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Te eae ¥ - é . + oh a Phat 2 po ee ee - < wt m " ‘i “pt * “7+ Fah ee ane ’ : -— y v ax * ag °% ry _” . » 3 nn ES + a ’ 4 ong. omar tee c os ‘ i dauneaere to a a4 be 7 4 es _—_—. ) aw Ln oo a tet vate A gl rr a tre we - ~ 7 sighe? == y J ee jes « . eee eS. ~ “- ar - a? te < heal g * & } ote LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN Dok. «mee Sp3s6z The person charging this material is re- sponsible for its return on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN L161—0O-1096 Digitized by the Internet Archive In 2021 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign https ://archive.org/details/labormovementingOOsper_0 | | THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY A Study of Employee Organization » an the Postal Service BY STERLING DENHARD SPERO, Pu. D. RESEARCH FELLOW IN THE NEW 2a FOR SOCIAL RESEARCH, NEW YOR j NEW BY vorK GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY COPYRIGHT, 1924, BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY —<~C— PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA S THE CONDITION OF THIS VOLUME (OULD NOT PERMIT SEWING, IT WAS REATED WITH A STRONG, DURABLE \DHESIVE ESPECIALLY APPLIED TO SSURE HARD WEAR AND USE. w¢ “~ 4 or . 4 ‘ ' , 4 ' 4 - f ‘ ‘ ¥ v PREFACE The organization movement among public employees is a phase of the general labor movement which bids fair to give rise to issues of outstanding political importance in the near future. Such issues already have given sufficient na- tional prominence to a New England governor, little known beyond the confines of his state, to make possible his eleva- tion to the White House. In Europe and in some of the British Dominions public employee organization has reached a state of development far in advance of its stage in this country. Although the movement here can point to more than forty years of history it is still in its beginnings. This is due largely to two factors. First, the basis of civil employment is less stable in the United States than in most foreign lands, where the merit system has been in operation longer and where political patronage in the state services has been eliminated to a greater extent. Second, the American labor movement, as a whole, is a recent development as compared with its counterpart abroad, and the government employees’ movement here, as in most countries, progresses at some distance behind the march of other workers. If the distance between the two classes of workers is greater in this country than abroad the reason is to be found largely in the fact that government operation of industry is not as extensive here as elsewhere, and that as a result the number of civil servants is proportionately smaller and their work less like that of private industrial workers. The public, which abroad takes civil employee organiza- tion pretty much for granted, is inclined to be alarmed at it in this country. This is apiece with that not uncommon American attitude toward the labor movement which manifests itself in the endorsement of “American Plans” and “open shop” campaigns. The position of organized labor is firmly established in America, but it is still subject to hostile attack at its very foundations. Employers every- where are jealous of their power and would, if they could, vii 6 a . oF oh # vill PREFACE hamper and restrict the activities of their workers. The government not only shares this attitude but it is in a posi- tion to enforce its desires in this respect more effectively than other employers, for the state, even in democracies, still wears a royal crown set with the jewel of sovereignty. This book deals with the organization movement among a group of Ameriean public employees—those of the. postal service—who occupy a position between that of the private industrial worker and that of those groups, administrators, clerks, inspectors, etc., which are usually associated with the term “sovernment employee.” Though not generally thought of as such, the postal service is a “nationalized industry,” and the story of the labor movement among its workers may have as much light to throw upon the much discussed government labor problem to which the nationalization of certain industries in this country might give rise, as examples drawn from the experience of similar industries in other lands. But, even aside from this, the organized movement among postal workers is worthy of special study for it is here that public employee organization in the United States has had its beginnings and has reached its greatest development. Moreover, the postal establishment, itself, is one of the country’s basic industries. It is a public utility performing a service indispensible to the economic and social life of the community. It is the one branch of the federal govern- ment with which the people in every corner of the land come into constant and direct contact. It is the largest single employer of labor in this country, if not in the world. Its working force constitutes a majority of the entire personnel of the federal civil service. The organization of postal workers is part and parcel of the larger question of the organization of public em- ployees, and the writer has thus seen fit to project the special study upon the larger field of which it is a part. The first section of this work, comprising three chapters, has therefore been devoted to a_consideration of the char- acter and status.of public employee or anization in eneral. These chapters deal with matter which is highly con- troversial. They are not meant even to approximate a comprehensive statement of the subject. They are apse PREFACE ix only as the necessary background and setting to the chapters which follow. The writer is now engaged in a study surveying the whole field of public employee organ- ization, which he hopes to have ready in the early part of the coming year. The position concerning police strikes taken in the first chapter of the present book has given rise to considerable difference of opinion on the part of some who have been good enough to read the manuscript. One member of the Editorial Committee of the Workers Education Bureau of America, Professor John R. Commons, has requested that his dissent from the writer’s position on this matter be specifically noted. The material on which this study has been based has been derived from various organization publications and government documents, and from correspondence and in- terviews with government officials and former officials, with employees and former employees of the rank and file, and with present and past leaders of employee organizations. It has been deemed best, in view of the nature of the sources, not to attempt to include a separate bibliography at the end of the book. The writer has been advised not to mention the names of persons still in the service who have furnished him with material for this work. A few other persons, though no longer connected with the service, have also asked that . their names be withheld. The writer is pleased to acknowl- edge his indebtedness to the following organization leaders without whose help little could have been accomplished: Mr. Thomas F. Flaherty, secretary-treasurer, and Mr. Gil- bert E. Hyatt, former president of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks; Mr. E. J. Gainor, president, Mr. E. J. Cantwell, secretary, and Mr. M. T. Finnan, assistant secre- tary of the National Association of Letter Carriers; Mr. C. P. Franciscus, president of the United National Associa- tion of Post Office Clerks; Mr. Henry W. Strickland, in- dustrial secretary of the Railway Mail Association; Mr. W. D. Brown, editor of the R. F. D. News; Mr. Archie E. Luther, secretary-treasurer of District 44 (Government Employees), International Association of Machinists. Many of those whose names the writer is not at liberty to mention have been of greatest help in the preparation 3 PREFACE of this book. He is happy, however, to be able to thank Mr. E. J. Ryan, former president of the Railway Mail Association, Mr. Edward G. Goltra, of Chicago, one of the founders of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks, Mr. Otis J. Rogers of Washington, D. C., formerly editor of The Railway Mail, Mr. Harry W. Marsh, secretary of the National Civil Service Reform League, Dr. Ludwig Maier of Vienna, secretary of the Postal, Telegraph and Telephone International, and Mr. Henry 8S. Dennison, Director of Service Relations of the Post Office Department. He also wishes to express his indebtedness to his teachers Professors Howard Lee McBain, Henry R. Seager, and Lindsay Rogers of Columbia University, and to his friends Mr. Spencer Miller, Jr., Secretary of the Workers Educa- tion Bureau of America, Mr. Schuyler C. Wallace of Colum- bia University, and Professor Arthur W. Macmahon of the same institution. SDs: New York City. CONTENTS Part I: THE CHARACTER AND STATUS OF UNIONISM IN THE CIVIL SERVICE CHAPTER PAGE I CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM AND THE CLAIMS OF ERE REE DM GN ar da A A ates yoo KIN ey sie II CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM AND THE LAW. . . . 85 III puBLIC EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATION AND THE LABOR Te ety he ERD Nia PN BAT oR a MOORE Ow Cap au: 5 Part Il: ORGANIZATION AMONG POSTAL EMPLOYEES IV EARLY DAYS: WORKING CONDITIONS IN THE POST OFFICES BEFORE THE MERIT SYSTEM. .... 97 VY THE RISE OF THE LETTER CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION 62 VI THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE AGAINST DEPART- POMERTAUOMINATION Js. hap cote rs a bo Pad wok) ter EO VII THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” ... . 96 With) THE “GaG” BEGINS TO HURT ....... 118 IX UNREST 1N THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE . .. 138 X CLIMAX OF THE “‘ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN ... 151 XI THE IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF THE LLOYD-LA FOL- esr air ae re ere i de CE XII THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM .... . 186 xi Ger xii CONTENTS Part II: ORGANIZATION AMONG POSTAL EMPLOYEES (Continued) CHAPTER XIII BURLESON’S OPPOSITION TO EMPLOYEE ORGANI- | ZATION Ue eae ee, el eiaae Sue ee 208 PAGD XIV THE ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO THE A. F. OF L. 229 XV ‘“‘HUMANIZING”’ THE POSTAL INDUSTRY .. . 244 XVI THE METHODS OF POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS .. 270 XVII THE PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION AMONG POSTAL ‘ORGANIZATIONS... 