets for her produce near to, or convenient for, the great markets of Western Europe. Trieste, at the head of the Gulf of Venice, and the Danube, are the only channels of egress by water she possesses; and at the period to which we refer (1830) there were no railroads in Geimiany, whilst the wretched condition of the public roads, and the great distance it would have been necessary to traverse to get the produce to a good market, were insuperable obstacles — especially when low prices prevailed for a length of time — to an export trade of any value to the landed interest. Both by land and water, therefore, her corn and cattle growers were shut out from the disposal of their produce when its value sunk below a certain ratio. Such was the case up to 1830, after the peace, when the establishment of agricultural distilleries was determined on as the only alternative presenting itself likely to preserve the value of the estates, by affording a means for a profitable disposal of the produce. At the present time there are about 16,000 distilleries in the Austrian dominions. These were, we believe, at first, employed exclusively in distillation from grain ; but as the price of cereal produce advanced throughout Europe, it was found more profitable to employ potatoes, on account of the comparative largeness of the acreable yield. The quantity of the tubers consumed, according to the statements from which we quote, amounts to 1,250,000 tons annually, which at the rate of three tons per acre, would require an extent of land of -416,666 acres. The quantity of raw spirit extracted from them is 63,828,039 imperial gallons, being 30 per cent, of the raw material. The residu:- amounts to 462,203,028 gallons, which is employed in fattening cattle and pigs. It is estimated that the above quantity will feed 60,000 head of cattle of the average size, 160 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND IMGDERN. tlie dung from -whicli will manure -1'1,968 acres of land. This, lio^rcver, falls far short of the quantity of land employed in the cultivation, as stated ahove ; and it is therefore evident that the manufacture must be exhausting and deteriorating to the soil without a large outlaj^ for other manure. It is assumed by the advocates of the system, that these two branches of manufac- ture have alone saved the lauded interest of Austria from utter ruin, and the soil itself from being abandoned to sterility. Whatever might have been the case in 1830, — and it is admitted that the state of the country was one of great difficulty with the agriculturists, — it was the same in other countries as well as Austria ; and we rather fear that, eventually, it will be found that the effects are injurious both to the agricul- turists and to the country at large. That the distillation is profitable is evident ; and, so far, proprietors arc benefited, whilst the labouring peasantry are furnished with employment. But that agriculture will suffer from the exhaustion of the soil, and by the diversion of capital and land from the cultivation of green and cereal productions is equally clear. Nor is it less unfavourable to progress and improvement in agriculture, that the mind and attention of the husbandman is divided between two incongruous occupations, which, although dependent one on the other for success, vrere never intended to be united. The proof of the correctness of the opinion that the soil will be deteriorated, is found in the small return of 4| of the seed sown, of the three cereal crops (wheat, barley, and oats), and the inattention paid of late years to the breeding of cattle and sheep. The temptation of an immediate market for the potatoes and beetroot has led the farmers to neglect other and equally important cultures, to the destruction of good farming, and, consequently, to the material interests of the country. Nor is it true that the alternative adopted by the land proprietors of Austria was either the only one or the best that was left to them. It cannot be that the owners and occupiers of the rich and generous soil of Aiistria could be permanently reduced to such a condition as not to be able to derive suljsistence from it, were there not other circum- stances of a social or political nature operating against them. The soil is not so sparing of its gratitude to those who do it justice, as to refuse to the labouring husbandman the due reward of his toil. Unfavourable seasons may and will thwart his efforts and reduce his profits, as is the ease with all industrial employments ; but that where the proper means are used for cultivating the soil, it cannot permanently refuse or cease to yield a profit to the cultivator in so populous a country as Austria is a self-evident proposition. Had the same capital, too, expended in the erection and working of the 16,000 distilleries, been bestowed on improvements of the land, and in the purchase and breeding of superior races of animals on the rich pastures of Austria, the value of the estates would have proportionately increased, the returns of produce doubled, and the general results been infinitely more beneficial to the country at large. This will be still more manifest if the effect on the moral and physical condition of the rural population is taken into the account. The consequences of having a manufacture of ardent spirits on every estate or large farm in the country, the pro- prietors of which have a direct interest in endeavouring, by all the means in their power, to increase the local consumption of the product, is necessarily calculated to create first a taste, and then a thirst for it; and such has actually been the case in Austria. "\Mth the view of disposing of as much of the alcoholic drink as possible on the spot, the distiller sells to the farmer on credit, to 1)C paid when the crop of potatoes is AUSTRIAN AGRICULTURE. 161 ready for sale, out of wliich, lie, being the only purcliaser, pays himself by deducting the amount of the credit from that of the crop. The peasantry are also enticed by the spirit-dealers, who abound in every village and hamlet, to expend -yvith them their earnings. The consequence is, that the whole rural population of the country, both farmers and labourers, have become addicted to the habitual use of ardent spirits, to the debasement and deterioration of both bodily and mental powers, as will readily be believed by those who are acquainted with the common effects arising from an habitual resort to alcoholic liquors. Such a resnlt is inevitable in all cases, and Austria at this moment presents a melancholy illustration of it on a gigantic scale. ''As to the con- sequences," says a late writer, in speaking on this subject, " as to the moral and physical consequences of the immoderate use of brandy, they speak for themselves. Oalicia exhibits examples which deserve to be studied ; and they have been amply exposed and brought to light, in the publications of those writers and temperance societies which have imdertaken to struggle against the use of alcoholic liquors."* That a greater attention to the improvement of the soil and the rearing of cattle and sheep in Austria would, in the end, be equally remunerative and far more beneficial to the country, cannot admit of a doubt. The supply of butcher's meat in Austria is much below the demand, and it requii'es a large importation, amounting to one million sterling, to make up the deficiency. The impolicy of thus depending on a foreign supf)ly, abounding, as Austria does, in pastures of the richest description, is evident. Even the breeding of horses is very little attended to, and the selection of stallions and mares, with the exception of a few spirited instances to the contrary, is made without any regard to excellence of race. The same indifference is displayed in the choice of breeding cattle, the native races being still generally adhered to, although very inferior in symmetry and quality of meat. The breeders are said to be guided in their choice by size, rather than by excellence in other respects. After the outburst of revolutionary feeling in 1848, the Emperor of Austria con- sidered it politic to make some concessions to the wishes of the landed interest. One of the most important of these was the abolition of the corvee or statute labour, which pressed hea^dly upon the industry of the farmers, whose services were demanded at those periods when their labour was most needed on th sir own land. The increase in the value of agricultm-al produce of every kind, coupled with this concession of partial freedom from feudal service, has stimulated cultivation, and given rise to the establishment of various manufactories of implements and machines of husbandry at Vienna, Prague, Pesth, Limberg, Gratz, Andutz, Hohenmausen, &c. The threshing machine has super- seded the flail, and the drill, hand-sowing, in the more advanced districts : the native plough, too, has been exchanged for one of modern construction ; in short, all the modern instruments of western Europe are gradually finding their way into the rui-al economy of Austria. But whilst, as is the case, the cultivators consider a regular and improved system of tillage ruinous to their interests, it is impossible that any efi'cctual progi'ess can be made ; and the chances against it are still further increased by the general opinion that the prosperity of the landowners depends upon the upholding a domestic manufacture that has already proved destructive alike of the moral and physical welfai-e of the people, and of the productive powers of the soil, whilst it absorbs the capital that might otherwise be beneficially employed in agricultural improvement. * Eugene Marie. — See "Journal d' Agriculture Pratique," August 5, 1857. M 162 AGKICULTUKE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. SECTION VII. THE AGRICULTURE OP THE GERMAN UNION. The German Union is one of those political combinations forced upon weak neigliljouring states for the general safety of the whole body, or of individual members of the confedera- tion, against the aggressive attacks of the greater powers. Yet there are elements in German politics that render it doubtful whether, in case of such aggression on the part of any one of the great European powers, the Union could be maintained in its integrity ; or whether, at the first hint of war, it would not, as in the time of the first Napoleon, yield at once to the pressure of circumstances ; and each state, guided by self-interest, or self-preservation, decide, as policy dictates, to remain neuter, or even to join the strongest party. The discordant elements of which the Union is composed, have too many individual interests to allow them to act in perfect harmony against what ought to be viewed as a common danger ; and those which, by their geographical position, may be the most exposed to the ravages of an enemy, would probably be the first to endeavour to propitiate the aggressor by deserting the Union and allying itself to the enemy. This constant anticipation of war, and the necessity of being prepared to repel an attack, is the great drawback upon the industrial institutions of the continental states, and especially that of agriculture, which depends so much for its success and progress upon the undisturbed efforts and energy of the rui'al population. The maintenance of military establishments, of enormous magnitude, in times of profound peace, involving the compulsory service of the whole, or of a large portion, of the male rural population, in order to prepare them for war, is only second, in its consequences on industry, to a state of actual warfare. Pity it is, that the great powers of the Continent cannot see that the true interests of the people are best secured by the continuance of peace, and that the reduction of those immense armaments which modern policy has reared, would be the surest means to promote the progressive prosperity of their kingdoms.* The German Union, as at present constituted, comprises thirty-five sovereign states, two of which, Prussia and Austria, we have already had under review. The largest of those yet to be considered are Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtembm-g, Mecklenburg Schwerin, Hanover, Holstein, Baden, &c. The following is the extent of profitable territory of each, according to the most recent authorities : — states. Under titlag:e. Meadows. Garden. Wine Land. Woods and Forests. Totals. Austria Prussia Bavaria Wurtemburg . . . Baden Electorate of llesse . Grand Duchy of Hesse Nassau Saxoner Acres. 15,322,812 18,887,581 8,326.641 2,448,859 1,444,628 879,228 976,564 433,390 1,839,939 Acres. 5,217,162 8,074,151 2,589,024 686,369 391,129 256,757 266,851 121,123 412,578 Acres. 326,110 493,958 213,859 94,682 34,690 447,906 365,895 4,415 104,090 Acres. 413,732 38,421 79,487 64,347 51,307 788 23,341 9,462 4,415 Acres. 15,850,837 8,866,652 5,622,170 1,493,864 1,227,641 948,153 685,107 493,327 1,131,121 Acres. 37,130,053 36,360,703 16,831,181 4,788,121 3,149,401 2,532,832 2,317,758 1,061,723 3,492,143 Carried over . . 50,559,648 18,015,144 2,085,611 685,300 36,318,872 107,664,575 * In the year 1850, the regular armies of Europe amounted to 3,139,823 men, but they have been largely increased since then. France, for iustance, had only 265,463 soldiers, but has now between 600,000 and 700,000 under arms. THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GERMAN UNION. 1G3 states. Uuder tillage. Meadows. Garden. Wine Land. Woods and Forests. Totals. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Brought forward 50,559,648 18,015,144 2,085,611 685,300 36,318,872 107,664,575 "Weimar 494,944, 81,380 18,294 473 225,214 820,305 Coburg Gotha . . . 278,837 34,690 7,570 . 140,049 401,152 Altenburg .... 212,597 23,972 10,724 ■ 66,239 313,532 Meineugen .... 249,187 43,528 13,247 226,476 532,438 Hanover .... 2,752,413 1,600,154 168,438 1,302,084 5,829,089 Brunswick .... 240,030 74,440 15,771 299,655 629,896 Oldenburg .... 464,939 155,190 27,126 232,099 879,354 Mecklenburg Schwerin 2,242,261 287,038 40,374 372,834 2,942,507 Mecklenburg Strelitz 425,826 43,528 7,570 135,633 612,557 Luxemburg .... 281,360 61,823 10,093 1,716 199,294 554,286 Limburg .... 152,666 164,022 8,210 32,804 357,702 Holstein .... 1,463,793 316,688 25,234 167,807 1,973,522 Lauenburg .... 173,484 29,650 4,418 29,650 237,202 Other States . . . Totals . . 