350 PA5h y/. 7L co^. ^ Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. A charge is made on all overdue books. University of Illinois Library Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/economicwritings02pett THE ECONOMIC WRITINGS OF Sir william PETTY aonDon: C. J. CLAY and SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. ffilasgoto: 263, ARGYLE STREET. Ecipjig; F. A. BROCKHAUS. Hork: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. ISombag: E. SEYMOUR HALE. Petty to Southwell, July, 1687, from the Marquis of Lansdowne’s MSS. at Bowood. ']'o face Title l ~ol. II. Petty to Southwell, July, 1687, from the Marquis of Lansdowne’s MSS. at Bowood. THE ECONOMIC WRITINGS OF Sir william PETTY TOGETHER WITH THE OBSERVATIONS UPON THE BILLS OF MORTALITY MORE PROBABLY BY CAPTAIN JOHN GRAUNT EDITED BY CHARLES HENRY HULL, Ph.D. CORNELL UNIVERSITY VOL. II CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1899 [A// Rights reserved'] CambriUgc : PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 3 - 3 .. TAL-' 'v . 2- 1. ^ = i CONTENTS OF VOLUME II. Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills OF Mortality. By Capt. John Graunt. The Fifth Edition. London, 1676 . . . . Sir William Petty’s Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1682. London, 1695 . . . . Another Essay in Political Arithmetick concerning THE Growth of the City of London, 1682. London, 1683 ....... Observations upon the Dublin-Bills of Mortality, 1681, AND THE State of that City. London, 1683. Further Observation upon the Dublin-Bills : or, Accompts of the Houses, Hearths, Baptisms, and Burials in that City. London, 1686 Two Essays in Political Arithmetick, concerning THE People, Housing, Hospitals, &c. of London AND Paris. London, 1687 . . . . Observations upon the Cities of London and Rome. London, 1687 ....... Five Essays in Political Arithmetick. London, 1687 A Treatise of Ireland, 1687. From the Additional MS. IN THE British Museum . . . . Appendix ......... Bibliography of the Printed Writings of Sir William Petty ........ Supplement to the Bibliography of Petty’s Works Bibliography of the Natural and Political Obser- vations ........ List of Books and Manuscripts used Index II. P. pages 314-435 437-44S 451-478 479-491 493-498 501-513 515-51^ 521-544 545-621 622-632 633-652 653-657 658-660 661-672 673-700 b Tuesday, June 20. 1665. At a Meeting of the Council of the Royal Society. Ordered, T Hat the Observations upon the Bills of Mortality by Mr. John Graiint be Printed by John Martyn and James Allestry, Printers to the Royal Society. BROUNCKER, Pres. Natural and Political OBSERVATIONS Mentioned in a following INDEX, and made upon the Bills of Mortality. B Y Capt. JOHN GRHUNT, Fellow of the Royal Society. With reference to the Government, Religion, Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the several Changes of the said CITY\ Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, Coiitentiis paucis Lecloribiis. The Fifth Edition, much Enlarged^ L OND ON, Printed by John Martyn, Printer to the Royal Society, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Raid's Church-yard. MDCLXXVI. ^ The title of the first edition (1662) ran, “ Natural and Political Observations... By John Graunt, Citizen of London.” etc. On the title-page of the third edition (1665) “Citizen of London” was superseded by “ Fellow of the Royal Society” but the reference to “ the said City ” was retained. ' This phrase is retained from the title-page of the third edition. In the fifth edition nothing is new save the “ further observations ” and the Paris bills, pp. 141 — 146. NOTE ON GRAUNT’S “OBSERVATIONS. The first edition of Graunt’s Observations upon the Bills of Mortality* was published between 25 January, 1662, the date of the first epistle dedicatory, and 5 February, 1662, when Graunt presented fifty copies to the Royal Society to be distributed among its mem- bers^. In the world outside Gresham College as well as among the Fellows of the Royal Society, Graimt’s work soon attracted attention. Pepys bought a copy at Westminster Hall, the 24 March^, and the book proved so widely successful that a second edition was called for before the close of the year. With the return of the plague in the early summer of 1665, interest in the Observations revived. On the twentieth of June, at the same meeting at which the Council of the Royal Society recommended the Society to intermit their public weekly meetings until the present sickness should cease, it also ordered “ that upon a report of Sir William Petty of his having perused the additions of Mr Graunt to his Observations upon the Bills of Mortality, the president be desired to license the reprinting of that book, together with such additions'*.” As the 4 July is the latest date in the “ table shewing how many died weekly,” it is probable that the new edition appeared before the ii July. It certainly appeared before the 25 July, on which day Brouncker sent to Pepys® a copy of the book, “ new printed and enlarged.” The enlargement of this third edition was effected chiefly by the addition of the appendix, the tables for Tiverton and Cranbrook, and the “table shewing how many died weekly”; the other changes, which are slight, are noted, in this reprint, where they occur. A “ fourth impression,” reprinted from the third, soon appeared at Oxford. The latest date in the weekly table of this edition is the 26 September? ^ See Bibliography. 2 Birch, i. 75. ^ Diary, ii. 209-210. ^ Birch, II. 57. 5 Diary, v. 24. 3i8 Note on Graunt’s Observations. and a copy of it in Cornell University Library bears the inscription “ Ex dono Authoris Octob: 22° 1665.” No further edition was pub- lished during Graunt’s life, but in 1676 a fifth edition was put out, it is said under Petty’s supervision ^ To this, the completest edition, here reprinted, there were added “ wSonie further Observations of Major John Graunt.” Since 1676 the Observations have been printed but once in English, viz. in A Collection of the Yearly Bills of Mortality from 1657 to 1758, London: 1759, which speaks erroneously of “the sixth edition, in 1676.” There is also an anony- mous German translation^ published at Leipzig in 1702. Concerning the disputed authorship of the Observations see the Introduction. No MSS. of the book are known. ^ Dr John Campbell in the Biographia Britannica^ iv. 2262-2263, note. Dr Campbell’s account of the earlier editions, however, is sadly incorrect. ^ The translator was Dr Gottfried Schultz, born at Breslau 20 April, 1643, died there 14 May, 1698. Travel, says his eulogist, had made him master of many tongues, “non autem legisse tantum exterorum scripta ipsi sufficiebat, sed ut aliorum etiam usibus prostarent, multoties Interpretem accuratum egit. Cum vero modestia insignis, qua ubique usus, nomen praefigere versionibus typis divulgandis vetaret, tale saltern in praesenti versionis Specimen exhibeo, de quo (cum in aliis dubius haeram) certo constat, ejus solertiam illud parasse. Scilicet Joannis Grauntii, Membri Societatis Regiae Anglicanae, Observationes Physicas et Politicas de Schedulis Mortalitatis Londinensibus Todten-Zettuln Germanico Idiomate donavit, in gratiam eorum, qui propter commodum publicum passim in Germanicam similem computum desiderarunt.” — Memoria excellentissimi apiid Vratislavienses polyhistori medici douiitii D. Godofriedi Schidzii qiiam posiens cojumeudat Sanmel Grass, pp. 201-224 of the Appendix ad Ephemeridiim acadeniiae Caesar-eo-leopoldinae nat. curiosorntn in Germania centnrias ill. & IV., Nori- bergae, 1715. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JOHN Lord ROBERTS Baron of Truro, Lord Privy Seal, and one of His Majesties most Honourable Privy CoiLiicil. My Lord, S the favours I have received from your Lordship oblige me to present you with some token of my gratitude : so the especial Honour I have || for your Lordship hath made me solicitous in the choice of the Present, For, if I could have given your Lordship any choice Excerptions out of the Greek or Latin Learning, I should (according to our English Proverb) thereby but carry Coals to Newcastle, and but give your Lordship Pnddlc-zvater, who, by your own eminent Knowledge in those learned Languages, can drink out of the very Fountains yourself. 1 John Lord Roberts (or Robartes) was born in 1606. He was two years a student of Exeter College, Oxford, where, Wood intimates, he acquired from Prideaux those prepossessions which led him into the Army of the Commonwealth. At the Restoration, however, he received a number of honours and was made Lord Privy Seal in 1661. He became a member of the Royal Society in 1666 and in 1669 he was appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to succeed Ormond, but was recalled in 1670. He was four times Speaker of the House of Lords and in 1679 he became Earl Radnor and Lord President of the Council, an office which he held almost until his death 17 July, 1685. He was uniformly considered an able but morose man. Wood, Athenae Oxon. ii. 787 ; Doyle, Official Baronage, III. 91 ; Carte, Ortnond, ii. 378. 320 The Epistle Moreover, to present your Lordship with tedious Nar-\ra- tiojis, were but to speak my own Ignorance of the Vahte, which His Majesty, and the Publick, have of your Lordship’s Time. And in brief, to offer any thing like what is already in other Books, were but to derogate from your Lordships learning, which the world knows to be universal, and unac- quainted with few useful things contained in any of them. Now having (I know not by what accident) engaged my thoughts upon the Bills of Mortality, and so far succeed-||ed therein, as to have reduced several great confused Volumes into a few perspicuous Tables, and abridged such Observations as naturally flowed from them, into a few succin6l Para- graphs, without any long Series of mnltiloqnious DedtiTlions, I have presumed to sacrifice these my small, but first publish’d, Laboiirs unto your Lordship, as unto whose benign accep- tance of some other of my Papers^, even the birth of these is due ; hoping (if I may without vanity say it) they may be of as much use || to persons in your Lordships place, as they are of little or none to me, which is no more than the fairest Diamonds are to the Jonrneymen Jeweller that works them, or the poor Laboin^er that first digg’d them from the Earth. For, with all humble submission to your Lordship, I con- ceive, That it doth not ill become a Peer of the Parliament or Member of his Majesties Conncil, to consider how few starve of the many that beg : That the irreligious Proposals of some, to multiply people || by Polygamy, is withal irrational, and fruitless : That the troublesome seclusions in the Plagne-time are not a remedy to be purchased at vast inconveniences^: That the greatest Plagues of the City are equally, and quickly repaired from the Country : That the wasting of Males by Wars and Colonies do not prejudice the due proportion between them and Females : That the opinions of Plagues accompanying the Entrance of Kings, is false, and seditious : That Londo7i, the Metropolis of England, || is ^ Wood says that Graunt also wrote “Observations on the advance of excise, and something about religion, but these two are not yet published.” Athenac Oxon. I. 31 1. “ The contagion being in the air, p. 350. Dedicatory. 32 perhaps a Head too big for the Body', and possibly too strong: That this Head grows three times as fast as the Body unto which it belongs ; that is, It doubles its People in a third part of the time : That our Parishes are now grown madly disproportionable : That our Temples are not sutable to our Religion : That the Trade, and very City of London, removes Westward : That the walled City is but a fifth of the whole Pyle : That the old Streets are unfit for the present frequency of Coaches : 1 | That the passage of Lndgate is a throat too streight for the Body : That the fighting men about London are able to make three as great Armies as can be of use in this Island : That the number of Heads is such, as hath certainly much deceived some of our Senators in their appointments of Poll-money‘s, &c. Now, although your Lordship’s most excellent Discourses have well informed me, That your Lordship is no stranger to these Positions ; yet because I knew not, that your Lordship had ever deduced || them from the Bills of Mortality, I hoped it might not be ungrateful to your Lordship, to see unto how much profit that one Talent might be improved, besides the many curiosities concerning the waxing and waning of Diseases, the relation between healthfid and fniitful Seasons, the difference between the City and the Country Air, &c. All which being new, to the best of my knowledge, and the whole Pamphlet not two hours reading, I did make bold to trouble your Lordship with a per-||usal of it, and by this humble Dedication of it, let your Lordship and the world see the Wisdom of our City, in appointing and keeping these Ac- compts, and with how much affedlion and success, I am. My Lord, Birchen-lane, 25 fannary, i66i. Yonr Lordships most obedient, and most faithful Servant, John Graunt. || ^ Sir Thomas Roe applied the same figure to London in a speech in Parliament in 1641. Hart. Misc., IV. 433, 436. ‘s See Treatise of Taxes, note on p. 62. 21 H. P. To the Honourable S" Robert M or ay\ Knight, One of His Majestie’s Privy Council for His Kingdom of Scotland, and President of the Royal Society of Philosophers meeting at C77'esham- Coltedg, and to the rest of that honourable Society. HE Observations ivJiich I happened to make {for I designed JL them not) npon the Bills of Mortality, have fain out to be both Political and Natural, some concerning Trade and Government, others concerning the Air, |! Countries, Seasons, Fruitfulness, Health, Diseases, Longevity, and the propoi'tions between the Sex and Ages of Mankind. All ivhich {because Sir PVancis Bacon reckons his Discourses ^?/Life and Death to be Natural History-; and because I undei'stand your selves are also appointing means, how to measure the Degrees of Heat, Wetness, and Windiness in the several Parts of His Majestids Dominions) I am humbly bold to think Natural History also, ^ Sir Robert Moray (or Murray) was born about the beginning of the seven- teenth century. He was educated at St Andrews and in France, and, being devoted to the royal cause, lived chiefly on the continent until the Restoration, lie was one of the founders of the Royal Society and presided over its meetings from March 1661 to July 1662. Moray died 4 July, 1673. 2 The History of Life and Death, or the second Title in natural and ex- perimental History for the Foundation of Philosophy : being the third Part of the Instauratio magna. ]Vorks, x. q — 176. The Epistle Dedicatory. 323 and co7iscquently that I am obliged to cast in this small Mite into yonr great Treasury of that kind. His Majesty being not 07ily by anemit Right siipreamly concerned in matters of Government and Trade, bnt also by happy accidefit Prince of Philosophers, and of Physico-Mathe- matical Learning, not called so by Flatterer's and Parasites, || bnt really so, as well by his oivn personal Abilities, as Ajfedtion concerning those matters', npon ivhich account I shonld have hnmbly dedicated both sorts of my Observations nnto His most Sacred Majesty : bnt, to be short, I knew neither my Work nor my Person fit to bear His Name, nor to deserve His Patronage. Nevertheless, as I have presumed to present this Pamphlet, so far as it relates to Government and Trade, to one of His Majesties Peers, and eminent Ministers of State : so I do desire yonr leave to present the same nnto Yon also, as it relates to Natural History, arid as it depends npon the Mathematicks of my Shop-Arithmetick. For Yon are not only His Majesties Pi'ivy Council for Philosophy, but also His Great Council. Yon are the three Estates, viz. the Mathematical, Mechanical, || and Physical. Yon are his Parliament of Nature; and it is no less disparagement to the meanest of yonr number, to say there may be Commoners as well as Peers in Philosophy amongst yon. For my own part, I count it happiness enough to my self, that there is such a Council of Nature, as yonr Society is, in Being', and I do with as much earnestness enquire after yonr Expeditions against the Impediments of Science, as to know what Armies and Navies the several Princes of the World are setting forth. I concern my self as much to know who are Cnratonrs of this or the other Experi- ment as to knoiv zvho are Mareschals of France, or Chancellor of Sweden. 1 am as zvell pleased to hear you are satisfied in a Inciferons Expeidment, as that a breach hath been made in the Enemie s Works: and \\yonr ingenious argitings immediately from sense, and fall, are as pleasant to me as the noise of victorious Guns and Trumpets. Moreover, as I contend for the Decent Rights and Ceremonies of the Church, so I also contend against the envious Schismaticks of your Society {who think yon do nothing unless you presently 21 — 2 324 The Epistle traiisiniife Metals, make Butter and Cheese ivithout Milk ; and (as their ozvn Ballad hath it) make Leather ivithout Hides^) by asserting the usefulness of even all your preparatory and hiciferous Experiments, being not the Ceremonies, but the substance and principles of useftl Arts. For, I find in Trade the ivant of afi universal measure, and have heard Musicians wrangle about the just and uniform keeping of tinic in their Consorts, |l and therefore cannot with patience hear, that yo7ir Labours abo7it Vibrations, eminently conducing to both, should be slighted, nor yo7tr Pendula^ called Swingswangs unth scorn. Nor ca7i I better endure, that yoiir Exercitatioiis about Air should be termed fit imployment only for Airy Fancies, and not adequate Tasks for the most solid and piercing heads. This is my Opinion cojiccrning you : afid although I am no7ie of yotir number, nor have the least ambition to be so, otherzvise than to beco^ne able 1 A l^allad of twenty-eight stanzas, “ In praise of the choice Company of Philosophers and Wittes who meet on Wednesdaies weekely at Gresham Colledge,” is in Ashmole ms. 36, 37, f. 310 — 3 [2. The first, fifteenth and seventeenth stanzas are : If to bee rich, & to be learnd Be every nations chiefest glory, I low much are Englishmen concerned Gresham to celebrate in story Who built th’ Exchange t’ inrich the Citty And Colledge founded for the Witty. A second hath described at full The Philosophy of making Cloth Tells you, what Grass doth make course Wooll And what it is that breedes the Moth Great learning is ’ith art of Clothing Though vulgar People think it nothing. A new designe how to make Leather A third Collegiate is now scanning The question’s most debated whether Since without Barke there may be Tanning Some cheaper way may not be tryed Of making Leather without a Hyde. ^ Petty was among those interested in the experiments upon pendulums which were made in January, 1662. Birch, i. 70, 74, also 46, 53. Dedicatory. 325 for your service, and zvorthy of your Trust \ yet I am covetous to have the right of being represented by you : to zvhich end I desire, that this little Exhibition of mine may be looked upon as a Free-holderV Vote for the choosing of Y^mghts a7 id Burgesses to sit in the Parliament of Nature, meaning thei^eby, || that as the Parliament ozvns a Free-holder, though he hath but forty shillings a year, to be one of them ; so in the same manner and degree, I also desire to be ozvned as one of you, and that no longer than I continue a faithful Friend and Servant of your Designs and Persons. J. G. An INDEX OF THE Positions, Observations, and Questions contained in this Discourse. 1. ' I ^HE Occasion of keeping the Acconipt of Burials arose first fi'oni ^ the Plague, A 7 i 7 to 1592. pag. 2 [335] 2. Seve 7 i Alterations, a 7 id Augmentations of the published Bills, betwee 7 i the years 1592, a 7 id 1662. p. 3, 17 [336-46] 3. Reasons, why the Acco 77 ipts of Burials a 7 id Christenings should be kept tmiversally, and noiv called for, a 7 id perused by the Magist 7 'ate, p. 18 [346] 4. A t 7 'ue Acconipt of the Plague caimot be kept without the Accoiiipt of other Diseases, ibid. [347] 5. The Ig 7 iora 7 ice of the Searchers 7 io inipedi-fiient to the keepmg of sufiicie 7 tt, and useful Acconifts, p. 19 [347] 6. That about one third of all that zuere ever quick die under five years old, a 77 d about thirty six per Centum tinder six, p. 20 ^ [349] 7. That two farts of 7 iine die of Acute, and seve 7 ity of two himdred twenty 7 iine of Chronical Diseases, and four of two hundred twenty 7 ime of outward Griefs, p. 22 [349] 8. A Table of the Proportions dymg of the 7 nost 7 iotorious, a 7 id for- 77 iidable Diseases, or Casualties, p. 24 [351] 9. That seven per Centum die of Age, p. 26 [352] 10. That some Diseases, and Casualties keep a C077sta7it proportio7i, wluxeas so7ne other ai'e ve7y irregular, ibid. [352] 1 1. That 7 iot above one m four thousa 7 id are Starved, p. 27 [352] 12. That it we 7 x better to niamtam all Beggars at the publick Cha 7 ge, ^ 20 should be 22; there are several similar misprints in the index of original pages. 328 The Index. though earning nothings than to let them beg about the Streets ; ajid that imploying them without discretion^ may do more harm than good, ibid. [353] 13. That not one in tivo thousand are Murthered i 7 i London, with the Reasons thereof, p. 30 [354] || 14. That not one in fifteeji hundf’ed dies Lunatick, p. 31 [355] 15. That few of those, who die of the French- Pox, are set down, but coloured under the Consumption, &^c. p. 33 [356] 16. That the Rickets is a new Disease, both as to name, and thing-, that from fourteen dying thereof. An. 1634. it hath gradually increased to above five hundred. An. 1660. p. 34 [356] 17. That there is another neiv Disease appearing as A Stopping of the Stomach, which hath increased in twenty years, from six, to near tJu'ee Jnuidred, p. 37 [358] 18. That the Rising of the Lights {supposed iti most Cases to be the Fits of the Mother) have also increased in thb'ty years, from fo 7 irty four, to two hundred fouriy 7 iine, p. 38 [359] 19. That both the Stopping of the Stomach, aiid Rising of the Lights, are p 7 'obably Religues of, or depe 7 idi 7 ig upo 7 i the Rickets, p. 39 [359] 20. That the Stone decreases, and is wearmg away, p. 40 [360] 21. The Gout stands at a stay, ibid. [360] 22. The Scurvy i7iC7'eases, ibid. [360] 23. The Deaths by reaso 7 i of Agues, ar'e to those caused by Fevers, as G 7 ie to fo 7 'ty, p. 41 [360] II 24. Abortives, a7id Stilborn, to those that are Christned, a7'e as 07ie to twe7ity, ibid. [360] 25. That si 7 tce the differences in Religion, the Christnings have bee 7 i 7 iegleRed half i 7 i half, ibid. [361] 26. That 7 iot 07 ie Wo 77 ia 7 i in an Jm 7 idred dies i 7 i Child-bed, nor 07 ie of two himdred i 7 i her Labour, p. 42 [361] 27. Th 7 'ee Reaso 7 is zvhy the Regi string of Childre 7 i hath bee 7 i 7 iegleRed, P- 43 [362] 28. There was a co 7 if 7 isio 7 i i 7 i the Acco 77 ipts of Chrysoms, Infants, a 7 id Convulsions ; but reHified m this Discourse, ibid. [362] 29. There have bee 7 i m London, withm this Age, four ti 77 ies of great Mortality, viz. Anno 1592, 1603, 1625, and 1636, whereof that of 1603 was the greatest, p. 46 [363] 30. Annis 1603, a7id 1625, about a fifth part of the zvhole died, a7id eight times 77i07'e t/um were bor 7 i, p. 47 [364] 31. That a fourth pa 7 't 77 i 07 'e die of the Plague tJum a 7 'e set down, P- 48 [365] 32. The Plague A71710 1603 lasted eight years, that hi 1636 twelve years, but that i 7 i 1625 C 07 iti 7 iued but 07 ie shigle year, p. 49 [365] 33. That Alterations in the Air do i 7 ico 77 iparably 77 iore operate as to the Plague, tha 7 i the Contagion of Converse, p. 50 [366] || The Index. 329 34. That Purples, Small-Pox, and other malignant Diseases, fore-run the Plague, ibid. [366] 35. A disposition m the Air tozuards the Plague doth also dispose Women to Abortions, P-52 [367] 36. That as about one fifth part of the whole people died in the great V\2igwQ-yea?'s, so tivo other fifth parts fled, ibid, which shews the large 7 'elation, and interest, which the Londoners have in the Country, p. 53 [367] 37. That {be the Plague great or small) the City is fully re-peopled withm two years, ibid. [367] 38. The years, 1618, 20, 23, 24, 32, 33, 34, 1649, 52, 54 , 5 ^, 5^, and 61, were sicJdy years, P -55 [368] 39. The more sickly the year is, the less fertile of Births, ibid. [368] 40. That Plagues always co 7 ne in with King's Reigns is most false, ibid. [369] 41. The Autumn, or the Fall, is the most unhealthful season, p. 56 [369] 42. That m London there have been twelve Burials for eleven Christ- nmgs, p. 57 [370] 43. That in the Country there have been, contrariwise, sixty three ChristJiings for fifty two Burials, P-58 [370] || 44. A Supposition, that the people in and about London, are a fifteenth part of the people of all England, Wales, ibid. [370] 45. That there are about six Millions and an half of people hi England, Wales, ibid. [371] 46. That the people in the Country double by Procreation but in two hundred and eighty years, and in London in about seventy, as hereafter will be shewn ; the reason whereof is, that many of the Breeders leave the Country, and that the Breeders of London come from all parts of the Country, such persons breeding in the Country almost only as were born there, but in London multitudes of others, P- 59 [371] 47. That about 6000 per Annum come up to London out of the Country, ibid. [371] 48. That in London about three die yearly out of eleven Families, P- 60 [371] 49. There are about tzventy five Millions of aci'cs of Land in England, and Wales, ibid. [372] 50. Why the Pi'oportion of Breeders in London, to the rest of the people, is less than in the Country, p. 61 [372] 51. That in London are more hnpediments of Breeding, than in the Country, ibid. [373] 52. That there are fourteen Males for thhdeen Females in London, and in the || Country but fifteen Males for fourteen Females, p. 64 [374] 53. Polygamy useless to the multiplication of Mankind, without Cas- trations, p. 65 [374] 330 The Index. 54. Why Sheep, aiid Oxen oiit-breed Foxes, a 7 id Vermin-Animals, P- 66 [375] 55. There bemg fourteen Males to thirteen Females, and Males being prolifiqiie for'ty years and Females but tiventy five^ it follows^ that in efiedl there be 560 Males to 325 Females, p. 67 [375] 56. The said inequality is 7 ‘ednced by the latter marriage of the Males, and their imploymeiit in Wars, Sea-voyages, and Colonies, ibid. [375] 57. Physicians have two Women Patients to one Man ; and yet more Men die than Women, ibid. [376] 58. The g 7 'eat e 77 iissio 7 i Males i 7 ito the Wars out of London A 777 to 1642 was i 7 ista 7 itly supplied^ p. 68 [376] 59. Castration is 7 iot used 07 ily to 77 ielio 7 ‘ate the flesh of Eatable Animals, but to p 7 ' 077 iote their i 7 icrease also, p. 69 [377] 60. The true ratio formalis of the evil Adulteries a 7 id Fornications, P- 70 [377] 61. Where Polygamy is allozved, Wives ca 7 i be 710 other tha 7 i Servants, ibid. [378] II 62. That 7 ii 7 iety seve 7 i, a 7 id sixtee 7 i Pa 7 'ishes of London are m twe 7 tty years e 7 ic 7 'eased f 7 ' 077 i seve 7 i to twelve, and m fo 7 'ty yea 7 ‘s f 7 ' 077 i twe 7 ity three to fifty two, p. 72 [379] 63. The sixtee 7 i Pa 7 'ishes have e 7 iereased farther tha 7 i the 7 ii 7 iety seve 7 i, the 07 ie havi 7 ig e 7 icreased but f 7 ' 07 n 7 ii 7 ie to te 7 i hi the said fo 7 dy years, P- 73 [379] 64. The te 7 i Out-Parishes have in fifty four years eiicreased fro 7 n 07 ie to fou 7 ', P - 75 [380] 65. The ni 7 iety seven, sixteen, a 7 id te 7 i Parishes have hi fifty four years encixased fi’om tzvo to five, ibid. [380] 66 . What great Houses within the Walls have been turned into Tenements, p. 76 [380] 67. Cripplegate-Parish hath most eiicreased, &c. p. 77 [380] 68. The City ixmoves Westwards, with the reaso 7 is thereof, ibid. [381] 69. Why Ludgate is become too nai'rozu a throat for the City, ibid. [381] 70. That there be some Paiishes in London two himdixd times as big as othei's, ibid. [382] 71. The 7 tatu 7 'al bigness aiid Figure of a Chwxh for the Reformed Religio 7 i, p. 78 [382] 72. The City of London aiid Subin'bs, being equally divided, would make 100 Paiishes, about the largeness Christ-Church, Black-friers, or Colemanstreet, ibid. [383] || 73. Thei'e are about 24000 Teeming women hi the ninety seveii, sixteen, and ten Parishes in and about London, p. 81 [384] 74. That about three die yearly out of eleveii Families containhig each eight persons, ibid. [385] 75. Thc 7 'e a 7 'e about 12000 Families within the walls of London, P* 83 [385] The Index. 33 76. The housing of the sixteen and ten Suburh- Parishes is thrice as big as that of the ninety seven Parishes within the walls, ibid. [385] 77. The number of souls in the ninety seven, sixteen, and two out- Parishes is about 384000, ibid. [386] 78. IVhereof iggooo are Males, and 185000 Females, ibid. [386] 79. A Table shewing of 100 quick conceptions how many die within six years, how many the 7 iext Decad, aiid so for every Decad till 76, p. 84 [387] 80. Tables, whereby may be collefled how many there be in London of every Age Assig 7 ld, ibid. [387] 81. That there be i 7 i the 97, 16, a 7 id te 7 i Parishes 7 iear 70000 Fightmg Me 7 i, that is, Me 7 i betwee 7 i the Ages, of 16, a 7 id 56, p. 85 [387] 82. That Westminster, Lambeth, Islington, Hackney, Redriff, Stepney, Newington, C 07 ttai 7 i as 7 na 7 iy people as the 97 Parishes H withm the walls, a 7 id are co 7 iseque 7 itly \ of the whole Pile, ibid. [387] 83. So that m, a 7 id about London a 7 'e about 81000 Fighti 7 ig 77 ie 7 i, a 7 id 460000 1 hi all, ibid. [387] 84. Adam a 7 id Eve in 5610 years 7 night have by the 07 'di 7 iary proportio 7 i (^Procreation, begotteii 77 iore people, than are 7 iow probably up 07 i the face of the earth, p. 86 [388] 85. Wherefore the World cannot be older tlum the Scriptures 7 'eprese 7 it it, ibid. [388] 86. That every Wedding 07 ie with another produces jour Childre 7 i, p. 87 [388] 87. That in several places the proportioii betweeii the Males a 7 id Females differ, ibid. [389] 88. That in 7 ii 7 tety years there were just as 7 na 7 iy Males as Females Buried wiihi 7 i a certai 7 i g 7 'eat Parish in the Country, ibid. [389] 89. That a Parish, consisthig of about 2700 I 7 ihabita 7 its, had i 7 t go years but 1059 7 nore Christnings, tha 7 i Burials, p. 88 [389] 90. There co 7 ne yearly to dwell at London about 6000 st 7 ‘a 7 igers out oj the Countrey, which swells the Burials about 200 per Annum, ibid. [389] 91. I 7 i the Coimtry there have bee 7 i five Christnings for four Burials, p. 89 [390] 92. A Co 7 ifir 77 iatio 7 i, that the 77 iost healthful years are also the 7 nost fruitful, ibid. [390] || 93. The proportion betwee 7 i the greatest, a 7 id least 7 nortalities, m the Coimtrey are greater tha 7 i the same i 7 i the City, p. 91 [391] 94. The Coimtrey Air 7 nore capable of good, a 7 id bad ii 7 ip 7 'essions, than that of the City, p. 92 [392] X ^ The calculation of a total population of 460000 is not made in the text at p. 387, but that estimate is used at pp. 371, 399, 400 and 401. 332 The Index. 95. The difference also of Births are greater in the Countrey, than at London, p, 93 [392] 96. In the CoiDitrey but about one of fifty dies yearly^ but at London one of thirty^ over and above the Plague, ibid. [393] 97. London not so heatthfut now as heretofore^ p. 94 [393] 98. It is doubted whether increase of people^ or the burning of Sea-Coal were the cause^ or both, p. 95 [394] 89. The Art of making of Gold woicld be neither benefit to the Wo 7 'ld, or the Ai'tist, p. 97 [395] 100. The Elements of B'lie Policy are to understand throughly the Lands, a?id hands of a?iy Coinitrey, p. 98 [395] 10 1. Upon what conside 7 'ations the i 7 it)-i 7 isick value of Lands doth depe 7 id, ibid. [396] 102. A 7 id i 7 i what the Accidental, p. 99 [396] 103. So 77 ie of the few be 7 iefits of havmg a true Accompt of the people, ibid. [396] 104. That but a S77iall pa7't of the whole people are i77ipioyed up 07 i 7iecessa7y affairs, ibid. [396]] | 105. That a t 7 'ue Accompt of people is 7 iecessary for the Government, a 7 id Trade of the 77 i, and for their peace a 7 id plenty p. 100 [397] 106. Whether this Accompt ought to be C 07 ifi 7 ied to the Chief Governours, ibid. [397] II T H E PREFACE. H Aving been bor?i, anel bred m the City of London, and haznng ahvays observed, that most of them, zvho eon- stantly took m the weekly Bills of Mortality, made little other nse of them, than to look at the foot, hoiv the Burials inereased, or decreased ; and, among the Casualties, zvhat had happened rare, a7id extraordinary in the week current : so as they might take the same as a to talk tipon in the next Company ; and withal, in the || Plague-time, how the Sickness increased, or decreased, that so the Rich might judg of the necessity of their removal, and Trades-men might conjecture what doings they tve7'e like to have in their respective dealings: 2. Now, I thought that the Wisdom of our City had certamly designed the laizdable pi'aClice of taking, and distri- buting these Accompts, for other, and greater uses, than those above-mentioned, or at least; that some other uses might be made of them ; aiid thereupon I casting mine Eye upon so many of the General Bills, as next came to hand, I foimd encouragement from II them, to look out all the Bills I coidd, and {to be shoi't) to furnish my self zvith as much matter of that kind, even as the Hall of the Parish-Clarks coidd afford me ; the zvhich zvhen I had 7^educed into Tables {the Copies whereof are hci'c inse^ded') so as to have a view of the whole together, in order to the more ready comparing of one Year, Season, Parish, or other Division of the City, zvith another, in respeCt of all the Burials, and 334 The Preface. Christnings, and of all the Diseases, and Casualties, happening in each of them respectively ; I did then begin not only to examine the Conceits, Opinions, || and ConjecltLres, which upon view of a fezv scattered Bills I had taken np ; bid did also admit nezv ones, as I found reason, and occasion from my Tables. 3. Moreover, finding some Truths, and not commonly- believed Opinions, to arise from my Meditations upon these neglected Papers, / proceeded further, to consider what benefit the knoivledg of the same would bring to the World ; that I might not engage my self in idle, and useless Speculations : but, (like those Noble Virtuosi of Gresham-Colledg, ivho reduce their subtile Disquisitions upon Nature into || doivnright Mechanical uses') present the World zvith some real Fruit from those airy Blossoms. 4. Hozv far I have succeeded in the Premisses, I now offer to the World's censure. Who, I hope, will not expect from me, not professing Letters, things demonstrated zvith the same certainty, zidierezvith Learned men determine in their Schools ; but zvill take it zvell, that I should offer at a new thing, and could forbear presuming to meddle where any of the Learned Pens have ever touched before, and that I have taken the pams, and been at the charge of setting out those Ta-||bles, whereby all men may both corixcl my Positions, and raise others of their own. For herein, L have, like a silly School-boy, coming to say my Lesson to the World (that Peevish, and Tetchy Master) brought a bundle of Rods, zvherewith to be zvhifd for every mistake I have committed. || Natural and Political (') OBSERVATIONS, &c. C II A P. I. Of the Bills of Mortality, their beginning, and progress.^ HE first of the continued Weekly Bills of Mortality -L extant at the Parish Clerks Hall-, begins the Twenty ninth of December 1603, being the first year of King James his Reign; since when a weekly Accompt hath been kept there of Burials and Christnings. It is true, There were Bills II before, viz. for the Years 1592, -93, -94; but so {2) interrupted since, that I could not depend upon the sufficiency of them, rather relying upon those Accompts, which have been kept since in order, as to all the uses I shall make of them. 2. I believe, that the rise of keeping these Accompts was taken from the Plague : for the said Bills (for ought appears) first began in the said year 1592, being a time of great Mortality ; and, after some disuse, were resumed again ^ On the history of the London bills of mortality see the Introduction. ^ Maitland, writing before 1739, could not find the part of the Paidsh Clerks’ register for the years before 1664. He records that “the Company are of the opinion that the same was lent to Mr Graunt, to enable him to write his Natural and Political Observations, and by some accident never returned.” History of LoJidon, II. 738. 33 ^ Graiinfs Observations. in the year 1603, after the great Plague then happening likewise^ 3. These Bills were printed and published, not only every Week on Thursdays, but also a general Accompt of the whole Year was given in upon the Thursday before Chrisfuias-day : which said general Accompts have been presented in the several manners following, from the Year 1603, Year 1624, inclusive, according to the Pattern here inserted I 1623. 1624. The general Bill for the whole Year, of all the Burials and Christnings, as zvell zvithin the City of London, and the Liberties thereof, as in the Nine out Parishes adjoyning to (3) the City, zvith the Pest-house be-\\longing to the same: from Thursday the 18. of December 1623, to Thursday the 16. of December, 1624, according to the Report made to the King's most Excellent Majesty by the Company of the Parish-Clerks of London. B Dried this Year in the Fourscore and seventeen Parishes of London within the Walls, Whereof of the Plague, . } i ^ Graunt’s conjecture of a connection between the Plague and the origin of the bills is confirmed by their earlier history. Cf. Introduction, also Creighton, Epidemics, i. 294 — 295, Ogle \x\.yotir. of the Stat. Soc., LV. 438. “ A printed weekly bill for 5 — 12 November, 1607, a MS. weekly bill for ro — 17 August, 1609, and a blank form for a weekly bill with printed date of i6io are preserved at the Record Office. State Papers, Dom., James I., xxviii. 89; XLVii. 85 — 86; LViii. 102. All vary in unimportant particulars from the pattern of a yearly bill which Graunt gives. The bill of 1607 lacks the entry of those buried of the plague without the liberties in Middlesex and Surrey, the bill of 1609, though it gives them does not include them in its total burials, while the form for a bill dated 1610 both includes them in its total and also omits to enter separately “the whole sum of all the burials in London and the liberties thereof.” The MS. bill of 1609 is further ireculiar in that it consists of two independent parts. The second part is devoted to the nine out parishes enumerated by Graunt on p. 341 below. These parishes the bill locates “in Westminster,” and the first part omits their figures in making up the total of burials. Yearly Bill for 1624. 337 5924 5 9310 6 Buried this Year in the Sixteen Parishes of London and the Pesthonse^ being within the Liberties, and !- without the Walls, I Whereof, of the Plague, } The whole Sum of all the Burials in London, and] the Liberties thereof, is this Year ( Whereof, of the Plague, } Buried of the Plague without the Liberties, in] Middlesex and Surrey, this whole Year, i Christened in L^ondon, and the Liberties thereof,) . this Year; | Buried this Year in the Nine out-Parishes, ad-| joyning to London, and out of the Freedom, j Whereof, of the Plague, } The Total of all the Burials in the places afore-] said is 1 Whereof, of the Plague, } Christened in all the aforesaid places this Year, Parishes clear of the Plague, Parishes that have been Infe6led this Year, 2900 5 II 1 2210 (4) 1 1 8299 1 16 6 4. In the Year 1625, every Parish was particularized \ as in this following Bill : where note, That this next year of Plague caused the Augmentation, and Corre6lion of the Bills', as the former year of Plague did the very being of them. 1624. 1625. A general, or great Bill for this Year, of the whole number of Burials, whieh have been biiried of all Diseases, and also of the Plague in every Parish ivithin the City of London, and the Liberties thereof ; as also in the Nine ont Parishes adjoyning to the said City ; zvith the Pest-house belonging to the same : from Thursday the 16. day of December, 1624. to Thursday the 15. day of December, 1625. according to the Report |1 inade to the King's most Excellent Majesty by (^) the Company of Pa^dsh Clerks of London. ^ In the weekly bills, at least, every parish was particularized as early as i53'2. See Introduction. II. r. 22 Grnmtf s Observations. 33S LONDON, Bitr. Flag. \ Lbaiies in Woodstrect 188 78 Alhallows Barking 397 263 Alhallows Brcadstreet 34 14 Alhallows the Great 442 I 302 Alhallows Hony-lane 18 8 Alhallows the Less 259 205 Alhallows in Lombard-street 86 44 Alhallows Stainings 183 138 Alhallows the Wall 301 .55 Alphage Cripple-gate 240 190 And re w- H u bbard 146 lOI Andrews Undershaft 219 I 149 Andrews by Wardrobe 373 191 Anns at Aldersgate 196 128 Anns Black-Fryers 336 215 Antholins Parish^ 62 31 Austins Parish^ 72 1 40 Bartholomew at the Exchange 52 24 Bennets Fink^ 108 57 Bennets Grace Church 48 14 Bennets at Pauls Wharf 226 131 Bennets Shearhog 24 8 Botolphs Billings-gate 99 66 Christ’s-Church Parish 611 371 II (6) Christophers Parish 48 28 Clements by Eastcheap 87 72 Diony’s Back-Church 99 59 Dunstans in the East 335 j 225 Edmunds Lumbardstreet 78 49 Ethelborow in Bishops-gate 205 lOI St. Faiths 89 i 45 St. Fosters^ in Foster-lane 149 102 Gabriel Fen-Church 71 54 George Botolphs-lane 30 19 Gregories by Pauls 296 196 Properly vSt Antliony. Properly St Penedict. - Properly St Augustin. Otherwise St Vedast. Yearly Bill for 1625. 339 LONDON, Bnr. 1 PL Hellens in Bishops-gate street 136 i 71 James by Garlick-hith 180 109 John Baptist 122 1 79 John Evangelist 7 i ° John Zacharies 143 i 97 James Dukes- place 310 154 Katherine Colemanstreet 26 175 Katherine Cree-Church 886 i 373 Lawrence in the Jewry 91 I 55 Lawrence Pountney 206 127 Leonards Eastcheap 55 26 Leonards Foster-lane 292 209 Magnus Parish by the Bridge 137 1 85 Margarets Lothbury 114 i 64 Margarets Moses 37 ^ 25 Margarets new Fishstreet 123 82 Margarets Pattons 77 50 II Mary Ab-Church 98 58(7) Mary Aldermanbury 126 79 Mary Aldermary 92 1 54 Mary le Bow 35 ^ 19 Mary Botha w 22 14 Mary Coal-Church 26 1 1 Mary at the Hill 152 84 Mary Mounthaw 76 58 Mary Sommerset 270 ! 192 Mary Stainings 70 44 Mary Woolchurch 58 35 Mary Woolnoth 82 50 Martins Ironmonger-lane 25 18 Martins at Ludgate 254 i 164 Martins Orgars 88 i 47 Martins Outwich 60 30 Martins in the Vintry 339 208 Matthew Friday-street 24 II Maudlins in Milk-street 401 1 23 Maudlins Old-fish-street 225 1 142 22—2 340 Grmtnf s Observations. LONDON, Bur. PL Michael Ihissishaw 199 139 Michael Cornhill 159 79 Michael Crooked lane 144 91 Michael Oueen-hith 215 157 Michael in the Quern 53 30 Michael in the Royal 1 1 1 61 Michael in Wood-street 1 89 68 Mildreds Bread -street 60 44 II (H) Mildreds Poultrey 94 45 Nicholas Aeons 33 13 Nicholas Coal-Abby 87 67 Nicholas Olaves 70 43 Olaves in Hart-street 266 195 Olaves in the Jewry 43 25 Olaves in Silver-street 274 103 Pancras by Soper-lane 17 8 Peters in Cheap 68 i 44 Peters in Cornhill 318 78 Peters at Pauls Wharf 97 68 Peters Poor in Broad-street 52 27 Stevens in Coalman-street 506 350 Stevens in Walbrook 25 13 Swithins at London-stone 99 60 Thomas Apostles 141 107 Trinity Parish 148 87 Buried ivitJiin the 97 Parishes within the of all Diseases Walls'y 14340 Whereof of the Plague i 9197 II ( 9 ) Bur. Plag. Andrews in Holborn 2190 1636 Bartholomew the Great 516 360 Bartholomew the Less 1 1 1 65 Brides Parish 1481 1031 Botolph Algate 2573 i <353 B rid ewe 1 Precin6l 213 152 Yearly Bill for 1625. Bur. Botolphs Bishops-gatc 2334 Botolphs Alders-gate 578 Dunstans the West 860 Georges Southwark 1608 Giles Cripplegate 3988 Olaves in Southwark 3689 Saviours in Southwark 2746 Sepulchres Parish 3425 Thomas in Southwark 335 Trinity in the Minories 131 At the Pesthouse 194 Buried in the 16 Parishes ivithout the Walls, \ standing part ivithin the Liberties, and part\ withont, in Middlesex, and Surrey, and at the [ Pest-house, ) Whereof of the Plague j 341 PL 714 307 642 912 233^ 2609 1671 2420 277 87 189 26972 171531 Buried in the Nine otU Parishes. [' Bur. Plag. Clements Temple-bar 1284 755 Giles in the Fields 1333 947 James at darken -well 1 191 903 Katherins by the Tower 998 744 Leonards in Shoreditch 1995 1407 Martins in the Plelds 1470 973 Mary White-chapel 3305 2272 Magdalens Bermondsey 1127 889 Savoy Parish 250 176 Buried in the Nine out Parishes, in M iddlesex and] i Surrey, 12953 Whereof of the Plague, ) i 9067 The 'Total of all the Burials of all Diseases, zvithin \ the Walls, zvithout the Walls, in the Liberties, ^ in Middlesex and Surrey: zvith the Nine out\ Parishes, and the Pest-house, j 54265 342 Graunts Observations. Whereof, Buried of the l^lagne, this present year, is \ 35417 Christnings this present year, is } 6983 Parishes elear this year, is } i Parishes infePted this year, is } 121 || (*‘) 5 - Iri the Year 1626, the City of Westminster, in imitation of London, was inserted. The gross Accompt of the Burials and Christenings, with distindlion of the Plague being only taken notice of therein ; the fifth, or last Canton, or Lined- space, of the said Bill, being varied into the form following, viz. ( Buried 47 1 In W estmmster this Ye'dr l Plague 13 [ Christn ings 36 1 6. In the Year 1629, an Accompt of the Diseases and Casualties, whereof any dyed, together with the distinction of Males and Females, making the sixth Canton of the Bill, was added in manner following.^ The Caiiton of Casualties ; and of the Bill for the Year 1632, being of the saine form with that of 1629. |1 (12) The Diseases and Casualties this Year, being 1632. A Bortive and Stilborn 415 Affrighted I Aged 628 Ague 43 Apoplex and Meagrim 17 Bit with a mad Dog I Bleeding 3 ^ The diseases and casualties were reported to the Parish Clerks as early as 1604. Bell, London's Rcineiiib 7 'ancer, unpaged, Graunt, p. 346. Upon the back of the weekly bill for 5 — 12 November, 1607, the deaths due to each of twenty-one causes are enumerated in M.S., and in the bill for 10 — 17 August, 1609, similar information is given, likewise in MS., for the parishes severally, e.g. : “Katharines Creechurch. pla. i crisom i small pox 2 fever i 5 i.” The last two figures occupy the columns uniformly reserved for total burials and for ljurials of the plague respectively. Yearly Bill for 1632. Bloody flux, wScowring, and flux, 348 Bruised, Issues, Sores, and Ulcers, 28 Burnt and Scalded 5 Burst and Rupture 9 Cancer and Wolf 10 Canker i Childbed 17 1 Chrisomes and Infants 2268 Cold and Cough 55 Colick, Stone, and Strangury 56 Consumption i 797 Convulsion 241 Cut of the Stone 5 Dead in the street, and starved 6 Dropsie and Swelling 267 Drowned 4 Executed and Brest to death 38 || Falling Sickness 17 Fever 1108 Fistula 13 Flox and Small Pox 531 French Pox 12 Gangrene 5 Gout 4 Grief 1 1 Jaundies 43 Jaw-fain 78 Imposthume 44 Kill’d by several accidents 6 King’s Evil 38 Lethargy 2 Livergrown 87 Lunatick • 5 Made away themselves 1 5 Measles 80 Murthered 7 Overlaid, and starved at Nurse 7 Palsie 25 344 Graiint’s Observations. (14) Piles I Plague 8 Planet 13 Pleuresie and Spleen 36 Purples and Spotted Fever 3 ^ Quinsie 7 Rising of the Lights 98 Sciatica III Scurvy and Itch 9 Suddenly 62 Surfet 86 Swine Pox 6 Teeth 470 Thrush and Sore-mouth 40 Tympany 13 Tissick 34 Vomiting I Worms 27 ristned j Males 4994] Z Males 4932 - Females 45901- ^ j F'emales 4603 (in all 9584) 2. ^ In all 9535 Whereof, of the Plague 8 Increased in the Burials in the 122 Parishes, and at the Pest-house this year, Decreased of the Plague in the 122 Parishes, and at the Pest-house this year, 993 662 7. In the Year 1636, the Accompt of the Burials and Christnings, in the Parishes of Islington, Lantbcth, Stepney, Newington, Hackney, and Redrijf were added in the manner following, making a seventh Canton, viz. || (15) In Maigarets ( Westminster ] Christned 440 Buried 890 Plague 0 ’ This should be 973 to correspond with the tables at pp. 408 and 411, since both of them put the total burials for 1631 at 8562. - Probably a misprint for 266, which the first edition had. The plague burials, according to the table, p. 408 were 274 in 1631 and 8 in 1632. In the bill for 21 April, see table, p. 426. Yearly Bill for 1636. 345 fChristned 36 Islington j Buried 113 i Plague 0 jChristned 132 Lambeth \ Buried 220 (Plague 0 fChristned 892 Stepney j Buried i486 (plague 0 I'Christned 99 Nezvington 1 Buried 181 (plague 0 jChristned 30 Haekney -j Buried 91 (plague 0 fChristned 16 Redriff j Buried 48 (plague 0 The Total of all the Burials in\ the seven last Parishes] CO c^ this Year J Whereof, of the Plague, 1 0 The Total of all the Christ-^ 1 ^ r [■ 1645 || iiings, \ 8. Covent- Gar den being made a Parish^ the Nine out (16) Parishes were called the Ten out Parishes, the which in former years were but Eight. 9. In the Year 1660, the last-mentioned ten Parishes, with Westminster y Islington, Lambeth, Stepney, Nezvington, Haekney, and Redriff, are entred under two Divisions, viz. the one containing the Twelve Parishes lying in Middlesex and Surrey, and the other the Pdve Parishes within the City and Liberties of Westminster, viz. St. Clement Danes, ^ The Act erecting the parish of St Paul, Covent Garden, passed the House of Commons 7 January, 1645. Coinvions' Journal, iv. 398. Graimts Observations. St. Pant's Covent-Garden^ St. Martin's in the Fields, St. Mary- Savoy, and St. Margaret's Westminster. 10. We have hitherto described the several steps whereby the Bills of Mortality are come up to their present state; we come next to shew how they are made and composed, which is in this manner, viz. When any one dies, then, either by tolling-, or ringing of a Bell, or by bespeaking of a Grave of the Sexton, the same is known to the Searchers, corre- sponding with the said Sexton. 11. The Seai'chers hereupon (who are ancient Matrons, sworn to their Office) repair to the place where the dead Corps lies, and by view of the same, and by other enquiries, (17) they examine by what Disease or Ca-\snalty the Corps died. Hereupon they make their Report to the Parish Clerk, and he, every Tuesday night, carries in an Accompt of all the Burials and Christnings happening that Week, to the Clei'k of the Hall. On Wednesday the general Accompt is made up and printed, and on Thursday published and dispersed to the several Families who will pay four Shillings per Annum for them. 12. Memorandum,Ti\\'dX although the general yearly have been set out in the several varieties aforementioned, yet the Original Entries in the Hall-books were as exadl in the very first year, as to all particulars, as now; and the specifying of Casualties and Diseases was probably more. [CHAP. H.]^ General Observations upon the Casualties. I N my Discourses upon these Bills, I shall first speak of the Casualties, then give my Observations with reference to the Places and Parishes comprehended in the Bills', and next of the Years and Seasons. This line, omitted from the fifth edition, occurs in the first four. T^'ustivorthiness of the Bills. 347 1. There seems to be good reason, why the Magistrate should himself take notice of the || numbers of Burials and (i8) Christnings, viz. to see whether the City increase or decrease in People; whether it increase proportionably with the rest of the Nation ; whether it be grown big enough, or too big, &c. But why the same should be made known to the People, otherwise than to please them, as with a curiosity, I see not. 2 . Nor could I ever yet learn (from the many I have asked, and those not of the least Sagacity) to what purpose the distin6lion between Males and Females is inserted, or at all taken notice of.'* or why that of Ma^miages was not equally given in? Nor is it obvious to every body, why the Accompt of Casualties (whereof we are now speaking) is made ? The reason, which seems most obvious for this later, is, That the state of health in the City may at all times appear. 3. Now it may be Objedled, That the same depends most upon the Accompts of Epidemical Diseases, and upon the chief of them all, the Plague \ wherefore the mention of the rest seems only matter of curiosity. 4. But to this we Answer, That the knowledge even of the numbers which dye of the Plague, is not sufficiently deduced from the meer Report of the Searchers, which only the Bills afford; but from other Ratiocinations, || and com- (19) parings of the Plague with some otliQr Casualties. 5. For we shall make it probable^ that in the Years of Plague, a quarter part more dies of that Disease than are set down ; the same we shall also prove by other Casualties. Wherefore, if it be necessary to impart to the world a good Accompt of some few Casualties, which since it cannot well be done without giving an Accompt of them all, then is our common pradbice of so doing very apt and rational. 6. Now, to make these Corredtions upon the, perhaps, ignorant and careless Searchers Reports, I considered first of what Authority they were of themselves, that is, whether any credit at all were to be given to their Distinguishments : and finding that many of the Casualties were but matter of sense, as whether a Child were Abortive or Stilboru\ whether men 1 See p. 365. 348 Graunfs Observations. were Aged, that is to say, above sixty years old, or thereabouts when they died, without any curious determination ; whether such Aged persons died purely of Age, as for that the Innate heat was quite extindl, or the Radical moisture quite dried up (for I have heard some Candid Physicians complain of the darkness which themselves were in hereupon^) I say, that (20) these Distin-||guishments being but matter of sense, I concluded the Searchers Report might be sufficient in the Case. 7. As for Consumptions, if the Searchers do but truly Report (as they may) whether the dead Corps were very lean and worn away, it matters not to many of our purposes, whether the Disease were exadlly the same, as Physicians define it in their Books. Moreover, In case a man of seventy five years old died of a Cough (of which had he been free, he might have possibly lived to ninety) I esteem it little errour (as to many of our purposes) if this Person be in the Table of Casualties, reckoned among the Aged, and not placed under the Title of Coughs. 8. In the matters of Infants I would desire but to know clearly, what the Searchers mean by Infants, as whether Children that cannot speak, as the word Infant seems to signifie, or Children under two or three years old, although I should not be satisfied, whether the Infant died of Wind, or of Teeth, or of the Convulsion, See. or were choaked with Phlegm, or else of Teeth, Convulsion, and Scoivring, apart, or together, which, they say, do often cause one another ; for, I say, it is somewhat to know how many die usually before they can speak, or how many live past any assigned number of years ||. (2t) 9. I say, it is enough, if we know from the Searchers but the most predominant Symptoms ; as that one died of the Headach, who was sorely tormented with it, though the Physicians were of Opinion, that the Disease was in the Stomach. Again, if one died suddenly, the matter is not great, whether it be reported in the Bills, Suddenly, Apoplexy, or Planet-strucken, &c. ^ “ For both the common phrases of physicians concerning Radical Heat and Natural Moisture are deceptive.” Bacon, x. 11. Mortality of CJiildren. 349 10. To conclude, In many of these Cases the Searchers are able to report the Opinion of the Physician, who was with the Patient, as they receive the same from the Friends of the Defundl : and in very many Cases, such as Droivn- ing, Scaldmg, Bleeding, Vomiting, making azvay themselves, Litnaticks, Sores, Small-pox, &c. their own senses are sufficient, and the generality of the World are able pretty well to distin- guish the Gout, Stone, Dropsie, Falling sickness, Palsie, Agues, Pleuresie, Rickets, one from another. 11. But now as for those Casualties, which are aptest to be confounded and mistaken, I shall in the ensuing Discourse presume to touch upon them so far, as the Learning of these Bills hath enabled me. 12. Having premised these general Advertisements, our first Observation upon the Casualties shall be. That in Twenty Years^ |1 there dying of all Diseases and Casualties 229250, {22) that 71124- died of the Thrush, Conindsion, Rickets, Teeth and Worms; and Abortives, Chrysomes, Infants, Live 7 grozvn, and Overlaid ; that is to say, that about J of the whole died of those Diseases, which we guess did all light upon Children under four or five years old. 13. There died also of the Small Pox, Sivine Pox, and Measles, and of Worms without Convulsions, 12210'^ of which number we suppose likewise, that about ^ might be Children under six years old. Now, if we consider that sixteen of the said 229250 died of that extraordinary and grand Casualty, the Plague, we shall find that about thirty six per CenUim of all quick conceptions died before six years old. 14. The second Observation is, That of the said 229250 dying of all Diseases, there died of acute Diseases, (the Plag^te excepted) but about 50000, or f parts. The which proportion ^ The years are 1629 — 1636, and 1647 — 1658, see the Table of Casualties, p. 406. These figures do not correspond to Graunt’s table (p. 406) which gives thrush 21 1, convulsion 9,073, rickets 3,681, teeth and worms 14,236, abortive and still- born 8,559, chrisoms and infants 32,106, liver-growm, spleen, and rickets 1,42 r, overlaid and starved at nurse 529, or in all but 69,816. ^ According to the table (p. 406) there died of swine-pox 57, of flox and small- pox 10,576, of measles 757, of worms (without convulsions) 830, or in all 12,220. ^ That is, sixteen thousand; according to the table (p. 406), 16,384. 350 Gi'muifs Observations. doth give a measure of the State, and disposition of this Climate and Air as to health; these acute and Epidemical Diseases happenning suddenly and vehemently, upon the like corruptions and alterations in the Air. || (23) 15. The third Observation is, That of the said 229250, about seventy^ died of Chronical Diseases, which shews (as I conceive) the State and Disposition of the Country (including as well its Food as Ah') in reference to health, or rather to longevity ; for as the proportion of acute and Epidemical Diseases shews the aptness of the Air to sudden and vehement Impressions ; so the Chronical Diseases shew the ordinary temper of the place : so that upon the proportion of Chronical Diseases seems to hang the judgment of the fitness of the Country for long life. For, I conceive, that in Countries subje6l to great Epidemical sweeps, men may live very long, but, where the proportion of the Chronical distempers is great, it is not likely to be so ; because men being long sick, and alwaies sickly, cannot live to any great Age, as we see in several sorts of Metal-men, who, although they are less subject to acute Diseases than others, yet seldom live to be old, that is, not to reach unto those years, which David says is the Age of Man. 16. The fourth Observation is, That of the said 229250, not 4000 died of outward Griefs, as of Cancers, Fistula’s, Sores, Cf leers, broken and bruised Limbs, Imposthumes, Itch, King’s (24) Evil, Leprosie, Scald-head, || Swine Pox, Wens, &c. viz. not one in sixty. 17. In the next place, whereas many persons live in great fear and apprehension of some of the more formidable and notorious Diseases following ; I shall only set down how many died of each : that the respe6live numbers, being com- pared with the total 229250, those persons may the better understand the hazard they are in. ^ That is, seventy thousand. The German translator of the Observations writes “70 vom hundert.” Formidable and Notoidons Diseases. 351 Table of notorious Diseases. Apoplex 1 306 Cut of the Stone 38 Falling Sickness 74 Dead in the Streets 243 Gout 1 34 Head-ach 5 1 Jaundice 998 Lethargy 67 Leprosie 6 Lunatick 158 Overlaid and Starved 529 Palsie 423 Rupture 201 Stone and Strangur}^ 863 Sciatica 5 Suddenly 454 || Table of Casualties. (2 Bleeding 69 Burnt and Scalded 125 Drowned 829 Excessive drinking 2 Frighted 22 Grief 279 Hanged themselves 222 Kill’d by several accidents 1021 Murdered 86 Poysoned 14 Smothered 26 Shot 7 Starved 5 1 Vomiting 136 18. In the foregoing Observations we ventured to make a Standard of the healthfulness of the Air from the proportion of acute and Epidemical Diseases, and of the wholsomness of 352 Grajmf s Observations. the food, from that of the CJironical. Yet, for as much as neither of them alone do shew the longevity of the Inhabitants, we shall in the next place come to the more absolute Standard and Corre6lion of both, which is the proportion of the Aged, viz. 15757 to the Total 229250. That || is, of about i to 15, or 7 per Cent. Only the question is, What number of years the SeareJiers call Aged, which I conceive must be the same that David calls so, viz. 70. For no man can be said to die properly of Age, who is much less. It follows from hence. That if in any other Country more than seven of the 100 live beyond 70, such Country is to be esteemed more healthful than this of our City. 19. Before we speak of particular Casualties, we shall observe. That among the several Casualties some bear a constant proportion unto the whole number of Burials ; such are Chronical Diseases, and the Diseases whereunto the City is most subje6l; as for Example, Consumptions, Dropsies, Jaundice, Gold, Stone, Palsie, Scurvy, Rising of the Lights or Mother, Rickets, Aged, Agues, Fevers, Bloody Flux and Scoivring'. nay, some Accidents, as Grief, Drownmg, Mens making away themselves, and being KiW d by several Accidents, &c. do the like ; whereas Epidemical and Malignant Diseases, as the Plague, Purples, Spotted Fever, Small Pox and Measles do not keep that equality : so as in some Years, or Months, there died ten times as many as in others. || (27) CHAP. III. Of Particular Casualties. I. 1 \ /r Y first Observation is, that few are starved. This IVi appears, for that of the 229250, which have died, we find not above fifty one to have been starved, excepting helpless Infants at Nurse, which being caused rather by carelessness, ignorance, and infirmity of the Milch-women, is not properly an effeCt or sign of want of food in the Country, or of means to get it. Beggars.- 353 2. The Observation which I shall add hereunto, is, That the vast number of Beggars, swarming up and down this City, do all live, and seem to be most of them healthy and strong; whereupon I make this question, Whether, since they do all live by begging, that is, without any kind of labour ; it were not better for the State to keep them, even although they earned nothing ? that so they might live regularly, and not in that Debauchery, as many Beggars do ; and that they might be cured of their bodily Impotencies, || or taught to (28) work, dfc. each according to his condition and capacity ; or by being imployed in some work (not better undone) might be accustomed and fitted for labour ? 3. To this some may Objedl, That Beggars are now maintained by voluntary Contributions, whereas in the other way the same must be done by general Tax; and conse- quently, the Obje) their Trade of Woollen-Drapery to Paid's Church- Yard, Ludgatc hill, and Fleet-street', the Mercery is gone from out of Lnmbard-strcet and Cheap-side into Patcr-Noster-Row and Fleet-street. 13. The reasons whereof are. That the King’s Court (in old times frequently kept in the City) is now always at Westminster. Secondly, the use of Coaches, whereunto the narrow Streets of the old City are unfit, hath caused the building of those broader Streets in Covent-Garden, &c. 14. Thirdly, where the Consumption of a Commodity is, viz. among the Gentry, the Venders of the same must seat themselves. 15. Fourthly, the cramming up of the void spaces and Gardens within the Walls with Houses, to the prejudice of Light and Air, have made men build new ones, where they less fear those inconveniencies. 16. Conformity in Building to other civil Nations hath disposed us to let our old Wooden dark Houses fall to decay, and to build new ones, whereby to answer all the ends above-mentioned. 17. Where note. That when Lud-gate was the only Western Gate of the City, little || Building was Westward (77) thereof : but, when Holborn began to increase, New-gate was made. But now both these Gates are not sufficient for the Communication between the Walled City, and its enlarged Western Suburbs, as daily appears by the intolerable stops and embarasses of Coaches near both these Gates, especially Lud-gate. 382 Cr aunt's Observations. c ir A w X. Of the Inequality of Parishes. I. T) Eforc we pass from hence, we shall offer to considera- tioii the Inequality of Parishes in and about London^ evident in the proportion of their respedlive Burials \ for in the same year were Buried in Cripple-gate- Parish 1191, that but twelve died in Trinity-Mhiories^ Saint Saviour'^ Sonth- luark, and Botolph's Bishops-gate, being of the middle size, as burying five and 600 per Annum \ so that Cripple-gate is an hundred times as big as the Miuories, and 200 times as big as Saint John the Evangelist's, Mary- Coal-Church, Benuet's- 8) Grace-Church, M atthezv-Friday-\street , and some others within the City. 2. Hence may arise this Question, Wherefore should this Inequality be continued t If it be Answered, Because that Pastours of all sorts, and sizes of Abilities, may have Benefices, each man according to his merit : we Answer, That a two hundredth part of the best Parsons learning is scarce enough for a Sexton. But besides, there seems no reason of any difference at all, it being as much Science to save one single Soul, as one thousand. 3. We incline therefore to think the Parishes should be equaP, or near, because, in the Reformed Religions, the prin- cipal use of Churches is to Preach in : now the bigness of such a Church ought to be no greater, than that unto which the voice of a Preacher of middling Lungs will easily extend; I say easily, because they speak an hour or more together. 4. The use of such large Churches, as Paul's, is now wholly lost, we having no need of saying perhaps fifty Masses all at one time; nor of making those grand Processions frequent in the Romish Churclr, nor is the shape of our Cathedral proper ^ On the inconvenience arising, after the Restoration, from the excessive size of certain parishes, see Eden, State of the Poor, i. 175 — 177 n. and cf. 14 Charles II. c. 12, 21. See also Petty’s Treatise of Taxes, p. 5, note, and his Potit. Arifh. p. 301. Population of London. 383 at all for our Preaching Anditories, but rather the Figure of an A-mphi-Theater with Galleries, gradually over-look-||ing each (79) other: for unto this Condition the Parish-Churches of London are driving apace, as appears by the many Galleries every day built in them. 5. Moreover, if Parishes were brought to the size of Coalman-street, Alhalloivs-Barking, Christ- Church, Black- Friers, &c. in each whereof die between 100 and 150 per Annum, then an hundred Parishes would be a fit and equal Division of this great charge, and all the Afinisters (some whereof have now scarce fourty pounds per Ajinum) might obtain a subsistence, 6. And lastly. The Church- Wardens and Overseers of the Poor might find it possible to discharge their Duties, whereas now in the greater Out- Parishes many of the poorer Parishioners through negledl do perish, and many vicious persons get liberty to live as they please, for want of some heedful Eye to overlook them. j| CHAP. XI. (So) Of the number of Inhabitants. I Have been several times in company with men of great experience in this City, and have heard them talk seldom under Millions of People to be in Londoid : all which I was apt enough to believe, until, on a certain day, one of eminent Reputation was upon occasion asserting, That there was in the year 1661 two Millions of People more than Anno 1625 before the great Plague. I must confess, that, until this provocation, I had been frighted, with that mis-understood ^ The Scots Scouts Discoveries declared that in 1639 London contained 100000 Frenchmen and Dutchmen. Morgan, Phoenix Bi'itannicns, 463. Howell estimated that in 1657 the various parts of London “with divers more which are contiguous and one entire piece with London herself” had a population of a million and a half. Londonopolis, 403. 3^4 Graiinf s Observations. Example of David\ from attempting any computation of the People of this populous place; but hereupon I both examined the lawfulness of making such Enquiries, and, being satisfied thereof, went about the work it self in this manner: vis;. 