6). See 280 Part I: THE CHARACTER AND STATUS OF UNIONISM IN THE CIVIL SERVICE oe Ber: pe ee ae ‘* vy ait ae) iW Part I: THE CHARACTER AND STATUS OF UNIONISM IN THE CIVIL SERVICE CHAPTER I CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM AND THE CLAIMS OF THE STATE THE STATE’S CLAIM TO SPECIAL RIGHTS Gradually the public authorities are coming to accept trade unionism among government employees. Yet within the civil service, as well as outside of it, the feeling lingers that those who earn their living in the service of the state owe their governmental employer a special obligation of loyalty and a peculiar duty of obedience different and dis- tinct from the obligations of ordinary wage-earners to their employers, which make it improper for them to agitate their grievances by methods generally approved for others. The belief is still strong in many quarters that public employees have no moral right to form organizations more active than fraternal associations or mutual benefit societies, and that any attempt on their part to combine for the pur- pose of exerting pressure upon the government to adjust their grievances or improve their lot is subversive of dis- cipline and dangerous to the state, while to carry such pressure to the point of striking would be an act of insubor-__ dination hardly short of treason. Yet civil servants have organized along trade union lines, and although they have rarely come to press their employers as other wage-earners do, they have by their alignment with the general labor movement thrown down a challenge to the assumption that they constitute a class apart from other workers. the view that-ervil employees, constitute _a special class is partially reflected-in-legal provisions fixing_their status and defining their rights. It finds its justification in the OO rer em eee ee I 9 10 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY generally accepted theory of government. This theory, basically,.is that the state is sovereign and that any attempt the government, is a derogation of sovereignty which cannot | , to hamper_or interfere with the processes of its instrument, | be permitted! In this country the doctrine finds its general acceptance in somewhat modified form under which the government is still entitled to special rights and considera- tions, but not so much because of anything inherent in it as because it is felt that the functions which it performs are fundamentally necessary to the life of the community. VARIOUS FUNCTIONS OF CIVIL WORKERS Insofar as the work of the civil service is concerned, the activities of government fall generally into four classes. The first are administrative activities such as any concern or institution must carry on in order to keep its plant going and keep tab on itself. These activities include the issue and transmission of directions, accounting, auditing, correspondence, filing, etc. Insofar as this work itself is concerned, there is nothing about it peculiar to government service. It is work incidental to the conduct of any estab- lishment and its importance depends upon the character of the work to which it is incidental. The second group of governmental activities are what might be called public sexyice functions, such as the conduct of education, public institutions, public works, postal service, transportation, scientific investigation, the collection of data and statistics, etc. Such activities might be conducted by private enter- prise or by public authority and are often carried on by both at the same time. The third group of activities includes the state’s industrial-functions, the operation of plants which manufacture articles or supplies which the government uses in carrying on its work. Under this head would fall the shops of federal arsenals and navy yards, the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, public printing plants, the post office bag and lock shop, municipal asphalt plants, etc. There is no sharp line of demarcation to set off the state’s public service from its industrial functions. The two are in many respects overlapping. Yet they are differ- ent enough to warrant separate consideration. ‘The last group of public functions are the sovereign or governmental activities such as law enforcement, police, prisons, etc, This CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 11 classification is not meant to be complete or final. It is merely a rough approximation intended solely as an aid to an examination of the work of civil employees and of the validity of the common assumptions which would deny them rights accorded to other workers. SIMILARITY OF GOVERNMENTAL AND PRIVATE UNDERTAKINGS t will be seen from the foregoing outline that but a limited proportion of civil employees are engaged in activi- ties.which are sovereign or governmental in character and that the work Of the great majority of them differs in no essential respect, either in-regard to its public purpose or ities the work of émployees in private enterprise.» he government in~the~ carrying on of its public service’, functions does not serve the community to any greater extent than do those private enterprises and institutions which carry on similar functions. There. can be no logic in denying full industrial rights to employees of the one and according them to those of the other. Nor does the one outstanding difference between public and private enter- prise, the absence of profit in the former, affect the rights of civil employees and make it improper for them to deal with their employers as other wage-earners do. There are private institutions which operate solely for service and with no thought of profit. Certainly no endowed university could on those grounds prevent its janitors and scrub- women from organizing to agitate their grievances. ‘In many instances the public.service performed by private enterprise is far more important than that performed by _ government:+A.strike-of-privately~employed milk drivers in avtafee city would no doubt cause more inconvenience than a strike of municipal park attendants, while a strike on a city’s municipally operated water works would hardly do more harm than a strike on a city’s privately operated water works. The assumption of a service by the public authorities does not transform its character so as to make what was permissible priog to government operation an act akin to treason under it. “)¥ This is no less true of services which are government monopolies than of those in which the government merely; supplements or competes with private enterprise. But it is in these monopoly services that the notions of the inherently 12 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY different, especially sacred and peculiarly “public,” nature of civil employment have been most strongly emphasized. The officials of these public business enterprises have a tendency to look upon them as though they were sovereign functions. Of this the postal service is an outstandingly good example. It is generally looked upon as a public monopoly. The fact that it has been accorded special rights not possessed by most other public services and that it has been protected by special laws and regulations which set it legally in a class by itself has made it seem somehow inherently different from other utilities which perform equally important services. That it has always been a goy- ernment function in this country has, of course, strength- ened the notion of its distinct and peculiar character. Yet an examination of postal functions will show such notions to be unfounded. The post office is a legal monopoly in but one of its three service activities, the handling of the ordi- nary mails. Its financial functions compete directly with private institutions and enterprises, its savings department with savings banks, its money order and draft business with banks, trust and express companies. In a like manner the parcel post also competes with private carriers. Even the handling of the ordinary mail is a service analogous to the telegraph and telephones, which in most countries form an integral part of the postal system, but in the United States are operated by private corporations.? DEPENDENCE OF GOVERNMENT UPON PRIVATE INDUSTRY ‘But even if it be granted that government.services are so important that-nothing must..be allowed to obstruct their continuous operation or interfere with their conduct, there is no logic in limiting the rights of government..employees where.other workers are free,} It would indeed be hard to find a single publi¢ séfvice that is not in some way depen- dent upon private enterprise. A municipal plant for the manufacture of gas is dependent upon the private coal in- dustry. The postal service is dependent absolutely upon private railroads. Even the Bureau of Engraving and 1 Hearings: House Committee on Reform in the Civil Service (62nd Congress, Ist and 2nd Sessions). Removal of Employees in Classified Civil Service, p. 48. 2There is a strong movement afoot in Europe to denationalize the postal, tele- graph, and telephone services. See Internationale P.T.T. (English edition), July, 1922, pp. 45-90. In Italy the Cabinet has considered divesting the state of all non-self-sustaining activities, including the posts. CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 13 Printing, which alone has the right to print money and federal government securities, guards its issues against counterfeiting through the use of a special paper manu- factured in private plants. The reasons urged in support of the curtailment of the rights of civil servants in public service undertakings have even less weight when applied to employees in governmental industrial establishments. The authorities themselves con- cede some difference between these employees, artisans, craftsmen, and laborers who happen to be in government service, and other public employees. They have not as a rule opposed the right of these workers to join the regular unions of their calling;* and while their right to strike is generally denied, the denial is perhaps somewhat less em- phatie and vigorous than in other cases. The principal reason for this is, no doubt, that but a small part of the government’s supplies are made in its own plants. In case of labor troubles the work could easily be contracted out to private concerns as most of it is now. While it is true that the stoppage of work in such an establishment as the Gov- ernment Printing Office at Washington* might cause the authorities serious inconvenience for a time, a strike in most government plants would make comparatively little differ- ence either to the authorities or the public. Moreover, such a strike could undoubtedly be broken in comparatively short order with the whole labor market of artisans and crafts- men from which to draw. On the other hand, a strike of postal employees—of railway mail clerks, for example— would cripple the postal service and could only with great difficulty be broken with the help of labor from the outside. THE PRIMARY FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT AND THE BASIC INDUSTRIES It is not strange that those civil servants who are engaged in carrying on purely governmental functions should find their rights and privileges most heavily restricted. It is in this field that the state has been able to urge its claim to , Special consideration with the highest degree of plausibility. The primary functions of government, it is said, are in a “class by themselveés,-and are comparable ton no o other activi- SSee hearings cited, p. 48.000 ee ‘Up to 1861 what is now the Government Printing Office w. was T run by a private company, 14. UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY ties. But admitting.this uniqueness, it still seems—hardly logical to deny public inspectors or policemen the-right to organize and strike on the grounds that, such action on their _.-spart might..interrupt the sovereign processes, when em- ployees of basic privately owned industries such as trans- ‘portation or telephones | and telegraphs are permitted to use their industrial power, The stoppage..of-these~sérvices would cripple government today as quickly..as-the stoppage of police service. It could force. the authorities to terms in.as short Order, and it would,.very likely, hurt the com- ; munity far more. te ne fact of its uniqueness entitles. moment power to no extraordinary privileges..