.T= 655 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 LIBRARY 
 
 Class 
 
 Book 
 
 Volume 
 
 My 08-15M 
 
THE PEOTEST OF LABOK. 
 
 While labor throughout the country is organizing for the 
 purpose of securing shorter hours of work for the same 
 wages, or higher wages for the same work, and various 
 other advantages, the United States Congress has pending a 
 tariff bill which, if passed, would turn over to foreign coun- 
 tries, especially to Belgium, Germany, and England, a large 
 portion of several of the most steady of our home indus- 
 tries. Should Congress pass this law, it would undoubtedly 
 do much toward settling the present difficulties between 
 capital and labor, by importing the products of foreign labor 
 and leaving American labor in idleness. 
 
 In the two weeks of hearings accorded the great indus- 
 tries of the country by the Ways and Means Committee, one 
 day was devoted exclusively to the testimony of the labor 
 interests. I was present in the committee room during all 
 these hearings, and must confess that none of them im- 
 pressed me so much as the workingman pleading with the 
 Congressional Committee not to reduce his wages and lower 
 his condition to that of the European workman. Said Mr. 
 William Weihe, President of the Amalgamated Association 
 of Iron and Steel Workers, a puddler, of Pittsburgh, ‘‘We 
 believe that if this measure becomes a law, this forced idle- 
 ness on the part of workmen will increase, and for that 
 reason we come and ask you to make no change in the 
 tariff. The workingmen of this country are receiving a bare 
 livelihood; but, if their wages are to be still further reduced, 
 
 
4 
 
 TEE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 they will not get a livelihood.” This witness told the coni^ 
 mittee that he knew of mills where the men are idle on ac- 
 count of the agitation of the tariff. In these cases their 
 families were suffering. 
 
 EIGHTY THOUSAND WORKMEN OPPOSED TO THE BILL. 
 
 The protest from the Amalgamated Association of Iron 
 and Steel Workers was read by the secretary of that asso- 
 ciation, Mr. William Martin, of Pittsburgh. Among other 
 things this document, signed as it was by the representa- 
 tives of this association of workmen, numbering eighty 
 thousand, says: ‘‘We are unalterably opposed to any revis- 
 ion of the present tariff, except such revision as tends to 
 higher rates than are now obtained, and from ad valorem to 
 specific duties.” It furthermore said: “We believe in 
 encouraging in every possible way, and at all times, and in 
 all places, American industries, and the purchase and use of 
 American products, in preference to imported goods. ” One 
 expression in this document struck me as particularly apt, 
 namely, “Nipping a little off tariff duties year after year 
 will ultimately end in free-trade.” And further, “Trades 
 and labor organizations in this country have refrained from 
 political action as organizations, but if the tendency to frit- 
 ter away the bulwark which has so far enabled the members 
 to obtain good wages is continually agitated, they will, per- 
 force, be compelled to take political aqtion, with a view to 
 protecting themselves and their trade.” This shows that 
 there exists among the trades and labor organizations of 
 this country a wholesome sentiment on the tariff question, 
 and with the present dangerous measure pending in Con- 
 gress, it seems that the moment has arrived for these organ- 
 izations to assert themselves in order to protect themselves. 
 Mr. Andrew Stewart, another puddler, of Allegheny City, 
 addressed the committee, and pointed out the effects of the 
 
THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 6 
 
 revenue tariff of 1846, which, he said, in two years closed up 
 almost every iron mill in the United States. ‘‘For two 
 yeai*s,” he said, “following the reduction of duties by that 
 tariff bill, the grass grew on the floors of ’the mills in Pitts- 
 burgh. Like results come from like causes. Now, we, who 
 have been in the business, know from experience that every 
 reduction in the tariff is a reduction in our wages, and not 
 only a reduction in our wages, but in the wages of the mass 
 of workmen in the United States, Therefore we say that it 
 is for our benefit that the tariff shall not be reduced at pres- 
 ent, but rather that the duties shall be put up if possible.” 
 
 THE BILL A DIRECT BLOW AT WAGES. 
 