2. P'irst, I imagined. That, if the Conjedlure of the worthy Person afore-mentioned had any truth in it, there must needs {8i) be about six or seven Millions of People in London || now; but, repairing to my Bills, I found, that not above 15000 per Annum were buried; and consequently, that not above one in four hundred must die per Annum, if the Total were but six Millions. 3. Next considering, That it is esteemed an even lay, whether any man lives ten years longer^, I supposed it was the same, that one of any ten might die within one year. But when I considered, that of the 1 5000 afore-mentioned about 5000 were Abortive and Still-born, or died of Teeth, Cojtzndsion, Rickets, or as Infants, and Chrysoms, and Aged ; I concluded, that of Men and Women, between ten and sixty, there scarce died 10000 per Annum in London, which number being multi- plied by io‘2, there must be but lOOOoMn all, that is not the part of what the Alderma^i imagined. These were but sudden thoughts on both sides, and both far from truth, I thereupon endeavoured to get a little nearer, thus : viz. 4. I considered, that the number of Childdiearing Women might be about double to the Births : forasmuch as such Women, one with another, have scarce more than one Child in two years. The number of Births I found, by those years wherein the Registries were well kept, to have been somewhat (82) less than || the Buidals. The Biirials in these late years at a Medium are about 1 3000, and consequently the Christenings not above 12000. I therefore esteemed the number of Teem- ing- Women to be 24000 : then I imagined, that there might be twice as many Families, as of such Women ; for that there ^ 2 Samuel, xxiv. i — 9 ; i Chronicles, xxi. i — 8. ^ If it be “an even lay, whether any man lives ten years longer,” Graunt’s multiplier, seven lines lower, should be 20, not 10. " 10000 is a misprint for looooo. Number of Families in London. 385 might be twice as many Women Aged between 16 and 76, as between 16 and 40, or between 20 and 44; and that there were about eight Persons in a Family, one with another, viz. the Man and his Wife, three Children and three Servants or Lodgers : now 8 times 48000 makes 384000. 5. Secondly, I find, by telling the number of Families in some Parishes within the Walls, that 3 out of 1 1 Families per anmim have died : wherefore, 1 3000 having died in the whole, it should follow, there were 48000^ Families according to the last-mentioned Account. 6. Thirdly, the Account, which I made of the Trained- Bands and Auxiliary doth enough justifie this Account. 7. And lastly, I took the Map of London set out in the year 1658 by Richard Nezvcoiirt^, drawn by a Scale of Yards. Now I ghessed that in 100 Yards square there might be about 54 Families, supposing every House || to be 20 Foot in the (83) front; for on two sides of the said square there will be 100 Yards of Housing in each, and in the two other sides 80 each; in all 360 Yards: that is, 54 Families in each square, of which there are 220 within the Walls, making in all 11880 Families within the Walls. But forasmuch as there die within the Walls about 3200 per Annum, and in the whole 13000; it follows, that the Housing within the Walls is J part of the whole, and consequently, that there are 47520 Families in and about London, which agrees well enough with all my former computations : the worst whereof doth sufficiently demonstrate, that there are two Millions^ of People in London, which nevertheless most men do believe, as they do, that there be three Women for one Man, whereas there 1 More accurately 47,667. 2 “An exact Delineation of the Cities of London and Westminster and the Suburbs Thereof, Together y® Burrough of Southwark And All y® Through - fares Highwayes Streetes Lanes and Common Allies w‘^in y® same Composed by a Scale and Ichnographically described by Richard Newcourt of Somerton in the Countie of Somersett Gentleman. Will™ Faithorne sculpsit.” Facsimile, London : E. Stanford, 1878. ^ The first edition has, “that there are no Millions,” the fourth, “that there are not two Millions.” H. P. 25 386 Grauiifs Observatio?is. arc fourteen Men for thirteen Women, as elsewhere hath been said 8. We have (though perhaps too much at Random) determined the number of the Inhabitants of London'^ to be about 384000: the which being granted, we assert, that 1991 12 RYC Ma/es, a.nd \Z^\Z 6 Females. 9. Whereas we have found ^ that of 100 quick Concep- tions about 36 of them die before they be six years old, and (84) that perhaps but one surviveth 76"* ; we having seven De-\\cads between six and 76, we sought six mean proportional numbers^ between 64, the remainder, living at six years, and the one, which survives 76, and find, that the numbers following are pra 61 :ically near enough to the truth ; for men do not die in exa6l proportions, nor in Fra6lions, from whence arises this Table following. Of an hundred there die within the first six years® 36 1 See p. 374. - Excluding Westminster and the six parishes enumerated at p. 345. 3 See p. 349. From the bills Graunt calculates (p. 352) that seven in 100 survive 70. The grounds of his assumption that but one survives 76 are not evident. “ This method of constructing a table of mortality suggests Petty’s Discourse of Duplicate Proportion . *’ With this calculation of London’s mortality may be compared the figures for Geneva in the seventeenth century, 'fhe following table, compiled from Edouard Mallet’s Recherches hist, ct stat. sur la poptilation de Geneve {Annul es d' hygiene publique et de niedccine legale., xvii. p. 30, Janv. , 1837), gives the returns for all the persons whose age at death was recorded in the years 1601 — 1700. The table reveals a juvenile mortality even higher than Graunt’s calculation for London. Age in years. Number of deaths. 1 — 6 7— id 17 — 26 27—36 .^ 7 — 47—56 .57—66 67—76 77—86 87 — 120 22,967 4.949 4.0.52 .3.761 3.9.38 4,026 3,800 3.273 2,436 .581 6-4 4 7 ou 7 -' 7’4 .S3. 783 TOO Expectation of Life. 387 The next ten years, or Decad 24 The second Decad 1 5 The third Decad 9 The fourth 6 The next 4 The next 3 The next 2 The next i 10. From whence it follows, that of the said 100 con- ceived, there remain alive at six years end 64. At sixteen years end 40 At twenty six 25 At thirty six 16 At fourty six 10 At fifty six 6 At sixty [six] 3 At seventy six i At eighty [six] o || 11. It follows also, That of all which have been conceived, (85) there are now alive 40 per Cent, above sixteen years old, 25 above twenty six years old, & sie deineeps, as in the above- Table. There are therefore of Aged between 16 and 56 the number of 40, less by six, vis. 34 ; of between 26 and 66 the number of 25, less by three, vis. 22 : & sie deineeps. Wherefore, supposing there be 1991 12 Males, and the number between 16 and 56 being 34 ; it follows, there are 34 per Cent, of all those Males fighting Men in London, that is 67694, vis. near 70000 ; the truth whereof I leave to exami- nation, only the ^ of 67694, vis. 13539, is to be added for Westminster, Stepney, Lambeth, and the other distant Parishes ; making in all 81233 fighting Men. 12. The next enquiry will be. In how long time the City of London shall, by the ordinary proportion of Breeding and dying, double its breeding People.?^ I answer. In about seven ^ Apparently Graunt has not expressed himself with entire accuracy. The question which he put is, in how many years will 24000 pairs become 48000 paii's? The question which he probably meant to put is, in how many years will 24000 pairs beget 48000 children ? He answers, in seven years, or, plagues 25 — 2 388 Graunfs Observations. years, and {Plagues considered) eight. Wherefore, since there be 24000 pair of Breeders, that is J of the whole, it follows, that in eight times eight years the whole People of the City shall double, without the access of Forreiners: the which (•S6) contradi( 5 ls not || our Account of its growing from two to five in 56 years with such accesses. 13. According to this proportion, one couple, viz. Adam and Eve, doubling themselves every 64 years of the 5610 years^, which is the Age ‘of the World according to the Scriptures, shall produce far more People than are now in it. Wherefore the World is not above 100 thousand years older^, as some vainly imagine, nor above what the Scripttire makes it. CHAP. XII. Of the Country-Bills. P 2 have, for the present, done with our Observations V V upon the Accounts of Buidals and Christenings in and about London ; we shall next present the Accounts of both Bu 7 'ials, Christenings, and also of Weddings in the Country, having to that purpose inserted Tables of 90 years for a certain Parish in HantsliBe^ , being a place neither famous for Longevity and L{ealthfulness>, nor for the contrary. Upon which Tables we observe, |1 (87) I. That every Wedding, one with another, produces four Children, and consequently that that is the proportion of Children which any Marriageable Man or Woman may be considered, in eight. If, then, eight years are necessary for the birth of 48000 persons, the birth of 384000 — a number sufficient, together with those already living, to double the population of the City — will require sixty-four years. It is unnecessary to dwell on the defects of this calculation. On one hand it ignores the increase in the number of pairs during sixty-foui: years. On the other hand, it tacitly assumes that the 384000 now living, and likewise all those new-born within the sixty-four years, will live to the end of that period. ^ According to the chronology of Scaliger [De e/iiendatioiie pp, 431 — 432) which places the Creation in the year 3948 n.c. 2 Previous editions, ‘old.’ Romsey in Hampshire, see p. 4 12, note r. The Country Bills. 389 presumed shall have. For, though a man may be Married more than once, yet, being once Married, he may die without any Issue at all. 2. That in this Parish there were born 15 Females for 16 Males, whereas in London there were 13 for 14, which shews, that London is somewhat more apt to produce Males than the Country. And it is possible, that in some other places there are more Females born than Males', which, upon this variation of proportion, I again recommend to the exami- nation of the curious. 3. That in the said whole 90 years the Burials of the Males and Females were exa6lly equal, and that in several Deeads they differed not part ; That in one of the two Deeads, wherein the difference was very notorious, there were Buried of Males 337, and of Females but 284, 53 difference, and in the other there died contrariwise 338 Males, and 386 Females, differing 46. 4. There are also Deeads, where the Birth of Males and Females differ very much, viz. about 60. !| 5. That in the said 90 years there have been born more (88) than buried in the said Parish (the which, both 90 years ago, and also now, consisted of about 2700 Souls) but 1059, viz. not 12 per Annum, one year with another. 6. That these 1059 have in all probability contributed to the increase of London ; since, as was said even now, it neither appears by the Burials, Christenings, or by the built of new housing, that the said Parish is more populous now, than 90 years ago, by above two or 300 Souls. Now, if all other places send about f of their increase, viz. about one out of 900 of their Inhabitants Annually to London, and that there be 14 times as many People in England as there be in London (for which we have given some Reasons^) then London increases by such Advence every year above 6000: the which will make the Account of Burials to swell about 200 per Annum, and will answer the increases we observe. It is clear, that the said Parish is increased about 300, and it is probable that three or four hundred more went to London ; and it is 1 See p. 370. 390 Graunt's Observations. known, That about 400 went to Ncw-England, the Caribe- Islands, and New-foiiJid-LandySniihm these last fourty years. \\ (89) 7. According to the Medium of the said whole 90 years, there have been five ClLristenings for four Burials, although in some single Years and Decads there have been three to two, although sometimes (though more rarely) the Burials have exceeded the Births, as in the case of Epidemical Diseases. 8. Our former Observation h That healthful years are also the most fruitful, is much confirmed by our Country Accounts; for, 70 being our Standard for Births, and 58 for Bui'ials, you shall find, that where fewer than 58 died, more than 70 were born. Having given you a few instances thereof, I shall remit you to the Tables for the general proof of this Assertion: Viz. Anno 1633, when 103 were born, there died but 29. Now, in none of the whole 90 years, more were born than 103, and but in one fewer than 29 died, viz. 28 Anno 1658. Again Anno 1568, when 93 were born, but 42 died. Anno 1584, when 90 were born, but 41 died. Anno 1650, when 86 were born, but 52 died. So that by how much more are born, by so much (as it were) the fewer die. For when 103 were born, but 29 died : but when but 86 were born, then 52 died. On the other side, Anno 1638, when 1 56 died per Annum, {90) which was the greatest year || of Moj'tality, then less than the meer Standard 70, viz. but 66, were born. Again Anno 1644, when 137 died, but 59 were born. Anno 1597, when 117 died, but 48 were born. And Anno 1583, when 87 died, but 59 were born. A little Irregularity may be found herein, as that Anno 1612, when 1 16 died {viz. a number double to our Standard 58, yet) 87 {viz. 17 above the Standard 70) were born. And that when 89 died, 75 were born : but these difTerences are not so great, nor so often, as to evert our Rule, which, besides the Authority of these Accounts, is probable in it self. 9. Of all the said 90 years the year 1638 was the most Mortal-, I therefore enquired, whether the Plague was then in that Parish, and having good satisfaclion that it was not, J Sec i)}). Causes of Death in the CoiDitry. 391 (which I rather believe, because that the Plague was not then considerable at London) but that it was a Malignant Fever, raging so fiercely about Harvest, that there appeared scarce hands enough to take in the Corn : which argues, considering there were 2700 Parishioners, that seven might be sick for one that died : whereas of the Plague more die than recover. Lastly, these People lay longer sick than is usual in the Plague, nor was there any mention of Sores, Swellings, Blew-\\Toke?is, &c. among them. It follows, that (9O the proportion between the greatest and the least Mortalities in the Country are far greater than at London : Forasmuch as the greatest 156 is above quintuple unto 28 the least, whereas in London (the Plague excepted, as here it hath been) the number of Burials upon other Accounts within no Decad of years hath been double, whereas in the Country it hath been quintuple, not only within the whole ninety years, but also within the same Decad: for Anno 1633 there died but 29, and Anno 1638 the above-mentioned number of 156. Moreover, as in London, in no Decad, the Burials of one year are double to those of another : so in the Country they are seldom not more than so; as by this Table appears k greatest least Decad nttinber of Burials I 66 34 2 87 39 3 117 38 4 53 30 5 1 16 51 6 89 50 7 156 35 8 137 46 9 80 2811 ^ The figures of these summaries are the same in all editions of the Obser- vations, but the tables themselves give, in many instances, figures differing from the summaries. Thus, according to the tables, the greatest number of burials in decade four, the least number of burials in decades six and seven, and the least number of births in decades three and eight are erroneous. The dis- crepancies, however, are not large enough to invalidate the observation which Graunt makes upon the summaries. 392 Graniit s Observations. (92) Which shews, that the opener and freer Airs are most subjedl both to the good and bad Impressions, and that the Fames, Steams and Stenches of London do so medicate and impregnate the Air about it, that it becomes capable of little more, as if. the said Fames rising out of Lo^tdon met with, opposed and justled backwards the Influences falling from above, or resisted the Incursion of the Country-An^s. 10. In the last Paragraph we said, that the Burials in the Country were sometime quintuple to one another, but of the Christenings we affirm, that within the same Decad they are seldom double, as appears by this Table, viz\ greatest least Decad number of Births I 70 50 2 90 45 3 71 52 4 93 ■ 60 5 87 61 6 85 63 7 103 66 8 87 62 9 86 52 II (93) Now, although the disproportions of Births be not so great as that of Burials, yet these disproportions are far greater than at London : for let it be shewn in any of the London Bills, that within two years the Christenings have decreased or increased double, as they did Anno 1584, when 90 were born, and Anno 1586, wherein were but 45 : or to rise from 52, as A 7 ino 1593, to 71, as in the next year 1 594. Now these disproportions both in Births and Burials confirm what hath been before asserted \ That Llealthfulness and Fruitfidness go together, as they would not, were there not disproportions in both, although proportional. II. By the Standard of Burials in this Parish I thought to have computed the number of Inhabitants in it, viz. by See pp. 368—9, 390. Population of the Country Parish. 393 multiplying 58 by 4*, which made the Proditcl 232, the number of Families. Hereupon I wondred, that a Parish containing a large Market-Town, and 12 Miles compass, should have but 232 Houses; I then multiplyed 232 by 8, the Product whereof was 1856, thereby hoping to have had the number of the Inhabitants, as I had for LondoiP-. but when upon enquiry, I found there had been 2100 Communi- cants in that Parish, in the time of a Minister who forced too many into that Ordinance, and || that 1500 was the (94) ordinary number of Communicants in all times ; I found also, that forasmuch as there were near as many under 16 years old, as there are above ^ viz. Communicants, I con- cluded, that there must be about 2700 or 2800 Souls in that Parish : from whence it follows, that little more than one of 50 dies in the Country, whereas in London it seems manifest, that about one in 32 dies^ over and above what dies of the Plague. 12. It follows therefore from hence, what I more faintly asserted in the former Chapter®, that the Country is more healthfid than the City ; that is to say, although men die more regularly, and less per saltuin in London, than in the Country, yet, upon the whole matter, there die fewer per rata\ so as the Fumes, Steams, and Stenches above-mentioned, although they make the Air of London more equal, yet not more Healthfid. 13. When I consider. That in the Country seventy are Born for fifty eight Buried, and that before the year 1600 the like happened in London, I considered, whether a City, as it becomes more populous, doth not, for that very cause, become ^ Apparently on the assumption that in the country one dies out of four families each year. Graunt has calculated (p. 385) that in the city there die three out of eleven families. 2 See p. 385. ^ Sir Peter Pett also adopts this “currant rule of calculation” in his Happy ftitiire State of England, p. 118. Cf. Another Essay, note on “The Telling of Noses.” This does not exactly agree with Graunt's estimate (p. 385) that 3 die in 1 1 families of 88 persons. ® Chap. VII. 394 Gran nts Obscrvat ions. more nnJiealthfnl'. and inclined to believe, that London now (95) is more nnJiealthfnl than heretofore ; partly for that || it is more populous, but chiefly because I have heard, that sixty years ago few Sea-Coals were burnt in London, which are now universally used. For I have heard, that Newcastle is more iinhealthfnl than other places, and that many People cannot at all endure the smoak of London, not only for its unpleasant- ness, but for the suffocations which it causes^ 14. Suppose, that Anno 1569 there were 2400 Souls in that Parish, and that they increased by the Births 70, ex- ceeding the Burials 58, it will follow, that the said 2400 cannot double under 200. Now, if London be less healthfnl than the Country, as certainly it is, the Plague being reckoned in, it follows, that London must be doubling it self by generation in much above 200^: but if it hath increased from 2 to 5 in 54, as aforesaid, the same must be by reason of transplantation out of the Country. || The Conclusion. I T may be now asked, To what purpose tends all this laborious bustling and groping.^ To know, I. The number of the People t 2. How many Males and Females ? 3. How many Married and Single ? 4. How many Teeming Women } 5. How many of every Septenary, or Decad of years in age'i 6 . How many Fighting Men 7. How much London is, and by what steps it hath, increased } ^ Fiimifug'mm, with it.s plan for banishing “that hellish and dismal Cloud of Sea-Coale,” was published in the previous year, i66r. .See Petty’s Treatise of Taxes, p. 41, note. - This agrees but ill with Graunt’s calculation that “in eight times eight years the whole People of the City shall double, without the access of Forreiners, ” p. 388. The Conclusion. 395 8. In what time the Housing is replenished after a Plague ? 9. What proportion die of each general and particular Casualties ? 10. What Years are Fruitful and Mortal, and in what Spaces and Intervals they follow each other? 11. In what proportion Men negledl the Orders of the Church, and Sects have increased ? || 12. The disproportion of Parishes ? (97) 13. Why the Burials in Lo 7 idon exceed the Christenings, when the contrary is visible in the Country ? To this I might answer in general, by saying, that those, who cannot apprehend the reason of these Enquiries, are unfit to trouble themselves to ask them. 2. I might answer by asking, Why so many have spent their times and Estates about the Art of making Gold? which, if it were much known, would only exalt Silver into the place which Gold now possesseth; and if it were known but to some one Person, the same single Adeptus could not, nay, durst not enjoy it, but must be either a Prisoner to some Prince, and Slave to some Voluptuary, or else skulk obscurely up and down for his privacy and concealment. 3. I might answer, That there is much pleasure in deducing so many abstruse and unexpe6led inferences out of these poor despised Bills of Mortality ; and in building upon that ground, which hath lain waste these eighty years. And there is pleasure in doing something new, though never so little, without pestering the World with voluminous Tran- scriptions. II 4. But I answer more seriously, by complaining. That (98) whereas the Art of Governing, and the true Politicks, is how to preserve the Subje6l in Peace and Plenty ; that men study only that part of it which teacheth how to supplant and over-reach one another, and how; not by fair out-running, but by tripping up each other’s heels, to win the Prize. Now, the Foundation or Elements of this honest harmless Policy is to understand the Land^ and the hands of the Territory, to be governed according to all their intrinsick 39 ^ Graunt's Observations. and accidental differences: As for example; It were good to know the Geometrical Content, Figure, and Situation of all the Lands of a Kingdom, especially according to its most natural, permanent, and conspicuous Bounds. It were good to know how much Hay an Acre of every sort of Meadow will bear ; how many Cattel the same weight of each sort of Hay will feed and fatten ; what quantity of Grain and other Commodities the same Acre will bear in one, three, or seven years, comiminib 7 is Annis \ unto what use each soil is most proper. All which particulars I call the intrinsick value : for there is also another value meerly accidental, or extrinsick, (99) consisting of the Causes why a parcel of Land, || lying near a good Market, may be worth double to another parcel, though but of the same intrinsick goodness ; which answers the Queries, why Lands in the North of England are worth but sixteen years purchase, and those of the West above eight and twenty. It is no less necessary to know how many People there be of each Sex, State, Age, Religion, Trade, Rank, or Degree, dfc. by the knowledge whereof, Trade and Government may be made more certain and Regular; for, if men knew the People, as aforesaid, they might know the consumption they would make, so as Trade might not be hoped for where it is impossible. As for instance, I have heard much complaint, that Trade is not set in some of the South-western and North- ivestern Parts of Ireland, there being so many excellent Harbours for that purpose; whereas in several of those places'" I have also heard, that there are few other Inhabitants, but such as live ex sponte creatis, and are unfit Subjedls of Trade, as neither employing others, nor working themselves. Moreover, if all these things were clearly and truly known (which I have but ghessed at) it would appear, how small a (100) part of the People work upon necessary Labours and || Callings, vis. how many Women and Children do just nothing, only learning to spend what others get; how many are meer Volup- tuaries, and as it were meer Gamesters by Trade; how many live by puzling poor people with unintelligible Notions in Divinity and Philosophy; how inany by perswading credulous, delicate, and ligitious Persons, that their Bodies or Estates TJic Conclusion. 397 are out of Tune, and in danger; how many by fighting as Souldiers ; how many by Ministries of Vice and Sin ; how many by Trades of meer Pleasure, or Ornaments; and how many in a way of lazy attendance, &c. upon others : And on the other side, how few are employed in raising and working necessary Food and Covering ; and of the speculative men, how few do study Nature and Things ! The more ingenious not advancing much further than to write and speak wittily about these matters. I conclude, That a clear knowledge of all these particulars, and many more, whereat I have shot but at rovers, is necessary, in order to good, certain, and easie Government, and even to balance Parties and Fa6lions both in Church and State. But whether the knowledge thereof be necessary to many, or fit for others than the Sovereign and his chief Ministers, I leave to consideration. || (lOl) A N APPENDIX'. F orasmuch as a long and serious perusal of all the Bills of Mortality, which this great City hath afforded for almost fourscore years, hath advanced but the few Observations comprised in the fore-going Treatise; I hope very little will be expedled from the few scattered Papers that have come to my hands since the publishing thereof, especially from one that hath learned from the Royal Society, how many Obser- vations go to the making up of one Theoreme, which (like Oaks and other Trees fit for durable Building) must be of many years growth. The Accounts which follow, I reckon but as Timber and Stones; and the best Inferences I can make, are but as hewing them to a Square ; as for composing a beautiful and || (102) firm Strudlure out of them, I leave it to the Archite 6 lure of the said Society, under whom I think it honour enough to work as a Labourer. My first Observation shall be, That at the Number ^ The Appendix fii'.st appears in the third edition, (1665). ^ See p. 421. On the history of the Dublin bills, see Petty’s Observations. It is not improbable that Graunt secured this Dublin bill from Petty. While Petty was in Ireland he corresponded with Graunt, and 4 February, 1662 — 3, he wrote to Lord Brouncker from Dublin, “ when I first landed here some matter presented it selfe whereuppon to make observations uppon Ireland, not unlike those which Mr Graunt made uppon the London Bills of Mortality. I have done so much uppon it, as hath cost me some pounds, but not so much as is worth more than a bare mention.” Royal Society’s Letter Book, P i, f. 14. The Dublin Bill, 399 of Weekly Burials being about 20, and those of London about 300, as also the Number of People reckoned to be within the Limits of the Bills of Mortality at London to be 460000; it will follow, that the Number of Inhabitants of Dublin be about 30000, viz. about one fifteenth part of those in and about London, which agrees with that Number which I have heard the Books of Poll-Money, raised but little before the time of this Bill, have exhibited as the Number of Inhabitants of that City: So as although I do not think one single Weekly Bill is sufficient to ground such a Conclusion upon, yet I think that several yearly Bills are the best of the easie ways from which to colledl the Number of the People. Secondly, Although I take it for granted, that in Dublin there be more Born than Buried, because the same hath appeared to be so in London by the Bills of Mortality before the year 1641, when the Civil Wars began, and much more eminently in Amsterdam, as shall be hereafter shewn; yet there are but 14 set down as Christned ; which shews, that || the defedl there is much the same as at Londo 7 i, whether the (103) cause thereof be negligence in the Register, on non-conformity to Publick Order, or both, I leave to the curious. I believe the cause is also the same, forasmuch as I heard it to be a Maxim at Dublin, to follow, if not forerun, all that is, or as they understand will be, pradlised in L^ondon ; and that in all particulars incident to humane affairs. I have here inserted two other Country-Bills, the one of CranbrooD in Kent, the 'other of Tivertoid in Devonshire, which with that of Hantshire^, lying about the midway be- tween them, give us a view of the most Easterly, Southerly, and Westerly parts of England : I have endeavoured to procure the like account from Nortlmmbcrland, Cheshire, Norfolk, and Nottinghamshire ; Thereby to have a view of seven Counties most differently situated, from whence I am sorry to observe that my Southern friends have been hitherto more curious and diligent than those of the North. The full observation from these Bills is, that all these three Country ^ See pp. 419— 42 r. - ^ See pp. 416— 418. See pp. 412 — 415. 400 Grannf s Observations. Hills agree, that each Wedding produces four Children, which is likcAvisc confirmed from the Rills of Amsterdam. Secondly, they all agree that there be more Males born than Females, || (*04) but in different proportions, for at Cranbrook there be 20 Males for 19 Females, in Hantskire, 16 for 15, in London 14 for 13, and at Tiverton., 12 for ii. Thirdly, I have inserted the Bills themselves, to the end that whoever pleases may examin, by all three together, the Observations I raised from the Hantshire Bill alone ; conceiving it will be more pleasure and satisfa6lion to do it themselves, than to receive it from another hand. Only I shall add, as a new Observation from them all, that in the years 1648 and 1649, being the time when the people of England did most resent the horrid Parricide of his late Sacred Majesty, that there were but nine weddings in that year in the same places, when there were ordinarily between 30 and 40 per Annnm\ and but 16, when there were ordinarily at other times between 50 and 60. And it may be also observed that something of this black murder appeared in the years 1643 and 1644, when the Civil war was at the highest, but the contrary in the years 1654, 1655, to prevent the new way of Marriage then imposed upon the peopled I have also supplied the Tables from the three general Bills for the years 1662, 1663, and 1664, which you will find (fo 5 ) to justifie II the former Observations. But most eminently that which I take to be of most concernment, namely, of the difference between the numbers of -Males and Females. In the former Observations I did endeavour to deduce the number of the Inhabitants about the City of London, from the Bills of Mortality, concluding them to be about 460000^ and did likewise set forth by what steps the people of the said City have increased from two to five since the year i6ool ^ Cromwell’s act requiring civil marriage was passed 24 August, 1653, and went into legal effect September 29 of the same year. If, therefore, a desire to “prevent the new way of Marriage” caused an increased number of w-eddings in 1654, 1655, &c., the actual enforcement of the act must have been somew-hat lax. 2 In the Index, p. 331, note. " See pp. 378 — 380. Census of London in 1631. 401 And particularly in what proportions the City increased in its several parts from time to time: I have now procured an Account of the Men, Women, and Children, which were Anno 163 1 \ found within the Liberties of London, which are circumscribed by Temple-Bar, L{olborn-Ba 7 ^s, S mil Jifield- Bars, Shoreditch- Bai's, White-chappel-Bars, and to the Tower Liber- ties, and Meal-market in Sonthzvark\ by which Account I hope it will appear, that I computed too many rather than too few, although the most part of men have thought other- wise. Nor do I wonder at it, since I never observed more enormous mistakes in any matter than concerning the number of people. Ale-houses, Coaches, Ships, Sea-men, Water-men, and several || other Tradesmen, &c. The proportions of all (106) which I have always thought is necessary to be known, in order to an exa6l Symmetry of the several members of a Common-wealth. I say, that the whole number of Inhabitants exceeds not 460000. 1. The number of Men, Women, and Children, found in the City and Liberties 1631, was 130178. 2. The Liberties of the City of London consist of the 97 Parishes within the Walls, and of | of the 16 Parishes next without them, which estimate of mine, nevertheless, I leave to examination. The Liberties of London from the year 1631 to the year 1661 increased from 8 to ii, as may appear by the Tables, and consequently the said 130000 found in the year 1631, were increased to 179000, in Anno 1661. Lastly, the Liberties of London in the year 1661 were in proportion to the whole, as 4 to 9, and consequently if there were 179000 souls, in the said Liberties, there was not above 403000 in the whole number of Parishes then comprehended in the Bills of Mortality. The substance of the Amsterdam Bills of Mortality is, . viz. I. That there died in the sev^eral years of the Plague, as followeth : || H. P. ^ See p. 405. 26 402 Graunfs Obsei'vations. (107) Anno 1622 4141 5929 1 1795 6781 4425 3976 4497 17193 16727 9752 24148 1623 1624 1625 1626 1627 1628 1636 1655 1663 1664 2. That there are eleven burying-places, besides the Hospital and Pest-house, 257 Streets and Lanes, with 43 Burgwalls and Grachts in that City. 3. That in seven years, beginning from the 15 of Angiist 1617 to the same day 1624, there were Christned in the reformed Churches of Amsterdani 52537, and that there died in the same time 32532. So as there were 20005 more born than buried, besides those that were Christned in other Congregations. And in the same time were 16430 publisht Marriages. 4. That in the first week of September 1664 there died 1041, and in eighteen weeks before the Burials increased (108) from 331 up to the said number of 1041, || and in twelve weeks after decreased back to the like number of 330. 5. In February following there died but 118 a week, and the ordinary number of weekly Burials is about 100, so as London seems to be three times as big as Amsterdam. 6. I have likewise hapned on some other Accompts, relating to Mortalities of some great Cities of the World, of what Authority I know not, but as printed at Amsterdam 1664, viz. Amio 1619 there died in Grand CaFo in ten wrecks 73500, without any visible diminution of the people. 7. Anno 1625 there died in Leyden 9597. Anno 1635 there died in the same City of Leyden from the 14 of July, to the 29 of December 14381, the greatest week of mortality being the latter end of Odfober 1452. This Plague in 15 TJie Plague on the Continent. 403 weeks increased from 96, to the said number of 1452, and in ten weeks after decreased to 107. Answerable to the time of Increase and Decrease afore-mentioned in Ainsterda 7 n, Anno 1655, there died in 21 weeks from Jtily to Noventber 13287, the greatest week being Septemb. 25. when died 896. 8. At Harlem there died in the same year, in the months of August y September, October and November 5723. || 9. Anno 1637, in Co 7 ista 7 itmople there died 1500 per diem, (109) but how long this Plague lasted, appeareth not. 10. The same year died in Prague 20000 Christians, and 10000 Jews. 11. Anno 1652 there died in Cracovia 17000 Christians, and 20000 Jews. 12. Afino 1653 there died in Dantsiek in the last week of September 640, and in Conningsburg 490. 13. 1654 there died in Copenhagen for several weeks 700 per week. 14. Anno 1655 there died at Amsterdam and Leyden, as above-mentioned ; and at Deventer 70, 80, and 90 per diem. 15. At Leenivardeen 56 per diem. 16. Anno 1656 there was so sweeping a Plague at Naples, that there died of it at the latter end of May 1300, or 1400 per diem. The sixth of June there were 80000 sick, that the well were not able to help, or bury the dead ; presently after there died 5000 in three days; in August it began to cease, after it had destroyed 300000 people. 17. The Town of Seala in Italy was quite dispeopled, and at Minory there scaped but 22. At Rome there died in the same year about 100 per die 7 n for a great while together. || 18. 1657 There died at Ge 7 ioa in Midsummer week 1200, (no) afterwards there died 1600 per die 7 n ; insomuch that in the beginning of August they burnt the dead Corps for want of hands to bury them, which great Mortality decreased to five or six per die 7 n before Septe 7 nber was out. The total sum of all that died was about 70000. 19. At Bergen in Norivay, Anno 1618 the Plague is represented to have been very terrible, by saying that there died 50 or 60 per die 7 n, and that the whole City was in tears, 26 — 2 404 Grajinfs Observations. that the Coffin-makers refused to make Coffins, that parents carried their children, and children their parents to the grave. But forasmuch as it was not mentioned how populous this place was, nor for how many days the Mortality continued, I can make but little estimate of this Plague, by what is above related. 20. The general Observations arising from the above- mentioned particulars, are as followeth : First, That Northern, as well as Southern Countries are infested with great Plagues ; although in the Southern Coun- tries they are more vehement, and do both begin and end more suddenly. 21. Secondly, from the year 1652 the jj Plague was at Cracow, 1653 at Dantzick and Coningsbnrg, 1654 at Copenhagen, 1655 at Leyden and Amsterdam, and other Towns in the Netherlands, 1656 at Naples and Rome, 1657 at Genoa \ So as it well deserves enquiry, whether the Plague in all these places were a sickness of the same kind, and did successively perambulate the several Countries above-mentioned ; or whether it were a several disease in each place. 22. Thirdly, that the Plague is longer in rising to its heighth, than in decreasing to the same pitch ; and the proportion thereof, in such cases where it hath most plainly appeared, is about three to two; for at AmsteiNam it was eighteen weeks rising, and twelve decreasing ; and at Leyden fifteen upon the increase, and ten decreasing. It may be further observed, that in the four several times of great Mortality, the height was not always in the same month; for Anno 1592 it was the second week in Angnst, when there died 1550 of all diseases; in the year 1603 the height was the second week of September, when there died 3129 of all diseases; in 1625 the extremity was in the third week in Angnst, when there died 5205. Anno 1636 the like extremity was in the first week of October, there then dying {112)4005 of II all diseases. In this place I think fit to intimate, that considering the present increase of the City from Anno 1625 to this time, which is from eight to thirteen, that until the Burials exceed 8400 per week, the Mortality will not exceed that of 1625. Which God for ever avert. Census of London in 1631. 405 It may be further observed, that the time of the Plagues continuance at the height was of several durations, for Anno 1592 it continued from the first week in fulj/ to the second of Septembei^, without increasing or decreasing above 100 in 1600; whereas in 1603 it remain’d but three weeks at the state, decreasing near the next week after the height ; Anno 1625 it remain’d not three weeks at a stay, increasing jL part the next week before the height, and decreasing as much the next week after. Anno 1636 it stood five weeks without increasing or decreasing above part afore-mentioned. Concerning the disease of the Plague, Anno 1592 it increased to Jg of the greatest number that died in twenty weeks; Anno 1603, it did the same in eleven ; Anno 1625, in nine weeks ; Anno 1636, as it was not so fierce as in the other years, so it was of longer continuance, as hath been else-where noted ^ II The last thing I shall observe is, that in all the four great (113) years of mortality above-mentioned, I do not find that any week the Plague increased to the double of the precedent week above five times. Anno 1631. Ann. 7. Caroli I. T he number of Men, Women, and Children, in the several Wards of London, and Liberties: taken in August 1631, by special command from the Right Honourable the Lords of His Majesties Privy CounciP. Algate Ward Bishopsgate Bassishaw Breadstreet Bridg-ward within Bridg-ward without Billingsgate 04763 07788 01006 02568 02392 18660 02597 1 P. 366. On this census see Maitland, f.ondon, n., 742. 4o6 G vaunts Obsevvatiojis. Broad street 03503 Colemanstreet 02634 Cornhil 01439 Cripplegate without 06445 Cripplegate within 04231 Farrington without 20846 Farrington within 08770 Cordwainer 02238 89880 Aldersgate 03594 Limestreet 01 107 Queenhith 03358 Vintry 02742 Tower-ward 04248 Dowgate 03516 Langbourn 03168 Portsoken-ward 05703 Cheap-ward 02500 VVallbrook 02069 Candleweek-ward 01696 Castle-Baynard 04793 38404 Bartholomew the great 01388 Bartholomew the less 00506 38404 89880 130178 ^lES 29 1630 59 79 56 22 439 712 1091 36 I f 8 :4 I The Years of our Lord Abortive and Stil-born Aged Ague and Fever Apoplcx and Suddenly IJleach Blasted Bleeding Bloody Flux, Scouring and Flux Burnt and Scalded Calenture Cancer, Gangrene and Fistula Wolf Canker, Sore-mouth and Thrush Child-bed Chrisoms and Infants Colick and Wind Cold and Cough Consumption and Cough Convulsion Cramp Cut of the Stone Dropsie and Tympany Drowned Excessive drinking Executed Fainted in a Bath Falling-Sickness Flox' and small Box Found dead in the Streets French- Box Frighted Gout Grief Hanged, and made-away themselves Ilead-Ach Jaundice Javv-faln Impostumc 1 tch Killed by several Accidents King’s Evil Lethargy Lejrrosie Liver-grown, Spleen and Rickets Lunatick Meagrom M easles Mother Murdered Overlaid and Starved at Nurse Balsic Blague Blague in the Guts Bletirisie Boisoned Burples and Spotted Fever Quinsie and Sorc-lhroat Rickets Mother, rising of the Lights Rupture Scal’d head Scurvy Smothered and stifled Sores, ulcers, broken and bruised Shot (Limbs Spleen Shingles Starved Stitch Stone and Strangury Sciatica Stopping of the Stomach Surfet Swine-Box Teeth and Worms Tissick Thrush Vomiting W orms Wen Suddenly T/ie Table of CASUAL TIES. 1 1629 1 1630 1633 1634 1 1647 1648 1651 1 1652 1655 1656 1629 In 20 1 1647 1648 1649 1650 1651 1652 1653 1654 \ 1655 1656 1657 1 1658 1659 1660 1 1629 1630 1631 1632 I '633 '634 '635 1636 '631 1632 '635 1636 1649 ' 1650 '653 1654 1657 1658 1649 1659 Years. 1 335 329 327 35' 389 381 384 433 483 419 463 467 421 544 499 439 410 445 1 , 500 475 507 ' 523 i '793 2005 '342 1587 1832 1247 S559 15759 i 23784 916 835 889 696 780 834 1 864 974 743 892 869 1176 909 1095 1 579 712 661 671 ! 704 623 794 714 1 2475 2814 3336 3452 3680 i 2377 1260 884 75' 970 1038 1212 282 689 875 999 1800 2303 2148 1 956 1091 1 1115 1 108 1 953 1279 1622 2360 441S 6235 3865 4903 4363 1 4010 68 74 64 74 106 118 86 92 102 "3 '38 91 67 : 36 17 ' 24 35 26 85 421 445 1 '77 1 306 4 1 3 7 6 6 4 5 5 3 1 8 1 '3 8 10 13 6 4 4 1 1 54 14 4 5 9 1 1 14 16 '5 99 3 2 5 3 4 3 2 7 3 5 4 7 5 5 4 4 3 16 7 1 1 12 ' 19 '7 1 65 7818 155 176 802 289 833 762 200 386 168 3h8 362 233 346 251 449 438 352 348 278 512 346 330 15S7 ' 1466 '422 2181 i 1 161 '597 1 3 6 10 5 II 5 7 10 5 7 4 6 6 3 10 7 5 I 3 12 3 ' 25 1 24 3' 1 26 19 26 29 31 19 31 53 36 37 73 3' 3 24 35 i 52 20 14 23 28 27 30 I 24 30 1 85 4 1 '■ = 1 79 105 4 '57 3 150 "4 '3 609 66 28 54 42 68 51 53 72 44 81 19 27 1 73 68 6 4 4 I 5 1 1 74 ' '5 190 498 244 161 '33 689 161 106 114 "7 206 213 158 192 177 201 236 225 226 194 150 157 1 12 171 '32 143 '63 1 230 590 1 668 769 8)9 490 3364 1369 1254 1065 990 1237 1280 1050 '343 1089 •393 1 162 "44 858 1123 2596 2378 2035 2268 1 2130 2315 2113 1 1895 9277 i 8453 4678 49'o 4788 45'9 32106 103 71 85 82 76 102 80 lOI 85 120 "3 179 1 16 167 18 57 j 37 i 5° '05 341 359 497 247 1389 41 36 21 58 30 31 33 24 58 51 55 45 ! 54 50 ! 57 174 1 207 00 77 140 43 598 2423 2200 2388 1988 2350 2410 2286 2868 2606 3184 2757 3610 2982 3414 1827 1910 1713 1797 1754 1955 2080 2477 5'57 1 8266 8999 99 '4 '2157 7 '97 44487 684 491 530 493 569 653 606 828 702 1027 807 841 742 1031 52 87 18 241 221 386 418 709 i 498 1734 2198 2656 3377 '324 9073 I I 0 0 0 0 0 01 00 01 0 0 1 2 I 3 I 556 I 617 2 4 I 3 5 6 4 280 266 5 2 2 5 10 6 4 13 47 38 185 434 421 S08 444 704 660 706 63' 931 646 872 235 252 279 250 329 389 1048 1734 '538 2321 2982 1302 9623 47 40 30 27 49 50 53 30 43 49 63 60 57 48 43 33 29 34 37 32 32 45 139 '47 '44 182 2'5 8 17 29 43 24 .2 19 21 19 22 20 18 7 18 19 ■3 12 i8 '3 ■3 '3 '3 62 52 97 76 79 55 384 3 2 2 3 3 4 1 4 „ 3 I 4 5 3 10 7 7 2 5 6 8 27 21 10 8 8 9 74 '39 400 I 190 18^ 525 1279 139 812 1294 823 835 409 '523 354 72 40 58 53' 72 •354 293 '27 701 1846 '913 2755 . 13 f>' 2785 10576 6 6 9 8 7 9 14 4 3 4 9 I I 3 6 18 33 20 6 '3 8 24 24 83 69 29 34 27 29 243 18 29 '5 18 21 20 20 20 29 23 25 53 51 31 '7 12 12 12 7 '7 1 2 22 53 48 80 81 130 83 392 4 4 I 3 2 I I 9 I ' 3 2 3 9 5 2 9 5 12 9 7 7 5 6 8 7 8 '3 14 2 2 5 3 4 4 5 7 8 14 24 35 25 I 28 '.14 1 2 '3 16 7 17 14 I I 17 10 '3 10 12 13 4 18 20 22 1 1 '4 ■7 5 20 7' 5f> 48 59 45 47 279 I I 10 '3 14 9 14 '5 9 '4 16 24 18 1 1 36 8 8 6 '5 3 8 7 37 18 48 47 72 32 t I 1 2 2 6 6 6? 3 4 5 35 26 4 2 0 6 '4 14 '7 46 05' 57 35 39 49 41 43 57 71 4' 46 77 102 76 47 59 35 43 35 45 54 63 184 197 180 212 225 188 998 \ I 3 2 2 3 I 16 '3 8 10 10 4 1 1 47 35 02 5 6 10 95 75 61 65 59 80 105 79 90 92 122 80 '34 105 96 i8 76 73 74 50 62 73 '30 282 315 260 35 428 228 1639 I 10 00 10 01 [ 1 27 57 39 94 47 45 57 5^ 52 43 52 47 55 47 54 55 ■ 47 46 49 4' 5' 60 202 201 217 207 '94 148 1021 27 26 22 '9 22 20 26 26 27 24 23 28 28 54 16 25 18 38 35 20 20 69 97 '50 94 94 102 66 537 3 4 2 4 4 4 3 to 9 4 6 2 6 4 I 2 2 3 2 2 5 7 '3 2 1 21 9 67 I 1 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 3 06 53 46 56 59 65 72 67 65 52 50 38 51 8 '5 94 12 99 87 82 77 98 99 392 356 2'3 269 '9' '58 1421 12 18 6 1 1 7 1 1 9 12 6 7 13 5 '4 14 6 1 1 6 5 4 2 2 5 28 '3 47 39 3' 26 158 12 ■3 5 8 6 6 '4 3 6 7 6 5 4 24 22 24 22 30 34 22 05 '32 5 92 3 33 33 62 8 52 1 1 '53 15 80 6 74 12 2 3 80 21 33 27 12 127 83 '33 '55 259 5' 757 2 1 I 2 2 3 3 t 8 r 3 01 3 2 4 8 02 18 3 2 7 5 4 3 3 3 9 6 5 7 70 20 3 7 6 5 8 10 '9 '7 '3 27 77 86 25 22 36 28 28 29 30 36 58 53 44 50 46 43 4 10 '3 7 8 '4 10 '4 34 46 1 1 1 '23 215 86 529 27 21 ■9 20 23 20 29 18 22 23 20 22 17 21 17 23 17 25 '4 21 25 '7 82 77 87 90 87 53 423 3597 611 67 '5 23 16 6 16 9 R-7 6 4 14 36 '4 '3'7 274 ‘ 10400 '599 10401 4290 61 61 33 103 ' 6384 07 3'5 16 “53 89 30 26 '3 20 23 19 '7 23 10 9 17 12 10 26 24 26 36 21 45 24 112 90 72 52 5' 415 3 7 2 2 00 4 10 00 00 00 14 '45 47 43 65 54 60 75 89 56 52 56 126 368 146 |2 58 38 24 125 245 397 186 79' 300 278 290 243 1845 14 1 1 12 17 24 20 18 9 '5 13 7 10 21 14 01 8 6 7 24 04 5 22 22 55 54 7' 45 34 247 150 224 216 190 260 329 229 372 347 458 3'7 476 441 521 60 '4 49 50 00 "3 780 1 190 '598 657 3681 150 92 "5 120 '34 .38 '35 178 166 212 203 228 210 249 44 72 99 98 84 72 104 309 220 777 585 809 3^'9 27CX) 16 7 7 6 7 16 7 15 1 1 20 19 18 12 28 2 6 4 9 4 3 10 '3 21 30 3'"’ 45 68 21 201 2 1 2 2 1 2 05 32 20 21 21 29 43 41 44 103 71 82 82 95 12 5 7 9 9 00 25 33 34 94 132 300 '^5 593 2 16 26 24 24 2 2 26 '5 '7 17 32 25 32 47 61 48 '3 20 48 '9 '9 22 29 9' 89 ^>5 "5 '44 141 504 27 12 17 13 13 6 2 5 7 7 1 i 29 26 13 07 68 2 4 8 7 ' 2 I I 3 I 3 6 7 14 1 f 14 '9 5 '3 29 5' 45 42 29 28 50 41 44 38 49 57 72 69 22 30 1 39 58 5° 58 49 33 45 114 185 '44 '73 247 5' 937 2 I 3 1 6 1 4 '3 29 29 30 33 55 67 66 107 94 '45 129 277 186 214 ,3 I 6 6 121 295 247 216 669 217 137 136 '23 104 '77 178 212 128 161 137 218 202 192 < 149 86 104 "4 132 371 445 721 613 671 644 401 3094 4 4 3 I 4 2 I I 2 •4 4 6 3 10 23 '3 ' ' 1 5 5 10 57 767 597 540 59S 709 90s 691 1131 803 1 198 878 1036 839 1008 4411 1 506 335 470 432 454 539 1207 . 175' 2632 2502 1 343f> 39' 5 1819 14236 62 47 u 1 14 34 23 '5 27 68 65 '09 j 8 242 57 66 '5 1 23 17 40 28 3' 95 93 123 J5 21 1 t 6 3 7 4 6 3 14 7 27 16 19 8 to 1 4 1 I 2 5 6 3 7 16 '7 27 69 12 136 147 107 105 65 85 86 53 19 i '■ 28 27 19 28 27 105 74 424 224 124 830 t I 2 2 I I 2 1 1 1 4 1 4 2 1 4 4 2 15 6 a 1 59 37 62 58 62 78 34 221 233 i 63 454 1 1 34*90 229250 This Table to face page 406. Probably a name for confluent small pox. See Creighton, r-, 462—463. Table for London. 407 The Table of Burials^ and Christnings^ in London \ Anno Dorn. 97 Pari- shes.- 16 Pari- shes. Out- Pari- shes. Buried in all 1 Besides : of the Plague Cht'ist- ned i 1604 1518 2097 708 4323 ! 896 5458 1605 2014 1 2974 960 5948 : 444 6504 1606 1941 i 2920 935 5796 1 2124 6614 1607 1879 2772 1 1019 5670 i 2352 6582 1608 2391 ' 3218 1149 6758 i 2262 6845 1609 2494 3610 1441 7545 ; 4240 6388 1610 2326 3791 1369 7486 : 1803 6785 161 1 2152 : 3398 1 166 6716 627 7014 16715 1 24780 8747 50242 1 14752 52190 ^ The original bills being lost, it is impossible to check most of Graunt’s figures before 1658. Bell’s Keniembrancer, however, gives the christenings, the plague burials, and the aggregate burials, week by week, with the total of each year, for seventeen of the years included in Graunt’s table, viz. for 1606 — i6ro, 1625, 1630, 1636—37, and 1640 — 47. In 13 years Bell’s figures agree with Graunt’s. The disagreements in the remaining four years are exhibited by the following table : Year Christened Buried of the plague Total buried (i.e. the plague burials and Graunt’s “ buried in all ”) Graunt Bell 1 Graunt 1 Bell Graunt Bell i6io 1641 1642 1646 10,670 10,370 7^63 ^0.370 10,670 7’583 1 G 375 G274 ^>365 3.067 1,824 ^.436 1,803+ 7.486= 9,289 1.375+11.767=13.142 1,274+11,999=13,273 2,365 + 10,415=12,780 9,087 18,291 12, 167 13.532 The small discrepancies in the christenings, in 1641 — 42 are obviously due to a transposition of figures, and the error is probably Graunt’s, since Bell’s figures here, as in all the years in question, are the correct footings of his weekly returns. The discrepancies in the number of burials, particularly in 1641, are more serious. Contemporary letters afford a check upon four of Bell’s^ weekly bills as follows: 19 — 26 August, 1641, Bell’s total burials are 610, plague burials, 139; Wiseman to Pennington, 26 August : “ 131 dying here this week of the pest, and ri8 of the small-pox, and 610 in the whole of all diseases.” Cal. State Papers^ Dorn.., Charles /., 1641 — 43, p. 105. 2 — 9 September, Bell’s plague burials are 185 ; Cogan to Pennington, 9 September : “ there died this week of the plague 185.” Ibid.., 120. 23 — 30 September, Bell’s decrease of plague burials over previous week is 30 ; Wiseman to Pennington, 30 September : “ the sickness, I hope, will every day diminish, [the deaths] being less by 42 than the last [week].” Ibid., 128. I — 7 October, Bell’s total burials are 654, plague burials, 239, an 4o8 Grauiifs Observations. The Table of Burials, aiid Christnings, in London. Anno Dom. 97 Pari- shes 16 1 Pan- j shes Out- Pari- shes Envied in all Besides of the Plague Christ- ned 1612 2473 \ 3843 1462 7778 64 6986 1613 2406 3679 1418 7503 16 6846 [614 2369 3504 1494 7367 22 j 7208 1615 2446 3791 1613 7850 37 7682 1616 2490 3876 1697 8063 9 7985 1617 2397 4109 1774 8280 6 7747 1618 2815 4715 2066 9596 18 7735 1619 2339 3857 1804 7999 9 8127 19735 31374 13328 ! 64436 171 60316 1630 2726 4819 2146 i 9691 21 7845 1621 2438 3759 1915 i 8112 1 1 8039 1622 2811 4217 2392 i 8943 16 7894 1623 3591 4721 2783 1 1095 17 7945 i 1624 3385 5919 2895 1 2 199 1 1 8299 1625 5143 9819 3886 1 8848 35417 6983 1626 2150 3285 1965 7401 134 6701 1627 2325 3400 1988 1 7711 4 8408 24569 39940 19970 84000 35631 62114II 1628 2412 3311 2017 7740 3 8564 1629 2536 3992 2243 8771 0 9901 1630 2506 4201 2521 9237 13^7 9315 1631 2459 3697 2132 8288 274 ^524 1632 2704 4412 2411 9527 8 1 9584 1633 2378 3936 2078 8393 0 i 9997 1634 2937 4980 2982 10399 I 1 9855 1635 2742 4966 2943 10651 0 1 10034 20694 33495 19327 73505 1603 75774 1636 2825 6924 3210 12959 10400 ; 9522 1637 2288 4265 2128 8681 3082 9160 1638 3584 5926 3751 13261 363 1031 1 1639 2592 4344 2612 9548 314 ' 10150 1640 2919 5156 3246 11321 1450 10850 1641 3248 5092 ■ 3427 11767 1375 10670 1642 3176 5245 3578 1 1 999 1274 10370 1643 I 3395 5552 3269 12216 996 I 9410 23987 ! 42544 25221 91752 19244 1 80443 increase of 24; Wiseman to Pennington, 7 October : “The sickness is increased by 24 this week, there being dead of all diseases 650 persons [perhaps intended as a round figure], whereof 239 of the plague.” Ibid., 134. Pennington’s corre- spondents, therefore, substantially confirm Pell’s figures for four weeks. If his figures for the remaining weeks of 1641 are eriually accurate, Gi aunt’s figures for that year must be far too small. Table for London. 409 The Tables of Burials, and Christnings, in London. A niio 97 16 Out - Buried Besides Chri sl - Dom . Pari - shes . Pari - shes . Pari - shes . in all of the Plague ued 1644 2593 4274 2574 9441 1492 8104 1645 2524 4639 2445 9608 1871 7966 1646 2746 4872 2797 10415 2365 7163 1647 2672 4749 3041 10462 3597 7332 1648 2480 4288 2515 9283 61 1 6544 1649 2865 4714 2920 10499 67 5825 1650 2301 4138 2310 8749 15 5612 1651 2845 5002 2597 10804 23 6071 21026 36676 21 199 78896 1 004 1 5461711 1652 3293 5719 3546 12553 16 6128 1653 2527 4635 2919 1008 1 6 6155 1654 3323 6063 3845 13231 16 6620 1655 2781 5148 3439 11348 9 7004 1656 3327 6573 4015 13915 6 7050 1657 3014 5646 3770 12430 4 6685 1658 3613 1692^ 4443 14979 14 6170 1659 3431 6988 4301 14720 36 5690 25288 47695 30278 103261 107 51502 1660 3098 5644 2926 12668 13 6971 1661 3804 7309 5532 16645 20 8855 1662 3123 6094 4423 13652 12 10019 1663 3001 5602 4129 12732 09 10292 1664 3448 7166 4829 15448 i 05 1 1722II The Table following contains the Number of Burials and (118) Christenings in the seven Parishes hereafter mentioned, from the year 1636 unto the year 1659*^ inclusive\ all which time the Burials and Christenings were jointly m.entioned: the five last years the Christenings were omitted in the yearly Bills. This Table consists of seventeen Columns, the Total of all the Bnrials being contained in the sixteenth Column : which Number being added to the Total in the precedent Table of Burials and Christenings, makes the Total of every yearly or general Bill. || ^ The total requires 6923 here if 3613 and 4443 be assumed to be correct. ^ In the third edition the table was brought down to 1664, but the text stood unchanged. 410 Gmn /I I's Obscrvalions. (‘19) Note, IV he re there follozvs a seeond Nuviber under any year ^ it denotes those ivJucJl died that year of the Plague. Anno Doin lVesti)ii)ister Islington Lambeth Stepney Neioington Hackney Redriff 7 Parishe.s Total in the Bur. Ch. B. C. B. Ch. Bur. Ch. B. c. B. C. B. C. Bur. Ch. 1 636 1 107 55 ^^ 99 5 ^> 213 '37 '895 881 584 '55 68 77 90 62 405^) 1924 442 30 45 909 242 '4 20 1702 I <'>.^7 9 f >3 496 94 72 173 137 952 838 '83 '72 68 70 74 5 ' 2507 - '836 1 301 >7 18 153 16 6 10 521 ; 1638 1021 5^>3 ri6 49 221 140 1209 908 255 146 lOI 69 74 78 2997 '953 ; j 126 8 1 1 '45 it )39 54 ^> 543 88 53 i 95 ^32 970 95 ^> '87 '59 84 53 81 52 215' 1948 i 4 2 2 I 9 ' 1640 754 665 94 54 187 142 1106 983 189 '94 7 ^> 54 53 77 2459 2'59 1 ()2 3 6 117 I 189 1641 697 625 92 7 ^' 168 '37 1 1250 '037 '70 '37 82 73 69 64 2:508 2149 i 40 5 9 70 4 128 1 1642 671 630 98 71 149 124 1270 1158 160 '45 78 58 7 ^> 2489 2262 1 37 4 12 : 20 '7 5 4 99 i ! 666 592 •05 69 i 77 114 I 167 '013 240 147 65 3 ^) 42 07 247 ' 2038 ' 25 3 45 83 86 2 244 1644 ' 570 429 6t 55 115 105 ' ii87 933 '23 lOI 54 45 70 82 2189 '750 ' 35 8 8 1 269 44 3 '7 384 621 444 55 f »3 146 "4 1171 873 183 "9 58 60 50 f)0 2284 ' 7.53 62 6 3 18 7 I 256 i 1646 J ^’9 1 503 84 61 137 108 1 1230 960 ' 5 f> '.^0 76 ^'3 47 43 2421 1868 76 8 5 97 14 9 2 203 ! i ^>47 ; 7 .W 464 108 5 <'' 161 94 j 1 126 926 129 f >5 88 45 42 44 2393 1688 ! 114 12 25 I '55 28 16 4 434 j 1648 5 f>' 384 68 46 87 57 837 767 i 42 45 59 '635 '30511 1 1 41 4 3 ' \ ^ 82 1649 1 55 « 333 90 44 J 3 I 55 : 838 625 i 49 1807 1106 16^0 470 413 I 78 54 88 50 1 748 572 55 65 1 48 50 62 4 '550 1264 1 :;8o 345 107 5 ‘ 127 49 i 9 <'>' ' 72 59 60 30 84 45 2091 '213 1652 649 432 99 3 <'i 179 50 j I 2 C 2 ^>57 198 85 i 33 74 37 2483 I '.5.50 '^>53 567 394 69 46 120 54 1064 620 '95 76 48 69 21 2 >55 '250 1654 657 40 [ 96 ^>5 166 7 ^' 1 1252 803 1 236 106 ! 88 3 ' 75 46 257 1526 676 4>4 95 86 134 128 "99 859 172 120 1 68 37 62 57 2406 1701 1 if)i^6 761 498 ^S 9 89 176 '52 '255 963 248 '27 46 66 45 2701 1920 1 i ^>57 705 473 112 67 231 '37 1213 876 204 '23 1 96 42 5 ' 3 ' 2612 '749 : 1658 890 440 I '3 3 f' 220 i486 892 181 99 i 9 ' 30 48 16 2958 1^45 ! 822 4'5 1 16 5 ^> 193 '03 '392 ^95 '.^8 86 83 50 84 '3 2828 1418 1660 7«3 108 183 " 5 ' "4 1 33 2437 1661 Q «3 102 1 1561 340 102 87 3505 1662 848 59 i 210 ' 53 ' 76 ' 101 77 2902 1663 793 4 > i 199 1241 188 73 i8o 2615 M 1 1 664 807 50 236 '392 : 235 ! i 80 i 40 2848 Table of Males and Fe males. 411 The TABLE of Males, and Females, for LONDON, (^^i) An. Dom. Buried Christened Males Females Males Females 1629 4668 1 4103 5218 4683 1630 5660 4894 4858 4457 1631 4549 4013 4422 ! 4102 1632 4932 4603 1 4994 1 4590 1633 4369 4023 I 5158 1 4839 1634 5676 5224 5035 i 4820 1635 5548 5103 5106 1 4928 1636 12377 10982 4917 4605 47739 43945 39708 37024 1637 6392 5371 4703 4457 1638 7168 6456 5359 4952 1639 5351 4511 5366 4784 1640 6761 6010 5518 5332 Total 73451 65293 60664 56549 1641 6872 6270 5470 5200 1642 7049 6224 5460 1 4910 1643 6842 6360 4793 4617 1644 5659 5274 4107 3997 1645 6014 5465 4047 3919 1646 6683 6097 3768 i 3395 1647 7313 6746 ! 3796 3536 1648 5145 4749 ! 3363 3181 51577 47185 34804 3275511 1649 5454 5112 3079 2746 1650 4548 4216 1 2890 1 2722 1651 5680 5147 3231 ' 2840 1652 6543 6026 3220 2908 1653 5416 4671 3196 i 2959 1654 6972 6275 , 3441 3179 1655 6027 5330 3655 3349 1656 7365 6556 3668 3382 44005 41333 1 26380 24085 1657 6572 5856 3396 3289 1658 7936 7057 3157 3013 1659 7451 7305 3209 i 2781 1660 7960 7158 3724 3247 1661 10448 9287 4748 4107 1662 8623 7931 5216 4803 1663 8035 7321 5411 4881 1664 9369 8928 6041 5681 66400 60843 1 34902 31802 Total 235247 214658 1 156750 146231 11 412 Grannfs Observations. The Table of the Country-Paris/C. Commu- Wed- Christned Buried Years nicants dings M. F. Both M. F. Both 1569 H 38 30 68 23 21 44 1570 19 29 32 61 21 25 46 1571 18 28 26 54 23 27 50 1572 23 3 “ 32 54 20 14 34 1573 21 34 36 20^ 24 13 37 1574 i 16 i 21 29 50 28 38 66 1575 24 37 29 66 15 19 34 1576 22 33 37 70 16 18 . 34 1577 13 29 26 55 19 21 40 1578 20 31 35 66 25 25 50 190 312 302 614 214 22 I 435 1579 15 35 36 71 27 27 54 80 21 43 31 74 38 41 79 81 29 29 33 62 34 24 58 82 22 28 29 57 18 21 39 83 22 32 27 59 35 52 87 84 15 46 44 90 22 19 41 85 15 26 21 47 15 27 42 86 18 ! 22 23 45 24 37 61 87 13 34 31 65 43 36 79 1588 15 1 33 34 67 31 18 49 185 ! 328 309 637 00 302 58911 ^ This table, beginning with 1569, is for a parish of 12 miles compass (p. 393), located in Hampshire (p. 388). Petty’s native town of Romsey corresponds entirely to the description. Moreover “The Register of Romsey begins in 1569 yc j^th ye Reigii of Q. E 1 iza lie t li — J a 11 . i [i.e. 1570 n. s,] and is divided into 3 Columns viz. Christenings, Weddings, & Burials, in which year there were Christ. 73 weddin 13, & Burials 44.” Dr John Latham’s MS. Collections for a History of Romsey, iii. f. 3 (Brit. Mus. Addl. MS. 26776). At f. 14 ff. Dr Latham gives a table of the marriages, baptisms and burials at Romsey from 1570 to 1658. The figures do not agree precisely with those of Graunt’s table, but no great importance should be attached to trifling discrepancies as the register was in part carelessly kept and badly preserved, and Latham himself admits (f. 16 b) that other (unspecified) abstracts of it do not agree with his. The general similarity between his figures and Graunt’s is much too close to be the result of chance. 20 as the total christenings in 1573 is evidently a misprint. The third edition has 70, Latham has 76. Table for Romsey. 413 The Table of the Coimtry-Parish. Commu- Wed- Christ ned Buried Years nicants dings M. F. 1 Both M. F. Both 1589 20 3 r 27 1 58 28 16 44 90 16 40 29 69 36 1 21 57 91 12 37 28 65 35 30 65 92 14 40 25 65 28 19 47 93 20 32 20 52 33 32 65 94 24 34 37 71 16 22 38 95 16 32 28 60 33 ' 28 61 96 9 ! 36 26 62 42 29 71 97 23 ! 23 25 48 53 64 117 98 21 37 29 66 33 23 66 175 342 274 616 337 219 631 1599 19 45 31 76 21 22 1 600 16 j 26 34 1 60 20 j 26 46 601 16 ! 39 32 i 71 18 ! 12 30 602 14 31 32 63 29 1 18 47 603 12 31 38 69 32 1 39 71 604 21 i 42 35 77 26 27 53 605 19 i ^7 34 81 21 i 12 33 606 19 1 29 41 ; 70 28 j 23 51 607 27 36 47 83 33 ‘ 19 52 608 i 17 40 53 93 21 21 42 181 366 377 ' 743 249 j 219 46811 (124) The Table of the Country-Parish. Weddings Christned ; Buried Years M. F. 1 Both M. F. Both 1609 23 30 31 61 24 41 65 10 19 46 30 76 33 40 ; 73 1 1 25 40 41 81 41 32 , 73 12 20 55 32 87 53 63 i 1 16 13 24 41 33 74 47 41 88 1 14 25 50 35 85 27 1 36 63 1 15 22 35 48 83 28 i 36 1 64 ! 16 14 38 36 74 27 41 1 68 17 17 45 31 76 35 1 28 63 ! 1618 8 37 41 ; 23 ! 28 51 ! 197 417 378 ~' 1 775 338 386^ 724 The total burials for 1599 have dropped out. The other editions have 43. (I26) 414 Gran Ilfs Observations. The Table of the Country-Parish. Weddings Cliristned Buried Years M. F. Hotli M. F. Both 1619 21 37 43 80 26 28 54 20 20 34 51 85 18 30 48 2 [ 21 3 ‘ 37 68 28 36 64 22 23 45 38 83 20 26 46 23 14 40 36 76 56 31 87 24 19 30 33 63 29 35 64 25 7 37 41 78 30 20 j 56 26 9 30 35 65 21 29 50 27 18 45 23 68 24 29 ! 53 1628 16 39 36 75 47 42 89 168 368 373 741 305 306 61 1 11 1629 22 53 38 91 46 28 i 1 74 30 8 58 45 103 26 27 i 53 31 20 42 29 71 26 33 i 59 32 16 43 50 93 15 21 36 33 12 38 65 103 18 1 1 29 34 23 30 45 75 18 26 1 44 35 1 1 39 32 71 18 17 1 1 35 36 ^5 50 37 87 42 48 i 90 37 13 35 36 71 25 35 60 1638 13 30 36 _ 66 ^3 73 1 15^ ! 153 418 413 83T 317 319 636 1639 18 24 31 55 48 66 i 114 40 1 1 44 41 85 35 39 i 74 41 21 34 29 63 34 39 i 70 42 1 48 39 87 32 29 ' 61 43 8 30 42 72 59 28 i 87 44 16 33 26 59 65 72 : 137 45 ' 10 43 1 41 84 28 29 ' 57 46 1 1 32 35 67 24 32 I 47 : 12 28 i 46 74 25 21 46 48 1 9 35 27 62 25 3 ' S 137 351 357 708 375 383 00 Tabic for Ronisey . 415 The Table of the Country-Parish. ! Years Christned 1 Buried ' Weddings M. F. Both M. 1 F. Both 1649 i 9 22 37 59 46 ' 34 . 80 50 9 55 i 31 86 25 27 : 52 51 ! 7 25 1 27 52 II 21 32 52 ! 14 34 ; 28 62 20 ^ 25 45 53 47 1 24 71 21 14 { 35 54 '5 34 ' 37 71 14 25 39 55 38 35 34 69 28 19 47 56 28 40 ! 30 70 18 15 33 57 37 23 ‘ 43 66 22 25 47 58 16 39 1^9 68 , 13 15 28 k... ... 182 354 , 320 674 218 ^ 220 43811 i The Table by Dec ads of years for the Country Parish. C) Christened Buried (T -IS 2 'yj P 2 td 0 py ^ 1 2 W 0 a, s' c/3 rT X K P rT C/) 1 ic )69 ' 5(78 190 312 302 614 214 221 ! 435 185 328 309 637 287 302 ! 589 ,r .'89 ' 5(98 175 342 274 616 1 337 284 621 , (599 ‘ (608 181 366 377 743 249 219 468 “S 197 417 358 775 338 386 ! 724 168 368 ; 373 1 ; 741 i 305 306 61 1 153 418 413 j 831 1 317 319 636 '‘18 137 351 357 708 i 375 383 i 758 '‘18 182 354 320 674 218 1 220 1 1 438 1 1598 3256 3083 1 1 6339 1 I 2640 2640 1 5280II 4i6 Graunf s Observations. ('^ 9 ) The number of the Weddings, Christnijigs and Burials that ivere in the Tozvn and Parish of Tiverton, from March 1560 to January 1664; as appear eth by the Registers. Years Christned Buried Weddings M. F . Both M. F. Both 1 560 37 23 29 52 43 1 28 71 61 51 35 31 66 36 i 34 70 62 16 59 50 109 32 : 34 66 63 19 39 50 89 27 15 42 64 19 47 50 97 21 15 36 65 14 51 27 78 26 ! 28 54 66 19 67 44 1 1 1 23 i 12 35 67 23 52 42 94 28 16 44 68 15 50 34 84 25 25 50 69 19 40 37 77 23 38 61 232 463 394 1 1 00 ; 284 i 245 529II 1570 17 51 45 96 1 45 58 103 71 21 46 26 72 70 68 138 72 35 52 44 96 30 23 53 73 38 55 39 94 22 19 41 74 37 42 50 92 25 28 53 75 32 51 71 122 33 21 54 76 27 62 65 127 43 1 93 136 77 27 79 46 125 54 76 130 78 38 59 57 1 16 42 54 96 79 45 56 59 II 5 35 63 98 317 553 502 1055 399 503 902 1580 35 61 63 124 36 79 81 34 62 64 126 37 39 76 82 34 68 67 135 45 38 83 83 33 54 44 98 31 47 78 84 28 77 59 136 39 43 82 85 1 1 69 64 133 32 52 84 86 27 42 40 82 49 40 89 87 27 57 63 120 76 94 170 88 36 67 65 132 57 43 100 89 33 83 70 153 47 55 102 298 640 599 1239 449 494 94311 Table for 'Tiverton. 417 The Tabic of the Parish <9/ Tiv^erton. (131) Christned Buried Years Weddings M. F. Both M. j F. Both j 1590 39 60 64 124 62 , 87 i 149 i 91 48 56 44 100 268 282 j 550' 92 43 75 77 152 37 48 85 i 93 43 63 48 1 1 1 37 65 1 102 . 94 37 66 98 164 31 47 78 ' 95 38 54 52 106 37 60 97 ! 96 22 60 58 118 51 77 128 i 97 18 37 29 66 124 153 27711 ! 98 23 44 38 82 45 103 148 1 99 42 50 73 123 27 27 5 “* i 353 565 521 1146 719 949 1668 ' 1600 38 64 54 1 18 28 38 66" I 33 52 82 134 28 36 64 , 2 37 65 62 127 41 42 83 3 52 60 83 143 50 36 86 1 4 28 75 63 138 27 63 90 5 49 62 68 130 33 48 81 i 6 37 79 77 156 45 42 87 i 7 47 89 77 166 34 52 86 8 37 60 86 146 51 64 115 : 9 34 70 69 ‘39 27 49 76 1 392 676 721 1379 364 470 83411 ^ 1610 31 83 88 171 62 50 1 12 1 1 51 83 96 179 39 41 80 12 47 79 70 149 58 45 103 13 38 74 77 151 39 40 79 14 46 90 88 178 42 41 83 15 55 88 84 172 39 44 83 16 24 1 1 1 too 21 1 53 59 i 1 12 17 41 99 79 178 57 57 1 14 18 46 102 79 181 32 44 76 19 30 104 102 206 65 72 137 409 913 863 1776 486 493 979 1620 t 42 105 72 177 53 53 106 I 21 74 1 1 1 1 1 1 222 61 5 ‘ 1 12 1 22 40 89 104 193 60 86 i 146 1 1 23 52 108 88 196 80 lOI 181 1 i 24 52 95 95 190 60 68 1 128 25 57 131 117 248 86 61 ' 147 26 66 97 lOI 198 73 95 168 27 67 143 1 10 253 98 45 143 1 28 66 103 114 217 87 1 98 : 185 29 77 124 108 232 62 68 1 130 593 1 106 1020 2126 i 720 726 1 144611 ^ In 1591 there was plague at Tiverton. The cause of the high mortality in 1597 is obscure. Creighton, Epidemics, i. 351, 411. H. P. 27 4i8 Grauiifs Observations. The Table of the Parish of Tiverton. 1 Christend Buried Years Weddings M. ! Y. Both M. F. Both 1630 73 117 123 240 104 74 178 31 40 1 18 1 too 218 85 92 177 I J- 63 106 104 210 84 83 167 j 33 63 114 121 235 75 71 146 34 54 I 14 ^ 95 209 73 91 164 35 82 124 1 1 1 235 84 92 176 36 43 135 1 ^^3 248 85 87 172 37 42 1 10 98 208 106 142 248 38 62 1 12 112 224 194 170 364 39 62 ri9 106 225 115 137 252 00 1 169 : 1083 2252 1005 1039 2044 1640 66 124 : 114 238 82 104 186 41 52 1 22 1 14 236 83 88 171 i 42 59 102 1 136 238 1 10 128 238 : 43 54 115 117 232 102 88 190 ' 44 22 76 i 78 154 232 213 445 ^ 45 47 95 175 270 99 92 191 46 41 61 ! 50 I I I 3 3 6 PL \ 47 23 1 16 106 222 7 3 10 : 48 22 85 67 152 24 17 41 ! 49 16 96 92 188 21 30 51 402 991 1049 2041 763 766 1 52911 1650 9 66 79 145 7 9 16 51 9 50 63 II3 5 10 15 52 9 80 73 153 48 51 99 i 21 89 219 208 47 78 125 I 54 108 105 104 206 72 68 140 ! 55 140 87 104 I9I 87 114 201 56 109 107 90 197 56 86 142 57 102 94 lOI 195 67 59 126 58 60 70 83 153 77 85 162 1 59 37 77 ! 78 155 72 80 152 604 825 1 891 1716 538' 640 1178 1660 27 61 68 129 70 69 139 I 38 83 93 176 73 85 158 2 36 73 56 129 91 95 186 3 35 68 64 132 72 74 146 4 41 68 1 72 140 98 114 212 1 177 353 1 353 706 404 437 84111 In 1644 there was war typhus at Tiverton. Creighton, Epidemics., i. 552-555 . Table for Cranbrook. 419 The number of the Weddings^ Christnings and Burials that (135) were in the Parish of Cranbrooke, March 26. 1560 to March 24. 1649; [as appear eth by the Register) only in the years 1 574 and 1575 the Christnings are ivholly omitted, because the Register is very imperfeft for the greater part of those years. Christned i Buried 1 Years Weddings M. F. Both M. F. Both 1560 20 36 33 : 69 29 21 50 61 24 46 33 79 23 22 45 62 23 32 26 1 58 40 31 71 63 15 28 21 49 19 24 43 1 64 23 29 29 : 58 10 8 18 ' 65 29 44 29 73 37 34 71 66 25 39 26 65 69 35 104 67 28 42 41 83 36 21 56 68 22 38 44 j 82 P 31 62 ; 69 22 36 35 71 25 19 44 1 ' i 231 370 317 i 687 319 246 56511 > 1570 , 18 30 44 ^ 74 26 36 62 71 21 27 58 31 16 47 ‘ 72 25 35 34 69 24 39 63 1 73 ! 29 28 25 ! 53 29 21 50 . 74 i 23 28 28 56 75 ! 25 18 14 32 76 ; 29 49 42 91 17 16 33 1 77 16 36 48 84 23 i 21 44 78 24 42 39 ^ 81 19 16 35 79 21 47 1 _44_ 91 26 18 44 235 298 ; 303 601 241 225 466 1580 ' 30 47 42 89 26 23 49 Pl \ 81 i 28 61 ! 46 107 ! 32 30 62 18 j 82 26 58 i 49 : 117 ! 