% The-so-ealled-primary-func- tions of the state have no inherent qualities.which entitle them to special considerations. “They..have no, justification beyond their service to the community. ‘The importance of the-politéman’s*Work is not to be denied, but it is at least doubtful if it is always more vital to complex present- day society than the work of the railwayman. A large- scale railway walkout would leave the community at the mercy of the striking force, for workers of required skill and training could not be recruited in adequate numbers to check or break such a strike. A strike of police would not necessarily leave the community undefended and at the mercy of mobs and criminals. The work of the strikers could be carried on for the time being by armed citizens and by troops. Undoubtedly it would not be done as effi- ciently as by a trained corps of patrolmen, but it could nevertheless be done.¥In this connection it might be noted that Boston was policed in this fashion for several weeks after its striking patrolmen had been dismissed from the service. « There has been a good deal of agitation in recent years to limit the right to strike not only in the case of govern- ment employees, but also in the case of private employees in basic industries and public utilities. However, workers in these pursuits recognize no restrictions on their industrial rights. Their recourse to the strike is by no means infre- quent and their use of the weapon has never aroused any- thing like the opposition which far less drastic steps have when taken by civil servants. Furthermore, no attempt is made to prevent these workers from joining such organiza- CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 15 tions as they choose or affiliating with such movements as they see fit. No one contends that their association with their fellow workers in other pursuits impairs their ability to carry on services vitally important to the whole com- munity. LABOR AFFILIATION AND DIVIDED ALLEGIANCE The right of government employees in this regard is, on the other hand, seriously questioned. \The argument_runs that civil servants are the agents through. whori-the govern- ment functions; that the.governmént i is the servant of all the people without Fegard to group or ¢lass"andtherefore public employees must Yémain unafhliatéd'with any group or class so that they may be above all’ Suspicion Of partiality in the performance of their duties.® . It is urged further that. public servants owe their~sole- -aleviance.to, the state and must join no organization likely. “to divide.that allegiance or bring them into conflict with the government. It is, there- fore, held improper for them” to” ‘affiliate with the official labor movement, i.e., the American Federation of Labor, since such affiliation ‘might be likely to lead them to take positions on public questions contrary to those taken by the government. It was pointed out in the United States Senate during the discussion of a measure to forbid the affiliation of federal employees with “outside labor organi- zations,” that the American Federation of Labor had taken stands opposed to the government during the steel and coal strikes of 1919 and that public employees through their association with that body were thus put in a position of “opposition to the government.”® This argument carried to its logieal conclusion would not merely restrict govern- ment employees in their expression of views on economic questions, but it would preclude their affiliation with any organization or group, social, fraternal, and religious, for such groups might well differ with the government and thus divide the allegiance of their public employee members and bring their impartiality into question. The assertion that government is an impartial agency acting in behalf of the general welfare results from the con- fusion of the ideal of government with its operation in 5 See Report of Industrial Conference called by the President (dated March 6, 61920), pp. 41-44. ® Congressional Record (66th Congress, 2nd Session), p. 5131ff., especially p. 5133. 16 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY practice. There is a large section of the wage-earning population which looks upon government as the agent of the dominant group in society, which in its efforts to main- tain “law and order” uses “law” as an instrument to maintain the status quo and interprets “order” to mean the existing order. In support of their attitude these wage- earners point to the record of government in recent labor controversies, and especially to the records of the West Virginia and Pennsylvania authorities during the recent coal and steel strikes. They believe that the affiliation of public servants with the labor movement would tend to overcome what they feel to be the existing balance against the wage worker, and that the partiality which the class prejudices of the higher officials so often direct in favor of the owners of property would be in a measure offset by the bond of union between the wage-earning laborer or artisan and the wage-earning policeman. In other words, many wage workers believe that the affiliation of law enforcement employees with the organized labor movement would tend to strengthen the administration of justice by opening the eyes of those employees to the labor side of the controversy. The attitude of those who see public danger and a deroga- tion of sovereignty if public employees affiliate with the official labor movement was expressed thus by Senator Myers of Montana in April, 1920, in the course of a speech in the United States Senate, urging the passage of a measure - forbidding federal employees to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor: _ “T claim that employees who work for the Federal - Government are analogous to soldiers in the army. _ They should owe their entire allegiance and loyalty and affiliation to the Government for which they work. They should not enter into any movement of affiliation or association which might put them in an attitude of antagonism to the Government for which they work, because the general welfare is at stake, the welfare of the entire body politic, of the entire people, of the Gov- ernment itself is at stake, and I do not believe that any Federal employee should be permitted, innocently or otherwise, to join any association or affiliation which might by any chance lead him, in association with CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 17 others, to take a position or a stand which might be antagonistic to the true interests of the government which employs him, feeds him, and upon which we are all dependent for our peace, tranquillity, and wel- fare.) THE PATRIOTIC ISSUE: THE SOLDIER ANALOGY Nothing has so confused the question of the state’s rela- tion to its servants as this injection of patriotic issues. Persons who agree with the view set forth by Senator Myers, that the status of those who accept employment at the hands of the state is analogous to that of soldiers, are prompted partly by the horror of the thought of any- thing even remotely resembling an attack on government, which they have come to identify completely with country, and partly by the thought of the inconvenience which the exercise of industrial rights by civil servants might entail. This attitude was set forth most completely by President. Butler of Columbia University at the time of the great postal strike in France: “In my judgment the fundamental principle at issue is perfectly clear. Servants of the State in any capac- ity—military, naval or civil—are in our Government there by their own choice and not of necessity. Their sole obligation is to the State and its interests. There is no analogy between a servant or employee of the State and the State itself on the one hand, and the laborer and private or corporate capitalist on the other, The tendency of public-service officials to organize for their own mutual benefit and improvement is well enough, so far as it goes. The element of danger enters when these organizations ally or affiliate them- selves with labor unions, begin to use labor union methods and take the attitude of labor unions towards capital in their own attitude towards the State. In my judgment loyalty and treason ought to mean the same thing in the civil service that they do in the military or naval services. The door to get out is always open if one does not wish to serve the public on those terms. Indeed, I am not sure that as civili- * Congressional Record (66th Congress, 2nd Session), p. 5132. f ‘ i i f i 18 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY zation progresses, loyalty and treason in the civil ser- vices will not become more important than loyalty and treason in the military and naval services. The happi- ness of the community might be more easily wrecked by the paralysis of its postal and telegraph services, for example, than by a mutiny on shipboard. “Just as soon_as any human being puts the interest ofa group or class to which he belongs or conceives himself to belong, above.the intérest of the State as a whole, at that moment he makes it impossible for him- self to be a good citizen; It seems tome . . . that a servant of the entire°eommunity can not be permitted to affiliate or ally himself with the class interest of part of the community. . . . “Tt may be that the exact line between a mutual benefit organization and a trade union is not easy to draw, but I think it must be drawn and insisted upon so far as government employees are concerned. .. . “To me the situation which this problem presents is, beyond comparison, the most serious which modern democracies have to face. It will become more in- sistent and more difficult as Government activities multiply and as the number of civil-service employees increases. Now is the time to settle the question on right principles once and for all.’ Those who hold this point of view make no attempt to draw distinctions between state servants and state servants on the basis of the kind of work they do. Thus The Out- look, of whose editorial staff Theodore Roosevelt was a member, could see little distinction between soldiers and municipal street cleaners. In many American cities the work of removing garbage and refuse is done by private companies. But in New York City this work is done by a city department. In November, 1911, the employees of this department struck. The Outlook, in an editorial called “Mutiny,” discussed this strike as follows:° “Men who are employed by the public cannot strike. They..can and sometimes they do mutiny. When they 8 New York Sun, May 18, 1909. ® The Outlook, Nov. 25, 1911, pp. 703-4. CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 19 do mutiny they should be treated not as strikers but as mutineers. “This issue was presented by the refusal of the men to do what they were ordered to do. When soldiers do that in warfare they are given short shrift. Of course, in combating accumulating dirt and its potent ally dis- ease, an army of street cleaners is not face to face with any such acute public dangers as those confronting a military force; and, therefore, insubordination among street cleaners does not call for any such severity as that which is absolutely necessary in war times; but the principle in one case is the same as that in the other —those who disrupt the forces of public defense range themselves on the side of the public enemy. They are not in any respect on the same basis as the employees of a private employer. They are wage earners only in the sense that soldiers are wage earners. The public employee . . . is performing a public function and when once he enters upon that duty he must be ready like the soldier, to do whatever the public need requires of him. And it does not rest with him to determine what the public need is. That rests with those who have been put in office by the people.” Even The Survey, when the journal of the Charity Organ- ization Society, spoke of this same strike as the “Desertion of the Street Cleaners,” said: “For the army of street cleaners to throw up their jobs simultaneously in order to enforce their demands should be regarded not as a strike but as desertion, and desertion on the field of battle in the face of the enemy.’’