 Another workman, Mr. Thomas Williams of Youngstown, 
 Ohio, said to the committee, “We believe that the Ameri- 
 can workingman will be deeply injured if you pass this 
 measure ; and I believe that you will also destroy, to a larg^ 
 extent, the power of the manufacturers of the country to 
 pay us the wages we have been getting. As American citi- 
 zens we cannot be compelled to exist upon what the work- 
 ing people of England, France, or other European countries 
 exist on. We have a right to expect something different. 
 The people of this country have made the country just what 
 it is; and in a very great measure the workingmen have 
 made it what it is, although some of you may take excep- 
 tion to that statement, for I understand that some gentle- 
 men of this committee say that we must come to the level of 
 labor in Europe. That idea is something which we must 
 protest against.” Another witness, Mr. Roger Evans of 
 Ohio, said among other things, “Any party in this country 
 who takes up with this foreign aristocratic sentiment, of 
 undermining, of degrading, and of debasing the American 
 workman, v/ill be left, and will get completely snowed un- 
 der the ballots of the American voters.” Several of the free- 
 
6 
 
 TEE PllOTEST OF LABOR, 
 
 trade members of the committee attempted by every possi- 
 ble means to irritate the men who had come before them to 
 represent the honest toil of the country, by intimating that 
 the capitalists, not the workingmen, reaped the benefit of 
 the protective tariff. In reply to one of these arguments, 
 for they could hardly be said to be questions, in which a 
 member of Congress pictured to Mr. Eoger Evans the grasp- 
 ing character of the manufacturer, and contrasted his 
 Avealth and affluence with the meager pay of the working- 
 man, Mr. Evans said, with creditable frankness, ‘‘We ac- 
 knowledge that there are selfish men everywhere, and we 
 know that we are unduly selfish ourselves sometimes. La- 
 bor organizations are sometimes unduly selfish ; but I ask 
 you, for pity’s sake, to let us fight this battle out among 
 ourselves,'''' The refrain of these men throughout the Ways 
 and Means Committee hearing was, let us have the protect- 
 ive system throughout, in the interest of the entire Ameri- 
 can people — American manufactures for American people. 
 
 A MAN WHO BETTERED HIS CONDITION. 
 
 One of the most effective speakers who appeared before 
 the committee was Mr. Thomas P. Jones, of Chicago, iron 
 and steel worker. He said that he voiced the sentiment of 
 three thousand workmen, young and old, employed in the 
 same factory in which he was employed, and that they were 
 totally opposed to any further tinkering with the tariff. He 
 claimed that the representatives in Congress had no right to 
 make the situation of labor worse than it is. Among other 
 things, Mr. Jones said, “ If you keep on lopping off here and 
 there, taking protection first off this thing and then off that 
 thing, the ultimate end amied at is certainly free-trade and 
 nothing else. I had the misfortune to be born in a free- 
 trade country, and I was raised there in a sort of way ; cer- 
 tainly to my loss. I never received any education. I came 
 
THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 7 
 
 to this country to better my condition, and I am happy to 
 say that I have bettered my condition. I have made more 
 wages than I ever made in the old country. We, as work- 
 ingmen, claim that we are the power that sent you here ; 
 and claiming that, we do not look up to you as we were 
 taught to look up to our lords and dukes across the water ; 
 but we look up to you as honorable upright American citi- 
 zens, qualified and capable to come here and legislate for the 
 best interests of the country. It’ has been shown here to-day 
 that this tinkering with the tariff is not for the best interests 
 of the country ; is not for the best interests of the wealth- 
 producers — of the men who have built up this country. 
 Then, gentlemen, I take it that it is your duty to throw this 
 bill to the dogs.” Again Mr. Jones said, ‘‘ Where I live, in 
 Chicago, you would be surprised to see the feeling that ex- 
 fists among the working classes. And why? Because some 
 of the people there worked in this country in free-trade 
 times. I have a brother-in-law, who, in free-trade times, 
 travelled to his work six miles in the morning, getting there 
 at sunrise, worked all day, and walked home at sundown, 
 and all for a paltry fifty cents a day. I also have worked 
 for fifty cents a day, but not in this country, thank God. I 
 have worked for twenty-five cents a day, but I do not want 
 to. do it again. I have seen in the city of Glasgow, in Scot- 
 land, men working for twelve cents a day and a bowl of soup. 
 That does not become an American citizen. We cannot 
 have such a state of things here, and we will*not have it.” 
 
 ‘‘a bit of bread for supper.” 
 