52 37 89 41 ' i 83 24 59 i 44 103 24 20 44 22 1 84 25 53 55 108 24 1 29 53 i 22 60 52 1 12 16 14 30 1 1 j 86 17 53 50 : 103 ! 28 22 50 i 87 20 45 53 98 28 24 52 88 24 57 i 59 j 1 16 : 24 ; 21 45 89 19 59 44 103 17 i 28 45 , ‘235 ' 552 1 504 1051 1 271 248 51911 27 — 2 420 Gran n f s Ohscrva tions. I 'I'lie Table of Ike Parish of Cranljrook. Chrislned Buried Years Weddings M. 1 y . Both i M. 1 F. Both J590 25 64 "58' j T 16 j 21 d'- 17 38 91 26 41 52 93 ; 34 43 77 92 20 59 46 105 39 31 70 93 23 54 47 lOI 22 17 39 94 22 48 37 85 , 24 23 47 95 14 55 53 108 35 36 71 96 17 36 42 78 42 25 67 pi . 97 22 37 >9 56 1 12 1 10 222 181 98 22 47 41 88 27 34 59 Pl - 8 99 30 56 40 96 19 20 39 ! j 497 429 926 373 356 729 1600 48 44 92 16 18 34 i I 19 44 41 85 19 29 48 2 26 50 43 93 28 26 54 3 68 51 119 36 28 64 7J/.9 4 36 47 61 108 20 24 44 5 23 56 39 95 38 30 68 6 23 42 44 86 30 31 61 pi . I 7 29 51 65 1 16 48 30 78 ! 8 13 56 35 91 33 31 64 9 16 40 37 77 43 46 89 pi . I 223 502 460 962 31T 292 i 60311 i 1610 26 45 42 87 32 42 I 1 74 1 1 27 39 44 83 44 53 97 1 12 16 44 39 83 50 43 93 13 22 43 41 84 46 50 96 14 22 50 44 94 55 35 90 15 35 56 44 100 64 61 125 16 29 35 54 89 40 47 87 17 20 49 52 lOI 50 48 98 18 32 38 51 89 37 58 95 19 32 47 40 87 50 44 94 1 261 446 451 897 468 481 949 ! 1620 27 59 61 120 45 52 97 21 26 54 50 104 40 46 86 22 14 61 65 126 27 28 55 23 18 37 37 74 33 34 67 1 24 45 59 60 1 19 44 31 75 25 22 44 59 •03 54 56 1 10 26 26 36 45 81 48 49 97 27 25 45 50 95 36 38 74 i 28 3« 57 60 , 1 17 56 70 ! 126 29 48 i 60 1 _ 1 18 1 51 44 1 95 1 1 289 512 545 1057 1 434 1 448 88211 : The Dublin Bill. 421 The Table of the Parish of Cranbrook. | (b39) Christned Buried Years Weddings M. F. 1 Both M. ' F. Both , 1630 25 58 64 1 22 41 52 93 1 31 15 51 46 97 46 , 42 88 32 20 57 56 113 56 1 52 108 33 19 73 55 128 44 ' 44 88 ! 34 30 63 52 II 5 46 ! 51 97 35 18 54 57 1 1 1 56 ; 50 106 36 15 52 ' 55 107 39 s 60 99 1 37 31 61 1 85 126 47 49 96 ; 38 22 49 I 56 105 73 ' 80 153 i 39 28 31 1 36 67 63 51 ..4 1 223 549 542 1019 511 531 I 1042 1640 30 65 50 115 70 54 124 1 I 20 51 62 113 51 36 87 1 2 27 47 40 87 39 53 92 3 20 68 63 131 68 59 117 4 23 51 60 1 1 1 37 49 86 5 31 55 46 lOI 30 46 76 1 6 14 63 51 114 69 65 134 1 7 18 44 36 83 72 ^ 47 119 1 8 6 35 23 58 55 60 115 1 9 7 37 26 63 J8 I 48 106 196 516 460 976 549 : 5‘7 : 106611 Dublin, A Bill of Mortality from the 26 of Jitly to the 2d of (140) August 1662. sc T 3 . CO CO ^ 1 > S I 2 n’ ^ i aq c 0 0 O) 5 0 0 ! c /3 3 1 p < n> crq ro a n' a c /3 'c X P X ' i j Saint Michaus S. Katharines S. James S. Audeens 1 2 i I j i ^ i I I S. Michaels 2 1 1 2 2 S. Johns 2 2 S. Nicholas without S. Nicholas within 5 I 1 I I I , I S. Warbrows S. Andreios 2 I S. Keavans I S. Brides I 2 1 The Total Baptized 14. Total Buried 20. Jacob Thriug, Reg. WipPWWiftiW Some further OBSERVATIONS O F Major John Grannt. W Hereas in the Month of December, in the Year 1672, there were Christen’d in the several Parishes of the City and Suburbs of Paris'" 1366, and Weddings 68, and Buried 1153. yet of the Reformed Religion, in the same space of Time and Place, there were Christen’d but 27, and Buried ^ The origin, or at least the publication of the Paris bills may be traced, with some degree of probability, to the influence of Oraunt's Observations. The review of the Observations in the Journal des Scavans, 2 August, 1666, begins “ C’est une chose particuliere aux Anglois de faire des Billets de mortalite,” — words which seem to indicate that no similar bills were then published in Paris. The code of April 1667, provided that “estant important an public, pour la sante et pour la subsistance des habitans, d’en connoistre Petal en tout terms et d’observer soigneusement les causes qui augmentent ou diminuent le peuple de chacun des quartiers de Paris, il sera fait, tons les seconde jours du mois, une feuille qui contiendra le nombre des baptemes, des mariages et des mortuaires du mois precedant et de chacune des paroisses en particulier. ” Serpillon, Code civil, ou conimentaire sur rordonnance du mois d'Avril, 1667. Paris, 1776, pp. 336 — 338, litre 20, articles 8—14; Recherches stat. sur la Ville de Paris, ii. pp. xiii— xiv ; Levasseur, La statistiijue ojicielle en France, \n Journal de la Soc. de stat. de Paris, XXVI. 225, 279, June, 1885. The close similarity of these Paris bills to the London bills lends probability to the assertion of Sir Peter Pett, that the idea v'as suggested to the counsellors of Louis XIV''. by Graunt’s Observations. Happy future State of England, (written 1680) p. 249. Paris and London. 423 but 14. At a medium being compared to the gross sum, the Protestants in Paris are but as one to 65. A further Observation may be made ; That whereas in the whole Year of 1672, there were Buried 17584, and the Christenings then were 18427, which difference |1 between (142) Christening and Burials was very agreeable with the difference formerly in the City of London, before Phanaticism and the Anabaptists were known in those Parts ; But in the same Year of 1672 in the City of London and Places adjacent, the Burials were 18230, and the Christenings but 12563, By which it plainly appears that of the Inhabitants of the Places aforesaid, are such as do not conform to the Doclrine and Discipline of the Church of England. As concerning the common Question k Whether Paris or London hath most Inhabitants, my Answer must be fram’d after this manner, upon some Observations made upon the numbers of Burials of each City. I find that in the City and Suburbs of Paris in the Years 1670, 1671, and 1672, the total number of the Burials was 56443, and in the Years aforesaid in the City of London, Suburbs, and Places adjacent (as appears by the Annual Bills of Mortality) was Buried 54157. But since that Hackney, Lambeth, Newington, Islington, Rotherhith, Stepney and W estminster, although put into the • Bills of Mortality, they cannot properly be reckon’d as parts of the City of London ( W estminster being a distindl City of it self, and the others || above-named Country Villages) and (143) there having been Buried in the Places last named in the three Years aforesaid (as appears by the said Annual Bills) 10000, which being dedudled out of the number aforesaid, the remaining number is 44157, upon which I think the Comparison must be made. By which it appears that Paris hath exceeded the City of London in the number of Burials 12286, which number is between a fourth and a fifth of the said number of 56443, ^ The discussion on London and Paris was continued by Petty in his Two Essays. 424 Grannf s Observations. which is the Proportion of the difference in the number of Inhabitants; the City of Paris having more than a fourth, and yet not a fifth^ more than the City of London. |! (144) Christenings, Marriages, and Bnrials in the Paris, 1670. Christenings. Marriages. Burials. January. 1596 353 2350 Feb 7 'iiary. 1712 589 2159 March. 1661 048 2033 1 April. 1351 267 1882 , May. 1342 374 1714 1 June. 1 222 354 1644 : July. 1348 420 1 540 A ugust. 1420 314 2162 September. 1408 343 1845 ' October. 1312 313 1 502 i November. 1324 479 1290 Dece 7 nber. 1120 076 1340 \ Total i68io2 3930 21461 11 (145) Christenings, Marriages, and Bnrials in the City of Paris, 1671. Christenings. Marriages. Burials. Janiuwy. 1675 548 1 1 50 February. 1656 489 1068 March. i860 56 1218 April. 1595 447 1350 May. 1478 324 1431 June. 1331 334 1219 July. 1424 337 1358 A ugust. 1606 324 1502 September. 1507 327. 1897 OBober. 1587 321 1753 November. 1560 437 2709 December. 1253 42 1743 Total 18532 3986 1739811 ^ Obviously a slip. It should be “more than a fifth and yet not more than a fourth.” ^ A misprint for i6,8i6, which is the correct footing, see Recherches statistiqucs, tables, 53. The Paris Bills. 425 Christenings, Marriages, and Bnrials in the City of Paris, 1672. (146) Christenings. Marriages. Burials. January. 1837 325 1930 February. 1920 625 1554 March. 1636 108 2008 April. 1572 130 1664 May. 1528 332 1551 June. 1359 349 1602 July. 1414 334 1323 August. 1498 271 1407 September. 1379 278 1216 Odober. 1481 309 1119 November. 1437 433 1057 December. 1366 068 1153 Total 18427 3562 00 un 426 Grautifs Observations. Notes to the Table shelving how many died weekly. ^ Although Graunt himself makes little use of this table, the discrepancies between various parts of it, its divergence from the figures which Bell gives, and the criticisms which Creighton has passed upon it, necessitate an examination of its authenticity. The loss of all sets of the original bills before 1658 forces the inquirer to compare the table for the earlier years with figures drawn, for the major part, from secondary sources not always trustworthy. Of these sources the chief are: A, an original printed bill for the week ending 20 October 1603, preserved at the Guildhall library (in “Political Tracts, 1680, PP.”). Upon the margin of this bill are printed summaries of former visitations. B, Bell’s London's Ronembranccr (see Introduction). C, a broadsheet beginning “Lord have Mercy upon us,” printed for M. S. junior, and dated 1636 (Brit. Mus. 816. m. 9. (23).). D, a broadsheet beginning “Londons Lord have Mercy upon us. Written by H. C[rouch]. Printed for Richard Harper,” 1637. E, a broad- sheet entitled “London’s Lord have Mercy upon us. Printed by T. Mabb for R. Burton, and R. Gilberson, ” and bringing its figures down to 18 July, 1665. (Brit. Mus, 816. m. 9. (25).). F, a broadsheet entitled “London’s Loud Cryes to the Lord by Prayer. Made by a Reverend Divine. Continued down to this present day August 8, 1665. Printed by T. Mabb for R. Burton, and R. Gilberson” (Brit. Mus. 816, m. 9. (26).). G, a broadsheet entitled “London’s Lord have Mercy upon us. A true Relation of Seven modern Plagues or Visitations in London,” bringing its figures down to 31 Oct., 1665 (Brit. Mus. 816. m. 9. (24).). Of these only the two first are presumptively worthy of confidence, the remainder being the product of those “ignorant scribblers” whose “many and gross mistakes” Bell, as clerk to the Company of Parish Clerks, thought it his duty to rectify out of the undeniable records of those times. Nevertheless the broadsides were printed by persons who might have had access to original bills, now destroyed, and inasmuch as they give figures for some years concerning which Bell himself is silent, use has been made of them in default of better information. There are also two editions of the “Reflections upon the Bills of Mortality” (1665) which Bell particularly condemns, but the book adds nothing useful to the broadsheets upon which it is evidently based. In the following notes the authorities are referred to by the letters (A, B, etc.) prefixed to them above. " The figures for 1592, although confirmed by D, E, E, G and II, are worthy of no confidence. The reasons for rejecting them entirely are three : First, For the London of 1592 they are preposterous. Creighton reports {Epidemics, i. 341 — 344) that the total of burials in the city, liberties and suburbs for the five years 1578 — 1582 (eight weeks missing) was 24,802, of which 8,288 were caused by the plague, and that the total of christenings was 16,470, From abstracts of the weekly bills for 1597 — 1600 preserved at the Bodleian Library (Ashmole MvS., 824, f. 196 — 199), but apparently unknown to Dr Creighton, it all Diseases in ear i66|^ Total Flag. 27 291 349 394 415 474 409 393 461 I 393 396 441 433 365 353 344 382 344 390 388 347 9 353 3 385 14 399 17 405 43 558 112 61 1 168 684 267 1006 470 1268 727 1761 1089 2785 1843 3014 2010 4030 2817 5 5319 3880 2 5568 4237 9 7496 6102 er 5 8252 6988 12 7690 6544 19 8297 7165 26 6460 5533 3 5720 4929 10 5068 4327 17 3219 2665 24 1806 1421 31 1388 1031 ber 7 1787 1414 14 1359 1050 21 905 652 28 544 333 ber 5 428 210 12 442 243 19 525 281 ‘otal of the Burials year is 97306 of of the PI. 68596 1 A Tabled shewing how many died weekly,, as well of all Diseases, as of the Plague, in the 1592, 1603, 1625, 1630, 1636; and this present Year 1665, ears }3uned of all Diseases in the Year 15922. Buried of all Diseases in the Year 16032. Buried of all Diseases in the Year 1625^ March 17 March 24 March 31 April 7 April 14 April 21 April 28 May 5 May 12 May 19 May 26 June 2 June 9 June 16 June 23 June 30 July 7 July 14 July 21 July 28 August 4 August 1 1 August 18 August 25 September i September 8 September 15 September 22 September 29 October 6 Ocflober 13 Ocftober 20 06lober 27 November 3 November 10 November 17 November 24 December i December 8 December 15 December 22 Total 230 351 219 307 203 290 310 350 339 300 450 410 441 399 401 850 1440 1510 1491 1507 1503 1550 1532 1508 1490 1210 621 629 450 408 422 330 320 310 309 301 321 349 331 329 386 Pla. 3 31 29 27 33 37 41 29 38 42 58 62 81 99 108 118 927 893 258 852 983 797 651 449 507 563 451 349 330 327 323 308 302 301 209 107 93 94 86 71 39 The Total of all that have been buried is 25886 Whereof of the Plague 11503 March 17 24 31 April 7 14 21 28 May 5 12 19 26 June 2 9 16 23 30 July 7 14 The Out-Partshes this Week were joyned with the City. July 21 28 August 4 1 1 18 25 September i 8 15 22 29 Otflober 6 13 20 27 November 3 10 17 24 December i 8 15 22 Total 108 60 78 66 79 98 109 90 112 122 122 114 131 144 182 267 445 612 1186 1728 2256 2077 3054 2853 3385 3078 3129 2456 1961 1831 1312 766 625 737 545 384 198 223 163 200 168 The Total of all is whereof of the Flag. Flag. 3 2 6 I 4 I 10 11 18 22 32 30 43 59 72 158 263 424 917 1396 1922 1745 2713 2539 3035 2724 2818 2195 1732 1641 1149 642 508 594 442 251 105 102 55 96 74 37294 30561 March 17 24 31 April 7 14 21 28 May 5 12 19 26 June 2 9 16 23 30 July 7 14 21 28 August 4 II 18 25 September i 8 15 22 29 Otflober 6 13 20 27 November 3 10 17 24 December i 8 15 22 Total 262 226 243 239 256 230 305 292 ^232 379 401 395 434 510 640 942 1222 ^1781 2850 3583 4517 4855 5205 4841 3897 3157 2148 1994 ^236 833 815 651 375 357 319 274 231 190 181 168 157 Flag 4 8 II 10 24 25 26 30 45 71 78 69 91 161 239 390 593 1004 1819 2471 3659 4115 4463 4218 3344 2550 1672 1551 852 538 511 331 134 89 92 48 27 15 15 6 I Buried of all Diseases in the Year 1630^ The Total of all is 51578 Whereof of the Plague 35403 June 24 July I 8 15 22 29 August 5 12 19 26 September 2 9 16 23 30 06lober 7 14 21 28 November 4 II 18 25 December 2 9 16 Tot. FI. 205 209 217 250 229 279 250 246 269 270 230 259 264 274 269 236 261 248 214 242 215 200 226 221 198 212 Buried of all Diseases in the Year 1636®. Buried in the 97 Parishes without the walls 2696 Whereof of the Plague 190 Buried in the 16 Parishes without the walls 4813 Whereof of the PL 603 Buried in the 9 Out- Parishes in Middlesex and Surrey, and at the Fest-house 3045 Whereof of the PL 524 Buried in Westminster 566 Whereof of the PL 31 The Total of all the Bu- rials this time 10545 Whereof of the PL 1317 62 April 7 14 This Week these Pa- rishes were added: S. Marg. Westmin- ster, Lambeth Pa- rish, S. Mary Ne^M- ington, Redriff Pa- rtsh,S. Mary Isling- ton, Stepney and Hackney Parishes. April 21 28 May 5 12 19 26 June 2 9 16 23 30 July 7 14 21 28 August 4 1 1 18 25 September i 8 15 22 29 Odlober 6 13 20 27 November 3 10 17 24 December i 8 15 The Total of the Burials this year is 23359 Whereof of the PL 10400 Total 119 205 285 259 251 308 299 330 339 345 381 304 352 215 372 365 423 491 538 638 787 lOI I 1069 1306 1229 1403 1405 1302 1002 900 1 300 1 104 950 857 614 459 385 all Diseases in ear i66|L tal Flag. The ' this year is Wherebf of the PL Place this Table at page 426. Note. 427 appeal's that the corresponding figures for those four years were 16,935 burials, 86 burials of the plague, and 17,906 christenings respectively. (The summaries are printed at length on pp. 433 — 435.) Thus it becomes possible to make a comparison of weekly averages : Total burials Of the plague Other causes Christenings 1578—1582 98 33 64 65 1592 644 271 373 104 1597—1600 82 I 81 86 Second, The various figures in each column bear such a relation to one another as at least suggests fraud. If we disregard the week ending 21 July and the last week in the column of total burials, and also disregard the first four weeks and the weeks ending 23 and 30 June in the plague column, the remaining significant integers in the units place in both columns are arranged in pairs whose sum is invariably ten. For example, the figures at the bottom of the plague column run 9&1, 6&4, 3&7, 9&1, 2&8, etc. throughout. Third, Neither total printed is the true sum of the figures at whose foot it stands. A note upon the bill of 1603 (A) declares that “ in the last visitation, from 20 December, 1592 to the 23. of the same moneth in the yeare 1593 there died in all 25886. Of the Plague in and about London, 15003.’' This confirms Graunt’s total of all buried as to numbers, but not as to time covered. His total of plague deaths may have originated in a misprint. The true sums of his columns are 26,407 and ii,ro6 respectively. In addition to these reasons. Bell’s chronological objection, as quoted in the Introduction, should also be noted. On the whole we must consider Graunt’s figures for 1592 spurious. ^ If 1146 (A, D, E, F, and G) be substituted for 1149 on 13 October and 585 (D, E, F, and G) be substituted for 545 on 10 November, Graunt’s totals become the correct footings of his columns, and the figures are, doubtless authentic as far as they go. But they do not cover the whole year, they omit the burials in the out parishes before 14 July, and they omit entirely the burials in Westminster, the Savoy, Stepney, Newington, Islington, Lambeth and Hackney. The bill of 20 October, 1603 (A), informs us that, from the beginning of the plague to that date there were “buried in all within the 7 places last aforenamed 4378, whereof of the plague, 3997.” Cf. Creighton, i. 477. The figures are probably authentic, being confirmed for four scattered weeks by letters at the Record Office. Cal. S. P. Do>n., 162^- — 26, pp. 84, 144, 179. But the columns as printed add up 50,823 and 35,400 respectively, and the corrections noted below do not explain Graunt’s totals. The figures, furthermore, omit Westminster, etc., where there were buried in the whole year 8,736, of whom 5,896 of the plague. Ibid.^ 84, 184. Creighton (p. 508) gives the figures, from Bell, for the weeks preceding 17 March, making the total mortality for the year, including Westminster, 63,001, whereof of the plague 41,313, and these totals are further confirmed by an original yearly bill. Cal. S. P. D., 1625 — 26, pp. 177, 184. Corrections of specific numbers : 12 May, for 232 read 332 (B, D, E, F, G) ; 16 June, for 161 read 165 (B, D, E, F, G); 14 July, for 1781 read 1741 (B only); 42S Gmitnfs Observations. 29 Sept., for 236 read 1236 (B, D, E, F, G, 3rd and 4tli editions of the Ob'^erva- tiojis); I Dec., for 190 read 290 (D, E, F, and G ; B has 190). The figures are autlientic and, with one exception, correct. 16 Dec. B, E & G have 217 where Graunt has 212. The columns as printed add 6193 and 1 166 respectively. The figures given at the foot have no obvious relation to the columns beneath which they stand. They are, apparently, totals for the full year, as they sum up, without Westminster, at 10,544 burials and 1,344 plague burials, whereas the corresponding figures on p. 1 16, confirmed by D, E, F and G, are 10,554 and i)3*7- •’ Bell here fails us, as he gives the figures (reproduced by Creighton, i. 530) for London without Westminster and the six parishes, (jraunt’s figures, which include Westminster, etc., are confirmed by D, E, F and G, save as specifically noted below. The columns, as printed, foot 23,902 and i2,iot respectively, d'he totals given by Graunt haye nothing to do with the columns beneath which they stand, but agree with Bell’s totals for the whole year, Westminster omitted. By adding them to the total deaths and the plague deaths at Westminster, etc., which, according to the table on p. 410, were 4056 and 1702 respectively, we get a grand total of 27,415 burials, whereof of the plague 12102. These results agree with D, E, P", and G. Corrections of specific numbers : 2 June, for 77 read 67 (D, E, F, G); 21 July, for 365 read 395 (D, E, P') ; 4 Aug., for 491 read 461 (D, E, F, G) ; 13 Oct., for 1302 read 1402 (G only). ^ The third edition of the Observations carries this table down to 4 July, the 4th to 26 September. Comparison of the figures with the original weekly bills shews the necessity of correcting Graunt’s figures as follows: 27 December insert one burial of the plague; 14 February, read 462 for 461 ; 25 April, read 398 for 390 ; 30 May, read 400 for 399 ; 20 June, read 615 for 61 1 ; 1 1 July, read 725 for 727 ; 29 August, read 7490 for 7496. With these alterations, Graunt’s footings are correct. iiWBPPiit'iiPW Advertiseineiits for the better iinderstandmg (147) of the several Tables: videlicet, Concerning the Table of Casualties consisting of thirty Columns. T he first Column^ contains all the Casualties hapning within the 22 single years mentioned in this Bill. The 14 next Columns contain two of the last Septenaries of years, which being the latest are first set down. The 8 next Columns represent the 8 first years, wherein the Casualties were taken notice of. Memorandum, That the 10 years betzveeii 1636 and 1647 are omitted as containing nothing Extraordinary, and as not consistent zvith the Incapacity of a SheeT. |I The 5 next Columns are the 8 years from 1629 to 1636 (148) brought into 2 Quaternions, and the 12 of the 14 last years brought into three more ; that Comparison might be made between each 4 years taken together, as well as each single year apart. The next Column contains three years together, taken at 10 years distance from each other; that the distant years, as ^ In fact the first column was omitted from the table in the fourth and fifth editions, leaving but twenty-nine. “ One could wish that the worthy citizen had made no difficulty about the size of his paper. The omitted years are not only those of great political revolution, which may have had an effect upon the public health, but they are of special interest for the beginning of that great period of fever and smallpox in London which continued all thi'ovigh the i8th century.” Creighton, i. 532. 430 Graiuifs Observations. well as consequent, might be compared with the whole 20, each of the 5 Quaternions, and each of the 22 single years. The last Column contains the total of all the i 5 Quaternions, or 25 years ^ The Number 229250 is the total of all the Burials in the said 20 years, as 34190 is of the Burials in the said three distant years. Where note, that the ^ of the latter total is 11396, and the of the former is 11462; differing but 66 from each other in so great a sum, videlicet scarce 2^0 II (m 9 ) The Table of Burials and Christnings, consisting of y Columns. I T is to be noted, that in all the several Columns of the Burials those dying of the Plague are left out, being reckoned all together in the sixth Column : whereas in the original Bills, the Plague and all other diseases are reckoned together, with mention how many of the respe6live totals are of the Plague. Secondly, From the year 1642 forwards, the accompt of the Christnings is not to be trusted, the negle6ls of the same beginning about that year: for in 1642 there are set down 10370, and about the same number several years before, after which time the said Christnings decreased to between 5000 and 6000, by omission of the greater part. Thirdly, The several Numbers are cast up into OTlonaries, that Comparison may be made of them as well as of single years. || (150) The Table of Males and Females, containing 5 Columns. First, The Numbers are cast up for 12 years; videlicet from 1629, when the distindfion between Males and Females first began, until 1640 inclusive, when the exa6lness in that Accompt ceased. ^ Should he “five quaternions or twenty years.” Explanation of Tables. 43 Secondly, From 1640 to 1660 the Numbers are cast up into another total, which seems as good for comparing the Number of Males with Females, the negledl being in both Sexes alike, and proportionable. The Tables concerning the Country- Parish, the former of Decads beginning at 1569, and continuing until 1658, and the later being for single years, being for the same time, are so plain, that they require no further Explanation than the bare reading the Chapter relating to them, drc. FINIS. 432 Appendices to Grannfs Observations. APPENDICES TO GRAUNT’S OBSERVATIONS. APPENDIX I. 'I'hough Graunt appears to have written, in addition to the “ Observations,” something on the advance of excise and something on religion, it is probable that nothing else from his pen has been preserved save the following brief note in Birch’s History of the Royal Society, vol. i. p. 294 : — 19 Aiig. 1663. “Mr Graunt brought in his account of the multiplication and growth of carps and salmons ; which was ordered to be registered, as follows : A pond new digged in Deptford for horses and other cattle to water in the year 1658, two male and two female carp being then put in with intention to breed; in the year 1662 the pond being tainted with fish, so that the cattle refused to drink, there were then taken out of this pond eight hundred, seventy and odd carps, of about nine inches in length, some more, some less ; a great number of smaller fish being left for breeders. And in the Severne and elsewhere it hath been experimented, by fastening of small pieces of tape or silk through the gills of young salmon, that in two years they have advanced to near three foot in length.” APPENDIX II. The following abstract of the weekly bills of mortality of London for the years 1597 — 1600, hitherto imprinted, are among the Ash- mole MSS. (824, f 196 — 199) in the Bodleian Library. They fill a portion of the gap between the series of bills for 1578 — 1583 printed by Dr Creighton and Graunt’s tables. They indicate the growth of population in the urban district and establish affirmatively the comparative freedom of the city from the plague during four years of peculiar interest in the history of the English drama. London Bills for 1597 and 1598 . 433 1597 Week ending Buried Whereof of the Plague Christened Week ending Buried Whereof of the Plague Christen Jan. 6 83 0 105 July 7 123 I 81 13 84 0 lOI 14 129 3 81 20 82 0 103 21 13I I 84 27 9 t 0 II4 28 129 I 63 Feb. 3 97 0 98 Aug. 4 87 0 81 10 102 0 100 1 1 104 2 71 17 109 I 77 18 130 0 60 24 99 I 84 25 109 I 75 Mar. 3 134 I 100 Sept. I I 2 I 0 76 10 119 0 109 8 124 3 78 17 126 4 113 15 87 2 66 24 142 I 88 22 II9 0 92 31 108 0 103 29 98 0 74 Apr. 7 115 3 92 Oct. 6 89 I 70 14 1 16 2 90 13 86 0 82 21 117 I 98 20 83 2 73 28 127 2 76 27 95 0 68 May 5 122 4 80 Nov. 3 82 0 81 12 137 3 76 10 91 0 56 19 115 2 77 17 85 0 84 26 120 I 76 24 89 0 89 June 2 125 I 73 Dec. I 80 I 59 9 109 0 66 8 88 0 73 16 132 0 87 15 1 10 I 61 23 1 12 I 69 22 105 0 73 30 115 I 84 29 72 0 66 5584 48 4256 1598 Jan. 5 89 I 64 Mar. 16 89 0 83 12 95 0 86 23 80 I 67 19 90 2 78 30 86 0 80 26 72 0 82 Apr. 6 73 I 92 Feb. 2 73 0 86 13 90 I 85 9 82 0 76 20 91 I 72 16 79 0 70 27 94 I 73 23 85 0 82 May 4 82 ■ 0 75 Mar. 2 70 0 87 1 1 74 0 60 9 89 I 89 18 76 I 67 H. P. 28 434 Ap/yendices to Graunt's Observations. Week ending Buried Whereof of the IMague Christened Week ending Buried Whereof of the Plague Christened May 2 5 59 0 64 Sept. 14 61 I 86 June I 82 0 70 21 55 0 93 8 65 I 74 28 70 0 72 15 71 I 66 Oct. 5 41 0 83 22 69 2 72 12 62 0 lOI 29 51 I 72 19 57 0 104 July 6 79 0 85 26 63 0 100 13 68 0 74 Nov. 2 73 0 91 20 65 I 71 9 65 0 81 27 75 0 89 16 72 0 95 Aug. 3 64 0 88 23 58 0 106 10 72 I 78 30 58 0 102 17 80 0 74 Dec. 7 73 0 92 24 54 I 67 14 70 0 96 31 74 0 89 21 80 0 80 Sept. 7 71 0 84 28 76 0 83 3798 18 4236 Jan. 4 57 0 1599 86 ' June 7 76 0 73 1 1 91 0 86 14 75 0 81 18 74 0 92 21 76 0 92 25 69 0 90 28 64 0 64 Feb. I 92 0 93 July 5 89 I y-r\ CO 8 82 0 103 1 12 70 0 77 15 90 1 83 19 99 2 86 22 1 1 1 0 92 26 82 0 95 Mar. I 86 0 95 Aug. 2 108 I 92 8 74 0 107 9 76 0 75 15 97 I 106 16 88 0 98 22 80 I 89 23 92 0 87 29 79 I 80 30 lOI 0 98 Apr. 5 90 0 90 Sept. 6 82 0 89 1 2 89 I 90 13 102 2 95 19 84 2 86 20 104 0 89 26 91 0 96 27 103 0 106 May 3 81 0 85 Oct. 4 93 I 97 lO 88 0 74 1 1 87 0 102 17 53 0 68 i8 72 0 95 24 79 0 1 1 1 25 84 I 98 3 T 8t I 93 N ov. I 84 0 79 London Bills for 1599 and 1600 . 435 Week ending I’uried Whereof of the Plague Christened Week ending Buried Whereof of the Plague Christened Nov. 8 81 0 103 Dec. 6 77 0 98 15 57 0 87 13 59 0 76 22 73 0 100 20 61 0 I 1 1 29 72 0 90 27 ■ 72 0 6r 4277 16 4674 Jan. 3 48 0 iC lOI ioo July 3 70 0 62 10 60 0 85 10 59 I 95 17 58 0 85 17 58 0 81 24 66 0 103 24 80 0 lOI 31 79 0 96 31 57 0 83 Feb. 7 76 0 94 Aug. 7 58 0 93 14 70 0 87 14 62 0 113 21 68 0 100 21 59 0 104 28 65 0 90 1 28 93 0 80 Mar. 6 59 0 85 Sept. 4 66 0 106 13 69 0 92 1 1 45 0 90 20 60 0 92 18 63 0 88 27 63 0 100 25 55 0 93 Apr. 3 72 0 128 Oct. 2 67 0 113 10 70 0 103 9 55 0 95 17 59 0 71 16 48 0 94 24 62 0 74 23 61 0 104 May I 66 0 56 30 68 2 94 8 67 0 70 Nov. 6 41 I lOI 15 64 0 87 13 52 0 1 1 1 22 73 0 74 20 61 0 lOI 29 69 0 82 27 61 0 90 June 5 57 0 78 Dec. 4 69 0 1 1 1 12 65 0 71 II 64 0 88 19 58 0 86 18 56 0 no 26 64 0 83 25 61 0 86 3276 4 4760 28 — 2 QUANTULUMCUNQUE CONCERNING MONEY. 1682 NOTE ON THE “ QUANTULUMCUNQUE. Petty’s Quantulumcunque concerning Money was suggested, apparently, by the project of recoinage which was already under discussion when he came to London in June, 1682. The earliest allusion to the book occurs in his letter of 5 September to Southwell : “ I have writ three sheets in answer to Thirty-one Questions con- cerning Money. If it take, for I renounce all judgment of my own, you shall have a copy\” These words, taken in connection with the fact that Halifax could not have been addressed as “Lord Marquess” earlier than 22 August, 1682“, cast some suspicion upon the date of 1681 which is assigned to the Quantulumcunque by Harleian MS. 1223 in the British Museum. This MS., moreover, appears to be of the eighteenth century, rather than of the seventeenth, and the pages containing the Quantulumcunque (fif 169 se^.) are very carelessly written. Everything considered, the tract must be assigned to August or September, 1682. In 1695, when the recoinage was imminent, the Quantulumcunque was privately printed^ in a quarto edition which has been followed in the present reprint. Of the alleged earlier editions in octavo I have failed to find a copy. ^ Tliorpe, Cai. lib. MSS. bihl. Soitlhzvelliamc, 405, Fitzmaurice, 252. ^ Doyle, Official Baronage, ii. 93. ^ Massie, Observations relating to the Coin, 32. ^ Bibliography, 10. Sir William Petty’S" Qiumtuhimcitnqtte concerning Money, 1682. To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax. Uppose that 20 s. of new mill’d Moneys doth weigh 4 Ounces according to Custom or Statute. Suppose that 20s. of old Eliz. and James s Money, which ought also to weigh four Ounces Troy-, doth weigh three Ounces Troy \ and vary variously between 3 and 4 Ounces, viz. none under 3, and none full 4. Suppose that much of the new mill’d regular Money is carried into the East-Indies, but none of the old light and unequal Money. QUESTIONS. Ou. I. Whether the old unequal Money ought to be nezv Coined, and brought to an equality ? Anszv. It ought : Because Money made of Gold and Silver is the best Rule of Commerce, and must therefore be equal, or else it is no Rule ; and consequently no Money, and ^ English money was first generally milled in 1662. Lowndes, Repo 7 't, 95 — 96. An approximate weight. In fact 12 ounces Troy of standard silver were coined into 62 shillings. 440 Qiuinlulinnciiiiqiic. but bare Metal which was Money before it was worn and abused into Inequality. Qu. 2. At whose Charge? Ansiv. At the States Charge, as it now is: Because the Owner was no cause of its Inequality, but the States negledl in preventing and punishing such Abuses, which arc remedied by new Coinage. Ou. 3. Of zvhat zvcight and fineness ought the nciu Shilling to be? Anszv. Of the same with the other present new Money, and which the old was of, when it was new : Because all must be like, all according to the Statute; and all fit to pay ancient Debts, according to what was really lent. I 1 ) Qu. 4. Suppose 20s. of old Mo 7 iey may make bnt i8s. of new, zvho shall bear the loss of the two shillings ? Answ. Not the States: Because men would clip their own Money : But the Owner himself must bear the loss, because he might have refused light and defedlive Money, or put it away in time ; it being sufficient that he shall have new regular beautiful Money for his old unequal Money, at the States Charge, Ounce for Ounce weight. Qu. 5. After this Reformation of Coin, Will more Silver be carried out of England, suppose into the East Indies, then before; and to the Damage England Anszv. Somewhat more: But none to the Damage of England, Eo Noinine ; but rather to its Profit : Because the Merchant will be considered for the Manufadlure of the new Money; besides the Metal of it, as he only was when he carried out Spanish Reals. Qu. 6. Whereas the Merchant carries Scarlet and Silver to the Indies, zvill he not now carry 07 ily the new coined Silver ? Anszv. The Merchant will buy as much Scarlet as he can for 100 new Shillings, and then consider whether he shall get more Silk in the Indies for that Scarlet than for another 100 of the like Shillings : And, according to this Conjedlure, he will carry Scarlet or Shillings in specie, or part one, part the other, if he be in doubt. Jixportation • of Coin. 44 J Ou. 7. But zvill not England be iinpoverislied by Merchants carrying out the said 100 Shillings? Anszv. No, if he bring home for them as much Silk as will yield above 100 Shillings, (perhaps 200 Shillings) in Spain, and then bring the same 200 into England : Or, if he bring home as much Pepper as an English man will give him 200 of the like Shillings for. So the Merchant and England shall both Gain by Exporting the 100 Shillings \ Qu. 8. But if the neuo Shilling zvere but \ths of the zveight as formerly, then the Merchant zvould not meddle zvith thein at all, and so secure this fear of Impoverishment? Anszv. The Merchant would Export then, just as before; Only he will give but f so much Pepper, or other Indian Goods, for the new retrenched Shilling as he did for the old : And would accept in India J as much Pepper as he formerly had for the old : And consequently there would be no differ- ence, but among a few such Fools as take Money by its name, and not by its weight and fineness. Qu. 9. If a Shilling zvas by nezv Coinage reduced to \ of its present zveight, shoidd zve 710 1 thereby have moi'e of Money then nozju we have, and consequently be so much the richer? |1 Anszv. You would indeed have ^ part more of the new (3) christned Shillings ; but not an Ounce more of Silver, nor Money ; nor could you get an Ounce more of Forreign Commodities for all your new multiplied Money than before ; Nor even for any Domestick Commodities; but perhaps a little at first from the few Fools above mentioned. As for Instance; Suppose you buy a Silver Vessel from a Goldsmith weighing 20 Ounces, at 6.5-. per Ounce, making 6 Pounds^ or 24 Ounces of Coined Silver ; now suppose that the said 6 Pounds were reduced from weighing 24 Ounces to weigh but 18 Ounces upon the new Coinage ; but be still called 6 Pound even by the King’s Proclamation ; Can it be imagined that the Gold- smith will give his Vessel weighing 20 Ounces of wrought, for 18 Ounces of unwrought Silver.^ For the Workmanship of 1 Cf. Mun, England's Treasure, ch. IV., pp. 19 — 27 of Ashley’s edition. 2 I.e., six pounds sterling, which would weigh 24 ounces Troy upon Petty’s assumption. 442 QiiantithiDicunqite. Money is of little value. Now the Absurdity is the same in all other Commodities, though not so demonstrable as in a Commodity whose Materials is the same with Money. Qu. lo. Cannot A'litJiordty Coimnand that men should give as much Commodity for the nezv retrencht Money, as for the old zvhich zveighed ^ part more ? Anszv. Then the effedl of such Authority would also be to take away J of all mens Goods, which are Commodities beyond Seas ; and give the same to Forreigners, who would have them for | of the usual quantity of Silver : And the same Authority would take away from the Creditor i of the Money which was due before the Proclamation. Qu. II. Whereas you sicppose retrenching { in the nezjo Coinage ; Suppose it was but , how zvould the matter be then ? Answ. Just the same: for Magis & minus non mutant speciem : But it were better you supposed that one Shilling were to be taken for lO or 20, then the Absurdity would be it self so visible, as to need no such Demonstration, as is needful in such small matters as Common Sence cannot discern: P'or if the wealth of the Nation could be decupled by a Proclamation, it were strange that such Proclamations have not long since been made by our Governours. Qu. 12. Will not some men, having occasions to buy Com- modities in Forreign Parts, carjy oiU all Money, and so not Vend or Export our ozvn Commodities at allf Anszv. If some English Merchants should be so impro- vident, yet the Forreign Merchants would buy up such English Commodities as they wanted, with Money brought (4) into England from their respedlive || Countries, or with such Commodities as England likes better than Money. P"or the vending of English Commodities doth not depend upon any other thing, but the use and need which I'orreigners have of them. But were it not a folly for an English man not to carry Lead into Turkey; but go thither with Money, in his Ballast, and so loose the Freight of the Lead, which he might sell there ; And that a Ship should come from Tuj'key with Money, in her Ballast also, to fetch Lead from England, which might have been carried at first by the English Ship } No : Raising Money. 443 The Art of a Merchant is to consider all those Matters, so as no Prince’s Proclamation concerning the Weight and Deno- minations of Coins, signifies anything to P'orreigners when they know it, nor to his own Subjedls pro futiiro, what e’re Disturbances it may make amongst them pro prceterito. We say again ; it were better for a Prince owing 20s. to say he will pay but 15^-. than disguising his own particular purpose, to say that all Landlords shall henceforth take 15^-. Rent for 20s. due to them by their Tenants Leases ; and that he who hath lent 100/. on the Monday, (the Proclamation of Retrenchment coming out on Tuesday i) may be repaid on Wednesday with f or 75/. of the very Money he lent two days before. Qu. 13. Why is not our old worn unequal Money new Coined and equallizedf Answ. There may be many weak Reasons for it; But the only good one which I know, is, that bad and unequal Money may prevent hoarding, whereas weighty, fine, and beautiful Money doth encourage it in some few timorous Persons, but not in the Body of Trading men. Upon the account of Beauty our Britannia Half pence ^ were almost all horded as Medals till they grew common ; For if but 100 of those pieces had been Coined, they would, for their Work and Rarity, have been worth above 5^-. each, which for their Matter are not worth that Half penny they pass for : P'or in them, Materiam superabat Optcs. Qu. 14. Why hath Money been raised, or retrencht, or inibased by many wise States, and so often ? A71SW. When any State doth these things, they are like Bankrupt Merchants, who Compound for their Debts by paying idj*. 12s. or los. in the pound; Or forcing their Creditors to take off their Goods at much above the Market rates. And the same State might as well have paid but | of what they ow’d, as to retrench their Money in General to H ^ Leake says that the Britannia half-pence were coined of copper in 1665, “ but were soon called in, to please a neighbouring monarch ; they are therefore not very common.” English Money, p. 371. But Ruding doubts whether any were milled before the end of 1672. Annals, ii. 14 — 15. 444 Quantuluincunque. of the known weight and fineness. And these pradlices have been compassed by Bankers and Cashiers, for oblique Con- siderations, from the Favourites of such Princes and States. || (5) Qu. 15. It is then the Honour of England that no such Tricks have been praHiced, th,ough in the greatest Str eights that ever that State hath been in ? Anszu. It hath been their Wisdom, and consequently their Honour to keep up a Rule and Measure of trade amongst themselves, and with all Nations. Oil. 16. But is there no Case zvherein Money may be justly and honourably raised f Ansiv. Yes, in order to Regulation and Equalizing of Species of Coines ; As when two Species of one Weight and P^ineness are taken at different Rates, then the one may be raised or the other depressed : But this must be rated by the estimation of the whole World as near as it can be known, and not by any private Notion ; and the like may be done between Gold and Silverk Qu. 17. What do you think of the rising or falling of the Price of Lands, from this following Instance, viz. A piece of Land was sold 60 Years ago for 1000/. that is, for a 1000 Jacobusses ; and the same Land is now sold, for 1000/. or 1000 Guineas, and the Guinea is but j the weight of the Jacobus. Is the Land cheaper now thaii 60 Years ago ? Answ. It looks like a Demonstration that it is : Yet if Gold be not Money, but a Commodity next like to Money, and that Silver be only Money ; then we must see whether 1000 Jacobusses would then purchase no more Silver than 1000 Gicineas will do now : For if so, the Land was heretofore and now sold for the same Quantity of Money, though not of Gold ; and is neither risen nor fallen by what hath been instanced. Qu. 18. What is the difference between retrenching or raising of Money, and imbasing the Mettle of the same, as by mixing Copper zvith Silver? ^ Petty’s opinion upon the point here involved has been diversely interpreted by Lord Liverpool, Coins of the Realm (1880), pp. 137 — 141 Horton, The Silver Pound, 165 — 171. Copper Money. 445 Answ. The first is the better of the two, if such Mixture be of no use in other things : For if 20 s. which contains 4 Ounces of Silver, should be reduced to 3 Ounces of Silver, it is better than to add one Ounce of Copper to the same, in order to make 4 seeming Ounces as before : For if you come to want the said 3 Ounces of Silver mixt with Copper, you must lose the Copper, upon the Test, and the Charge of Refining also, which will amount to above 4 per cent. Qu. 19. What do yon ohjeCt against sjnall silver Money ; as against Single Pence ^ Two Penees., &e. ? Answ. That the Coinage of small Pieces would be very chargeable, and the Pieces themselves apt to be lost, and more liable to wearing ; for little of our old small Money is now to be seen, and our Groats are worn away to Three half Pence in Metal. || Qu. 20. What do you say of Money made wholly of base (6) Metal sueh as Farthmgs, Sic. ? Answ. That the want of Materials ought to be made up by the fineness of Coinage, to very near the intrinsick Value; or what is gained by the Want of either, to be part of the Kings Revenue. Qu. 21. Whieh is best, Copper or Tin, for this purpose? Answ. Copper: Because it is capable of the most imitable and durable Coinage : though the Copper be P'oraign, and Tin a Native Commodity. For suppose Copper and Tin of the same Value in England', yet if 100 Weight of Tin sent to Turky will fetch home as much Silk as will fetch above 100 of Copper from Sweden, in such Case the Difference between Native and Foreign is nothing. Qu. 22. This Doctrine may extend to a free exportation of Money and Bidlion, whieh is against our Laws : Are our Lazvs 7 iot good ? Answ. Perhaps they are against the Laws of Nature, and also impradlicable : For we see that the Countries which abound with Money and all other Commodities, have followed no such Laws : And contrarywise, that the Countries which have forbid these Exportations under the highest Penalties, are very destitute both of Money and Merchandize. 44 ^ Qjtnntulnvianiquc. Ou. 23. Is not a Country the Poorer for having less Money ? Answ. Not always: For as the most thriving Men keep little or no Money by them, but turn and wind it into various Commodities to their great Profit, so may the whole Nation also ; which is but many particular Men united. Qu. 24. May a Nation, suppose England, have too much Money ? Anszv. Yes : As a particular Merchant may have too much Money, I mean coined Money, by him. Qu. 25. Is there any ivay to knoiv how imich Money is sufficient for any Nation ? A71SZU. I think it may pretty well be guessed at; vi^. I think that so much Money as will pay half a Years Rent for all the Lands of England, and a Quarters Rent of the Houseing, and a Weeks Expence of all the People, and about a Quarter of the Value of all the exported Commodities, is sufficient for that purpose. Now when the States will cause these things to be computed, and the Quantity of their Coins to be known, which the new Coining of their old Money will best do, then it may also be known whether we have too much or too little Money. Qu. 26. What remedy is there if zve have too little Money f || Anszv. We must ere6l a Bank, which well computed, doth almost double the Effect of our coined Money : And we have in England Materials for a Bank which shall furnish Stock enough to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World. Quest. 27. What if we have too mnch Coinef Anszv. We may melt down the heaviest, and turn it into the Splendor of Plate, in Vessels or Utensils of Gold and Silver ; or send it out, as a Commodity, where the same is wanting or desired; or let it out at Intrest, where Intrest is high. Qu. 28. What is Interest or Use- Money f Anszv. A Reward for forbearing the use of your own Money for a Term of Time agreed upon, whatsoever need your self may have of it in the mean while. Qu. 29. What is Exchange ? Laws IJmiting hit crest > 447 Aiisw. Local Interest, or a Reward given for having your Money at such a Place where you most need the use of it. Qu. 30. What is the Trade of a Banker f Answ. Buying and selling of Interest and Exchange : Who is honest only upon the Penalty of losing a beneficial Trade, founded upon a good Opinion of the World, which is called Credit. Qu. 31. You were speaking of base Money and Farthings, zvhich are generally beloiv the intrinsick Value, and therefore ought not to be permitted to increase ad infinitum. Is there any way to know how many were enough ? Anszv. I think there is: viz. Allowing about I 2 d. in Farthings, to every Family ; So as if there be a Million of Families in England (as I think there be) then about 50000/. in Farthings would suffice for Change ; and if such Farthings were but ^ below the intrinsick Value, a Nation would pay but 10000/. for this Convenience : But if this way of Families be not Limitation enough, you may help it by considering the smallest Piece of Silver Money current in the Nation ; which how much lesser it is, by so much lesser may the Number of Farthings be : The use of Farthings being but to make up Payments in Silver, and to adjust Accompts : To which end of adjusting Accompts let me add, that if your old defedtive Farthings were cryed down to five a penny, you may keep all Accompts in a way of Decimal Arithmetick, which hath been long desired for the ease and certainty of Accompts. Qu. 32. What do yon think of our Lazvs for limiting Interest f |1 Answ. The same as limiting the Exportation of Money ; (8) and there may be as well Laws for limiting Exchange also : For Interest always carrieth with it an Ensurance praemium, which is very casual, besides that of Forbearance : For Instance, in Ireland there was a time when Land (the highest Security) was sold for 2 Years Purchase: It was then naturally just to take 20, 30, or 40 per Cent. Interest ; whereas there the Law allows but 10. And since that time. Land being risen to 12 Years purchase, responsible Men will not give 44 Time, when were found 1100 Thousand of above 20 Years Old (besides others, as aforesaid) in Israel, upon the Survey instigated by Satan^, whereas our Table makes 32 Millions. And there would have been but a quarter of a H Million about the Birth of Christ, or Atigustus his Time, when Rome and the Roman Empire were so great, whereas our Table makes 100 Millions. Where Note, That the Israelites in about 500 Years between their coming out of Egypt to David's, Reign, increased from 603 Thousand to 1100 Thousand. On the other hand, if we pitch upon a less Number, as 100 Years, the World would have been over-peopled 700 Years since. Wherefore, no one Number will solve the Phcenomena, and therefore we have supposed several in Order to make the following Table, which we again desire Historians to Corredl, according to what they find in Anti- quity concerning the Number of the People in each Age and Countrey of the World. We did (not long since) assist a worthy Divine^, writing 23 against some || Sceptichs, who would have baffled our belief of the Resurredlion, by saying, that the whole Globe of the 1 Numbers i. i — 46. The precise number is 603,550. Petty has overlooked the later enumeration of 601,730, Numbers xxvi. i — 51. 2 I Chronicles xxi. i — 8, ‘and all Israel were a thousand thousand and a hundred thousand men that drew the sword; and Judah four hundred three score and ten thousand men that drew the sword.’ The account in 2 Samuel xxiv. i — 9 gives 800000 fighting men in Israel and 500000 in Judah. 2 Concerning his assistance to the worthy divine. Petty writes thus to Sir Robert Southwell : Dublin 20*'' Augh 1681. Dear Cosen, Once more pay the Postage of 4 Sheets. By ye last you saw ye Quantum of my Damage; by this you shall ye Quomodo, & consequently ye Injury. Oh ! that I could get some body to read my Papers. There is a good man about this Town writing ag®*^ Atheisme, and in particular at this time answering their Cavills against ye Resurrection; Which are. That ye whole Globe of ye Earth will not afford sufficient Matter to the Bodies that must Nitinber of Mankind at the Resurrection. 467 Earth could not furnish Matter enough for all the Bodies that must Rise at the last Day, much less would the surface of the Earth furnish footing for so vast a Number; whereas we did (by the Method afore-mentioned) assert the Number of Men now living, and also of those that had dyed since the beginning of the World, and did withal shew, that half the Rise, much less will the surface thereof (say they) afford footing to all those Bodies. Now ye assistances which I have given this good man are viz. I*’ Supposing ye People in England, Scotland & Ireland to be ab* nine Millions, Those in Holland and Zealand ab* one Million, and in France 16, I say that by comparing ye rest of ye World therew^^' there are but between 300 & 400 Millions of Souls now living. 2" Upon this and Grant’s Measures I ascertain ye Number that ever have died since ye Creation, & find that Munster would afford them all Graves, and ye Mangerton Bodies, or ye Equivalent in weight of Earth. Having thus help’d my Friend, I took occasion to proceed, viz. I®* I find yt ye World being 5630 years old [Scaliger’s Chronology, cf. p. 388, note i], and Adam & Eve doubling but every 200 years (as Grant also sales) there must be now 316 Millions of People upon ye Earth; w°*^ answers admirably, and is a brave Argument ag®*^ Scripture-Scoffers and Proe- Adamites. Nevertheless upon Examination of our Friend Grant’s Positions, 2‘^^y I find People do double very differently in every Century of ye World, and have (as I think) rectitified his Doctrine, by making many Numbers in con- tinuall Proportion. 3^*y I further find, that ye World at a Medium is at this day not much better peopled then our wretched Baronies in Keery, nor above xV so well as our poor Ireland is; nor above part so w-ell as Holland, w'^*' is over-peopled. 4thiy I y|. yg j^gxt 1400 years ye World doubling it’s People in my correcfled proportion, must be over-peopl’d, and then that there must be great Wars and Slaughters, and yt ye Strong must then destroy ye Weak, or ye World must (of necessity) come to an end. gthiy j py looking far back upon ye paucity of People in ye Asyrian, Persian, and other first Monarchies, how easy a thing ’twas for a few resolute Fellows to conquer ye World, as then it was. And that (whatever ye King of France may think) ye Universall or Great Monarchy does and will grow every Century more & more difficult by ye Course of Nature. fithiy j conclude, that as People double faster now then they did in former Ages, so ye Rents of Lands must also rise proportionably, and ye number of years Purchase also : Wherefore let us get possession of what ye Affidavit saies is kept from us. Thus, Dear Cosen (having ended where I began) I am still Yours. [Endorsement] Dublin, Augb 20^*^. 1681. A Copy of S*'. W*”. Petty’s Letter to S*". Rob^ Southwell. Ab*. ye Number of Mortals, &c. Rawlinsqn MS. A. 178, fif. 71 — 72, Bodleian Library; among the Pepys papers. The letter has been printed in Rev. John Smith’s Life., Journals, and Correspondence of Pepys (1844), ii. 317. 30—2 468 Another Essay. Island of Ireland would afford them all, not only Footing to stand upon, but Graves to lye down in, for that whole Number; and that two Mountains in that Countrey were as weighty as all the Bodies that had ever been from the beginning of the World to the Year 1680, when this Dispute happened. For which purpose I have digressed from my ^4 intended purpose, to insert 1 | this Matter, intending to pro- secute this hint further, upon some more proper Occasion. A Table showhig hoiv the People might have doubled in the several Ages of the World. Aimo after the Flood. Periods of " I 8 persons. doubling 10 16 20 32 30 . 64 40 128 In 10 Years 5 ° 256 1 j 60 512 1 1 70 1024 1 80 2048 90 4096 1 100 8000 and more. ( 120 Years after In 20 Years ■ the Flood. 16 Thousand. ' 140 ( 170 64 30 ; 1 200 128 40 240 256 50 290 512 60 350 I Million and more. 70 420 2 Millions. 100 520 4 Millions. 190 710 8 Millions. 290 1000 16 In Moses Time. 400 1400 32 About Davids Tii 550 1950 64 750 2700 128 About the Birth 1000 3700 256 T 300 / 1200 ( 4000 320!! Growth of London, 469 It is here to be Noted, That in this Table we have assigned ^5 a different Number of Years for the time of doubling the People in the several Ages of the World, and might have done the same for the several Coimtries of the World, and therefore the said several Periods assigned to the whole World in the Ltinip, may well enough consist with the 360 Years especially assigned to England, between this Day, and the Norman Conquest \ And the said 360 Years may well enough serve for a Supposition between this time, and that of the Worlds being fully Peopled ; Nor do we lay any stress upon one or the other in this disquisition concerning the Growth of the City of London. We have spoken of the Growth of I^ondon, with the Measures and Periods thereof, we come next to the Causes and Consequences of the same. |1 The Causes of its Growth from 1642 to 1682, may be said 26 to have been as followeth, viz. From 1642 to 1650, That Men came out of the Coiuitrey to London, to shelter themselves from the Outrages of the Civil Wars, during that time ; from 1650 to 1660, The Royal Party came to London, for their more private and inexpensive Living; from 1660 to 1670, the Kings Friends and Party came to receive his Favours after his Happy Restauratioii ; from 1670 to 1680, The frequency of Plots and Parliaments might bring extraordinary Numbers to the City; But what Reasons to assign for the like Increase from 1604 to 1642, I know not, unless I should pick out some Remarkable Accident happening in each part of the said Period, and make that to be the Cause of this Increase (as Vulgar People make the Cause of every Mans Sickness to be II what he did last eat) wherefore, rather than so to 27 say qiiidlibet de quolibet ; I had rather quit even what I have above-said to be the Cause of Londons Increase from 1642 to 1682, and put the whole upon some Natural and Spon- taneous Benefits and Advantages that Men find by Living in great more than in small Societies', and shall therefore seek for the Antecedent Causes of this Grozvth, in the Conse- quences of the like, considered in greater Characters and Proportions. 470 Another Essay. Now, whereas in Arithmetick, out of two false Positio?is the Truth is extra6led, so I hope out of two extravagant contrary Suppositions, to draw forth some solid and consistent Conclusion, viz. The first of the said two Suppositions is, That the City of London is seven times bigger than now, and that the 28 Inhabitants of it are four || Millions 690 Thousand People, and that in all the other Cities, Po7'ts, Towns, and Villages, there are but two Millions 710 Thousand more. The other Supposition is, That the City of London is but a seventh part of its present bigness, and that the Inhabitants of it are but 96 Thousand, and that the rest of the Inhabitants (being 7 Millions 304 Thousand) do Co-habit thus, 104 Thou- sand of them in small Cities and Toivns, and that the rest, being seven Millions 200 Thousand, do Inhabit in Houses not contiguous to one another, viz. in 1200 Thousand Houses, having about 24 Acres of Ground belonging to each of them, accounting about 28 Millions of Acres to be in the whole Territory of England, Wales, and the adjacent Islands \ yNVxods. any Man that pleases may Examine upon a good Map. |1 -9 Now, the Question is. In which of these two Imaginary states, would be the most convenient, commodious and comfortable Livings ? But this general Question divides it self into the several Questions, relating to the following Particulars, viz. 1. For the Defence of the Kingdom against Foraign Powers. 2. P'or preventing the Intestine Commotions of Parties and F actions. 3. For Peace and U niformity in Religion. 4. For the Administration of Justice. 5. P'or the proportionably Taxing of the People, and easie Levying the same. 6. For Gaui by Foraign Commerce. 7. P'or HtLsbandry, ManiLfadlnre, and for Arts of Delight and Ornament. H 30 8. For lessening the P^'atigue of Carriages and Travelling. 9. P'or preventing Beggars and Thieves. Future Groivtk of London. 471 10. For the Advancement and Propagation of Useful Learning. 11. For Increasing People by Generation. 12. For preventing the Mischiefs of Plagues and Con- tagions. And withal, which of the said two states is most Praclicable and Natural, for in these and the like particulars, do lye the Tests and Touchstones of all Proposals, that can be made for the Publick Good. First, as to PraTlicable, we say, That although our said Extravagant Proposals are both in Nature possible, yet it is not Obvious to every Man to conceive, how London, now seven times bigger than in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign, should be seven times bigger than now it is, || and 31 49 times bigger than Anno 1560. To which I say, i. That the present City of London stands upon less than 1500’ Acres of Ground, wherefore a City, seven times as large may stand upon 10500 Acres, which is about equivalent to a Circle of four Miles and a half in Diameter, and less than 15 Miles in Circumference. 2. That a Circle of Ground of 35 Miles Semidiameter will bear Corn, Garden-stuff, Fruits, Hay, and Timber, for the four Millions 690 Thousand Inhabitants of the said City and Circle, so as nothing of that kind need be brought from above 35 Miles distance from the said City; for the Number of Acres within the said Circle, reckoning one^ Acre sufficient to furnish Bread and Drink-Corn for every Head, and two Acres will furnish Hay for every Necessary Horse; And that the Trees which may grow in the Hedge-rows of the |1 Fields within the said Circle, may 32 furnish Timber for 600 Thousand Houses. 3. That all live Cattel and great Animals can bring themselves to the said City ; and that Fish can be brought from the Lands-end and Berwick as easily as now. 4. Of Coals there is no doubt : And for Water, 20s. per Family (or 600 Thousand pounds per Annum in the whole) will serve this City, especially with the help of* the New River. But if by Pra6licable be under- stood, that the present state may be suddenly changed into either of the two above-mentioned Proposals, I think it is ^ 2ded.; ‘2500 Acres.’ - 2ded.; ‘ reckoning two Acres.’ 472 Another Essay. not Practicable. Wherefore the true Question is, unto or towards which of the said two Extravagant states it is best to bend the present state by degrees, viz. Whether it be best to lessen or enlarge the present City? In Order where- 33 unto we enquire (as to the first Question) which || state is most Defensible against Forraign Pozvers, saying, that if the above-mentioned Housing, and a border of Ground, of 3 quarters of a Mile broad, were encompassed with a Wall and Ditch of 20 Miles about (as strong as any in Europe, which would cost but a Million, or about a Penny in the shilling of the House-Rent for one Year) w\\2X Foimign Prince could bring an Army from beyond Seas, able to beat, i. Our Sea-Forces, and next with Horse harrass’d at Sea, to resist all the fresh Horse that England could make, and then Conquer above a Million of Men, well United, Disciplin’d, and Guarded within such a Wall, distant everywhere 3 quarters of a Mile from the Housing, to elude the Granadoes and great Shot of the Enemy ? 2. As to Intestine Parties and Factions, I suppose that 4 Millions 690 Thousand People United within 34 this great || City, could easily Govern half the said Number scattered without it, and that a few Men in Arms within the said City, and Wall, could also easily Govern the rest unarmed, or Armed in such manner as the Soveraign shall think fit. 3. As to U niformity in Religion, I conceive. That if St. Martins Parish may (as it doth) consist of about 40 Thousand Souls, That this great City also may as well be made b*ut as one Parish, with 7 times 130 Chappels, in which might not only be an Uniformity of Common Prayer, but in Preaching also; for that a thousand Copies of one Judiciously and Authentically Composed Sermon might be every Week read in each of the said Chappels without any subsequent Repetition of the same, as in the Case of Homilies. Where- as in England (wherein are near 10 Thousand Parishes, 35 in each of which upon Sundays, Holy-days, i| and other Extraordinary Occasions, there should be about 100 Sermons per Annum, making about a Million of Sermons per Annum in the whole:) It were a Miracle, if a Million of Sermons Composed by so many Men, and of so many Minds and Division of Labour. 473 Methods, should produce Uniformity upon the discomposed understandings of about 8 Millions of Hearers. 4. As to the Administration of Justice. If in this great City shall dwell the Owners of all the Lands, and other Valuable things in England ; If within it shall be all the Traders, & all the Courts, Offices, Records, J?iries, and Wit- nesses ; Then it follows, that Justice may be done with speed and ease. 5. As to the Equality and easie Levying of Taxes, It is too certain, That London hath at some time paid near half the Excise of England ; and that the people pay |1 thrice as 36 much for the Hearths in London as those in the Countrey, in proportion to the People of each, and that the Charge of Colle6ling these Duties, have been about a sixth part of the Duty it self. Now, in this great City the Excise alone according to the present Laws, would not only be double to the whole Kingdom, but also more equal. And the Duty of Hearths of the said City, would exceed the present proceed of the whole Kingdom. And as for the Customs, we mention them not at present. 6. Whether more would hQ.gain'dhy Foraign Commerce^. The Gain which England makes by Lead, Coals, the Freight of Shipping, &c. may be the same, for ought I see, in both Cases. But the Gain which is made by Ma 7 iufa 6 lures, will be greater, as the Manufa6lure it self is greater and better. For in so vast |1 a City Manufactures will beget one another, 37 and each Manufaclitre will be divided into as many parts as possible, whereby the Work of each Artisan will be simple and easie ; As for Example. In the making of a Watch, If one Man shall make the Wheels, another the Spring, another shall Engrave the Dial-plate, and another shall make the Cases, then the Watch will be better and cheaper, than if the whole Work be put upon any one Man. And we also see that in Towns, and in the Streets of a great Town, where all the Lnhabitants are almost of one Trade, the Commodity peculiar to those places is made better and cheaper than elsewhere. Moreover, when all sorts of Manufadlures are ^ 2d ed. ; ‘by commerce?’ 474 Another Essay. made in one place, there every Ship that goeth forth, can suddenly have its Loading of so many several Particulars 38 and Species as the Port whereunto she is bound || can take off. Again, when the several ManufaElnres are made in one place, and Shipped off in another, the Carriage, Postage, and Travelling-chaiges will Inhance the Price of such ManiLfaCtnre, and lessen the Gain upon Foraign Coninierce. And lastly, when the Imported Goods are spent in the Port it self, where they are Landed, the Carriage of the same into other places, will create no surcharge upon such Commodity ; all which particulars tends to the greater Gain by Foraign Commerce. 7. As for A rts of Delight and Ornament, They are best promoted by the greatest Number of Emnlators. And it is more likely that one Eigen ions C nr ions Man may rather be found out amongst 4 Millions than 400 Persons. But as for Husbandry, viz. Tillage and Pasturage, 39 I see no Reason, but the second state (when || each Family is charged with the Culture of about 24 Acres) will best promote the same. 8. As for lessening the Fatigue of Carriage and Travel- ling, The thing speaks it self, for if all the Men of Business, and all Artisans do Live within five Miles of each other; And if those who Live without the great City, do spend only such Commodities as grow where they Live, when the charge of Carriage and Travelling could be little. 9. As to the preventing of Beggars and Thieves, I do not find how the differences of the said two states should make much difference in this particular; for Impotents (which are but one in about 600) ought to be maintained by the rest. 2. Those who are unable to work, through the evil Education of their Parents, ought (for ought I know) to be 40 main-||tained by their nearest Kindred, as a just Punishment upon them. 3. And those who cannot find Work (though able and willing to perform it) by reason of the unequal application of Hands to Lands, ought to be provided for by the Magistrate and Land-Lord till that can be done ; for there needs be no Beggars in Countries, where there are The Plague. 475 many Acres of unimproved improvable Land to every Head, as there are in England. As for Thieves^ they are for the most part begotten from the. same Cause; For it is against Nature, that any Man should venture his Life, Limb, or Liberty, for a wretched Livelyhood, whereas moderate Labour will produce a better. But of this see Sir Thomas Moor, in the first part of his Utopia^. 10. As to the Propagation and Improvement of Useful Leainiing, || The same may be said concerning it as was above-said 41 concerning Manuf allures, and the Arts of Delight and Orna- ments ; for in the great vast City, there can be no so odd a Conceit or Design, whereunto some Assistance may not be found, which in the thin, scattered way of Habitation may not be. 11. As for the Increase of People by Generation, I see no great difference from either of the two states, for the same may be hindred or promoted in either, from the same Causes. 12. As to the Plague, It is to be remembred that one time with another, a Plague happeneth in London once in 20 Years, or there- abouts; for in the last hundred Years, between the Years 1582 and 1682, there have been five great Plagues, viz. Anno 1592, 1603, 1625, 1636, and 1665. And it is also to || be remembred that the Plagues of London do commonly kill 42 one fifth part of the Inhabitants. Now, if the whole People of Engla^id do double but in 360 Years, then the Annual Increase of the same is but 20000, and in 20 Years 400000. But if in the City of London there should be two Millions of People, (as there will be about 60 Years hence) then the Plague (killing one fifth of them, namely, 400000 once in 20 Years) will destroy as many in one Year, as the whole Nation can re-furnish in 20: And consequently the People of the Nation shall never Increase. But if the People of London shall be above 4 Millions (as in the first of our two Extravagant Suppositions is premised) then the People of ^ I.upton’s ecL, p. 58. 