!° The soldier analogy would, of course, furnish the state with an effective weapon with which to force the continuous operation of the government services. The grounds on which it is based are quite as open to question as are those other reasons advanced to justify placing government work- ers in a class by themselves. The military and the civil servant have but one thing in common, their employment by the government. There the analogy ends. The soldier, whether a conscript or a volunteer, is completely at the government’s disposal. He can be required to perform any ® The Survey, Nov. 18, 1911, p. 1193. 20 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY kind of service, no matter how hazardous, without demur or question, even at the risk of life or limb. The special code of law by which he is governed is so drastic that few would attempt to justify it outside of its very limited field and on the grounds of the extreme necessities of military activity. The armed forces are essentially emergency in- struments and when the emergency is sufficiently great the state can exercise ats sovereign powers and draft citizens into their ranks. The civil-service,;-on the other hand, is essentially a peace instrument, which: the“government re- cruits in the general labor market in competition with other employers and subject to the same.so-called..“laws”.of.the economic system_as they are. Those who seek employment at the government’s hands are for the most part moved by economic considerations. They accept the work offered in order to earn their living. They take government places rather than private positions because they find them more attractive or because they can get no better. Questions of patriotism do not enter into the reckoning. The element of public power does not come into play. THE STATE AS SOVEREIGN AND AS EMPLOYER There is a real distinction between the government as the instrument of public authority and the government as em- ployer of its civil servants. Public authority is exercised over the citizen body. Civil employees in their capacity as citizens are as subject to it as others are. They owe the government those loyalties and allegiances which all citi- zens owe it. They may be called upon to defend it from its enemies; they may be punished for breaking the public peace. As civil servants, on the other hand, they are hired to do specific kinds of work. The authority which their supervisors exercise over them is administrative or profes- sional and is limited to the conduct of their work. Although they still manage to continue their absolute authority, public officials have already taken long steps towards recognizing a contractual relation in public em- ployment.1?| In this country the officials of the railway U The relationship is not legally contractual for conditions of public employment are regulated ultimately by law. It is exceedingly unlikely that a court would old an agreement between the authorities and their employees binding. An employee whose place is abolished by law has no redress through action for damages. On these points see Stover, George H.: Legal Rights of Civil Servants in the City of New York (Bureau of Municipal Research No. 66: 1915), pp. 7-9. CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 21 mail service have entered into signed agreements with their subordinates, which the assistant postmaster general in charge accepts in the form of “recommendations.’?* In the same way the President’s Second Industrial Conference declared: “Findings of any adjustment machinery in the case of public employees must necessarily have the force merely of recommendations to the government agency having power to fix wages, hours, and working con- ditions of the employees concerned. As a matter of principle, government is not in a position to permit its relations with its employees to be fixed by arbitra- tion.’’?% On the other hand, the British postmaster general con- sented to arbitrate a wage dispute with his employees in 1915 ;** while a strike on the Swedish government railways in 1910 resulted in the authorities and the employees’ rep- resentatives actually signing a contract to regulate wages and prevent strikes for a number of years.1® EXECUTIVE RESPONSIBILITY AND EMPLOYEE ACTIVITY It is in the name of patriotism, sovereignty, and all the other shibboleths of the state that public officials ultimately stake their claim to absolute authority over their employees. But even with these considerations left out there are still persons in and out of office who insist that, in the interest of good administration and responsible government, em- ployee organizations shall be free to function only under the careful supervision of the administrative chiefs. This attitude was well set forth by Second Assistant Postmaster General Joseph Stewart in 1912, and his statement will still serve as an accurate expression of the point of view of the average government official: “The executive branch is responsible for the conduct of the service under the laws and conditions as they may exist. The regular, proper, and orderly procedure 12 Below, 18 * Report Heer Tanta Conference called by the President (dated March 6, 1920), 4 14 New Statesman, May 1, 1915, p. 75. See also Postman’s Gazette (Great Britain), May 15, 1915, pp. 198-9. 1% Harley, J. H.: The New Social Democracy (London: P. S. King, 1911), p. 123. 22 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY with respect to recommendations emanating from the executive branch concerning the service is that they should be suggested by the officers in charge of the service and transmitted to Congress by the executive or by the head of a department. Assistant secretaries and officers in charge of bureaus customarily appear before congressional committees, explain estimates and recommendations, but this action is always in entire accord and harmony with the wishes of the head of the department. “The necessary corollary to this proposition is that Federal employes who are not charged with the direct responsibility for the service should volunteer repre- sentations or statements to Congress only through the head of their department, and this applies to organiza- tions of Federal employes as well as to the employes individually.’’® Officials are naturally loath to surrender any of their authority over their subordinates. Under the prevailing system of administration they are responsible for good conduct of their units, and their attitude towards organized employee activity is not unlike that of the private employer who insists on running his business in his own way without the “interference of organized labor.” There is, however, a complicating factor in the public service. Supervisory officials, being officers of the government, assume that they are clothed with general public authority and make little attempt to distinguish between questions which are purely technical and questions which are trulv matters of public policy. Civil servants abroad, especially in France, make a clear and sharp distinction between the non-political professional and technical work of administration in which the employees of the rank and file and their supervisors are engaged and the political work of the determination and control of public policy in which the executive of the state _is engaged.*’ F “W’stewart, Joseph: ‘How Can Government Employes Secure Redress of . stn red Without Striking?” National Civic Federation: Proceedings, 1912, we Prtarcy, Maxime: Syndicats et Services Publics (1909), p. 269. See also Internationale P.T.T. (English edition), December, 1922, pp. 147-8. The French delegate to the International Postal Congress at Berlin in 1922 opposed having the German Postmaster General receive the delegates and deliver an address on the grounds that “the man at the head of the postal and telegraph service was not a professional but a politician.’ CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 23 The civil service reform movement in a measure recog- nized this distinction made by the French when it sought to remove technical and routine jobs from political control. The function of the executive is to take the leadership in determination of public policy and then in a general way to supervise its execution. The presence of employee organ- izations seeking better working conditions and a voice in their control no more interferes with the proper responsi- bility of the executive than the provisions of the merit system. Of. course the line of demarcation is by no means clear and sharp. The executive’s financial functions give him a dominating position in administrative affairs. The pro- ponents of the executive budget hold that the executive is conversant with the needs of administration and that the functions of the legislature should be confined merely to striking out or reducing estimates and not to increasing them. In the light of this theory so eminent a student of politics as Professor Henry Jones Ford upheld the right of the President to forbid federal employees from appealing to Congress or even from answering Congressional requests for information without the consent of the heads of their departments.