 Mr. Jones might have added here that at the present mo- 
 ment, in this same Glasgow, and around it there are thou- 
 sands of people in just this same condition, glad to work for 
 twelve cents a day and a bowl of soup. Here is what the 
 Glasgow Mail says of the condition of the laboring classes 
 of the Clyde : 
 
8 
 
 TEE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 “How do the unemployed keep themselves alive during 
 months of enforced idleness? is a question that is in the 
 mouth of every one acquainted with the terrible and long- 
 continued depression that has been resting on the industries 
 on our river for the last two or three years. One yard has 
 been totally closed for months past; a large majority of 
 those who have anything to do have about one-third or one- 
 fourth the number of workmen capable of being employed 
 when business is brisk. Only two yards— Messrs. John 
 Elder & Co. and Messrs. Napier & Sons, Govan — have any- 
 thing like a fair complement of work on hand, and, as a 
 consequence of this state of matters, some thousands of men 
 have been walking about our streets now for months on ^nd 
 unable to get a job of any kind. Pale-faced many of them, 
 anxious-browed all of them, and seeing little or nothing to 
 lead them to hope for a bettering of things, or to help them 
 to tide over the quickly advancing winter, which always 
 brings additional suffering and privations to the homes of 
 the poor. ‘How do they live?’ Well, some people would 
 say, if they understood all, that the idle workmen don’t live 
 at all ; literally they feed upon the husks which the swine do 
 eat. Their children have to beg, many of them, for their 
 food, and any residenter in the neighborhood will tell you 
 about the little hungry-looking creatures that tap at the 
 door after dark — ^because begging is an infringement of the 
 police act — and solicit ‘a bit of bread for supper,’ and it 
 brings a lump to one’s throat to see how the teeth of one of 
 these hungry little ones close over a piece of warm buttered 
 tpast from the tea-table.” 
 
 AMERICAN WORKMEN OPPOSED TO “LEGISLATIVE NAGGING.” 
 
 Speaking of this continual worrying at the tariff, another 
 representative of labor said, “ Here, in less than three years, 
 this same question is brought up again and is agitated, and 
 
THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 9 
 
 you are trying to crop a little of the duties off here and a 
 little off there, with the ultimate view of breaking the sys- 
 tem of protection up altogether. I cannot form any other 
 idea about it. And I claim that the gentlemen who work 
 in that line, with the sole idea of wiping out the protected 
 industries in this country, have no feeling whatever for 
 their fellow-men, not one particle.” One of the members 
 of the Committee attempted to prove that the working- 
 classes in England were as well off as they were in the 
 United States. But one of the workmen’s delegation com- 
 pletely annihilated him by asking if he had ever been there ; 
 the member was obliged to admit that he had not, where- 
 upon the witness, who happened to be an Englishman, said, 
 “If you want to be convinced of the happiness of English 
 working-people, you ought to go there. You ought to visit 
 the nail factories in England, and see a mother with her 
 child upon her back hammering away making a nail, work- 
 ing for the pitiful sum of three-and-sixpence a week. Gen- 
 tlemen, you should not talk about the happiness and pros- 
 perity of the laboring classes of Great Britain unless you 
 know something about it. I know something about it. 
 You may go there and see.” 
 
 GRAND MASTER POWDERLY’S VIEWS. 
 
 In addition to the above expressions of opinion from the 
 laboring interests, we find that the great representative 
 of the Knights of Labor, Mr. T. V. Powderly, is opposed 
 to all legislation that proposes lower rates of duties on 
 American products. I quote from a speech made by Mr. 
 Powderly February 15, 1883, at the Cooper Union: 
 
 “ Yet I am a high tariff man. I am a protectionist from 
 the top of my head to the bottom of my boot, and I am not 
 ashamed of it. You may ask me why I am? There are two 
 reasons : The one is because I was born in Pennsylvania ; 
 
10 
 
 THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 the other is because I am an American, and never in my 
 life have I advocated, and so help me God, never in my 
 life will I advocate, anything that tends to degrade American 
 labor.” 
 
 There is nothing hesitating about Mr. Powderly, and he 
 has so recently shown himself to be made of such excellent 
 material for a great leader of the labor interests, that his 
 words must go a long way with his fellow-workmen. 
 