476 Another Essaj/. the whole Nation shall lessen above 20000 per Annum. So as if People be worth 70/. per Head (as hath elsewhere 43 been shown || then the said greatness of the City will be a damage to it self and the whole Nation of 14 hundred Thousand pounds per Annum, and so pro 7 'ata, for a greater or lesser Number; wherefore to determine, which of the two states is best, (that is to say, towards which of the said two states Authority should bend the present state') a just Balance ought to be made between the disadvantages from the Plague, with the Advantages accruing from the other Particulars above-mentioned ; unto which Balance a more exa6l Account of the People, and a better Rule for the Measure of its Growth is Necessary, than what we have here given, or are yet able to lay down. |1 See note 2, p. 454. Post-script. 44 I T was not very pertinent to a Discourse concerning the Groivth of the City of London, to thrust in Considerations of the Time when the whole World will be fully Peopled ; and how to justifie the Scriptures concerning the Number of People mentioned in them ; and concerning the Number of the Quick and the Dead, that may Rise at the last Day, &c. Nevertheless, since some Friends liking the said Digressions and Impertinencies (perhaps as sauce to a dry Discourse) have desired that the same might be explain’d and made out. I therefore say as followeth. I. If the Number of Acres in the Habitable part of the Earth, be under |1 50 Thousand Millions; if Twenty Thousand 45 Millions of People, are more than the said Number of Acres will feed ; (few or no Countries being so fully Peopled ;) and for that in six doublings (which will be in 2000 Years) the present 320 Millions will exceed the said 20 Thousand Millions. 2. That the Number of all those who have dyed since the Flood, is the sum of all the Produdls made by Multiplying the Number of the doubling Periods mentioned in the first Column of the last Table, by the Number of People respedl- ively affixed to them, in the third Column of the same Table ; the said sum being Divided by 40 (one dying out of 40 per Annnni, out of the whole Mass of Mankind) which Quotient is 12570 Millions; Whereunto may be added, for those that dyed before the Flood, enough to make the last-|lmentioned 46 478 Posta'ipt to another Essay. Number 20 Thousand Millions, as the full Number of all that dyed, from the beginning of the World, to the Year 1682; unto which, if 320 Millions, the Number of those who are now alive, be added, the Total of the Quick and the Dead, will amount but unto one fifth part of the Graves, which the surface of Ireland will afford, without ever putting two Bodies into any one Grave ; for there be in Ireland 28 Thousand square English Miles, each whereof will afford about 4 Millions of Graves, and consequently above 114 Thousand Millions of Graves, viz. about 5 times the Number of the Quick and the Dead, which should arise at the last Day, in case the same had been in the Year 1682. 3. Now, if there may be place for five times as many 47 Graves in Ireland^ as sufficient for all that ever || dyed ; And if the Earth of one Grave weigh five times as much as the Body Interred therein, then a Turf, less than a Foot thick, pared off from a fifth part of the surface of E'eland, will be equivalent in bulk and weight to all the Bodies that ever were Buried ; And may serve as well for that purpose, as the two Mountains afore-mentioned in the body of this Discourse. From all which it is plain, how madly they were mistaken, who did so petulantly vilifie what the Holy Scriptures have delivered. FINIS. OBSERVATIONS UPON THE duttUu 3Stllg O F MORTALITY, M D C L X X X I. AND THE State of that CITY, By the Observator^ on the LONDON Bills of MORTALITY. L ONDON : Printed for Mai'k Paj'doe, at the Sign of the Black Raven, over against Bedford- house in the Strand. 1683. ^ On the significance of this apparent ascription of the London Observations to Petty, see Introduction, also an article by the editor in Polit. Sci. Quart, xi. 113, NOTE ON THE DUBLIN “OBSERVATIONS.” The earliest known reference to the Dublin bills is an order in the city assembly roll for the fourth Friday after Christmas, 1658, for the treasurer of the city to pay. on Mr Mayor’s warrant, to John Tadpole, fifty shillings sterling for his employment heretofore in bringing in the weekly bills of mortality within the city and the suburbs thereofb To these bills Petty turned his attention upon the first trip which he made to Dublin after the publication of Graunt’s book^ It was not, however, until after the death of his friend that he undertook his Observations upon them. Concerning the Ob- servations he writes to Southwell, 25 November, 1682, that he will meddle no more with political arithmetic nor ratiocinations, but will turn beast and grow absurd, as the glorious men of the world are. The accompanying pamphlet is not a startling from his resolutions, “for it was put a printing when I first came to town^ and hath been kept in hand by my brother beast Mark Pardo, the stationer.... I would have you run to the city of Bristol with the same and bore their skulls with the same advice that is here given for Dublin ^ Gilbert, Calendar ^ iv. 154. ^ Letter^ to Brouncker, 4 February, 1663, printed in note ■2, p. 398. June 1682, Fitzmaurice, 250. ^ Thorpe, Cat. lib. M.SS. Inhl. Southwelliano’, 405. OBSERVATIONS UPON THE D U B L I N-^\\\s of Mortality, i68i. AND THE State of that CITY. T he Observations upon the London-Bills of Moi'tality have been a new Light to the World ; and the like Observation upon those of Dublin, may serve as Snuffers to make the same Candle burn clearer. The Z(?;^ also, there is not one instance either in the Births or Burials to the contrary. 9. It hath ’been formerly observ’d, That in the years wherein most dye, feivest are born, & vice versa^. The same may be further observ’d in Males and Females, viz. When fewest Males are born, then most dye : for here the Males dyed as Twelve to Eleven, which is above the mean propor- tion of Fourteen to Thirteen, but were born but as Nineteen to Eighteen, which is below the same. Observatiojis upon the Table B. I. I ^Rom the Table B, it appears, That the Medium of X the Fifteen years Burials, (being 24199) is 1613, whereas the Medium of the other six years in the Table A, was 1644, and that the Medium of the Fifteen || years Births (being in all 14765) is 984, whereas the Medium of the said other six years, was 1026^ That is to say, there were both fewer Births and Burials in these Fifteen years, than in the other six years ; which is a probable sign that at a Medium there were fewer People also. 2. The Medium of Births for the Fifteen years being 984, whereof Eight fifths (being 1576) is the Standai'd of Health for the said Fifteen years ; and the triple of the said 1 576, being 4728, is the standard for each of the Ternaries of the Fifteen years within the said Table. 3. That 2952, the triple of 984 Births, is for each Ternary the Standard of Peoples increase and decrease from the year 1 Graunt, p. 374. ^ Ib. p. 368. Table A gives the births in i67'2 at 987, table B at 967 ; these numbers arc used for the averages respectively. J I — 2 484 Observations iipon the 1666 to 1680 inclusive, viz. The People increased in the second Ternary, and decreased from the same in the Third and Fourth Ternarys, but re-increased in the Fifth Ternary beyond any other. 4. That the last Ternary was withal very healthful, the Burials being but 4624, viz. below 4728, the Standard. 5. That aceording to this proportion of increase, the Housing of Dublin have probably increased also. || 6 Observations tipon the Table C. I. Thirst, from the Table C, it appears, i. That the A Housing of Dttblm is such, as that there are not five Hearths in each House one with another, but nearer five than four. 2. That in St. Warburghs Parish are near six Hearths to an House. In St. Johns five. In St. Michaels above five. In St. Nicholas within above six. In Christ-Church above seven. In St. James s, and St. Katherines,wc\di in St. Michans, not four. In St. Kevans about four. 3. That in St. Janies^, St. Michans, St. Brides, St. War- burgh, St. Andrews, St. Michaels, and St. Patricks, all the Christnings were but 550, and the Burials 1055, double ; and that in the rest of the Parishes the Christnings were five, and the Burials seven, viz. as 457 to 634^ Now whether the cause of this difference were negligence in Ac- compts, or the greaterness of the Families, Stc. is worth inquiring. 4. It is hard to say in what order (as to greatness) these Parishes ought to stand, some having miost Families; some most Hearths, some most Births, and others most Burials. 7 Some Parishes exceeding the rest in two, i| others in three of the said four particulars, but none in all four. Wherefore ^ According to table C, the total burials in the enumerated parishes are looo, not 1055, the total christenings are 585, not 550, while the total Imrials in the rest of the parishes are 789, not 634 and the total christenings are 422 not 457. Diihlin-Bills of Mortality. 4(S5 this Table ranketh them according to the plurality of the said four particulars wherein each excelleth the other. 5. The Loiidoji-Observations reckon eight heads in each Family^ ; according to which estimation, there are 32000 Souls'"^ in the 4000 Families of DtibLin\ which is but half of what most Men imagine; of which but about one sixth part are able to bear Arms, besides the Royal Regiment 6. Without the knowledge of the true munber of People^ as a Principle, the whole scope and use of the keeping Bills of Births and Burials is impaired ; wherefore by laborious Conjeflures and Calculations to deduce the number of People from the Births and Burials, may be Ingenious, but very preposterous. 7. If the number of Families in Dttblin be about 4000, then Ten Men, in one week (at the Charge of about Five pound, Surveying Eight Families in an hour) may directly, and without Algebra, make an Accompt of the whole People, expressing their several Ages, Sex, Marriages, Title, Trade, Religion, &c. and those who survey the Hearths, or the Constables or Parish Clarks, (may, if required) do the same ex Officio, and without o-|lther Charge, by the Command of 8 the Chief Governor, the Diocesan, or the Mayor^ 8. The Bills of London have since their beginning, ad- mitted several Alterations and Improvements ; and eight or ten pound per a 7 inum surcharge, would make the Bills of Dublm to exceed all others, and become an excellent In- strument of Government. To which purpose the Forms for 1 Graunt, p. 385. 2 Graunt had estimated 30,000 in 1662, see p. 399. ^ How entirely Petty’s dispute about the Down Survey occupied his attention in 1659 evident from his ignorance of the census which was taken in Dublin and elsewhere in that year. It gave the number of all the people in eleven parishes (Christ Church and Nicholas without omitted) at 8780. Gilbert, Calendar., iv. 571, also p. xiii. Mr Hardinge shews reason for believing that Petty had copies of the returns of that census for nearly the whole of Ireland. If he had, it is not likely that he secured them until after the writing of the Dtiblin Observations, as neither the Observations nor the Polit. Anat. mentions the census of 1659. See Hardinge, The earliest known MS. Census Returns of the People of Ireland, in Trans. R. /. Acad., vol. XXIV. antiquities, pp. 317-328. 4^^ Observations upon the Weekly, Quarterly, and Yearly Bills are humbly recommended, viz} i YEARLY Anno. BILLS OB' MORTALITY FOR LONDON and DUBLIN Burials. Births, i Burials. Births. i lon; 1 Burials. DON. Births. 1 Males. j Female.s. Males. j Female.s. 1680 21053 ‘ 12747 J 1826 1096 i 1^039 i 10044 6543 1 6199 1679 21730 1 12288 1397 ' 1061 ITI 54 : >0576 6247 6041 1678 20678 12601 1401 1045 10681 ' 9977 6568 6033 : ‘674 2I20I 11851 2106 942 1 1000 10196 6113 573 « j 1672 18230 12563 i 1436 987 9560 8070 6443 6120 i 1668 17278 11633 : 1699 1026 9111 8167 6073 5566 , 120170 73683 9865 6157 62545 57030 37992 35697 The medium or 6th j part whereof is i 20028 1 12280 1644 1026 t 10424 9505 6332 5949 i DUBLIN. Anno. Burials. Births. In Ternaries of years. 1666 1667 1668 1669 1670 1671 1672 1673 1674 1675 1676 1677 1678 1679 1680 1480 1642 1699 1666 1713 1974 1436 1531 2106 1578 f 39 ' 1359 1 40 1 1397 1826 952) 1 00 1 1026 j lOOOj 1067 - 1003) 967) 933 r 942) 823] 952 897] 1045 ] 1061 1096] 4821 5353 5073 4328 4624 2979 1 3070 s 2842 2672 i 3202 j 24199 14765 24199 14765 1 d'he medium or i5th| part whereof is ) 1613 984 1613 984 ’ The tables A, B, and C are printed, in the 1683 edition, upon sheets inserted after p. 8 of the pamphlet, so that “A Weekly Bill of Mortality for the City of Dublin,” here printed on p. 487, there follows immediately after the recommendation of it. Dublin-Bills of Mortality. 487 An. 1670, 71 &72 at a Medium. The Parishes of DUBLIN. Anno 1671. Families. Hearths. Births. Burials. r St. Katherins and St. y antes, 661 2399 i6r 290 2 St. AHcholas without, 490 2348 207 262 3 St. Michans, 656 2301 127 221 4 St. Andrews with Donabrook, 483 2123 108 178 5 St. Bridgets, 416 1989 70 too 6 St. Johns, 244 1337 70 1,38 7 St. IVarb rough. 267 1650 ' 54 108 8 St. Audaens, 2 16 io8r 53 I2I 9 St. Michael, 140 793 1 44 59 i ‘o St. Heavens, 106 433 i 64 133 1 1 St. Nicholas within, 93 6 f 4 28 34 12 St. PatricBs Liberties, 52 255 t 21 44 I *3 Christ-Church and Triniljt-CoWedge per estimate 26 197 I 1 ‘3850 1 7500 1013 1696 Houses built between 1671, and 1681, pre[ estimate. ) ‘50 150 4000 18150 A Weekly Bill of Mortality for the City of Dublin, Ending the day of 1681. PARISHES NAMES. Births. 0 Females. Burials. Under 16 years old. Above t 6 years old. Plague. Small Pox. Measels. Spotted Fever. 1 2 3 6 7 8 9 10 It 12 ‘3 St. Katherins and St. James, St. Nicholas without, St. Michans, St. Andrews with Donabrook, St. Bridgets, St. Johns, St. Warbrough, St. Audaens, St. Michael, St. Keavens, St. Nicholas wdthin, St. Patrick’s, Liberties, Christ-Church and 7>/;/7/9'-Colledge i 1 Totals, ! 1 i_ 488 Observations upon the A Quarterly Bill of Mortality, beginning and ending for the City of Dublin. PARISHES Names Births. i Marriages. 1 2. But 0 ft’ 5 ; r V, < 0 S' o\ • 0 ■ied 1 f D. c« ft, 1 Plague. ' Small Pox, Spotted Fever, 1 Measels, Stone. Gout, _ Dropsie, Consumption, Sudden Death. Quinsey, Pleurisie, 1 Fever, Aged above 70 j ' years old. ] 1 Infants under 2 years old. All other I Casualties. | I -2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 1 1 2 13 St. Katherins and St. yanies, St. Nicholas without, St. Michans, St. Andrezos with Donabrook, St. Bridgets., vSt. Johns, St. IVarbroiigh, St. Audaens, vSt. Michael, St. Keavens, St. Nicholas within, St. Patrick\ Liberties Christ-Church and /’reV/Z/j'-Col ledge ! 1 1 Totals, 1 r ~ 1 An Account of the People of Dublin for one year, Ending the 24th of March, 168^. iz: Whereof ■c g Persons 1 of ' 1 Pro testai p 3 - P cfp' “ 1 5 1 w c P PARISHES Names. ? 3 1 ^ P ; \ 3 1 p 0 2 3 0 Y' Cl- p 5 { Abov years F ' o-S 3 ET ■f n f\ 1 P* : Orq * 0 0 .s: 3 ^ 0 « f-E' of above 16 years old. 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ' 10 i n ; 12 13 St. Katherins and St. James, St. Nicholas without, St. Afichans, St. Andreivs with Donabrook, St. Bridgets, St. Johns, St. IVarbrongh, St. Audaens, St. Michael, St. Keavens, St. Nicholas within, St. Patrick's, Liberties, Christ-Church and 7 >' 7 «?/p-Colledge, 1 ! 1 i 1 Totals, Dublin-Bills of Mortality. 489 Casualties and Diseases. Aged above 70 years. Abortive and Still-born. Childbed- women. Convulsion. Teeth. Worms. Gout, and Sciatica. Stone. Palsey. Consumption, and French Pox. Dropsie, and Tympany. Rickets, and Livergrown. Head-ach and Megrim. Epilepsie, and Planet. Fever, and Ague. Pleurisie. Quinsey. Executed, Murder’d, Drown’d. Plague, and Spotted-Fever. Griping of the Guts. Scowring, Vomiting, Bleeding. Small Pox. Measels. Neither of all the other sorts. A POSTSCRIPT TO THE STATIONER. Hereas you complain, that these Observations make no V V sufficient Bulk, I could answer you, That I wish the Bulk of all Books were less ; but do never-the-less comply with you in adding what follows, viz. 1. That the Parishes of Dtiblin are very unequal ; some having in them above Six hundred Families, and others under Thirty. 2. That, Thirteen Parishes are too few for Four thousand P'amilies ; the midling Parishes of London containing One hundred and twenty P'amilies ; ac-||cording to which rate, there should be about Thirty three Parishes in Dublin. 3. It is said, that there are Eighty four thousand Houses or P'amilies in LoJidon, which is Twenty one times more than are in Dublin ; and yet the Births and Burials of London are but Twelve times those of Dublin : which shews that the Inhabitants of Dublin are more crowded and streightned in their Housing, than those of London ; and consequently, that to increase the Buildings of Dublin, will make that City more conformable to Lojidon. 4. I shall also add some Reasons for altering the present forms of the Dublin-Bills of Mortality, according to what hath been here recommended, viz. Observations upon the Dnblin-Bills of Mortality. 491 1. VVe give the distin6lions of Males and Females in the Births onely ; for that the Burials must, at one time or another, be in the same proportion with the Births. || 2. We do in the Weekly and Quarterly Bills propose, that notice be taken in the Burials of what numbers dye above Sixty and Seventy, and what under Sixteen, Six, and Two years old ; foreseeing good uses to be made of that distindlion. 3. We do in the Yearly Bill, reduce the Casualties to about Twenty four, being such as may be discerned by common sense and without Art ; conceiving that more will but perplex and imbroil the Account. And in the Quarterly Bills, we reduce the Diseases to Three Heads, viz. Contagious, Acute, and Chronical ; applying this distindlion to Parishes, in order to know how the different Scituation, Soil, and way of living in each Parish, doth dispose Men to each of the said Three Species : and in the Weekly Bills we take notice not only of the Plague, but of the other Contagious Diseases in each Parish; that strangers and fear-||ful Persons may thereby know how to dispose of themselves. 4. We mention the Number of the People, as the Funda- mental Term in all our proportions; and without which, all the rest will be almost fruitless. 5. We mention the number of Marriages made in every Quarter, and in every year; as also the proportion which Married Persons bear to the whole ; expedfing in such Observations to read the improvement of the Nation. . 6. As for Religions, we reduce them to Three, viz. 1. Those who have the Pope of Ronie for their Head. 2. Who are Governed by the Laws of their Country. 3. Those who rely respedlively upon their own private Judgments. Now whether these distindlions should be taken notice of or not, we do but faintly recommend, seeing many Reasons pro and con for the same : and therefore although we have mentioned it as a matter fit to be considered, yet we humbly leave it to Authority.lj '< A • V It ^ ■ -‘if il'M 'i>>t /-flor. ' .‘ilniH ‘jfu •• > ‘! -/‘{ t ) Tb .*% f ; . Ia *’ .;• ci v ^ wvtl'w * J /flHV i ‘ H I . • : . » « i '^■" fl . J’-J :i '” - - ' fTti'/i liJilOffr r ...... I ‘’( b - > i . rjJ 1 : 7 *‘ U ^ i/ making in all but 23333 i whereas the whole Hearths || Anno 3 1682 were 25369, viz. \ and better of the said 5833 more. 3. The Housing were Anno 1671, but 3850, which if they had encreased Anno 1682 but according to the Burials, they had been but 5143, or according to the Hearths, had been but 5488, whereas they appear 6025, encreasing double to the Hearths. So as ’tis likely there hath been some errour in the said Account of the Housing, unless the new Housing be very small, and have but one Chimney apiece, and that I part of them are untenanted. On the other hand, his more likely that when 1696 dy’d />er An. there were near 6000; for 6000 Houses at 8 Inhabitants per House, would make the number of the People to be 48 Thousand, and the number of 1696 that died according to the Rule of One out of 30, would have made the number of Inhabitants about 50 Thousand : For which reason I continue to |1 believe there was some 4 Errour in the Accompt of 3850 Houses as aforesaid, and the rather because there is no ground from experience to think that in ii year, the Houses in Dublin have encreased from 3850 to 6025. Moreover, I rather think that the number of 6025 is yet short, because that number at 8 heads per House makes the Inhabitants to be but 48200 ; whereas the 2263 who died in the year 1682, according to the aforementioned Rule of one dying out of 30 makes the num.ber of People to be 67890 ; ’ In the years 1674-75. It appeal's that Petty had suggested to Essex certain reforms in the collection of the hearth money, for the farm of which he was one of the bidders. Fitzmaurice, 169, Capcl Lciters, pp. 399-418. H. P. 32 49 ‘^ Further Observation on the Dnblin-Bills. the ]\Iedinin betwixt which number and 48200 is 58045, which is the best estimate I can make of that matter, which I hope Authority will ere long re6lifie, by dire6l and cxacl Enquiries. 4, As to the Births, we say that Anno 1640, 1641, and 1642, at London, just before the Troubles in Religion began, 5 the Births were | of the || Burials, by reason I suppose of the greaterness of Families in London above the Country, and the fewer Breeders, and not for want of Registring. Wherefore, dedu6ling i of 2263, which is 377, there remains 1886 for the probable number of Births in Dublin for the year 1682 ; whereas but 912 are represented to have been Christen’d in that year, though 1023 were christened Anno 1671, when there died but 1696; which decreasing of the Christnings, and increasing of the Burials, shews the increase of Non- registering in the Legal Books, which must be the increase of Roman Catholicks at Dublin. The scope of this whole Paper therefore is. That the People of Dublin are rather 58000, than 32000b and that the Dissenters, who do not Register their Baptisms, have 6 encreased from 391 to 974 : but of Dissenters, none |1 have increased but the Roman Catholicks, whose Numbers have encreased from about 2 to 5 in the said Years. The exa( 51 :er Knowledge whereof, may also be better had from dire6l Enquiries. FINIS. Petty previously calculated 32000 inhabitants in Dublin, See p. 485. w I- •• •. 4 ? 32—2 WHITE-HALL, Ajig. 26th 1686. Let this Paper be printed. Sunderland P. TWO ESSAYS I N Concerning the People, Housing, Hospitals, &c, o F London and Paris. By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Fellow of the Royal Society. Qui s civet Regibus uti Fastidiret olus^ LONDON, Printed for J. Lloyd in the Middle Exchange next Salisbury -YioMst. in the Straud. 1687. ^ ‘Si pranderet olus patienter, regibus uti Nollet Aristippus.’ ‘ Si sciret regibus uti, Fastidiret olus, qui me notat.’ Utrius horum Verba probes et facta doce vel junior audi. Cur sit Aristippi potior sententia. Horace, Epistles, I. 17, 13-17. The story of the conversation between Aristippus and Diogenes is told by Diogenes Laertius. NOTE ON THE “TWO ESSAYS. Petty’s Two Essays concerning London and Paris, though first published in French, were originally written in English h They were probably finished between the 17 July, 1686, the day on which was licensed no. 180 of the Philosophical Transactions containing the account of Verbiest’s journeys referred to in the first essay-, and the 26 August of the same year, when the Two Essays were themselves approved ^ ^ Bibliography, 18. The French Version declares itself to be “Traduit de rOriginal Anglois.” - P. 508. P. 500. T O T H E KINGS Most Excellent MAJESTY. I Do presume y iu a very small Paper, to shew Your Majesty that Your City of London seems more considerable than the Tzvo best Cities of the French Monarchy, and for ought 1 can find, greater than any other of the Universe, zvhich because I can say |1 ivithout flattery, and by such Demonstration as Your Majesty can examine, I Inunbly pray Yoitr Majesty to accept from Your Majesty’s Most Humble, Loyal and Obedient Subjedl, William Petty. \ A N ESSAY I N Political Arithmetick, B Y Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Tending to prove London hath more People and Housing than the Cities of Paris and Rotten put together, and is also more considerable in several other respe6lsf I. I 'HE Medium of the Burials at London in the three JL last years, viz. 1683, 1684 and 1685, (wherein there was no extraordinary Sick-|lness, and wherein the Christenings ^ The common notion at the time when Petty wrote appears to have been that Paris must be larger than London because the court of Louis XIV. was more splendid than that of Charles 11 . Petty was not the first who held London the larger, but he appears to have been the first who gave an adequate reason for his belief. Gregorio de Leti says that he himself had once believed Paris the more populous city, but ‘ all the more general and infallible rules ’ had shewn him the superiority of London. De Leti had unusual opportunities for observation, but his estimate of the actual population of the two cities is absurdly high. He appears to credit, somewhat grudgingly, the assertion of an (unidentified) French am- bassador, who had told him that Paris contained a million and a half of people. And he is ‘forced to believe ’ that in London there are not less than two million souls! Del teatro britannico (1683), p. 75. A more trustworthy account is given by Le Maire, the author of Paris ancieii et nouveau, 1685. After quoting Giovanni Botero (1540-1617) on “ Parigi citta che di popolo & di abbondanza d’ogni cosa avanza de gran lunga tutte I’altre di Christianita,” Le Maire gives the number of people and of houses in each of the sixteen quarters of La Ville de Paris — as in the case of London, an area smaller than that included in the bills of 5o6 Two Essays. do correspond in Lheir ordinary proportions with the Bicrials and CJmstcnings of each year one with another) was 22337, and the like Medium of Burials for the three last Paris Bills we could procure, viz. for the years 1682, 1683 and 1684 (whereof the last as appears by the Christeiiings to have been very sickly) is 19887 k 2. The City of BristoP in England appears to be by good estimate of its Trade and Cnstomes as great as Ronen in France, and the City of Dublin in Ireland appears to have more Chimnies than Bristol, and consequently more People, 3 and the Burials in || Dublin were Anno 1682 (being a sickly year) but 2263. 3. Now the Burials of Paris (being 19887) being added to the Burials of Dublin (supposed more than at Rouen) being 2263, makes but 22150, whereas the Burials of London were 187 more, or 22337, or as about 6 to 7k 4. If those who die unnecessarily, and by miscarriage in UJiostel Dieu in PajHs (being above 3000) as hath been elsewhere shewn k or any part thereof, should be subtra6led out of the Paris Burials aforementioned, then our assertion 4 will be stronger, and more proportionable to what fol-l|lows concerning the Housing of those Cities, viz. mortality — according to an enumeration made in 1684. The totals are 91,252 persons and 20,641 houses. Le Maire, pp. 5-15. The enumeration of 1684 is reprinted in Boislisle’s Alaiioire de la Generalite de Paris (in the Documents inedits), p. 422. A modern estimate gives 543,270 inhabitants to the Paris of 1684. Husson, Les Consommations de Paris (1856), p. 20. ^ In Paris there died 17,493 in 1682 and 17,764 in 1683, which, according to Petty’s average of 19,887, would leave 24,404 deaths in the “very sickly” year 1684. In the first nine months of 1684, for which alone the official compilers of the KechercJies statistiques could recover the figures, there died 18,737. The average mortality 1670-1675, 1678-1683 was 19,684. RecJierches, ii., tableau 53. The figures for 1676, 1677 and 1685-1687 are probably lost. They may perhaps be preserved in Grimperel’s MS. in the Bibliotheque de I’lnstitut National de France (n" X. 214, 2 vols. in f’), which I have not seen. Petty’s informant concerning Bristol may have been Sir Robert Southwell, whose seat. King’s Weston, was near that town, cf. p. 480, note on the Dublin Observations, ^ Six to seven is approximately the ratio between the burials of Paris alone and the burials of London. ^ See p. 511. Houses of London and of Paris. 507 5. There were burnt at London, Anno 1666, above 13000 houses, which being but a fifth part of the whole, the whole number of houses in the said year, were above 65000 ; and whereas the ordinary Burials of London have increased be- tween the years 1666 and 1686, above one third the total of the houses at London Anno 1686, must be about 87000, which Anno 1682, appeared by accompt to have been 84000 h 6. Monsieur Merely, the great French Author of the late Geographieal Dictionaries^-, who makes Paris the greatest City in the World, !! doth reckon but 50000 houses in the same, 5 and other Authors and knowing Men much less ; nor are there full 7000 houses in the City of Dublin, so as if the 50000 houses of Paris, and the 7000 houses in the City of Dublin were added together, the total is but 57000 Houses, whereas those of London are 87000 as aforesaid, or as 6 to 9. 7. As for the Shipping and foreign Commerce of London, the common sense of all Men doth judge it to be far greater than that of Paris and RotLcn put together. 8. As to the Wealth and Gain accruing to the Inhabitants of London and Paris by Law-suits (or La chicanef I onely say that the Courts || of London extend to all England and 6 Wales, and affe6l seven Millions of People, whereas those of Paris do not extend near so far : Moreover there is no palpable conspicuous argument at Paris for the Number and Wealth of Lawyers like the Buildings and Chambers in the Two Temples, Lincohis Inn, Grafs Inn, Doctors Commons, and the seven other Inns in which are ^ Chimnies, which are to be seen at Londoii, besides many Lodgings, Halls, and Offices relating to the same. 9. As to the plentifull and easie living of the People we say, I. That the People of Paris to those of Lotulon, being as 1 See P..459, note 5. “ “ Les Modernes assurent qu’elle [la ville de Paris] a aujourd’huy environ cinquant mille Maisons. ” Le grand dictionnaire historique ou le melange curienx de riiistoire sacree et profane. Seconde edition, revue par Al. Louys Aloreri. A. Lyon, M.D.C. LXXXI., vol. il. p. 823 b. On Petty’s attitude towards the law and lawyers see Fitzinaurice, 169-172. ^ A blank in both French and English editions. 5o8 Tzvo Essays. a-i|bout 6 to 7, and the Housing of the same as about 6 to g, vve infer that the People do not live at London so close and crouded as at Paris, but can afford themselves more room and liberty. 2. That at London the Hospitals are better and more desirable than those of Paris, for that in the best at Paris there die 2 out of 15^, whereas at London there die out of the worst scarce 2 of 16, and yet but a fiftieth part of the whole die out of the Hospitals at London, and \ or 20 times that proportion die out of the Paris Hospitals which are of the same kind ; that is to say, the number of those at London, who chuse to lie sick in Hospitals rather than || in their own Houses, are to the like People of Paris as one to twenty ; which shews the greater Poverty or want of Means in the People of Paris than those of London. 3. We infer from the premisses, viz. the dying scarce 2 of 16 out of the London Hospitals, and about 2 of 15 in the best of Paris, {\.o say nothing of V hostel Dien) That either the Physicians and Chirnrgeons of London are better than those of Paris, or that the Air of London is more wholesome. 10. As for the other great Cities of the World, if Paris were the greatest we need say no more |1 in behalf of London. As for Peqinn in China, we have no account fit to reason upon ; nor is there anything in the Description of the two late Voyages of the Chines s EniperoiLr from that City into East and West Tartary'\ in the years 1682 and 1683, which ^ The Paris bills entered the hospitals separately from the parishes in which they were situated. See p. 510. “ Ferdinand Verbiest, S. J. (1625 — 1688) wrote Voyage de V Empereur de la Chine dans la Tartarie ; anx quelles on a joint nne novelle dccotiverte anx Afexique. Paris: chez E. Michellet ; 1685, 12”. Verbiest’s accounts were received with great interest in Europe. An English translation of them was included in A Relation of the Invasion and Conquest of Florida by the Spaniards, under the Coinuiand of Fernando de Soto. Written in Portuguese by a Gentleman of the Town of Flvas. Nosv Englished. To which is subjoy ned 7 wo fourneys of the present Emperour of China into I'artaiy in the Years 1682 and 1683. London : printed for John Lawrence, 1686 (licensed 7 June), 12", and a translation was also published in the Philosophical lYansactions, vol. xvi. no. 180, pp. 39—62. On Verbiest see R. II. Major’s introduction to the Earl of Ellesmere’s translation of Great Cities of the World. 509 can make us recant what we have said concerning London. As for Dely and Agra belonging to the Mognll we find nothing against our position, but much to shew the vast numbers which attend that Emperonr in his business and pleasures. 11. We shall conclude with Constantinople and Gran Cairo \ as for Constantinople it hath been said by one who endeavour’d to shew || the greatness of that City, and the 10 greatness of the Plague which reigned in it, that there died 1500 per diem^ without other circumstances: To which we answer, that in the year 1665 there died in London 1200 per diem, and it hath been well proved that the Plague of London never carried away above ^ of the People, whereas it is commonly believed that in Constantinople, and other Eastern Cities, and even in Italy and Spain, that the Plague takes away | one half or more ; wherefore where 1 200 is but ^ of the People it is probable that the number was greater, than where 1500 was | or one half, &c. || 12. As for Giaxn Cairo it is reported, that 73000 died in n 10 weeks or 1000 per dienP, where note, that at Gran Cairo the PlagiLe comes and goes away suddenly, and that the Plague takes away 2 or | parts of the People as aforesaid ; so as 73000 was probably the number of those that died of the Plague in one whole year at Gran Cairo, whereas at London Anno 1665, 97000 were brought to account to have died in that year. Wherefore it is certain, that that City wherein 97000 was but i of the People, the number was greater than where 73000 was | or the half. |1 We therefore conclude, that London hath more People, 12 Housing, Shipping and Wealth, than Paris and Rouen put together ; and for ought yet appears, is more considerable than any other City in the Universe, which was propounded to be proved. || P. J. d’Orleans’s History of the two Tartar Conquerors of China, Hakluyt Soc., 1834, p. vii., also pp. 69 — 96, 103 — [31. 1 In Hale’s Primitive Origination of Mankind, 213, citing Leo’s History of Africa. Such figures were frequently printed in the [7th century, e.g. Purchas, Pilgrimes (1625), p. 833. 3 A N ESSAY I N Political Arithmetick, B Y Sir WILLIAM PE7WY, Tending to prove that in the Hospital called IJ hostel Dicii at Paris, there die above 3000 per A^inum by reason of ill accommodation, I. T T appears that Anno 1678 there entred into the X Hospital o{ La Charitc 2647 Souls, of which there 14 died there within the said year 338, which 1| is above an eighth part of the said 2647, and that in the same year there entred into L hostel Diett 2 1491, and that there died out of that number 5630, which is above one quarter, so as about half the said 5630, being 2815, seem to have died for want of as good usage and accommodation as might have been had at La CharitP. 2. Moreover in the year 1679 there entred into La Charite 3118, of which there died 452, which is above a seventh part, and in the same year there entred into V hostel Dieu 28635, of which there died 8397 ; and in both the said ^ The source of this information is doubtless the Paris bills, which reported the deaths in each of the seventeen hospitals in the city and gave after 1671, a monthly Etat de Vhotel dieu, cf. Morand in Histoii'e de V Academie Royale des Sciences, annee 1771, pp. 832 — 842. Hospitals of London and of Paris. 51 1 years 1678 and 1679 (being very different in their degrees of II Mortality) there entred into U hostel Dien 28635 2 1491, in all 50126, the Medium whereof is 25063, and there died out of the same in the said Two years 5630 & 8397, in all 14027, the Medium whereof is 7013. 3. There entred in the said years into La Charite 2647 and 3118, in all 5765, the Medium whereof is 2882, whereof there died 338 and 452, in all 790, the Medium whereof is 395 - 4. Now if there died out of U hostel Dien 7013 per aminni, and that the proportion of those that died out of LLiostel Dien is double to those that died out of La Charite (as by the above || Numbers it appears to be near thereabouts) 16 then it follows that half the said Numbers of 7013 being 3506, did not die by naUtral necessity, but by the evil administration of that Hospital. 5. This Conclusion seem’d at the first sight very strange, and rather to be some mistake or chance than a solid and real truth, but considering the same matter as it appeared at London, we were more reconciled to the belief of it, viz. 1. In the Hospital of St. Bartholonieiv in London there was sent out and cured in the year 1685, 1764 Persons, and there died out of the said Hospital 252. !I Moreover there 17 were sent out and cnred out of St. Thomas^ Hospital 1523, and buried 209, that is to say, there were cur’d in both Hospitals 3287, and buried out of both Hospitals 461, and consequently cured and buried 3748, of which number the 461 buried is less than an eighth part\ whereas at La Charite the part that died was more than an eighth part\ which shews that out of the most poor and wretched Hospitals of London there died fewer in proportion than out of the best in Paris. 2. Furthermore, it hath been above shewn that there died out of La Charite -dX a Medium 395 per annum, and 141 out of Les 11 Incurables making in all 536; and that out of ig St. Bartholomezv s and St. Thomas's Hospital, London, there died at a Medium but 461, of which Les Inc'urables are part ; which shews that although there be more People in London 512 Tivo Essays. than in Paris^ yet there went at London not so many People to Hospitals as there did at Paris, although the poorest Hospitals at London, were better than the best at Paris', which shews that the poorest People at London have better accommodation in their own houses, than the best Hospital of Paris affordeth. 6. Having proved that there die about 3506, Persons at Paris 7 innecessaidly to the damage of France, || we come next to compute the value of the said damage and of the Remedy thereof, as follows, viz. the value of the said 3506 at 60 li. Sterl. per head, being about the value of Argier Slaves, (which is less than the intrinsick value of People at Paris) the whole loss of the Subjedls of France in that Hospital seems to be 60 times 3506 li. Sterl. per Annum, viz. 210 thousand 360 li. Sterl. equivalent to about two Millions 524 Thous. 320 Fre^ich Livers. 7. It hath appeared that there came into LLiostel Dieu at a Medium 25063 per Annum, or 2089 per Mensem, and 0 that the whole stock of what remain’d in the || precedent Months is at a Medium about 2108 (as may appear by the third Line of the Table 5, which shall be shortly published)* viz. the Medium of Months is 2410 for the sickly year 1679, whereunto 1806, being added as the Medium of Months for the year 1678, makes 4216, the Medium whereof is the 2108 above mentioned ; which number being added to the 2089 which entred each Month, makes 4197 for the Number of Sick which are supposed to be always in LLiostel Dieu one time with another. 8. Now if 60 French Livers per Annum for each of the 1 said 4197 sick Persons were added to |1 the present ordinary Expence of that Hospital (amounting to an addition of 251 Thousand 820 Livers) it seems that so many lives might be saved as are worth above ten times that sum, and this by doing a manifest deed of Charity to Mankind. !| Memorandum, That Anno 1685, the Burials of London were 23222, and those of Amsterdam 6245 ; from whence. ^ The table was not published. London and Amsterdam. 513 and the difference of Air, ’tis probable that the People of London are quadruple to those of Amsterda7}d. 1 In the Philosophical Transactions for July — September, 1686 (vol. XVI. no. 183, p. 152) appeared the following, unsigned: “ An Extract of two Essays in Political Arithmetick concerning the comparative Magnitudes, &c. of London and Paris by Sr. William Petty Knight, R S.S. The excellent Author of these two Essays, has in several former of the same Nature made it appear that Mathematical Reasoning, is not only applicable to Lines and Numbers, but affords the best means of Judging in all the concerns of humane Life. In the present he endeavours to prove London, as it now is, the most considerable City now in being, by shewing it much to exceed Paris, (which not only the French but foreigners have asserted to be the chief City of Europe), both in People, Housing, and Wealth. The first by comparing the Bills of Mortality, whereby he finds that the People of London are as many as those of Paris and Rouen put together. The second by comparing the number of Houses, which by the Chimney-Books are found above 80000 in London, whereas a great Author among the French, (who seldome faile to magnifie their own things), reckons but 50000 Houses in Paris. As to the third, to wit the Wealth, he conceives that there is yet a much greater disposition, there being no comparison between them for Trade, and besides a good argument drawn from the Law-Suites of both places, he concludes from the Paris bills of Mortality, that two 5ths of the People of Paris are so poor that they chuse rather to die in Hospitals, than lie sick at their own Charges; and that a third of the whole People of that City, die out of the most wretched Hospitall of L’Hostel Dieu; wheras at London there dies scarce one in fiftie in our Hospitals. Hereupon in the second Essay, our Author extends his Charity to those poor wretches, shewing how by a reasonable expence, 3000 persons might be there saved per Annum, who die for want of good accomodation. The whole is so close writt, that it will not bear Epitomizing, wherefore I rather recommend it to the Curious who cannot but be satisfied therewith. end.” H. P. 33 WINDSOR, Sep. 2ist 1686. I do hereby License these Ob- servations to be printed. Sunderland P. OBSERVATIONS •UPON THE CITIES O F LONDON AND ROME. By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Fellow of the Royal Society. LONDON, Printed for Henry Mortlocke, at the Phoenix, in St. PauVs Church-Yard, and J. Lloyd, in the middle Exchange next Salisbury in the Strand. 1687. 33--2 OBSERVATIONS UPON THE CITIES O F LONDON and ROME. I. '"T^HAT before the year 1630, the Christnings at JL London exceeded the Burials of the sameS but about the year 1655 they were scarce half; and now about two thirds ^ H 2. Before the Restauration of Monarchy in Efiglmid, 2 Anno 1660, the People of Paris were more than those of London and Dublin put together, whereas now, the People of London are more than those of Paris and Rome, or of Paris and Rouen^. ^ According to Graunt’s table (pp. 407 — 8), which was probably Petty’s source of information, this assertion is far from correct. In the twenty-five years from 1604 to 1630 the burials exceeded the christenings in sixteen instances, or including the plague burials in nineteen instances. 2 Year. Burials. Christenings. 1683 20,587 14,735 1684 23,202 14,702 1685 23,222 14,730 ^ As late as 1672 Graunt thought Paris more than one-fifth, but less than one-fourth larger than London (pp. 424). Petty, however, includes parishes which Graunt excluded (pp. 423, 457), and this may account for his transference to 1660 of the time when Paris exceeded London. 5 i8 Observations itpon the Cities of London and Rome. 3. Anno 1665 one fifth part of the then People of London, or 97 thousand died of the Plague^ and in the next year 1666, 13 thousand Houses or one fifth part of all the Housing of London were burnt also. 4. At the Birth of Christ, old Rome was the greatest 3 City of the World, and London the greatest || at the Coro- nation of King James the Second, and near 6 times as great as the present Rome, wherein are 119 thousand Souls besides Jews\ 5. In the years of King Charles the Second his death, and King James the Second his Coronation (which were neither of them remarkable for extraordinary Sickliness or Healthfulness) the Burials did wonderfully agree, viz. Anno 1684, they were 23202, and Anno 1685 they were 23222, the Medinm whereof is 23212. And the Christnings did very wonderfully agree also, having been Anno 1684, 14702, and Anno 1685, 14732, the Medium whereof is 14716^, which 4 consistence was |1 never seen before, the said number of 23212 Burials making the People of London to be 696360, at the rate of one Dying per animm out of 30. 6. Since the great Fire of London, Arino 1666 about 7 parts of 15 of the present vast City hath been new built, and is with its People increased near one half, and become equal to Paris and Rome put together, the one being the Seat of the great French Monarchy, and the other of the Papacy. FINIS. ^ In 1665 97,306 died, but only 68,596 were returned of the plague. 2 “A Rome il meurt plus de 3000 personnes par an parce qu’il y a plus de cent mil ames. I’annee passee il y en avoit 119825 sans les Juifs qui sont pres de trent milles. On meurt moins a Rome parce qu’il n’y a pas d’enfants a proportion des autres Villes, et bien des gens y vienent demurer ayant passe le temps auquel on meurt d’advantage. la sobriete et le soin qu’on a de la saute fait qu’on y meurt moins qu’en une Ville ou on est debauche.” Extract from a letter of IT. Justel to the Royal Society, read 27 October, 1686; Royal Society’s Letter Book, vol. X., p. 26. 2 14716 should be 14717. T I WHITE-HALL, Feb. 1 8th, 1 68^. Let this be printed. Stmderland P. FIVE ESSAYS I N V I Z. I. Objedlions from the City of Rey in Persia, and from Mons’^ Auzoiit, against two former Essays, answered, and that London hath as many People as Paris, Rome and Rotten put together. II. A Comparison between London and Paris in 14 particulars. III. Proofs that at London, within its 134 Parishes named in the Bills of Mortality, there live about 696 thousand People. IV. An estimate of the People in London, Paris, Amsterdam, Venice, Rome, Dublin, Bristoll and Rotten, with several observations upon the same. V. Concerning Holland and the rest of the VII United Provinces. By Sir WI LLI AM PETTY, Fellow of the Royal Society. Invidiam augendo tilciscar. L O N D ON, Printed for Henry Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Patd^s Church-yard. 1687. NOTE ON THE “FIVE ESSAYS.” At the session of the Royal Society 22 December, 1686, Petty produced a defence of the Two Essays. The defence was read and the author promised to lodge it with the Society*. The 29th December he gave in two notes about the magnitude of London and Paris, which were ordered with his leave to be printed I The two notes were accordingly published in the Philosophical Transactions for November and December, 1686^ under the caption of A further Assertion of the Propositions concerning the Magnitude of London, etc.'^ The first note is substantially identical with the first of the Five Essays as printed in 1687 and here reprinted — variations are indicated in the foot notes. The second note, reprinted on p. 537, is not unlike the theses of the Fourth Essay. At the next session of the Society, 5 January, 1687, Petty produced three more papers in answer to the objection of Mr. Auzout against his con- clusion that London was greater than Paris and Rouen taken together. He permitted them to be read and it was ordered that Justel’s pleasure should be known with regard to printing an extract of Auzout’s letter with Petty’s answers^ Justel sent the following interesting reply; Vendredy au soir. Ce billet est pour vous supplier Monsieur de ne vouloir pas mettre I’endroit de la lettre de Monsieur Auzout ou il parle de celuy qui luy a dit qu’il n’y a que vingt quatre mil maisons parceque ceci leur nuirait a tous deux et on me reprocherait d’estre cause de leur malheur. on est si delicat en france que la moindre chose ^ Birch, IV. 513. - Ibid. 516. ^ Vol. xvi. no. 185, pp. ■237 — 240. ^ Bibliography, 19. ® Birch, iv. 517. Note on the Five Essays. 523 qu’on trove disadvantageuse au pays chocque les gens ou les rend suspects, il faut mettre qu’on a dit a Monsieur Auzout qu’il n’y avait que vingt quatre mil maisons sans nommer celuy qui luy a dit. Vous en pouuez deuiner la raison. J’attends ce plaisir la de votre bonte et suis Vostre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur Justel. For Mr Edmond Halley to be left with Mr Henry Hunt at Gresham College in bishopgatestreet London. [Endorsed by Southwell] Mr Justel’s note read Jan. 26 i68|-l Accordingly no extract from Auzout’s letter was published with Petty’s three papers. The Five Essays were published in English and French on opposite pages, each version having its own pagination. The French, here omitted, is a fairly close translation of the English. They were reviewed in Leclerc’s Bibliotheque universelle et histoi’ique^ VIII. Mars, 1688. 1 Royal Society’s Letter Book Ji, letter no. TO THE KINGS Most Excellent MAJESTY. SIR, A/' Our Majesty having graciously accepted my two late Essays, about the Cities and Hospitals of London and Paris, as also my Observations on Rome and Ronen ; I do (after six Months^ waiting for what may be said against my several Do6lrines, by the able men of Europe) humbly pre-llsent Your Majesty with a few other Papers upon the same Subje6l, to strengthen, explain and enlarge the former ; hoping by such real arguments, better to praise and magnifie Your Majesty, than by any other the most specious Words and Elogies that can be imagined by Your Majesty s Most humble, loyal and obedient S'ubjedl, William Petty. ^ The Tzvo Essays were licensed the 26 August, 1686, the Five Essays the 18 February, 1687. The FIRST ESSAY. I I T could not be expe6led that an assertion of Londons being bigger than Paris and Ronen, or than Paris and Rome put together, and bigger than any City of the World, should scape uncontradidled^ ; and ’tis also expelled, that I (if continuing in the^ same persuasion) should make some reply to those contradi^lions. In order whereunto, I begin with the ingenious Authour of the ^Repnbliq des Lettres^^ who saith that Rey in Persia is far bigger than ^ The fact that the Two Essays were published in French and that an “extract” of them appeared in the Philosophical 7 'ransactions may have contributed something, perhaps, to the attention which they attracted on the continent ; their subject, however, doubtless had more to do with it. Pierre Bayle reviewed them in his Nouvelles de la Republiqiie des Lett 7 'es for October, 1686 (p. 1144 ff. , also in his Oeuvres diverses, pp. 661 — 662), and the Leipzig Acta ei'udilortwi for October, 1687, summarized his review in connection with its notice of Petty’s Further Assertioti. Bayle concludes, “ On attend quelques autres Pieces considerables de M. le Chevalier Petty, qui apparemment se verra critique bientot par quelque Savant de Paris.” It seems that Bayle’s conjecture must have been verified, for the 3rd November Justel communicated to the Royal Society that there was an answer published in France to Petty’s essay on the comparison between London and Paris, and in the s^me month Petty was told by the King that his Essays were answering in France, and by several others that the mightiest hammers there were battering his poor anvil. Birch, iv. 500, Fitzmaurice, 285. I have found no trace of these replies, nor anything to indicate that they ever came into Petty’s hands. (See “The Eighth Objection” in the Treatise of Irela 7 id, post). Bayle’s criticism, on the contrary, doubtless reached Petty in November, as the previous number of the Nouvelles, September, 1686, was received at the Royal Society 27 October, 1686. Birch, IV. 498. 2 1686, ‘ that.’ 3 1686, ‘ the Nouvelles de la RepubliqueP ^ Bayle, commenting on Petty’s assertion that London was the largest city in the world, asks, “ Mais que seroit-ce en comparaison de Rey, si tout ce que les Historiens de Perse en disent etoit veritable?” He then refers to his review of 526 Five Essays. 2 London, for that || in the sixth Century of Christianity (I suppose, An. 550 the middle of that Century) it had^ 15000, or rather 44000 Moschees, or Mahometan Temples; to which I reply, that I hope this Objedlor is but in jest, for that Mahomet was not born till about the year 570, and had no Moschees till about 50 years after. ^In the next place I reply to the excellent Monsr. AnzouF Letters from Rome, who is content that London, Westminster and Soicthwark, may have as many people as Paris and its Suburbs; and but faintly denieth, that all the Housing within the Bills, may have almost as many people as Paris and || Rouen, but saith that several Parishes inserted into these Bills, are distant from, and not contiguous with Londo 7 i, and that Grant so understood it^ The Travels of Sir John Chardin into Persia and the East Indies (London : Moses Pitt, 1686, f"), in the same number of the Nonvelles. The passage of Chardin (p. 387), which Bayle translates, runs thus: “Opposite to this [Ech-mouil] are to be seen some footsteps of that famous City of Rey, the biggest city in Asia The Persian Histories report, that in the time of Calife Medybilla-abou-Mohamed- Darvanich, who liv’d in the ninth Age of Christianism the City of Rey was divided into 96 Quarters, of which every one contained 46 streets, and every Street 400 Houses and ten Mosqnes Arabian writers affirm in like manner, that in the third Age of Muhametism, which is exactly at the same time, that Rey was the best peopl’d City in Asia.” This refers obviously to the ninth century, but Bayle summarizes “ elle [la Geographie Persane'\ porte qu’au 6. siecle du Christianisme la Ville de Rey etoit divisee,” etc. And it is exclusively against this chronological blunder, perhaps caused by a misprint, that Petty directs his answer to Bayle. ^ 1686, ‘An. 550, it had.’ ^ 1686: ‘The next is the excellent Monsieur Atizont from Rome, who is content that London, IVestmmster, and Southwark with the contigous Housing may have,’ etc. The French version of 1687 has, ‘ Ensuite je repons aux lettres que I’excellent Mr. Auzout ecrit de Londres.' In the 1699 edition “Lortdres” is altered to “Rome.” 3 Adrien Auzout, astronomer, was born at Rouen early in the seventeenth century. He was one of the first members of the Academie des Sciences, but lost his seat through an intrigue and went to Italy, dying at Rome in 1691. Auzout was a frequent correspondent of the Royal Society. Birch, iv. 162, 301 ; Philos. Trans, no. i, p. 3, no. 2, p. 18, no. 3, p. 36, no. 4, pp. 55, 56, 63, 68, 69, 74, no. 7, p. 120, no. 12, p. 203, no. 21, p. 373. His letter or letters here referred to are not preserved at the Royal Society, nor do I find any allusion to his letter of 19 November in Justel’s letters. Pie may have addressed himself to Petty directly. See p. 423. Extent of London. 527 To which (as his main if not his onely obje6lion)^ we answer: i. That the London Bills appear in Grants Book, to have been always since^ the year 1636, as they now are. 2. That about 50 years since, 3 or 4 Parishes, formerly some- what distant® were joyned by interposed Buildings, to the Bulk of the City, and therefore then inserted into the Bills. 3. That since 50 years, the whole || buildings being more 4 than double; have perfedled that Union, so as there is no House within the said Bills, from which one may not call to some other House. 4. All this is confirmed by Authority of the King and City, and the Custome of 50 years^ 5. That there are but 3 Parishes under any colour of this Exception, which are scarce part of the whole. Upon the whole matter, upon sight of Monsr. Au^onfs large Letter, dated the 19th of* November, from Rome, I made Remarques® upon every Paragraph thereof ; but sup- pressing it (because it lookt like a War against a worthy Per-|lson with® whom I intended none, whereas in truth it 5 was but a reconciling explication of some doubts) I have chosen the shorter and softer^ way of answering Monsieur Auzoiit as followeth, viz. || Concerning the number of People in Lo 7 idon, as also in 6 Paris, Rouen and Ro^rie, viz. Monsieur Auzoiit alledgeth an authentick Ac-" compt®, that there are 23223 Houses in Pains, wherein do live about 80 thousand Families, and therefore supposing 3J Families to live in every of the said Houses, one with another, the number 487,680 of Families will be 81280; and Monsr. Auzout also | allowing 6 Heads to each Family®, the utmost | ^ 1686, ‘his main, if not only Objection.’ 2 1686, ‘ to have been, since.’ ® 1686, ‘ formerly distant.’ ^ 1686, ‘ and so long custom.’ ‘ Of 50 years ’ was added in 1687. ^ 1686, ‘ Upon sight of Monsieur Auzouts large Letter, I made Remarques.’ ® 1686, ‘ against one with.’ ^ 1686, ‘sweeter.’ ® 1686, ‘ Register.’ ® Petty previously allowed eight heads to the tenanted house (p. 459) and later (p. 534), he assumed eight, ten or five according to social position. 528 Five Essays. number of People in Paris according to that opinion^ will be || The Medium of the Paris Burials was not denied^ by Monsr. Aiizoiit to be 19887, nor that^ there died 3506 unnecessarily out of U Hotel- Dieti \ where- fore dedudling the said last Number out of the former, the neat'‘ standard for Burials at Paris, will be 16381, so as the number of People there, allowing 491,430 but one to die out of 30 (which is more advantageous to Paris than Monsr. A?izout’s opinion of one to die out of 25) the number of People at Paris will be 8491,430, II more than by Monsr. Auzoitf^ own last mentioned Account. / And the Medium of the said 2 Paris acc^® is j 488,055 -^ The Medium of the London Burials is really® | 23212, which multiplied by 30 (as hath been done [ 696,360 for Paris) the number of the People there will be || J 9 The number of Houses at London appears by' the Register to be 105,315, whereunto adding jL part of the same, or 1033 H, as the least number of double Families that can be supposed in London, I 695,076 the total of Families will be 115,840®; and allowing 6 heads for each Family as was done for Paris, the total of the People at London will be The Medium of the two last London Accounts ) is II I 695,718 ^ 1686, ‘ to M. Auzout’s opinion.’ ^ 1686, ‘ was allowed by.’ ^ 1686, ‘and that.’ ^ 1686, ‘ Number, the neat.’ ^ 488,055 should be 489,555 ; this mistake, continued through the subse- quent calculations, gives rise to errors that are mentioned in the notes. But accepting Petty’s mistaken “ medium of the said two Paris accounts,” his calculations are correct. ® “Really” apparently refers to Petty’s previous use (p. 506) of 22,337 the medium of London burials. He gets this new and higher medium by taking the years 1684 and 1685 only, instead of 1683 — 85, as in the Two Essays. ^ 1686, ‘part or 10531.’ The ‘ 10,331 ’ of the 1687 edition is a misprint for 10,531- ® 1 1 5,840 is a misprint for 1 1 5,846. Extent of London. 529 So as^ the People of Paris according] to the above account^ is I ’ I Of Rotten according to Monsr. A uzotifs utmost demands Of Rome according to his own report ] thereof in a former Letter^ || J 80,000 25,000 693.055 So as there are more People at London than at Paris, Rotten and Rome by Metnorandttm, That the Parishes of Islington, ^ Nezvington and Hackney, for which onely there is any colour of Non-contiguity, is not part of what is contained, in the Bills of Mortality, and consequently London, without the said 3 Parishes, hath® more |1 People than Paris and Rotten put together, by ®Which number of 114,284 is probably more People than any other City of France contains. || 2,663* 114,284- ^ 1686 omits ‘ So as.’ ^ 1686, ‘ the above-said Account.’ ‘ 488,055 ’ should be 489,555. ^ ‘ 693,055 ’ should be 694,555. ® 1686 omits ‘in a former letter,’ which may imply that a second letter, making the first ‘ former,’ was received from Auzout between the publication of this essay in the Philos. Trans, and its issue in book form. ® ‘ 2663 ’ should be 1163. ^ ‘ 1 14,284 ’ should be 1 12,784. ^ 1686, ‘without them, hath.’ ® 1686 omits the last paragraph ‘ Which... contains,’ and concludes with the ‘several other estimates’ printed on p. 537. H. P. 34 13 The SECOND ESSAY. S for other Comparisons of London with Paris, we farther Jr\. repeat and enlarge what hath been formerly said upon those matters, as followeth, viz, 1. That 40 per Cent, die out of the Hospitals at Paris where so many die unnecessarily, and scarce 2^^ of that proportion out of the Hospitals of Lo 7 idon, which have been shewn to be better than the best of Paris. 2. That at Paris 81280 Kitchins, are within less than 14 24000 11 Street-doresh which makes less cleanly and convenient way of living than at London. 3. Where the number of Christnings are near unto, or exceed the Burials, the People are poorer, having few Servants and little Equipage. 4. The river of Thames is more pleasant and navigable than the Seyne, and its Waters better and more wholesome; and the Bridge of London, is the most considerable of all Europe. 5. The Shipping and foreign Trade of Londo 7 i is incom- parably greater than that at Pa 7 'is and Ronen. || 15 6. The Lawyers Chambers at L^o 7 ido 7 i have 2772 Chimnies in them, and are worth 140 thousand Pounds sterling, or 3 millions of French Livers, besides the dwellings of their Families elsewhere. 7. The Air is more wholesome, for that at Lo 7 ido 7 i scarce 2 of 16 die out of the worst Hospitals, but at Pa 7 'is above 2 ^ On the basis of one kitchen for each of Auzout’s families and one street door for each of his 23,233 houses, see p. 527. Londo 7 i and Paris. 531 of 15 out of the best. Moreover the Burials of Paris are i part above and below the Medium, but at London not above y^ 2 > so as the intemperies of the Air at Paris is far greater than at Lo^idon. 8 . The Fuel cheaper, and lies in less room, the Coals being an || wholesome sulphurous bitumen. 16 9. All the most necessary sorts of Vi6luals, and of Fish, are cheaper, and Drinks of all sorts in greater variety and plenty. 10. The Churches of London we leave to be judg’d by thinking that nothing at Paris is so great as St. Pard'^ was, and is like to be, nor so beautifull as Henry the seventh’s Chapel. 11. On the other hand, ’tis probable, that there is more Money in Paris than Lo 7 ido 7 i, if the publick Revenue (grosly speaking, |j quadruple to that of E 7 igia 7 id) be lodged there. 17 12. Paris hath not been for these last 50 years so much infested with the Plague as Lo 7 ido 7 i ; now that at Lo 7 ido 7 i the Plague (which between the year 1591 and 1666, made 5 returns, viz. every 15 years, at a Medium, and at each time carried away i of the People) hath not been known for the 21 years last past, and there is a visible way by God’s ordinary Blessing to lessen the same by | when it next appearethk 13. As to the Ground upon which Paris stands in respedt of London, we say, that if there be 5 Stories || or Floors of 18 Housing at Paris, for 4 at Lo 7 ido 7 i, or in that proportion, then the 82 thousand Families of Paris stand upon the equivalent of 65 thousand Lo 7 ido 7 i Housteds, and if there be 1 15 thousand Families at Lo 7 ido 7 i, and but 82 thousand at Paris, then the proportion of the Lo 7 ido 7 i Ground to that of Paris is as 115 to 65, or as 23 to 13. 14. Moreover Paris is said to be an Oval of 3 English Miles long and 2 \ broad, the Area whereof contains but square Miles ; but Lo 7 ido 7 t is 7 Miles long, and ij broad at a Medium, which makes an Area of near 9 square Miles, which proportion of 5|- to 9 differs little from that of 13 to 23. || ^ Probably an allusion to Petty’s plan ‘Of Lessening ye Plagues of London.’ See Verbum Sap., p. 109, note. 34—2 532 Five Essays. 19 1 5. Memorandtim, That in Nerd’s, time, as Monsr. Chivreau reporteth\ there died 300 thousand People of the Plague in Old Rome \ Now if there died 3 of 10 then, and there, being a hotter Countrey, as there dies 2 of 10 at London, the number of People at that time, was but a million, whereas at London they are now about 700 thousand. Moreover the Ground within the Walls of Old Rome was a Circle but of 3 Miles diameter, whose Area is about 7 square Miles, and the Suburbs scarce as much more, in all about 13 square Miles, whereas the built Ground at London is about 9 square 20 Miles as 1 | aforesaid ; which two sorts of proportions, agree with each other, and consequently Old Rome seems but to have been half as big again as the present London, which we offer to Antiquaries. || ^ Petty’s use of Chevreau’s estimate argues no knowledge of the Histoire dll Monde (Paris, 1686, 2 v. 4°) beyond what he might have drawn from Bayle’s words, “ II s’etend beaucoup sur la magnificence de Rome II croit qu’il s’y est trouve pres de quatre millions d’habitans, & il reporte que les trois cens mille personnes qui y moururent de peste en une Automne sous le regne de Neron, ne firent pas remarquer que le nombre des habitans fut devenu moindre, Repiiblique des Lettres, Nov., 1686, Oeuvres, i. 680. The THIRD ESSAY. 21 P Roofs that the number of People in the 134 Parishes of the London Bills of Mortality, without reference to other Cities, is about 696 thousand, viz. I know but three ways of finding the same. I. By the Houses, and Families, and Heads living in each. 2. By the number of Burials in healthfull times, and by the proportion of those that live, to those that die. || 3. By the number of those who die of the Plague in 22 Pestilential years, in proportion to those that scape. The First way. To know the number of Houses I used three methods, viz. I. The number of Houses which were burnt Anno 1666, which by authentick Report was 13200; next what proportion the People who dyed out of those Houses, bore to the whole ; which I find Anno 1686, to be but f part, but Anno 1666 to be almost J, from whence I infer the whole Housing of London || Anno 1666 to have been 66 thousand, then finding 23 the Burials Anno 1666 to be to those of 1686 as 3 to 4, I pitch upon 88 thousand to be the number of Housing Anno 1686. 2. Those who have been employed in making the general Map^ of London, set forth in the year 1682, told me that in ^ Petty twice refers to a map of London “ set forth in the year 1682 ” (see also p. 542), but no such map can be found at the British Museum. Mr C. H. Coote, of the Department of Maps, thinks it probable that the map which Petty used was Ogilby and Morgan’s. This map was published with the title : A lat'ge and 534 Five Essays. that year, they had found above 84 thousand Houses to be in London, wherefore Anno 1686, or in 4 years more, there might be Jq or 8400 Houses more {Londoji doubling in 40 years) so as the whole, Aimo 1686 might be 92400. || 24 3. I found that Anno 1685, there were 29325 Harths in Dublin, and 6400 Houses, and in London 388 thousand Harths, whereby there must have been at that rate 87000 Houses in Londoji. Moreover I found that in Bristol there were in the same year 16752 Harths, and 5307 Houses, and in London 388 thousand Harths as aforesaid ; at which rate there must have been 123 thousand Houses in Lo 7 idon, and at a Medium between Dublin and Bristol proportions 105 thousand Houses. Lastly, By Certificate from the Harth-Ofifice, I find the Houses within the Bills of Mortality to be 105,315.11 25 Having thus found the Houses, I proceed next to the number of Families in them, and first I thought that if there were 3 or 4 Families or Kitchins in every House of Paris, there might be 2 Families in of the Housing of London', unto which supposition, the common opinion of several Friends, doth concur with my own conjedlures. As to the number of Heads in each Family, I stick to Grant' ?> observation in page ^ of his fifth Edition, That in Tradesmen of London's Families, there be 8 Heads one with 26 another, in Families of higher Ranks, above 10, || and in the poorest near 5, according to which proportions, I had upon another occasion*'* pitch’d the medium of Heads in all the Families of E^igland to be 61, but quitting the Fra6lion in this Case, I agree with Monsieur Auzout for 6. accurate map of the city of London Ichnographically Describing all the Streets, Lanes, Alleys, Courts, Yards, Churches, Halls and Houses, dr. Actually Surveyed and Delineated By John Ogilby Esq. dedicated and presented by ...William Morgan, and was accompanied by a descriptive text entitled London Survey'd: or, an explanation of the large map of London. Giving a Particular Account Of the Streets and Lanes, in the City and Liberties. By John Ogilby d William Morgan, His Majesty's Cosmographers. London, Fruited and Sold at the Authors House In White Fryers, 1677. So far as I can discover, neither the map nor the text makes any calculation of the population or of the houses of London. ^ Page 82 of the fifth ed., p. 385 of this reprint. “ In some ealculation now probably lost. Burials at Lo 7 tdon. 535 To conclude, the Houses of London being 1053 15, and the addition of double Families 1053 1 more, in all 115846; I multiplied the same by 6, which produced 695076 for the number of the People. The Second way. I found that the years 1684 and 1685, being next each other, and 1| both healthfull, did wonderfully agree in their 27 Burials, viz. 1684 they were 23202, and A71710 1685 23222, the Medium whereof is 23212; Moreover that the Christnings 1684 were 14,702, and those A71710 1685 were 14730, wherefore I multiplied the Medium of Burials 23212 by 30, supposing that one dies out of 30 at Lo 7 ido 7 t, which made the number of People 696,360 Souls h Now to prove that one dies out of 30 at Londo 7 t, or thereabouts, I say, 1. That G 7 'a 7 it in the ^ page of his fifth Edition, affirmeth from observation, that 3 died of 88 per || a 7 i. which 28 is near the same proportion. 