** (For the employees.to.be constantly..appeal- ing to Congress overthe“heads of their departments may. _ not be_ittmaccord” with sound principles..of. admiistration. ~ The remedy for thé“situation lies in the establishment of a personnel system with..adequate-machinery...for making employee demands heard. / But, every suggested system of ARTISTE Hp 6 « this kind presupposes..greater.latitude to the.rank and file, and thus, a limitation on official authority. Should such machinery fail to function effectively, it is hard to see how deference to some principle of efficiency could fairly be held to keep the workers from exercising their rights as citizens and appealing to Congress in regard to matters of vital concern to them. _A discontented working staff would break down..the..efficiency...of.the-service far more quickly than_the violation.of.all the preconceived “proper principles of administration.” /Of course it is the duty of the executive as the chosen guardian of the-public interest to formulate his own program affecting. the civil-service and to oppose those employee recommendations. with which we SOME em % The Cost of Our National Government (1910), pp. 115-116. ae 24 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY he-disagrees. To do this, however, it is not necessary to abridge the rights of civil employees’as citizens. After all, the fact that practically..all’ matters affecting the civil service must have the direct or indirect sanction of the legislature is ample guarantee that the public interest will not be aera over rlookeds THE STRIKE QUESTION IN THE AMERICAN PUBLIC SERVICE In opposing the organization of their employees the public authorities, by appeals to sentiment, can arouse public opinion behind them far more effectively than private employers can. They have always placed heavy stress upon the possibility of the government’s work being inter- rupted by a strike. Thus far, however, the strike issue has not been a serious one in the American civil service. In the federal and state services it 1s hardly more than an academic question. And though it has been a matter of more practical moment in the municipal services, it has not yet become a “‘burning issue” even there. Public employees, especially federal employees, have always manifested an exceedingly submissive, if not a docile, temper. Current ideas and opinions as to their obligations to the government have influenced large numbers of them, so that it is doubtful if any attempted strike could at present muster anything like unanimous support. Besides, there are not many ser- vices in which a strike could really force the government to terms. Its doubtful effect in the public industrial estab- lishments has already been pointed out., In the clerical and administrative..branches it would be an-even less potent weapon, although in a service like the.post..office it could bring the authorities to“terms in a short time, Yet the employees’ reluctance to antagonize the community and the legislative and executive authorities through the em- ployment of extreme methods, as well as doubt as to their legal rights and consequent fear of the law, have rendered the strike a practically unused weapon in the American government services. . Moreover, the very nature of their employment arms public workers with the alternative weapon of political action. — THE POSSIBILITY OF REDRESS THROUGH POLITICAL ACTION Their citizenship in the body politic makes public em- ployees in a measure their.own.employers, and their pos- CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 25 session of the suffrage enables them to wield some influence over the determination of-theirworking conditions, Yet, aside from a few large cities;thiS influence is comparatively slight, while in practice the civil servant’s relation to the community as his employer is rather remote. For all prac- tical purposes the employer is the head of the department, but his authority in most important matters is limited by rules laid down by the legislature. In other words, the administration is the boss, but a boss who can be overruled by another authority. Thus the employees can go over the heads of the departments under which they work to the legislature, and, if they can exert sufficient political pressure over that body, they can secure the adjustment of their grievances. Of course, the method is not always satisfac- tory. It is sometimes slow and often cumbersome. Regu- lation by law makes conditions of work rigid and inflexible. Matters affecting the civil service are but a small part of the total concerns of government and are likely to be lost sight of in a maze of more dramatic or pressing matters. THE DEPENDENCE OF THE PUBLIC EMPLOYEE UPON LEGISLATIVE ACTION “The outstanding characteristic-of..public- employment as contrasted with private emproyment is the fact that condi- tions of work are fixed by law father than by negotiation between employer and émployée.) Except in” the~case of common labor and the skilled crafts whose wages are com- monly fixed at the “prevailing rate” in the locality, which usually means the prevailing union rate,® the wages of public employees are fixed by statute or local ordinance. Besides pay, practically all other matters affecting civil service working Conditions are fixed by law and all matters can be altered by law. ‘This makes public service unions largely dependent upon legislative lobbying and.other modes ~ of political action.y Yet civilemployees, dependent as they © are hon the action of political bodies, are limited in their freedom of political activity. They thus find themselves at a great disadvantage over workers in private industry. This is especially true of federal employees whose rights 22 Commons, J. R., and Andrews, J. B.: Principles of Labor Legislation (1920), p. 196. The wages of printers, pressmen, and bookbinders in the U. 8S. Government Printing Office are fixed by law, as are the wages of plate printers and some other skilled craftsmen in the Bureau of Engraving and Printing. 26 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY are most restricted. The necessity of dealing with legisla- tures, as already pointed out, would be a decided disadvan- tage even if the workers were allowed full freedom of action, for these bodies are busy with a host of other matters and can devote but a small portion of their time to employment affairs. Moreover, the average American legislator has little sympathy for the merit system in the civil service. To his mind the free dispensation of public jobs as rewards for party service is necessary to the life of the party organiza- tion. The permanent civil service stands in the way of this, and it is therefore difficult to interest the politician in the legislature in its needs and problems. Yet when groups of workers are concerned who are capable of exercising influence upon the electorate, like some classes of postal employees, the legislature’s lack of interest is likely to disappear. THE POLITICAL DANGER OF EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATIONS It is on the score of their political activities and possi- bilities that conservative civil service reformers have raised objection to employee organizations, especially organiza- tions associated with the general trade union movement and having its political support. Until but a short time ago all the efforts of the civil service reform movement had been directed towards the elimination of patronage and political influence in civil service appointments and pro- motions. In their efforts to keep politicians and political influences from using the service for their own ends the reformers have secured the passage of laws and the pro- mulgation of regulations to protect the employees against the levy of political assessments and to prohibit them from taking an open and active part in political affairs. They fear that employee organization may force civil servants into improper and perhaps illegal political activity, that it may subordinate the legitimate needs and interests of administration to the ends of politics and the selfish class interests of the personnel, and that it may prove to be a dangerously corrupting influence in public life. None of these fears is beyond the bounds of possibility, but the organization of the workers along trade union lines makes political trafficking less likely than organization in independent units. Independent groups must depend largely CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 27 upon the good will and friendship of the authorities for their successful functioning. They make “harmony and cooperation with the department” their cardinal policy and their official “stand in” a thing to be maintained at all costs. The pursuit of such policy results inevitably in the association falling under the domination of the department. It is not strange that the authorities raise little objection to such organizations and that they generally favor them as against groups constituted along trade union lines. Through them, on the one hand, they are able to control the pres- entation of the personnel’s grievances and to prevent the publication of information detrimental to themselves, and on the other, to enhance their political prestige. The recog- nition of official friends in Congress and in the executive through the passage of laudatory resolutions, expressions of confidence, and the lavishment of praise are part of the mechanics of maintaining a “stand in.” Such laudations, praises and assurances of confidence add just that much to the political prestige of the officials concerned. But the enhancement of political prestige is not always one-sided. There have been not a few instances of organization offi- cials whose efforts have been rewarded by assignment to desirable places or promotion to supervisory posts. Many promotions of organization officers have unquestionably been made in good faith because the officials had come into contact with them and had learned to appreciate their abilities. It is not easy to determine when promotions have been so made or when they have merely been rewards for services rendered in keeping the rank and file in hand, for the charges concerning them usually come from the enemies of the persons affected. IS THE USE OF GROUP POLITICAL POWER “SELFISH’’? Public employee unions depend not. upon_official good will but upon thepolitical.and-economic power of the organ- ized labor movement. The political authorities’ hostility toward them isin a measure an indication of the absence of objectionable civil service politics. Honest organization, whether officially “union” or not, stands for the improved lot of the group as a whole and tends to eliminate the play of individual politics for the correction of individual griev- ances and for personal advancement in the service. As 28 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY regards the objection that it is selfish for an organization to use its political power as a group to advance the ends of those whom it represents, it is hardly necessary to point out that almost all great reforms have been effected through the organization of the special group or class interests imme- diately affected. There have indeed been instances of group selfishness and of corruption on the part of civil service associations. The instances have been primarily in the field of municipal government. But political corruption has long been a com- mon phenomenon in American public life, especially in the large cities. Public employee organizations are in no wise peculiar in this regard. Not long ago there was rather wide- spread sentiment in Great Britain for the disfranchisement of municipal workers as a guarantee against their corrupting influence in local political life.2° However, this remedy is no longer seriously urged. It has never been suggested as a solution in this country. THE “DOCKYARD MEMBERS” IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT The possibility of enfranchised civil servants using their organized political power over members of Parliament in order “‘illegitimately to increase the remuneration they received for their services” was pointed out by Disraeli as long ago as 1867.71, A year later Gladstone pointed out that an enfranchised and organized civil service might become a constant annoyance to Parliament and bring’ dangerous class influences into the politics of the country.” The political power of British state servants has made itself felt with especial strength in boroughs where the govern- ment maintains dockyards, construction and repair shops for military and naval implements. The members from such boroughs have been proverbially active in behalf of the employees of the plants, with little regard, it is said, to the state of the national finances, public policy or wel- fare, or to party loyalty, so that the name “dockyard member” has become a sort of byword in Parliamentary and political circles.