1,186,636 237,210 35,327 i,198 592,727 2,053,098 61,178,621 21,174,463 2,478,007 688,687 40,341,437 125,861,215 The hest cultivated states are Holstein and Mecldenbui'gj where the improved system of husbandry is practised. After these come Hanover, Brunswick, Bohemia, Saxony, &c. In Swartzbm-g, Reuss, Prussia, Bohemia, and Saxony there are extensive manufactures of woollen cloths, which employ a great portion of the populations. In Mecklenburg the land is chiefly divided into large farms, some of them containing 2,000 acres. These are laid out in five or six fields, each of which is wholly sown with one kind of grain, alternately. In Wurtemburg, on the contrary, the soU is subdivided into small properties, many of which do not contain more than from four to sixteen perches each. These are rather gardens than farms, and the occupiers, whether proprietors or tenants, are too poor to attempt any improvements, nor, indeed, can there be much room for it. Nearly three-fourths of the Germans are employed in agriculture, the major part being small owners of the land. These live in a far inferior condition to that of the English or Scotch labourer : their chief food is rye or buckwheat bread, and potatoes, no animal food ever falling to their share. No German peasant can hope to rise above the caste to which he belongs. He may acquire property, and fi-equently does so ; but the possession of wealth can give him no title or privilege beyond that of using his money for his own benefit ; nor does it raise him in the social scale, or add to his political influence or character. He cannot interfere in any political question, however deeply he may be interested, nor take part in any of the national movements of the day. His existence, as a member of the body politic is a blank, and his function in the state is limited to his physical capabilities as a soldier, to which occupation he is inevitably des- tined, after arriving at a certain age, as we have already shown in the case of Prussia. Any strong expression of opinion on political affairs, whether by word of mouth, or writing, or printing, would assuredly bring the delinquent under the ban of authority, and be followed with condign punishment. In many respects, however, the Germans are in a far superior condition to the French, in that they have more social and civil freedom, and enjoy more of the domestic element in private life. Their communes, or parishes, are, like those of the United Kingdom, self- governed, the general government assuming no jurisdiction over them. This privilege is of veiy ancient date, having existed from the commencement of the organization of society. It is peculiarly a German institution, from which our own was derived. It is this nucleus of freedom that has enabled the Germans to make what pro- gress they have done, in spite of the adverse influences by which they are held down. It m2 164 AGRICULTUKE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. is not, however, consistent with the policy of the governments in other respects, that the industrial institutions of these countries should enjoy freedom. To bring them finan- cially under official surveiUauce the zollverein was established, by which the thirty-five states of the Confederation have adopted a system of customs' duties, which compels the people to purchase at the dearest rate aU articles of consumption and manufacture. The outburst of political feeling of 1848 led the continental governments to grant some beneficial reforms ; amongst which were, the abolition of tithes, the corvee, or com- pulsory labom*, and the law of entail. These useful measures have not yet been fully carried out, but so far as they have been, the land is relieved fi-om its most injurious and oppressive burthens, which acted as prohibitory restraints upon improvement, and were harassing in the extreme to the occupiers of land. What is still wanted in Germany is a closer and more general union of industrial interests and institutions, thereby to combine the several states in a grand organization of manufacturing and agricultural enterprise. A plan of this kind was contemplated in 1848, so far as agriculture was concerned, and could it have been carried into effect, all the agricultural societies of Germany would have been centralised, or, at least, brought into communication with each other, which would have afibrded the means of difi'using information on subjects relating to rural economy throughout the length and breadth of the Continent ; but tlie reaction that succeeded the revolutionary movements of that year rendered any measure of the kind impossible, the various governments having imbibed a wholesome horror of all combinations of the people, except in uniform and military array. Germany, however, is far from being destitute of agricultural societies. They existed previously to 1848, but in a very inefficient state. Since that year they have sprung into activity in every one of the thirty-five sovereignties of the Union, by which upwards of 120 periodicals on agi-icultural subjects are issued. By these an immense amount of valuable information is disseminated; although, owing to the jealousy of the governments of a free expression of opinion on matters of a political nature, interfering with, and retarding the progress of, industry, these sources of knowledge can never be fully developed. This taboo on all matters relating to the policy of government is the bane of all industrial enterprise on the Continent, poisoning the very sources of pros- perity, and preventing the possibility of national progress. One only of all the agricul- tural societies of Germany can be said to be allowed its full development, — that of Bavaria, which demands a distinct and honoiu'able notice, as being under the patronage of a sovereign, who, contrary to all the established usages of continental administra- tions, is not afraid to allow his people political rights under an organization that would be looked upon by his brother sovereigns as dangerous to their authority, if not to their existence.* The Bavarian Agricultural Society had been in existence for some years previous to 1852 ; but in that year, under the protection of the sovereign, it was entirely reorganized and formed into a corporation, representing the whole agricultural interest of Bavaria. It is divided into provincial societies and land commissariats, the latter of which are synonymous with the French sub-prefectures. At the head of each of these there is a committee of seven members elected popu^larly by the rest of the members. Each committee selects from amongst themselves a president ; and at the head of the whole * The following account is derived from the Journal d' Agricidiure Pralit/tie, and was drawn np by Messrs. Villeroy and Muller. THE AGRICULTURE OF THE GERMAN UNION. 165 there is, at Municli, a central committee, the members of which are also elected directly by the society. Each committee has the right of holding general meetings, at which not only all the members of the society are there of rigid, but all cultivators and friends of agricultui-e are invited to be present. For the decisions adopted in a general assembly, besides the members of the committee, six members chosen by election from amongst the cultivators forming part of the society, vote conciuTently with the committee. Each year, at the agricultural fete of the province, the local agricultural societies meet in general assembly, to which each society of the Land Commissariat sends one of its members. These delegates join in the discussion of the questions brought before them, and take the decisions. At the beginning of October the general committee of Munich convokes an assembly, to which each province ought to send two members. To this assembly the government communicates the measures relating to agriculture before submitting them to the Chamber of Deputies, as well as ordinances, however important, before they are definitively adopted. At the head of the agricultural society is his Majesty the King, as protector. A regular account of the operations of the society is rendered to him, in which he takes the most lively interest. It is to this circumstance that the society is in a great measure indebted for its rapid development, and that the decisions of the society exist, not only upon paper, but are certainly taken into consideration by the administrative authorities. These latter must be previously made acquainted with all the deliberations of the committee, whether at their regular meetings, or when the whole society is convoked ; and it is required to have a representative present at these assemblies, in order to furnish the intelligence that may be required, and which it has at its disposal. The representative of the administration has no deliberative voice in the assembly. The committees are thus corporate bodies and representatives of the administrative authority in all that concerns the interests of agricultui-e. The Committee of the Land Commissariat co-operates with the Land Commissioner; the Provincial with the President of the Regent of the Pro'V'ince, and the general committee with the minister. The society has not only the right of discussing questions submitted to it, but also of offering propositions, and exposing its grievances, if it has any. It is evident that a society thus constituted, and enjoying such privileges, may in certain circumstances acquire great national importance. And as it is, above all, composed of proprietors and farmers, it cannot fail to exercise a salutary influence over the government of the state. Each section of the society, each society of the Land Commissariat, as of the Province, is completely independent in its internal administration, and dispenses freely, according to the local requirements, of the means it has at its disposal. These means are derived from the annual subscriptions of two florins forty-five cruitzers (about 4s. \0d. English) each membei", and the government grants, those of the Provinces, and the Land Commissariat. The first of these grants is determined by the Chambers, and amounts to 30,000 florins, or £2,600 per annum. The members of the society receive a journal edited by the Central Committee, and which appears monthly. The society consists, at present, of upwards of 18,000 members. This is a large number for a state, the population of which is only 4,000,000. It is annually increasing. Up to the present time, it is chiefly by the distribution of prizes 166 AGEICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. and agricultural shows tliat the society has sought to exercise its influence. These distributions and festivals draw the public attention to agriculturCj stimulate the culti- vatorSj andj above all, tend to improve the breeds of cattle and sheep ; but the shows are too frequent. Each Land Commissariat will have its festival, and the prizes are necessarily so small that they do not tempt the breeders to make serious efforts j besides which they are awarded •without any preconcerted plan, and progress can never be rapid where no determined object is previously held out ; but it must not be forgotten that the society is still young, and that until its plan of operations and designs are well understood by the inhabitants of the rural districts its action cannot be fully developed. The Central Committee of Mimich expends the funds at its disposal in the encourage- ment of special branches ; and it has already done much, particularly in the improvement of the breeds of cattle and sheep, and in the multiplication of fish. Such is the history of the Bavarian Agricidtural Society, which as a model institution exercises a considerable influence throughout Germany. All the states have now their organized agricultural institutions, recently established, whilst those that existed previously have received uew life and energy from the Bavarian example. There are three systems of husbandry practised in Germany ; first, the three-field husbandry J secondly, the four-field; and thirdly, a system peculiar to Holstein and INIecklenburg, by which the farm is divided into a number of large fields of equal size, which, after several years of eorn-beai'ing, are allowed to remain from three to seven years under a fallow, or in grass for summer grazing. Under the three-field system, a three-coru'se husbandly is managed thus : one third of the land of a farm is under winter corn, another third imder spriag or summer corn, and the third is in fallow. This last is sometimes sown with peas or potatoes. The four-field husbandry appears the most raticmal of the three, the principle being that no field shoidd be sown with corn two consecutive years, or without, at least, one year's fallow intervening. The course of crops is — fii-st year rye, the second clover, the thii-d oats or barley, the fourth potatoes, the fifth winter com. The gi-eater part of the wheat grown in Germany is exported, very little wheaten bread being consumed by the growers. Rye, barley, and buckwheat bread, with potatoes, constitute the chief food of the rural population. Even in the large towns and cities it is difficult to procure wheaten bread ; and English travellers usually take some with them if they wish to be supplied with it. The -Naneyards of Germany, like those of France, are a soiu'ce of large revenue to the proprietors. The extent of land appropriated to them, as has been already shown, is 092,737 acres, of which that of Austria amounts to nearly one-third. The (quantity of mne produced annually in the German imion is 3,000,000 eimers,* the value of which, on the spot, is £3,000,000 sterling. We have already spoken of the breeding of sheep in Austria and Prussia; this branch of rural economy has been much attended to in several of the other states, the chief of which arc Saxony, Silesia, and Bohemia. Moravia and Westphalia are famous for their swine ; and the best horses are bred in Mecklenburg and North Hanover. The Spanish Merino sheep were introduced into Saxony about the middle of the last century, and were sedulously attended to by the sovereign, who also patronised the manufacture of woollen cloths. Saxony, as is well known, for many years produced the * The Prussian eimer is eighteen imperial gallons. THE AGEICULTURE OF THE GERMAN UNION. 167 best superfine broadcloths in tbe worldj and its wool was eagerly sought for by the English cloth manufacturers. The mountainous parts of the country are particularly adapted to the Merino sheep, and large flocks of them are fed there. Of late years, however, the Australian wool has, to a great extent, taken the place of the continental wools in the English market, being now quite equal to the wools of Saxony in fineness and quality, and of a longer staple. The following table will show the gradual increase of the former, and the decrease of the latter since the year 1815, at intervals of five yearSj up to 1860 : — 1815. 1820. 1825. 1830. 1835. Australian . . German . , 72,171 3,135.438 99,415 5,113,424 320,995 28,799,661 1,967,309 26,073,882 4,210,301 23,798,186 1840. 1845. 1850. 1855. 1860. Australian . . German . . . 9,721,248 21,812,664 24,177,317 18,484,736 39,918,221 9,166,731 49,142,106 6,128,626 The small quantity of German wool imported into the United Kingdom in the two first periods is. fully accoimted for by the state in which Germany was left at the conclusion of the war, after having been ovemm and ravaged by the immense armies alternately of France and of the allied powers. Whether as friends or as enemies, their presence was equally destructive of agricultm-e, and wasteful of the resources of the countries through which they passed. At present the woollen manufactories of Germany consiime the greatest portion of the wool grown there, now that the demand in the United Kingdom is supplied fi-om her own colonies. Tobacco is extensively cultivated in most of the German states, but particularly in the Rhenish provinces, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, in Hesse, Bavaria, &c. In Baden, since the disease has attacked the vine, and rendered its culture precarious, the vineyards have been rooted up, and the land cultivated to a considerable extent with tobacco, for which the soil is well adapted. Some of the farmers plant half their land with this exhausting crop, which gives no return of manure, and must therefore necessarily impoverish the soil, unless its fertility is kept up by artificial manures. The same cause which has suggested the extension of the tobacco culture in Baden, has given rise to the establishment of breweries, particularly in Bavaria and Rhenish Prussia. A few years ago beer was scarcely seen in old Bavaria, and now the breweries of that coimtry consume upwards of 1,000,000 qitarters of barley per annimi, which allows an average of about 2^ bushels to every head of the population. In the Rhenish provinces a company has been formed for brewing, on a large scale, English porter and ale. It is difficult, however, to induce a people to alter their habits of living ; and it is probable that, should the vine recover its former vigour and health, the population of those comitrics in which it was cultivated will revert to their ancient favourite beverage. In Prussia proper, Hanover, and other parts of northern Germany, immense quantities of beer are drank by aU classes. It is almost incredible how much of that heavy beverage some of the most respectable of the middle class will take in the course of one day. 168 AGRICULTUKE, ANCIENT AND MODEEN. SECTION VIII. THE