2. I found that out of healthfull places, and out of adult persons, there dies much fewer, as but i out of 50 among our Parliament men, and that the Kings of E 7 igland having reigned 24 years one with another, probably lived above 30 years each. 3. Gra 7 it, page hath shewn that but about i of 20 die per a 7 i. out of young Children under 10 years old, and Monsr. Auzout thinks that but i of 40 die at Ro 77 te, out of the greater proportion of adult persons there, wherefore we still stick at a Medium to the number 30. 1 | 4. In 9 Countrey Parishes lying in several parts of 29 E 7 igla 7 id, I find that but one of 37 hath died per a 7 i. or 311 out of 1 1 507, wherefore till I see another round number, ^ Cf. p. 506, where, by averaging more years, Petty gets a smaller population. ^ Page 82 of the fifth ed., p. 385 of this reprint. Graunt says that 3 died out of 1 1 families and guesses that the families have, one with another, 8 members. ^ Graunt makes no such assertion. Petty’s proposition appears to be a guess which may find some slight support on pp. 386 — 387 of Graunt. 536 Five Essays. grounded upon many observations, nearer than 30, I hope to have done pretty well in multiplying our Burials by 30, to find the number of the People, the produ6l being 696,360, and what we find by the Families they are 695,076, as aforesaid. The Third way. It was prov’d by Gra 7 id, that -t of the People died of the 30 Plague, but Anno 1665 there died of the || Plague near 98 thousand persons^ the Quintuple whereof is 490 thousand, as the number of People in the year 1665, whereunto adding above J, as the increase between 1665 and 1686, the total is 653 thousand, agreeing well enough with the other two Computations above mentioned. Wherefore let the proportion of i to 30 continue till a better be put in its place. Meniorandimi^ That 2 or 3 hundred new Houses would make a Contiguity of 2 or 3 other great Parishes, with the 134 already mentioned in the Bills of Mortality ; and that an oval Wall of about 20 Miles in compass would enclose the || 31 same, and all the Shipping at Deptfo^E and Blaek-wall, and would also fence in 20 thousand Acres of Land, and lay the foundation or designation of several vast advantages to the Owners, and Inhabitants of that Ground, as also to the whole Nation and Government. || ^ Graunt does not say this. 2 In 1665 there died in all 97,306, whereof 68,596 of the plague. On this basis, Petty’s method would give a population of about 460,000 in 1686, agreeing ill enough with the other two computations above mentioned. The FOURTH ESSAYS. 32 Co 7 tceriiing the proportions of People in the 8 eminent Cities of Christendom undernamed^ viz. I. TT 7 E have by the number of Burials in healthfull V V years, and by the proportion of the living to those who die yearly, as also by the number of Houses and Families within the 134 Parishes, called London, and the estimate of the Heads in each, pitch’d upon the number of People in that City to be at a Medium 695718. || 2. We have, by allowing that at Paris above 80 thousand 33 Families {viz. 81280) do live in 23223 Houses, 32 Palaces, and 38 Colleges, or that there are 81,280 Kitchins within less than 24 thousand Street-dores ; as also by allowing 30 Heads for every one that died necessarily there ; we have pitch’d upon the number of People there at a Medium to be 488055, nor have we restrained them to 300 thousand, by allowing with Monsr. Anzont 6 Heads for each of Morerfs 50 thousand Houses or Families. ^ This essay is outlined in the “Several other Estimates” which Petty appended to the earliest publication of the Ftrs^ Essay (p. 5^2) viz. I. That London alone is equal to Paris, Roven, and Rome, as aforesaid. II. That London, Bristol, and Dublin are equal to Paris, Amsterdam, and Venice. III. That London alone is to Amsterdain, Venice, and Roven as 7 to 4. IV. That London and Bristol are equal to any four Cities of Finance. V. That Dublin is probably equal to the second best City, of any Kingdom or State in Christendome. VI. That London, for ought appears, is the greatest City of the World, but manifestly the greatest Emporium. 538 Five Essays. 3. To Amsterdam we allow 187350 Souls, viz. 30 times the number of their Burials, which were 6245 in the year 1685. II 34 4. To Venice we allow 134 thousand Souls, as found there in a special account taken by authority, about 10 years since, when the City abounded with such as returned from Candia, then surrendered to the Tnrks^. 5. To Rome we allow 119 thousand Christians and 6000 Jews, in all 12.5 thousand Souls, according to an account sent hither of the same by Monsr. Anzonf. 6. To Dublin we allow (as to Amsterdant) 30 times its Burials, the Medium whereof for the last 2 years is 2303, viz. 69090 Souls. II 35 7. As to Bristol^ we say that if the 6400 Houses of Dublin, give 69,090 People, that the 5307 Houses of Bristol, must give above 56 thousand People ; Moreover, if the 29325 Harths of Dublin give 69,090 People, the 16,752 Harths of Bristol, must give about 40 thousand ; but the Medium of 56 thousand and 40 thousand is 48 thousand. 8. As for Rouen, we have no help, but Monsr. Auzoufs fancy of 80 thousand Souls to be in that City, and the conjedlure of knowing Men that Rouen is between the -f and \ part of Paris, and also that it is by a third bigger than 2,6 Bristol', By all which, we estimate || (till farther light) that Rouen hath at most but 66 thousand People in it. Now it may be wondred why we mentioned Rouen at all, ^ In the Commonplace book of Petty’s friend Dr Ent at the Royal Society (MSS. vol. 83) is a memorandum (pp. 78 — 79) of the number of inhabitants of Venice. The classes enumerated are noblemen, merchants, servants, artificers, beggars, friars, nuns, priests, poor in hospitals, Jews. In most cases they are distinguished as male and female, and the number of their children, male and female, is also given. The total is 134,801. If Petty’s authority be, as seems not improbable, the same as that used by Ent, the chronology is confused. He was writing in 1686 or 1687. Candia surrendered nearly 20 years before, the special account is said by Ent to have been taken more than 20 years before the sur- render, and Yriarte appears to assign it to the year 1582. La vie d'tai patricien de Venise, p. 72. Unfortunately I have no present access to such authoritative books as might determine the question. The Present State of Venice, by J. Gailhard (1669) .says that the city contains above 300,000 souls. See p. 529, and note 5. Population of Various Cities. 539 having had so little knowledge of it ; Whereunto we answer, that we did not think it just to compare London with Paris., as to Shipping and foreign Trade, without adding Rouen thereunto, Rouen being to Paris as that part of London which is below the Bridge, is to what is above it. All which we heartily- submit to the corredlion of the Curious and || Candid, in the mean time observing according 37 to the Gross numbers undermentioned. m. London 696 Paris 488 A ms ter dam 187 Venice 134 Ro7ne 125 Dublin 69 Bristoll 48 Rouen 66 II Observatio7is on the said 8 Cities. 38 m. 1. That the People of Paris being 488 of Rome 125 of Rouen 66 do make in all but 679 thousand, or 17 thousand less than the 696 thousand of London alone. 2. That the People of the 2 English Cities and Em- poriums, viz. of London 696 thousand, and Bristol 48 thousand, do make 744 thousand, or more than m. In Paris 488 A msterdaiPi 187 Rouen 66 Being in all 741 || 540 Five Essays. 3. That the same 2 English Cities seem equivalent To Paris, which hath 488 thous. Souls. To Rouen 66 To Lyons 100 To TJwulose 90 In all 744 If there be any Errour in these Conje6lures concerning these Cities of Fra^ice, we hope they will be mended by those whom we hear to be now at work upon that matter^. 1| 4. That the King of England's, 3 Cities, viz. m. m. London 696) T 3 567 Now if the Charge of England could be defray’d for 1300 Thousand Pounds per Ann. in Times of Peace, and that of Ireland with 200 Thousand Pounds, and that of Scotland with 68 Thousand Pounds (the J of Ireland) in all with 1568 Thousand Pounds per Ann. the Overplus would be 1108 Thousand Pounds. Now for as much as in England there has not been found, for these many years, more than one Year of Warr to 3 of Peace, the said Overplus of 1108 Thousand Pounds for three Y ears of Peace would be 3324 Thousand Pounds : Which added to the Yearly Revenue of 2676 Thousand Pounds will make a Stock of 6 Millions for the Year of Warr: Which is thrice as much as has been spent in any late Year of Warr, and consequently sufficient for all Uses in View. We further say that because the King’s Revenue in Ireland is at present 270 Thousand Pounds neat ; and because but 80 Thousand Pounds thereof is by this New Model to be spent in Ireland ; It follows that 190 Thousand Pounds more must be paid him in England out of the 1500 Thousand Pounds above-mentioned to be sent thither. And moreover because the Church-Benefices of Ireland are 120 Thousand Pounds per Ann. whereof onely 20 Thou- sand Pounds, by this new Model, is to be spent by the Clergy in Ireland ; It follows that the remaining 100 Thousand Pounds be transferred to Church Uses in England : And consequently when 290 Thousand Pounds of 1500 Thousand Pounds shall be paid to the King and Church, there will remain 1210 Thousand Pounds payable to the Owners of Irish Lands and Stock, who live in England. CHAP. VI. I F the Charge of the Clergy in Ireland be now 120 Thousand Pounds per Ann. and after the Transplantation no more • than 20 Thousand Pounds, then there will be 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. overplus; which will afford 100/. per Ann. to 1000 Divines dissenting from the Authoriz’d Religion, 568 Treatise of Ireland. whose Business may be, to keep Peace among their Flocks, and dispose them to Obedience towards their Sovereign. Lastly, if the Lands of all England increase from 49 to 64, or from 3 to 4, those of the Church will do the same also. CHAP. VII. How to take away all the Evils arising from Diffe- rences of Births, ExtraTlions, Languages, Matiners, Cus- toms, Religion, and Laws, and Pretence whatsoever. 1. ^ I ■'Here is no Person or Party in Ireland, of what Jl religion soever, who denies the King of England to be King of Ireland also. 2. Whereas there are Disputes concerning the Superior- ity of Parliament ; now there will need no Parliament in Ireland to make Laws among the Cow-Herds and Dairy- Women: Nor indeed will there be any Peers, or Free-holders, at all in Ireland, whereof to make a Parliament. 3. There will be little Pomp or Expence in the Chief Governor &c. the onely Business being to regulate the simple Cattle Trade to the best common Advantage. 4. The Courts of Judicature may be much abated, for that there will be little or no Variety of Cases or Actions. 5. The Officers of Ports will need onely to keep an Account of Exportation, where there are no Importations, or very little or simple. 6. The Work of the Clergy will require little intricate Learning or School-Divinity. 7. The 267 Thousand Catholicks may be such as can all speak English, and who will take English Names. 8. The Lands upon the down-Survey, may also have English Names put upon them. 9. The Transplanters into England may do the same. 10. The 300 Thousand left in Ireland are all Servants to • those who live in England, having no Property of their own, in Land or Stock. 569 Ireland after Petty s Transplantation. 0 - Money need be but little and that Local. 12. Cloths may be uniform, and withal equal, and also most commodious for the People’s Employments. 13. The Catholic Priests may be English-men. 14. The 15000 militia^ Men being of the whole Number of Men, may serve by Turns as Soldiers every tenth Year. 15. The 4000 Men at Sea in 40 small Ships are enough to begirt Ireland, or to keep a Guard between the North of Ireland and Scotland : as also between Scilly and Kingsale, as the beginning of a real Mare Clausum^. 16. The Lands may be valu’d according to the annual Increase of Flesh produceable from the same, restraining and reducing all other Respedls to that one. 17. Controversies concerning Estates in Ireland, may be determined in England, where the Pretenders are now to Live. 18. Whereas it may be offensive to make Estimates of the Number of Men slain in Ireland^ for the last 516 Years ; and of the Value of the Money and Provisions, sent out of England thither ; Of the Charge of the last Warr begun Anno 1641 ; The Value of the Wasting and Dispeopling the Countrey, Charges at Law for the last 30 Years &c. We say that the same may be all spared. Since all may be probably remedied and forgotten by the Means and Methods above-mentioned. 1 ‘militia’ inserted by Petty. 2 See note on p. 573. ^ The Polit. Anat., which contains such estimates, (pp. 150, 151) was not published when Petty wrote. On p. 608 he handles the subject somewhat gingerly. 570 Treatise of Ireland. CHAP. VIII. Hoiv the Names, Boiuids, Titles, and V allies, of Lands may be settled and ascertained ; with Remedy of the Miscarriages, ivhich have happened in the 35 Years last past in the Disposnres of them. 1. T Et the down-Survey be finished according to the J — ^ Clause in the 73d. Page of the Explanatory Act, and a certain Number of Denominations be pitched upon to be onely used in Public Instruments and Conveyances ; and let the Spellings of each be also ascertained and published, and withal to every Surround upon the Plotts and down- Survey be added an English Name. 2. Let all controverted Bounds, be perambulated by the Persons concern’d, and the Determination of them be described by the Chain and Needle. 3. Let all remaining Wrangles about the title be deter- mined in England by indifferent Persons, without respedl to Nation and Religion, and then well and clearly registred. 4. Let the Value of each Denomination be expressed by the Increase of Flesh producible from the same at a Medium of 7 Years, reducing all other Qualities into that onely. 5. Let the Number of Years Purchase be determined by the common Voice of both Nations, to be renewed every 7 Years. 6. And let there be a Registry of all these Matters and of all Alienations from Hand to Hand. Memorandum. That it may, as an Objedlion, be asked, Why a Million of People might not rather be sent out of England into Ireland, to raise the Number in Ireland from 4 to 7, and reduce-that of England from 7 to 6. I answer. No. For the Value of Lands in England being 220 Millions, the Taking away one Million of it’s 7 Millions of Inhabitants would lessen it’s Value from 49 to 36, or from 4 to 3 to the Loss of 55 Millions. And the Value of the Lands of Ireland Stimmary. 571 being but 12 Millions, the Increase of its Inhabitants would but raise it’s Value from 16 to 49 or from i to 3, and make it rise from 12 to 36 Millions, to the Gain of 24 Millions for Ireland, & y® Loss of 55 from England. Whereas the Transplantation of a Million into England gains 100 Millions in Common to England and Ireland, and 10 Millions in special to Ireland, besides many other Benefits to both Nations, which do not fall under the Computation of Numbers. From hence may be drawn a General Rule to compute the Profits or Loss of Sending People, out of England or Ireland, to the American Colonies, and indeed from any City or Countrey to another, whose Value and People are known. CHAP. IX. A Repetition and Enlargement of zvJiat has been here said. 1. ' I ''Hat the Present Number of Roman Catholicks in -L England may be increased from 25 Thousand to 915 Thousand, or from one to above 36, without forcing any Man’s Conscience. 2. That the People of England and Ireland may gain 3^ Millions per Ann. out of the Earth and Sea, and from Foreign Nations ; and that England may get from Ireland Million more : In all 5 Millions per Ann. by this Atchiev- ment. 3. That the King’s Revenue in England and Ireland may be advanced from 2070 Thousand Pounds to 2520 Thousand Pounds: And by Addition of 156 Thousand Pounds per Ann. from Scotland to 2676 Thousand Pounds in all. 4. That the Charge of the Whole Government in Time of Peace may be possibly defrayed for 1568 Thousand Pounds, Leaving an Overplus of 1108 Thousand Pounds per Ann. 5. That there being 3 Years of Peace in these Nations 572 Treatise of Ireland. for one of Warr, the said 3 Years Overplus will be 3324 Thousand Pounds ; which, added to 2676 Thousand Pounds, will make a Bank of 6 Millions Pounds for the one Year of War. 6. That the said 2676 Thousand Pounds per Ann. will not be the 2V of the Expence of the Nation ; and there- fore so far from being intolerable, that it will scarce be a sensible Burthen. 7. That what was said of Bringing a Million of People into England out of Ireland, and Leaving 300 Thousand Heardsmen &c. behind ; may be apply’d to Scotland, by bringing 300 Thousand People out of the High-Lands into the Low-Lands or England, and leaving 100 Thousand Herdsmen behind in the High-Lands, or Northermost Third Part of that Countrey. 8. Upon this Transplantation, join’d with the former, the People inhabiting in England and Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, will be 9300 Thousand ; And their Expence, at 61 . 13^-. 4<^. per Head will be 62 Millions per Ann. the Part whereof is above 3 Millions per Ann. and much above the 2676 Thousand Pounds above-mentioned for the Public Revenue. 9. When the whole People shall be 9300 Thousand, as above-said, the English, Scotch, and Irish, Catholicks, living among them, will be near 920 Thousand, or near of the whole, whilst in the High-Lands of Scotland there may be no Catholicks at all, keeping 267 Thousand in Ireland. 10. The above-mentioned Provision of 6 Millions for a Year of Warr will maintain triple the greatest Land-Army and Sea-P'leet, that have (at any Time) been seen in or about England, with all the Civil Charges beside. 1 1. There will be, in this new Kingdom of 9300 Thousand Inhabitants about 2300 Thousand Males naturally able to bear Arms, of which the Part, or 230 Thousand may be spared and supported for the Purpose, being enough for the greatest Extremity in view. 12. The Church-Lands and Tyths in England will by this Transplantation improve, as all other Lands, from 49 to Summary. 573 64, or from 3 to 4: Besides the Addition of 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. to be transferred from the Church of Ireland to that of England for extraordinary Uses. 13. Of the 200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. allotted for the Guard of Ireland 120 Thousand Pounds is intended for 4000 Seamen in 40 small Ships sufficient to begirt Ireland ; and to guard 2 Lines : The one between the North of Ireland and Scotland, the other between Kingsale and Silly, Which, with two Lines more, the one from Ushent in France to Silly, and the other from the North of Scotland to Norway, will make a real Mare Clausum never yet described. 14. It follows from the Premisses, That it is not the Interest of England to seek more Territory, nor to send Auxiliary Men to their Allies, worth (being all able bodied Men) about 100/. per Head : Few such having been observ’d to come back when once sent out. 1 5. Consequently England may still think of being Sovereign within a Mare Clausum^ the Profit and Loss whereof is handled elsewhere^ 16. The Lands of Ireland, by ascertaining their Names, Bounds, Titles, and Values, and by the Simplicity of Trade here propounded, will be made a better Material for Money than Gold and Silver, as far less subject to Abuses; as also Usury will be thereby lessened. 17. The Manners, Habits, Language, and Customs of the Irish (without Prejudice to Religion) will be transmuted into English, within less than an Age, and all Old Ani- mosities forgotten. 18. The insnaring Questions, between England and Ireland, about the Supremacy of Parliament ; the Multitude of Law-Suits ; the Vexations about Levying the King’s Reve- nue ; the Irregularities of Coins, and the Want of the same for Trade, will all, or the most part, cease and be abolished. 19. Where 5 Millions of Profit rises (as is here propounded) from the Earth and Sea, the consequent or concomitant Profit arising from the Labors of the People ^ Petty’s discussion of this subject appears to be lost. 574 Treatise of Ireland. is (Generally speaking) Triple to the same, and should in this case be 1 5 Millions more. But where Land is cheap, the Rent is scarce ^ and the Labor is above Wherefore we say in Ireland the Expence of the People is 6500 Thousand Pounds, the Rent of Land almost ^ of the same, or 1200 Thousand Pounds : The Labor of the People to the said Rent as 7 to 2, or 4200 Thousand Pounds. And the rest, being 1100 Thousand Pounds, for the Interest of the Stock of all sorts. And in England the Expence of the People is 47 Millions, the Rent of the Land ii Millions; the Labor of the People to the said Lands as 5 to 2, or 27^ Millions of the whole : And the remaining Millions, is for the Interest of the Stock or Personal Estates. So as when England shall gain I Part of 1 1 Millions by the Rent of Land, it shall gain of the same Summ by the Labor of the People, vizt. about 3 Millions and 920 Thousand Pounds per Annum.^ An Appendix of Objections to this Essay, WITH Answers to the same. First that the Transplantation of a Million of People is Impracticable and Utopian. Answer. 1st. It has been already said that the Charges thereof needs not to exceed 20 Shillings per head at a Medium between Poor and Rich, Great and Small ; and from the Middle of Ireland to the Middle of England supposed to be 120 Miles of Land in^ Distance. 2. Forty small Vessels of about Sixty Tuns each (which are easily had) will perform this whole Work in Five Years Time. ^ Plere follows. In Adcll. MS. 21 128, Another Vietu of the same Matters., which is printed after “the eighth objection,” p. 606. Cf. p. 54 ^- “ MS. ‘ and,’ altered by Petty. The Cattle Trade. 575 3. The Freight per head need not exceed Two Shillings, and the Travelling Charges by Land at one Penny per Mile needs not be above Ten Shillings, Leaving Eight Shillings for Extraordinaries. 4. There will be found Undertakers enough, to regulate this Matter, and bring the Charges thereof to a Certainty, which may amount to 200 Thousand Pounds per Ann. to be advanced for Five Years out of the Public Revenue, and reimbursed, as shall elsewhere be shewn. The second Obje6lion, That the Cattle-Trade above- propounded is also impra6licable. Answer. 1. The Lands and Cattle are the same as now, wanting onely a new Application to each other. 2. A Council of Fitting Persons must make this Applica- tion, by Pitching the Number of each Species of Cattle, for every Sort of Land within the whole^ Territory of Ireland. 3. The same may pitch the Number of Cow-Herds, Shepherds, Dairy-Women, Slaughter Men and others, which are fit and sufficient to manage the Trade of exported Cattle dead or alive, of Hydes, Tallow, Butter and Cheese, Wool and Sea- Fish &c. 4. To appoint the Foreign Markets and Ports where each Commodity is to be shipped and sold, to provide Shipping and to keep Account of the Exportation above- mentioned, and of the imported Salt, Tobacco, with a few other Necessarys. 5. When the whole Number, to be left in Ireland, is adjusted, then to pitch how many of them shall be English, or such as can speak English, and how many Irish, how many Catholiques^ and how many others, without any other respe6l, than the Management of this Trade, for the common Good of all the Owners of these Lands, and it’s Stock indifferently. 6. Forasmuch as it is intended to allow each Servant to this Trade 20 Nobles per Ann. out of the Grand Commodities ^ ‘ whole ’ inserted by Petty. 2 ‘how many Catholiques’ inserted by Petty. 576 Treatise of Ireland. aforenamed, It is also intended to allow them Land for Corn and Gardenagc with River-Fishing, Wild-Fowl and Hunting. 7. To keep up Part of the negle6led Houses, till Eng- land be fully Peopled with 12 Millions (vizt) at 3 Acres per head. 8. To appoint the Foot-Militia and Horse-Guards. 9. To carry away the Young Children and superannuated Persons. The 3d Obje6lion, That Men will not conform to this Change, tho’ tending to the General, and their own Particular, Good, out of a mere Caprice and Perverseness. Answer. [i.] If the Owners of Ireland may hereby raise their Con- cernments from 2 to 3 in Value, If the Landlords of England may hereby increase the Worth of their Lands from 3 to 4, And if the King may advance his Revenue from 4 to 5 ; and that the Church may receive a Supplyment out of Ireland of 100 Thousand Pounds per Ann. I suppose that particular Men will not long persist in their Perverseness and Humor; Or (if they do) that a Parliament of England, may cure this Evil, in both Kingdoms, as kind Parents may correct the Children whom they Love. 2. And when such a Law is made, it is possible within Six Months to give a List of all the Terr-Tenants in Ireland, who are to be removed, and of the lands they hold ; with the Yearly Value thereof. And within Six Months more, to make a Particular of the Lands in England, by the Names, Quantity, Situations, and Values, correspondent to the said Tenures and Occupancies in Ireland, if men shall humorously refuse to agree otherwise. 3. It hath been already said, that besides the Advantages abovementioned, the Inhabitants of England shall receive one Million and a half per Ann. out of Ireland, above what hitherto they have done ; Which is more than England gains by Foreign Trade from all the rest of the World. 4. I further add that the Million of Transplantees out of Ireland, will after their having been Seven Years in England, Union of Ireland ivitJi England. 577 become worth above 30/. per head more than at present, in all 30 Millions. Memorandum, That this Proposal inferrs no Forcing any Irish ^ Proprietors to sell their Estate in Ireland, but encourages the King to buy of them, who are voluntarily pleased to sell at the present Market-Rate. It is also to be noted, That as the Method here propounded shall make the Value of Ireland to rise from 2 to 3 above what the same was worth Anno 1684. So the late Changes, which we hope are repairable^ have made the same fall from 3 to 2, and consequently the Difference between the present Proposal and the present Pra6lice, will be as 9 to 4. The fourth Obje6lion, that this Transplantation and Change of Trade amounts to an Abolishment of the Irish Nation: Which will be Odious to them, and not compensable by all the Benefits abovementioned. Answer I. That this Proposal was intended for an Union of the two Nations, which is a real Blessing to both, according to that of Faciam eos hi Genteni Unam^\ Whereas the Curse of a Civil Warr is, to divide one intire Nation into two Nations : As the Irish Commotions Anno 1641 adlually did. Now if the two Nations be brought into one, the Name of the lesser Nation must needs be abolished, whilst the Thing and Sub- stance is exalted. P'or 1. In this Case the Irish Names of Lands and Men are lay’d down, and English taken up in their Rooms. 2. The Cabineers of Ireland, which are Ten to One of all the others, will be removed out of their wretched Beastlike habitations ; unfit for making Merchantable ^ ‘ Irish ’ inserted by Petty. 2 Clarendon had been appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in September, 1685. Tyrconnel became Commander-in-Chief and virtual viceroy in June 1686, and returned to the Island as Lord Deputy to succeed Clarendon in February 1687. His extreme catholic policy in both positions alarmed the Protestants in Ireland and large numbers of them returned to England with Clarendon. Claren- don, Correspondence, ii. 138, et passim, Fitzmaurice, 271 — 273. ^ Ezekiel, xxxvii. 22. H. P. 37 57 « Treatise of Irelaiid. Ikitter and Cheese, and the Manufa6liire of Wool and Linnen out of the best Materials. 3. They will be set upon more pleasant and profitable Imployments in England. 4. They will be entertained there with greater Variety of agreeable Obje6ls and Exercises. 5. They will be nearer the King, who hath a Kindness for them, with full Liberty of Conscience. 6. They will be safe from any Re-Conquest, which may be fatal to them. 7. They will be ingrafted and incorporated into a Nation more Rich, Populous, Splendid, and Renowned than themselves, for Letters, Arms, and other Atchieve- ments. 8. This Transplantation will make the People of Ireland to be a real Addition (whereas they had been hitherto a Diminution and Counterpoize) to the Power of England, and for above 500 Y ears a vast Expence of it’s Blood and Treasure. The Obje6I;ion, That Changing the present Pro- portions between Catholicks and others in England (now 280 for one) to that of Nine for One, will be very formidable to the Protestants of England, and apt to create dangerous P'ears and Jealousies in them. Answer I. Altho’ I never intended to complicate Religion with the Matters of this Essay, yet I may intimate that, by the late Changes in Ireland, of the Government, Army, Judicatures, Sherriffs, Jurys, and by bringing together and concentrating all the Catholick Powers ; and by Publishing a Design of making the Catholicks there as considerable in their Wealths, as in their Numbers \ which has caused the Price of Lands and houses and Cattle so to fall, and the English Artizans and Money so to diminish. As that the whole of Ireland, in ^ Confirms Bonrepaiis’s letter of 4 Sept., 1687, to Seignelay, concerning the trustworthiness of wliich Lingarcl professed some doubt. Hist, of England, s,tli ed., X. 143, 414; cf. Mnzure, Hist, de la Rh'ohition de 1688, II. '287. Transplantation ont of Scotland. 579 this Year 1687, is fallen from 3 to 2 of what the same was worth Anno 1683, and will probably cause a Fall in his Majesty’s Revenue from about 7 to 6. I say, I might inti- mate from the Premisses that some Remedy is necessary. 2. Moreover the imagined Benefit of making Ireland an Asylum \ by the present Method, for all the King’s Catholic Subjedls, in case of an angry-Heterodox Successor to the Crown, is not comparable to the Danger of Ireland’s Revolt and Reconquest. Lastly, Whether the present united State of Catholicks in Ireland will make more Catholicks in his Majesty’s whole Dominions, than the Transplantation here propounded, I know not, seeing no manifest cogent Reasons for either Opinion. Onely it is certain it will make Six and Thirty Times more Catholicks in England, than now there are, but not one more in the whole. Wherefore if what concerns Religion be doubtful, let the same be left to God, whose peculiar Work it is ; and let what is Obvious and Certain concerning the Wealth, Strength, Splendor, and Honor, of both Nations be consider’d according to Sense and Reason, to which God has left these Matters. Memorandum, That what was said in the above-Essay concerning Transplantation in Scotland^, ought to have been thus (vizt.). Suppose Scotland to contain as many Acres and People as Ireland ; we may suppose that in the Northermost Third Part or Six Millions of Scotland there dwells 400 Thousand of the whole 1300 Thousand People. Of which 400 Thousand we suppose 300 Thousand to be transplanted into the Low-Lands, or rather into England ; leaving 100 Thousand behind for the Cattle-Trade. So as there will be 7 Thousand 100 Thousands, and a Thousand Thousand, and 300 Thousand in England and Wales, and 900 Thousand in the Low-Lands of Scotland; Making in all 9 Millions and 300 Thousand heads to Live upon the whole 48 Millions of Acres, which may be called Great England ; Leaving 100 Thousand, as aforesaid, upon the Northermost Third, which may be called Little ^ Cf. note on p. 57 6 . What the Irish got, and the Kingdom lost, by the 34000 Soldiers, sent into Foreign Parts in the Year 1652.? 7. What the King gained by the Parliament of Ireland, which made the A6ls of Settlement ? 8. What he gained by raising the Quit-Rents from the Irish to the English Measure; and by the Year’s Value out of forfeited Lands ? 9. What was the Quantity and Value of Regicide’s Lands, and of the Lands of obnoxious Persons shelter’d by Favourites ? 10. What was the Value of Adventures and Debenturs of several Sorts in every Year between A® 1652 and 1659 ? And what was the Total of each Sort of Debenturs and 598 Treatise of h^eland. Adventures ? And what was the Quota satisfied upon each Sort before the Year 1659? 11. What Proportion did the Pay of 49 Officers bear to that of their Private Soldiers ? 12. What Number of English Soldiers appeared by these Debenturs to have perished in the Warr of Ireland between the Years 1648 and 1654 And what Number of the English, who joined with the Irish, were slain in the same Time? 13. What Money and Money’s Worth was really sent out of England into Ireland, between the Years 1641 and 1661 ? 14. What was the Charge of the Army in Ireland, be- tween the Years 1653 and 1664? 15. What was the Number of the People in Ireland A® 1641 and what 1653? And what probably might they have been A° 1653, if the Warrs had not been? 16. What Lands of the Catholic Restorees, gotten into their hands A® 1664, which were not their’s A® 1641 ? 17. How much did Innocents and other Catholic Resto- rees recover by vicious Deeds ? 18. What has been the Charge in all Courts between the Years 1653 and 1664, concerning forfeited Lands? All which might have conduced to better the Explanatory A6l made in the Year 1665. I am also sorry that the Confirming and Finishing this Settlement was not made in England, where the Ultimate Judicature is, Where the Supreme Legislature of Ireland is; And where are 1600 Thousand indifferent Men, not concerned in this Matter. From which Accounts will arise the Conclusions fol- lowing, and many others (vizt) 1. That the Parliament of England TT 1642 did allot 2 Millions and \ of I^orfeited Acres for Suppressing the Rebel- lion : Which was about ^ of the Lands which the Irish Catholicks then had. 2. That A'’ 1683 the Irish Catholicks had about half of what-ever they had A® 1641 ; and Brittish Protestants had the rest, being about 2 Millions 400000 Acres. Conclusions. 599 3. Of the said 2 Millions 400000 Acres, the Soldiers who actually conquer’d Ireland between the Years 1648 and 1653 had 1400000 Acres. 4. That the said Soldiers did consist of 4 Sorts : (vizt) I St phanatic English, 2^^^ The old Protestants of Ireland. 3diy English Cavaliers then wanting Employments. 4^^’^ Some Lukewarm Irish. 5. Of the Fanatic English, the Regicides and Halbiteers lost all ; and about 25 others of the chief and most obnoxious Persons lost at least one Third ; by sheltring themselves under the Lord Anglesey and other like Favourites : And many of the rest sold their Interest at low Rates. 6. The said Soldiers stated about 33000 Debenturs, amounting in all to 1 160000/., which were fairly and openly sold before the Year 1655 for 3^-. 4.CI. the Pound, at most for loj-., and at a Medium for 6^-. Sd. So as all the said Deben- turs might have been bought for 380000/, vizt at about 10/ each for 4 Year’s Service of every Soldier in that Conquest. The greatest Debentur of any one Man not amounting to above 2400/ ; and the greatest Man not having so many Debenturs, as would have been sold in the Market for 1500/ in ready Money. 7. The Adventurer’s Legal Debt was about 300000/., and the Interest thereof to the Year 1653, as much more ; and the Insurance to both double to both the said Summs : In all 1,200000/ For the Adventurers were to have nothing unless the Rebellion had been suppress’d. 8. The Lands in Ireland now forfeited were worth A° 1641 about ^os. the Acre one with another. And but 2 s. 6d. A® 1653. Near 20s. A° 1663. About 30^-. A® 1673. And about 40^*. A® 1683. 9. The Quit-Rents of Forfeited Lands, were^ as a Grat- uity to the King (after his Restauration and Promises at Breda) were advanced from Irish to English Measure vizt 24000/ per Annum: Which at 15 Year’s Purchase amounts to 360000/ which with 1 80000/ (the Year’s Value of forfeited Lands in the Year 1659) did amount to a Gratuity of 540000/. for what was worth but 300000/ A° 1653. ^ ? which. 6oo Treatise of Ireland. 10. The Convention and Parliament, which made the A6ls of Settlement, gave to the King 2 Pole-Moneys 20000/. for particular Uses, 120000/ as a Supplement to the Year’s Value, 35 Subsidies of 15000/ each: Amounting in all to near 1,200000/ 1 1. The same Parliament also settled upon him a Revenue of near 60000/ new Quit-Rents, 30000/ Hearth Money, 120000/ Customes^ 70000/ Excise, and 10000/ Licenses for Selling several Sorts of Drinks. In all a Revenue of 290000/ per Ann. and near Quadruple to what it was before the Warrs. 12. The Brittish Protestants lost by the Robbing and Plunderings of the Irish between 23^^ of October 1641 and the 10^'' of November 1642^ For their personal Estates were then worth above 2 Millions, and the Irish were 10 for one. 13. The new Catholic State gained between the Years 1642 and 1650, by Usurping of the King’s Revenue, of Church- Lands and Livings, and the Sequestration of the Protestant’s Estates^ : For the Premisses were worth above 500000 per Ann. and the said State reigned above 8 Years. 14. The Irish Nation gained, and the Kingdom lost, by the Exportation of 34000 able-body’d Irish-men, transported about the Year 1652: For such Men are worth here above 80/ per head, at Algier above 40/, and as Negroes above 20/ per head. 15. The Lands restored to the Catholicks after the King’s Restauration were worth more than in A° 1653 by 1 200000/ 16. The Charge of the Army in Ireland, between the Year 1653 and 1663 was about equal to the Rent of all the forfeited Lands in the said Time. 17. The Money and Money’s Worth, adlually sent out of England into Ireland between the Years 1641 and 1661 was much above a Million. 18. The People of Ireland were fewer in the Years 1653 than they might have been by about 600,000 Souls ; by reason ^ ‘120,000/. Customes’ inserted by Petty. Opposite this line a ‘q’ in the margin of the MS. ^ No ‘ q ’ in the margin at this point. Conclusions. 6o of the Sword, Famine, Plague, Banishment, and Desolations, which happened between the Year 1641 and 1653. 19. There were in the Year 1653 about 260000 Catholicks Males in Ireland of above 16 Year’s old : whereof but 26 (or one in Ten Thousand) did prove their constant good Affec- tion to the Parliament of England ; and we never heard of 26, which did Publickly and solemnly protest against the Confederation of the Roman Catholicks, in their General Assembly or Supreme Councel. 20. The Usurpers, by their A6l of Settlement made A*^ 1652 excepted many Protestants as well as Papists for Life and Estate ; took nothing from Papists who proved their good Affedlion to themselves ; took a 5^^ Part even from Protestants, who could not prove such Affedlion, and were deficient in this Point : Whereas the A6l of Explanation retrenched a 3^^ even from the most legal Adventurers. 21. The Pay of the 49 Officers amounted to above 1200000/., and consequently the pay of the Private Soldiers and the said Officers together must have been 3 Millions and a half or 500000/. per Annum, for the Seven Years between the Beginnings of the Commotions A° 1641 to the Peace of 1648, which shews their Army to have been above 20 Thousand Men. 22. Now the eight Part of the Irish being onely nocent, as appeared by the Judgment of the Court of Claims, did beat the said English Army of 20000 Men into the Peace of 1648; Whereas we have shewn That about 17000 Men did conquer all Ireland in Three Years : All which not standing well together, we rather think That a Great Part of the Innocent Seven Eights became so by foul Play, or false Testimony. 23. And because the Innocents, being a fifth Part of the Claimants, carry’d away above a fourth Part of the whole Land, we may think that the said Innocents got by foul Play also much more than was their own A® 1641. 24. The Court of Qualifications at Athlone, was the same Thing, tho’ by another Name, with the Court of Innocents at Dublin A® 1663 ; And in this Court all Claims were heard ; 6o2 Treatise of Ireland. and the Claimants carry’d away above J Part of all the Lands, which belonged to Catholicks in 1641 and the Courts after the King’s Restauration gave them near 2 sixths more, In all near one half in Quantity, but worth four Times more than the whole was worth in the Year 1653. 25. The Lands, which belonged to Protestants in the Year 1641, were then worth about 4 Millions; but in the year 1653 scarce worth 400000/., by reason of the Commo- tions begun by the Irish. So as the English were damnify’d 12 Times as much as the forfeited Lands (sett out to the English) of all Sorts were worth in the said Year 1653. Memorandum, That several Blanks are not here filled up, and several whole Conclusions are omitted, for fear of Widen- ing the Breaches we hope to make up : Nor had so many Conclusions been inserted as are, but that the Peace, we hope for, must be founded upon the Knowledge of Truth. The other Fright of the English is, that by Partialities in Judicature, they are like to lose their Estates without Repri- zals ; in such a Way as endangers all Property, and as will damp Buying and Selling, Borrowing or Lending, Marriages and Settlements, and (at length) even Plowing and Sowing, till the Nation come not onely to Poverty, but to Brutality also. There have 5 Eje6lments been brought this Year (whereas 500 have been talked of, and which probably will amount to 30) whereof 3 have been already tryed : vizt. That against Dr. Gorges, that against Major Bull, and that against Mr. Napper by the Lord Dunsany. The latter whereof is onely come to my Knowledge, and is comprehended in the following Discourse. The Lord Dunsany’s Case. Of the Lord Dunsany’s own, and of his Father’s and Grandfather’s Wrongs and Oppression in Ireland, since the Year 1662, and of his Relief Anno 1687. [An account of the legal details of this case, here omitted, begins on folio 118 and extends through 125^ of the MS., which then takes up the last of the “ objections.”] Practicability of a Transplantation. 603 The Eighth Obje6lion, That notwithstanding all the Fallacies and Sophistries abovementioned, this Trans- plantation of People is an uncouth, wild, monstrous, and Chymerical Notion, yea a very Notion. Answer And so were not long since the Assertions following, vizt. 1. That tho’ the World thought there had been near twice as many Females as Males in Mankind ; yet it has been well proved that there are at London 14 Males to 13 Females, and at Rome 7 to 5L And because Males are prolific 40 Years and Females but 25, there are in Effect at London 560 Males for 325 Females, or 112 for 65. 2. That the City of London is now about quadruple to what it was 80 Years ago, and containes about the Part of the People of the whole Kingdom. 3. That in the famous hospital at Paris called L’ hostel Dieu there dye above 3000 per Ann. unnecessarily, to the Damage of France of above 200 Thousand Pounds Sterl. per Ann. 4. That London has more People than Paris, Rome, and Roven. 5. And as many as the whole Province of Holland. To all which no great Matter has been yet Objedled. I further answer That this Essay is not a Chymerical Conceit, spun out of Fables, Dreams, Visions, Mysteries, in- significant Words and supercilious Sayings ; but a real Notion grounded upon Matter of Sense, and Fa6l, and intelligibly thus express’d (vizt) 1. That this Transplantation will increase the Gain of England from Foreign Parts from i to 2. 2. The Value of Ireland from 2 to 3 ; as also lessen Ireland’s Present Decays, which are from 3 to 2. 3. Will raise the Value of Lands in England from 3 to 4. 4. And the King’s Revenue from 4 to 5, but make the same as easie, as if it had contrariwise fallen from 5 to 4. 5. The Value of Transplanted People from 7 to 10. ^ Proof of this assertion does not occur in Petty’s printed works. 6o4 Treatise of Ireland. 6 . All which put together exceeds 140 Millions, and cures a cruel Calamity of above 500 Years old. To Conclude, if this Notion (such as it is) pretending to so much General Good, shall not be examined and confuted within some reasonable Time, we shall be emboldened to frame another Essay Shewing that the King of England’s Territories and Subjedls are (as to their intrinsic Weight, Force, and Substance) little inferior to the same of France, without any Detradlion from that Glorious Kingdom h Postcript. If in this Jealous Age this Essay should be taxed of an Evil Design to Wast and Dispeople Ireland, We say that the Author of it intends not to be Felo de se, and propound something quite contrary, by Saying it is naturally possible in about 25 Years to double the Inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland and m ake the People f ull as many as the Territory of those Kingdoms can with tolerable Labor afford a com- peTerrr Livelihood unto : Which I prove thus, (vizt) 1. The sixth Part of the People are teeming Women of between 18 and 44 Years old. 2. It is found by Observation That but ^ Part or between 30 and 40^ of the teeming Women are Marryed. 3. That a Teeming Woman, at a Medium, bear a child every two Years and a half. 4. That in Mankind at London, there are 14 Males for 13 Females, and because Males are prolific 40 Years, and Females but 25, there are in Effedt 560 Males for 325 Females. 5. That out of the Mass of Mankind there dyes one out of 30 per Annum. 6. That at Paris, where the Christnings and the Births are the same in Number, the Christnings are above 18000 per Annum, and consequently the Births at London, which far exceed the Christnings there, cannot be less than 19000 where the Burials are above 23000. ^ Perhaps the Political Aritlunetick. ^ i.e. in lOo. Doubling of People. 605 As for Example. Of 600 People, the Sixth Part (vizt 100) are teeming Women, which (if they were all marry’d) might bear 40 Children per Ann. (vizt) 20 more than do dye out of 600, at the rate of one out of 30; and consequently in 16 Years the Increase will be 320, making the whole 920. And by the same Reason, in the next 9 Years, the said 920 will be 280 more, in all 1200, vizt double of the Original Number of 600. Upon these Principles, if there be about 19000 Births per Ann. at London, the Number of the marry’d teeming Women must be above 38000 ; and of the whole Stock of the Teem- ing Women must be above 1 14000, and of the whole People Six Times as many vizt 684000; which agrees well enough with 696000, which they have been elsewhere computed to be\ To conclude it is naturally possible, that all teeming Women may be marry’d, since there are in Effe6l 560 Males to 325 Females; and since Great Britain and Ireland can with moderate Labor ^ food and other Necessaries to near double the present People or to about 20 Millions of heads, as shall when Occasion requires it, be demonstrated. Memorandum, that the Councel or Judicature abovemen- tioned to be final for Ireland, may serve also for Managing the Multiplication of the King’s Subje6ls, and may withal be a Means to perpetuate and secure the Universal Liberty of Religion late indulged by his Majestic ; May take care that humor and sinister Designs be not obtruded upon the Government as Tenderness of Conscience ; Nor that the said Latitude in Divine Worship and Profession of Opinions con- cerning Spiritual Matters, and what concerns the World to come, may not in this World destroy the Unity, Peace and Plenty, of the People. And all this under the King’s Authority, This Councel being supposed to have none of it’s own, altho’ it be Vox Popidi, and as near as may be, the very Church of England. Pp- 532—536- Sc. ‘produce.’ 6o6 Treatise of Ireland. Another View of the same Matters, ry Way of Dialogue between A and B. A. How many Acres of Land, belonging to the Catho- licks of Ireland hi 1641, are now, in this year 1687, enjoyed by the English Protestants ? B. Two Millions 400000 Acres, as appears by the Books of Distribution, extradled out of the Decrees and Certificates of the Court of Claims. A. What is the Value of the said Lands ? B. I do not know what their Value is in this Year 1687, but in the Year 1683 (having bin extremely improved) I guess they might have been worth near 40L the Acre, and A® 1641 and 1673, about 30L the Acre, A® 1663 about 20s. & A® 1653 about half a Crown. A. With what Face can you say they were so Cheap? B. It is Notorious and expressly mentioned in the A6ls of 17th Charles the First ; as also in the Usurper’s A6l of Satisfadlion made A® 1653, That the Lands in Leinster should be rated at 12s. per Acre, in Munster at ()s. in Connaught at 6 l, and in Ulster at 4L So as 4 Acres set out by Lot (one in each Province) should go for 31L in Debentur- Money, which makes but iol in Silver-Money. Now if 4 Acres be worth but los. one is worth but 2s. 6d. A. This is very hard to be believed. Have you any other Proof? B. Yes for 4 Millions 800000 Acres A° 1659 were by Solemn Commission returned to be worth but 180000/., or gd. the Acre: And if they were worth but gd. the Acre A® 1659, they were not worth ^d. per Acre A° 1653, nor above 4^ Year’s Purchase at that Rent, viz. not above 2od. per Acre even for the Inheritance : Which by Experience is nearer the Truth than half a Crown. A. I am amazed ! I Believe, but help my Unbelief, and tell me what was the Reason of what you say. B. At that Time there was no Housing, nor Cattle upon ’ ‘ 4 ’ inserted by Petty. Claimants to the Lands of Ireland. 607 the Land, little Money or Trade in the Nation, no sure Titles; Soldier’s Debenturs were taken for a Jest: And the whole Government and Army in the Hands of Anabaptists- A. Well, I am satisfy’d that all the said Lands might fairly and squarely have been bought for 300 Thousand Pounds in ready Money. But pray, Who did Claim them before the A6ls of Satisfadlion 1653. B. You will wonder and Laugh to hear my Answer. 1. For the Adventurer said, that his equitable Debt was in Principle Interest and Insurance 1200000/., and Quadruple to the Value of the Lands, But that his Legal Debt or Original Money was equal unto it. 2. The British Protestants, who were plundered A® 1642 by the Rebels, said that the Goods, Money, and Cattle, which they lost, were worth 600000/., as appeared by Examination upon Oath, besides the Interest thereof for 10 Years. And therefore that all the said 300000/., worth of Forfeited Lands belonged unto them and not to Strangers. 3. The owners of Ruined Housing said. That their Damage, in the 12 Years of the Warrs, amounted to Six Times the then Value of the said forfeited Lands. 4. The Owners of the Cattle, which had been destroyed in the said 12 Years (for very few were left) said that their Value amounted to at least 3 Millions, or ten Times the Value of the said Lands. 5. The Army, who serv’d from the Year 1641 to the Year 1648, and the People that fed them, pretended to a Debt of 3600000/ 6. The State and People of England said they had adlually sent over 1200000/., or 4 Times the Value of the said Lands. 7. The Protestant Land Lords of Ireland said, that their Lands A° 1641, were worth above 4000000/, and A® 1653 but 400000/: So as they were damnify ’d 12 Times the Value of the forfeited Lands. 8. The Protestant Churchmen said, That their Lands and Tyths, which the Catholick’s State had Usurp’d during the 8 Years of their Reign, amounted at least to 900000/, or 3 Times the Value of the forfeited Lands. 9. The King (or those who Usurped his Right) said that 6o8 Treatise of Ireland. the Public Revenue, taken by the said new State for the said Time, amounted to 5 or 600000/. That the Value of the 34000 Men, sent into the Service of Foreign Princes, were worth above 1200000/., and that the 600000 Subjedls, which the Kingdom had less in the Year 1653, than they might have had (had not the Warrs begun by the Irish hinder’d their Increase) at 70/. per Head, were worth 42 Millions, or 140 Times the whole Value of the Forfeited Lands. 10. Lastly, the Soldiers who adlually conquer’d Ireland said that their Debenturs amounted^ 1 160000/., or Quadruple the Value of the Forfeited Lands. A. Oh, I am amazed. It seems to me that all these Claims do amount to near 200 Times the Value of the Forfeitures. B. They do so. But perhaps they will say, The Number of the King’s Subjedls lessen’d by the Wars, was not 600000 Heads. I believe, indeed, the Value of each Head at a Medium is about 70/. A. And so do I. But pray make it out that the Number of wanting Subjedls is 600000. B. I cannot well undertake it, but will tell you what I remember to have heard upon this Subjedl, vizt. It is allow- ed That the present Number of People of Ireland is 1300000, That they are increased, since the Year 1653, by Comers out of Scotland and England, 50000 And by the ordinary Course of Generation in 34 Years 350000 more. A. I find by Grant’s Observations, That they do not increase in England so fast. B. Very likely. Eor in England, the Proportion of Marry’d Teeming Women, is not so great as in Ireland ; Where they marry upon the first Capacity, without staying for Portions, Jointures, Settlements, &c. Well, let it pass for the present. That the People hi 1653, were 900000, I will prove it better at our next meeting. I say further. That the People A® 1641 were 1400000, And that they would have increased, had not the Warrs hindered, to 1500000 in the 12 Years between 41 and 53, and the Difference between 15 and 9 is 600000, as was propounded. 1 Sc. ‘ to.’ ^ MS., ‘500000’ altered to ‘50000.’ Nevertheless 500000 is the figure consistent with Petty’s calculation, cf. pp. 610 — 61 1. Losses of Ireland by the Rebellion. 609 A. You go a little too fast. I believe that 14 in 12 Years might have very well increas’d to 15. But pray tell me, Why there were 14 A® 1641, when there are but 13 now. B. (i) I have heard many ancient observing People say so. 2. I find that the Tyths yielded more in A"" 1641, than in these latter Years ; And that the Number of Grist-Mills were also more A” 1641, than now. 3. The Quantity of Hops, Tobacco, Sugars, and Salt, imported, were more than now. And the Quantity of Hydes, Tallow, Cattle Dead and Alive, and of Wools wrought and unwrought, were less ; which shows that in Ireland the Consumption was great (the Natural Produce being the same at both Periods) & consequently more People. A. I can find no great Fault with what you have said. But coil’d wish that this great Point might not be slubber’d ; Murders and Massares {sis') are odious Crimes. And some say, to Blacken the Irish, that they caused the Death of above 150000 English and Scotch Protestants in the first Year of their Commotions. And others, to extenuate the Causes of Forfeiture, do shrink that Number to 400\ But you have started a most soft and candid Question, by Asking onely, without Rancor, How many of the King’s Subje6ls were fewer in Ireland, when the Warr ended, A° 1653, than they might have been, if there had been no Warr at all, That is to say, Whether they perished by Murders and Massacres committed by Private Hands, or by Hunger and Cold, or by being frighted out of the Kingdom ; or Whether they were slain as Soldiers on both Sides ; or Whether they perished by the Plague, which reigned very fiercely A 1650; Or by Famin^ and Desolation, which was great about the End of the Warr ; Or whether this Number were Lessen’d, by Hindring the Ordinary Course of Generation : For it is all one, by what Means they were Lessen’d, as to the Account we are now Stating, Of the Damages which accru’d from the Rebellion. Altho’ it be not all one, as to the Sin of the particular Scelerates, which caused this Calamity. ^ MS., ‘4000,’ altered to ‘400.’ ^ MS., ‘Fame,’ altered to ‘Famin.’ H. P. 39 6io Ti'eatise of Ireland. B. What if I had said but 300000 instead of 600000, the Loss even of 300000 People, is more than all the Estates of the Irish Real and Personal, at their greatest Worth and Splendor, can expiate. Nevertheless, because it is a curious Inquiry, and to shew you that I do not talk altogether at Random, I will repeat and strengthen the Demonstration I began ; vizt. 1. That there [are] about 1300000 Souls in Ireland in this Year 1687. I say that the Revenue of Hearths is 30000/., So as the Hearths must be 300000 in Number. I say that, by a good Estimate from the Hearth-Books, all the Houses in Ireland, which have more than one Chimney are 20000; and that there dwell 6 Heads in each of such Houses, one with another: In all 120000 Souls. And that there are in the said Houses 3 Chimneys one with another, in all 60000 Chimneys : Which dedudled out of 300000, leaves 240000 chimneys for 240000 Thousand Families. But in the poor Cabineer Families, one with another, there live 5 Heads in each ; which makes the Number of those Cabineers 1200000: Which added to the 1200000 {sic) abovementioned, makes 1320000 Heads, which is the next round Number to 1300000. 2. Let me suppose that there were 900000 People in the Year 1653, and 1300000 now, then at a Medium there were 1 100000 : Out of which there dyed, at the Rate of one out of 30, 37000^ per Annum. Grant saith^ that in Countrey Parishes, where there are 4 Burials there are 5 Births ; and consequently the Increase of the People in Ireland must be the Quarter of 37000 or 9000 one Quarter per Annum : Which multiply’d by 35 makes 31 5000 to have increased by Generation, between the Year 1652 and 1687, and the Number in 1652 to be 985000. 3. Altho’ I said there were more People A® 1641 than A® 1687, as appears by the Exportations, Importations, Tyths, Grist-Mills, and the Judgment of Intelligent Persons; Yet I shall suppose them to be but one 13^^^ Part, or 1400000 in all : But 1400000 would have increased from the Year 1641 to the Year 1653 11500^ per an or 138000, making the whole ^ MS., ‘ 17000.’ 2 p. 390. Petty wrote the ‘ 37000’ in the margin. ^ MS., ‘ 1 1000,’ altered to ‘11500.’ Distrib^ition of the Forfeited Lands. 6ii 1538000. Now the Difference between 1538000^ and 985000^ is 553000^ So as of the 985000^ last Mentioned we need suppose but ^'joooo{sic) to have come out of England and Scot- land in 35 Years ; And then the Assertion, that the King has lost 600000 Subjects by the Irish Commotions is well justify’d. I know these are not so perfedl Demonstrations as are required in pure Mathematicks ; but they are such as our Superiors may work with, as well as Wheelwrights and Clock- makers do work without the Quadrature of a Circle. For to have been more Nice or Punctilious in them, had been the same Excess, as if a Painter should work a large high Altar- Piece in Miniature : Whereas the gross Image of this Affair lyes in Saying, that the Irish changed the Monarchy into Democracy, which cost the Crown of England 600000 People, worth 42 Millions of Money. A. You have said more than I thought could have been said : But remember, I must have another Bout with you about this Matter. You told me how many Claimants there were for this 300000/. worth of Forfeited Lands : Pray proceed to tell me how the same was Adlually dispos’d of by the A6ls of Settlement and Explanation, keeping to the Supposition, That the Whole was but 300000/. B. You come a little too suddenly upon me; I cannot tell you all these Things without Book, but will give you the best Guess I can, which is 1. That the Adventurers (of the said 300000/.) had 43000/. 2. That 155000/. were given to the Soldiers. 3. That out of the Adventurers and Soldiers which had been Regicides, 20000/. was given to the Duke of York; and that Obnoxious Men of both Sorts gave 4000/. to be shelter’d by Favourites. 4. The Church and Colledge of Dublin, and other Publick Uses had about 8000/., and the 49 Officers 32000/. 5. Protestant Sufferers, Servitors, and Favourites had the rest, or 38000/. A. But what did all the Claymants, you just now men- tion’d, say to this Shrinking of their Hopes into a Welshman’s Button } ^ MS. in each case has a superfluous o erased by Petty. 39—2 6i2 Treatise of Ireland. B. They rail’d at the present Settlement and said, That the Usurpers needed not to have been so kind, as by their A6l in 1652 to give away above ^ Part of the Whole to the Catholicks, who forfeited all in Lump as one Man, eo Nomine; Tho’ not for going to Mass or Confession, nor for Praying to Saints or for the Dead ; But for Changing Monarchy into Democracy, for placing Supremacy into a Council of Con- federate Roman Catholicks, and for Extorting from the King (in duris) the Articles of 1648. For the Usurpers themselves touch’d no man for his Religion, and punish’d Protestants and Papists equally, whom they found disaffedled unto them ; and thought Difference in Religion to be no more a Cause of P'orfeiture, than an English Ship’s carrying a Flag with a Red Cross to an Enemy-Nation. But no doubt the Usurpers had an End for this their Indulgence, as in the Preamble of the said A6l is set forth. For they gave all Men Leave to Claim upon their Qualifications, and the Qualification was the same with Innocency; and all Complainants (for ought I know) were heard, and had Decrees a:t Athlone of one Sort or other. A. This was a scurvy Grumble to begin withal : What else did they say ? B. I told you there were several Species of Claimants, whereof some Grumbled one way and some another. As for Example : Some thought they had been confirm’d, by the King’s Promises at Breda, in what they possess’d the 7*’' of May 1659, without further Trial of Innocence^ after a Present given the King of 540000/. Others thought that the A6ls of the Rump-Parliament were, as to this Matter, completely warranted by the Adi of 17*^ of Charles the First, and that of Judicial Proceedings, which Doctrine the English Adt of Oblivion seems to favour ; Others wonder’d to see 7 of 8 Irish Claimants adjudged Innocent, and that very suspicious Deeds of Entail [were] allow’d to the Sons of Outlawed Persons ; That English Strangers should be put to prove what was done 20 Years before in the Rebels Quarters, and be deny’d the Testimony of the 49 Men for that Purpose: And in Fine, That about 1500000 Acres of Land should be restored upon MS., ‘ Innocents,’ altered by Petty. Sale and Settlement of Ireland. 613 such Innocents, and upon such Titles, and upon Provisos of mere Grace.’ Lastly, others grumbled, That the Irish should so vehemently crave a further Hearing of all their Claims ; and such Sherifs and Juries should be chosen, as shall allow the Deeds which the Irish have suppressed For^ 20 Years. There be many other Grumblings against Great Men ; but the World will never be quiet, nor cease to be Envious, not con- sidering that if Things have been amiss in this Settlement, they may be as bad in another. A. You were saying that there was Grumbling against Great Men, upon the Account of the present Settlement. I remember that the Narrative of the Sale and Settlement of Ireland^ grumbles hard against the Duke of Ormond, as for having as much Land, as would have satisfied all the Adven- turers, in or about the Year 1667, when that Pamphlet was written. Can you make me understand this Matter, for it seems very Enormous, and by that I might make a Judge- ment of the whole Book. B. That Author does often speak at random, and what he does not know ; omitting very many Things which ought to be known. But to this^ Present Point I say, i. That the Acres, which the Adventurers first had, were 390000^; and I do not find that the Duke of Ormond had ever above 3 ^ MS., ‘these,’ altered by Petty. A Narrative of the Earl of Clarendon' s Sale and Settlement of Ireland was published at Lovain in 1668. The author appears to have been Nicholas French, titular Bishop of Ferns, though Carte attributes it to Peter Talbot. Life of Ormond, ii. 384. The pamphlet, which I have not seen, is said to attack Ormond and Clarendon with great bitterness, to asperse the entire English interest in Ireland, to praise the Irish extravagantly, and to suggest the repeal of the Act of Settlement. It appears from Petty that the pamphlet was reprinted in 1686, but Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice, who attributes it to one Edward Fitzgerald, writes as if it were first published in that year. Life of Petty, 272. Petty was urged to reply to the Narrative, as being one especially acquainted with the settlement of Irish land-titles. He at first demurred, but finally wrote his Speaduju Hibernice, dated 1686, and Another more true and exact Narrative of the Settle?nent and Sale of Ireland, dated 1687. The Dialogue, too, appears to be directed in part against the Narrative, and chiefly against its assertion that the Catholics in Ireland had lost and the English protestants had gained by the events between 1641 and 1665. ^ MS., ‘ the,’ altered by Petty. MS., ‘300000,’ altered by Petty. 6 14 Treatise of Irelaiid. Quarters of that Number in his Hands of any Sort, or in any Sense. 2. That if he then had 300000 Acres in his Hands, above 200000 thereof was the course Lands of Kerry ; upon which he had onely some Chafifages*. 3. That the said Lands were indeed 200000 Acres, but it was by the erroneous Measure of the extream^ Column : Whereas they contained indeed scarce 30000 Acres by the Legal Measure of the reduced Column, according to which very Measure, they were not worth 2 s. per Acre before the Warrs. 4. His Grace, upon Trial of the Matter in the Court of Claims, quitted these Lands to those who had Right in them, a little after the Author wrote. So that in Truth, upon the whole Matter, this vast Scope of Kerry-Lands would not have made above Part of the Adventurer’s Satisfadlion, which that Author conceived might have been a full Satisfadlion to them : And as his Grace was abused by this Narrative, so was he also by them who put him upon Meddling with those Lands at all, which he held about 5 Years upon their Sinister Perswasions. A. I instance, in the next Place, the horrible Grumbling against S^ WA Petty as an exorbitant Gainer by the said Settlement. Can you say any Thing of him ? B. That Man has been 35 Years upon the Stage of Irish Affairs, so as a Volume might be writt concerning him. But the Answer to your Question may be short, vizt. That Gentleman made an Admeasurement of Ireland in the Year 1655 and 1656, now fairly recorded in his Majesty’s Surveyor General’s Office, by distindl Maps of every Parish ; and also Printed and Published in distindl Maps of every County and Province. And the same was appointed to be done, not onely by the Usurper’s A6ls, but even by the A6l 17® Car. 1 “' and the Work was confirmed not onely by several Years of Probation during the Usurper’s Government, but also by the A6ls made in Ireland since the King’s Restauration ; and ^ MS., ‘ Cheififryes,’ altered by Petty. ‘Extream ’ inserted by Petty. ^ MS., ‘of,’ altered by Petty. The Down Survey. 615 more particularly, after ten Year’s Examination of the same by the A6l of Explanation in the 22^ and 23'^ Pages thereof : And hath been before and since the Rule and Standard of the greatest Transa6lions in Ireland. This Survey was performed by Measuring as much Line by the Chain (and Measuring about 20 Angles within every Mile’s Space by the Circumferenter) as would encompass the Globe of the Earth 8 Times about in it’s greatest Circle. Now if we may allow him to gain 1000/. for Measuring each Time about the World (his Accounts amounting to 9000/.) then the said Gain, lay’d out in forfeited Lands at half a Crown the Acre (which was the fair Market-Rate, as hath been elsewhere proved) then S^ W“. Petty might have 70000 Acres for his Work, worth at 2 s. the Acre 7000/. per Ann. Memorandum, That if he had gotten more than is here mentioned, he need not have been a Knave thereby : For he had A® 1657 4000/. in Money more than the 9000/. that he got by the Survey. But if he has a less Estate than aforesaid, he was a Fool or unfortunate pro tanto. I further say. That the Lands belonging to the Catholicks A® 1641 were near 5 Millions of Irish Acres, or 8 Millions of English Acres profit- able, with 3 Millions more in Rivers, High-ways, Loughs, Bogs, Rocks, and barren Mountains. And the Charge of the said Admeasurement was 24000/, or little above 40.f. per Thousand Acres, and little above one half-penny per Acre Rough and Smooth. And if the said Survey be com- puted at 200000 English Miles, which will encompass the World 8 Times about ; Then, allowing half a Crown or 2 s. A,d. for Measuring an English Mile (with perhaps 20 Angles in the same) or about Ten Groats for an Irish Mile, the Charge of the said Survey^ will not amounts {sic') to 25000/., which is more than was given for the same. A. Pray proceed to the Cases of other Men, who have got great Estates by the Settlement. B. In answer to your Desire, I will name you about 25 of the greatest Gainers by the Settlement : Protesting against having any Prejudice against any of them. And must first ^ MS., ‘same,’ altered by Petty to ‘said Survey.’ 