 Again Mr. Powderly said : 
 
 ‘‘Protect our commodities, our articles: we have the raw 
 material to manufacture nearly everything we want. In 
 the name of God and of the American people, protect it 
 from one end of the land to the other. Let protection be the 
 watchword.” Mr. Powderly holds these views to-day, and 
 before the Congressional committee a few days ago said that 
 one of the objects of the Knights of Labor was to help man- 
 ufacturers to pay the highest wages for their labor. How 
 can they do this if the barriers between foreign labor and 
 American labor are to be constantly lowered.. 
 
 WHAT CONGRESS PROPOSES TO DO. 
 
 With these distinct and unmistakable words from the 
 representatives of the labor interests of the country ringing 
 in their ears, what does Congress propose to do ? 
 
 It proposes to pass a bill which will seriously lower duties 
 on many important articles, and place upon the free-list 
 many important commodities produced in the United States. 
 This bill among other things proposes to reduce the duty on 
 woollen goods from thirty-five cents per pound and thirty- 
 five per cent ad valorem to thirty-five per cent ad valorem 
 and to reduce the duty on medium-priced, worsteds, which 
 now range from twelve to eighteen cents per pound, accord- 
 ing to their value, and thirty -five per cent ad valorem to 
 thirty-five per cent ad valorem only. 
 
 The bill now pending proposes also to reduce the duty on 
 clothing made of worsted and of woollen goods from forty 
 
THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 11 
 
 cents per pound and thirty-five per cent ad valorem^ which 
 is the present duty, to thirty -five per cent ad valorem only. 
 Clothing of all descriptions will, therefore, if this bill is 
 passed by Congress, have from five cents per pound to 
 twenty-three cents a pound less protection compared with 
 the goods out of which they are made than they have under 
 the present tariff, and cloaks, dolmans, etc., etc., will have 
 from ten cents to twenty -eight cents per pound and five 
 per cent ad valorem less protection compared with the price 
 of goods out of which they are made than they have under 
 the present tariff. A protection of thirty-five per cent only 
 is not sufficient to compensate the American manufacturer 
 of woollen and worsted goods for the great difference in 
 price of labor between this country and Europe, and, conse- 
 quently, by far the greater proportion of woollen goods 
 used for making up clothing and cloaks will be made in 
 Europe. As there is no difference whatsoever between the 
 duty on cloaks and clothing and the goods out of which they 
 are made, and as the wages paid tailors, cutters, trimmers, 
 etc., etc., are so much higher here than they are in Ger- 
 many, clothing and cloaks made in this country will not be 
 able to compete with those made in Europe. 
 
 Although the new tariff bill proposes to reduce so much 
 the duty on clothing, cloaks, etc., it is not proposed to make 
 any change in the duty of many of the trimmings, such as 
 silk, braid, velvets, silk linings, sewing silk, etc., which are 
 required to make up clothing, cloaks, etc. 
 
 The duty on many of these articles is really higher than 
 the proposed duty on clothing, cloaks, etc., will be if the bill 
 now under consideration in Congress becomes a law. 
 
 A DIRECT BLOW AT LABOR. 
 
 The effect of this reduction upon hundreds of thousands 
 of tailors, tailoresses, seamstresses, cloak-makers, cutters, 
 trimmers and others engaged in making clothing and 
 woollen garments of all kinds it will be impossible to fore- 
 tell. The census returns of 1880 give the number of per- 
 
12 
 
 THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 sons engaged in these and similar industries at 420,000. It 
 is estimated by competent authorities that not less than half 
 a million men and women are employed in making garments 
 of various kinds to clothe this population of 57,000,000. A 
 large proportion of these hard-working people will be de- 
 prived of their occupation should this bill become a law. 
 
 In six months after its passage new factories for making 
 ready-made clothing of all kinds will be started in Berlin, in 
 Bremen, in Elberfeld, in Leipsic, in Aachen and in Franfort- 
 on-the-Main. 
 
 And why? 
 
 Because, according to the official reports sent by the United 
 States Consuls from those places to the State Department at 
 Washington, the wages for tailors are forty-seven cents, fifty 
 cents, forty-eight cents, fifty-six cents, sixty cents and fifty 
 cents, respectively, per day of twelve hours’ work. 
 