AGRICDLTURE OF SWITZERLAND. There are some peculiarities iu the Swiss management of their little properties that render them objects of considerable interest. If there is any country in which the subdivision of the land into small farms is found to be beneficial to the occupiers, it is where they add to it the business of a manufactui-er. It is this that distingiiishes the cottier farmers of the north of Ireland from those of the west and south, nearly all of them, or their families, having other means of gaining a livelihood than that of husbandry. Some of them are linen weavers, others lace makers ; whilst vast numbers of the females are employed in the " sewed muslin trade," which is can-ied on to an enormous extent from Belfast to Dublin, in both of which, and at some intennediate towns, extensive establishments exist for its prosecution. The consequence is, that the condition of the peasantry of Ulster and part of Lcinster is far superior in point of comfort and cleanliness, and the little farms better cultivated, than in the purely agricultural provinces of Munster and Connaught. Switzerland presents another example of similar advantages, derived from this union of the two occupations of husbandry and manufacture, by which all the individuals of a family are at all times and seasons profitably employed. During the winter months, when out-door work is suspended, except that of attending to the cattle, the peasantry occupy themselves in different employments peculiar to the different cantons. Thus, in those of Saint Gaul, Appenzel, and Zm'ich, linen and cotton fabrics are woven, whilst in the environs of Basle silk goods are manufactured, and in the Jm-a, of which Geneva is the capital, the construction of clocks and watches is extensively carried on. This latter employment, as well as the two former, is chiefly conducted by females, whose delicacy of touch is found peculiarly adapted to the handling of the small mechanism of the watch. These female watchmakers are thus enabled, with economy, to save money enough to render themselves comfortable iu old age. The produce of their labour is chiefliy exported to the United Kingdom and France ; and it is astonishing the numbers that are annually completed by them. One grand object with them all is, to be able when they marry to possess a few cows, and land enough to siipport them in winter. This is the ultima thule of a female Swiss peasant's ambition. The land in Switzerland is subject to a law of inheritance similar to that of France, but it does not appear to be so rigorously carried out there as in the latter country. The chief object of the Swiss proprietors, at least in some of the cantons, is to lay by money enough to be able to give equal portions to all their childi'cn without dividing the estates, which are usually left intact to the youngest sons. If unable to effect this, the laud is stm left to the youngest sons, charged with the encumbrance of an interest equal to that on the sum it is considered the other children ought to have had as an equivalent for a portion of the land. When, however, the subdivision of an estate in land takes place on the death of the proprietor, care is taken to avoid the extreme THE AGRICULTURE OF SWITZERLAND. 169 morcellement that takes place in France and Germany, by whicli every little slip is liable to be divided into as many portions as there are children. But whichever way the settlement of an estate is accomplished, the system is opposed to the improvement of the soil ; for it is evident that if the father lays up his savings in order to portion off his children, he cannot expend any in improvements beyond what is necessary for his own comfort. Owing, however, to the fortunate position in other respects of the Swiss peasantry, and the remarkably intelligent and judicious manner in which they manage theii- affairs, the injury is less felt there than in either France or Germany, where husbandry is the sole employment of the rural popiilation, and those excellent combinations do not exist which distinguish the Swiss, and which we shall now briefly describe. In Switzerland each parish has its alp or common land, as was formerly the case in England. Every inhabitant is entitled to send one cow to pasture on the common fi'om June to October, and this is justly considered one of their most valuable privileges, the cow being an important part of a Swiss peasant's establishment, and one that engages his attention winter and summer. The system pursued in most of the cantons is admirably adapted to secure to them the full value of the produce of their cows. Exten- sive cheese manufactories or dailies are formed in every parish or village, superintended by a person who fully understands the business. The cows, when at grass, are under the care of a cowherd, who drives them night and morning to the cheese-house, where they are milked by the cheese-man and his assistants. "We have already had occasion to refer to this S\viss plan (see page 42) which has also been adopted by the inhabitants of the French Alps; and it is evident that by it the value of the produce is greatly enhanced by the superior quality of the cheese thus manufactured; for it would be impossible for the owner of one or two cows, or even half-a-dozen, to be able to make cheese of so marketable a quality ; whereas upon the Swiss principle cheeses are constantly made, superior to the best Cheshire, which always bring the highest price ia the markets of England and France. Most of the cheese-men are from Gruyere, in the canton of Friburg, from which circumstance aU the cheeses are called " Gruyere cheese." About forty cows is the number attached to each cheese- house ; and the establishment consists of the cheese-man, the press-man, and the herd. The milk is all mixed together, so that only one quality of cheese can be made ; this is rmiform thi-oughout the season, being under the undi^^.ded attention and control of a person fully competent to his work. Sometimes the cheese-man hires the cows, or a part of them, and pays the o^Tiers in either cheese or money, as may be agreed on. The cheese making ends in October, after which, during the winter months, the cows are fed at home with the hay cut ofi^ the meadows dui'ing the summer, which, if the pastures have not been fed ofl", is amply sufficient. Some of the valleys that lie to the sun afford grass almost the year round. The cultivation of cereal crops is quite secondary to the dairy. This principle of association — that by which the Swiss acquired their liberty, and have maintained it for upwards of 200 years — is carried into almost every department of their social economy. In the neighbourhood of the large towns, especially Geneva, where the consumption of milk is large, instead of making it into cheese, the farmers have formed themselves into a company, to supply the inhabitants by means of a central dairy, by which a certain sale is secured for the milk at a more remunerating price 170 AGKICULTUEE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. than if it was made into cheese. A similar association has been established for the sale of forage as well as milk. The price at which the latter is charged to the dairy is 22 centimes (2^^) the^so^ of about IJ pint. One of the principal objections to small farming is the impossibility of employing the best^ and most expensive, machines to the same advantage as on large farms, where it answers the pui-pose of the farmer to purchase them at great cost. The Swiss peasant farmers have overcome this difficulty by the application of the same principle of associatiouj especially in the commune of Meyrin, in the canton of Geneva. Here a society has been instituted for the pui'chase and use of agricultural machines and implements, towards which the members subscribe or hold shares of 25 francs each. On first starting they purchased a portable threshing machine, a chevalier di'iU, &c., and the profits accruing from the letting of these machines were invested in the purchase of others of the most modem construction, which plan they proposed to pursue, until they had supplied themselves with every essential machine ; after this the profits were to be divided amongst the shareholders. Thus the small farmers of Switzerland have endeavoured by the principle of combination to overcome the difficulties to which the system of which they form a part is liable, and are thereby enabled to enjoy the benefit of those expensive machines which the large farmers of England possess for their o\yu exclusive use. The following account of the rules of the association is interesting : — Art. 1. The machines, &c., will be granted, in the first place, to the shareholders, then to the inhabitants of the commune, and lastly to strangers ; they will be sent in the order of registry. Art. 2. The shareholder or hirer can have a machine for only one day, if it be required by another shareholder. The threshing machine only can be hired for several days. Art. 3. Persons who shall use the machines shall be responsible for accidents caused by their own carelessness ; payment to be made to the secretary. They are taken from, and returned to, the depot at the hii-er's expense. Art. 4. A register is kept for each machine, which is the foundation of the accounts. Art. 5. In case of the disarrangement of a machine the term of hire will commence immediately after the repairs are executed. Art. 6. The hirer of the threshing machine must fetch it at his own expense, and take it back on the evening of the last day of his term. The same rule applies to the large fan, or winnowing machine that accompanies the threshing machine. Art. 7. The threshing machine must be accompanied by the superintendent, who must be boarded and paid by the hirer, according to a rate fixed by the company. For example, the rate of charge is, for the di-ill machine, 3 francs per day ; for the threshing machine and its superintendent, 7 francs per day of ten hours, in summer ; 4. francs for half a day of five hom's ; 5 francs for a day in winter of eight hours ; or 3 fr. 50 c. for half a day of four hours, &c. In some of the communes there are public bakehouses and forges, under the super- intendence of a marshal ; at these the work is performed by workmen belonging to the commune at a stated price, as in the case of the machines. There arc also mutual insurance societies or companies against fire, against mortality in cattle, for improve- ments in the culture of the vine, and for supplying the shareholders with butchers' meat. THE AGRICULTURE OF SWITZERLAND. 171 The latter charge the subscribers for the meat at the cost price, deducting only tlie expenses of slaughtering, rent of premises, &c. This institution is called the " Agri- cultural Butchery," and is under admirable regulations, widely different from those of the Parisian butchery, being conducted by, and under the control of the people themselves, without any interference of the government. Persons not shareholders are allowed to subscribe, and receive the benefits of the association ; the only difference that is made being, that they are obliged to deposit 15 francs on entering their names. No sheep are pastured by the Geneva farmers ; the mutton, therefore, with which the association is supplied is purchased from Savoy and the south of Germany. For this purpose a reserve fund is created out of the capital, or by an additional subscription from the members. By this system the consumers and the producers are brought into direct communication without the intermediation of the cattle jobbers, salesmen, or butchers, and their arbitrary and large profits which add so greatly to the price of all animal food. Such are the main principles on which the agriculture of Switzerland is conducted, and nothing can be more admirable than the cordiality and unanimity with which these associations are sustained. It is evident, however, that the social combinations thus formed and worked, owe their origin and success mainly to the character of the Swiss people, superinduced by the peculiar position in which they are placed, and the absolute necessity they have been under to unite and stand, as it were, shoidder to shoulder in support of their freedom and nationality. This brotherhood, in the strictest sense of the word, has created in them the element and principle of association, which it was easy to apply and carry out, when the necessity or expediency of circumstances called for it, in social and economic undertakings. We know, in fact, no other people similarly circumstanced j those nearest approaching to them being the inhabitants of the mountainous parts of France ; but these have never been placed in anything like a similar position with the Swiss, and, therefore, have never had occasion to form those close political combinations in which every individual has an interest in the life and welfare of his neighbour. On the contrary, society in France is separated into different factions, which destroy the element of combination in its purer political form, and thus render more difficult the application of its principle in social life. Agricultural societies will do much to remedy this want, but France can never, in her political or social institutions, exhibit that closeness of brotherhood which binds the inhabitants of Switzerland, both to the soil and to each other, by one common feeling of self-preservation. 172 AGEICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. SECTION IX. BELGIAN AGRICULTURE. The history of tlie " Low Countries" presents as remarkable an instance of the triumph of human industry over the defects of nature as is to he found in any country. It is out of our power to say when agriculture first took its rise in that part of the Continent^ but certain it is, that long before the art was advanced beyond the first rudiments in Englandj the Flemings were practising many of the processes which are now considered indispensable to good husbandry, and which have not long been introduced generally among us. It is known that as early as the thirteenth century the Flemings were far advanced in agriculture, and it is equally true that they have ever since that period served as a model both in England and amongst the continental nations. In those early times books of agriculture were scarcely known, and, therefore, no records were kept of its transactions ; this confined the knowledge of its practice amongst the Flemings to those who visited the coimtry ; and travelling was less easy and less fashionable then than it has been since. "We learn, however, from the history of the times, that Queen Elizabeth, when she wanted vegetables for her dinner, was obliged to send over to the " Low Countries" for them. Towards the latter end of the sixteenth, and at the beginning of the seventeenth, centuries several English writers on agriculture went over to Flanders for the pm-pose of studying their system of husbandry. This was the case with Su* R. Weston, Hartlib, and others, who, on their return, published an account of what they saw, and their works remain, at this day, proofs of the advanced state of agriculture in that country. Most of oiu' forage plants, as clover, ray grass, lucerne, turnips, cabbages, &c. &c., have been derived from the Flemings, who probably cultivated them hundreds of years before they were introduced into England, which was not until the sixteenth century, and then the two last were only used as garden plants for the table. Belgium, according to the arrangement niade at the time of its separation from Holland in 1830, is divided into nine provinces, namely — Antwerp in the north. West and East Flanders, and Hainault in the west, Namur in the south, Luxembiu'g in the south-cast, Liege and Limbourg in the east, and Brabant in the centre. It has an area of 6,433,477 acres of cultivated land, of which 3,494,507 acres are in the hands of proprietors, and 2,937,970 acres are let to tenants. In West Flanders eighty- five per cent, of the lands are so let, whilst in Luxembourg three-fourths arc occupied by small proprietors. In Antwerp, Brabant, and East Flanders three-fourths are held by tenants. The land is divided into 600,000 properties, in the following proportions : — Farms not exceeding Ij acres 43 per cent. J) » '^■i » i-' J) » Hi 20 91 ]) 2o „ 7 47 ft „ exceeding the above 853 „ 10000 BELGIAN AGRICULTURE. 