6i6 Treatise of Ireland. tell you, That the King has about 56000/. per Ann. by new Quit-Rents out of the Forfeitures ; that of the Catholicks the greatest Gainers are the Duke of York, Earl of Clancarty, Earl of Inchequeen, Earl of Tyrconnel, Earl of Carlingford, the Lord of Clare, the Lord Dillon, Coll. Matthews, & M‘’. John Brown of Connaught. 2. That of tho.se, who lived in Ireland before the Rebel- lion, the most considerable were the Duke of Ormond, Earl of Anglesey, Earl of Orrery, Earl of Montrath, the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Lansborough, the Lord Kingston, Lord Coloony, S*‘. Theophilus Jones, Maurice Eustace, and Al- derm“ Preston. 3. That of those, who came into Ireland since the Year 1648, the most considerable were the Lord Massareen, Alderm“ Erasmus Smith, Sk W*". Petty, CapL James Stopford, Mr. John Eyres of Connaught, and Sk Henry Ingoldsby: some of all which Sorts did their Business by downright Gifts and Grants, Some were forced into great Advantages by Guilty and Obnoxious Persons ; Some by the Sheltering and Colouring Vicious and defedlive Interests ; Some by the Trade of Buying and Selling Debenturs, and Adventures, and Connaught-Purchases. So as I verily believe, That of the whole 300000/. worth of Forfeitures, there did not remain with the new English A*^ 1683 one full Third Part thereof. I mean by the new English, not all those that came into Ireland since the Beginning of the Rebellion, but onely those who came thither between the Year 1646 (when the King’s Affairs went to wreck in England) and the Year 1656 (when the Usurpers were in their Meridian), Which Party of Men, altho’ they all seem to be Phanatically and Democra- tically disposed, yet in truth were Animals of all Sorts, as in Noah’s Ark. A. The Narrative of the Sale and Settlement pathetically sets forth. That never any Nation was so miserable as the Irish after their Conquest A® 1653 ; Whereas you insinuate. They Gained more than they Lost by the Rebellion. B. I say by my own Observation, That I never saw so much Merriment and Jollity anywhere, than hi 1652, among Ireland, 1653 — 1660. 617 those that were to be Transported and their Friends. And have heard that the said Transportees lived more pleasantly Abroad than at Home. I also say, That Nine Parts of Ten of that Nation, who lived as Labourers and Tenants, did live more plentifully and freely in the next Seven Years after their Conquest between hi 1653 and 1660, than they had done in the Seven Years next before the Warrs. For they had Lands at small Rents even at i at^ the present, and yet sold their Commodities at greater Rates than now, and, paying their Rents, were as free as their Landlords. Nor do I remember any Man to have been by Authority punished for his Religion in that Time, there being no National Church then established in Ireland. A. I thank you for your Informations, but cannot digest that Honest-Moderate-Wealthy Catholicks should lose their Estates, for what a Company of Lewd, Ignorant, Barbarous, and Beggerly Rascals did against the English in the Tumul- tuary Year 1642. B. Alas it is the Wrath of God, and a Curse upon Mankind, that Things should be so ! Is not the whole World ingaged in Original Sin, for Adam’s Eating the Forbidden Fruit ^ Do not Princes, by the Allowance of their Confessors, throw Bombs and Fire-works into besieged Towns, which light more upon innocent Women and Children, than upon those who have offended the said Princes, or even upon Soldiers in Arms ^ The General Assembly of the Catholicks did not punish the Outrages committed in that Tumult by those Scelerates ; nor did those Moderate Men (you mention) by Word or Deed protest against their General Assembly, nor the Confederate Usurpers of Supremacy ; but had all Secret Hopes of Gaining some agreeable Ends out of those Horrible Beginnings. Are not all Men bound by an A6l of Parliament in England, altho’ 4 Parts of 5 have no Right to make Members for either House.? I am unwilling to drive this Nail too far ; Think on what I have said, and let me have your Objedlions at our next Meeting. A. Pray, have a little Patience, and as you have now 1 ? of. 6i8 Treatise of Ireland. told me what the English and Protestants have lost, so repeat (if you please) what the Irish Catholicks have got by the Rebellion, or what else you will call it ? B. As to the Name Rebellion, I matter it not, That which the Irish did amiss in was, as I apprehend, The Changing the English Monarchy into a Democracy; The Placing Supremacy into a Confederacy of Roman Ca- tholicks to the Wrong and Blemish of that Religion, and the Extorting from the King (in duress) the Articles of hi 1648 : All which is plain-intelligible English of which there is no Doubt. The Particulars by which the Irish gain’d are these ; vizt. 1. By the Robberies and Plunderings of the English before the Gen^ Assembly. 600000/. 2. By Usurpation of the King’s Revenue for above 8 Years. 500000/. 3. By Usurpation of the Church-Lands and Livings for the same Time. 900000/. 4. By Exportation of 34000 Men at 40/., per Head. 1 300000/ 5. By Improvements upon Restor’d Lands. 1200000/ In all 4500000/ Now tho’ the Value of the forfeited Lands were hi 1641, 3600000/., Yet it must be understood that Parts thereof was lost by Common Calamity, and onely 300000/ (the Value of the same A® 1653) was lost by Penalty or Forfeiture, which is but the 15**^ Part of what they gained, as aforesaid. A. I do not see that those, that lost their Lands, got any Part of the 4500000/, above-mentioned. B. Truely, I believe not. For I think the 600000/ got by Plundering, was immediately and lewdly spent by the Plunderers themselves. That the King’s and Church’s Revenue might have been spent upon the Common Cause. That the Gain upon the 34000 exported Men, redounded to the Exportees themselves, and to their Condudlors and Com- manders. That the Improvements accrewed to the Restorees onely. But all that is nothing : P'or all the Confederate Summary. 619 Roman Catholicks, ought to be looked upon but as one Man ; who lost by Way of Forfeiture 300000/. and gain’d 450000c/., which is 15 for one. Now for Remedy of Inequality among themselves, it may be done by a Court or Council of Catho- licks ere6led for that purpose, as aforementioned, and by the Prudence of Confessors ; without Frighting and Disturbing the whole Nation with a perpetual P'ear of Unsettlement. A. I will trouble you no further. The Summ of what I have learn’d is this. That by the Rebellion in Ireland is properly mean’t. The CHANGE OF MONARCHY INTO DEMO- CRACY, AND Transferring Sovereign Power from the King to the Confederate Catholicks : And Aggravated by Extorting the Articles of 1648, and not Punishing the Outrages of 1641. And that the said Confederates gained thereby 15 Times more than they properly lost; And that all the several Branches of the English-Protestant Interest lost 200 Times more than they gain’d. B. You need not now at last be so very short ; but (if you please) sum up what we have said thus, (vizt) 1. Between the 23"^ of October 1641, and the 10^^^ of November 1642, there was a Barbarous and Outragious Tumult of the Irish Catholicks against the English Pro- testants in Ireland: Who being then about 10 to one committed many Murders, Robberies, and Mischiefs upon the English. 2. That the 10^^ of November 1642, and after Edge-Hill- Fight in England, when the King was dangerously ingaged against his Enemies, the Irish changed Monarchy into Demo- cracy. 3. The Roman Catholicks then blemished their own Sacred and Infallible Religion, by Making it a signal Ear- Mark and Brand of Rebellion upon themselves. 4. Their several Cessations and Peaces with the King gave him no Relief to his Distresses in England ; But the Latter in 1648, was thought to be a main Cause of his disastrous Death. 5. That the English, in Pursuance of an A6l made by the King, Lords, and Commons of England, perfedlly 620 Treatise of Ireland. suppress’d that Rebellion in the Year 1653, with an immense Expence of English Blood and Treasure, and the Loss of 600000 People. 6. The actual Conquerors did, by way of Indulgence, give to the Catholicks a 6‘^^ Part of all the Lands which belonged to them A® 1641, with the Liberty of their Persons and Personal Estates, punishing no Man for his Religion. 7. They Leased back the Lands, which they got from them as forfeited, at one Quarter of the real Value between 1653 and 1660. 8. The said adlual Conquerors surrendred all their Acquisitions to the King at Breda, and made him a Present of 540000/., which, with 60000/. spent in Defence of his Title, amounted to double the Value of what they now keep, as A® 1653. 9. An Army was kept up from 1653 to 1663, whose Pay was equivalent to the Rent of all the Forfeited Lands. 10. The Regicides and Halberteers were outed of all their Acquisitions, and many disaffe6led Persons driven to take shelter under others to part with their Interests at small Rates. 11. A new Court of Innocence, and Clauses of Grace, give- after the Promises of Breda, one Third more to the Catholicks of all that belonged to them in 1641, with as much Improvement as was worth 4 Times what all the Lands they lost were worth A° 1653. 12. A"^ 1655, The English retrench a Third of what was most Legally due. But the Irish Restorees nothing. 13. Upon the whole Matter, the Irish Catholicks seem to have gained by these Commotions 15 Times more than they lost ; And all the Branches of the English-Protestant Interest, seem to have Lost 200 Times more than they have Gained. 14. The Parliament of Ireland gave to the King in Pole- Money, Subsidies, &c. within 5 Years after his Restauration, about 1200000/. 15. The same Parliament gave the King a Revenue, by 1 inserted by Petty. MS., ‘given,’ Petty obliterated the ‘n’ but did not change the ‘i’ to an ‘a.’ Siimmaiy. 621 new Quit-Rents out of Forfeitures, of near 60000/. per Ann. and made his whole Revenue quadruple to what the said was before the Warrs. 16. The Irish Catholicks, by indeavouring to out the English of what they held^ A® 1684, have reduced all the Real and Personal Estate of Ireland to be Worth but one half of what the same was worth in the said Year 1684, and lessen’d their own Estate above 2 Millions. 17. The Transplantation above-mentioned, which should have been made above 500 Years since, will benefit both Nations 140 Millions ; and that of Scotland 60 Millions more • In all 200 Millions at the Hazard of 4 or 5 onely. A. The Title of your Treatise is POLITICAL PASTIMES AND Paradoxes. Now, besides my particular Thanks, I give you this Complement, That the Consideration of these Matters may be Pastimes becoming the King. And your Assertions, concerning the Gain and Loss by the Rebellion (tho’ but a 10^’' Part thereof should be true) is a Paradox in all the Courts of Christendom, where the Narrative of the Sale and Settlement of Ireland has been published. B. I thank you, and do willingly submit my self to the Censure of the World ; and shall take it as a Kindness from any good Patriot, that will solidly confute, that is to say, re6lify what I have said amiss, That England (which has the Ultimate Judicature of these Matters) may be throughly informed. FINIS. 1 MS., ‘had,’ altered by Petty. APPENDIX. I. [Extract from The Discourse Concerning the Use of Duplicate Proportion ^ 1674.] The Eleventh Instance. In the Life of Man, and its Duration. It is found by Experience, that there are more persons living of between 16 and 26 years old^, than of any other Age or Decade of years in the whole life of Man (which David and Experience say to be between 70 and 80 years :) The reasons whereof are not abstruse, viz. because those of 16 have passed the danger of Teeth, Convulsions, Worms, Ricketts, Measles, and Smallpox for the most part : And for that those of 26. are scarce come to the Gout, Stone, Dropsie, Palsies, Lethargies, Apoplexies, and other Infirmities of Old ^ The fundamental idea of Petty’s “ Discourse of Duplicate Proportion” is that certain phenomena, capable of expression in terms of number, M'eight and measure, stand related to one another as the squares or cubes, or as the square or cube roots of their respective quantities. Petty illustrates his theory by a number of “ instances,” drawn for the larger part from the physical sciences. Some of his instances are correct, some are fantastic. Only two of them, the eleventh and the sixteenth, are at all closely connected with the subject of his economic writings, and these instances are reprinted as apposite illustrations of an idea which was not without influence upon his work in political arithmetick. The eleventh instance is found at pages 82 — 88, the sixteenth at pages 106 — 109 of the “Discourse,” as printed in 1674. Bibliography. Cf. also Birch, iii. 156, Filzmaurice, 268. Bishop Barlow’s Remains contain a sharp criticism of the “ Discourse.” ^ Cf. Graunt’s “Observations,” p. 387. Duplicate Proportion. 623 Age. Now whether these be sufficient reasons, is not the present Enquiry ; but taking the afore-mentioned Assertion to be true : I say, that the Roots of every number of Mens Ages under 16 (whose Root is 4) compared with the said number 4, doth shew the proportion of the likelyhood of such mens reaching 70 years of Age. As for example ; ’Tis 4 times more likely, that one of 16 years old should live to 70, then a new-born Babe. ’Tis three times more likely, that one of 9 years old should attain the age of 70, than the said Infant. Moreover, ’tis twice as likely, that one of 16 should reach that Age, as that one of 4 years old should do it ; and one third more likely, than for one of nine. On the other hand, ’tis 5 to 4, that one of 26 years old will die before one of 16; and 6 to 5 that one of 36 will die before one of 26; and 3 to 2, that the same person of 36 shall die before him of 16: And so forward according to the Roots of any other year of the declining Age compared with a number between 4 and 5, which is the root of 21, the most hopeful year for Longsevity, as the mean between 16 and 26; and is the year of perfedlion, according to Otir Law, and the Age for whose life a Lease is most valuable. To prove all which I can produce the accompts of every Man, Woman, and Child, within a certain Parish of above 330 Souls; all which par- ticular Ages being cast up, and added together, and the Sum divided by the whole number of Souls, made the Quotient between 15 and 16; which I call (if it be Constant or Uniform) the Age of that Parish, or Nu 77 terus Index of Longaevity there. Many of which Indexes for several times and places, would make a useful Scale of Salubrity for those places, and a better Judg of Ayers than the conje6lural Notions we commonly read and talk of. And such a Scale the Kmg might as easily make for all his Dominions, as I did for this one Parish. The Sixteenth Instance. In the Price of several Commodities. Suppose a Mast for a small Ship be of 10 inches Diameter, and as is usual, of 70 foot in heighth, and be worth 40^* ; then a Mast of 20 inches through, and double length also, shall not 624 A ppendix. onely cost eight times as much, according to the 0 ( 5 luple quantity of Timber it contains, but shall cost i6 times 32/. And by the same Rule, a Mast of 40 inches through shall cost 16 times 32/. or 516/. Of which last Case there have been some instances. But whereas it may be obje6led. That there are no Masts of four times 70, or 280 feet long, I will say, that the Rule holds in common practice and Dealing. For, if a Mast of 10 inches thick, and 60 foot long, be worth 30^* ; a Mast of 20 inches throughout, and 80 foot long, shall be worth 15/. And a Mast of 40 inches through, and 100 foot long (not 280 foot) shall be worth near 100/. Moreover, suppose Diamonds or Pearls be equal and like in their Figures, Waters, Colours, and Evenness, and differ onely in their Weights and Magnitudes ; I say the Weights are but the Roots of their Prices, as in the Case aforgoing. So a Diamond of Decuple weight, is of Centuple value. The same may be said of Looking-glass-Plates. I might add, that the Loadstone A, if it take up 10 times more than the Loadstone B, may be also of Centuple value. Lastly, A Tun of extreme large Timber may be worth two Tuns of ordinary dimensions ; which is the cause of the dearness of great shipping above small ; for the Hull of a ' Vessel of 40 Tuns may be worth but '^L,per Tun, whereas the Hull of a Vessel of 1000 Tuns may be worth near \^l.,per Tun. From whence arises a Rule, how by any Ships Burthen to know her worth by the Tun, with the Number and Size of her Ordinance, &’c. II. [The Dialogue of Diamonds^] A. You have a fine ring there on your finger, what did it cost you ? B. I am ashamed to tell you for I am afrayd I gave too ^ The “Dialogue of Diamonds” is found among the Philosophical Papers collected by Abraham Hill. Brit. Mus. Sloane MS. 2903, f. 44 seq. Dr Hill (1635 — 1721) was resident in Gresham College in 1660 and was one of the The Dialogue of Diamonds. 625 much for it,& the truth is I wonder howanyman [can] tell what to give, there be so many nice considerations in that matter in all which one has nothing but meere guesse to guide himself by. A. Why, did you buy it set ? B. What should I doe with it unset ? A. If you bought it set you lost two of the best guides & measures whereby to have known its price, namely the weight and the extent, both which are computable otherwise then by meer guesse ; beside the water and colour of the stone as also the clouds icecles & points are somewhat better discerned when you can look round about it, then when you look upon it but as through a window. B. Well, I was not so wise ; but I must needs buy some more diamonds shortly, wherefore pray instrudl me if you can. A. I will & first take notice that the deerness or cheap- ness of diamonds depends upon two causes, one intrinsec which lyes within the stone it self & the other extrinsec & contingent, such as are [i.] prohibitions to seek for them in the countrys from whence they come. 2. When merchants can lay out their money in India to more profit upon other commoditys & therefore doe not bring them. 3. When they are bought up on feare of warr to be a subsistence for exiled and obnoxious persons. 4, They are deer neer the marriage of some great prince, where great numbers of persons are to put themselves into splendid appearances, for any of theise causes if they be very strong upon any part of the world they operate upon the whole, for if the price of diamonds should considerably rise in Persia, it shal also rise perceivably in England, for the great merchants of Jewels all the world over doe know one another, doe correspond & are partners in most of the considerable pieces & doe use great con- federacys & intrigues in the buying & selling them. twenty-one persons. Petty being another, who were named members of the Council in the second charter of the Royal .Society, 1663. Birch, i. 223. The “ Dialogue,” apparently in Hill’s hand, is without title or caption, but it is ascribed by him to Petty and both its method of reasoning and its style of expression confirm the correctness of his ascription. I have followed the sug- gestion of Dr Bevan in calling the paper “The Dialogue of Diamonds.” Bevan, Petty, p. 63. H. P. 40 626 A ppendix. 11 I like this discourse very well but have no occasion for so deep an inspedlion into the matter. I have but 2 or 300/., to lay out and I heare that the market at this time is at a midling pitch & therfore I had rather heare from you upon the intrinsec causes & such as lye within the stone it self. A. I am content. You must therfore know that these intrinseck causes are principaly foure, vizt. weight, extent, colour or water, cleaness from faults, & to theise you may adde the mode and workmanship of the cutting. 11 When I bought my ring I did not divide my con- sideration into so many branches : methought it made a fine shew in general & I bid 85, 86 & 87/., for it, & the merchant swore he could not afford it so & seemed to goe away once or twice and thereupon I gave him 90/., & he told me that he would give me 85/., for it at any time within a twelvemoneth & defys me to match it anywhere for the money I gave him. Besides I had shewed it to 2 or 3 friends, who all, to shew their skill, made some special animadversions upon the business & told me I could not be much out if I gave between 80 & 90/., for it ; and this is all the art I had. I expedt now to be wiser from you. A. I told you there must be four intrinsick causes of dearnesse & cheapness, vizt. Weight, Extent, Colour & Clear- ness. As for the weight you must get you a pair of Scales that will weigh with certainty to less then a quarter of a grain. As for extent you must get a piece of Muscovia glasse or very fine home, wherein must be a square drawn of an inch in the side & the said Square divided into 400 Squares, dividing each side into 20 parts by the finest lines that can be drawn, making every fourth division in a line somthing bigger then the rest for distindlion sake. Thirdly you must have 5 or 6 diamonds to lye constantly by you, each of a several water, & you must have in the opinion of the best jewellers the proportion of value which the said waters do beare one to another, as for Ex.: Suppose a stone weigh a graine & being of the best water is worth 25®, of the black water 20"", of the red 16®, of the yellow 14®, of the blewish 13®, of the brownish 12^ &c. Eourthly you must have TJie Dialogue of Diamonds. 627 as many foule diamonds as doe contein Samples of every sort of fault & a note of such abatements as an experienced Jeweller would make for every such fault, the same to be ex- pressed in aliquot parts of the whole value, & you must also have a pair of excellent Spectacles for the older sight with a good microscope, & then I conceive you are furnisht with the means of knowing more than most jewelers doe know. B. I cannot remember all you have said : therfore repeat the same over again in parts, & first concerning the weight. A. I shal. The general rule concerning weight is this that the price rises in duplicate proportion of the weight, that is to say as the Squares of the weight are one to another or the weight multiplyd by it self As for Ex.: Suppose a dia- mond weighing one grain to be worth 20'^ then a diamond of 2 grains is worth 4/., because the square of two is 4, that is, 2 multiplyd by 2 makes 4 ; & the diamond of 2 greins is to be paid for as if it weighed 4 & by the same rule a diamond of 3 grains must be reckoned as if [it] weighed 9, because 3 times 3 makes 9, & a diamond of 4 grains is to be reckond as 16, & according to this rule the great Moguls diamond of 1000 grains is reckoned worth a million of pounds Sterling and the Duke of Florences 200000/. Now judge you whether it be safe buying a diamond of 20 grains by the eye without weighing, in which a graine difference in the weight makes about 43/., difference in the price, reckoning the single grain but for 20^". B. I have one notable & obvious objeblion against your rule, which is that Lapidarys do use to divide a stone into 2 parts, making according to your rule each half to be but a quarter of the value of the whole & the two halfs after the charge and hazard of dividing to be worth but half what the whole was worth before dividing — answer me that. A. I doe acknowledge that the rule of weight alone is insufficient, as you have judiciously observed. Wherfore you must come to the next measure which is extent ; and extent is chiefly measured by the magnitude of the superficies which the great sedlion of the stone doth make, and by cutting the stone into two parts, if the stone were valued only by the said superficies, the value of the stone cut is doubled, whereas 40 — 2 628 A ppcndix. according to the weight it was halfecl. But this would better appear in an example. Suppose a stone intire to be worth 8/. Now if the same be cut in two halts, each half reckoned by the weight alone would be reduced to 40i‘. and the two halts to 4/. But if the stone be reckoned according to the extent and superficies only, then the two halts would be worth two eight pounds or 16/. But forasmuch as the rule of weight alone and the rule of extent alone are each of them insufficient, you must joyne them both together and take the medium. For joining 4/. : the value by weight, to 16/., the value by measure, the total is 20/., the half whereof is lo/. ; and thus you see the stone which intire is worth but 8/., being divided is worth 10/., yielding an advantage of 40^"., which is more than the charge of dividing it doth commonly amount to. B. Your answer is very satisfadlory & ingenious & from whence I now understand the use of your glass or home table. For I suppose that by applying the flat se6fion to the squared table you may with diligence measure the difference of any superficies almost exadlly. A. You apprehend it right & when I have measured so the extent of two several stones, I cast up their values by the aforementioned rule of duplicate proportion, & having cast them up both by weight & by measure, I take the medium. B. Lord bless me, what a fool was I wholy to omit those two guides neither of which could I make use of whilest the stone was set, & how easy is it for the best jeweler in the world to mistake one grain or one square in 20, nay, to mistake one in 100 where the value of one grain is above 200/., and how doe the workmen who doe set diamonds indeavour so to set them as to make them look 5 grains or 5 squares in lOO bigger then they are. I am very well pleased with this discourse by which in a quarter of an houre one may learn to get or save 2 or 300/., & to learn an art which is so little the worse for the wearing. A. I am glad you accept my advice. Some men would have made a frivolous objedfion against it, or have received it with a scornfull smile as a prety useless fancy and no more. JFit because you are so candid, I will proceed to the other points. The Dialogue of Diauionds. 629 B. I heartily thanke you. A. You must make such a measure upon your glass table as may correspond to the value of your grain, and when you have by the weight found how many grains you are to pay for, and by your note of colours at how much per grain, & when you have again by your table of magnitudes found how many squares you are to pay for at the same rate at which you reckoned the graine, then adding the value by weight to the value by extent, the half of that summ is the value of that stone according to its weight, extent & colour. B. I apprehend. And I thinke there remains nothing more then to teach me how to make my abatements of the value so found as aforesaid according to the several natures & numbers of the defedls. A. Well, this I will doe. You must remember you were to keep by you such and so many stones as doe contain all the usual faults of diamonds with the quota parts of the value which for each defedl is to be abated. As for example, suppose there be a black speck in a stone which without it were worth 10/. according to our former rules, but with it is worth 4s. lesse. Now you must remember that this 4^-. must be lookd upon as the 50^^' part of the value, and therfore you must abate 10/. in a stone of 500/. tho you abated but 4^-. in a stone of 10/. Moreover suppose there be not only the black speck abovementioned but an icecle also in your stone of 10/. for which you are to abate lOj-. and consequently the icecle & the speck 14^-. Now I conceive that, because there are two faults, you must not only abate ioj". & 4^-. but the double of the same, namely 2Ss. Again suppose that beside the speck and the icecle there be also a cloud, for which alone you might abate 6s. more, that is 4^-., lOi-. & 6s., in all 20^". I say that in this case you must not only abate barely 20^, nor the double thereof as when there were but two faults, but because there are three faults, you must abate the treble of all three, which is 3/., leaving your stone of 10/. reduced to 7/. Now this triple abatement in a stone of 500/. would be 1 50/., because that 1 50/. is of 500/., as the 3/. was of 10/. 630 A ppendix. B. I thinkc I understand this doctrine, but there comes a conceit in my head which makes me laugh, for how if all the faults thus cast up together should amount to more then the value, will you say that the stone in such a case is so much worse then nothing ? Certainly its worth something to make diamond powder of, were it never so foul or mishapen. A. Your obje6lion is good. Tis a pleasure to teach you, and to what you have said I can only answer theise two things : that I have heard able jewelers say that the dif- ference of stones of equal weight is seldome more then between 15 & 5 or 3 & 9, namely that the best with all its perfe6lions is but triple to the worst with all its faults. The other thing I say is that in case your defecls cast up as aforesaid should bring your stone below | of its full value resulting from the weight, extent & colour, I say in such a case that the estimate of your defedls must be reviewed, tempered & better proportioned & adjusted. III. The Powers of the King of England'. 10. Dec'’. 1685'' by S’. W. Petty. 1. The King has a Prerogative which Lawyers must expound. ^ The “Powers of the King of England” are printed from a MS. volume bearing the title “Adversaria Literaria I. P,” Brit. Mus. Addl. MSS. 27,^89, f. 17 — 18. The volume contains a book-plate of Sir John Perceval, of county Cork, Ireland, dated 1702. Cf. Hamilton, Dated Book-plates, 28. Perceval was born in 1683. The death of his father, Sir John Perceval, a friend of Petty’s (Fitzmaurice, 270), in 1686, left him an orphan and ward of Sir Robert Southwell. He was created Baron Perceval in 1715, and Earl of Egmont in the peerage of Ireland in 1733, and died in 1748. Perceval, who was in a position to procure copies of Petty’s writings, was a diligent collector of MSS. Other volumes of “Adversaria” apparently compiled by him, are in existence, one of them contain- ing a “character” of Petty. 7/// Kept. Hist. MSS. Com. ])p. xiii. 232—249. The ‘ ‘ 1 ’owers of the King ’’are in the same hand, probably Perceval’s, as the remaining, very miscellaneous, contents of the British Museum’s volume of the “Adversaria.” Another MS. of the “Powers of the King” is the property of the Martjuis of Bath, at Longleat. yd Kept. Hist. MSS. Com. 199. " d'he 17th November, James had rei)lied to the address of the Ct)mmons on the Powers of the King of England. 631 2. The King makes Peers in Parliament who are per- petuall Legislators, as also the Last and highest Judicature of England and Ireland, and have great Priviledges and Immunitys for themselves and Servants. 3. The King is the fountain of Honour Titles & Prece- dencys and of all the Powers which the L^^^ Marshall & Heralds exercise. 4. The King makes Bishops ; and They Priests & Deacons, & Clerks of the Convocation, and has also all the Power which the Pope had formerly. Bpps make Chancellors and other officers of the Spirituall Courts have power to Excommunicate &c. 5. The King makes the Chancellors of the Universitys, makes Heads and Fellows in Severall Colledges, and is also Visitor in some Cases. 6. The King has the Power of Coynage, & can give the Name, Matter, fineness. Character and Shape to all Species of Money and can cry Money up and downe by his Proclamation ; Which some extend to this vizt That if A. Lend B. 100/. weighing 29 pounds of Sterling Silver, If the King by his Proclamation declare that one Ounce of Silver shall be after- ward calld One hundred pounds, that then B. paying to A. the said Ounce of Silver, the Debt is answer’d. 7. The King makes Sheriffs and they Juries upon Life and Estate, Limb and Liberty, as also Jaylors Baylifs & Executioners of All Sorts. 8. The King makes a Chancellor or Cheif Judge in Equity who Stopps proceedings in other Courts of Law &c. The Chancellor makes Justices of Peace, & they High & petty Constable, & Sessions of Peace, &c. 9. The King makes Judges durante bene placito. They test. On the 19th there ensued the notable debate in the House of Lords in which not only Halifax, but Compton, Mordaunt, and Devonshire criticised the King’s policy with vigour. The following day Parliament was prorogued. Under such circumstances it is not surprising that so active-minded a man as Petty should have set down his ideas as to the extent of the prerogative. His expectations of reform, based upon the exercise of the royal power, though mistaken, seem to have been sincere, and it is to them that we owe, in part at least, several of his later writings. 632 A ppc}idix. sett fines and punish at their own Discretion in Severall Cases. They Govern Proceedings at Law, Declare and Interpret the Law, Repreive, &c. & the King can suspend the Law, pardon, or prosecute. 10. The King can give Charters for Boroughs to Parlia- ment, appoint Electors and Judges of Elections, prorogue adjourn and disolve Parliaments from time to time, and from Place to Place, disprove the Speaker &c. [i I.] The King appoints his Lieutenants to command the Grand Standing Militia, can press any Man to serve his Aliys beyond Seas, as Soldiers, can equip & appoint what number of Shipps and Seamen he pleases & their Wages & pari Ratione a Mercenary Army to serve at Land, as also Guards for his Person of Severall Sorts. 12. The King has some Revenue by Common Law and Prerogative & can by his Judges interpret Statutes concern- ing the Branches and the Collection thereof o 13. The King has great power over Forests and Mines, Colonys Monopolys. 14. The King can doe noe Wrong, & his coming to the Crown clears him from all punishments &c. due before, and obedience to him after Coronation excuses from^ 15. The King by ceasing or forebearing to administer the Severall Powers above nam’d can doe what harm he pleases to his SubjeCts. ^ Unfinished in the MS. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE PRINTED WRITINGS OF SIR WILLIAM PETTY \ [i.] A I declaration | Concerning the newly invented | Art of | double writing. | Wherein are expressed tlie reasons of the | Authors proceedings in procuring a Priviledge for | the same : As also of the Time, Manner, and | Price, of the discovery of the said | Art, and of the Instruments | belonging thereunto. | For the satisfadtion of all that desire to | be partakers of the great benefit of the same, | before they adventure anything towards | the reward thereof. | Whereunto is annexed a copie of an Ordi-|nance of both Houses of Parliament, approving the | feasibility and great use of the said invention, and allow-|ing a Priviledge to the Inventor, for the sole benefit there-|of for 14 years, upon the penalty of one hundred pounds. I [Ornament.] London, | Printed by R. L. for R. W. at the Star under Saint Peters Church in Cornhill, 1648. Title, I 1 . pp. I — 10, 4°. [2.] [Begin.] THere is invented an Instrument of small bulk and price... [end] Saint Peters Church in Cornhill. Broadside, folio, no date. It mentions the Declaration as already printed and requests contributors to pay their money to the inventor at . In the British Museum copy the blank is filled in with a pen, “ his lodging next doore to the White Boare in Lothbury.” [3 a.] The | advice | of | W. P. | to | Mr. Samuel Hartlib. | For I The Advancement of some particu-|lar Parts of Learning. | [Ornament.] London, Printed Anno Dom. 1648. Title, I 1 ., advertisement, i 1 ., epistle dedicatory i 1 ., pp. i — 26, 4°. The epistle is dated: London the 8 January. 164I. 1 A trial Bibliography of Sir William Petty, containing brief entries of nearly all the titles here printed, was contributed by me to Notes and Queries of 31 August and 14 September, 1895, 8'^'' series, viii. 163 — 165, 202 — 203. ^34 Bibliography of the Printed Writings of [3 b.] Same, in Tlie Harleian Miscellany... Vol. vi. London: Printed for T. Osborne, in Gray’s-Inn. MDCCXLV [1745]. 4”— Pp- I — 13- [3c.] Same, in The Harleian miscellany... with... annotations, by the late William Oldys,... and... Thomas Park... Vol. vi. London; printed for White and Co., and John Murray, Fleet Street; and John Harding, St. James’s Street. 1810. 4®. — Pp. i — 14. [3d.] Same, in The Harleian miscellany... with historical, political, and critical notes. Vol. vi. London : printed for Robert Dutton, Gracechurch-Street. 1810. 8L— Pp. 141—158. [4] A I brief | of | proceedings | between | S’". Hierom Sankey | and I D'". William Petty. | With | The State of the Controversie | between them | Tendered to all Indifferent Persons. | [Ornament.] London. | Printed in the Year, M.DC.L.IX. [1659]. Title, I 1 ., to the reader, i 1 ., pp. i — 8, P. [5 a.] Refledlions | upon some | Persons and Things | in | Ireland, | by | Letters to and from O’" Petty : | with | Sir Hierome Sankey’s Speech | in | Parliament. London, | Printed for John Martin, James Allestreye, and | Thomas Uicas, and are to be sold at the | Bell in St. Paul’s-Church- Yard. 1660. Title, I 1 ., pp. I — 1 ^ 2 , 147 — 162, 159 — 185, contents, 6 11 ., 8". The pages of signature K, which should be 143 — 158, are all nundjered four too high. [5 b.] Refledtions | upon some | persons and things | in | Ireland, | by | letters to and from | Dr. Petty : | with | Sir Hierom Sankey’s speech [ in | parliament, Dublin : j printed by Zachariah Jackson, | For Grtieber, and M‘Allister, No. 59, Dame-Street. | 1790. Pp. [i] — xxiv. I — 187, 8”. [6 a.] A I treatise | of | Taxes & Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands. | Assessements. ! Cus- toms. I Poll-Moneys. | Lotteries. | Benevolence. | Penalties. | Monopolies. | Offices. | Tythes. [ Raising of Coins. | Harth- Money. | Excize, Nc. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning j Warres. The Church. | Universities. | Rents & Purchases. | Usury & Exchange. | Banks N: Lombards. | Sir William Petty. 635 Registries for Con-|veyances. | Beggars. | Ensurance. | Exporta- tion of 1 Free-Ports. | Coins. | Housing. | Liberty of Con-|science, &c. | The same being frequently applied to the pre-| sent State and Affairs of | Ireland. London, Printed for N. Brooke, at the Angel in Cornhill. 1662. Title, I I., preface 3 11., index 4 11., pp. 1 — 75 , errata, i 1. 4 ”. [6 b.] A I treatise | of | 'haxes & Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands, | Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, I Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Harth-Money, | Excize, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Warrs, | The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, | Bai^s and Lombards, | Registries for Con-|veyances, | { Money Wool ^ I Coins, I Housing, I Liberty of Consci-|ence, &c. | The same being fre- quently applied to the present | State and Affairs of Ireland. London. Printed for Nath. Brooke, at the Angel for-|merly in Cornhill, now in Gresham-College, going into the | Exchange from Bishopgatestreet. 1667. Title, I 1., preface, 3 11., index, 4 11., pp. 1 — 72 , 4". [6 c.] I treatise | of | Taxes and Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands, | Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, I Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Haith-Money, | Excise, cScc. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Warrs, | The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, j Banks and Lombards, | Registries for Con-|veyances. | { Money, Wooll ^ Ports, I Coins, | Housing, I Liberty of Consci-jence, &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs of | Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present Af-|fairs of England. London, Printed for Obadiah Blagrave, at the Sign of | the Bear in St. Paul’s Church-Yard, over against | the Little North-Door 1679 - Title, I 1., preface, 3 11., index, 4 11., pp. i — 72 , 4 ". 636 Bibliography of the Printed Writings of [6d.] A I treatise | of | Taxes and Contributions. | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands | Assessments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Monopolies, | Offices, I 'Tythes, | Raising of Coins, | Harth-Money, | Excise, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Wars 1 'The Church, | Universities, | Rents and Purchaces, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registers for Conveyances. | Beggars, j Ensurance, | Exportation of i Free Ports, | Coins, | Housing, I Liberty of Conscience, &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs of | Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present Affairs of England. ] d"he Third [w] Edition. London, Printed for Obadiah Blagrave, at the Sign of the Bear | in St. Paul’s Church-Yard, over against the Little North Door. 1685. Title, in a double-lined l)oider, 1 1 ., preface, 3 11 ., index, 4 11 ., pp. i — 72, 4°. Apparently a reissue of the edition of 1679, with a new title page. Copies of this ed. are also bound in the following : [6 e.] A I colledlion | Of three | state traOs : | 1 . The Privileges and Practice of Parliaments, &c. | II. The Politician discovered, or Considerations of the | Late Pretensions of France to England and Ireland; | and their Plots in order thereunto. | III. A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions, shewing | the Natures and Measures thereof, particularly | fitted for the State of Ireland. | Written, | By Sir William Petty of Ireland. London, | Sold by O. Blagrave at the Bear and Star | in St. Paul’s Church-yard. 1690. This book consists of copies of : ist, Privileges and practice of parliaments in England : collected out of the common Law of this land. London : Robert tiarford, 1680 [first printed in 1628]; 2 11 ., pp. i — 44; 2nd, The politician dis- covered, or considerations [etc]. By a true protestant and well-wisher of his countrey. London: Langley Curtis, 1681; i 1 ., pp. i — 28, i — 23; 3rd, the “third” ed. of Petty’s Treatise. London: Obadiah Blagrave, 1685 (see no. 6d above). Each of these tracts has its separate title-page, pagination, and signatures; they are simply bound together, preceded by a copper plate representing the two houses of Parliament in session, and a title-page as above. [6 f.] A I discourse | of | taxes and contributions : | Shewing the Nature and Measures of | Crown-Lands, | Assesments, | Customs, | Poll-Moneys, | Lotteries, | Benevolence, | Penalties, | Mono[)olies, | Sir William Petty. 637 Offices, I Tythes, | Hearth, | Excise, &c. | With several intersperst Discourses and Digressions concerning | Wars, | The Church, | Universities | Rents and Purchases, | Usury and Exchange, | Banks and Lombards, | Registries for Con-|veyances, | Beggars, | Ensur- ance, | Exportation of I Ports, | Coins, | Housing, | Liberty of Consci-|ence, &c. | The same being frequently applied to the State and Affairs | of Ireland, and is now thouglit seasonable for the pre-|sent Affairs of England ; hum’uly recommended to the | present parliament. London, | Printed for Edward Poole, at the Ship, over against the ] Royal Exchange in Cornhill, 1689. Title, I L, preface, 3 11 ., index, 4 11 ., pp. 1 — 72, 4°. A reissue of the 1679 edition (6 c) with a new title-page. [6g.] See 27. [7 a.] An apparatus to the history of the common pradtices of Dying. By Sir William Petty, hi The | history | of the | Royal- Society I of I London, | For the Improving of | Natural Knowledge. | By I Tho. Sprat. London, | Printed by T. R. for J. Martyn at the Bell without | Temple-bar, and J. Allestry at the Rose and Crown in | Duck- lane, Printers to the Royal Society. | M DC LXVII [1667]. 4L — Pp. 284 — 306. [7 b.] Same, in The history of the Royal-Society... The Second Edition Corredted. London : Printed for Rob. Scot, Ri. Chiswell, Tho. Chapman, and Geo. Sawbridge. And are to be sold by Them, and by Tho. Bennet. 1702. 4^. — Pp. 284 — 306. [7 c.] Same, in 'Fhe history of the Royal Society... The Third Edition Corredled. [Ornament.] London : Printed for Samuel Chapman at the Angel and Crown in Pallmall. MDCCXXH [1722]. 4"^. — Pp. 284 — 306. [7 d.] Same, in 'Fhe history of the Royal Society... The Fourth Edition. [Ornament] London; Printed for J. Knapton, J. Walthoe, D. Midwinter, J. Tonson, A. Bettesworth and C. Hitch, R. Robinson, F. Clay, B. Motte, A. Ward, D. Brown, and T. Longman. M DCC XXX IV [1734]- 4®— Pp- 284—306. 638 Bibliography of the Printed Wi'itings of [7 e.] 1 /Histoire de la Pratique ordinaire de la Teinture par le Chevalier Gvillavme Petty. In T/histoire | de la | Societe \sic^ \ Royale | de | Londres, | Establie pour I’Enrichissement de la | science natvrelle | Escrite en Anglois par | d'homas Sprat, | Et traduite en Francois. | [Woodcut.] A Geneve, | Pour lean Herman Widerhold. | M. DC. EXIX [1669]. 8A- Pp. 346—374. [8.] The I discourse | Made before the | Royal Society | The 26. of November 1674. | Concerning the Use of | Duplicate Pro- portion I In sundry Important Particulars : | Together with a | New Hypothesis of Springing | or Elastique Motions. | By Sir William Petty, Kt. I Fellow of the said Society. | Pondere, Mensura, & Numero Deus omnia fecit : 1 Mensuram & Pondus Numeres, Numero omnia | fecit. London ; | Printed for John Martyn, Printer to the | Royal Society, at the Bell in | St. Paul’s Churchyard, 1674. I 1 ., recto blank, verso order of Royal Society to print, title, i 1 ., epistles dedicatory, 13 11 ., errata, i 1 ., j^:). i — 135, 12”. The order of the Royal Society to print is dated 10 December, 1674, the epistle to Lord Brouncker is dated “ ult. Decemb. ” [9.] Colloqiiim | Davidis | cum anima sua, (Accinente Para- phrasim in 104 Psalmtim) | De Magnalibus dei. | 25® Martii 1678. fecit I Cassid. Avrevs Minvtivs. | Imprimatur, | Guil. Jane. | August 31. 1678. I [Ornament.] Londini, | Impensis ddiomae Burrell, Bibliopolae, ad Insigne Pilae auratae, sub | Templo S*^** Dunstani in Vico vulgo vocato Fleet-street. | M DC LXX IX [1679]. Title, I 1 ., pp. I — 6. P. The occasion of this translation is described on p. xxviii of the Introduction. [10 a.] Sir William Petty’s | Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1682. | To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax. [At end :] London, Printed in the Year 1695. No title-page, pp. i — 8, 4". The above caption stands at the top of page I, which is also signature A. None of the live copies that I have seen shows any trace of a former title-page. Three have and two have not “ Price 2d.” at the end of the text. Cf. p. 448. There was, apparently, another edition in 1693, printed for A. and J. Churchill (see McCulloch’s reprint below, no. 10 e) but I have not been able to find a copy of it. “A Complete Catalogue of all Books lately Printed concerning the Coin,” which is appended to Proposals for a National Bank, setting forth how Three Millions of Pounds may be raised... (London, Printed for Richard Cumberland, at the Angel Sir William Petty. 639 in S. Paul’s Church-Yard, 1697), mentions, as no. 22 on p. 46, “Sir William Petty’s Quantulumcunque concerning Money, 1612. 2 sheets in 8vo.” McCulloch’s Literature of Political Economy, p. 155, cites “ Quantulumcuncpie ; or a Tract concerning Money, addressed to the Marquis of Halifax, by Sir William Petty. 4“. (London) 1682.” I have found no copy of an edition of 1682, either in octavo or in quarto. [10 b.] Observations | relating to the | coin | of | Great Britain ; | consisting | Partly of Extra6ls from Mr Locke’s Treatise concerning Money, but chiefly | of such Additions thereto, as are thought to be very necessary at this | Jundlure : not only for remedying the present great Scarcity of Silver, | but for putting a stop to those Losses which this Nation suffers by the | over-valuing of Gold- Money, and by prohibiting both the Melting and | Exporting of British Coin : | Whereunto is annexed, | Sir William Petty’s | Quantulumcunque | concerning | money; | Reprinted from an Edition that was printed for private Use in the Year 1695 ; | and corredled by a Manuscript Copy of very good authority. By J. Massie. London : | Printed for T. Payne, in Castle-Street, Charing Cross ; | Sold by I W. Owen at Temple-Bar, and | C. Henderson, under the Royal Exchange. | MDCCLX [1760]. | (Price One Shilling.) On p. 32 begins Sir William Petty his Quantulumcunque concerning Money, “reprinted from an Edition that was printed for private Use in the Year 1695, and corrected by a Manuscript Copy of very good Authority.” Cf. p. 438. [10 c.] Same, in A collection of scarce and valuable traCts, on the most Interesting and Entertaining Subjects;... Selected from... Public, as well as Private Libraries ; Particularly that of the late Lord Somers. Revised by eminent hands. Vol. iv. London : Printed for E. Cogan, at the Middle-Temple-Gate, in Eleet Street. M DCC XLVIII [1748]. 4''.— Pp- 73 — 79 - [10 d.] Same, etc., m A collection of scarce and valuable traCts... The second edition, revised, augmented, and arranged, by Walter Scott, Esq. Volume eighth. London: Printed for T. Cadell and W. Davies, Strand... 1812. 4® — Pp. 472—477. [10 e.] Sir William Petty | his | Quantulumcunque | concerning | money. | To the Lord Marquess of Halyfax, | Anno 1682. London : | Printed for A. and J. Churchill, at the | Black Swan, in Paternoster Row, 1695. In A I select collection | of | scarce and valuable | tracts on money, | from the originals of | Vaughan, Cotton, Petty, Lowndes, 640 Bibliography of the Prmted Writings of Newton, | Prior, Harris, and others. | With a preface, notes, and index. | [Quotation, 4 lines.] London : | printed for the | Political Economy Club. | MDCCCLVI [1856]. 8«.— Pp. 157-167. One hundred and twenty-five copies printed by the Political Economy Club of London for distribution among its members and their immediate friends. The tracts contained in the volume were taken from originals supplied by J. R. McCulloch, who also contributed the preface and notes. [ii.] The I fourth part | of the | Present State | of | England. | Relating | To its Trade and Commerce within it self, and | with all Countries traded to by the English, as | it is found at this Day Established, giving a most | exaCl account of the Laws and Customs of Mer-|chants relating to Bills of Exchange, Policies of | Ensurance, Fraights, Bottomery, Wreck, Ave-lridge, Contributions, Customs, Coyns, Weights, | Measures, and all other matters relating to Inland | and Marine affairs. | To which is likewise added Englands Guide to In-|dustry, or Improvement of Trade, for the good | of all People in General. | Written by a Person of Quality [i.e. Sir William Petty]. London, Printed by R. Holt for William Whitwood, | near the George Inn in Little Britain, 1683. Title, I 1 ., To the Reader, signed: J. S., i 1 ., contents, 4 11 ., pp. 1 — 362, followed by: England’s | guide ] to | industry: | or, | Improvement of Trade, | for the good of all Peo- I pie in general. | London, ] Printed by R. Holt for T. Passinger at I the three Bibles on I.ondon-Bridge, and | B. Took at the Ship in St Pauls- Church- I Yard. 1683. Title, I 1 ., preface, 5 11 ., pp. i — ro2, 12®. — — Page i of England’s Guide has this caption: “A Discourse of Trade. Being a Comparison between England and other parts of Europe, wherein the Incouragement of Industry is promoted in these Islands of Great Britain and Ireland.” England’s Guide to Industry is a surreptitious issue of Petty’s Political Arithmetick. Cf. p. 238 and pp. 122 — 123 of this book. In fact the whole PYurth Part of the Present State of p]ngland is fraudulent, cf. Wood, Athene^ Oxon., ed. Bliss, iv. 793. [T2a.] Observations | upon the | Dublin-Bills | of | mortality, | MDCLXXXI. I and the | State of that city. j. By the Observator on the London | Bills of mortality. | [Ornament] London : | Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Sign of | the Black Raven, over against Bedford- 1 house in the Strand. 1683. Title, I 1 ., pp. I — 8, postscript to the stationer, 2 11 ., and 3 folding tables not included in the pagination, 8". [12 b — h.] See 20 a, 26a— e and 27. vS/r William Petty. 64 [13 a.] Another | essay | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concern- ing the Growth of the | city | of London : | with the | Measures, Periods, Causes, | and Consequences there-|of 1682. | By Sir William Petty, Fellow of the | Royal Society. London : Printed by H. H. for Mark Pardoe, at the Black j Raven, over against Bedford-House, in the Strand. 1683. Pp. I — 47, 8°. On p. 47, after “finis,” is this advertisement: “Observations upon the Dublin Bills of Mortality M.DC. 1 xxxi. And the state of that City. By the Observator on the London Bills of Mortality. In Octavo.” See p. xlii of the Introduction. [13 b.] Same, m A | colledtion | of the | yearly bills | of | mortality, | From 1657 to 1758 inclusive. | Together with several other Bills of an earlier Date. | To which are subjoined | 1 . Natural and Political Observations on the bills of mortality: by Cajjt. | John Graunt, F.R.S. reprinted from the sixth [sic] edition, 1676. | 11 . Another essay in political arithmetic, concerning the growth of the I city of London ; with the measures, periods, cause.s, and consequences | thereof By Sir William Petty, Kt. F.R.S. reprinted from the edi-jtion printed at London in 1683. | HI. Cibservations on the past growth and present state of the city of Lon-|don ; reprinted from the edition printed at London in 1751 ; with | a continuation of the tables to the end of the year 1757. By Coibyn | Morris, Esq; F.R.S. | IV. A comparative view of the diseases and ages, and a table of the pro-|babilities of life, for the last thirty years. By J[ames] P[ostlethwaytJ Esq; F.R.S. London : | Printed for A. Millar in the Strand. | MDCCLIX [1759]- 4 °— Pp- 63-76. Dr Thomas Birch is commonly I'cgarded as the editor of tliis Collection. Cf. Ogle’s Inquiry into the Trustworthiness of the Old Bills of Mortality, in Jour, of the Stat. Soc., iv. 442; Diet, of Natl. Biogr., s. v. Birch. But James Milne, writing about 1824, says, upon the authority of Dr William Heberden, the younger (1767 — 1845), that “the bills were collected into a volume by his father, the late Dr Heberden [1710 — 1801]. He procured likewise observations from several of his friends, rectors of some large parishes, or others likely to give him information; particularly from Bishop Mess, Bishop .Squire, and Dr Birch. These, together with some of his own results, were thrown into the form of a preface; and the whole was committed to the care of Dr Birch. To make the calculations which appear at the end of the book. Dr Heberden employed James Postlethwayt, Esq., a very distinguished arithmetician.” Suppl. to the j^th, ^th, and 6 th Editions of the Encyclopeedia Britannica, li. 306. [13 c — i.] See 17 a, 26 a — e, 27. H. P. 41 642 BibliograpJiy of tJie Printed Writhigs of [14.] Experiments to be made relating to I.and-Carriage, pro- posed by the learned Sr. William Petty Kt. In Philosophical Transactions, Vol. xiv., no. 16 1, pp. 666 — ^667, 20 July, 1684. [15 a.] Some Queries whereby to Examine Mineral Waters by the Learned Sir William Petty Knight. In Philosophical Trans- actions. Vol. XIV., no. 166, pp. 802 — 803, 20 December, 1684. [15b.] 32 : Quaeres for the Tryal of Mineral Waters; by the Honourable Sir William Petty, Knight. In The Natural History of Wiltshire by John Aubrey, R.S.S. edited by John Britton. Published by the Wiltshire Topographical Society. London. MDCCCXLVII [1847]. 4^^.— pp. 26. [16.] A Miscellaneous Catalogue of Mean, vulgar, cheap and simple Experiments. Drawn up by Sr. William Petty, President of the Dublin Society, and by Him presented to that Society. In Philosophical Transactions. Vol. xv., no 167, pp. 849 — 853, 28 January, 1685. Birch says that at the meeting of the Royal Society held 10 Dec., 1684, “upon mentioning sixty-three miscellaneous experiments proposed by Sir William Petty as desiderata, a paper containing them, which had latterly been printed at Dublin, was read, and being very well approved of, was ordered to be reprinted here.” Hist, of the Roy. Soc., IV. 346. I have not found a copy of the Dublin issue. [17 a.] An I essay | Concerning the | Multiplication of Man- kind : I Together with another | essay | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concerning the Growth of the | City of London : | with the | Measures, Periods, Causes, and Con-|sequences thereof 1682. | The Second Edition Revised and Enlarged. | By Sir William Petty, I Fellow of the Royal Society. | Licensed, Rob. Midgeley. | Jan. 9. 1686. London : Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Black Raven | over against Bedford-house in the Strand. 1686. Title, I b, pp. I — 50, 8“. On p. 50, after “finis,” is this advertisement: “Observations on the Doublin Bills of Mortality MDCi.xxxi., and the State of that City, by Sir William Petty, Fellow of the Royal Society. Sold by Mark Pardoe at the Black Raven in the Strand.” See pp. xlii, liii of the Introduction. [17 b — g.] See aba — e, 27. [18 a.] Deux essays | d’arithmetique politique, | touchant | les villes I de | Londres | et | Pari.s. | Dedies au roy, | Par le Chevalier Petty, de la Societe Royal e. Sir William Petty. 643 A Londres, | Ch^s B.G., et se vendent par Frangois Vaillant, | Marchand Libraire demeurand dans le Strand, vis a vis | T^glise Francoise de la Savoye. 1686. Title, I 1., dedication, 1 1., pp. r — 6, 4”. This version of the Two Essays, said to be a translation from the English edition licensed 26 August, 1686 (cf. p. 502), appears to have been published before the English orginal. [18 b.] Ttvo I essays | in | Political Arithmetick, | Concerning the I People, Housing, Hospitals, &c | of | London and Paris. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | — Qiii sciret Regibus uti | Fastidiret olus — London, | Printed for J. Lloyd in the Middle Exchange | next Salisbury-House in the Strand. 1687. r 1., recto blank, verso imprimatur, title, i 1., epistle dedicatory, i L, pp. I — 2T, memorandum, i 1., 8°. [18 c — h.] See 26 a — e and 27. In the Philosophical Transactions for the Years 1686 and 1687, Vol. xvi. no. 183, p. 152, July, August and September, 1686, there is An Extract of two Essays in Political Arithmetick concerning the comparative Magnitudes, &c. of London and Paris by Sr William Petty, Knight, R. R.S. This is printed on p. 513. [19.] A further Assertion of the Propositions concerning the | Magnitude, &c. of London, contained in two Essays | in Political Arithmetick; mentioned in Philos. Trans-|a6l. Numb. 183; together with a Vindication of the | said Essays from the Objedfions of some Learned Persons | of the French Nation, by Sr. W. Petty Knt. R.S.S. Caption as above, followed by text, pp. i — 4, 4”. Reprinted from Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, Vol. xvi. no. 185, pp. 237 — 240, Nov. & Dec., 1686. The reprint is repaged, but without title-page, & retains the original signatures, Gg and Gg2. [20 a.] Further | observation | upon the | Dublin-Bills : | or, | accompts | of the | Houses, Hearths, Baptisms, | And Burials in that I city. The Second Edition, Corredted and Enlarg’d. | By Sir William Petty, [ Fellow of the Royal Society. Lonon [sic ] ; | Printed for Mark Pardoe, at the Sign of | the Black Raven, over-against Bed-lford-House in the Strand. 1686. Title, verso, the stationer to the reader, i 1., pp. i — 6, followed by Observations upon the Dublin-Bills of Mortality, 1681, as described above, no. 12 a, 8°. [20b — g ] See 26a — e and 27. 41—2 644 Bibliography of the Printed Writings of [21a.] Observations | upon the | cities | of | London | and Rome. I By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. London, | Printed for Henry Mortlocke, at the Phoenix, in | St. Paul’s Church-Yard, and J. Lloyd, in the middle | Exchange next Salisbury-House in the Strand. 1687. I 1 ., recto blank, verso imprimatur, title, i 1 ., pp. 1 — 4, 8°. [21 b — g.] See 26 a — e and 27. [22 a.] Cinq essays | sur | L’Arithmetique Politique. | I. On Repond aux Objedfions tirees de | la Ville de Rey en Perse, & a cedes de | Mr. Auzout contre les deux premiers Es-|says, & I’on fait voir qu’il y a autant de | monde a Londres qu’a Paris, Rome & | Rouen pris ensemble. | 11 . Comparaison entre Londres & Paris en I 14 choses particuliers. | HI. Preuves qu’il demeure dans les 134 pa-[roisses de Londres marquees dans les bil-|lets de mortalite, environ 696 mille per-|sonnes. | IV. Combien Ton estime qu’il y a de monde | a Londres, Paris, Amsterdam, Venise, | Rome, Dublin, Bristol, & Rouen avec | plusieurs remarques sur ce Sujet. | V. Touchant la Hollande & les autres VI I | Provinces Unies. | Par le Chevalier Petty de la | Societe Royale. | Invidiam Augendo ulciscar. A Londre, | Impremie pour Henry Mortlock au Phoenix dore dans le Cimetier de St. Paul. 1687. Five essays | in | Political Arithmetick, | viz, | I. Objedtions from the City of Rey in | Persia, and from Mons^ Auzout, against | two former Essays, answered, and that | London hath as many people as Paris, | Rome and Rouen put together. | H. A Com- parison between London and | Paris in 14 particulars. | HI. Proofs that at London, within its 134 | Parishes, named in the Bills of Morta-|lity, there live about 696 Thousand | People. | IV. An estimate of the People in London, | Paris, Amsterdam, Venice, Rome, Dublin, | Bristoll and Rouen, with several obser-|vations upon the same. | V. Concerning Holland and the rest of | the VII United Provinces. | By Sir William Petty, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | Invidiam augendo ulciscar. London, | Printed for Henry Mortlock at the Phoenix in | St. Paul’s Church-yard. 1687. I 1 ., recto blank, verso imprimatur in French, 18 February, i68f, i 1 ,, recto imprimatur in English, same date, verso French title, i 1 ., recto English title, verso Sij^ William Petty. 645 Epistre dedicatoire au Roy, concluded on verso of next (fourth) leaf, on whose recto begins the Epistle Dedicatory, To the King’s Most Excellent Majesty. This is continued on the recto of leaf five, on whose verso begins page one of the French text. Facing it, on the recto of leaf six, begins page one of the English text. Each text extends to its page 51, 8". [22 b — g.] See 26a — e and 27. [22 h.] Handgreiffliche | Demonstration, | Dass die | Stadt London in Engeland mit | ihren Vorstadten allein viel machtiger, grosser, | und Volckreicher sey, | Nicht nur als die | Stadte Parise und Rouan, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten ziisammen, | Oder als die | Stadte Parise und Rome, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Sondern auch als | Alle diese drey vornehme und grosse Stadte, I mit alien ihren Vorstadten zusammen, | So dass | London die grosseste Stadt, und das mach-|tigste Emporium der gantzen Welt sey, | Aus des beriihmten Rittern und der Konigl. Englischen | Societat-Curiosorum Verwandten Sr. Wilhelm Petty, | und anderer Authoren Schrifften ausgezogen. Dantzig, | Gedruckt durch David Frienrich Rheten. | Zufinden bey Martin Hallervordt in Kdnigsberg. | Im Jahr 1693. Pp. 1 — 24, 4®. Title in red and black. The first 15 pp. are a loose version of the ist, 2nd, 4th and 5th of Petty’s Five Essays, the remainder is from other sources. Professor John writes that the translator was Gottfried Schultz. Cf. p. 318 note. [22 i.] Handgreiffliche Demonstration, | Dass die | Stadt London in Engeland mit | ihren Vorstadten allein viel machtiger, grosser, | und Volckreicher sey, | Nicht nur als die | Stadte Paris und Rouan, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Oder als die | Stadte Parise und Rome, | mit ihren beyderseits Vorstadten zusammen, | Sondern auch als | Alle diese drey vornehme und grosse Stadte, mit alien ihren Vorstadten zusammen, | So dass | London die gros- seste Stadt, und das mach-|tigste Emporium der gantzen Welt sey, | Aus des beriihmten Rittern und der Konigl. Englischen | Societat- Curiosum Verwandten Sr. William Petty, | und anderer Authoren Schrifften ausgezogen. Dantzig: Zu finden bey Michael Werthen, Anno 1724. Pp. I — 24, 4”. A I'eissue of the 1693 edition, with a new title-page. [23 a.] Political Arithmetick, | or | a discourse | Concerning, | The Extent and Value of Lands, People, | Buildings; Husbandry, Manufacture [*], | Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, | Soldiers ; Publick Revenues, Interest, | Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks; [ Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, | of Militia’s, 646 Bibliography of the Printed Writings of Harbours, Situation, Ship-|ping, I’ovver at Sea, &c. As the same | relates to every Country in general, but | more particularly to the 'Territories of | His Majesty of Great Britain, and his | Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and [ France, j By Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society. T.ondon, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, | and Hen. Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Paul’s | Church-yard. 1690. [ 1 ., verso imprimatur 7 Nov. 1690, title, i 1 ., dedication, 2 11 ., preface, 5 11 ., the principal conclusions, 2 11 ., errata, i 1 ., pp. i — 117, 8°. * Here a space. The letter “s” has apparently fallen out. [23 b.] Political Arithmetick, | or | a discourse | Concerning, | T'he Extent and Value of Lands, Peo[>le, | Buildings; Husbandry, Manufacture [*], \ Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, | Soldiers ; Publick Revenues, Interest, | Taxes, Superlucration, Registries, Banks ; | Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, | of Militia’s, Harbours, Situation, Ship-jping,, Power at Sea, &c. As the same | relates to every Country in general, but | more particularly to the 'Territories of | His Majesty of Great Britain, and his | Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and | France. | By .Sir William Petty, j Late Fellow of the Royal Society. London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, | and Hen. Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Paul’s | Church-Yard. 1691. I 1 ., verso imprimatur 7 Nov. 1690, title, i 1 ., dedication, 2 11 ., preface, 5 11 ., the principal conclusions, 2 11 ., errata, i 1 ., pp. r — 117, 8°. * Here a space. The letter “s” has apparently fallen out. [23 c.] Political I arithmetick; | or ; a | discourse | concerning | 'The Extent and V alue of | Lands, People, Buildings ; | Husbandry, Manufacture, | Commerce, Fishery, Arti-|zans, Seamen, Soldiers ; | Pub-llick Revenues, Interest, Tax-jes, Superlucration, Registries, | Banks; Valuation of men, | Increasing of Seamen, of Mi-|litia’s, Harbours, Situation, | shipping. Power at Sea, etc. | As the same relates to every | Country in general, but more | particularly to the territories | of his majesty of Great Bri-jtain, and his neighbours of | Holland, Zealand, and France. | By Sir William Petty, | late fellow of the royal society. Glasgow, 1 printed and sold by Robert and Andrew foulis | MDCCLI [1751]. Half-title, r 1 ., pp. [i]— x, [ti]— 97, 8”. Appended, with separate title- page and pagination but continuous signatures, is Moyle’s translation of Xenophon Upon the Revenues of Athens, which is also mentioned on the half-title. Sir William Petty. 647 [23 d.] Sa? 7 ie., 1691 edition, in Scarce | Tradts | on | Trade and Commerce | serving as | a Supplement | to | Davenant’s Works. | In Two Volumes. | Vol. ii. | Published by Sir Charles Whitworth. London : | Printed for Hooper and Davis, No 25, Ludgate-Hill, | and G. Robinson, Pater-Noster Row. | MDCCLXXVIII [1778]. 8®. [230.] Satne^ 1690 edition, m An English Garner Ingatherings from our history and literature By Edward Arber, F.S.A. &c. [Quotations.] Volume vi. E. Arber, i Montague Road, Birmingham, England i May, 1883. 4”— Pp- 323—388. [23 f — ^j.] See 26 a — d and 27. [24 a.] The I Political Anatomy | of | Ireland. | With | The Establishment for that King-|dom when the late Duke of Ormond | was Lord Lieutenant. Taken from the | Records. | To which is added | Verbum Sapienti ; or an Account of the | Wealth and Expences of England, and the Method | of raising Taxes in the most Equal manner. | Shewing also. That the Nation can bear the Charge | of Four Millions per Annum, when the occasions of | the Government require it. | By Sir William Petty, late Fellow | of the Royal Society, and Surveyor-Gene-jral of the Kingdom of Ireland. | London : | Printed for D. Brown, and W. Rogers, at the Bible | without Temple-Bar, and at the Sun over-against | St. Dunstans Church, Fleet-street. 