** 20 See Commons, J. R.: water: and beibabndr nhc a pp. 173-4. 21 Hansard, 3rd_ Series, 187, pp. 1033-4 (July 4, 1867 22 Same, Vol. 193, p. 397 one 30, 1868). Celene these debates see also Meyer, Hugo R.: The British State Telegraphs, GhY VI; 94-8. 23 See Lowell, A. L.: The Government of Maglene "(1916 edition), Vol. 1, p. 149. CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 29 POLITICAL PRESSURE BY PUBLIC EMPLOYEES AND OTHEB ORGANIZED GROUPS The British dockyards are but an example of that undue influence which local constituencies ean exercise over legis- lation in utter disregard of general well-being. In the United States the phenomenon is one of the outstanding character- istics of political life. Congressmen and state legislators continually place the demands of the voters of their districts for special favors and considerations above the interests and needs of the country as a whole. When organized civil servants exercise their political power in their own behalf they are acting no differently from the rest of the body politic. Executive and legislative authorities, however, are accustomed to think of public employees as their subor- dinates, obliged to do their will, and it is not strange that they should be pained and surprised if these employees use their power as citizens to force these very authorities to heed their demands. Unquestionably, it is socially unde- sirable for a group to platéits*énds above those of the com- monwealth as a whole, but so long as the civil service~is no more blameworthy in this respect than other groups in society it is difficult-to.see why it-should-be-singled-out. for special condemnation. stil the state must depend upon the civilservice for its functioning, and so long as the public authorities are in a position to impose special restric- tions on these workers they will, no doubt, continue to do so in the name of public welfare and safety. THE SPECIAL CIVIL SERVICE CONSTITUENCIES IN AUSTRALIA In France public employees have been so free in the use of their political and economic power to enforce their demands that the question of their relation to the state has long been a burning political issue. The same is true in Australia, both in the commonwealth and the states. The state of Victoria, where state employees constitute a very large proportion of the electorate, sought to overcome what it felt to be the undue political influence of its civil servants by depriving them of their general franchise in the regular constituencies and substituting therefor a special franchise under which they were entitled to elect special Parliamen- tary representatives.” Under this system one of the thirty- #4 Victoria Constitution Act of 1903. Com. Papers (1903) XLIV, 109, pp. 7-8. 30 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY five members of the upper chamber, the Legislative Council, was chosen by the state railway and public service em- ployees, while three of the sixty-eight members of the lower house, the Legislative Assembly, were chosen by the same group, two being specially elected by the railway workers and one by the other public employees.?° The plan was a complete failure. It was abandoned in 1906 after having been in operation for about three years. The position of the civil service representatives was prac- tically useless. They were looked upon as the biased spokesmen of a narrow special interest, with the result that their counsel or speeches were of no effect whatever.?® The problem of the political influence of a large organized civil service is but a phase of the problem of group pressures in politics. Any recasting of governmental machinery to meet the problem should be one which attempts to meet it in all its manifestations. A reorganization which attempts to meet but a single phase is bound to work injustice to the group singled out. THE POPULAR CONCEPTION OF GOVERNMENT EMPLOYMENT Despite fears and objections, labor organizations not unlike those in private industry do exist among civil work- ers. Most of these groups are firmly established and the problems of working conditions with which they have to deal are to them far more important than the theoretical public dangers to which their own existence gives rise. Popular notions as to the character of public employment have contributed in no small measure to the difficulty of these organizations in their efforts to improve the condition of those for whom they speak. There is a deep-seated conviction that government jobs are “government snaps,” that public employees are a privi- leged group*’ enjoying short hours, good pay, little work, long vacations, liberal sick leaves, pensions, fixed and cer- tain salaries unaffected by economic depressions, security 2° Victoria Year Book (1920-21), pp. 18-19. 26 Royal Commission on the Civil Service (Great Britain, 1912), ques. 7978-7981. See also Pratt, Edwin A.: State Railways (London: P. 8. King, 1907), pp. 37-9. 7 President Taft referred to them as a “privileged class” in a speech before ie gb Ea a of Railway Trainmen at Harrisburg, Pa., May 14, 1911. See elow, p. ; CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 31 of tenure, and thus no fear of unemployment.?* This belief in the peculiar attractiveness of government employment is one of the civil employees’ chief obstacles in arousing an effective public sentiment to back up their demands. The people, especially in the country districts, feel that their taxes are high enough now without contributing increased bounties to an already favored group.?° _ itis widely believed that the absence of the profit motive in government service deprives supervisory officials of the incentive to press and “drive” their workers, so that the latter have a very easy time of it. Yet no one thing has caused such great and such persistent protest on the part of public workers as the “speed up” methods and “driving devices” in use in the federal service.*° Moreover, although the profit motive is absent, there are government establish- ments, such as the post office, which are supposed to be self-sustaining. In such cases supervisors are obliged to press their workers to keep within the departmental balance. Besides, there is the well-known ambition of political chiefs to make records for economy in the conduct of their units. Such officers show no hesitancy about pressing their subor- dinates to effect their purposes. In such circumstances it makes little difference to the individual worker “driven” hard by his superiors as to whether those superiors are private employers working for their profits: or political officials working for their records. In spite of the popular illusion to the contrary, the vast proportion of government jobs require as hard work as do similar places in private employ. The notion of the attrac- tiveness of public employment is largely a relic of other days. The advantages which remain today are balanced by the inflexibility of the pay schedules, the obstacles in the way of securing redress of grievances, the small promise of economic advancement in the kinds of work where such promise is good in private enterprise. Yet it is true that many clerical workers receive better *8See Fergusson, Harvey: ‘‘The Washington Job Holder,’’ American Mer- cury, March, 1924, pp. 345-50. ; : The annual payroll of civil employees exclusive of teachers is estimated at $2,500,000,000. Report of Committee on Civil Service Governmental Research Conference of the United States and Canada, June 1-3, 1922: The Character and Functioning of Municipal Civil Service Commissions in the United States, p. 5. ® American Federation of Labor: MHistory, Encyclopedia, Reference Book (1919), p. 372. See also below, pp. 191, 208-10, 268, 32 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY entrance salaries than do similar workers in private employ and that there are a great many persons, especially in the departments at Washington, who are overpaid at the ex- pense of their greatly underpaid fellows. This situation has been freely admitted by the organized employees.** When they agitated persistently for its correction they found their efforts blocked by politicians who were inter- ested in the maintenance of overpaid “soft snaps” for polit- ical plums. _” “POLITICS” IS THE GREAT DEFECT OF THE CIVIL SERVICE “Politics” is still the great defect of the American public service. About one-fifth of the personnel of the federal service is still designated without competitive examination,** and it is not uncommon for the President to issue special executive orders exempting particular appointees from ex- amination and often to issue blanket orders declassifying whole classes of positions.** Nor has Congress lagged behind in this regard. Since 1913 it has passed no less than sixteen statutes which permit appointments without reference to the Civil Service Act.*4 Thousands of positions have in this way been brought outside the scope of the provisions of the merit system. A considerable portion of the places now ostensibly filled through examination, such as postmasterships, are still political in fact,’> while prac- tically all of the rewards of the service go by political favor.*° Locally there are merit systems, more or less effective in ten of the forty-eight states—in one of these, Kansas, the law is said to be a dead letter—and in about two hundred and fifty municipalities?” The extent to which these civil service systems have succeeded in eliminating politics is at best conjectural, but it is probably safe to say %1 See the reclassification publicity matter of the National Federation of Fed- eral Employees (1919 to 1923) 82 Thirty-ninth Report U. S. Civil Service Commission, 1922, p. VII. 83 Same, p. 122 ff. 34 See Fortieth Report U. S. Civil Service Commission, 1923, pp. 93-6. % “ ‘Only Republicans are appointed,’ says Postmaster General Work.’’ Good Government, Sept., 1922, p. 121 3% Etheridge, Florence: ‘‘Trade Unions in Federal Service,’’ National Con- ference of Social Work: Proceeding, 1919, pp. 447-52. 87 For a list see National Civil Service Reform League: The Standardization of Civil Service Reports (1919), pp. 19-20. This list includes Connecticut, which has since peeentee its civil service law, and does not include Maryland, which has since passed one. CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM 33 that they have not done so to a greater extent than that of the federal government. The great majority of honest permanent employees look upon political influence not as a desideratum, but as their principal cause for complaint. It puts an end to initiative and ambition, in that it means advancement and reward not for those who do the best work, but for those who have the best friends. THE EFFECT OF THE INFLEXIBILITY OF PAY SCHEDULES The next and equally serious complaint of the service is the rigidity of the pay schedules. Legislative machinery moves slowly, and before it.gets_ready to lift old salaries to a plane with new. living costs the worker’s..debts have | become sufficiently great to eat up his increase; and before | long the new-scale_is out of date-and the process of read- justment must begin again as before., It is a well-known fact that while prices were at their peak in 1919 the pay of government workers fell far short both of necessary living costs and of the scale of other workers.