173 The following proportions (per 1,000 acres) are generally observed in cropping in Flanders, &c. : — Acres. Cereal and farinaceous crops 337'34 Alimentary roots 50'6G Manufacturing plants 25'22 Legmniuous plants 26'38 Fodder plants 59-83 Prau-ieland 13919 Fallows 3108 Gardens 191? Wood 186o8 Waste, or cultivated periodically 124' 5 5 1000-00 The country for the most part is very flat, except in the east and south-east^ -where the frontier joins that of France, the mountains of which are continued in Belgium, gradually sloping down until they are lost in the plains. The provinces of Liege, Luxembiirg, and Namiu" present the greatest irregularity of surface-, being intersected in all dii-ections with deep valleys and ravines, ridges of hills and mountain streams. A part of the Ai'dennes reach into Belgium, and dense forests are found in these districts. The inhabi- tants are poor, and subsist chiefly by pasturage of flocks of sheep and lean cattle, which pick up a scanty subsistence on the natural grasses that clothe the high grounds. In leaving these the traveller comes upon a well-cultivated country, and in the west and north-west encounters the far-famed husbandry of the " Low Countries," from which, as a pattern, the young agriculturists of the Continent, and formerly of England, have been directed to look for model farming. But however early the Flemings may have been celebrated for the attention paid by them to agriculture, and the success -nith which it has been followed, they have by no means progressed -with the times so far as to originate or adopt any of the newest methods by which the soil of England has been rendered so productive. As a whole, in fact, the Flemish husbandry is rather gardening than farming, the necessary consequence of that subdivision of the land into small properties indicated in the table given above ; and in accordance -with that plan, the object of the cultivators of these small farms is to grow a little of everything that can be useful in the maintenance of a family. Suph patches aflbrd little room or opportunity for improvements or experiments ; and the plans by which former occupiers cultivated their lands are adopted implicitly by their, descendants, without any desire to become acquainted with a better. Science is quite out of the question vnth the great majority of these small holders, who have no scope for the use of modern machinery, even if they had the money to spare to purchase it. The peciiliar system of Flemish husbandry naturally involves a large amount of manual labour, and this is sedulously bestowed ; the small farming of this country forms, indeed, a striking contrast with that of the same class in Ireland. In the former, weeds are scarcely to be seen, whilst in the latter they are ia some cases more than tolerated.* The * The writer was once travelling from Dublin to Belfast ; and as he passed, one after another, fields of both gi-ass (clover and ray grass) and corn so full of weeds as to make it difficult to tell what the intended crop was, he observed to a farmer, who sat by his side on the coach, that an Englishman would call it bad farming, " Well, sure," he replied, " the weeds might have been pulled out of the corn ; but as for the hay, zcou/d not Ike crop he all the heavier for them ? " The philosophy of this was better than the rhetoric. 174 AGEICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. Flemings spare no pains either ia keeping tlieir land clean, or in prociu'ing and preparing mannre for the crops. There is, however, no lack of machines on the few large farms, nor any want of enterprise with some of the occupiers. Straw cutters, root cutters, oil cake crushers, threshing and reaping machines, &c. &c., have been introduced and are becoming common j draining, too, is beginning to be considered a sine qua non in good husbandly, although it has made but little progress at present. Drain tiles are furnished by the state, which has fifteen manufactoi-ies of tiles in difierent parts of the country. Prizes are also offered to those proprietors and farmers who shall execute the largest extent of drainage on the best plan. The following table shows the distribution of the laud amongst the different provinces : — Provinces. Cultivated. Uncultivated. Covered witli buildings. Canals and roads. Total acres. Limbnrg . . Liege . . . Namur . . . Luxemburg Hainault . . Brabant (South) East Flanders . West Flanders . Antwerp . . Totals 766,582 586,523 687,292 1,144,076 879,512 782,304 654,190 733,008 487,092 344,169 100,848 145,555 414,158 8,529 3,347 3,234 21,453 179,357 3,654 2,258 2,286 3,609 7,313 4,365 10,917 4,974 4,244 37,729 23,818 23,209 43,378 24,179 20,784 28,739 22,132 30,014 1,152,134 713,447 858,342 1,605,221 919,533 810,800 697,080 781,567 700,707 6,720,579 1,220,650 43,620 253,982 8,238,831 Industrial or manufacturing plants form a large portion of the produce of Flanders. Amongst these, colza or rape seed and the Silesian beetroot acre the most extensively cultivated ; the former for the extraction of oil, and the latter for the manufacture of sugar and the distillation of spirits, ilost of the villages have an oil mill, attached in some cases to a wind corn mill, or, in others, erected separately, but stiU generally worked by the wind. The proprietors of the mills either pnrchase the seed and manu- factm'e it on their own account, or they crush it for the grower at a stated price, returning both the cake and the oil, or selling the latter on commission. The expense of the manufacture of the oil by steam power, is about 30«. per ton. The sugar factories are not at present numeroiis in Flanders, but they are increasing as well as the distilleries. Chieoiy is another important article of production, and its cultivation is continually on the increase. It supplies the place of coffee entirely with the rural population; aud furnishes in its preparation employment for a great number of hands. One of the most remarkable features in Flemish husbandry is the employment of liquid manure, which, while in England agricultm'ists are still wrangling about its value, has been used time out of mind by the Flemish farmers, who employ every method to procure and increase its production. The most approved material employed for this purpose is vidange, or a mLxtiu'c of which the principal ingredient is night-soil ; this is most carefully preserved, and we may say manufactured, in tanks ; into these, also, all the exeretae of horses and other animals arc conveyed by open drains or gutters. Rape cake also is mixed with this enyrals Uquide. The night-soil is collected in the towns, aud carried in carts, sometimes seven or eight miles, by persons who make it their business, and are called commissaires de vidanyes, or night-soil com- missaries. Tanks are also constructed by the road-sides by these commissaries, and BELGIAN AGRICULTURE. 175 their contents form an important article of commerce. Wlien opened, either to be filled or emptied, these tanks perfume the air for a considerable space, according to the direction and force of the wind. The fermentation is allowed to spend itself and subside before the vidange is considered fit for use. The application of the liquid manure to the land is differently perfonned, according to the means of the farmer, or his advancement in the art of husbandry. The most common method is to convey it to the field in a barrel containing 100 or 120 gallons ; but sometimes in a smaller cask carried by two men, or on a wheelbarrow. When arrived at the field it is emptied into a smaller open tub with handles to lift it to what- ever part of the field it is required. Sometimes it is distributed broadcast over the land with a ladle, and at others it is applied to the roots in the rows of plants, especially tobacco. The peasants are very expert in throwing it into the air so as to make it fall like a shower of rain. One of the chief recommendations in the view of the Belgian farmers of this mode of applying manure is, immediate assimilation and consequent benefit to the crop, whilst it is whoUy free from the seeds of plants inimical to good husbandry. On the large farms, carts, something similar to an English water-cart employed to water the roads with, are used, by which the liquid is more readily and evenly distributed over the land. The principal crops to which it is applied are flax, colza, hemp, and tobacco, and sometimes to cereals, but not commonly. The quantity applied varies from fifty to 200 hectolitres per hectare.* This kind of compost is, par excellence, called engrais Flamand ; on the other hand, the common fai-m-yard manure is very little attended to, being thrown from the stable or cattle sheds into the open yards, where it lies exposed to all weathers, by which its fertilising properties are much weakened, the liquid from it being allowed to run to waste. It is only the more intelligent of the farmers who see the folly of this, and by these the stable and cattle-shed dung is carefully kept in covered dung-pits, where it is mixed with earth and other materials in alternate layers. It is left to ferment, after which it is turned over and well mixed. A second fermentation for ten or twelve days finishes the process, and the manure is in a fit state to be applied. The quantity used is about eight cart loads, or sixteen cubic metres per acre.f This is the system pursued by Baron Peers, one of the most enlightened and public-spirited agriculturists in Belgium. In order to retain the fertilising elements of the compost, he employs sulphate of iron at the rate of one kilogi'amme of sulphate dissolved in twenty pints of hot water to. twenty head of cattle. The efiect is to fix the ammoniacal and other volatile salts, and at the same time prevent the pungent smell arising from the lu'ine and dung of horses or cattle, thus rendering the atmosphere of the stables perfectly pure. The increased value of the manure he has proved by experiments carefully conducted. Two lots of ground were manured, one vrith 100 kilogrammes of dung with, and the other with the same quantity without, the sulphate. The former produced 440 kilo- grammes, and the latter only 410 kilogrammes of ruta-bagas, making a diSerence of 3,000 kilogrammes per hectare, or upwards of 24 cwt. per acre. The solid manure heap is increased by the addition of eveiy vegetable substance that can be collected by the children of the small farmers. For this purpose they scour * Tte hectolitre is 22'0096GS imperial gallons; the hectare two acres, one rood, thirty-five perches. — Sjpiers. t See "Notes taken during a Tour in Belgium," by R. S. ^am,\ni'\it Edinburgh Journal of Agriculture, July, 1859, from which and the following numbers our account is chiefly derived. 176 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. tlie highways and canals^ for parings of gi'ass found on the sides of ditches and roads, and anything that is capable of fermentation or rapid decay ; water plants are particu- larly coveted, and are applied to the roots of potatoes, which they materially assist in their growth. Green crops, such as buckwheat, lupins, spuriy, fee, are raised for the piu'pose of being ploughed in as manure in the green state. On the light, sandy soils this has been found to enrich them in a high degree. Cake-meal is used in every variety of methods as top-dressing, mixed with other materials in the lidange tanks, or put in with the seed of beet and other crops. It is applied on meadow as well as arable land ; and clover is top-di'essed with it in a liquid form. In mixing it with other ingredients in the tanks, it is allowed to ferment for a fortnight before being used, by which means it becomes thoroughly incorporated with the whole mass, and comes out a rich compound of chemical matters, in a perfectly assimilable state. Spade husbandry is universally practised in Flanders, but not to the exclusion of the plough. Some of the proprietors stipulate with their tenants that a sixth or seventh part of the land shall be dug up every year. A singular method is practised, of a man following the plough and deepening the fiu-rows with the spade, throwing the mould over the ploughed part, where dui-ing the winter it receives the benefit of the frost. Sometimes double ploughing is practised; that is, one plough follows another, thus obtaining a depth of from fifteen to eighteen inches. Deep tillage is, in fact, one of the most striking peculiarities of the Flemish husbandly, and, in conjunction with repeated stu'ring of the soil, and a constant warfare with Aveeds, goes far to account for its success. The introduction of the subsoU-plough, about the year 1852, by an agricultural committee, has been attended with great success. Ten of those implements were pur- chased and sold by auction, at a loss to the committee of 100 fi-ancs. The next year- twenty more were purchased, and, in the same way, sold at the cost price ; and now most of the subscribers to the association have them, and find the greatest benefit from bringing up the new soil to the surface. Attention is paid by the Belgian government to the breeds of horses and cattle, and through its influence and efforts, a desii-e prevails throughout the country to improve the native races. In West Flanders the Dui'ham race has been introduced, and stations are appointed thi'oiighout the province, for bulls and cows, in order to facilitate the extension of the cross with the native cattle. In 1857 there were at these stations seventy-six bulls, and ninety-two milch cows, of the estimated value of 84,000 francs (£3,500 sterling) . It is calculated that the value of the cattle has been increased to the extent of one-third, and that, at a much lower estimate, the increased value of the entii-e stock in the pro^dnce, in five years, has amounted to 6,000,000 francs (j6250,000), at an expense of only 300,000 fi-ancs. Great merit is due to Baron Peers (to whom reference has just been made) for his untiring efforts to introduce the Durham cattle, of which he has as fine a collection as any English breeder, from whose herds, indeed, his own were carefully selected, without regard to price. Every year he has a sale of these cattle, and if they do not bring such prices as are realized in England, they amply remunerate the enterprising baron for the outlay he has ventured to incur. Sheep have been less attended to in Flanders, hitherto, than cattle, the smallness of the farms being one obstacle to their being kept. Two stations have been established, at which one ram and one ewe, of the Hampshii-e-Down breed, were kept in 1859; but it will require some time to convince the small farmers of the superior advantage of sheep BELGIAN AGEICULTURE. 177 over bullocks and horses, of whicli latter great numbers are bred ir^ Flanders, con- stituting one of its most important branches of agricultural industry. ]\I. de Lavergne, liowever, questions whether the outlay of rearing is not gi-eater than the sale of them Trill cover, and whether sheep would not prove more advantageous in every respect, and be attended with much less trouble and expense. The favourite maxim of the Flemish farmer is, "Nocattle, no mamu'c; no manure, no corn." It is, however, a well-established fact, that the dung of ruminating animals is more valuable than that of others on account of the more complete mastication of their food, which renders their excretae easier and qixickcr of assimilation by tlie plants. In some experiments, made by M. Boussingault, on the comparative value of different manures in the production of wheat, the results as regards sheep's and horses' dung were as follows : — Glaten. Starch. Bran, &c, Sheep's duug . . 