 Because, according to those same official reports, the Ger- 
 man workman and workwoman live on the coarsest black 
 bread, wear the cheapest garments and wooden shoes, and 
 live in a condition generally that no American workman or 
 workwoman can or ought to live in. 
 
 It may be urged that the patterns of clothing differ 
 greatly in this country, and that would be an obstacle. I 
 am assured by those who know that this is easily obviated. 
 The patterns would be made in this country and sent across 
 the Atlantic, and there the cloth A\^ould be cut. It would 
 therefore leave the American cutter without occupation or 
 reduce his wages to the level of the European cutter, whose 
 wages rarely reach more than a dollar a day, and are some- 
 times less. The average weekly wages of tailors in Austria 
 nre for foreman six dollars per week; piece workers, four 
 dollars per week ; day workers (male) per week, four dollars 
 and forty cents; day workers (female), three dollars and 
 sixty cents. 
 
 It may well be asked how do workmen live on such wages. 
 The answer is simply because they do not live as well as the 
 
THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 13 
 
 laboring classes do in America. Every member of the 
 family works. Women perform the hardest manual work. 
 Unless the working men and women of our cities who will 
 be thus affected by the Tariff bill now pending in Congress 
 at once file their protests with the members of Congress 
 from their district, as I have shown the representatives of 
 some of the important industries have already done, with 
 the Ways and Means Committee, the passage of the bill will 
 be secured and the labor of American tailors, cloak-makers, 
 cutters, trimmers, etc., will be open to European competition 
 at the rates given above. 
 
 Few workingmen realize the ruin and desolation a bill of 
 this kind will bring to their homes. Three quarters of the 
 woollen goods manufactured in this country are sold to the 
 wholesale cloak and clothing houses which abound in our 
 large cities.. The bulk of this business will be turned over to 
 European houses; and, to save themselves, American firms 
 will be compelled to start branch houses on the other side, 
 where they can take advantage of the labor of tailors paid 
 at fifty cents per day. The pending danger is a real one. It 
 means to the American worker of our large cities less wages, 
 less to eat, less to wear, less to clothe'and educate his family, 
 and perhaps idleness and starvation. The iron workers 
 comprehended this, and they compelled Congress to throw 
 their industry out of the list for destruction; the coal- 
 miners went before the committee with their protests, and 
 coal was returned to the dutiable list ; the miners of iron ore 
 plead their cause, and they won the day. The same is true 
 of the Amalgamated Iron and Steel Association. The com- 
 mittee representing that Association made an earnest appeal, 
 and it was decided to spare the metal schedule. A com- 
 mittee of working potters appeared before the Congressional 
 Committee, and that industry is to be let alone. It now re- 
 mains for the cloak-makers, the tailors, the cutters and the 
 trimmers in their great industry to make that appeal. It is 
 now too late to go before the committee, but if those inter- 
 
14 
 
 THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 ested will at once send protests to their members of Congress 
 and if the workmen’s clubs and Knights of Labor assembhes 
 in all the large cities will at once pass resolutions conform- 
 ing with the views of their colleagues as given above, and 
 with those expressed by Grand Master Powderly, this 
 vicious measure to degrade American labor may yet be 
 defeated. 
 
 WHAT THE KNIGHTS OF LABOR HAVE ACCOMPLISHED. 
 
 Last week the laboring interests of Philadelphia and New 
 Jersey sent delegations to Washington in the interests of 
 cotton spinners and woollen spinners and weavers. One of 
 these protests had the names of four thousand working- 
 men. The protests of the Knights of Labor against the 
 free-ship bill now pending in Congress have also been very 
 effectual. The voice of the workingman should be heard 
 at Washington at once against the tariff reduction, and es- 
 pecially against the proposition to destroy the manufacturer 
 of ready-made clothing in the United States. I have shown 
 what the wages are in Germany. It is unnecessary to tell 
 those engaged in the industry here what they are paid. It 
 is enough to say that the American workman and work- 
 woman will starve if compelled to receive the foreign rate. 
 The result is therefore inevitable. The large concerns will 
 transfer their plants to the other side of the Atlantic, while 
 the smaller factories will be pushed to the wall. 
 
 LET THE LABOR INTERESTS RALLY. 
 