1691. Title, I 1 ., epistle dedicatory 3 11 ., preface i 1 ., advertisements i 1 ., contents, 2 11 ., pp. I — 205, half-title of Verbum Sapienti, i 1 ., pp. r — 24, 8". Signatures continuous throughout. [24 b.] Sir William Petty’s | Political Survey | of | Ireland, | with the I Establishment of that King-|dom, when the Late Duke of Or-|mond was Lord Lieutenant ; | and also | An exadl list of the present Peers, | Members of Parliament, and principal | Officers of State. I To which is added, | An Account of the Wealth and Ex-jpences of England, and the Me-|thod of raising Taxes in the most equal | manner. | Shewing likewise that England can bear | the Charge of Four Millions per Ann. when | the Occasions of the Government require it. | The Second Edition, carefully corredled, | with Additions. | By a Fellow of the Royal Society. London : Printed for D. Browne, at the Black Swan, | W. Mears, at the Lamb ; F. Clay, at the Bible and Star, | all without Temple- 648 Bibliography of the Printed IV ri tings of Bar; and J Hooke, at the Flower-|de-Luce, against St. Dunstans- Church in Fleet-Street, 1719. Title, I 1 ., dedication, 2 11 ., preface, i 1 ., contents, 3 11 ., errata, i 1 ., pp. I — 223, followed by Verbum sapienti, pp. i — 26, signatures continuous, 8". [24 c.] Safne, 1691 edition, in A I collection | of | Tracts and 'Treatises | illustrative of the | natural history, antiquities, | and the | Political and Social State | of | Ireland, | At various periods prior to the present Century. | In two volumes. | Vol. ii. | Treatises by Sir William Petty, Bishop Berkeley, Prior, | and Dobbs. [ With an Index. Dublin : | reprinted by | Alex. Thom & sons, Abbey-Street. | MDCCCLXI [1861]. 8".— Pp. 1-144. This Collection was compiled by Mr Thom. Cf. Webb, Irish Biography, 594. [24 d.] See 27. [25.] An I account | Of several | New Inventions and Improve- ments I Now necessary for England, | In a Discourse by way of letter | to the | Earl of Marlbourgh [.r/r], | Relating to | Building of our English Shipping, | Planting of Oaken Timber in the Forrests, | Apportioning of Publick Taxes, | The Conservacy of all our Royal Rivers, in | particular that of the Thames, | The Surveys of the Thames, &c. | Herewith is also published at large | The Pro- ceedings relating to the MilTd-| Lead-sheathing, and the Excellency and I cheapness of MilTd-Lead in preference to | Cast Sheet-Lead for all other purposes | whatsoever. | Also | A Treatise of naval philosophy, writ-|ten by Sir Will. Petty. | The whole is submitted to the Consideration of our English | Patriots in Parliament Assembled. London, Printed for James Astwood, and are to j be Sold by Ralph Simpson at the Harp in St. Pauls | Church-yard. MDCXCI [1691]. I 1 ., recto blank, verso imprimatur 6 March, 1690, title, i 1 ., table 6 11 ., pp. i — exxv. followed by: The New Invention of mill’d lead for Sheathing of Ships against the Worm... London, Printed in the year 169 r. Title, I 1 ., table, 8 11 ., pp. i — 132, 2 folded sheets, 12°. The signatures are continuous from p. 1 through the unnumbered 11. following the second title-page, likewise from the second p. i to the end. Contains, beginning at p. 1 17 : A I Treatise | of ] Naval Philosophy. ] In three parts. | I. A Phisico- Mathematical Dis- | course of Ships and Sailing. | II. Of Naval Policy. | III. Of Naval Oeconomy or [ liirsbandry. Sir William Petty. 649 [26 a.] Several | essays | in | Political | Arithmetick : | The Titles of which follow in the | Ensuing Pages. | By | Sir William Petty, I Late Fellow of the Royal Society. London : | Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, | and Henry Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Paul’s | Church-Yard. 1699. I 1 ., recto blank, verso license to print the Political Arithmetick, dated 7 November, 1690, title, i 1 ., contents, i 1 ., pp. i — 276, 8°. — Contains an Essay concerning the Multiplication of Mankind, Further Observations upon the Dublin Bills of Mortality, Two Essays in Political Arithmetick, Observations upon the Cities of London and Rome, Five Essays in Political Arithmetick, and the Political Arithmetick of 1690. Each of these has a separate title-page. The first two are dated 1698, the others, 1699. The Five Essays are printed in French and in English on opposite pages. [26b.] Essays | in | Political Arithmetick; | or, a | discourse | Concerning | The Extent and Value of l^ands. People, Buildings ; | Husbandry, Manufadture, Com-|merce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, Soldiers ; | Publick Revenues, Interest, Taxes, Super-|lucration, Registries, Banks; Valuation of | Men, Increasing of Seamen, of Militia’s, | Harbours, Situation, Shipping, Power at | Sea, &c. As the same relates to every | Country in general, but more particularly | to the Territories of Her Majesty of Great | Britain, and her Neigh- bours of Holland, | Zealand, and France. | By Sir William Petty, | Late Fellow of the Royal Society. London, | Printed for Henry and George Mortlock, at the Phoenix | in St. Paul’s Church Yard. 1711. Title, 1 1 ., pp. I — 276, 8”. The sheets of the 1699 edition reissued with a new title-page. [26 c.] Afiotlier edition. Edinburgh, 1751. — This I have not seen. [26 d.] Several | essays | in | Political Arithmetick. | By | Sir William Petty, Knt. | and | Fellow of the Royal Society. | The fourth edition, Corredled. | To which are prefix’d, | memoirs | of the I author’s life. London: | Printed for D. Browne, without Temple-Bar; J. Shuck- |burgh, at the Sun, and J. Whiston and B. White, | at Boyle’s Head in Fleet-Street. | M. DCC. LV [1755]. Pp. I — IV. I— VI. I — 184, advertisements, i 1 ., 8°. Contents the same as the 1699 edition save for the omission of the French version of the Five Essays and the insertion of the “memoirs of the author’s life.” 650 Bibliography of the Printed Writings of [26 e.] Cassell’s national library. | Essays | on | Mankind and Political I Arithmetic. | By | Sir William Petty. | [Woodcut.] Cassell & Company, Limited, 104 & 106 Fourth Avenue, New York. [1888.] Pp. [i] — 192. Forms Vol. iii. no. 145 of Cassell’s National Library. PFlited with an introduction by H[enry] M[orleyJ. Reprinted from the 1699 edition of the Several Essays, with the omission of the Political Arithmetick, for which is substituted (pp, 133 — 192) an account “Of the people of England. Founded upon the calculations of Gregory King, Lancaster Herald, and forming part of ‘ An essay [by Charles Davenant] upon the probable methods of making a people gainers in the balance of trade,’ published in 1699.” There is also an issue with the imprint London, Paris, New York and Melbourne. [27.] Tracts; | chiefly relating to | Ireland. | Containing: | I. A Treatise of taxes and contri-|butions. | II. Essays in political arithmetic. | III. The political anatomy of Ireland. | By the late Sir William Petty. | To which is prefixed | his last will. | [Orna- ment.] Dublin : | Printed by Boulter Grierson, Printer to the | King’s Most Excellent Majesty. | MDCCLXIX [1769]. Pp. I — XXIV. I — 488, 8°. The Treatise of Taxes is reprinted from the edition of 1679 c), the Essays from that of 1699 (26a), the Political Anatomy from that of 1719 (24 b). [28.] Of making cloth with sheeps wool. In History of the Royal Society... By Thomas Birch... Vol. i. London ; Printed for A. Millar in the Strand. MDCCLVI [1756]. 4 °— Pp- 55 — <^ 5 - [29.] The Elements of Ireland, and of its Religion and Policy, by Sir William Petty, Fellow of y® Royal Society, 1687. (Printed in part in W. H. Hardinge’s paper On an Unpublished Essay on Ireland, by Sir William Petty, 1687, in The Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. Volume xxiv. Antiquities. Dublin: Published by the Academy. 1873. 4° — Pp. 371 — 377.) [30]. What a Compleat Treatise of Navigation should contain. Drawn up in the Year 1685, by Sir William Petty, late Fellow of the Royal Society. I?i Philosophical Transactions, Vol. xvi. no. 198, pp. 657 — 658, March, 1693. [31.] History | of the | Cromwellian survey of Ireland, | a.d. 1655-6, I commonly called “The Down Survey.” | Edited, | from Sir William Petty. 651 manuscripts in the libraries of Trinity College, Dublin, the King’s Inns, Dublin, | and the Marquis of Lansdowne, | by | Thomas Aiskew Larcom, | F.R.S., M.R.I.A., Etc., | Major, Royal Engineers. | [Woodcut] Dublin : | for the Irish Archaeological Society. | MDCCCLI Title, I 1 ., list of officers, i 1 ., pp. i — xxiii. i — 426, 4". [32.] Observations upon the trade in Irish cattle. Without place or date. Broadsheet — Description taken from no. 5597 of a Catalogue of the most extensive, valuable and truly interesting collection of curious books now on sale in this or any other country. Offered by Thomas Thorpe, 178, Piccadilly, London [1842], 8“. Cf. note on p. 161. [33.] A Geographical! Description of y^ Kingdom of Ireland. | Collected from y^ actual Survey made by Sr. William Petty | Cor- redted & amended, by the advice, & assistance, of severall Able | Artists, late Inhabitants of that Kingdom. | Containing one General Mapp, of y® whole Kingdom, with | four Provincial Mapps, & 32. County Mapps, divided into [ Baronies, where in are discribed y^ Cheife Cities, Townes, Rivers, | Harbours and Head-lands, &C‘h | To which is added a Mapp of Great Brittaine and Ireland, | together with an Index of the whole. | Being very usefull for all Gentlemen, and I Military Officers, as well for Sea, as for Land Service. Engraven & Published for y® benefit of y^ Publique, by Fra : Lamb. | and are to be Sold at his House in Newgate streete, next door but one | to y® White Swan, toward y® Gate. By Rob : Morden at y® Atlas in Cornhill. | Will : Berry at the Globe at Charing Cross And by | John Sellar Ju: at y® West end of S*^ Pauls London. [No date.] Engraved title with engraved border on double page, index i 1 ., 38 double- page maps, about 6x4^ inches. Also issued on large paper with coloured maps and the imprint: By John Seller | Sold at His Shop at the Hermitage in | Wapping. [34.] Hiberniae | Delineatio quoad hactenus | licuit, Perfec- tissima | Studio Guilielmi Petty Eq^^ : Aurati. | Continens tabulas sequentes vulgb dictas | A Generali Map of Ireland i | The Province of Leinster 2 | The Province of Munster 3 | The Province of Ulster 4 | The Province of Connaught 5 || In Leinster | Louth and Dublin 6 | East Meath 7 | West Meath 8 | Longford 9 | Kings County 10 | Queen’s County ii | Catherlogh 12 | Kildare 13 | Kilkenny 14 | 652 Bibliography of the Printed Writings. AVicklow 15 I Wexford 16 j| In Munster | Clare 17 | Tipperary 18 j Lymrick 19 | Waterford 20 | Corke 21 | Kerry 22 || In Ulster | Dunnagall 23 | Londonderry 24 | Tyrone 25 | Antrim 26 | Downe 27 | Ardmagh 28 | Monaghon 29 | Fermanagh 30 ] Cavan 31 || In Connaught | Letrun 32 | Mayo 33 | Slego 34 | Roscommon 35 | Gallway 36. No place or date, folio. Most copies have prefixed a portrait of “ Sr William I’etty, 1683,” Edv^yn Sandys sculp. The British Museum Catalogue of Printed Maps assigns this atlas to 1685. But the general map of Ireland (Sutton Nicholls sculp.), which bears the title “An Epitome of Sr William Petty’s Large Survey of Ireland. ..By Phillip I.ea. At the Atlas and Hercules in Cheapside near Fryday Street London And in Westminster Hall near ye Court of Common Plea’s,” contains an engraved advertisement of “ The History of Ireland From the Conquest thereof by the English to this Time By Richard Cox Esqr. Printed For Joseph Watts at ye Angell in St Pauls Church Yard.” The first volume of Cox’s History of Ireland was not published until 1689. Of the six copies of Hibernioe Delineatio which I have seen, five lack the general map. Sometime between 1719 and 1751 George Grierson reissued this atlas with a dedication to Henry, Lord Shelburne. The different county maps from this atlas also occur separately. SUPPLEMENT TO THE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PETTY’S WORKS. The “ Collection of Sir William Petty’s Works since the year 1636, found at Wycombe, in his own handwriting,” is here reprinted from Fitzmaurice’s “Life of Petty” as a supplement to the biblio- graphy of his printed works. To the items which are now known to exist in print, their numbers in the Bibliography have been added. Caen. 1 1637- 1 1638. London. Holland, (lost at sea.) Paris. Oxford. 1639. j 1640. 1 1643- 1644. 1645. I 1646. f 1647. London. ^ 1648. Oxford. 1649. A course of practicall Geometry and Dialling. Cursus Rhetorices et Geographicae. ^ ^ r Ptolemaical and A system of Astronomy I ^ 1 . Copernican. Severall Drawings and Paintings. An English Poem of Susanna and the Elders. Collegium Logicum et Metaphisicum. A Colledlion of the Frugalities of Holland. An History of seven Months practice in a Chemical Laboratory. A Discourse in Latin, ‘ de Arthritide et Lue Venerea’; and ‘Cursus Anatomicus.’ Advice to Mr. Hartlib about the advance- ment of learning [Bibliography, no 3]. Colledfions for the History of Trees, etc. [Should this read History of Trades? Cf. pp. XV, Ixiv, 1 18 n.]. The double writing Instrument [i, 2]. The engine for planting Come, and Print- ing; Boyling Waters, Woods. Six Phisico-Medicall Lectures, read at Oxford, 654 Supplement to the Bibliography of Petty s Works, London. Ireland. ' 1650. ^ 1651. 1652. V ' T653. \ 1654. ( 1654. 1655- 1656. 1657. 1658. 1659. 1660. 1660. 1661. 1662. 1663. 1664. Several Musick Lectures. Hester Ann Green [cf. p. xv]. Three Osteological Lectures. Colledlion of Experiments. Pharmacopoea and formula Medicamen- torum. Observationes Medicae et Praxis. De Plantis. Notaj in Hippocratem. Scholaris situlifuga. Poemata Liturgica. A discourse against the Transplanting into Connaught. A Treatise of Irregular Dialls. The Grand Survey of Ireland. [Pp. xvi — xx.] Severall Reports about setting the Quarters and Soldiers. Breviar-ia, Cleric of the Council. Letters, etc., between the Protector and the Lieut. Gov. of Ireland. The History of the Survey and first Distri- bution of Lands in Ireland [3]. Brev: against Sankey [4], and Sir William Petty’s own apology [?5]. Observations on the Bills of Mortality [cf. Introduction, pt. iii]. A Discourse about Registry, and Settlement of Ireland. ( Materialls of a A Treatise of Taxes [6] j Bill [cf p. 398 n.] I and Small money. The Grand Maps of Ireland [34, cf p. 6 n.] and Brev. of Boroughs. The Natural History j History of Clothing. of Religion. [ History of Dyeing [7]. Satyricall Poems. De motu maris et ventoium. Discourses [see pp. xxii, xxiiil. Naval Expe-, . J 1 De medicinis solutis i)er aquam riments and I J et aera. Navicula Gemina [see p. xxii]. Reterium Nauticum. AnatomiaNavalis[seep. xxiin.]. Supplement to the Bibliography of Petty s Works. 655 1665. Verbum Sapienti, and the value of People [24]. English Translation of Hermes, per Alex. Brome. 1667. Lawsuits. 1668. Poemata Glanarita. 1669. Severall Latine Epigrams. 1670. Anatomia Politica Hiberniae [24]. 1671. Political Arithmetick [23]. 1682. Quantulumcunque concerning money [10]. This list does not mention all the works which Petty wrote before 1682, and on the other hand it mentions some (e.g. in 1655, 1667) which were not written works at all. Two entries appear of what might be economic pamphlets. Of one, the “ Discourse about Registry,” 1661, 1 have found no trace. The other, the “ Discourse against transplanting into Connaught,” is described by Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice as a pamphlet entitled “A Discourse against the Transplantation into Connaught,” of which two editions are said to have been published at London, both anonymously, one in January and one in March, 1665. — Life of Petty, 32. A more exact title seems to be : The great | case | of transplantation | in | Ireland | discussed : | or, I Certain Considerations, wherein the | many great inconveni- encies in the transplan-|ting the Natives of Ireland generally out of the three | Provinces of Leinster, Ulster, and Munster, into | the Province of Connaught, are shewn. | Humbly tendered to every individual Member | of Parliament, by a Well-wisher to the good of the Common-wealth of England. | [Ornament.] London, Printed for John Cook, and are to be sold at | his shop at the sign of the Ship in St. Paul’s | Churchyard. 1665. Title, I 1 ., pp. 1 — 32, 4°. There is also another edition having a title-page like the above in wording and disposition, but from different type, and this imprint: London, Printed for I. C., 1655. In criticism of this pamphlet was published : The interest of England in the Irish Transplantation, stated : Wherein is held forth to all concerned in Ireland’s good settlement the benefits the Irish Transplantation will bring to each of them in 656 Supplement to the Bibliography of Petty's Works. particular, and to the Commonwealth in general, being chiefly in- tended as an Answer to a scandalous, seditious Pamphlet, entitled [I'he great Case of Transplantation in Ireland discussed]. Com- posed and published at the request of several persons in eminent place in Ireland, to the end all who desire it, might have a true Account of the Proceedings that have been there in the business of 'bransplantation, both as to the rise, progress, and end thereof. By a faithfull Servant of the Common-wealth, Richard Laurence. London, Printed by Henry Hills, and to be sold at the Sign of Sir John Oldcastle near Py-Corner, MCDLV [1655]. Title, r 1 ., pp. i — 29, 4". A reply soon appeared under the title : The I author | and | Case of Transplanting | the | Irish into Connaught | vindicated, | from the unjust Aspersions of Col. Richard Laurence. | By Vincent Gookin Esquire. | [Ornament.] London, Printed by A. M. for Simon Miller at the Signe of | the Starre in St. Pauls Church-yard. [May 12.] 1655. Title, 1 1 ., epistle dedicatory, i 1 ., pp, 1—59, 4°. All three pamphlets are in the Halliday Collection in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, in the Library of King’s Inns, Dublin, and in the British Museum. An account of The Great Case may be found in Prendergast’s Cromwellian Settlement, pp. 54—64- Lord Edmond Eitzmaurice’s reason for regarding Petty as one of the authors of the first pamphlet is that “ the published book bears the marks of joint authorship, the opening sentences — an elaborate medical comparison between the State and the human body — being altogether in Petty’s style as well as the later portions, where the arguments - are of exactly the same character as those in the Political Anatomy of Ireland, ch. iv.” Tdiese similarities do indeed strengthen the presumption of Petty’s collaboration in “The Great Case” which may well arise from his mention of “ A Discourse against the Transplanting into Ireland.” But they do not seem to me conclusive, and there are direct arguments against Petty’s authorship. So far as the probabilities are concerned it may be noted that Gookin and Petty were personal friends and political allies \ and as such would naturally take similar views of the Rebellion of 1641. This seems to me to account sufficiently for the parallelism between some passages of “The Great Case” and of the “Political Anatomy.” Nor does the use, * Fitzmaurice, 3t, 51, 77 — 81, Supplement to the Bibliography of Petty s Works. 657 of indefinite anatomical metapliors in a discussion of political facts, of necessity imply that the author of the “Case,” had had a medical' education. The two most famous among modern biological sociolo- gists were educated, one as a civil engineer, the other as a clergyman, but both make use of such figures of speech as Gookin employed; and the putative author of the twelfth chapter of First Corinthians was by trade a tent maker. On the other hand Gookin, upon the first page of his vindication, distinctly claims the sole authorship of “The Great Case.” He says: “Whilst anything of Reputation might have been the effedl of writing the Case of Transplantation, I was content to take the labour to myself and leave the good to others : 'Fhis was the reason of silencing my name at first. But now what I intended for good is come to be thought so ill, I must leave that resolution and assert my own a6t....But though I did not think then fit to put my name in Print, yet did not that Trifle steal out in so clandestine a way as that the Parent was hid from all, but being laid at my door, I owned it.” Accordingly I regard Gookin as the author of “ The Great Case of Transplantation,” and have not included it among Petty’s Economic Works. H. P. 42 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE NATURAL AND POLITICAL OBSERVATIONS. Natural and Political | observations | Mentioned in a following Index, I and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By John Graunt, | Citizen of | London. | With reference to the Government, Religion, Trade, | Growth, Ayre, Diseases, | and the several Changes of the I said City. | — Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, [ Contentus paucis Ledoribus. — London, | Printed by Tho: Roycroft, for John Martin, James Allestry, | and Tho: Dicas, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul’s | Church-yard, MDCLXII [1662]. Title, I 1 ., epistles dedicatory, 3 11 ., index, 4 11 ., pp. 1 — 79, 82 — 85 and 2 folding tables not included in the pagination, 4”. The verso of p. 79 is misnumbered 82. Natural and Political | observations, | Mentioned in a following Index, I and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By John Graunt, | Citizen of | London. | With references to the Govern- ment, Religion, Trade, | Growth, Ayr, Diseases, and the several Changes of the | said City. | — Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, | Contentus paucis Ledoribus. — | The Second Edition. London, | Printed by Tho; Roycroft, For John Martin, James Allestry, | and Tho: Dicas, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul’s [ Church-yard, MDCLXII [1662]. Title, I 1 ., epistles dedicatory, 3 11 ., index, 4 11 ., pp. i — 79, and 2 folding tables not included in the pagination, 4®. Natural and Political | observations | Mentioned in a following Index, I and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By | Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Reli-jgion, Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | BibliograpJiy of the Nattirnl and Political Observations. 659 several Changes of the said City. | — Non, me ut miretur Tiirba, laboro, | Contentus paucis Ledloribus. — | The Third Edition, | much Enlarged. London, | Printed by John Martyn, and James Allestry, | Printers to the Royal Society, and are to be sold at the | sign of the Bell in St. Pauls Church-yard. | MDCLXV [1665]. I 1 ., recto blank, verso order of the Council of the Royal Society to print, title, I 1 ., epistles dedicatory, 7 11 ., index 6 11 ., i blank 1 ., pp. i — and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 4°. Natural and Political | observations | Mentioned in a following Index, I and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By | Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Reli-|gion, Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | several Changes of the said City. | — Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, | Contentus paucis Ledloribus. — | The Fourth Impression. Oxford, I Printed by William Hall, for John Martyn, | and James Allestry, Printers to the | Royal Society, MDCLXV [1665]. I 1 ., recto blank, verso order of Royal Society to print, title, i 1 ., epistles dedicatory 7 11., index, 6 11., i blank 1., pp. i — 205, and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 8°. Natural and Political | observations | Mentioned in a following index, | and made upon the | Bills of Mortality. | By Capt. John Graunt, | Fellow of the Royal Society. | With reference to the Government, Reli-|gion, Trade, Growth, Air, Diseases, and the | several Changes of the said city. | — Non, me ut miretur Turba, laboro, | Contentus paucis Ledtoribus. — | The Fifth Edition, much Enlarged. London, | Printed by John Martyn, Printer to the | Royal Society, at the Sign of the Bell in St. Paul’s | Church-yard. MDCLXXVI [1676]. I 1 ., recto blank, verso, order of Royal Society to print, title i 1 ., epistles dedicatory, 9 11., index, 6 11., preface 3 11., pp. i — 150, and two folding tables not included in the pagination, 8®. According to Dr Campbell and James Milne this edition was prepared by Petty. The Natural and political observations were also reprinted by Dr W. Heberden in his Collection of the yearly bills of mortality, 1759. See no. 13 b of the biblio- graphy of Petty. Natiirliche und politische | Anmerckungen | fiber die | Todten- Zettul I der stadt Londen \^sic\ \ fiirnemlich | ihre regierung, religion, 42 — 2 66o Bibliography of the Natural and Political Observations. gewerl)e, vermeh-|riing, lufft, kranckheiten, und besondere veran-| derungen betreffend. | Anfangs | in Englischer sprache abgefasset, | imd offtermals durch den druck herausgegeben | vom | Capitain Johannes Graunt, | Mitgleid der Konigl. Societ. | nun | aber | um des grossen nutzens willen, der dem gemei-lnen wesen Teutschlands insgemein, und iedes orts | insonderheit aus solchen todten-registern zu-|vvachsen kan, | ins Deutsche iibersetzet. | [Woodcut.] Leipzig, bey Thomas Fritschen, | 1702. Title, I 1., Vorrecle des Ubersetzers (stc), 2 11., Zuschriften Graunts, 4 11., Vorrede des Autoris, i 1., Register, 4 11., pp. i — ii?, i folded table, 12“. The translator was Dr Gottfried Schidtz of Breslau. See p. 318 note. Note: Graunt did not write the “ Refledlions On the weekly Bills of Mortality For the Cities of London and Westminster and the places adjacent : But more especially so far as they relate to the plague... London : Printed for Samuel Speed, at the Rainbow in Fleet street. 1665.” This pamphlet was issued in two editions, both in quarto. All that is of value in either of them was filched from Graunt, but their compiler appears to have drawn liberally from his own imagination also. They were promptly denounced as spurious by John Bell, clerk to the Company of Parish Clerks, in his “London’s Remembrancer” issued in the same year. Cf. pp. xliii, 426. LIST OF BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS USED. Account (An) of several new inventions. See Hale, T. Account (An) of the founding of the Royal Hospital. See Wilson, T. Acta eruditorum. Lipsice, 1687. 525. Additional MSS., British Museum, xiv, Iv, Ivi, 9, 123, 236, 412, 547, 630. Akerman, J. Y. Monies received and paid for secret services of Charles II. and James II. London (Camden Society), 1851. xxix. A[lbigony], W[illiam]. The present state of the United Provinces of the Low Countries. The second edition. London, 1671. 253. Album studiosorum academias Lugduno Bataviae. Hagse Comitum, 1875. xiv. Archseologia ; or, Miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity. London, 1770 etc. 186, 236. Aristotle. Metaphysica, ed. Schwegler. Tiibingen, 1847. 9. Ashmole MSS., Bodleian Library. Ixxxii, Ixxxiv, 324, 426, 427, 433 — 435. Aubrey, John. Brief lives, ed. by A. Clark. Oxford, 1898. 2 vols. xiii, xxiii, xxiv, xxxiv, xxxvii, li, lii, Iv, Ixi, Ixii, 77. Natural history of Wiltshire, ed. by J. Britton. London (Wilt- shire Topographical Society), 1847. 288. Aubrey MSS., Bodleian Library. Ivi, Ixviii, 4. Bacon, Sir Francis. The novum organum, edited by T. Fowler. Oxford, 1878. Ixiii. Works, edited by J. S. Spedding. Boston, 1861 — 64. 15 vols. 322, 348. Ballard MSS., Bodleian Library, xxvii, xl, 8. Barlow, Thomas. Genuine remains. London, 1693. 622. Barry, J. S. History of Massachusetts. Boston, 1855 — 57. 3 vols. 302. Bayle, P. Oeuvres. A la Haye, 1727 — 31. 4 vols. 464, 465, 525, 526. Bede. Sententiae sive axomita philosophica. {hi Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus. Vol. xc.) 9. Behm, E., and H. Wagner. Die Bevdlkerung der Erde. {In Petermann’s Geographische Mittheilungen, Erganzungsband viii. nr. 35. Gotha, 1873.) 465- Bell, John. London’s Remembrancer, or a true account of every par- ticular week’s christenings and mortality in all the years of pestilence 662 List of Books and Manuscripts used. within the cognizance of the Bills of Mortality. London, 1665. xliii, Ixxx, Ixxxi, Ixxxviii, Ixxxix, 342, 407, 408, 426 — 428, 660. [Besonge, Nicolas.] The present state of France, containing the orders, dignities and charges of that kingdom. Written in French and faithfully Englished. London, 1671. 252, 291. Bevan, W. L. Sir William Petty, a study in English economic literature. New York, 1894. xxxix, xlvi, xlviii, Ixi, Ixii, 378, 625. Biographica Britannica. 2nd ed. London, 1778 — 93. 7 vols. xxxix, 318. Birch, Thomas. Court and times of Charles 1 . [really ed. by R. F. Williams, not by Birch]. London, 1848. 2 vols. 365. History of the Royal Society. London, 1756 — 57. 4 vols. xxii, xxvii, xxxvi, 3, 238, 317, 324, 432, 522, 525, 526, 622. Bohm-Bawerk, E. von. Capital and interest, transl. by Smart. London, 1890. Ixxiv. Boislisle, A. M. Memoire sur la generalite de Paris. Paris, 1881. 506. Botero, Giovanni. A treatise concerning the causes of the magnificence of cities,, English by R. Peterson. London, 1606. 505. Boyle, R. Works, ed. by T. Birch. London, 1772. 6 vols. xiii, xv, xliii, Ivi, 1 18. British Merchant (The), or commerce preserved. London, 1721. 3 vols. 252. Burnet, Gilbert. History of his own time. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1833. 6 vols. xli, 71. Burroughs, Sir John. The sovereignty of the British seas. London, 1651. 257. Burrows, M. Register of the visitors of the University of Oxford, 1647 to 1658. London (Camden Society), 1881. xv, xix, 210. Bushe, Gervase Parker. Essay towards ascertaining the population of Ireland, fn Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. III., science. Dublin, 1790.) 142. Cabinet portrait gallery of British worthies. London, 1846. xxiv. Caius, John. Counseill against the sweate, 1552. (Repr. in Hecker, Epidemics of the middle ages. London, 1859.) Ixxxi. Calendar of State Papers. See State Papers. Camden, William. Britannia. 2nd ed. by Gibson. London, 1772. 155. [Capel.] Letters written by his excellency Arthur Capel, Earl of Essex, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in 1675. London, 1770. xiii, xxiv, xxvii, 186, 216, 497. Carte, Thomas. The life of James, duke of Ormond. Oxford, 1851. 6 vols. (Cited by original pagination.) xx, xxvi — xxviii, xliii, 3, 8, 136, 161, 163, 186, 190, 195, 319, 613. Carte Papers (MSS.), Bodleian Library, xxiii. Catalogue of MSS., state papers and autograph letters received by Sir R. Southwell, the property of Lord De Clifford, deceased. Sold by Christie. London, 1834. Ivii, 123, 590. List of Books and Manuscripts used. 663 Catalogue of printed maps in the British Museum. London, 1885. 2 vols. 6. Catalogue of valuable books and interesting MSS., the property of a well- known collector [Dr Neligan of Dublin]. Sold by Sotheby. London, 1855. 123, 236. Chamberlayne, Edward. Angliae notitia or the present state of England. London, 1672. 284. Chardin, Sir John. The travels of Sir J. C. into Persia and the East Indies. London, 1686. 526. Child, Sir Josiah. Brief considerations concerning trade and the interest of money. London, 1668. 4, 9, 26. A new discourse of trade. London, 1693. 4, 9, 26, 241, 266. Chorographia. See Grey, W. Christie. History of the company of parish clerks. London. Ixxxii, Ixxxviii, 357. Clarendon. The life of Edward, earl of Clarendon. Oxford, 1759. 3 vols. 161. The correspondence of Clarendon and Rochester, ed. by S. W. Singer. London, 1828. 2 vols. 546, 577, 584, 589, 592. Clark, A. Life and times of Wood. Oxford, 1891 — 95. 4 vols. xv. Coke upon Lyttleton. 245. Coke, Roger. A treatise wherein is demonstrated that the church and state of England are in equal danger with the trade of it. London, 1671. 242, 243. Collection (A) of the yearly bills of mortality. See Heberden, W. A small, of valuable tracts relating to the herring fishery. London, 1751. 242. Commons, J. R. The distribution of wealth. New York, 1893. Ixxiv. de la Court, P. Aanwysing der heilsame politike gronden en maximen van de republike van Holland en West-Vriesland. Leiden, 1669. 259, 542. Cox, Sir Richard. History of Ireland. London, 1689 — 90. 2 vols. 6. Creighton, Charles. A history of epidemics in Britain. Cambridge, 1891 — 94. 2 vols. Ixxx, Ixxxi, Ixxxvii — Ixxxix, 336, 365, 417, 418, 426—429, 432. Cromwell, Oliver. Letters and speeches, edited by Carlyle. 3rd ed. London, 1850. 4 vols. xix. Cunningham, J. See Essay on Trade. Cunningham, William. The growth of English industry and commerce. Cambridge, 1890 — 92. 2 vols. xxxix, 40, 52, 242, 266, 274, 288. Dalrymple, Sir John. Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland. Second edition. London, 1771—73. 2 vols. 461, 592. Davenant, C. Political and commercial works. London, 1771. 5 vols. 240, 252. 664 List of Books and Manuscripts used. Davies, Sir John. A discoverie of the true causes why Ireland was never entirely subdued. London, 1612. 155. l)e L’dtat present de la France. See Hay du Chastelet. De Morgan, Augustus. A budget of parado.xes. London, 1872. xxxix, xlvii, 358. Derham, William. Physico-theology ; or, A demonstration of the being and attributes of God from his works of creation. London, 1798. 2 vols. XV, Ixxviii. Descartes, Rene. Gvuvres, publids par V. Cousin. Paris, 1824. ii vols. 286. Dictionary of Political Economy, edited by R. H. Inglis Palgrave. London, 1894. 240. Diogenes Laertius, 501. Dircks, Henry. A biographical memoir of Samuel Hartlib. London, 1865. 251. Directions left by a gentleman to his sons for the improvement of barren and heathy land. London, 1670. 251. Discourse (A) of husbandrie. See Weston, R. Domesday studies, ed. by P. E. Dove. London, 1888 — 91. 2 vols. 463. Doyle, J. E. The of¥icial baronage of England. London, 1886. 3 vols. 319, 438- Eden, Sir Frederick M. The state of the poor. London, 1797. 3 vols. 382. Egerton MSS., British Museum. Ixxxi, 4. Ellis, Sir Henry. A general introduction to Domesday Book. London, 1833- 463. Original letters illustrative of English history. Second series. London, 1827. 3 vols. 302. Encyclopaedia Britannica, supplement to the 4th, 5th and 6th editions. Edinburgh, 1824. 6 vols. 642. Ent, Dr George. MS. commonplace book. 538. Essay (An) on trade and commerce [by W. Temple or J. Cunningham]. London, 1770. 274. Essex papers, ed. by O. Airy. London (Camden Society), 1890. xxiv, XXV, xxviii. L’Etat de la France ou Fon voit tons les princes, dues & pairs. Paris, 1669. 252. Evelyn, John. Fumifugium. London, 1661. xlvi, 41, 394. Memoirs, ed. by W. Bray. 2nd ed. London, 1827. 5 vols. xiii, xxiii, xxiv, xxviii, xxxii, 77. Navigation and Commerce, 1674. {Bi [McCulloch’s] Select tracts on commerce. London, 1859.) 257. Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond. The life of Sir William Petty. London, 1895. passim. Fortrey, Samuel. England’s interest and improvement, consisting in the List of Books ajid Manuscripts used. 665 increase of the store and trade of this kingdom. Cambridge, 1663. 30, 252, 297. Foster, Joseph. Alumni Oxonienses, 1504 — 1714. Oxford, 1891 — 92. 4 vols. 210. Fournier, Georges. Hydrographie contenant la theorie et la pratique de toutes les parties de la navigation. Paris, 1643. 280. Franklin, Benj. Complete works ; ed by J. Bigelow. New York, 1887 — 88. 10 vols. Ixxiii. Free ports. See W., B. French, N. A narrative of the Earl of Clarendon’s sale and settlement of Ireland. Louvain, 1668. 613. Gailhard, J. The present state of Venice. London, 1669. 538. Gairdner, James, editor. Three fifteenth century chronicles. London (Camden Society), 1880. Ixxxi. Gilbert, J. T. Calendar of the ancient records of Dublin. Dublin, 1894. I, 63, 166, 480, 485. Giffin, Sir R. The growth of capital. London, 1889. Ixxi. Goodall, Charles. The Royal College of Physicians. London, 1684. 27 - Grass, Samuel. Memoria excellentissimi apud Vratislavienses poly- histori medicini domini D. Godofriedi Schulzii. (/;? Appendix ad ephemeridum acad. Gaesareo-leopoldinae nat. curiosorum in Ger- mania centurias III. and IV. Nuremberg, 1715.) 318. [Grey, W.] Chorographia or a survey of Newcastle upon Tyne. London, 1649. 304 - Grimperl. A MS. on the bills of mortality of Paris in the Bibliotheque de I’Institut National de France, X. 214. 2 vols. 506. Guildhall Library, “Political Tracts, 1680.” Ixxxii. Hale, Sir Matthew. The primitive origination of mankind considered and examined according to the light of nature. London, 1677. xlv, 463, 509. [Hale, T.] Account of several new inventions. London, 1691. xxii. Halley, Edmund. An estimate of the degrees of mortality of mankind. {In Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society, no. 196 London, 1693.) xli. Halliwell, J. O. A collection of letters illustrative of the progress of science in England. London (Historical Society of Science), 1841. Ivi. Hamilton, W. Dated book-plates. London, 1895. 630. Hardinge, W. H. Observations on the earliest known MS. census returns of the people of Ireland. — On MS. mapped and other townland surveys of Ireland from 1640 to 1688. — An unpublished essay on Ireland by Sir W. Petty, {hi Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, xxiv., antiquities. Dublin, 1873.) xvi, xxi, xxiv, Iv, 63, 142, 177, 485, 548. 666 List of Books and Manusadpts nsed. }Iardinge, W. H. On manuscript mapped townland surveys of Ireland of a public character. f)i Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, VIII., 39—55. Dublin, 1864.; xvi. Ilarleian MSS., British Museum. 438. Harleian miscellany. London, 1808 — 1813. 10 vols. 321. Hartlib, Samuel. Legacie of husbandry. London, 1655. 250. [Hay du Chastelet, Paul.] De I’dtat present de la France. Cologne, 1672. 252. [Heberden, W.] A collection of the yearly bills of mortality, 1657 — 1758. London, 1759. xc, xci, 641, 659. Hecker, J. F. C. Epidemics of the middle ages, transl. by B. G. Babington. 3rd ed. London, 1859. Ixxxi. Hempton, John. The siege and history of Londonderry. Londonderry, 1861. I, 177. Higgons, B. Historical and critical remarks on Bishop Burnet’s History of his own time. London, 1725. xli. Higgs, Henry. Review of Bevan’s Petty. {In Economic Journal, vol. V. p. 72. London, 1895.) xlix. Histoire de I’Academie Royale des Sciences, annee 1771. Paris. 510. Hobbes, Thomas. Opera philosophica, studio Gulielmi Moles worth. Londini, 1841. 5 vols. Ixxii, Ixxxiii. Hodge, W. B. On the rates of interest for the use of money. — [A letter to the editor.] {In Assurance Magazine, London, 1859, Vol. vill., pp. 68 — 96, 234 — 237.) xxxix, xliv, xlvii, li. Hodgkin, J. E. MSS. in his collection. Ivi. Holinshed, Ralph. Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland. London, 1808. 6 vols. Ixxxi. Holy Bible. 384, 466. Horace, epistles. 501. Horton, S. Dana. The silver pound. London, 1887. 444 - Howard, G. E. A treatise of the exchequer and revenue of Ireland. Dublin, 1776. 2 vols. xxvi, 272. Howell, James. Londonopolis, an historical discourse. London, 1657. 383. Howell, T. B. A complete collection of state trials. London, 1816 — 26. 33 vols. 71. Hull, C. H. Graunt or Petty.? The authorship of the Observations upon the bills of mortality. {Iti Political Science Quarterly, Vol xi., p. 1 13 — 132, Boston, 1896.) xlvi, liv, 479. Husson, Armand. Les consummations de Paris. Paris, 1856. 506. Hutchinson, Thomas. The history of Massachusetts. Second edition. London, 1760. 2 vols. 302. Ingram, John Kells. A history of political economy. New York, 1893. 378. [J. IL] A letter from a gentleman in the country to his friend in the List of Books and Manuscripts used. 667 city concerning Sir William Petty’s posthumous treatise entitled Verbum Sapienti. London, 1691. 120. John, V. Geschichte der Statistik. Stuttgart, 1884. xxxix. Jones, Richard. An essay on the distribution of wealth. London, 1844. Ixxiv. Journal des s^avans, 2 Aoust, 1666, 15 Mars, 1683. 422, 450. Journals of the House of Commons. London, xix, Ixxxv, 59, 62, 161, 266, 345. Rennet, White. An historical register and chronicle of English affairs. London, 1744. 3. Keymour, John. Observations made upon the Dutch fishing about the year 1601. London, 1664. 257. King, Charles. See British Merchant. Langtoft, P. Chronicle, transcribed by T. Hearne. Oxford, 1725. 2 vols. xxi, xxii. Lansdowne MSS., British Museum. Ivi. Larcom, Thomas Aiskew. See Petty, History of the Cromwellian survey. Latham, Dr John. MS. Collections for a history of Romsey, (Brit. Mus. Addl. MS. 26, 774 — 8). xiv. 412. Leake, S. M. An historical account of English Money. 3rd ed. London, 1793. 443. Leclerc, Jean. Bibliotheque universelle et historique, vill. Mars, 1686. 523- Legouve, E. Moral history of woman, translated by J. W. Palmer. New York, i860. 378. Le Maire, (?) M. Paris ancien et nouveau. Paris, 1685. 2 vols. 505. Le Neve, P. Pedigrees of the knights, ed. by G. W. Marshall. London (Harleian Society), 1873. xxiv. L’Estrange, Roger. A discourse of the fishery. London, 1674. 242. de Leti, Gregorio. Del teatro britanico. Londra, 1683. 505, 543. Letters and papers foreign and domestic of the reign of Henry VI 1 1 . London, 1862 — 1898. 16 vols. Ixxxi, Ixxxii. Levasseur, Emile. La statistique officielle en France, fn Journal de la Societe de statistique de Paris, tom. xxvi., June, 1885.) 422. Lingard, J. History of England. 5th ed. London, 1849. 10 vols. 578. Liverpool, Lord. Treatise on the coins of the realm. London, 1880. 444 - Lord have mercy upon us. [Broadsheet ; London], printed for M. S. junior, 1636. (Brit. Mus. 816. m. 9. (23).) 426—428. Londons Lord have mercy upon us. Written by H. C[rouch]. [Broad- sheet ; London], printed for Richard Harper, 1637 (Brit. Mus. 1870. d. (13).) 426—428. London’s Lord have mercy upon us ; a true relation of the seven modern plagues or visitations in London. [Broadsheet ; London], 1665. (Brit. Mus. 816. m. 9. (24).) 426 — ^428. 668 List of Books and Manuscripts iised. London’s Lord have mercy upon us. [Broadsheet ; London, printed by T. Mabb for R. Burton and R. Gilberson, 1665. ( 13 rit. Mus. 816. m. 9. (25).). 426 — 428. London. [Various bills of mortality of London.] 426. [Lowndes, William.] Report containing an essay for the amendment of the silver coins. London, 1695. (Also in [McCulloch’s] Select Tracts on Money, 1836.) 51, 439. Ludlow, Edmund. Memoirs, 1625 — 1672. Edited by C. H. Firth. Oxford, 1894. 2 vols. xix. Luttrell, Narcissus. A brief historical relation of state affairs. Oxford, 1857. 6 vols. Ixvi. Macaulay, T. B. History of England. Philadelphia, 1868. 5 vols. xxvi, xxxi. McCulloch, J. R. The literature of political economy. London, 1845. xxxix, xli, 639. Machyn, Henry. Diary, edited by J. G. Nichols. London (Camden Society), 1848. Ixxxi. Macray, W. D. Annals of the Bodleian Library. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1890. Ivii. Mahan, A. T. The influence of sea power upon history, 1660 — 1783. Boston, 1890. 243. Maitland, F. W. Domesday Book and beyond. Cambridge, 1897, 463. Maitland, W. History of London. New ed. London, 1775. 2 vols. xli, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvii, xc, xci, 335, 405. Mallet, Edouard. Recherches historiques et statistiques sur la popula- tion de Geneve. {In Annales d’hygiene publique et de medecine legale xvii., 30, Paris, January, 1837.) 386. Malthus, T. R. Principles of political economy. London, 1820. 274. Massie, James. Observations relating to the coin of Great Britain. London, 1760. 438. Masson, D. Life of Milton. Cambridge, 1859 — 94. 7 vols. xxi. Mazure, F. A. J. Histoire de la Revolution de 1688. Paris, 1825. 578. Meitzen, A. Geschichte, Theorie und Technik der Statistik. Berlin, 1886. Ixxvi, 450. Mercator; or, commerce retrieved. London, 1713 — 14. 252. Molyneaux, Sir Thomas. [Correspondence of.] {hi Dublin University Magazine, vol. xviii., pp. 305 — 327, 470 — 490, 604 — 619. Dublin, 1841.) XXX. Moore, Thomas. Memoirs, Journal and correspondence. London, 1853 — 56. 8 vols. vii. More, Sir Thomas. Utopia, ed. by J. H. Lupton. Oxford, 1895. 475. Moreri, Louis. Le grande dictionnaire historique. 2“ dd. A Lyon, 1681. 507. Morgan, J. Phoenix britannicus. London, 1732. xv, 383. List of Books and Mannscripts 'used. 669 Mountmorres, H. R., Viscount. History of the principal transactions of the Irish Parliament, 1634 — 1666. London, 1792. 2 vols. xxvi, 207, 266, 272. Mun, Thomas. England’s treasure by foreign trade. London, 1664. (Repr. in W. J. Ashley’s Economic classics. New York, 1895.) 30, 441. Munk, William. The roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London. Second ed. London, 1878. 3 vols. 27. Narrative and account concerning the hospital on Oxmantown Green. Published for the satisfaction of subscribers, 1671. Now republished by Charles Lucas. Dublin, 1749. 165. Newcourt, Richard. An exact delineation of the cities of London and Westminster and the suburbs thereof... [map] composed by a scale. London, 1658.— Facsimile, E. Stanford, 1878. 385. Newsham, Thomas. An historical and statistical inquiry into the progress and magnitude of the population of Ireland. London, 1805. 142. Notes and Queries. London, 1859, 1895. Iviii, 633. Ogilby and Morgan. A large and accurate map of the City of London, 1677. 459, 533—534- Ogle, William. An inquiry into the trustworthiness of the old bills of mortality. (///Journal of the Statistical Society, Vol. 55, pp. 437 — 460. London, 1892.) Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvi, xc, xci, 336, 641. Ordnance survey of the county of Londonderry. Dublin, 1837. 177. d’Orleans’, P. J. History of two Tartar conquerors of China. London (Hakluyt Society), 1854. 508 — 9. Palgrave, R. H. 1 . See Dictionary. Parliamentary history of England. London, 1806 — 20. 36 vols. 16 1, 252, 266. Patten, S. N. The Interpretation of Ricardo. {In the Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. vii. pp. 322 — 352. Boston, 1893.) 242. Penny cyclopaedia. London, 1833 — 43. 27 vols. xc. Pepys, Samuel. Diary, edited by H. B. Wheatley. London, 1893 — 96. 8 vols. xiii, xxiii, xxxiv — xxxvi, 62, 317. Pett, Sir Peter. The happy future state of England. London, 1688. xliii— xlv, 9, 103, 235, 237, 393, 422, 461. Petty, Sir W. Advice of W. P. to S. Hartlib concerning education. London, 1648. xliv, 118. Reflections upon some persons and things in Ireland. London, 1660. XV, XX, xxi. Discourse of duplicate proportion. London, 1674. xxvii, xli, 9, 386. History of the Cromwellian survey of Ireland, called “The Down Survey,” edited by T. A. Larcom. Dublin (Irish Archaeological Society), 1851. xiii, xvi — xviii, xx, 6, 124, 177, 210. 6/0 List of Books and Manuscripts used. Petty, Sir W. “ Dr Petty’s register,” MS. in Public Records office, Dublin, xxxvii, loo. Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society. London, xli, 502, 508, 513, 522, 525, 526, 529. Prendergast, J. P. The Cromwellian settlement of Ireland. London, 1865. xvi, 207. Present state of France. See Besonge, N. Present state of the United Provinces. See Albigony, W. Proposals for a national bank. London, 1697. 638. Purchas, his pilgrimes. London, 1625. 5 vols. 509. Rawlinson MSS., Bodleian Library, xxiii, xxxi, xxxvii, xlii, Ivi, 8, 235— 237, 466, 467, 547, 548. Recherches statistiques sur la Ville de Paris. Tom. 11. Paris, 1823. 422, 424, 506. Reflections upon the bills of mortality. London, 1665. 426 — 428, 660. Register of St Michael, Cornhill, printed for the Harleian Society. London, 1873. xxxiv. Register of the King’s and Queen’s College of Physicians in Ireland. Dublin, 1865. 165. Report from the Commissioners respecting the Public Records of Ireland, 1810 — 1815. 178. Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. London. Viz. : 3rd, Ivi, 630; 4th, Ivi, 237; 7th, xxix, Ivi, 125, 630; 8th, 237, 461; loth, Ixxxi ; nth, xxxi, 365; 14th, xxiv, xxix; 15th, Ivi, Iviii, 212. Ricardo, David. Letters of David Ricardo to Thomas Robert Malthus, 1810 — 1823. Edited by James Bonar. Oxford, 1887. 274. Rogers, J. E. T. The economic interpretation of history. 2nd ed. London, 1891. 460. History of agriculture and prices in England. Oxford, 1866—87. 6 vols. 288. Roscher, Wilhelm. Geschichte des englischen Volkswirthschaftslehre im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. {In Abhandlungen der k. sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft, Bd. ill.) Leipzig, 1857. xxxix, li, 26, 241, 255. Die Geschichte der Nationalokonomik in Deutschland. Miinchen, 1874. Ixxviii. Royal Society’s MS. Letter books. Ivi, 398, 518, 523. Ruding, R. Annals of the coinage of Great Britain and its dependencies. 3rd ed. London, 1840. 3 vols. 7, 44, 186, 443. Russell, C. W. and J. P. Prendergast. The Carte MSS. in the Bodleian Library. London, 1871. 131. S., W. The golden fleece. London, 1656. i, 30. Scaliger, J. J. Opus novum de emendatione temporum. Lutetice, 1583. 388. List of Books and Manuscripts used. 671 Scobell, Henry. A collection of acts and ordinances of general use. London, 1658. 2 pts. 40, 81, 129, 178, 179, 357. Serpillon, F. Code civil, ou commentaire sur I’ordonnance du mois d’avril, 1667. Paris, 1776. 422. Seymour, R. Survey of London and Westminster. London, 1734 — 35. 2 vols. Ixxxiv, Ixxxvi. Short, Thomas. New observations, natural, moral, civil, political and medical on the city, town and county bills of mortality. London, 1750. xc. Simon, J. Essay on Irish Coins. Dublin, 1810. 7, 186. Sloane, MSS., British Museum. 100, 118, 237, 624. Smith, Charles. The antient and present state of the county of Kerry. Dublin, 1756. xxvi, 209. Smith, Rev. John. Life, journals and correspondence of Samuel Pepys. London, 1841. 2 vols. Ivii, 467. Smith, John. Chronicon rusticum-commerciale : or, Memoirs of wool London, 1747. 2 vols. 30. Smyth, Richard. Obituaries, edited by Loudon. London (Camden Society), 1849. xxxvii. [Somers Tracts.] A collection of scarce and valuable tracts. 2nd ed. revised by W. Scott. London, 1809 — 1815. 13 vols. 71, 252, 448. South, Captain. An account of the number of people in Ireland. {In Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society, no. 261, vol. XXII., p. 520. London, 1700.) 142. Sprat, T. History of the Royal Society. London, 1667. xxi, xxxvi. State papers, domestic series, xxv,, xxvi, xxvii, Ixxxi, Ixxxiii, Ixxxviii, Ixxxix, 122, 236, 407, 408, 427. State papers, Ireland. 124, 186, 212. Statutes of the Realm. London, 1810. 30, 50, 59, 62, 66, 103, 107, 160, 218, 382, 460. Statutes at large passed in the parliaments held in Ireland. Dublin, 1776 — 1804. 21 vols. 5, 155, 179, 222, 266, 272. Stowe MSS., British Museum. 460, 461. Siissmilch, J. P. Die gottliche Ordnung in den Veranderungen des menschlichen Geschlechts. Berlin, 1742. Ixxviii, Ixxix. Taylor, W. F. England under Charles II. London, [1890.?]. xx. Temple, Sir William. Works. London, 1770. 4 vols. xxix, Ixxii, 26, 186, 201. Temple, W. See Essay on trade. Tesdorpf, W. Gewinnung und Verarbeitung des Bernsteins in Preussen. Jena, 1887. 83. Thurloe, J. Collection of state papers. London, 1742. 7 vols. xx, 7. Thorpe, Thomas. State papers : Catalogus lib. MSS. bibliothecae South- wellianae on sale by Thorpe. [London, 1834.] xxviii, Ivii, Iviii, i, 4, 123, 236, 237, 238, 438, 450, 480. 672 List of Books and Manuscripts used. Thorpe, Thomas. Catalogue. London, 1842. 161,651. 'I'rades Increase (The). London, 1615. 304. Traill, H. D. Social England. New York, 1894 — 96. 6 vols. 365. Trinity College, Dublin, Library, MS. E. 2. 20. Verbiest, Ferdinand. Voyage de I’empereur de la Chine dans la Tartarie. Paris, 1685. 502, 508. Vossius. Isaaci Vossii variarum observationum liber. Londini, 1685. 464. [W., B.] Free ports, the nature and necessitie of them stated. London, 1652. 61. Ward, J. The lives of the professors of Gresham College. London, 1740. XV, xvi, xxxiv. Webb, A. Compendium of Irish Biography. Dublin, 1878. 648. Weller, Emil. Die Falschen und fmgirten Druckorte. Leipzig, 1864. 252. [Weston, Sir Richard.] A discourse of husbandrie used in Brabant and Flanders. London, 1652. 250. Whitelocke, B. Memorials of English affairs. Oxford, 1853. 4 vols. xix. Whitworth, Sir Charles. Scarce tracts on trade and commerce, serving as a supplement to Davenant’s Works. London, 1778. 2 vols. 297. von Wieser, Friedrich. Natural value, translation by C. A. Malloch. London, 1893. 45. Wilde, W. R. Memoir of the Dublin Philosophical Society of 1683. (/;/ Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, 1846, Vol. III., pp. 160 176.) XXX. Willcox, W. F., and F. S. Crum. A trial bibliography of the writings of Siissmilch. {In Publications of the American Statistical Association, V., 310 — 314. Boston, 1897.) Ixxviii. [Wilson, Thomas.] An account of the founding of the Royal Hospital of Charles 11 . near Dublin for the relief and maintenance of antient and infirm officers and soldiers serving in the Army of Ireland. Dublin, 1713. 166. Wood, Anthony a. Athenae Oxonienses. London, 1721. 2 vols. xiii, xix, xxii, xxxvii, Hi, I, 23, 210, 237, 319, 320, 450, 640. Yriarte, C. E. La vie d’un patricien de Venise. Paris, 1885. 538. ERRATA. Page vii, note, for More read Moore. ,, Ixxxi, note 4, ,, Marrilac ,, Marillac. ,, 214, last line, ,, i,iooiooo ,, 1,100,000. ,, 238, note 3, ,, Ilnd. ,, Fitzmaurice. ,, 512, line IT, ,, Argier ,, Algier. ,, 547, line 12, ,, Nelligan ,, Neligan. INDEX. Abbott, Wilbur C., xxxin. Abortives, 347, 360, 361. Absentees, 46, 185, 193. Accident as a cause of death, 355. Acre, Irish and English, 135, 1^2. Act of Explanation (1663), 208, 615. Act of Navigation (1651), alluded to, 299 ; Petty omits to mention it directly, Ixix. Act of Oblivion (1660), 66, 612. Act of Satisfaction (1653), 167, 580, 606. Act of Settlement (1652), 580, 601. Act of Settlement (1662), 155, 167, 580, 6ri; attitude of James II. towards, 591 n., 592. Adam and Eve, progeny of, 388. Adam’s fall, 617. Admiralty Court in Ireland, 163; Petty as a judge of, xxvi. Adulteries hinder breeding, 373; reason for a law against, 377. Adventurers appoint Petty their agent, xviii ; he surveys their lands, xviii ; their claims, 599, 607 ; amount and value of the lands allotted them, 136, 139, 140, 177, 178, 611, 613; they retrench a third thereof, 582, 601. Advice^ The, of IV. P. to Mr Samuel Hartlib, mentioned, Ixiv, 118, 633. Advocates in Ireland, 165. Africa, slaves from, 296 ; territories of England in, 285. Age as a cause of death, 348; a desirable feature for the bills, 491 ; of man, 622, 623; in Ireland, 144, 145. H. P. Aged, proportion of, to all who die, 352. 360. Agra, population of, 509. Agues and fevers entered promiscuously in the bills, 360. Air, how to judge healthfulness of, 623 ; alterations in, cause acute diseases, 350, 351 ; country air more healthful than that of London, 392, 393 ; London air than that of Paris, 508 ; physical experiments upon air, 324. -Albigony, William, his State of the Netherlands, cited by Petty, 253. Aldermen of London, 63. Ale and alehouses in Ireland, 146, 215, 218, 223, 583, 586, 587, 589. Algiers slaves, 512. Allhallows Barking parish, 383. Allhallows upon the Wall increased in population, 380. Alloy in money, 85, 444, 445. Alms, how many live upon, 454. Alum in Ireland, 191, 20911. Ambassadors allowed freedom of wor- ship, 70. Amber, 83, 209. America, vacant territory in, 22; trans- plantation to, 42 ; when fully peopled, 455; trade and shipping of, 242 n., 243, 296, 299, 304 ; with Ireland, 190; slaves in, 296; women there bear children easily, 361. Amiens, 291 n. Amsterdam, Petty in, xiv ; bills of mortality of, 40 1, 402; population of, ^ 53 , 512, 513, 538—543; 43 6/4 Index. expense of people of, 253, 254; taxes of, 253 ; value of buildings, 251 ; mention of, 399, 400, 403, 404 - Anabaptists, 200, 423. Anatomy necessary, 129. Anglesey, Arthur Annesley, first Earl, charged with mismanaging the Irish revenues, xxvi ; Pett’s vindication of, xliii, xlv ; Petty’s letters to, Ivi, 240 n. ; mentioned, 599, 616. Anne of Cleves goes to Richmond, Ixxxi. Another Essay in Political Arithineticlc, by Petty, 457—478, 641. Anxiety hinders breeding, 374. Apparatus to the History of Dying, Petty’s, mentioned, 3, 637, 638. Apprentices remain long unmarried, 373. 375- Aqua vitae exported from Ireland, 595. Arbutus in Ireland, 209. Aristippus and Diogenes alluded to, 501 n. Aristotle mentioned, 911., 37811. Arithmetical method. See Political Arithmetic. Arlington, Sir Henry Bennet, Earl of, i86n., 212. Armagh, Bishop of, 163. Arms imported into Ireland, 596. Army, expence of, 116. Army in Ireland (in 1641 — 1652), 140, 141, 185, 599, 607; (in 1672), 185; (in 1687), 589, 590. Army lands in Ireland, xvii, 136, 139— 141. Art and Labour, equation between, 182. Articles of peace of 1648, 153, 618, 619. Artizans, numbers of, 293 ; food of, 93- Arundel, Earl of, his house in Lothbury, 380. Asia, territories of England in, 285. Assessment, 49; in 1661, 1664 and 1665, 103; in Ireland, 17811., 179; in London, 460 ; of personal estates upon oath, 115. Assyria, paucity of people in, 467 n. Astrology, 64. Athlone, court of, 580, 6or, 612. Aulirey, John, his account of Petty, xiii 11., xxxii ; of Graunt, xxxiv, xxxvii ; of the authorship of the Observations, xl. Hi ; letters to and from him, Ivi, 4, 8, 237, 238. Augustinians in Ireland, 164. Autumn the unhealthful season, 369. Auzout, Adrien, note on, 526 n.; men- tioned, 522, 523, 526—529, 534, 537, 538, 541, 543. Averages, law of, applied, 305, 462, 470, 483. Bacon, Sir Francis, viscount St Albans, influence of on Petty, Ixiii ; quoted by Petty, Ixiv n., 129; by Graunt, 322. Bacon exported from Ireland, 594. Balance of trade, 259 — 260, 313. Ballibelaghs, an Irish land name, 207. Baltic, timber and iron of, 258. Bampfield, Thomas, speaker, xix. Bandle, (an Irish measure), 20 r. Banians, 263. Banker, the trade of a, 447. Banks, 26, 28, 36, 82, 261, 265, 446; of Holland, 265; for England, 31 1, 312; for Ireland, 187, 219, 222. Ban try, 209. Baptising infants, religious opinion against, 362. Barbadoes, 185, 285, 299, 302. Bar illon, French Ambassador toEngland, 592 n. Barley, value of, 275. Barnwel, Mr, his verdict for land, 590. Barometer, 1 70. Baronies of Ireland, 215. Base metals as money, 445. Bathurst, Ralph, xv n. Bayle, Pierre, his criticisms of Petty answered, 525. Bays exported from England, 296. Beaver imported from New England, 296. Bebb, Rev. Llewellyn John Montfort, x. Bedlam, more are lunatics than die in, 355- Beef exported from Ireland, 296, 594. Beer as the only excizable commodity. Index. 675 93 ; tax on, at Amsterdam, 253 ; exported from Ireland, 595. Ale. Beggars and begging, 7, 20, 30, 189, 243, 353, 354, 474- Bell, John, clerk of the Company of Parish Clerks, xliii, Ixxx, 660 ; de- fends the searchers, Ixxxix n. ; praises Graunt, Ixxxvii; his accuracy, 407 n., 426 — 428. Benefices, influence of, 382. Benevolence, 65, 66. Bergen, plague at, 403, 404. Bermudas, 285. Berwick, fish from, 471. Bevan, Dr Wilson Lloyd, on the authorship of the Observations, xxxixn., xlvi, xlvii, xlviiin., 1. Bibliography of Graunt, 658 — 660. Bibliography of Petty, 633 — 657. Billiards, 244. Bills of mortality of Dublin, their history, 480 ; Petty’s Observations upon them, 479 — 498 ; beginning of his enquiries, xxiv n., 398 n. ; his model bills, Ixxxix, 485 — 489 ; a bill printed by Graunt, 421 ; mentioned, 210 . Bills of Mortality of London, Graunt’s Observations upon, 314 — 431 ; how he came to study the bills, xxxv, 333 ; their history, lxxx=:xci, 335 — 346: origin, Ixxx = Ixxxiii ; publica- tion, Ixxxiii — Ixxxiv ; area included, Ixxxiv— Ixxxvi, 105, 457, 526, 529, 536 ; form and contents, Ixxxvii — Ixxxviii, 485 — 489, 491; trustworthi- ness, Ixxxviii — xci, 347, 355 — 361, 365 ; use, 333. Bills weekly, of London for 1597 — 1600 now published, 426, 427, 433 — 435. Bimetallism, the ratio of gold and silver, 44411. See also Silver. Birch, Dr Thomas, his labours on the London bills, 641. Births, taxation of, 83 ; registers of, 210; possible maximum of, 462; are better than burials for judging of population, 482. Birth rate, reasons for decline of during plagues, 366, 367. See also Christen- ings. Biscayers in Ireland, 204. Bishops, powers of, 631 ; Roman Catholic, in Ireland, 164. Bishops’ numbering of the communi- cants, xxxin., 460, 461 n. Bishopsgate has lost its ancient trade, 380. Biskets [perhaps a misprint in original for briskets] exported from Ireland, 595- Blackfriars parish, 383. Blackwall, 536. Blood, circulation of, 360. Bloodshed abhorred by Englishmen, 354- Boats, irregular motion of, 358. Bogs, improvement of 249. Bodley, Sirjosias, surveys Ulster, 176, 177- Bohm-Bawerk, Eugen von, Ixix, Ixxivn. Bombay added to the king’s territory, 302. Bongalls, Irish, 85. Bonrepaus, second French plenipoten- tiary, letter to Seignelay, 578 n. Books generally too big, 490. Boroughs, made by the king, 632. Bowls, 244. Bowood, Petty MS. at, ix, Ivin., Iviii. Boyle, Michael, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, 616. Boyle, Robert, Petty’s letters to, Ivi. Brandenburg, monopoly of amber in, 83. Brandy imported from France, 297. Brasenose Collge, Oxford, Petty made fellow and vice-principal of, xv. Breda, the Declaration of, 599, 612. Breeders fewer in London than in the country, 372, 373. Brehon law, 210. Brest, 279. Bribery encouraged by high customs, 55. Bricks burned with coals, 304. Brief of Proceedings between Sanchey and Petty, Petty writes, xxi, 634. Bristol, population of, 506, 538 — 540 ; housing of, 534; bills of mortality in, wanted by Petty, 480. Britannia half-pence, 443. Brittany, 280. Brogues, 188. 43—2 676 Index. l)rome, Alexander, 655. llronsdon, Peter, praises Petty’s timber, XXV n. Brouncker, William, second viscount, takes one of Petty’s MSS., xxiiin.; sends Graunt’s Observations to Pepys, 317 ; Petty’s letters to, Ivin., 480. Brouage, 279 n. Brown, John, of Connaught, 616. Browne, Sir Thomas, xlviii. Buckingham, George Villiers, second Duke, defeats Petty, xxvii. Buckle, Henry Thomas, Ixxvi. Building Trades, earnings of after the Fire, 308, 309. Bull, Major, ejectment case against, 602. Bullibos, Irish land name, 207. Bullion, export and import duties on, 92 ; free exportation of advocated, 445, 446. Bullioners, 85. Bull’s Head Tavern, early meetings of the Royal Society of, xxi, xxii. Burials, uniformity of, 535 ; relation to christenings, 369, 370; to number of people, 458 ; tables of : Cranbrook, 419 — 421; London, 407 — 409; Rom- sey, 412 — 415; Tiverton, 416 — 418. Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, on the authorship of the Observations, xli. Butler family, 168. See also Ormond. Butter produced in Ireland, 176; ex- ported, 296, 594; cost of, 173. Cabins, Irish, 156, 164, 223, 577, 610; number of, 143 ; their influence on trade, 190. Caen, Petty at school in, xiv. Cairo, mortality at, 402 ; population of, 509. Calicoes, imported from the East Indies, 296; into Ireland, 596. Camden, William, cited by Petty, 8 ; by Cox, 155 n. Candles exported from Ireland, 596. Canning Street has lost its trade, 381. Canterbury, province of, persons in, 461 n. Canvas, French, price of, 88. Capers, imports of, 309. Capitalization, Petty on, Ixxiii. Capuchins in Ireland, 164. Carlingford, Theobald Taaffe, first earl, 616. Carolina, 285. Carp, Graunt on increase of, xxxvii, 4.82. Carribee Islands, 285, 390. Carrickfergus, first part of Ireland settled, 204. Carthusians in Ireland, 164. Castration, purpose of, 375, 377. Casualties, observations on, 346 — 352 ; particular, 352 — 363 ; tables of, 351, 406 ; specified in the bills of mortality in 1629, 342 ; number specified should be reduced, 491. Cathedrals in repair, 243. Catholics in Ireland, 164, 167, 498 ; lands of 581, 600; in 1641 and 1687, 606 ; gains and losses of by changes under James 1 1., 590, 591 ; project of making them considerable in 1687, 578, 579» 591- Cattle in England, value of, 106 ; few bred in Holland, 259 ; in Ireland, raising of, 173, 174, 559, 563, 566, 575 ; number and value of, 145, 152, 174 — 176; value of declined in 1687, 583, 590; exports of, especially to England, xxvi, 31, 160, 161, 244, 2995 595 ’ <^o 9 ’ 651. Celibacy, 25, 377. Census of Ireland (1659), 48511.; of London, xliv, 405; of Paris, 5050., 506 n. ; David’s, 384, 466. Chamberlayne, Dr Edward, Ixi, 122, 123, 284, 308. Chapels for large cities, 472. Charges, public, t8 ; increase of, 21. Charente, 279. Charite hospital in Paris, 510. Charity, motives to, 353. Charles I., execution of, effect on marriage rate, 400. Charles H., prince of philosophers, 323; marriage of, 3 ; dedication of Politi- cal Anatomy to, 238, 2390.; gift to by adventurers and soldiers, 179; his opinion of Petty, xxiii ; his Ifidcx. religious policy, xxxi n.; recommends Graunt as a fellow of the Royal Society, xxxvi. Charter House not included in the bills of mortality, xc. Chatham, disaster at, ■243, Cheapside has lost trade, 381. Cheese exported from Ireland, 594 ; cost of, 173. Chelsea, 42. Cheshire, Graunt endeavoured to secure a bill from, 399. Chevreau, Urban, his Histoire du monde cited by Petty, 532. Child, Sir Josiah, Ixix. Child-bed, deaths in, 361. Children, high mortality of first noted by Graunt, Ixxvi ; are about one third of all that die, 349 ; labour of, 144, 308. Chimney tax, collateral advantage of, 115- China, density of population in, 542. Chinese Emperor’s journey to Tartary, 508. Choking accompanies mother-fits, 359. Christ Church, Dublin, 164. Christ Church parish, 383. Christ Church, Southwark, Ixxxvi. Christ Church, Surrey, included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxvi. Christenings, when first included in the bills, Ixxxvii, xc ; best basis for calculating the population, 366 ; neglect in the account of, 361, 362 ; relation of, to burials, 369, 370, 372> 530; tables of; Cranbrook, 419 — 421 ; London, 407 — 409 ; Romsey, 412 — 415 ; Tiverton, 416 — 418. See Births. Chronology, biblical, 388. Chrysoms, 362, 363. Church, charge of, 19 ; preferments, 72 ; revenue of might be increased, 549> 558, 559> 572, 573; state of, 242; in Ireland, 148, 607, 611 ; in France, 250. Churches in London, not suitable, 321 ; changes in size of, 382 —383, 507. Churchwardens, 19, 383. 677 Circles, concentric, Petty’s paper on, xxx n. Cities, large, advantages and disadvan- tages of, 290, 470 — 476. Civil militia of Ireland, 215. Civil war, causes of, 22, 23 ; slaughter by, 243 ; effect on population, 463, 469 ; on the marriage rate, 400. Clare, Gilbert Holies, third earl, 616. Clancarty, (PDonough Maccar thy, fourth earl), 616. Clarendon, Henry Plyde, second earl, appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 57711.; attacked, 613 n.; speech to council in Ireland, 591 — 592 n. Clay imported into Ireland, 596. Clayton, Thomas, resigns his professor- ship for Petty, xv. Clergy, lives of, 72, 73, 79, 243 ; numbers of, 80, 291, 292; charge of, 559> 560. Clergy of Ireland, livings of, 81, 167, 566, 567. Clipping coin, 440. Cloth, manufacture of gotten by Hol- landers, 59 ; price of, 88 ; made cheaper by division of labour, 260 ; trade of, 3011.; is lost, 119; in Ireland, 209; exported from England, 296. Clothing of the Irish, 191, 201. Clover-grass, 288, 303 ; in the Nether- lands, 251; on heath-land, 249. Coaches many and splendid, 243, 305 ; effect on trade, 381 ; number of in Ireland, 143. Coals as fuel, 531; for London, 471 ; increased use of, 304 ; effect of on health, 394 ; trade in, 296 ; in Ireland, 589, 596. Coastline of England and France, 293. Cobs, 186, 187, 221. Cocoa, imports of, from America, 296. Cockran, Mr, bought MSS. of Petty’s, Iviii n. Coffee imported, 58. Cogan, Henry, to Pennington, 407 n. Coin, amount of, 106 ; part of national wealth, 34 ; melted when superfluous, 446; effect of reducing weight of, on prices, 441; on debts, 442> 443- Index. 678 Coinage, Petty on, Ixix ; royal power of, 631. Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 242 n., 252 n. Colemanstreet parish, 383. Coleraine, salmon fishing near, 209 ; housing of increased, 303. Collection of taxes, cost of, 35, 56, ^ 473 - College of Physicians in Dublin, xxxn., 165. Colleges, dividends of, 81. ColloquiiiDi Davidis cum Anima sua, translated by Petty, xxviii, 638. Colonies, planting of, 455 ; profit of 571 - Coloony, Richard Coote, second lord, 6r6. Colps, 206. Commerce and large towns, 473 ; of London, greater than that of Paris and Rouen, 507. Commodities and riches pro hinc et nunc, 260 ; the sale of depends on the use that foreigners have for them, 442. Common Pleas in Ireland, 163. Commons, improvement of, 303. Communicants, half the people, 393. “Compendium,” Petty’s, 118. Compton, Henry, Bishop of London, 631 n. Condorcet, Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat, marquis de, Ixxvi n. Confectures manufactured in Portugal, 258. Conformists, number of in 1676, 46111. Connaught, presidential court of, 163; protestants’ purchases of lands in, 138; surveyed, 177, value of lands, 177, 606; transplantations to, 200, 580. Conscience. See Liberty of Conscience. Constable, office of, 19; in Ireland, 163. Constantinople, plague at, 403 ; popu- lation of, 509. Consumption, searchers can recognize it, 348 ; as a mask for the pox, 356. Consumption, productive and destruc- tive, 269, 270 ; the true basis of taxation, 91, 271. Conveyances, fraudulent, 264, 265. Convulsions fall upon children, 349. Cooper, Austin, had MSS. of Petty’s, Iviii n. Cooper, Samuel, miniaturist, xxxiv. Coote, Charles Henry, on maps of London, 533 n. Copenhagen, plague at, 403, 404. Copper, as money, 85, 445 ; imported into Ireland, 598. Copper works, Petty’s, at Kenmare, XXV. Copperas, substitute for, 19 1. Cordage imported into Ireland, 596. Cork, city, 209; county, 215. •Cork, importation of, 309. Corn, the chief food of the multitude, 81; exported from Ireland, 595; no want of in England, 294 ; price of, 275 ; tax on at Amsterdam, 253 ; value of, Ixxiii, 43, 48 ; compared with silver, 50, 51, 89, 90. Cornell University Library, 318. Cornwall, towns in, grown less populous, 370- Coronations and plagues, 369. Corporations expedient for Irish trade, 190, 222. Costs, relation of, to value, Ixxiii. Cotton, imports of from America, 296 ; into Ireland, 596. Cottons exported from England, 296. Council for Irish Industry proposed, 575 - Council office in Dublin burned, Iv. Counterfeiting, danger of, 86. Counties in Ireland, meaning of, 206 ; their value 176 — 180; their number, 215 - Country, proportion of breeders in greater than in London, 482 ; less apt to produce males, 389 ; supplies people to London, 370, 371 ; more healthful than the city, 392, 393 ; deaths in, 461, 462, 535, 536, 610. “Country parish. The,” is Roinsey, xlvii, xlviii, 412 n. Country bills of mortality, Graunt on, 388—394. Court of Claims, Ireland, viii, 153, 185, 581, 606; Ormond in, 614. Index. Court of Grace, Ireland, 580. Court of Innocence, Ireland, 580, 601 ; deprives Petty of lands, xxiv. Court of Wards, Irish, abolished, '27211. Courts of Ireland, 163, 568; cost of, 598. Covent Garden, broad streets of, suited for coaches, 381. Covent Garden parish, see St Paul’s. Cowes, housing increased in, 303. Cowkeepers, Hollanders rid themselves cf being, 267. Cox, Sir Richard, and Petty, xxviii ; on Political Anatomy., 123 — 124; his History of Ireland, 652. Cracow, plague at, 403. Cranbrook, mentioned, 317, 399, 400; table for, 4 19-421. Credit, nature of, 53, 447. Cripplegate a large parish, 382. Cromwell, Henry, Petty becomes phy- sician to, XV ; his friendship for Petty, xviii — xx ; he acquiesces in the Rump government, xvi ; Petty’s letters to him, Ivi. Cromwell, Oliver, his degree from Oxford, xix n. ; effect of his death, xix ; invites New Englanders to re- turn, 302 n. Cromwell, Richard, dissolves Parlia- ment, XX. Crown lands, 38 ; revenue from, in; might be increased, 562. Crusadoes, Portuguese, in Ireland, 186. Culling the coin in Ireland, 184. Cunningham, Rev. Dr William, ix. Currants, tax upon, 50, 275, Custom, long, as regulator, 243. Customs, nature of, 54, 92 ; original purpose of, 83; between England and Ireland, 219; collateral advan- tages of, 115 ; inconveniences of, 56 ; Irish, receipts from, 197, 586 — 588 ; measures of, 55 ; outward, 55 ; in- ward, 56; of the three kingdoms, value of, 296 ; on finished goods, luxuries and raw materials, 56 ; sub- stitute for, 57. Danby, Sir Thomas Osborne, Earl of, letter to Ormond, xxixn. ; orders a religious census, xxxi n. 679 Danes, cowkeepers for the Hollanders, 267. Dantzig, shipping of, 251 ; plague at, 403, 404. Darwin, Charles, Ixxix. Davenant, Charles, Ixxvii, 650. David, cited by Graunt, 352; by Petty, 622; his census, 384, 466; a psalm of, translated by Petty, xxviii, 638. Davies, Sir John, cited by Petty, 155. Death, causes of in London, in 1632, 342—344 ; how ascertained, Ixxxix, 346 ; accuracy of report, 348 — 352. Death penalty, 67. Death-rate, in city and country, the difference of, first noted by Graunt, Ixxvi. Debentures of Irish lands, 152, 599; number of, 594 ; value of, 593, 594, 596, 606 — 608; trade in, 616. Debts, effect of debased money on, 44 ' 2 , 443 - Declarations of Indulgence, James’s, XXX— xxxi, 561, 592, 605. De Clifford, Edward Southwell Clifford, eighteenth lord, Iviii, 123, 236. Deeds, forged, in Ireland, 581, 598. Defalcations in Ireland, 196. Delhi, population of, 509. De Morgan, Augustus, on the author- ship of the Obsej'vations, xxxix, xlvii. Denmark, shipping of, 251. Deptford, 536. Derham, Rev. William, Ixxvii — Ixxviii. Descartes, Rene, mentioned by Petty, 286. Desmond, 209. Deventer, 403. Devonshire, Lord William Cavendish, Duke of, 631 n. Dialogue of Diamonds, 624 — 630. Diamonds, imported from the East Indies, 296. Dice, 244. Digby, Sir Kenelm, his experiments, Ixiv. Dillon, Theobald, seventh viscount, 616. Diminishing returns unknown to Petty, Ixxiii ; cf. 51, 52. Dioceses, inequality of, 301. 68o Index. Diogenes and Aristippus alluded to, 501 n. Discourse concerning the Making of Cloth, Petty’s, mentioned, 3. Discourse of Duplicate Proportion, by Petty, extracts from, 239 — 240 n., 622 — 624; mentioned, 38611., 638. Diseases, Graunt’s descriptions of, xlvi ; table of, 351 ; three classes of, 491 ; wlien specified in the bills, 342, Ixxxviii ; chronic, 350 ; are more regular than epidemic, 352 ; acute, proportion of deaths due to, 349, 350 ; depend on alterations of the air, 350. Dissenters, characters of, 262 ; case of, 263 ; number of in London, 423 ; indulgence for, 302. See Noncon- formists. Dissenting divines to be beneficed, 567. 568. Distribution, problem of, not treated by Petty, Ixxiv. Divinity, unintelligible notions of, 396. Division of labour, 260, 473 ; limited by the extent of the market, 255, 256. Doctors’ Commons, 507. Domesday Book, referred to by Petty, 463. Dominicans in Ireland, 164. “ Double bottom,” Petty’s vessel, xxii, xxiii, XXX, 3. Double writing, Petty’s machine for, xiv, 74. 633. Downing, Sir George, 252 n. Down Survey, account of, xvi — xviii ; Petty’s papers on, are burned, Iv ; his description of, 614, 615 ; mentioned, 568, 570, 485 n. Drapers’ Company, Graunt a member of, xxxiv. Drapery exported from Ireland, 595. Dreams, nature of, 286. Drugs, imported from the East Indies, 296. Dublin, ale houses of, 146; births, 482, 486; burials, 482, 486; census of in 1659, 485 n. ; city government, 165 ; families, hearths and houses in, M3> 215, 303, 484, 485, 490, 496, 497, 534 ; fish at, 209 ; fortification of, 147 ; parishes of, 490; plague at, 151; population of, 398, 399, 498, 538 — 540 ; compared with London, 490 ; larger than Bristol, 506 ; pro- testants in, 148, 589; general sta- tistics of, 496, 588, 589. See Bills. Dublin Castle, 143. Dublin, Philosophical Society, Petty’s relation to, xxiii, xxx. Dublin University, 162, 165, 61 1. Ducatoons, 221. Duelling, 77. Duke’s Place built up before 1662, 380. Dunkirk, 279. Dunsany, Christopher Plunkett, tenth baron, his verdict for land, 590, 591, 602. Durdens, Surrey, Petty withdraws thither during the Plague, xxiv. Dying in Ireland, 191, 596. Dye-stuffs of Turkey worked in Holland, 258. Earnings of the Irish, 189. Earth, interior of, 455. East India Company, 243. East Indies, linen from, 119; imports from, 296 ; exports of money to, 439, 440 ; trade of, 278. Ecclesiastical government of Ireland, 164. Economies, the term, Ixxi n. Edgehill, battle of, 619. Education, public, 19 ; Petty’s Advice to Hartlib for the Advancement of Learning, xv. Egmont, John Perceval, first earl, 630 n. Election to office, 23. Elejuents, The, of Ireland, tract by Petty, 545—621. Elizabeth’s plantations in Ireland, 136, 167. Employment for people, 29, 30, 118; in Ireland, 147. Emporium, fittest spot for, 455. Emulators, numerous, promote arts, 474 - England (sometimes including Wales), Index. 68 1 area of, 105, 284, 285, 371, 558; population of, 105, 371, 463, 464, 467 n., 558, 572 ; density of, 217; not fully peopled, 21, 68, 455; trade of, 312, 354; imports, 273, 309; exports, 295 — 297 ; superlucration of, 292 n. ; wealth of doubled, 302 ; revenues of increased, 305 : impedi- ments to the greatness of, 298 — 302 ; bears the whole charge of foreign wars, 299 ; England and France compared, Ixxii, 293 — 297 ; and the Netherlands, 117. Englaiid^s Guide to Industry, book by Petty, 238, 640. English in Ireland, 300 ; numbers of, 141, 142, 598; are aliens, 243; hardships, 159, 220, 600; efficiency as soldiers, 593 ; importance in trade, 594 - English language in Ireland, 568, 570, 575 , 577 - Englishmen abhor bloodshed, 354. Ent, George, xxvii, xxxvi, 538 n. Epidemics, 172; effect of on the health of London, 347. See also Diseases. Episcopacy, 24. Equity and Law, differences between, 300. Essay, An, in Political Arithmetick concerning the Value and Encrease of People and Colonies, syllabus of, 454 — 455 - Essay on the Multiplication of Mankind, by Petty, lost, 453, 642. Essex, Arthur Capel, Earl of, on land titles in Ireland, xxiv ; on Petty, xxviii; favours Sir James Shaen, xxix ; letters by, 18611., 212; men- tioned, i66, 212. Eustace, Sir Maurice, 616. Evelyn, John, his opinion of Petty, xxxii — xxxiii ; as a Latin poet, xxviii n.; of Lady Petty, xxxii; on the authorship of the London Observa- tions, xxxix — xl, lii, liii. Exchange, nature of, Ixxiv ; as “ local interest,” 47, 447 ; rate of, 48, 187 ; laws limiting, 447 ; in Ireland, 185, 186. Exchange, The. See Royal Exchange. Exchequer of Ireland, 163, 195. Excise, 91 — 95; advantages of, 115; on houses, 46 ; on consumption, 6 1 ; accumulative, 93 ; in Ireland, 586 — 588 ; London’s share of, 473. Exercise promotes breeding, 374. Exeter, housing increased in, 303. Expectation of life, 45, 384, 386, 387. Expenditure, national, of England, 5 ^ 7 - _ Expenditures, personal, of Englishmen, Ixxi, 78, 91, 105, III, 294, 305, 306, 559 » 572, 574 ; of Dutchmen, 253, 254; of Frenchmen, 294; of Irish- men, 188, 216, 559, 588. “ Experiment,” Petty’s boat, xxiii. Experimentation precluded in econo- mics, Ixiv — Ixvi. Experiments to be made relating to Land -Carriage, by Petty, 641. Exports a touchstone to try wealth, 278; to be kept account of, 568; prohibition of, 59, 60 ; of money, 87; from Ireland, 198, 575. See also Customs. Eyres, John, 616. Factions in a large city, 472. Fall of man, 617. Families, size and numbers of, 527, 528, 534; in Ireland, 142 ; in Dublin, 485. ^ Farming of taxes disapproved, 95; in Ireland, xxvi — xxix, 185, 195, 196, 216. Farthings, quantity of required, 447. Fashions minted in France, 297. Favourites, 33 ; are granted lotteries, 65. Feathers exported from Ireland, 596. Fees, 75, 76; retrenchment of, 25, 26; effect of on registry, 362. Females. See Males and females. Fellows of colleges, 375. Fenchurch street has lost its trade, 380. Fens, draining of, 303. Fever, at Romsey, 391; purple, fore- runs the plague, 366. Fevers and agues entered promiscuously in the bills, 360. 682 Index. Fifth, a tax, 84. Fiftl) monarchy men, 71. Fines, 68 — 71. Fingallians, 206. Finsbury Fields, 42. Fire in Essex Street, Dublin, in 1711,178. Fire insurance, public, 83. Fire of London, Petty’s losses by, xxiii ; Graunt’s relation to, xli ; its effect on him, xxxvii ; on the parishes within the bills, Ixxxiv ; mentioned, 243. 507- Fish, number of, 455 ; exported from Ireland, 595 ; imported from New England, 296. Fish supply of London, 471. Fisheries, how encouraged, 59 ; in Ireland, 145. Fishing trade, profit of to the Hol- landers, 257, 309; is declining, 242 n. Fitton, Sir Alexander, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, 616. Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond, ix, Iviii ; his Life of Petty., viii, xiii, 655, 656. Pdtzgerald, Edward, 613 n. Fitz Gerald family, 168. Five Essays in Political Arithmeticlc, by Petty, 521—544, 644. Flanders, husbandry in, 249, 25011. Flax, on heath-land, 249 ; brought from France, 119; in Ireland, 272 — 274; statute for planting flax, 218, 223 ; in the Netherlands, 251, 259. Fleetu^ood, Charles, in Ireland, xvi, note. Fleet-street, 42, trade of, 381. Flesh seldom eaten in Ireland, 191. Flood, population of the world since the, 465, 477. Florence, Duke of, his diamond, 627. Food, cheapness of in England, 244, 288; at London, 531; in Ireland, 19 1 ; and wages, 181 ; wholesome- ness of, and chronic disease, 351 — 35^- Footmanship of the Irish, 166. Foreign goods, expense of Ireland for, 587 ; to be discouraged there, 222. P'oreign trade, theory of, 87 — 89, 309 ; produces wealth, 295. Forests, imjirovement of, 303. Forfeited land in Ireland, area and value of, 168, 598, 599, 618; dis- position of, 61 1. Fornication punished, 69 ; reason for law against, 377 ; hinders breeding, 373 - Fortrey, Samuel, 252 n., 297 n., 309. Fortune telling, 64. Foster, Prof. Michael, ix. P'oundling, 20, 28, 29. P'ournier, Georges, his Hydrographie cited by Petty, 280, 284. Fowl, number of, 455. France, ai’ea of, 250, 284, 285 ; map 'of, 250; population, 291, 46711.; wealth, 242, 250; interest in, 254; superlucration of, 254, 29211.; exports and imports, 252, 283, 297, 309 ; gabelle, 55, 74, 83 ; harbours, 278, 279, 283; sea power, 251, 278 — 280; manufactures paper, 258; has many churchmen, 263; revenues of, 252 — 253, 254, 271, 272 ; offended by the Political Arithmetick, 238, 240; would not gain by possessing Ireland, 156 — 157; splendour of the court, 295 ; Petty’s comparisons of with England, Ixxii. France, and a universal monarchy, 467 11. Franklin, Benjamin, adopts a passage from Petty, Ixxiii 11. Fraternity of Physicians, 165. Free ports, 60, 61. Free schools, abundance of, 72. Freight of English shipping, value of, 296. French, Nicholas, 61311. French pox, 355, 356. French language used in Ireland, igi. Frenchnien, number of, estimated to be in London, 383 11. P’riars, in Ireland, 164. Frieze, 201 ; exported from England, 296; from Ireland, 595. Fruit, tax on, at Amsterdam, 253. Fuel cheap at London, 531. See also Coals, Fuller’s earth, prohibition to export, 59 - Index. Furniture, imported from France, 297 ; splendour of, 305. Further Assertion of the Propositions concerning London, Petty’s, 643. Further Obso'vation upon the Dublin- Bills, by Petty, 493—498, 643. Gabelle in France, 55, 74, 83. Gamesters do not add to wealth, 195, 196. Gardens in London, filling up of, 381. Garrans, 166, 173, 175. Gelding, purpose of, 375, 377. General bill of mortality. See Bills. Geneva, mortality in, 386 n. Genoa, merchants in, 263 ; plague at, 403, 404. Gentlemen put younger sons to trade, 312, 313- Geographical Description of the King- dotn of Ireland, based on Petty’s surveys, 651. Gilbert, William, 177. Glass for measuring diamonds, 626. Glorified bodies, meaning of, 455. Glue exported from Ireland, 594. Gneeres, 206. Goddard, Dr Jonathan, xxi, xxxvi. Gold as money, 183 ; when debased, 84 ; not money but a commodity next like to money, 444 ; formerly abundant, now (1676) scarce, 242; art of making, if known would but exalt silver, 395 ; imported into Ireland, 596 ; for entries of Gold and Silver jointly, see Silver. Goldsmiths melt money, 85. Gookin, Vincent, xvii, 7, 656, 657. Gorges, Dr, ejectment case against, 602. Gout, 356, 360. Government, forms of, 23 ; effect of popular government on trade, 263 ; internal and mystical government of Ireland, 164. Governours, charge of, 18. Grace Church Street, trade of, 380. Granard, Earl of, 166. Grand Cairo, mortality at, 402 ; popu- lation of, 509. Grand juries in Ireland raise monies, 196. 683 Grant, Edward, the classicist, xxxviii. Grass, Samuel, 318. Graunt, Henry, xxxiv. Graunt, John, life of, xxxiv — xxxviii ; birth, xxxiv; tastes, xxxiv; education, XXXV. The Natural and Political Obso'vations published, xxxv ; why reprinted, viii ; Graunt’s claim to their authorship, xxxix — liv, 320, 322 ; action of the Royal Society upon the Observations, xxxvi ; he becomes a fellow, xxxvi ; falsely charged with causing the Fire of London, xli ; his losses by the h'ire, xxxvii ; his conversion to Roman Catholicism, xxxvii, xlv ; his death, xxxvii; opinionsof his contemporaries, xxxvii, xxxviii ; his methods and merits as a statistician, xlvii, xlix, Ixvi, Ixxv — Ixxix ; his faults, Ixxvi, Ixxvii ; the chief facts which he discovered, Ixxv, Ixxvii; his influence upon Petty, Ixx, Ixxix ; on later statistical writers, Ixxvii, Ixxix. Graunt, John, his Observations, 315 — 431; appendix to, 432—4351 bib- liography of, 658 — 660 ; accuracy of the tables in, 407 n., 4 1 2 n., 426 — 428 ; cited by Petty, 27, 45, 80, 303, 458, 461, 481, 483, 485, 526, 527, 534, 535> 541 > bo8, 610 : otherwise men- tioned, 14511., 45911., 46711. Graunt, Mary, xxxiv. Gray’s Inn, 507. Great Case ( The) of Transplantatioii in Ireland, not by Petty, 655 — 657. Green, Ann, resuscitated by Petty, xv. Green sickness, xlvi, 358. Gresham College, 317, 322, 32411., 334 ; telescopes at, 358 ; Petty made professor of music at, xv, xxxiv ; Royal Society meets there, xxii. Guernsey, 298, 299. Guinea trade, shipping employed in, 304 - Gunpowder imported into Ireland, 596. Haarlem, plague at, 403. Hackney, included within the bills, Ixxxv, 344 ; not properly part of London, 423; is'a part of London, hidcx. 684 529; not less l)aiTen Ilian London, 371 — 373; table for, 410. Hale, Sir Matthew, on Graunt’s Ob- servations^ xlv; cited by Petty, 463. Halifax, Sir George Savile, first mar- quis of, 631 n. ; his recoinage project, Ixi, 438, 439. Halley, Edmund, on the authorship of the Obse 7 'vations, xli ; Graunt’s in- fluence on, Ixxvii ; letter of H. Justel to, 522, 523. Hamburg, shipping of, 251. Hampshire, a parish in (i.e. Romsey), 371, 412. Hands the father of wealth, Ixxi, 68, 377 - Harbours of Holland and of France, 257 - Hardinge, W. H., on Petty’s accuracy, xxi n. ; on his Essay on Ireland^ 548. Harrington, Sir James, influence upon Petty, Ixii ; political ideas, 23. Hartlib, vSamuel, Petty’s friend, xv ; letters to, Ivi. Hawkins, Mr, 222. Health of the city judged by the bills of mortality, 347. Heart beats 3000 times an hour, 360. Hearth money, nature of, 64 ; the best accumulative excise, 94; imposed in England, 460 n. ; in London and in the country, 473; in Ireland, 190, 27211., farmed, 497; payment of in flax proposed, 272, 273. Hearths, and population, 534 ; in Ireland, 610; in Dublin, 497. Heath, improvement of, 249, 303. Heberden, Dr William, his labours on the London bills, 641. Hemp, statute for planting, in Ireland, 218, 223; Russian, worked in Holland, 258. Henry II., his invasion of Ireland, 157 - Henry VI I. ’s chapel, 531. Henry VIIL, feared the plague, Ixxxi. Herring exported from Ireland, 216, 29 ^> 595 - Ilerring-tax, proposed for Scotland, 277- Heterodoxy, causes of, 263 ; extent of, 362; effect of on trade, 263, 264; punishment of, 22, 70 — 73. Hibernice Delinealio, studio Guilielmi Petty ^ 651. Hides exported from Ireland, 296, 594, 609; from New England, 296. Highlands of Scotland, a proposition for quitting, 285 — 290. Highways, charge of, 20; making of, 29- Hill, Dr Abraham, 624 — 62511. History, The, of Arts, Petty writes, 1 1 8 11. History of the Dowti Survey, Petty writes, xxi, 650, 651. History, The, of Trades, Petty writes, XV, 11811., 653. Hoarding of good money, 443. Hobbes, Thomas, Petty studies with him in Paris, xiv ; how far his disciple, Ixi, Ixiii; his theory of value, Ixxiii ; his opinion on reading, Ixi. Hodge, W. B., on the authorship of the Obset'vatiotis, xxxix, li. Llodges, Dr Nathaniel, Ivii. Hodgkin, J. Eliot, ix, Ivin., 212. Holborn, 42, 381. Holidays in Ireland, 216, 218, 223. Lloly Bible used by Petty, 198, 263, 384, 464—467, 477, 478, 577; as law, 67. Hoyhead, 204. Hooke, Robert, xxiv. Hops, imported into Ireland, 596, 609. Horace quoted by Petty, 49, 60, 501. Horn for measuring dianionds, 626. Horse, English, 31; duty on, 55; what one can transport, 249, 250 ; Irish, 166, 173, 175 ; exported, 594. Horse (troops) of special advantage in Islands, 275. Horseinens’ beds, 207. Hospital and Free .School of King Charles 11 . in Dublin, 165. Hospital for Soldiers, Dublin, 166. Hospitals advocated, 29; of London and Paris compared, 508, 530 ; were omitted from the London bills, xc. Hotel des Invalidcs, 166. Index. 685 Hotel Dieu, hospital in Paris, 508, 510, 511, 528, 603. Hours of labour, no. Houses (or Housing), of England and Wales, 105, 106; has increased, 303; of London, 105, 385, 459, 533 ; of Ireland, 142 — 144, 132, 175, 288, 583, 610; of Scotland, 288; taxation of, 40; at Amsterdam, 253. Howel, Janies, his Londonopolis cited by Sir Peter Pett, xliv. Hayls, John, portrait painter, xxxiv. Huguenots greatest traders in France, 263. Hume, David, Ixx. Husbandmen, wages of, 259; Hol- landers seldom are, 267. Husey, Mr, his verdict for land, 590. Hyde, Henry. See Clarendon. Idlers, employment for, 59; public support of, 269. Idiots as state wards, 83. Imperial federation proposed by Petty, 298, 299. Imports, duties on, 92 ; prohibition of, 60; of Ireland, 584 — 588. Impotents, maintenance of, 20, 261 ; in Ireland, 144, 189. Incidence of land tax, 36, 39 ; of tithes, 39. Inchiquin, William O’Brien, second earl, 136, 616. Income, national, Ixxi — Ixxii ; relation of to wealth, Ixxiii. Incurables, hospital for, 51 1. Independents in Ireland, 200. India, religion of, 263; rice in, 181. Indigo imported into Ireland, 191; from America, 296. Indulgence. See Declarations. Infant, meaning of in the bills of mortality, 348; starved at nurse, 352 - Infant mortality, noted by Graunt, Ixxvi, rate of, 349, 622. Ingoldsby, Sir Henry, xxv, n., 616. Ingram, John Kells, on Petty, vii. Inheritance taxes apparently alluded to, 83. Innate heat, 348. Innocents in Ireland, 136, 14 1, 153, i79> 582, 598, 6or, 612, 613; Petty’s opinion of, xxiv. See also Court of Innocence. Inns of Court, charge of, 26. Insurance, fire, 54; maritime, 54, 57; by government, 83. Interest, Petty’s theory of, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, 47, 446 — 448 ; rate of, 243; includes an insurance premium, 447, 448; has fallen, 304; cause of low, 261; laws limiting, 447, 448; in Ireland, 221; in France and Holland, 254. Inventors, 74, 75. Invisible College, an early name for the Royal Society, xxi. Ireland — Physical features : area, 135, 214, 215, 478; climate, 170, 171; mines, 223; natural abundance, 6, 272, 273. Ireland — Fopidatiotf. in 1641, 149 — 151, 600, 6or; in 1652 — 53, 149, 600, 60 r, 610; census of in 1659, 48511.; in 1672, 141, 142, 149, 214; in 1676, 272; in 1687, 543, 544, 558, 600, 601, 610; diminished by tumults, 303, 608; underpeopled, 6, 46, 217, 272, 455, 467 n. Ireland — Lands-, general, 135 — 14 1; surveys, 6, 176, 206, 214, 215; titles, xxiv, 46, 61 1 ; values, 46, 176 — 180, 182, 558, 565, 588; to be bought by the king, 577. See also Absentees. Ireland — Government •. general, 162 — 165, 568, 600; cost of, 560; a burden to England, 242, 285 — 290, 578; proposed sale of, 285—290; proposed union with England, 157, 158, 161, 162, 298, 300, 573; parties, 167, 168; rebellions, 46, 155, 156, 618, 619; parliament affectionate to Ormond, 9; courts, 46, 47, 227, 581; officials, 215, 219; settlement, 154, 243; fears for the, in 1687, 597; by transplantation to England, 555, 556; army, 5, 6, 593, naturalization, 266. Ireland — Trade-, in general, 128, 160, 188—198, 221, 396, 575, 594; fitness for, 189 — 192; Petty’s Report on, 21 1—223; council for, 575; in cattle, 31, 214, 216, 244, 299; capacity for. 686 Index. 300, 555, 575; lack of, 396; exports and imports, 184, 198, -216, 273, 296, 564, 565, 575, 584, 585, 596; ship- ping, 208; rate of interest, 447; money, 7, 184, 214, 221, 273; wealth, 214; houses and hearths, 214; im- provement of, 217, 223; have in- creased, 303, 304. Ireland — Revemies\ xxvi, xxix, 7, 179, 227, 231, 566, 567, 585—588; growth of, 271; quit rents, 39; tithes, 164; hearth money, 272 — 274; customs, 583—59^; excise, 584—592; tobacco monopoly, 83; debt, 217, 227, 231 ; public accounts, 195. Ireland — History, first settled from Scotland, 204; from 1641 to 1687 summarized, 619 — 621; in 1687, 578, 579 > 5831 586—591. See also Ireland — Government : rebellions. Ireland — Religious Matters'. 5,81, 164, 167, 198, 461, 498, 557, 558, 560, 561, 578, 582, 592. Ireland — Petty's Interest in-, xv, xvi, 128, 604, 6r6; ti'eats it as a political animal, 129; Graunt’s knowledge of Ireland, xlviii. Heland, The Political Anatomy of, by Petty, 121 — 23:. Ireland, A Treatise of, by Petty, 545 — 621. Irish people, traits of, 198, 201, 202, 206, 273, 361, 362; as soldiers, 593; merriment, 616, 617; drink little ale, 589; emigration of, 141, i5r> 157’ 158, 573’ 600; can dye somewhat, 596; their language, 206; nation abolition of, 577. Iron in Ireland, xxv, 145, 209, 595; worked in Holland, 258 ; in Luic-land, 258. Islands, defensibleness of, 254, 257, 292. Islington, included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxv, 344; not part of London, 423; a part of London, 529; table for, 410. Italy, shipping of, 251 ; quicksilver and silk of worked in Holland, 258. Jacobuses and guineas, 444. Jamaica, 285, 302. James L, beginning of his reign, 335; his plantation in Ireland, 136, 167. James, Duke of York, his lands in Ireland, 136, 140, 61 1, 616. James IL, King, his kindness to the Irish, 578; his Irish policy, 1686 — 1687, XXX, 591 ; his interest in Petty, XXX, 546, 547 ; dedications of Petty’s works to, 503, 524, 554. Jeofifreys, Robert, xix. Jersey, isle of, 298; profits the French, 299. Jesuits in Ireland, 164. Jesus Christ, 19, 27. Jews, wealthy by trade, 95; as mer- chants, 263; numbers of, 465, 466; taxation of, 83, 84. John, Vincenz, ix, 645. Jones, Sir Theophilus, 6r6. Judges, powers of, 631, 632 ; in Ireland, 163, 165, 602. Justel, Henri, Ixxvii; letter from to E. Halley, 522; to the Royal Society, 518 ; informs the Society of a French answer to Petty’s Essays, 42 5 n. Justice, charge of, 19; in a city, 473; in the country, 255. Justice of the peace, office of, 19; in Ireland, 163, 165, 196, 223. Juvenal quoted by Petty, 80. Kelp exported from Ireland, 596. Kenmare, Petty’s colony at, xxv — xxvi, 209 n. ; destruction of, xxxi. Kerry, underpeopled, 467 n. ; courts in, 165; forfeitures, 168; Latin spoken, 19 1 ; plants, 209; Ormond’s lands, 614; Petty’s, xxiii n. King, Gregory, Ixxvii, 650. King of England, Powers of the, by Petty, 630 — 632. Kings County, Ireland, measured in 1630, 176, 177. King’s and Queen’s College of Physi- cians in Ireland, 165. Kingsale, 209, 573 ; houses of increased, .303- King’s Bench in Ireland, 163. Kingsland hospital, 356. Index. 687 Kingston, Robert King, second lord, farmer of Irish revenues, xxvii, 616, King’s Weston, 50611. Konigsberg, plague at, 403, 404. Labour, the father of wealth, Ixxi, 68, 377; relation of to value, 44, 45, 307, 443; dear when corn is plentiful, 274; hours of, no; portion of people fit for, 307; a par between labour and land, Ixxi, 44, 45, 181,573, 574; between labour and art, 182. See also Division of labour. Labourers, raising of money a tax upon, 87. Lambeth included in the bills of mor- tality, Ixxxiv, 344; not properly part of London, 423; table for, 410. La Motte, John, his house turned into a tenement, 380. Land-Carriage, Petty’s experiments on, 250. Land-oaths, 199. Land, the mother of wealth, Ixxi, 68, 377; value of, 44 — 46, 50; how determined, 89, 570, 573; depends on density of population, 286, 287, 289, 290, 592; affected by a change of coins, 444 ; intrinsic and extrinsic value of, 396 ; need of survey of, .^95? 39 < 5 ; original and primitive differences between, 250, 255; im- provement of, 244 ; effect of selling land to foreigners, 313 {see also Absentees); taxation of land, 38, 115, 12011.; par between land and labour, Ixxi, 44, 45, 181, 573, 574. Lands of England and Wales, value of, 105 ; to be coined into current coin, 558; of Ireland, value of, 176 — 182, 214, 597, 606; has declined (1687), 57o> 573> 580, 583, 590; to be accurately valued, 582; years’ pur- chase of, 7, 447; titles of, 195, 570, 573) 581 ; how far cultivated, 174, 175 - Land’s End, a source of fish-supply, 471 - Landsmen and seamen, 281, 282. Lanesborough, Sir George Lane, vis- count, 616. Language of Ireland, 206. Lansdowne, Henry Charles Keith Petty Fitzmaurice, fifth marquis, ix ; his Petty MSS. Iviii ; his MS. of Petty’s Essay on Ireland lost, 548. Larcom, General Thomas Aiskew, 124; on Worsley, xvin.; on Petty’s survey, xvii. La Rochelle, siege of, 280 n. Latin frequent among poorest Irish, 191 ; of Irish priests, 198. Latin words used by Petty and by Graunt, xlviii. Law, when it flourishes, 76; too many matters regulated by, 243; law and equity, 300. Laws of nature, 9, 48, 243, 445. Law suits, Petty’s, xxv; called la chicane., 507. Law Merchant, 261. Lawyers, excessive number of, 26, 27 ; in London, 530 ; and in Paris, 507 ; object to registers of land, 264. Laziness, punishment for, 261 ; of the Irish, 201. Lead exported from England, 296; to Ireland, 596; to Turkey, 442; worked in Holland, 258. Leadworks in Ireland, 209. Leadenhall Street has lost its trade, 380. Leather exported from Ireland, 595. Lecturers, 79. Leeuwarden, plague at, 403. Leghorn, merchants in, 263. Leinster, surveyed, 177; value of land, 177, 178, 606. Letterees, 131, 582; lands of, 136. Leyden, Petty in, xiv ; plague at, 402, 404 - Liberty of conscience, xxxin., Ixii, Ixxiii, 70, 261, 262, 578, 592. Libraries, ix, 72. Liege, 25811. Lighthouses in Ireland, 208. Lights, rising of the, 359. Lincoln, decrease of, 370, 372. Lincoln’s Inn, 507. Linen, imported into England, 273; from Ireland and Scotland, 296, 595; from the East Indies, 119. 688 Index. Lisbon, merchants in, -263. lavergrowlh, xlvi, xlvii, 357 — 359. Loadstones, 624. Lock hospital, 356. Loml^ard Street, has lost its mercery trade, 381. Lombards, 26, 36, 82, 261. London — location, etc. : area, 457, 470, 526, 531; westward movement of, xlvi, 41, 321, 380, 381; map of, 3^5» 533» 542 ; bounds of liberties of, 401; parishes of, 24, 457; inequality between, 382 ; will always be the greatest cohabitation of people in England, 42 ; best size for, 470 — 476. London — houses : number and value of, 105, 106, 303, 459, 528; size of, 385, building of prohibited (1656), 4011., 41; burned in 1666 [see also Fire), 507; rebuilding of, 2430., 294, 308, 309 ; increase of, 370 ; are great and glorious, 2^3. London — population-. 331, 383 — 386, 400, 459, 460; is one-fifteenth of all England, 107; calculations of by Graunt and Petty, Ixvii ; census of, xliv, 401, 405, 406; growth and doubling of, 304, 378—381, 387— 389, 394, 456—460, 469; grows by immigration, 370, 371, 389, 482; soon replenished after plagues, 367. London — vital statistics: births, 481, 482, 486, 604, 605; burials, 338 — 342, 407 — 409, 481, 486; males and females, 41 1; tables of, 406 — 41 1, 426, 432—435. London compared with'. Paris, 251, 423. 4 ^ 4 ^ 517. 518, 530. 537 ; Rome, 517, 518; Amsterdam, 251; other cities generally, 503, 509, 544, 603; with the country, 373, 389, 392, 393, 498. London — 77 iiscellaneons: air, 392, 393; aldermen, 63 ; assessment, 460 ; beggars, 354; bills of mortality, see Pills; bishop’s palace, 380; defence, 354> 387* 472; food supply, 471; hospitals, 530; murder infrequent, 354; plague, 10911., 363, 364, 51; shipping, 530; trade, 374; taxes, 103, 370, 371; undertaxed, 114. I.ondon bridge stays westward move- ment of the city, 380. Londonderry surveyed by T. Raven, 177; housing of has increased, 303. Longevity, measure of, 172, 350, 352, 623. Looking glasses, price of, 624. Lord Chancellor of Ireland, 163, 204, 205, 616, 631. Lord Deputy of Ireland, 163. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 163, 204, 205, 228 — 230. Lord Mayor of London, his relation to the bills of mortality, Ixxxviii. Lord Justices of Ireland, 163. Lotteries, 64 — 65. Loughrea, court of, 580. Lucerne, 288 n. Ludgate, 42, 321, 381. Lunatics, state wards, 83 ; are few, 355 - Lungs, the bellows of the body, 359. See also Lights. Luttrell, Narcissus, on Petty’s death, Ixvi. Luxury a cause of civil war, 23 ; policy of restraining, 192; import duties on luxuries, 56. Macarthy, General Justin, xxxi. McCulloch, John Ramsay, vii, xxxix, 1 . Mackenbory, 209. Madder in the Netherlands, 251, 259; imported into Ireland, 191. Mahometan religion in India, 263. Maid-servant, wages of, 305. Males and females, relative number of, Ixxvi, 25, 320, 374—378, 483, 603; in London, 386 ; in the country, 389; distinguished in the bills, 342, 347 ; males prolific longer than fe- males, 375; tables of, for Cranbrook, 419 — 421; for London, 41 1; for Romsey, 412 — 415; for Tiverton, 416 — 418. Mangerton, Mount, 467 n. ; Petty’s estates near, xxiv. Manufactures, in Ireland, 197 — 198; flourish in cities, 473 ; more gained by than by husbandry, 256. Index. 689 Manuscripts used in printing this ed., lix. Manx language, 206. Map of London, 385, 533, 542. Map of France, anno 1647, 250. Maps, Petty’s, of Ireland, xvii, 6n,, 177, 614. Mare clausum, 550, 559, 569, 573. Marine insurance, 83. Marriages taxed, 83; civil, effect on marriage rate, xci, 400; encourage- ment of, 377, 378 ; not in the bills of mortality, 347; should be, 491 ; occur early in Ireland, 608. Marillac, Charles de, letters of, about the plague, Ixxxin. Martyn, John, publisher, 122. Maryland, 285. Mary’s Colechurch, a small parish, 382. Matthews, Colonel, 616. Massachusetts, General Court of, 302 n. Massareene, Sir John Skefhngton, second viscount, 616. Master of the Rolls in Ireland, 163. Masts imported from New England, 296 ; prices of, 623, 624, Mathematical method in economics, Ixviii. Malthus, Thomas Robert, debt of, to Graunt, Ixxix. Measles, one half that die of are children, 349. Measure of value, 44; see also Value. Meath, Edward Brabazon, second earl, his house, 143. Medals and money, 85. Medicaments, manufacture of, 75. Mercantilism, Petty’s relation to, Ixix. Mercery gone from Lombard Street, 381. Merchandise, more gained by than by manufacture, 256. Mero-motu men, 131 n., 582; lands of, 136. Mersenne, Marin, xiv. Metal-men, mortality of, 350. Metaphysics, study of, 270. Meteorological instruments needed, 1 71. Microscope, 627. Middlesex and Surrey, parishes in, included within the bills, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi. Mile, Irish, 210. Militia, charge of, 18; a gentle tax, 275; drill of, 276; in Ireland, 166, 168, 169, 569. Milk, cost of in Ireland, 173. Milled money exported, 439. Mills in Ireland, 609. Milne, James, on the editorship of the Collection of the Yearly Bills, 641. Mines in Ireland, 223. Minory, plague at, 403. Miscellaneous Catalogue of Experiments, Petty’s, 642. Mithridate, 93. Mogul’s diamond, the Great, 627. Mohammed, date of birth of used by Petty, 526. Mohommedanism permits polygamy, 374* Molasses exported from Ireland, 596. Molyneaux, William, letter from, XXX n. Monarchy, universal, grows difficult, 467 n. Monasteries, dissolution of, in Ireland, f94, 195- Money, nature of, 183; the fat of the body politic, 1 13; amount of in circu- lation, 34, 310; how to ascertain it, 51 ; amount needed, 35, 36, 112, 113, 265, 310, 446; scarcity of, and taxes, 34 ; scarcity of remediable by a bank, 446 ; plenty since the discovery of the West Indies, 50; England has more than her neighbours, 119; has increased, 304; exportation of, 32; cannot be prevented, 57, 58, 87, 445, 446 ; may profit the country, 58, 440 ; exportation or annihilation of diminishes the commonwealth, 268, 269 ; raising and debasing money, 84—88, 439, 441, 444, 445, 631; money of gold and silver the best rule of commerce, 439 ; money of Ireland, 7, 183 — 187, 192, 219; badness of, 196; raising of, 221, 444; little needed, 569; exported, 583. Money, Quanttdumcunque concerning, by Petty, 437—448. Montes pietatis, 82. Monogamy, Graunt on, Ixxvi. 44 H. P. 690 / ndex. Monopolies, 74. Monopoly price, 119. Montrath, Charles Coote, third earl, 616. Moon, supposed irregular motion of, xlvii, 358. Moray, Sir Robert, xxxvi, Ivin., 3n., 322. Mordaunt, Charles, afterwards third earl of Peterborogh, 63111. More, Sir Thomas, his Utopia men- tioned, 286, 475. Moreri, Louis, his G^'atid Dictionnaire cited by Petty, 507, 537. Morley, George, Bishop of Winchester, letter from, xxxi n. Mortality, bills of. See Bills. Moses, number of Israelites under, 465—466. Mother, a disease, xlvi, 358. Mun, Thomas, Ixix. Muster, 46711.; surveyed, 177; value of lands in, 178, 606. Munster, Presidential Court of, 163. Murder infrequent in London, 354. Murray. See Moray. Music, Petty as professor of, xv. Mutilation as a punishment, 67. Names in Ireland, 568, 570. Nantes, 291 n. Naples, merchants in, 263 ; plague in, 403- Napper, Mr, ejectment case against, 602. Nai'rative of the Sale and Settlement of Ireland cited by Petty, 613, 616. Narrow seas, England secure in the sovereignty of, 284. Natural history, nature of, 322, 323. Natural knowledge, improvement of, 271. Naturalization, 266. Natural and Political Observations upon the bills of Mortality^ 314 — 431. See also Graunt. Nature, laws of. See Laws. Naval stores, trade in, 257, 258. Navy of England requires 36,000 men, 276; increased, 243, 304; expense of, 1 16, 1 1 7. Needham, Walter, M.D., xxxvi. Negroes in American plantations, 303. Neligan, Dr., of Dublin, 123, 124, 236, 547 - Netherlands, Petty’s opinion of, Ixxii; population, 541 — 543; taxes, 95, 253. 254; agriculture, 250, 251; trade, 95, 251, 283; charity, 83; wealth, 117 ; war with in 1665, 103. Newcastle, Duke of, dedication of Dis- course of Duplicate Proportion to, 24011. Newcastle, William Cavendish, marquis, xiv. Newcastle, housing of, 303 ; shipping, 304 ; reputed unhealthful, 394. Newcourt, Richard, his map of London, 385- New England, added to the King’s territory, 285, 302 ; population of, 291; exports from, 296; government of, 298; husbandry in, 300; trans- plantation of people from, 301, 302 ; few women barren, 303 ; migration to, 390. “New English” in Ireland, 167, 616. Newfoundland, 281, 285, 390. Newgate, 381. Newington, included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxv, 344 ; not part of London, 423 ; a part of London, 529 ; not less barren than London, 372, 373 i talkie for, 410. New Netherland, 285. New Philosophy (Bacon’s), influence of on Petty, xxii, Ixiii — Ixv. New River Company, Graunt a member of, xli. New River supplies water for London, 471. Newton, Sir Isaac, Petty’s opinion of his Principia, Ixxix. Noah, 465. Noblemen put younger sons to merchan- dise, 312, 313. Nominees, 131, 582. Nonconformists, number of in 1676, 461 11. ; increase, 243 ; not included in the bills, xc. Norfolk, Graunt endeavoured to secure a bill from, 399. Index. 691 North, Sir Dudley, Ixix. Northumberland, Graunt endeavoured to secure a bill from, 399. Norway, 573. Norwich, housing increased in, 303 ; labour of children in, 308. Norwich stuffs, attempt to manufacture them in Ireland, xliii n. Notes in this book, purpose of, viii. Nottinghamshire, Graunt endeavoured to secure a bill from, 399. Number, weight and measure, terms of used, 244, 261, 638. Oak timber, little dearer, 243. Oates, Titus, xlv. Oaths in Ireland, 199. Oatmeal and rice, 181. Observations upon the Bills of mortality of London^ by Graunt, 314 — 432 ; editions of, 658 — 660. Observations upon the Cities of London and Rome, by Petty, 515 — 518, 644. Observations upon the Dublin Bills of Mortality, by Petty, 479 — 491, 640; writing of, xxvii. Obvervations upon the Trade in Irish Cattle, Petty writes, 651. Of ?naking Cloth ivith Sheep's Wool, Petty writes, 324 n., 650. Offices, lessening of, 25; sale of, 76, 77; fees of, like monopolies, 75, 76; taxation of, 63, 84. Ogle, Dr William, on the trustworthi- ness of the bills of mortality, xc. “Old English” Papists in Ireland, 167. “Old Irish,” 167, 215. “Old protestants ” in Ireland, 167. Oldenburg, Henry, on the authorship of the Observations, xliii. Ormond, James Butler, first duke, note on, 7, 8; becomes Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 5 ; his interest there, 7, 8; his lands, 136, 163, 613, 614, 616; present of ^30,000 to, 3, 179; succeeded by Robartes, 3 1 9 n.; charged with mismanaging the Irish revenues, xxvi; employs John Graunt, xxxviin., xliii n.; reappointed in 1676, xxviii ; Petty’s letters to Ormond, Ivi. Ormond, James Butler, second duke. dedieation of Political Arithmetick to, 125. Orphan asylums advocated, 29. Orphans, maintenance of, 20. Orphans, provision for, 261. Orrery, Lionel Boyle, third earl, 616. Ossory, Thomas Butler, earl of, letter of Ormond to, xxxixn., 811. Overseers of the poor, duties of, 383. Oxford, Petty at, xv ; Graunt’s Obser- vations printed at, 317. Oxmantown-Green hospital, Dublin, 165. Pageants, effect of, 33. Paper manufactured in France, 258 ; imported, 297, 309. Par between lands and labour, Ixxi. Pardoe, Mark, Petty’s publisher, xlii, 45311., 480. Paris, area of, 531 ; bills of mortality of, 251 n., 422, 424, 425, 51011.; births in, 422, 604 ; buildings of, 251; burials in, 481, 506, 507; census of, 505 n., 506 n. ; hospitals of, 506 — 530 ; murder frequent in, 354 ; Petty in, xiv ; population of, 251, 505—508, 527, 528, 530, 527, 537., 543; compared with London, 251, 517, 503, 603. Paris Garden made a parish, Ixxxvi. Parish Clerks, Company of ; their relation to the bills of mortality, Ixxxii, 333, 335, 346; their hall, Ixxx ; printing press, Ixxxiii. Parish registers, Cromwell’s act for the keeping of, xci, 356 11. Parishes, 23, 79, 371 ; of Dublin, 484 ; of England, 148 ; of France, 290 ; of Ireland, 5, 148, 215; of London; 382 ; included within the bills, Ixxxiv — Ixxxvi, 338 — 346, 382 ; in- equality of, xlvi, 5, 301, 302, 321 382, 490, 581. Parliament, supremacy of in Ireland, 568, 573 - Parsons, learning of, 382. Parties in Ireland, 167, 168. Pasture land, rent of, 249. Patents upon inventions, Petty on, xiv, 74 , 75 - 692 Index. I’atents hinder working of Irisli mines, 223. Paternoster Row, mercery trade in, 381. Pawnshops. See Monies pietatis. Pearls, prices of, 624. l^eerage offered Petty, xxviii, xxix. Peers, king makes, 631. Pekin, population of, 508. Pell, Dr John, Petty’s letters to, Ivi. Penalties, 67. Pendula called Swingswangs, 324. People, value of, Ixxi, 106, 152, 267, 454, 512, 564. See also Population. Pepper imported from the East Indies, 296, 441 ; cheap, 275. Pepys, Samuel, presents Petty to Charles II., xxi ; appointed by James II. to examine Petty’s Treatise of Ireland., 547 ; had MSS. of Petty’s, xxxi n., Ivi — Iviii ; letters by Petty to, xxviii, 546, 547 n. ; his opinion of Petty, xxxiii ; his relations with Graunt, xxiv, xxxvi, xxxviii, buys the Obser- vations, 317; his opinion of Gi'aunt, xxxviii. Pennington, Sir John, admiral, letters to, 407 n. Perceval, Sir John. See Egmont. Perch, Irish, 172. Perpetuanas exported from England, 296. Persia, paucity of people in, 467 n. ; prices in influence prices in England, 625. Personal estates, value of, 106, ,107; assessment of upon oath, 115. Peru, silver in, 50, 181, 182 ; Peru pieces, 221. Pesthouse, 337. Pett, Sir Peter, Petty’s letters to, Ivi ; his interest in political arithmetic, Ixxvii ; on the authorship of the Observations, xliii — xlv ; his Petty MSS. 100, 124, 237. Petty, Anthony, father of Sir William, xiii — xiv. Petty, Charles, afterwards Baron Shel- burne, Ixxix, 238, 240, 45011. Petty, Henry, afterwards Baron Shel- burne, 652. Petty, John, Surveyor-General of Ireland, xxiv n. Petty, Lady, marriage of, xxv n. ; char- acter of, xxxii ; letter to Southwell, 238; to Edmund Waller, xxixn. Petty, SirWilliam — Lifeofxm — xxxviii, birth, xiii, boyhood, xiii — xiv, on the continent, xiv, invents an instrument for double writing, xiv, 74, goes to London, xiv ; Advice for the Advance- ment of Learning, xv, at Oxford, xv, professor in Gresham College, xv, xxxiv, xl ; becomes fellow of Royal College of Physicians of London, 27 n. ; appointed physician to H. Cromwell, xv, executes the Down Survey, xvi, xvii, 177, 614 — 616, is commissioner of distribution, xvii — xviii, arranges with Adventurers at London, xviii; attacked by Sanchey, xix — XX, defends himselfin Parliament, XX, writes on his Irish experiences, xx, xxi, joins the Royal Society, xxi — xxii, reports on Graunt’s Observations, xxxvi, 317; builds his “double bot- tom,” xxii — xxiii, his lands in Ireland secured at the Restoration, xxiii — xxiv, his activity, 1 ; knighted, xxiv, removes to Ireland, xxiv, investigates Dublin bills, 398 n. ; assists Graunt, xxxvii ; loses lands, 264 n. ; builds a colony at Kenmare, xxv— xxvi, bids for farm of Irish taxes, xxvi — xxvii, writes Political Anatomy (1672) and Political Ariihmetick (1676), xxvii, is arrested, xxviii, becomes charter member of the College of Physicians of Dublin, 165, seeks to become a member of the Irish Council, xxviii — xxix, war with the farmers, xxix, xl ; his duel, 77 n.; establishes Dublin Philosophical Society, xxx, strives to influence Irish policy of James II., xxx — xxxi, his health impaired, xxxi, 450 ; his death, xxxi — xxxii ; his marriage, xxxii, opinions of his friends, xxxii — xxxiii ; his portrait engraved by Sandys, 652. Petty, Sir William — Writings: vii, lx — Ixxiv, bibliography of, 633 — 657; habit of writing, Iv ; MSS. xxxvii n.. Index. 693 Iv — lix, 9n., 100, 11811., 121 n., 123, 124, 125, 13 1 n. ; letters, Ivi, Iviii, 911., 24011., 46611., 46711., 480, 545, 547 n. ; his claims to the authorship of the London Observations, xxxv, xxxix — liv; as a disciple of Hobbes, Ixi — Ixiii ; of Bacon, Ixiii, Ixiv ; his political ideas, Ixii, his religious ideas, Ixii, his method compared with Graunt’s, Ixxv; his economic ideas, Ixvi — Ixix. Philosophy, unintelligible notions of, 396 ; the new. See New. Phoenicians in Ireland, 204. Phthisic (Tyssick), 360. Physicians, excessive number of, 27 ; have two women patients to one man, 376 ; perhaps inform searchers of cause of death, 349 ; those of London better than those of Paris, 508. Pick-pockets, 69. Pictures, price of, 182. Piece of 8 reals in Ireland, 184. Pilchard in Ireland, 209, 296, 595. Pillory, 67. Pipe staves imported from New England, 296. Pirates, customs an insurance against, 54 - Plague, effect of on population, 109, I TO, 303, 463; on births, 376; remedies for, 320 ; Petty’s Plan of Lessening the Plague, xxivn., 10911. ; in London, 363 — 368, 531 ; caused keeping of the bills, Ixxx — Ixxxii, 335 ; deaths due to it, 100, 151, 243, 349> 536 ; not fully returned, 347, 365 ; effect of on health of London, 347 ; on its size, 475 ; plague in Ireland, 609; at Constantinople, 509, at Paris, 531 ; at Romsey, 390—391; at Tiverton, 41711.; in various con- tinental cities, 403 — 405. Plantations, American, 300 ; population of, 291, 301, government of, 298; a burden to England, 242. Plantations of Elizabeth and Janies 1. in Ireland, 167. Plate, customs on, 92 ; better as money, 243 - Play houses, state, 83. Plebeians of France and of England, 294. Plough lands, 206, 207. Polanders cowkeepers for the Hol- landers, 267. Politician Discovered not liy Petty, 636. Political Anatofny of Ireland, 1 21 — 23 1 : note on, 122 — 124, xxvii, Ixi, 647. “Political anatomy,” the phrase, 129. Political Arithmetick, a Discourse, pp. 232— 3T3; iTote on, 235, 236, xxvii, 645—647. “ Political arithmetick,” the phrase, 239 — 24011.; nature of, Ixi, Ixv ; illustrations of, 244, 313 ; contrasted with statistics, Ixvii ; gives a gross image of affairs, 61 1. Political economy, the term, Ixxi 11., 18 1. Political Pastimes and Paradoxes a fit title for Petty’s Dialogue, 621. Political Survey of Ireland, another title for the Political Anatomy, 647. Politics, true, is to preserve peace and plenty, 395. Policy determines wealth and strength of a country, 250 — 255 ; of the Hol- landers, 261. Poll money, 34, 61 — 64, an accumu- lative excise, 94; collateral advantages of, 1 15; in Ireland, 179, 399. Polygamy, 118; Graunt on, Ixxvi, 320, 374 — 378 - Poor, numerous, 305; care of, 29; is better in middle-sized parishes, 383 ; in France, 294. Pope, reverence of Irish for, 199, 200. Population, desirable to be known, 485, 491 ; how ascertained, 63, 393, 533, 6ro; increase of, 78, 381, 462, 463, 604, 605 ; density of, 34, 68, 255, 286 — 290, 300. Portman, Sir John, proposed as fellow of the Royal Society by Graunt, xxxvii. Portsmouth, housing increased in, 303. Portugal mamufactures confectures, 258 ; shipping of, 251. Potatoes, a bread-like root, 273 ; food in Ireland, 201. Post office, revenue from, in, 256, 257> 305- 694 Index. Poundage, a name for customs, 77. Poverty, 34 ; due to want of discipline, I’owell, Frederick York, ix. Power, causes of, 18. Powers, The, of the King of England, by Petty, 630 — 632. Pox. See French Pox. l^rague, plague at, 403. Preaching of Irish priests, 199. Prerogative, royal, 630, 632 ; uncer- tainty as to is an impediment of England’s greatness, 300. Presbyterians in Ireland, 200. Preston, Mr Alderman, 616. Price, political and natural, 90 ; what determines, 182 ; relation of cost to, 474; effect of debased money on, 441. Prices in Ireland, 188. Prices of commodities, proportions of, 623 — 624. Priests in Ireland, 164, 198, 199, 218, 223, 568, 569. Prisons in Dublin, 166. Privileges and Practice of Parliaments not by Petty, 636. Proby, Mr Alderman, 17711. Proctors in Ireland, 165. Professions, lessening of, 26 ; taxation of, 84. Projectors of new taxes, 82. Prohibited commodities, 57. Proportion, duplicate. Petty on, 622 — 624, 627, 628. See also Discourse. Propositions concerning the Government of Ireland, by Petty, 225 — 231. Protective duties, 269. Protestants, possess three-fourths of the trade of the world, 263 ; importance of in Ireland, xxxi, 14 1, 142, 144, 148, 156, 200, 591, 593, 607; in England fear growth of Catholics, 578. Provisoes, 167. Psalm, the 104*''', translated into Latin by Petty, xxviii, 638. Public Oeconomy, the A.B.C. of, 481. Purples, see Fever, purple. Ouakers in Ireland, 200. Qnantiilnmcnmpce conceniing Money, by Petty, 437 — 448 ; editions of, 638 — 640; occasion of, Ixi. Quart d'Escii, 87. Queen’s County measured in 1630, Queries for the Trial of Mineral Waters, Petty writes, 642. Quetelet, Lambert Adolphe Jacques, Ixxvi. Quicksilver, 258. Quit rents not a tax, 80, 81 ; in Ireland, XXV, 38, 139, 178, 599. Radical moisture, 348. Rainfall, measurement of, 170; at Dublin and London, 172. Ranelagh, Richard Jones, first earl, defeats Petty’s application for Irish farm, xxvii; letter to Ormond, xxix n. Rape in Holland, 259; exported from Ireland, 596. Raven, Thomas, 177. Rebellion of 1641 in Ireland, 149 — 154, 577, 609. Rebels but bigger thieves, 189. Recoinage, 86, 310, 438. Redriff included in the bills of mortality, 344; table for, 410. Reflections on the Weekly Bills of Mortality not by Graunt, 660. Reflections upon some Persons and Things in Ireland, Petty writes, xv, XX, xxi, 634 ; Latin words in, xlviii. Regicides’ lands in Ireland, 597. Registers of lands, 26, 36, 83, 264, 265, 570 - Regularity of social phenomena ob- served by Graunt, Ixxvi. Religion a cause of civil wars, 22 ; charge of, 23 ; flourishing of, 79 ; Petty’s attitude towards, Ixiii ; of the Irish, 198. Religions reduced to three, 491. Rent, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, 42 — 45, 49, 52, 78, 89, 90, 174, 180 — 182, 241, 249, 267, 268, 46711., 564; in Ireland, 559, 583- Report frotn the Council of Trade in Ireland, 211 — 223, mentioned, 132. Rcpublique dcs Lettres cited by Petty, 525- Ijidex. 695 Restoration, advantages of, 66 ; in- creased the population of London, 469 ; effect of on Petty, xxiii — xxiv. Restorees, 581, 582, 598, 618. Resurrection, number that will rise in the, 46611. — 467 n. Retailers a kind of gamesters, 28. Revenue, peculiar branches of, 83. Revenue of King of England, 557, 566, 571, 600. See also Ireland. Rey in Persia, magnitude of, 525. Rhamnus berries, 191. Ricardo, David, Ixix. Rice in India, 181. Riches, nature of, Ixxii, 26, 32, 91. Ricketts, xlvi, xlvii, 349, 357 — 359. Rising of the lights, xlvi. Rivers to be made navigable, 29, 303. Rivers, Thomas Savage, third earl, his house, 380. Roberts, John, Lord, 3i9n. Robinson, Henry, Ixix. Rome, ancient^ population of, 466, 518, 532; modern, 517, 518, 529, 538, 603; plague at, 403, 404. Romsey in Hampshire, Petty’s birth- place, xiii, xlvii, xlviii, 371, 388, 391, 400; table for, 412 — 415. Rooke, Laurence, his lectures on geometry, xxii. Roscher, Wilhelm, on Petty, vii ; on Graunt and Slissmilch, Ixxviii. Roscommon, Wentworth Dillon, fourth earl, his lands, 136. Rosin, imports of, 309. Rota club, 230. Rotherhithe, included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxv; not part of London, 423. Rouen, population of, 506, 529. Royal College of Physicians of London, XV, 27 n. Royal Exchange, The, full of merchants, 243 ; stays the westward movement of London, 380. Royal Family, expences of, 116, 117. Royal Society, incorporated, xxii ; in- fluence of Bacon on, Ixiii ; Petty’s connection with its early history, xxi, xxii; second charter, 625 n.; Petty vice-president, xxvii; reads papers. 522, 638, 641, 642 ; his letters to the Society, Ivi ; elects Graunt, xxxvi ; orders the printing of his Observations, xlii, xliii, 314, 317 ; what he learned from it, 398 ; a ballad on, 324, mentioned, 334. Royalists come to London, 469. Rump Parliament, Henry Cromwell acquiesces in its government, xvi ; refers charges against Petty to the Commissioners for Ireland, xx. Russia, hemp of, 258; silver in, 181, 182. Saint Andrews, Holborn, growth of in population, 380. St Anne, Westminster, included in the bills of mortality, Ixxxvi. St Bartholomew hospital, 511. St Bartholomew the Great included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxv. Saint Bonnet’s Grace Church, a small parish, 382. Saint Botolph’s, Bishopgate, a parish of middle size, 382. St Clement’s Danes parish, 345. St David’s Head, 204. St Dunstan’s, Fleet Street, burial of Graunt in, xxxvii. Saint Giles, character of parish of, 356 ; grown in population, 380. St James, Duke’s Place, included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxiv. St James, Westminster, included in the bills of mortality, Ixxxvi. Saint John Evangelist’s a small parish, 382. St Katharine Creechurch, Ixxxv. St Margaret, Westminster, included in the bills of mortality, Ixxxv, Ixxxvi, 346. St Martin-in-the-Fields, Ixxxvi, 345, 346; character of, 356; size of, 380, 472. St Mary, Savoy, included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxv, 346. St Matthew’s, Friday-street, a small parish, 382. Saint Olave’s, Southwark, grown in population, 380. St Patrick’s, Dublin, 164. 696 / ndex. St Taul’s Cathedral not included in the bills of mortality, xe ; greatness of, 382, 531; dean’s house, 380. Saint Paul’s Churehyard, woollen drapery trade in, 381. St Paul’s, Covent Garden, made a parish, 345 ; included in the bills, Ixxxv ; growth of, 379, 380. St Saviour, Southwark, Ixxxvi, 382. St Thomas’ hospital, 51 1. Sainfoin, 288, 303. vSalaries in Ireland, 218, 219. Salisbury Plain, 31, Salmon in Ireland, 209, 296, 595. Salt in Ireland, 296, 563, 575; taxation 55? 74’ 83, 253. Saltpetre imported from the East Indies, 296. Salubrity, scale of, 623. Sanchey, Sir Jerome, his life, xix — xx n., his dispute with Petty xix— xxi, mentioned, xvi n. Says exported from England, 296. Scala, plague at, 403. Scarlet carried to the Indies, 440. Schools, charge of, 19. Schultz, Gottfried, translator of Graunt’s Observations^ 3 1 8 n . , 350 n . , 3 7 8 n . , 645- Scilly Islands, 573. Scotland, population of, 543, 544, imports, 296; taxes, 271, 277, 566; Ireland settled from, 204 ; no ad- vantage to England, 242 ; a proposi- tion for quitting, 285 — 290, 572, 579; union of with England, 298. Scots in Ireland, 141, 142. Scurvy has increased, 360. Scythians in Ireland, 204. Seamen, 259, 260, numbers of in France and England, 264, 280, 292; how increased, 276, 277, 281 — 293. Searchers, Ixxxix, xc, 346, careless, 347; bribed, 356. Seasons, sickliness of, 368 ; healthful are fruitful, 321. Sects in Ireland, 14 1, 142, 144, 148. Security and value, 45, 46. Seine, not so navigable as the Thames, 530 - Sentinels, 73. Serges exported from England, 296. Sermons, numerous, 73 ; effect of on uniformity, 472 — 473. Servants in Ireland, number, 144. Several Essays in Political Arith?netick, by Petty, 449—544, 649, 650. Sex. See Males and females. Sexton, connection of with the bills of mortality, 346. Shadwell, Thomas, 126. Shaen, Sir James, xxivn., xxvii, xxix. Sheep trade, lessening of, 59. Shelburne, Charles Petty, first baron. See Petty. Sheriff, office of, 19, 631 ; in Ireland, 163, 168, 169, 196. Shilling, proper weight and fineness for, 440 ; Dutch, 84. Shipbuilding, Petty’s experiments in, xxii, xxiii, 260 n. Shipmoney, 34. Shipping trade, advantages of, 258, 260, 261 ; of Europe, 251 ; of England and France, 276, 280 — 284, ^93’ 538, 539- Ships, varieties of, 260 ; undermasting of, 261 ; sail area and speed, 261, 262 ; in combat, 279, value of, 106, 260, 624. Shires, inequality of, 301. Shoes exported from Ireland, 596. Silk, 258, 296, 441, 596. Silver the only money, 444, used as money, 183; fineness of, 51; when debased, 84 ; small coins objection- able, 445, scarce, 242 ; carried into the Indies, 440 ; into Ireland, 596 ; passes in foreign trade as bullion merely, 440, 441 ; taken from the Spaniards, 296 ; its price, 43, Ixxiii. Silver and gold are universal wealth, 269, 295 ; their relative values, 44, 50, 51, 89, 183; must be rated by the estimation of the whole world, 444- Sinecures, 76. Sin, original, 617. Situation determines wealth and strength of a country, 250 — 255. Skins, exported from Ireland, 594. Index. 697 Slaves, value of, Ixxi n., 512; in American plantations, 296. “Sluice boat,” Petty’s. See Double Bottom. Small pox foreruns the plague, 366 ; one-half that die of, are children, 349. Smith, Adam, Ixix. Smith, Erasmus, 616. Smith, Richard, his opinion of Graunt, xxxviii. Smiths in Ireland, 143, 145. Smoke unhealthful, 373. Smuggling, 55, 56. Snow in Ireland, 172. Soldiers, expenditure of, 589 ; hired by the Dutch, 266. Soldiers’ lands in Ireland, 178, 61 1. Soldiers and officers of ’49, their pay, 598, 601. So 7 ne Queries whereby to Exatnhie Miue 7 -al Waters, Petty writes, 642. Soul, immortality of, 71. Soulz, French, 84. Southwell, Sir Robert, life of, Ivi n. ; his interest in political arithmetic, Ixxvii ; his care of Petty’s MSS., Ivii— lix, 123, 125, 236, 238, 547; letters to and from, xiii, xxvii, xxviii, xlii, Ivi, 4, 9, 438, 45011., 45311., 466 11., 467 n., 480, 506 11. “ Sovereign of the Seas,” ship, 304. Sovereignty, nature of, 23 ; Hobbes on, Ixii. Spain, cause of Holland’s breach with, 262; churchmen in, 263 ; Irish trans- planted to, 200; shipping of, 251; silver from, 296; West India trade of, 160, 257. Spanish ambassador, his house, 380. Spectacles for the older sight, 627. Spinner, ability of a, 354. Spleen as a cause of death, 357. Springham, Matthias, 177. Standard of health, 482, 483. Starved, how many are, 352. State of E 7 igla 7 id, by E. Chamberlayne, cited by Petty, 284, 308. State of Erance, a book cited by Petty, 252, 290. State of the Netherla 7 ids, by William Albigony, cited by Petty, 253. Statistical method of Graunt, xlvii, xlix, Ixxv, Ixxix. Statistical office, Petty’s plans for, XXX. Statistical value of excise, 95. Statistics, the use of, Ixvi ; differs from political arithmetic, Ixvii. Stearne, Dr John, 165. Steel imported into Ireland, 596. Stephens, H. Morse, ix. Stepney, included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxv, 344; not properly part of London, 423; table for, 410. Still-births, number of, 360, 361 ; searchers can recognize, 347. Stivers, Dutch, 84. Stock of England sufficient, 31 1. Stockings exported from Ireland, 595 - Stone seems to decrease, 360. Stonehenge, 31. Stopford, Capt. James, 616. Stopping of the Stomach, xlvi, 358. Strafford’s Survey of Ireland, 177. Strangers taxed, 83. Strangury, 360. Students in universities, number of, 27, 28. Stuffs exported from England, 296. Subsidiary coin, 85, 86. Subsidies of 1661 in Ireland, 179, Sugar, 258, 275, 296, 596, 609. Suicide, regularity of observed by Graunt, Ixxvi. Suicides a sort of madmen, 355. Sumptuary laws, 58. Superlucration, amount possible in England, 308, 309; in France, 254, 292 n. Superstitions of the Irish, 199, 200. Surgeons, number of, 27; of London better than those of Paris, 508. Surveys of Ireland, xvi — xx, 176 — 180, 206, 207 ; of lands proposed, 49. SUssmilch, Johann Peter, Ixxvi n., Ixxviii, Ixxix. Sweden, Shipping of, 251. Swine pox, 344. Symner, Major Miles, xviii. Syphilis. See French Pox. H. P. 45 698 Index. Tables for London, 406 — 41 1; ex- l)lanalions of, 429 — 431; for Cran- brook, 419 — 421; for Dublin, 486 — 489; for Romsey, 412 — 415; for Tiverton, 416 — 418. Tadi)ole, John, brings in the bills in Dublin, 480. Tallow exported from Ireland, 296, 595, 609. 'I'angier, in, n6, 302. Tartary, Chinese emperor’s journey to, 508. Tate, Nahum, 126. Taxes, Petty’s interest in, Ixix ; his tax system, Ixxii ; his Treatise of Taxes., i — 97; cost of collection, 21; taxes in kind, 21, 35, 81, 190, 191, 277; unequal, 32, 37, 62, 104, 114; shifting of, 36, 39, 80, 81 ; several sorts of, 38 — 47 ; their advantages, 115 ; may increase wealth, 268—271 ; ways of levying, in, 112, 301; farming disapproved, 301 ; are great, 242; proportion to income, 91, 189; indirect, 103 n. Teeming women, number of in London, 384, 385- Teeth, death of children due to, 349. Telescopes at Gresham College, xlvii, 358. Tellmg of Noses, a calculation by Petty, xxxi n. , 461 n. Temple, Sir William, serves with Petty on a committee on the trade of Ireland, xxvin.; plans to remodel Irish Privy Council, xxviii; on the Irish farm, xxix; mentioned, 212. Tennis, 244. Tenths, meaning of, 77. Territory, relation of to wealth and strength of a country, 249 — 256 ; of the King of England increased, 302. Test, Commons address to James 11 . on the, 63111. Thames makes London great, 42; more navigable than the .Seine, 530. Theatres, public, 83; are magnificent, ^43- Thermometer, 170. Thievery, cause of, 189; prevention of, 474, 475; in Ireland, 202. Thorpe, Thomas, Iviii, 123, 237. Thring, Jacob, registrar of Dublin, 421. Thrush, death of children due to, 349- Thiinen, Johann Heinrich von, Ixv. Timber, cost of, 624; decay of, 294; exported from Ireland, 595; of the Baltic, worked in Holland, 258. Tin, English, 55, 258, 296, 445, 596; as money, 84, 445. Tithes, 77 — 82; no tax, 80, 81 ; aliena- tion of, 24, 25; incidence of, 39; certainty of, 264, 265; from dis- senters, 72; in cities, 78; in Ireland, 139, 609. Titles, Petty’s opinion of, xxviii — xxix. Tituladoes, 63. Tipperary, palatinate- court in, 163; surveyed, 177. Tiverton, plague at, 417 n.; typhus at, 41811.; a table for, 416, 418; men- tioned, 317, 399, 400. Tobacco, from America, 296 ; cheap- ness of, 275; in Ireland, 83, 188, 189, 191, 192, 563, 575, 596, 609. Token money, 84. Tolls, 83. Tongue exported from Ireland, 594. Tonnage, a name for customs, 57, 77. Tools, value of, 182. Toulouse, population of, 540. Tower Hill, 31. Town lands, 206, 207. Trade, the way to wealth, 194, 250 — 255; flourishes among the heterodox, 263, 264; procures treasure, 269; prohibition of, 299; centres in certain streets, 473; is always quick some- where, 259; need of knowing it, 34, 53; increase of, 304; alleged decay of, 242; trade of the world, value of, 295, 31 1 ; of Europe, 257; of England and France, 295 — 297; of Ireland, 188 — 198; Report upon, 21 1 — 223; to be restored, 221. T'ades, History of, written by Petty, XV, Ixiv, 11811., 653. Trained bands, a gentle tax; numbers of, 385- Train oil exported from Ireland, 596. Index, 6gg Transplantation, 6, 137, 555, 556, 561, 574> 655—657. Transportation of people, cost of, 559. Travel, expense of, 474. Treachery of Irish, 202. Treacle, 93. Treasure. See Silver. Treatise, A, of Irela 7 id, 545 — 621; its purpose, Ixi. Ti’eatise of Naval Philosophy, Petty writes, xxiin., 648. T'eatise of Taxes and Cofitribntions, by Petty, i — 97; its occasion, Ixi; importance, Ixx; Latin words in it, xlviii, xlix; reprinted, 237, 634 — 637 - Tree planting, 29. Trent, river, 161. Tresor trouve, 55. Trinity College, Dublin, 165, 237. Trinity in the Minor ies included within the bills of mortality, Ixxxv ; a small parish, 382. Turf for fuel in Ireland, 192. Turgot, Anne Robert Jacques, and Petty on interest, Ixxiv. Turkey, government of, 20; dye-stuffs of, 258; merchants in, 263; buys English lead and tin, 442, 445. Turks may overrun England, 42. Turnips, 251. Twentieth, a tax, 84; a name for customs, 77. Two Essays in Political Arithmetick, by Petty, 501— 513, 643. Two’s, an Irish land measure, 207. Typhus at Tiverton, 41811. Tyrconnel, Richard Talbot, earl of, commander-in-chief in Ireland, xxxi, 546, 577 n., 589, 616. Ulster, surveyed, 177; value of lands in, 178, 606. Undermasting of ships, 261. Uniformity difficult to preserve, 263. Union of England and Ireland, 159, 161, 162, 219 — 221, 298, 301, 567. Universities, charge of, 19, 26, 28. Ushant, 279, 573. Utrecht, Petty, in, xiv. Usury. See Interest. Value, Petty’s theory of, Ixxiii; origin of, 51; natural and artificial, 90; intrinsic and extrinsic, 625, 626; equalizing of, 43, 44. See Land, People. Venice, government of, 40; merchants, 263; population, 538—540. Verbiest, Ferdinand, 502. Verbum Sapienti, by Petty, 99 — 120; discussed, Ixi, Ixx, Ixxi ; mentioned, 128, 132, 134. Vernier, Thomas, 71. Vernon, colonel, 136. Vesalius, read by Petty, xiv. Virginia, 285, 302. Vox popnli, 605. Wages, Petty’s theory of, Ixxiv; must be certain, 52 ; limited by law, 20 ; relation of to price of food, 2740.; raising of money a tax upon, 87; of artizans, 564, maidservants, 305 ; sea- men and husbandmen, 259; English are triple Irish, 592. Wales, union of with England, 161. See England and Wales. Wallis, John, xxi. War, expense of, 18; causes of, 21, 22; the power of making, 301 ; is the fire of hell, 8r. Ward, Seth, Bishop of Salisbury, xl. Watches, apparent irregular movement of, xlvii, 358. Watchmaking, division of labour in, 473 - Water carriage in England and in France, 293, 294. Watling Street has lost its trade, 381. Watkins, Richard, xv n. Wax exported from Ireland, 596. Wealth, its amount, Ixx, Ixxi, 51, 105 — 108, 117. Wealth, its nature: the effect of past labour, no; hands its father, lands its mother, Ixxi, 68, 371; universal and local, 147, 295; perishable and durable, 259; relation of to income, Ixxiii ; consists chiefly in foreign trade, 295; domestic wealth, 196 — 700 hidex. 197; wealth of the people dis- tinguished from wealth of the mon- arch, 272, 295, 298, 299, 555, 556. Wedding, number of children to a, 388, 389, 400; tables of: for Cran- brook, 419 — 421; for Romsey, 412 — 415; for Tiverton, 416 — 418. Weather, investigation of, 170. Weekly bills of mortality. See Bills. Welsh language, 206. West Country, beggars to be sent to, 354. West-Frizia, area of, 542. West Indies, sugar of, 257; trade of, 258, 278. West Looe, Petty represents, in Richard Cromwell’s parliament, xix. Westminster, a distinct city, 423; in- cluded in the bills, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvi, 342; comprehended within “Lon- don,” 459; court at, 381; palace of, 42; table for, 410. Westminster Hall, Pepys buys Graunt’s Observations at, xxxvi, 317. Weston, Sir Richard, 250. Wexford, language in, 206. Wheat, value of, 275. Whistler, Daniel, presents Graunt’s Observations to the Royal Society, xxxvi. White Chapel grown in population, 380. Whitehall, 42. Wilkins, John, Bishop of Chester, xxi, xxii, xxiv, xxxvi. Willcox, Walter Francis, ix. William III., Political ArithmeticJz dedicated to, 239, 240. Williamson, Sir Joseph, his interest in political arithmetic, Ixxvii; relation to the Political Anatomy, 122, 124; mentioned, 237, 45011. Willoughby, Francis (?), had MS. of Political Arithmetick, 237. Winchester, decrease of, 370, 372. Winchester, marquis of, his house turned into a tenement, 380. Windet, John, printer, Ixxxiii, Windmills in Holland, 256. Winds, 170, 171. Wine, importation of, 60, 304, 309 ; from France, 297 ; from Spain, 50, 58 ; into Ireland, 586, 587, 596 ; smuggling of, 60, 61. Wiseman, Thomas, to Pennington, 407 n. Women more frequently ill than men, 376. See also Males and Females. Wood, Anthony, his life of Petty, xiiin. ; of Graunt, xxxviii ; letter of Aubrey to, 8 n. Wood, Robert, 210. Wool, exports of, from England, 295, 296; from Ireland, 175, 296; pro- hibited, 59, 60; worked in Holland, 258; manufacture of said to be de- clining, 242 n. ; is flourishing 258 ; seat of at London, 381. World, age of, 388; population of, 295 > 463—465. 467 n-. 477. 478. Worms, children die of, 349. Worship, liberty of, 71. Worsley, Benjamin, surveyor in Ireland, xvi — xviii. Wren, Sir Christopher, his lectures on astronomy, xxii. Yarmouth, increased, 303. Yarn, exportation of, 5911.; in Ireland, 222, 296; Turkish in Holland, 258. Yearly bill of mortality. See Bills. Years, healthfulness of, 368, 369, 390. Years’ purchase, Ixxiii, 45. See also Land. York, Duke of. Sec James 11 . York, province of, persons in, 461 n. CAMBRIDGE: I’RINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. / v:? '•> •