329 . , . . 42-4 . . . 34-7 Horse dung . . . . 137 . . . 61-6 . . . 24'7 It is the amount of gluten that determines the value of wheat as an article of human food ; and this experiment shows that the sheep's dung produced more than double of that substance, of what the horse dung yielded. There appears to be no uniform course of cropping in Flanders, each farmer following that which appears the most profitable to him. The distinguishing characteristic of their system, and that which stamps its superiority over the French farmer's management, is the entire absence of fallows, whilst every effort is made to increase the fertility of the soil, by the application of abundance of the best manure they can obtain. The following are some of the rotations, according to the nature of the soil : — ■ For a light, sandy soil — 1st year, potatoes ; 3nd, rye, with carrots, liquid manure being largely used with the latter crop ; 3rd, flax ; 4th, rye ; 5th, tm-nips ; 6th, oats. For a rich, light soil — 1st year, tobacco ; 2nd, colza ; 3rd, wheat with clover, or rye, according to the richness of the soil; 4th, clover; 5th, rye; 6th, oats; 7tli, flax; 8th, turnips. For a good clay or strong loam — 1st year, flax ; 2nd, rye or wheat ; 3rd, rye or turnips; 4th, potatoes; 5th, wheat or rye, with clover; 6th, clover; 7th, clover; 8th, oats. These, however, are varied according to the quality of the soil ; but, in all cases, care is taken to prevent its exhaustion, by compensating dressings, so that the land, although constantly under crop, is never deteriorated. Such has been the practice of the Flemish farmers time out of mind ; and the result proves that, whilst ignorant of the principles on which their practice is founded, experience has taught them that the complete pul- verization of the soil and abundance of manure are all that is necessary to produce a corresponding beneficial result. In the neighbourhood of Courtrai flax is cultivated to a large extent. Considered by the British farmer as a very exhausting plant, it is quite the reverse with the Flemish farmer. Far from robbing the soil of its fertilising elements, he finds it greatly increases them, besidfes yielding large remuneration to the grower. It is, however, only by the most assiduous attention, and the application of an abundance of manure, that such a result is obtained. The long period during which the Flemands have continued the cultivation, is a sufficient proof that they are correct in their ideas respecting it. All the characteristics of good farming are observable in the flax-eulture ; high manuring, N 178 AGRICULTURE, ANCIEXT AND MODERN. deep tillage, a -constant warfare with weeds, and particular attention to tlie crop that should precede it, which is either clover, tobacco, hemp, or wheat. Almost any soil appears suitable for growing flax, but the finest and best is produced from a sandy loam ; in all cases the same attention is paid to the above husbandry. The manures employed are those we have already referred to, but oil-cake (rape) enters largely into the various compounds used for this crop. The land is tilled either with the plough or spade ; when the former is used, it turns a furrow about eight inches wide and eleven deep. With the spade the soil is gradually trenched deeper and deeper, till it is pulverised to the depth of eighteen or twenty inches. In the autumn it receives two, and sometimes three workings ; and after the winter's frost has mellowed the surface, it is merely harrowed down, and the seed is then sown. The average produce is 33 to 34 cwt. per acre. That of cereals is — wheat, from 20 to 28 bushels; spelt, 30 to 36 ditto; barley, 60 to 80; oats, 80 to 96. Peas will yield 24! bushels ; beans, 34 ditto ; and potatoes, 250 bushels per acre. The richest pastures in Belgium are in the north of West Flanders, on the Durme and Lower Scheldt. These can be overflowed by the tide when required, and are mowed twice a year. The cows are always kept in stalls, summer and winter. In the former season they are fed with clover, and with barley and oats cut in the green state ; in winter, with beetroot and turnips, chopped up together and boiled, and then giveu to them milk- warm. This mixture is called brassin. The cows are generally fattened at four years old. The meadows are mostly held by the large farmers, who rent them as auxiliaries to their farms, which are sometimes at a distance. In order to improve them, they occasionally break them uj), and sow them with oats, two years in succession, obtaining thus heavy crops. They are then laid down again with the best grass seeds they can prociu-e. The Polders are an extensive tract of country, recovered by degrees from the sea, and protected by embankments, which extend also along the banks of the rivers Meuse and Scheldt, to prevent their overflowing at the high tides or after the winter rains and snows. The Polders contain nearly 200 square miles, or 128,000 acres, and are con- tinually increasing by the silting up of the creeks and harbours. The soil is composed of sand, clay, and -the debi-is of every kind from the ocean, being found, upon analysis, to contain the following proportions : — Calcareous sand, mostly broken shells . . 13 Siliceons sand 5 Fine clay and vegetable matter . . . . 81 Soluble matter, and loss 1 100 The Polder farms are from 100 to 250 acres in extent, although many are smaller. The cultivation is very different from that of West Flanders, which may perhaps be ascribed to the goodness of the soil. What West Flanders is, it has been made by the industry and application of the inhabitants, for generally speaking the soil itself is very poor, mostly a barren sand, originally covered with heath, furze, or broom. The soil of the Polders, on the contrary, as may be judged from the above analysis, is naturally rich and fertile, and can be kept in that state by the admission of the tides from the rivers by the numerous sluices erected for that piu-pose in the embankments. There is, therefore, the less occasion for that unremitting attention that the soil of West Flanders requires. Cereal BELGIAN AGRICULTUEE. 179 crops may be grown many years in succession ■vvitlioiit manure ; but the course of cropping is also distinguished from tbat of West Flanders by tlie faUo-^F^ the following being the usual routine : — 1st, fallow; 2nd, barley; 3rd, beans; 4th, wheat; Sth, beans; 6th, wheat ; 7th, fallow with clover ; 8th, wheat ; 9th, potatoes and carrots ; 10th, oats. Very few cattle are kept, so that but little manure is raised or applied, and the fallow, with irrigation, is chiefly relied on for the renovation of the soil. The meadows fiu'uish abimdance of grass for the cows during the summer, and great quantities of butter and cheese are made. In winter there are no root crops provided for them, and they receive but little care or attention; so that when turned out to grass in the spring, they are the mere skeletons of the animals that were taken into the stalls at the commencement of the winter. The almost entire absence of root and green corps is the distinguishing feature and defect of the farming in the Polder district, which is the more calculated to excite surprise from the example they have in West Flanders. The indigenous breed of cattle are well adapted to the country, being apt to fatten, and the eows are excellent milkers. It is therefore the more inexplicable that there should be no winter food provided for them, or that greater attention should not be paid to their improvement. Exertions are making to introduce a better system by the cultivation of root crops, which would com- pletely revolutionise the present routine, and increase the productive powers of the soil, already so rich in all the elements of fertility. The Polder farmers have adopted the praiseworthy practice of remunerating their labourers by gi^^ug them small portions of land for raising crops of potatoes, flax, &c. In some cases they even let off a portion of their farms to a labourer, the landlord pro- viding implements, working cattle, and buildings, and the tenant doing all the work. In these cases the produce is generally divided between them. The houses in the Polder district are mostly good and remarkably clean, but less numerous than in West Flanders, because the farms are larger. The farm buildings are poor, and not well kept. The roads are veiy indifferent, and in winter nearly impassable. In that season, however, the river and the canals form the principal high roads for travelling from town to town, at least, in lieu of pedestrianism. There is, however, but little intercom'se kept up between distant places in winter, and the Polder farmer is at best an isolated being. The climate is very unhealthy for strangers, on account of the " Polder fever," which commonly attacks those who have not been acclimated by a long residence in the country. The district of the Pay de Waes lies between Ghent and Antwerp. Originally it was nothing but a sterile sand covered with heather, but by persevering industry it has been rendered a marvel of fertility. The spade culture is generally practised, and most of the farms are very small, but the care with which they are cultivated is extraordinary. A cow is kept for every three acres, being fed entirely on artificial grasses and roots. On a farm of six acres, " one acre is trenched twenty inches deep every year, well manured with the dung and urine of the cows, and planted with potatoes, part of an early kind and part of a later, as the land is ready, from the beginning of April to the end of May. If the soil is fit for wheat, this is usually the next crop ; if it is too sandy, rye is sown instead. The taking up of the potatoes gives a sufiicient tillage for the wheat or rye, which is sown as soon as the potatoes are ofl^ and the seed is covered by digging narrow trenches at six or seven feet distance from each other, and throwing the earth over the bed. The land is rolled or trodden with the feet, which last is the best on light soils. n2 180 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. Half au acre of laud is usually in carrots, wliicli have either beeu sown with the flax, or, ■which is much better, by themselves. The tm-nips are always sown on a stubble. The land which has borne rye is generally preferred for this purpose, because it is the first crop reaped. Sometimes oats are sown immediately after harvest, to be cut green for the cows before winter ; or winter barley for the early spring. The rotation of crops followed by the small spade-farmers varies exceedingly, according to the soil, situation, or other circumstances. Hemp, flax, or colza seldom occur in less than nine or ten years, as they require much manure, and do not succeed if sown too often. Wheat usually occupies a fourth or a third of the land, rye a sixth, potatoes a sixth, clover an eighth. Carrots and turnips are usually secondary crops, although occasionally sown also as principal ones. Tlie successions generally are as follows : — "Wheat after clover, potatoes, or beans. Rye and turnips after potatoes. Oats after turnips, or carrots. Potatoes after hemp, potatoes, or carrots. Hemp after turnips. Colza after flas. Beans after wheat or clover. Turnips after rye, barley, or oats, the same year. Carrots in the rye, or the flas, after clover. Clover in flax, oats, or wheat. Winter barley to cut green in s])ring, after potatoes. When any other produce is raised, such as peas, tares, poppies, cameline, beetroot, or parsnips, they only take the place of those crops that are most nearly allied to them, whether pulse, oleaginous seeds, or roots, without altering the succession. A family of five — the man, his wife, and three children — can cultivate without extraneous assistance six acres of land in this district, living oft" one acre and a half devoted to potatoes and grain, giving an acre for roots and clover for the feed of the cow, and selling the produce of the remaining three acres and a half, which bear tlie best-paying crops, as flax, colza, &c., to pay the rent and clothing expenses."* The above passage gives a flattering view of the condition of the small farmers of Belgium, and certainly a very diS'crent one to that given by Lavergne of those of France. The condition of the labouring peasantry is equally gratifying. With wages of 67 centimes (about G^d.) per day and his food he manages to keep his family and himself in sufficient food and good clothing. " Once, and only once," says the narrator, " did we see, during our wanderings in Flanders, both last year and this, a child with ragged clothes ; and rarely in the rural districts are you solicited for alms. None of the sigus of squalid poverty which too often disgrace our villages and hamlets are met with." The secret, however, of this desirable state of things is explained in the next passage but one : " Drunkenness, that great curse of our population, is verij rare, and frugaUty and economy are practised by all." Would to heaven that it was possible to indoctrinate the rural population of England with this Belgian sobriety and prudence the want of whicli is the cause of nine-tenths of the misery and crime with which this country is cursed ! The result, too, iu respect to the domestic comfort of the rural population is striking, considering the exceeding slender means of the Belgian peasantry. "The houses are • See the Ediniurff/i Jounn! of Ayricitllnrc for July, ISCO, article " Notes taken during a Tour through Belgium, Holland, and on the Uliine," by R. S. Hiini. BELGIAN AGRICULTUEE. 