 There is but one course to pursue. Let the laboring in- 
 terests take this matter up. Let them demand that no dis- 
 crimination be made between the different industries in 
 which the people are employed. Let the platform be pro- 
 tection to all industries in which American labor is employed, 
 whether agricultural, mechanical, mining, or manufacturing. 
 
THE PROTEST OF LABOR. 
 
 15 
 
 To take any other ground means certain destruction, for the 
 plan of the enemy of American industry is to divide our 
 forces ; to divide the hitherto firm ranks of our own great 
 industries, and by bringing discord among them conquer 
 them in detail. What share of the profits labor shall have 
 and what share shall accrue to capital is a family question. 
 For the moment capital and labor have a common enemy to 
 fight in the shape of the agents of our foreign industrial 
 rivals, who are pressing both vigorously. Added to this, the 
 news comes from Washington that President Cleveland and 
 the entire administration have come out on the side of the 
 free-traders, and will use all their power to secure the pass- 
 age of the tariff bill, and crush the laboring interests of the 
 country and destroy home industries. The plea for doing 
 this is the old one — to cheapen the workman’s clothing. And 
 they propose to do this by robbing him of the means to 
 buy by reducing his wages to the European standard. Let 
 the voice of labor be heard in the halls of Congress, in the 
 Senate chamber, and in the White House itself. The danger 
 is imminent. There is no time to lose, or the damage will be 
 doQe. The post-oflSces and Federal patronage of the govern- 
 ment have been thrown into the scale against labor, and 
 Democrats refusing to vote for the bill are to be driven 
 out of the party. Let the workingmen of America rally 
 around the men who have their cause at heart, regardless 
 of political faith. 
 
COMMENTS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 New York Sun. 
 
 . They convey with terseness and perspicuity much valuable informa- 
 tion concerning the rise and present status of many British industries.” 
 
 Newark Advertiser. 
 
 “ Mr. Porter’s letters are replete with facts and figures that positively prove 
 his conclusions. . . . His reputation as a reliable statistician is too well known to 
 require any extended notice.” 
 
 Hartford Evening Post. 
 
 “ A well-written book, that ought to be read by everybody, especially by 
 manufacturers and workingmen.’’ 
 
 Utica Herald. 
 
 “ No person can claim to speak intelligently on industrial matters in compari- 
 son with Great Britain or on industrial legislation, without careful examination 
 of the instructive truths embodied in ‘ Bread Winners Abroad.’ ” 
 
 The National Tribune. 
 
 “ Since Horace Greeley we have had no writer with the gift of popularizing 
 economic questions in the clear and forcible style that characterizes Mr. Por- 
 ter’s work.” ^ 
 
 From the Des Moines Register. 
 
 “It is a pity that everybody in America and especially the workingmen can- 
 not read these letters.” 
 
 Frorh the Boston Traveller. 
 
 “Mr. Porter is a most instructive witness on the points of wages, labor, and 
 the social environments of the working people.” 
 
 “ Facts such as he is furnishing in his industrial letters are worth volumes of 
 arguments based on theories and hypotheses.” 
 
 Wheeling Intelligencer. 
 
 “ Mr. Porter’s letters on industrial topics have added greatly to his well-de- 
 served fame as a writer on questions of political economy. The English letters 
 are well worth the study of every American bread-winner.” 
 
 From the Times-Democrat {New Orleans). 
 
 “ Mr. Robert P. Porter’s letters, comparing the industrial condition of free 
 trade in [Great Britain with that of this country, have been savagely taken up 
 by the free-trade press. . . . The English census fully sustains what Mr. Porter 
 says.” 
 
 Syracuse Journal. 
 
 “ . . . This book should be made the means of an educating process which will 
 be found profitable in the relations of labor and capital, and in the political fu- 
 ture of the country. Mr. Porter is a reliable statistician, and a close investiga- 
 tor and observer.” 
 
 From the Cleveland Leader. 
 
 “ The European letters of Mr. Robert P. Porter have done more towards giv- 
 ing the American people a true knowledge of political economy than whole vol- 
 umes of trashy stuff written by conceited theorizers.” 
 
 The Irish World. 
 
 ” ‘ Bread Winners Abroad ’ is from the pen of Robert P. Porter, widely and 
 favorably known as an earnest advocate of protection to American labor.”