181 small ; the general living room is on the ground floors with a small room or closet or two off it for sleeping. A bedi'oom is generally above it in the attic, and lighted with a dormer or roof- window. The furniture is of little amount, very plain, generally of birch ; but cleanliness and a thorough- going air of material comfoi't pervade tlu'oughout. The stove is a prominent feature ; and another not less prominent one is the brass utensils of various kinds, which every Flemish housewife must have, and which are always kept in a condition of the brightest purity. The neat, clean blouse is viniversally worn by the men; wooden shoes by both sexes. The Sunday and /e7e day clothing of the peasantry is wonderfully excellent for people of such apparently limited chances of making money — fine embroidered shirts and black cloth trowsers. The food of the peasantry is of the simplest character. Rye bread is a staple commodity, and sweet and butter-milk is used. Potatoes and onions are partaken of for dinner, to which, at times, a little ham or bacon is added." "What domestic comforts might not the English peasantry enjoy with the same sobriety, economy, and attention to cleanliness ! The industry and foresight of the Flemish cottier farmers forms a striking contrast with the character of the same class in Ireland, in which every degree of ^vretchedness, discomfort, and thoughtlessness of the future combine with the most barbarous mode of cultivation to reduce the scale of domestic enjoyment to the lowest point consistent with humanity, and which is not the less painful to contemplate that the subjects of it seem scarcely sensible of its existence. The Campine is the largest plain in Belgium, and embraces nearly the whole of the pro\iuces of Antwerp and Limburg. The soil is one continuous covering of driving sand, twisted up by the eddies of wind into large mounds, or driven in clouds before it. In some parts it is thinly covered with heath or marshy plants intermixed with pools of water, stunted firs, or brushwood. Yet in this desolate and barren region the industry and perseverance of the Belgians have succeeded in reducing the apparently incorrigible waste to fertility ; and here and there you meet with their little farms, fenced in by sand heaps from the siirrounding desert, and smiling within its boundaries -ivith verdure and brightness. These farms are multiplying continually, aud bid fair, at no distant period, to convert the sterile desert into a garden, the howling wilderness into an abode of happiness and plenty. The chief means of effecting this important change is irrigation, which is greatly promoted by the numerous canals that have been constructed at a large expense. Extensive tracts of meadows have been formed, and roads are driven in every dii-ection through the plain, from town to town, for the accommodation of the inhabi- tants, the canals being the common medium for conveying away the produce to, and bringing home the manure from, the difterent towns. Nothing, in fact eould be effected without these two auxiliaries, as the Belgian farmers are well aware, whose motto is, " With the water, the grass ; with the grass, cattle ; with the cattle, manure ; with the manure, everything nearly which one desires on a farm [" Since the formation of the Campine Canal nearly 5,000 acres have been brought vmder cultivation in the com- mune of Arendonck alone, where large farms have been established, and hmidreds of head of cattle are fed, and dairies are formed. The value of the land in the Campine, where these improvements or creations have been efiTeeted, has risen from almost nothing to respectable prices. The best heath land, that sold previous to 1830 at 20 francs per hectare,* will now bring from 150 to 250 francs. Many of the richest gardens aud * About 6jf. ^d. per acre. 183 AGUICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. most fertile farms in tlie uciglibourliood of the towns of the Campiue were, ten^ twenty, and thirty years since, tracts of barren heath and the dreariest sand. Wherever manure has been easily obtained there it has been the most carefully preserved, and most prudently applied ; and in the history of the facilities of obtaining abundant supplies of manure yoxi read the history of the culture of the deserts of the Campine. The soil of the Campine varies from a light white sand, through which the water filters as through a sieve, to a sandy loam. The former is planted in the first instance with fir-trees and broom, the debris of which, annually deposited, forms in time a vegetable mould, and consolidates the surface. Loam or clay is brought in aid, then manure, and thereby a crop of potatoes, or buckwheat, or rye is obtained. From this stage the process gains strength continually, until the defects of nature give way, and victory and success crown the efforts of the indomitable invader. In some parts the yellow sand lies upon a hard crust called "tuf," and in England iron or moor-band pan, under which is a good loam. This is a more promising soil, but it involves the labour of deep trenching with the spade, to bring the loam and pan to the surface, when the frost is allowed to ameliorate them, after which they mingle intimately with the surface soil, and at once, with the addition of manure, form an excellent staple for cultivation. Potatoes are first taken, then rye with clover. The land is trenched upwards of twenty-seven inches (seventy centimetres) in depth with the spade, the turf being buried with the grass uppermost, to form in its decay a fertilizer for the future crop. The Campiuoise farmers are said to excel even the Flemish in the collection and preparation of manures. All the cattle are stall-fed, and every description of vegetable capable of being reduced to manure is employed as litter, with which mould is also mixed to increase the bulk. The whole is kept under cover until it is wanted to be spread upon the land. An excellent compost for toj)-dressing the meadows is made by placing layers of vegetable earth on the stable floors to absorb the urine, to be afterwards mixed with other mamire. The best rotation of crops recently introduced is as follows : — 1st year, beetroot ; 2nd, colza ; 3rd, winter barley ; 4th, rye with clover, or oats with do. ; 5th, clover ; Ctli, wheat. This, however, is exceptional, as in general the cereal crops are too numerous, to the exclusion of root crops that require hoeing, so that the land is apt to become foul, which in some seasons materially affects and reduces the produce. Rye is the principal cereal cultivated in the Campine. The seed is usually brought from a distance, and is sown at the rate of about 2\ bushels per acre. The average crop is about 24 bushels, but instances are related in which, by the application of an abundance of manure, as much as 74 bushels per acre have been obtained. Wheat has hitherto been an exceptional crop, but is now beginning to be generally cultivated, being rather more largely manured for than rye. The produce ranges from 20 to 28 bushels per acre. Barley is very little cultivated, but oats and buckwheat both form important articles of produce. The former yields from 33 to 06 bushels per acre; the latter from 28 to 33 bushels. The distinguishing features in Femish agriculture are the cultivation of manufac- turing plants, as linseed, colza, and beetroot. The former is principally grown for the flax which it yields, and is manufactured into linen, one of the staple articles of indus- trial produce of Belgium. Of the colza there are several kinds cultivated, as the colza d'hiver, colza d'ele,7iavc(te, caineUnc, and pavol ; but the colza d'hiver, or winter colza, is BELGIAN AGEICULTUllE. 183 tlie most general and may be grown on any soilj except a very wet one. It is a very productive crop, yielding from forty to forty-five bushels per acre. It is generally ready in June or July, and is frequently threshed on the ground in the open air. The plants are usually raised in seed-beds, and afterwards planted out. They are sown from July to August, and planted about the end of September. This operation is performed either with the spade or the plough. If the former is used it is tlirust into the loosened soil and the handle pressed forward, which opens a square gap. At each corner of this a plant is put in. When the plough is employed, women place the plants in the furrow about ten inches apart, and the next timi of the plough covers them up. The culti- vation of all the brassica kind of plants is nearly the same. The beetroot is also a special object of the attention of the Flemish farmer, who calls it une plants precieuse, and with good reason, it being found equally valuable, whether as manufactured into sugar, or as food for cattle. In the former case the residue is found very nutritive as containing at least five per cent, of sugar, and it is sold to the graziers, or employed by the owners of the sugar works in fattening cattle and pigs. The kinds usually grown are the rose a chair blanche (red with white flesh), or la blanche cle Silesie (the white Silesian). A sandy loam is the most favourable for growing it, although it is said that on a clay soil deeply tilled the per eentage of saccharine is greater. Great improvements ha\e been made in it in this respect, so that the proportion of saccharine matter has been largely increased. The cultivation of this plant is similar to that of the mangold- wurzel in England, which is so well known and understood that it is imneeessary to enter upon it here. They differ, however, from us in sowing the seed sometimes on a seed-bed and afterwards planting them out. In all cases the land is deeply tilled and heavily manured. The expense of cultivating a hectare of beetroot, according to M. Dombasle, including rent, is 324 fr. 25 c. (£13 10*.) or abovit £5 10s. per acre. The produce in 1859 averaged fifty tons per hectare, or about twenty tons per acre. But by the Koechlin method of cultivation, as much as 300,000 kilogrammes (or 295 tons) are said to be raised upon the hectare, or about 120 tons per acre. This is pro- duced by raising the plants in a seed-bed manured heavily, and planting them out at the end of March or beginning of April, by which means they will have the full benefit of the spring and early summer's growth in advance. This Koechlin plan will be described more at length when we are treating of the cultivation of this tribe of plants in a futiu'c part of the work. There is j'et another tract of land in Belgium which possesses peculiarities that demand a passing notice. This is the Pays Boise, or wooded country extending along- side of the Polder from Moerbeke to Ecluse. The subsoil of this district is composed of sand and decayed vegetable matter ; the upper entirely of sand. It is liable to over- flowing by the waters descending from the high grounds, and, like the Polder, has been brought into a state of fertility by the same energy and persevering industry of the inhabitants. Canals and ditches have been opened in all dii'ections, dividing the land into narrow slips, and draining ofi^ the waters ; these are partly cultivated, and partly left in wood. The course of crops occupies nine years, five of which the fields are under cereals, and the remaining four in green or root crops. Sometimes the land remains in pastm'c for three years at the end of the course, which, in any case, does not allow of much cattle being kept during winter. The account here given of Belgian farming, as Mr. Burn remarks, shows that the 181. AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. principle on wliicli it is conducted is ivliat would be termed gardening in England ; and it appears to be incompatible ■with tbe lai'ge farming of tbis countrVj on account of tbe great amount of band-labour^ as well as tbe large outlay of capital, it requires. Sucb bowever is not absolutely tbe case, for it is quite as possible to cultivate a farm of 100 or 1,000 acres as one of ten, vipon tbe Flemisb principles, especially witb tbe aid of macbinery possessed by tbe Englisb farmer. And tliis facility will be largely augmented wben tbe mission of steam power sball bave been more and better understood in its application to tbe processes of tbe farm, wbicb will tben extend to tbe entire banisbment of animal power from tbe practice of busbandry in its more severe labour. SECTION X. THE AGRICULTURE OF RUSSIA. •If we were to judge of tbe resources of tbe Russian empire by tbe extent of its terri- torial acquisitions, we sbould consider tbem almost illimitable and exbaustless, requiring only tbe stimulus of markets and tbe plastic band of industry for tbeir development. Defective as is tbe metbod of cultivation, and tedious as are tbe means for tbe transit of produce to tbe seaboard, yet so great is tbe extent of arable land on wbicb to operate, tbat tbe proprietors can at any time extend tbeir cultivation to meet tbe full measure of tbe demand. "We bave seen illustrations of tbe trutb of tbis observation wbeii tbe necessities of Western Europe bave required a larger foreign supply tban usual. On sucb occasions tbe grain, wbetber wbeat or oats, is pom'ed in a continuous stream into our ports from tbose of Nortbern and Soutberu Russia, tbe quantity only limited by tbe climatic and otber natural obstacles tbat oppose tbemselves to tbe transport of tbe produce during tbe sbort summer. In fact, tbe grain is stored on tbe banks of tbe rivers in tbe interior, or in tbe granaries of tbe proprietors, until tbe favourable oppor- tunity for tbe sale arrives ; wben, witb all possible speed, it is sent forward for disposal. Russia is naturally divided into tliree climatic regions — tbe cold, tbe temperate, and tbe bot. The cold region extends fi-om 55° to 60°, nortb latitude, including Kasan, Moscow, Petersburg, and Riga; tbe temperate region lies between 50° and 55°, and includes a portion of Kiev, Saratov, Wilna, and Smolcnsko ; tbe bot region readies from 43° to 50', and comprises Taurida, Odessa, Astracan, and part of tbe Caucasus, and of tbe district of Kiev. According to Scbubert, tbe Russian territory embraces an extent of 1,742,435,725 Pmssian acres, distributed as follows : — Porest and scrub 676,000,000 acres. Unproductive 771,000,000 Arable 240,500,000 Sleadow 21,500,000 Not accounted for Sii,435,725 1,742,435,723 Almost tbe wbolc of tbis immense couutry is a dead flat, tbe only bigb ground being THE AGRICULTURE OF RUSSIA. 185 the Oural range of mountains^ wliicli separate European Russia from Noithern Asia; and tliat portion of the Carpathian range situated between Moldavia .and Wallachia. The most valuable portion of the eouutry in an agricultural point of view is a tract 65,000 geographical miles in extent, stretching in a broad belt from Volhjmia, in a north-easterly direction to the foot of the Oural chain near Perm, and to the shores of the Black and Caspian Seas. The soil of this extensive tract is a rich black vegetable mould, varying in depth from three to five feet, and so productive as to need no manure and very little tillage. Its fertility is shown by the large returns it yields of grain, especially rye, and in the excellent breed of cattle reared upon it. So thinly is this fine country populated that a large portion of it is iineultivated. The farmers help them- selves to portions of it, which they cultivate for cereals until the produce begins to fall off, when they abandon it and take a fresh portion. The best cultivated parts are in Southern Russia; and the principal corn-growing districts are Podolia, Kiev, and Volhynia, and on the banks of the Don and the Wolga, the cereal land extending about 100 miles inland from the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. The first three of these provinces contain together 70,750 square miles ajiportioned as follows : — Podolia 20,450 Kiev 21,000 Volhynia 29,300 70,750 These provinces partake of the same rich soil as part of the great belt mentioned above, and having an argillaceous and calcareous subsoil, are well adapted to every kind of agricultm'al produce. The land is divided into large estates held by boyars, or lords of high birth. Many foreigners, chiefly Germans, have had large grants of land at a small nominal rent, and on leases of 100 years and upwards, on condition that they and their descendants would reside upon and cultivate them. The German settlers or colonists are the most industrious farmers in Russia. They settle in communities, of which there are 118, called "crown colonies," the Czar having granted them tracts of land, and advanced them money to cultivate it. On the other hand they are not allowed to leave the country, but may dispose of their produce as they please. Most of them are become wealthy boyars, and are well satisfied with their position. They pay no rent the first year or two, after which they are charged three rubles (9s.) the dessetina of 5,600 square yards. The average produce of wheat in 1857 was 6^ quarters per dessetina, or forty-five bushels per acre. These colonies are mostly in the southern and south-eastern governments of Russia, lying within a circuit of 100 miles diameter. The farms arc distinguished by their superior cultivation. There are no fences or walls to indicate the boundaries of the estates as in England or Ireland, but artificial mormds of earth are raised at certain distances; and the memory of these simple demarcations is preserved amongst the peasantry much in the same way as is practised in England in respect to parishes, by " going the bounds" of the estate with all the young people residing upon it. To impress the rceollectiou of certain salient points of the boimdaries, a stout, healthy lad is selected, thrown down upon the spot, and soundly flogged, amidst the laughter and jests of the assembled company. By this means the memory of the locality is retained for life, not only by the person thus roughly handled, but by all the young persons present. ISIany of the 186 AGRICULTUEE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. estates of tlie boyars are almost equal iu extent to some of the German principalities. If you ask a proprietor what is the extent of his territory^ he will measure it by the number of serfs he possessedj for these constituted its value in his estimation. A large proportion of the land belongs to the crown, ha^ang been forfeited by the rebellion of the old proprietors during the Polish insurrections. Not more than one- fifteenth part of these provinces is cultivated. That which is under tillage, is let to farmers on leases of three, six, or nine years, which accords with the course of cropping practised, namely, 1st year, wheat; 2nd year, oats or barley ; 3rd year, fallow. This is the general course of husbandry pursued, but sometimes where the land is farmed by the proprietor, it is cropped as long as it will bear a corn crop ; and so rich are some parts that they have been sown with wheat upwards of twenty years consecutively. Iu these cases the land is seeded by the grain shelled in the previous harvest, and simply ploughed in two or three inches without any other preparation. It is said that better crops are obtained by this method than by a more elaborate tillage of the soil. The leases granted to the farmers are renewable at the expiration of the nominal term. After being regularly signed by both the contracting parties, and didy witnessed, they are registered in the local courts of the districts. It is the same in all contracts for, and mortgages and sales of, laud, so that a title to property may at any time be satisfactorily proved by a reference to the register. The crown lands were formerly let thus on leases to farmers, but are now, to a large extent, converted into military colonies, and are cultivated not for immediate profit, but for the ostensible maintenaucc of that portion of the army stationed upon them. Besides the boyar and the occupier or farmer of the land, the serf is an equally important, though more humble, member of the community, for so thin is the population of the rm-al districts, that the serfs constitute the most valuable property of the lord, or, at least, have done so hitherto, the measures of the present Czar for their emancipation having effected a great change in the relative position of both parties. The serf occupied a very difierent status from that of the English labourer. So far as his own will was concerned, he was irremovably attached to the soil or estate on which he was born, and could not leave it for an hour without the consent of his owner, or the demand of the government of his services for the army. A large portion of his time and labour must be given gratis for the cultivation of the estate, and he was liable to corporeal punishment at the caprice of his master only to the extent of five lashes at a time ; but as an interval of half an horn* was sufficient to render him liable to a repetition, the restriction was of little avail for the security of the serf. For military service he was always at the call of the emperor, but the selection of the levy demanded, rested with the owuer, who did not always send away the best men for the purpose. The serf was entitled by law and custom to a portion of land to the extent of three acres, which he cultivated for the support of himself and his family on those days when his labour was not required by his master. If drafted into the army, his little farm was eidtivated by the females and younger sons of the family, as in Prussia. There were 42,000,000 serfs in the Russian empire, of whom 25,000,000 belonged to the emperor, so that, after all, his was the largest sacrifice by their emancipation. It is said that tlie crown serfs were more oppressed than those of the boyars, not that the sovereign himself was privy to their ill-treatment and oppression, but that, as a Russian expresses it, " God and the Czar arc a long way off," in other words, the Czar, being compelled to THE AGRICULTURE OF RUSSIA. 187 delegate liis authority over his serfs to otherSj knew nothing of the treatraentj good or Iiad, that they were subjected to, according to the dispositions of the masters who were entrusted with the power over them. This in Russia was far more likely to be against than in favour of the serf. And this deduction is confirmed by the last census, which shows that on the crown lands the number of serfs was decreasing, whilst on those of the boyars it was increasing. By an ukase promulgated some years since, and called an " inventory,'^ a considerable improvement was made in the laws relative to the serf. His allotment of land, which previously he was liable to have wrested from him when he had improved and cultivated it, he could afterwards hold by a kind of tenant-right, and the time when the lord could command his labour was more strictly defined, instead of being left to the caprice of his master. The serf was subject to a capitation tax, which was levied upon every male in his family ; if unable to pay it the lord was responsible for it ; but before he paid it every means was resorted to to compel the serf to pay it. The last resource was to extinguish the cabin fire by bricking up the chimney, so that a fire could not be lighted without subjecting the family to the danger of suffocation from the smoke. This infliction in so severe a climate as that of Russia was attended with an amount of suffering we can form but an imperfect idea of. If it failed to extort the required sum the case was considered hopeless, and no fm-ther attempt was made. The system of serfage has been abolished by the present Czar, in spite of the most strenuous opposition of the boyars, which is not a matter of surprise. It natiu'ally led to a great deal of injustice and cruelty, and afforded the owner or his representative, the steward or the farmer, the means of getting rid of an obnoxious or offending serf by sending him to the army. In such cases he was dragged from his home and family, his head was shaved on one side from front to back, heavy chains were riveted upon his limbs, and he was marched away with comrades in a similar condition, to the military depot. The serf had a claim on his lord in case of old age, illness, or accident that disabled him from supporting himself and family, or if the head was drafted into the army. In all such cases they were generally so far provided for as to prevent absolute want ; and these were frequently better off than those who depended on their own efforts, and who had sometimes to struggle against poverty and want in its most revolting form, when provisions were scarce and dear, or other circumstances lessened their ability to make the necessary provision for their support. J\lany of the boyars too were mild and humane in their treatment of the serfs, and in such cases there was no sacrifice the latter would not submit to for their benefit. The afl'ection of the domestic serf to the children of the family was in some instances romantic, and in most a pleasing trait in their character. A remarkable instance of it is related in a small work from which we have derived a considerable part of our information.* " I noticed," the wi-iter says, " in one family that I visited, one of the nursemaids who attended on a child of the house, almost hideous. ' I am afraid that Mr. B. is not admu-ing our poor Teckla,' said the mistress of the house, laughing. — ' Speaking frankly,' I replied, ' one's admiration is probably due to your attendant's intrinsic merit ? ' — ' It is, indeed,' said the lady earnestly ; ' and I am glad to have an opportunity of telling you so. Four years ago she was as pretty a girl as you are likely to see amongst our peasantry. Our house in the country took fire one night, and a considerable portion * "Kussiaus of the South," by Skirky Brouks, Esq., Times commissioner. 188 AGRICULTURE. ANCIENT AND MODERN. was destroyed^ but everybody was saved^ and, indeed^ the person who had most to regret the accident was Teckla there. We were all standing looking at the fire, when it rushed into Teckla's brain that this child here, then a baby, was left behind in the burning house. She set up a wild shriek, which frightened us more tlian the confla- gration had done, and sprang into the building through a window, the woodwork of which was in flames. Forcing her way through the smoke, she penetrated into one of the bedrooms, and there she must have fallen down overpowered. She was got out witli great difiiculty, and not until another side of the room, to which she had pushed, had given way; and she was discovered lying near a bed with the child's bed-cover in her hand : she must have madly snatched at that, and then dropped. She was cb'eadfully bm-ned, aud her life was despaired of, but she ultimately recovered, though disfigured as you see. Her own accoimt is that she looked round for us all, missed the baby (who had been carried into a neighbouring cottage), and remembers nothing else.'"* By an ukase of the present emperor the owners of the serfs were bound to grant them -four dessiaterns (eleven Prussian acres) of land and a cottage in freehold, allowing them twelve years to pay for it, the value being fixed at £\Q sterling. This was readily acceded to by the large landowners, who had far more land than serfs to cultivate it. But the case was difi^reut with the small proprietors, many of whom had not enough land to allow that quantity to each of the serfs- upon their estates, and they were consequently compelled to purchase land for that purpose at a much higher price than that fixed by the ukase to be paid by the serf. It is impossible, indeed, in so large and sweeping a measure to avoid inflicting injury upon some persons; but of the general justice and humanity of the measure, and of the benevolence and rectitude of the emperor's intentions, there cannot exist a doubt, or that his object is to extend the benefits of civilization tlu-oughout his immense empire. In Siberia there were but few serfs, who belonged to the cro^vn foundries, and these were amongst the first emancipated. The cabins of the small occupiers of land are the counterpart of those of the Irish cottier farmers, except that the former are kept in better repair. Theu* mode of living is of the lowest description, rye or buckwheat bread, and sometimes bread made of the bark of a tree, supplying them with the chief portion of their subsistence. Wheaten bread is never eaten by them, and very little, if any, meat. " Pot-au-feu is found in every cabin, replete with the fumes of garlic, onions, and other savoury vegetables. Gruel made of buckwheat meal, ' thick aud slab,' and flavom'cd with similar herbs, is a favourite dish with them. Water is the common beverage, but when they can procure the means, they are greatly addicted to intoxication." f The three-shift course of cropping, which is so much practised, can only be tolerated in a country where both land and labour are cheap, and the former has a good staple. Even in Southern and Western Russia it is beginning to tell upon the productive power of the soil, which, like that of the United States of America, is found not to be absolutely inexhaustible. But the prej udiccs of the Russian farmers in favour of ancieut customs, and their horror of the idea of spending money upon improvements, arc * Although the rule was for the lord to look upon the serf merely in the light of a valuable property or iavestmcnt, many of the proprietors were kind and generous to them, espeeially on partieular occasions. Harrison mentions an instance of this. " On one festive occasion," he says, " commemorating the saint's day of the young lady of the house, sixteen peasant couples were married, and received from their barhin (master) a horse, cart, and plough each." — " Notes ol A Nine Years' Residence in Russia, from 1844 to 1853," by 11. Harrison. t Brooks. THE AGRICULTURE OF RUSSIA. 180 unconquerable. The reply of a proprietor whose ineome was £16,000 a year, when advised to introduce a new machine upon his farm, was quite characteristic. " Mon Dieu ! look at the expense ! Why, you ai'c asking me to lay out nearly sixty pounds ! No, no; we will keep to the old plan."* No manure is applied to the land, and to get rid of it, it is thrown upon the drift-ways. " Roads ?" said a resident geutleman to Mr. Brooks — "No, we have no roads, not as the word is understood amongst yourselves, you English ; or as in France, or anywhere but amongst ourselves. It would not answer. We have a more simple plan than to gather together materials and build a pathway, for it is really building to make these ways as they are generally made. Observe ; we do not need them. Not, of course, that it is not necessary that our waggons, and carts, and carriages should have a path, but we can supply them without much trouble. Land is not so valuable with us but that we can afford more for our transit than those strips of ribands which you call roads in England, and which I have seen. The course is wide and open; if the waggons and carts tear it up, or the rains make it impassable in one place, it is easy to deflect a little to the right or left, and make out a fresh track. That costs nothing, so that we have very good paths after all." " If ignorance be bliss," says the philosophic poet, " ■'tis folly to be wise." Certainly the logic of this resident gentleman is the philosophy of ignorance, for it is by such paths as these that the finest cereal produce of Europe, perhaps of the whole world, is conveyed to the shipping ports of the Black Sea, and on wJiich the " carriages" of the Russian gentry perform their journeys. The same gentleman stated that it once i-equired twelve bullocks to draw him and his family in their carriage out of a slough in the road. The passage of the coi'u-ladcn carts is at best very slow. With five sacks of corn on each cart, it takes them weeks to reach the depot ; and as the bullocks have to subsist on the grass they find by the roadside, and what hay they can take with them, they are frequently distressed for want of fodder. The land is cultivated, not in small enclosures, as in England, or in still smaller strips, as in France and Germany, but in extensive plains, stretching out as far as the eye can reach, a sea of undulating and wa-idng corn of the richest verdure, whether of wheat, barley, rye, or oats. The labouring classes reside in villages, their condition being greatly ameliorated by the ukase of the present emperor for their emancipation. The natiu'e of the country, which is similar to that of the " rolling prairie " land of the United States of America, renders draining almost unnecessary. It is furnished, in most parts, with natural channels for carrying off" the surface water into the brooks and streams. As to thorough drainage to relieve the subsoil from the springs, the Russian farmers are generally far from being sufficiently advanced to undertake it. Nor can we be surprised at this, when we reflect that in enlightened England there are many land- owners who hesitate to incur the expense, although they have the evidence of its utility and profitableness daily before their eyes. The finest wheat is produced in these three provinces, and is either brought down the Vistula and other rivers to Dantzic, Konigsburg, and other ports on the Baltic, or down tlie Dniester to Odessa, or by land carriage to the same port. The wheat called Dantzic wheat is none of it grown in Prussia, but is the produce of the Polish provinces of Russia, conveyed to Dantzic during the short summer, and there laid in granary till * Broo!:3. 190 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. a favom-able opportunity occui's for its disposal. The species sown is chiefly spring wheat, because the mild, wet winters of the south-west are apt to cause the autumnal wheat to rot. " The general principle on which the husbandmen proceed is that much must be left to nature, and that her operations are neither seconded by great laboiu" nor by refined industry." In fact, such is the raging fertility of the soil that the wheat straw is as tall and as stout as reeds, and the blades like those of Indian corn. The following is the state of progress in production in Russian Poland since 1822 : — 1 of wheat yielded 1822. ... 4 1857. 5 of the seed sown. .. rye „ barley „ ,. oats ... 3 ... 3 ... 3 5 5 4 « peas „ buckwheat ... 2 . . . 2i G 3 " „ rape seed „ millet „ ... 5 ... 4 5 6 t> „ potatoes „ ... 4 7i " Average SI? The beet sugar manufacture was introduced into Russia some years since, and being encouraged by the government upon the ruling principle of selling much and buying little, has made great progress. Refined sugar chiefly is made, and such is the j^rotection it is considered " necessary to award it, that the price is raised to lOd. per pound, and is therefore much above the means of the lower classes rate at which this manufactm-e has increased The following will show the Qoantity made in 1849-50 1851-52 „ ,, 1854-55 „ „ 1855-56 1856-57 Coarse sugar 3,628,170 lbs. EngUsh. 8,585,587 „ 12,150,000 „ „ 11,031,000 „ „ 15,377,000 „ „ 13,636.000 „ „ The quantity of beetroot grown in 1858 was 350,000 tons, the average price of which was 24s. per ton, and the quantity of sugar produce in 1858-9; 33,600,000 lbs., which gives an average yield of not more than 43 per cent. This is very low, considering that in Northern Russia the beet contains as much as 13 or 14 per cent, of saccharine matter. Not more than 9,500,000 lbs. of the produce is consumed in the coimtry, the rest being exported. It may be readily supposed that very little sugar is consumed by the laboiuing classes ; and, on the other hand, that they are heavily taxed to support the manufacture. If we estimate the natural price of the sugar at 6d. per pound, the differ- ence of 4d. per pound upon the quantity made amounts to j6560,000, and as there are only fifty-two factories in Russian Poland, the public pay £10,770 each annually for their support. The following is the consumption of sugar in dififerent countries of Europe : — England* . . 26 lbs. per he ad per ann. Belgium . .* 17 HoUand . . 7i „ France . . . 6^ „ Switzerland . 6J „ Poland . . . 2 • The average quantity imported in the seven years, from 1S50 to 1856, inclusive, was 7,866,563 cwt., which allows 29 lbs. per bead, reckoning the population at 30,000,000. From this must be deducted 3 lbs. per head for exported augar. This calculation is exclusive of molasses, which is about 3 lbs. per head more THE AGRICULTURE OF RUSSIA. 191 The quantity manutacturecl in other parts of Russia is about tlie same as in Russian Poland. The Merino breed of sheep is diffused througliout the provinces of the Ukraine, aud large quantities of fine wool are brought for sale to the fairs of Kharkoff and Poltava. In 1857 it amounted to 40,000,000, and in 1858 to nearly 22,000,000 lbs. wliich sold at about 1*. per pound. The breeding of sheep is much attended to in the Ukraine, where rich pasturage abounds. The steppes, which are the most remarkable feature in the geography of Russia, commence about 100 miles in the interior, from the shores of the Euxine, and cover a vast extent of country. They are for the most part unfertile, being chiefly sand, in some parts mixed with salt, and in others wholly destitute of water, whilst others are covered with swampy marsh aud stuuted birches. The most notable exception to this description is the Baraba Steppe, in the government of Tomsk, in Siberia, where a large quantity of corn is raised on the banks of the Obi and tlie Kama, near Baruoul. The land is sometimes cropped with cereals for many years in succession without tlie application of any manui-e. The produce is taken down the Obi for shipment at the port of Sobski or Borozof, aud thence, by the Gulf of Obi, to the European markets when it is required. The Russo-Danubian provinces of JNIoldavia and Bessarabia were wrested fi'om Turkey by the treaty of Bucharest, at the close of the war in 1812. By this treaty it was stipulated that Russia should retain that part of Moldavia situated to the north of the river Pruth, which takes its rise in the Palatinate of Marinarosch in Hungary, and flows through the Bukovine, falling into the Danube a little below Galatz. This arrangement gave to Russia the north bank of that river from the junction of the Pruth, aud the command of the Sulina entrance from the Black Sea. According to the terms of the treaty, Russia is bound to keep this passage of the Danube free from mud aud other obstacles that naturally accumulate at the junction of its waters witli those of the Euxine ; but, with the design of favouring the trade of Odessa, she has greatly neglected that duty, which constituted a just gi-oiind of complaint against her pre^'ious to the Crimean war. The eastern part of Moldavia and Bessarabia is of a similar character with that of Ukraint", consisting of extensive undulating alluvial plains clothed for the most part with luxiu'iai.t verdure. Formerly not more than a fortieth part of the land proper for cereal crops was under cultivation ; but of late years a large extent has been brought under the plough for corn growing, leaving stiU, however, abundant pastiu'age for great numbers of cattle, sheep, and horses, which thrive well upon the rich grass. The horses have the Arabian blood in their veins, and excel both in strength and speed. The sheep are mostly a cross breed between the native sheep and the Merino, and produce wool of a goo.d staple. The cattle have had no attention paid to them, being of the native unmixed breed, preferred more on account of their size than their symmetry of form, smalluess of bone, or quality of meat. The cereal products are wheat, barley, maize, millet, tobacco, wine, &c. These, or rather the surplus, are taken by way of the Black Sea to the islands of the Mediterranean, or the ports of Western Europe, when the markets are open, and the price is remunerative. The western confines of Moldavia consist of a succession of hills and valleys of great beauty, branching from the Carpathian range of mountains, which separate the province from that of Transylvania. The whole of this tract is rich and fertile, but the 193 AGRICULTURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN. oppression of tlie Turks and Russians, who possess the two sections of the country, is an effectual bar to industry and progress. The cultivation is of the most rude and slovenly description, but so great is the fertility of the soil, that very little culture is required to produce an al)undant crop. Bessarabia lies eastward between Moldavia and the Black Sea. It resembles Mol- davia in all its natui'al features, and in its productions. The town of Ismail is situated in this province, on the north bank of the Danube about thirty-three miles from its mouth. This town is memorable in history for its siege by the Russians in 1790. The human butcher Suwarow commanded the besiegers, and having taken it by assault, after a brave and determined defence, put twenty thousand of the inhabitants to the sword, and sent the rest, ten thousand, into slavery. He then coolly wrote his celebrated laconic despatch to the empress : " Madam, the proud Ismail is no more !" Bessarabia is joined to the small province of Budziac Tartary, which was colonised in 1569 by Tartars from the banks of the Wolga. Both these provinces formed part of the Turkish empire until the year 1812, when, with part of Moldavia, they were finally ceded to Russia. They contain about 8,800 square miles (5,632,000 acres), and their agricultural produce is in all respects siinilar to that of iloldavia. Lying at the farthest southern extremity of the empire, these three provinces share but little in even that scanty degree of civilization which the government of the czars has hitherto permitted in its other provinces. Education is at a very low ebb, and the population being a mistm'e of Turks, Poles, Jews, Tartars, Greeks, &e., each tribe follows its own form of religion, although the Greek faith is encouraged by the authorities. Situated at the outskirts of the Russian power, they are sure to be the theatre of war in a contest with either Tui'key or Austria. It matters little to the oppressed inhabitants whether in such cases the country is occupied by friend or foe, for the fatal effect is the same; and they have not yet recovered from the devastations committed by the Russian troops dmiug the progress of the late war. Being comparatively recent acquisitions of Russia, the people can scarcely be con- sidered strictly as belonging to the Sclavonic race, although subject to all the political influences, for good or for evil, of the imperial sway. Borne down by oppression in the past, and hopeless of any change for the better in the future ; without moral instruction to elevate their character, and degraded by a superstitious form of religion, which never reaches the heart or rectifies the conduct, the people are immoral, ignorant, and brutal, and in intellectual attainment but little elevated above the cattle they tend. The Mahometans are probably the most enlightened, which is saying little in their favour. What superiority they possess is owing to their commercial relations with Turkey ; in other respects there is but little difference. Ground down, as they all are, by the extortion and tyranny of the government officials, they have no stimulus to, or even ideas of, improvement in any of the occupations or affairs of life. The most enlightened and best cultivated districts of Russia are the provinces of Courland, Esthonia, and Livonia, where the cultivation of the soil is conducted on somewhat better principles, and the results arc seen in the better arrangement of the agricultural operations, and the greater regularity of the crops. Agricidtural societies have been established, but they are under the strict sui-vcillance of the authorities ; and so jealous is the government of any political bias which these institutions arc supposed to involve, that they are subjected to restrictions which to a large extent frustrate their THE AGRICULTURE OF RUSSIA. 193 object. We have very recently seen the agricultural society of "Warsaw broken up, because it was believed by the government to foster the principles of Polish indepen- dence and nationality. The chief natural difficulties under which Russian agriculture labours is, the scarcity of population, the want of roads, and the short time that the rivers remain open and free from ice in the northern and eastern provinces, where it frequently requires two summers to convey the produce to the ports of the Black Sea, or to Archangel in the White Sea. The Obi and the Don are connected by a canal, which greatly facilitates the transit either north or south so far as the climate will admit ; but the flatness of the coimtries through which these rivers flow, and the existence of shifting sandbanks by which the navigation is obstructed, and whose ever-changing position renders the corn- laden boats continually liable to get aground, occasions their progress to be very slow and interrupted. The Russian sovereigns are quite aware of these disadvantages, and are endeavouring to remedy them by the construction of railroads through the heart of the country. It will require many years to carry out this project, so far as to facilitate the intercourse between the interior and the coasts, either north or south,* and the thinness of the population will still remain an obstacle to extended cultivation and good husbandry. It has been the policy of the Russian government to induce foreign agi-iculturists, and especially from Euglaud or Scotland, to settle in Russia, in order to introduce the system of husbandry practised in their own countries. We believe, however, that most of those who have been tempted to accept the invitations have been glad to get back again. And as it is the established policy of the Russian authorities not to let any money leave the country if they can possibly prevent it, these foreigners have found themselves little the better for their speculation. A good many Germans, as we have stated before, have settled in Russia and are thriving, being much less addicted to liberal ideas than the subjects of the British crown, and consequently more easy under the absence of freedom. These men have introduced many of the modern improved machines of Western Eui-ope ; but at present their adoption has not made much progi'ess amongst the native farmers. In a large portion of the arable land, from Archangel to Odessa, the light fork one-horse plough, a wooden-toothed harrow, and the reaping-hook, are the ouly implements used in tillage. The soil is stirred to the depth of two inches and sown, and the seed then harrowed in ; after which it is left to the goodness of Providence, the soil, and the weather. With such treatment the produce in some parts is perfectly astonishing. In Livonia and Esthonia the yield of wheat is from ten to sixteen fold ; on the Don, ten to fourteen ; on the Obi and Tom, twenty-five to thirty. At Krasnayarsk the failure of a crop was never known, although they sow the land with the same grain fifteen consecutive seasons. It is remarkaljle that, in the eastern provinces, no seeds of weeds are ever found in the wheat that is exported ; and it is said that no weeds ever grow among the corn. The grain is generally threshed out in the field or barn-yard with the flail ; but in some of the northern Baltic provinces the threshing-machine has been introduced * lu a recent debate on the corn laws of France, a member of the French legislatui'e declared that Russia could grow enough wheat to export 60,000,000 quarters annually, and thus swamp the agriculture of western Europe. But it was shown, on the other hand, that it is physically impossible, with the present population, in so extensive a country to increase the cultivation much beyond the wants of the people, and that it can only increase in proportion with the \ocal demand and consumption. O 194 AGRICULTLT.E, AXCIEXT AXI) MODERN. with great effect. Harrison mentions an instance in Trliich 28,000 sheaves of wheat were threshed, winnowed, and stored in granary, in one day, on an estate numbering eight villages. When thus prepared, it is laid up in wooden warehouses, on the bank of a river, ready for exportation, which is effected in heavy barges to the shij)ping ports of the Baltic, the White, or the Black Sea, according to the facilities aflbrded by the rivers or canals. A school of agriculture has been instituted at Gorygoretzk (a domain of the crown), near ]Mohilow, at which 120 young men are constantly under a course of instruction to qualify them for assuming the management of large estates. This will, in time, have an important effect upon the agriculture of the country, and, coupled with the eman- cipation of the serfs, and the spread of education, which the present Czar is desirous of promoting, will tend to raise the rural classes from their present state of degra- dation. The task, however, that the Czar has undertaken is a herculean one ; and it will require all the energy and decision the human mind is capable of to carry it out to a conclusion against the powerful opposition of the Russian landed aristocracy, whose property, as well as prejudices, are invaded by it, and whose antecedents would lead to the supposition that they will not quietly surrendei' their privileges. It is evident, upon a review and examination of the agricultural resoarees of Russia, that the southern provinces of that empire are the grand resources from whence tlie markets of Western Europe must look for a supply of cereal produce ; but it is a question whether the production of wheat can do more than keep pace with the increasing demand abroad, and the requirements of the increasing population at home. By way of the Vistula, it does not appear there has been any great increase, although the quantity fluctuates from year to year. Thus, for the three years 1855 to 1857 the following was the entire export of the grain from Russian Poland by way of the Vistfala : — ' 1855 . . . 79,577 qrs. • 1856 . . . 104,705 „ [ average 118,443