** Prior to the Minimum Wage Act of 1921 and the Reclassification Act of March, 1923, the scale of wages for the clerical grades in the federal service had not been revised since 1854, except for an emergency bonus of twenty dollars a month, while that of the subclerical grades, except for the | same bonus, had gone unrevised since 1866.°° During this period industrial wages rose many times. Of course govern- ment wages had been better to start with, but they soon lost the advantage of their lead. In May, 1921, it was estimated that there were some 50,000 adult employees of the United States government receiving a basic wage of less than three dollars a day.*° Between 1893 and 1919 the increase in the average salary of federal employees in the District of Columbia was 20.53 per cent exclusive of the bonus, i.e., from $1,096 to $1,321, while the index of 38 Conyngton, Mary: “The Government’s Wage Policy for the Last Quarter Century,’ U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Monthiy Labor Review, June, 1920, pp. 1935; Knauth, Oswald W., “Teachers’ Pay in New York,’ The Nation, August 30, 1919, pp. 283-4; Evenden, E. S., “The Payment of Ameri- can Teachers,” same, pp. 293-8. Report of Industrial Conference called by President, above cited, pp. 41-2. Report of the Congressional Joint Commission on Reclassification of Salaries (1920), Part I, pp. 40-2. bs Report of Secretary of Commerce, 1916, pp. 41-43. # Hearings: House Committee on Labor. Minimum he Bill for Federal Employees (67th Congress, Ist Session), May 6, 1921, p. See tee ce 34 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY retail prices of food for the same period increased from 100 to 259.41 These conditions, of course, had a disastrous effect upon the efficiency of the service. They resulted not only in a heavy labor turnover, but also in making the service unat- tractive to able young men and women.* This situation was the indirect result of the submissiveness of government workers, of their failure to call their grievances to the atten- tion of the public in an effective manner. A strike could hardly have harmed the service more. 41 Conyngton, Mary, work cited, p.- 21. According to Miss Conyngton, the average exclusive of the bonus is “a reasonably accurate statement” of what happened to the older employees of the regular government establishments. The inclusion of the salaries of employees in the new organizations which grew out of the needs of the war and also of certain Navy Department employees whose pay had been readjusted to meet economic conditions brought the average up considerably. (On this point see also Report of the Reclassification Com- mission, Pt. I, pp. 41-2.) Even including the bonus, which the Reclassification Commission estimated at an average of $215, the average salary increase would have been only 40 per cent, and the figure $1,536 would have represented a perpnestie power of but 54 per cent of the $1,096 average government salary ° ; 42 Conyngton, Mary: ‘Separations from the Government Service,” Monthly Labor Review, Deccember, 1920, pp. 11-24. Crapter II CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM AND THE LAW FEDERAL LEGAL GUARANTEE OF THE RIGHT TO ORGANIZE AND PETITION (The law regulates the relations of the government and its employees, but the giver of the law is*the’fovernment; that is, the employer himself. The volume of law relating to the organization of public employees is very small. It is nearly all statutory and practically none of it has come before the courts. So far as the federal government is con- cerned the most specific expression on the matter is found in the so-called Lloyd-La Follette act of August 24, 1912, which provides: “That membership in any society, association, club, or other form of organization of postal employees not affliated with any outside organization imposing an obligation or duty upon them to engage in any strike, or proposing to assist them in any strike against the United States, . . . shall not constitute cause for reduction in rank or compensation or removal of such persons or groups of persons from said postal service.’ Although the terms of this proviso apply specifically to postal employees, they are not to be interpreted as a limi- tation on the rest of the federal service. The act must be construed in the light of the conditions which led to its passage. The law does not grant the right. to organize. That had existed before its passage, and would have existed, in theory, without specific statutory guarantee. But the policy of the postal authorities attempted to deny this right by penalizing membership in organizations of which they did not approve.2. The purpose of the law was to stop this practice so that postal workers would be able to exercise 137 Stat., 555. 2See below, pp. 156 ff. 35 86 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY their rights as freely as other federal servants with whose organization membership the officials were making no at- tempt to interfere. A subsequent sentence in this same act provides that: “The right of persons employed in the civil service of the United States, either individually or collectively, to petition Congress, or any Member therof, or to fur- nish information to either House of Congress, or any committee or Member thereof, shall not be denied or interfered with.” This proviso, it will be seen, refers to the entire federal civil service. Like the passage above quoted, it granted no right which the employees had not previously possessed in theory. Its purpose was to nullify the presidential “gag” orders whose terms denied the right of petition to the whole civil service.® IMPLIED PROHIBITIONS AGAINST STRIKING It will be noted that the part of the act first quoted strongly implies a denial of the right to strike, although it does not do so specifically and directly. It has also been generally construed as a guarantee of the right to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor, inasmuch as that organization allows full autonomy to its constituent national and international unions, and, therefore, neither obliges postal unions to strike against the government nor proposes to assist them in such a strike.* It is widely contended that civil employees are forbidden to strike by the terms of their oath of office. The following is the official oath of postal employees, which is practically the same as that for other branches: “T, ——————, having been appointed do solemnly swear ‘(or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obli- gation freely and without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about SSee below, pp. 97, 113, 138-9, 171-2. 4See below, pp. 171-2. CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM AND THE LAW 37 to enter. So help me God. I do further solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully perform all the duties required of me and abstain from everything forbidden by the laws in relation to the establishment of post offices and post roads within the United States; and that I will honestly and truly account for and pay over any money belonging to the said United States which may come into my possession or control, and I also further swear (or affirm) that I will support the Constitution of the United States. So help me God.” The first part of this obligation is the official oath of allegiance. Every foreign-born citizen takes it on the occa- sion of his naturalization. Every citizen, native or foreign- born, must take it before receiving a passport. The obliga- tions contained in this oath apply to all citizens, whether they specifically take it or not. If such is not the case, then the naturalized citizen, or the citizen who travels abroad in countries which require passports, owes the United States a greater degree of loyalty than other citizens. In the same way, this oath cannot be construed to impose a greater obli- gation on those citizens who earn their living by working for the government than upon those who do not.. The other stipulations, to discharge the duties of office “well and faith- fully,” and “to abstain from everything forbidden by the laws,” are but formalities in that violations of the law carry their own punishments. LAWS WHICH MIGHT BE INVOKED TO PREVENT STRIKES Though aside from provisions applying to the public safety forces of the District of Columbia, there is no specific denial of the right to strike in any federal law, it would nevertheless be easy for the authorities to place legal obstacles in the way of civil service strikes by invoking the statutes intended to prevent interference with the govern- ment’s activities. There is little reason to doubt that the courts and the press in their present temper would readily uphold such construction of the law. The fact that the gov- ernment was able to enjoin strikes of private railway and mine workers leaves little doubt as to its ability to place legal obstacles in the way of a strike of its own employees. The following are some of the provisions which it might well attempt to invoke: 88 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY ‘Whoever shall knowingly and willfully obstruct or retard passage of the mail, or any carriage, horse, driver. or carrier, or car, steamboat, or other convey- ance or vessel carrying the same, shall be fined not more than $100, or imprisoned not more than six months, or both.’”® A strike of federal workers might be held to be con- spiracy against the United States, in which case the gov- ernment would invoke the following: “If two or more persons conspire either to commit any offense against the United States . . . and one or more of such parties do any act to effect the object of the conspiracy, each of the parties to such conspiracy shall be fined not more than $10,000, or imprisoned not more than two years, or both.’ In the case of a strike of employees in the arsenals or navy yards, the government could invoke Section 43 of the Criminal Code, which reads: “Whoever shall procure or entice any artificer or workman retained or employed in any arsenal or armory to depart from same during the continuance of his engagement, or to avoid or break his contract with the United States . . . shall be fined not more than $50, or imprisoned not more than three months, or both.’” THE LEGALITY OF RESIGNATION EN BLOC It has often been suggested that if federal workers could not strike without running the risk of getting into legal diffi- culties, they could at least resign in a body and thus bring the government to terms just as effectively. Resignation en bloc has been tried‘in only one instance. In that case the employees concerned were charged with conspiracy and the United States District Court of West Virginia imposed 5 Federal Criminal Code, Sec. 801, 35 Stat. 1127. : 6 Federal Criminal Code, Sec. 37, 35 Stat. 1098. 735 Stat. 1097. 8 See statement of Frank Morrison, Secretary of American Federation of Labor, at Hearings before House Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. Removal of Employees in Classified Civil Service (62nd Cong., Ist and 2nd Sess.), 1911-12, p. 42: ‘One man has the right to resign and a thousand have the right to resign. I believe that the matter of resignation of a civil service office is recognized by Ke pes and that as soon as his resignation is received at headquarters it takes effect.’ CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM AND THE LAW 39 fines ranging from $5 to $500 upon them.® This precedent, though it still stands, is hardly authoritative inasmuch as it rests merely upon the decision of an inferior federal court. The fact that the employees pleaded guilty to their indict- ment precluded the possibility of the case going up on appeal,?° STATE AND LOCAL PROVISIONS State and local authorities could undoubtedly find laws similar to these cited, to obstruct strikes among their em- ployees. One city, at least, Huntington, West Virginia, has declared the membership of police and fire fighters in trade unions illegal and cause for dismissal from the service." Following the Boston police strike and the attempt of the Washington police to form a union affiliated with the Amer- ican Federation of Labor, Congress passed measures which in effect forbid policemen or fire fighters of the District of Columbia to join such unions, which make it a misdemeanor for such employees to strike, and which make it impossible for policemen to resign without giving a month’s notice in writing.?? THE COURTS ON DISMISSALS FOR UNION MEMBERSHIP In Texas the highest court has twice upheld the right of municipal authorities to discharge city fire fighters for mem- bership in a trade union, saying that it possessed no power to revise the action of local authorities with regard to re- movals other than when that power had been exercised in | an “arbitrary and capricious” manner. The state statute | making it lawful for a person to join a labor union was declared to afford no protection against discharge on the grounds of union membership. It was the place of the city to decide whether such membership interfered with the trustworthiness or efficiency of its employees and the courts could not reverse its decision.*® 3 veal before House Committee on Reform in Civil Service, April 7, 1916, p. 28. 19 See below, pp. 276-7. ; : ao of Board of Commissioners of City of Huntington, W. Va., Sept. 1 orclieg: Act of Dec. 5, 1919, 41 Stat. 364. Fire fighters: Act of Jan. 24, 1920, tat. 398, 18 McNatt vs. Lowther (Texas, Court of Civil Appeals, June 9, 1920), 223 S. W. 503; and San Antonio Fire Fighters Local Union No. 84 vs. Bell (same, June 19, 1920), 223 S. W. 503. 40 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY A similar decision has recently been rendered in the lower courts of Pennsylvania, upholding the city Public Safety Director of Pittsburgh in forcing fire department employees to drop their membership in a local union.** These decisions were in line with one rendered a few years before by the Supreme Court of Illinois setting aside an injunction restraining the Chicago Board of Education from enforcing a rule forbidding teachers to belong to labor unions. The court held that the adoption of the rule was a question of policy solely for the determination of the school board, and that when such questions had once been determined the courts would not inquire into their propriety.?® ATTITUDE OF THE MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES TOWARD GOVERN- MENT EMPLOYEES’ RIGHTS Only a degree less important than the law is the official attitude of the major political parties, for such attitude is often but a step away from law. The Republican Party Platform of 1920 declared under the head of “Industrial Relations”’: “We deny the right to strike against the government, but the rights of all government employees must be safeguarded by impartial laws and tribunals.” Although the Democratic platform was silent as to public workers’ strikes, there is little reason to doubt that on this question, at least, it endorsed the position of its rival. Presi- dent Wilson had condemned the Boston police strike as a “crime against civilization,’ and the platform, of course, had nothing to say about the anti-union activities of the Democratic Postmaster General Burleson. There is certainly no discernible distinction between the records of the two parties on matters affecting federal em- ployees. The first order restricting the legislative activities of these workers was issued during the administration of President Cleveland, a Democrat. The original “gag” order denying them the right of petition to Congress was issued by President Roosevelt, a “progressive” Republican, and it was made more stringent by President Taft, a “stand pat” 14 Hutchinson vs. Magee (Common Pleas, Allegheny County, Pa., Oct. 20, 1922), 70 Pittsburgh Legal Journal 945. 15 People ex rel. Fursum vs, City of Chicago, 278 Ill. 318 (1917). CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM AND THE LAW 41 Republican. The Lloyd-La Follette act, restoring the right of petition and guaranteeing the right to organize, was passed by a Republican Senate and a Democratic House, while the most uncompromising attitude of opposition toward civil service unionism in the history of the service was taken by Postmaster General Burleson under the ad- ministration of President Wilson, a “liberal” Democrat. FEDERAL RULES CONCERNING POLITICAL ACTIVITY is-in~the- field of political activity that the rights of federal servants..are.most-seriously limitedr"Phese-timita- tions, as has already been explained, have been. imposed. in, order to eliminate political interference with the personnel, Against those provisions which seek to prohibit” political assessments or forced political service upon public em-. ployees either on the part of their superiors or politicians outside, or which in turn seek to prevent them from coercing others, there can be no legitimate complaint. Such restric- tions are general wherever there is a formal merit system. But the restrictions against which serious objection is raised by the workers are those upon voluntary political activity which aim to prevent them from taking an active part in political affairs beyond casting their votes. The most severe of all these attempts to limit political rights are those of the federal government.’® Although restrictions on the right of state servants to run for office exist in a number of countries,1* there are few governments which limit the freedom of their servants more severely than does that of the United States by this rule:!* “Persons who by the provisions of these rules are in the competitive classified service, while retaining the right to vote as they please and to express privately their opinions on all political subjects, shall take no active part in political management or in political campaigns.” 18 For an analysis of restrictions on political activity, see Mayers, Lewis: The Federal Service (1922), Ch. V, pp. 144-167, especially the section on ‘‘Restrictions on Voluntary Political Activity,” pp: 160-7. See also pamphlet of U. S. Civil Service Commission: Information Concerning Political Assessments and Partisan Activity, September, 1920. 47 Webb, Sidney and Beatrice: ‘‘State and Municipal Enterprise,’’ special sup- plement to New Statesman, May 8, 1915, p. 23. #8 United States Civil Service Rule I, Section 1. 42 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY But for a few exceptions® the restrictions cover activity of federal employees in all units of government, federal, state, county, and municipal. They forbid activity by indi- rection or through organizations.?° The Civil Service Com- mission has held that the fact of political activity by the employee is the final test, the methods and means being immaterial.2!_ Employees may, therefore, be held answer- able for the political activity of their wives or husbands, if it can be shown that they are in fact doing “by indirec- tion and collusion,” through the instrumentality of their relatives, what they could not do “lawfully, directly, and openly.’’? These limitations refer not only to activity for or against political parties or candidates, but even to po- litical causes such as woman suffrage. In addition to these restrictions, the seventy thousand federal workers who reside in the District of Columbia possess no franchise. The fact that there have been comparatively few dis- missals for the violation of the rules regarding political activity does not mean that they have succeeded in sup- pressing such activity on the part of federal workers. Em- ployees have managed to whisper their views where they could not shout them, and have in spite of prohibitions suc- ceeded in accomplishing a great deal by indirection. The rules do not forbid membership in political clubs, provided the employees do not serve as officers or on committees,?* nor have they been very effective in preventing organiza- tions from opposing their political enemies or aiding their friends. While the civil service rules forbid such activity through organizations, the Civil Service Commission is on record to the effect that nothing in the law or regulations forbids employee membership in trade unions.” In Eng- 19 The few exceptions permit activity in certain villages adjacent to the District of Columbia where a considerable number of the residents and tax payers are federal employees and in localities in the vicinity of navy yards, stations, or arsenals, where the strict enforcement of the rules might influence the result of a local election, the issue of which ‘ ‘materially affects the local welfare of govern- ment employees resident in the vicinity.”” U. 8. Civil Service Commission, pamphlet cited, p. 10, Pars. 24 and 26. 20 See letter of the President of the U. S. Civil Service Commission to the editor of the Federal Employee (Thirty-seventh Report, U. 8. Civil Service Commis- sion, 1920, pp. 105-6). This letter held that the republication by the Federal Employee of an article from_the Savannah Morning News attacking Senator Hoke Smith for opposing the Nolan Minimum Wage Bill for Federal Employees was a transgression of civil service rules, in that the Senator was a candidate for reelection. 21 Thirty-eighth Report of U. S. Civil Service Commission, 1921, p. 1389. 22 Same, p. 140. See also Postal pry March 4, 1920, 23 Mayers, Lewis: work cited, p. 24 See Federal Employee, Sept., 1916 p. 116. CIVIL SERVICE UNIONISM AND THE LAW 43 land there are no stringent legal restrictions on civil service rights. Yet “the force of opinion hardening into tradition’’?5 and the professional standards of the service have stood in the way of improper activity, without at the same time handicapping the personnel in securing legislative redress. The regulations of the federal service went so far at one time as to forbid the right of petition to Congress, but regu- lations of such character have since been forbidden by law.?¢ THE NEW YORK RIGHT OF APPEAL LAW The Charter of the City of New York contains three pro- visions forbidding members of the fire fighting and police forces and employees under the Department of Education to join or contribute to any organization intended to affect legislation concerning them.?7 But these provisions are partly superseded by the act of 1920, which provides:?8 “Notwithstanding the provisions of any general or special law to the contrary, a citizen shall not be de- prived of the right of appeal to the legislature or to any public officer, board, commission, or other public body, for the redress of grievances, on account of em- ployment in the civil service of the state or any of its civil divisions or cities.” THE POWER OF REMOVAL The power of removal is the club which the authorities hold over the heads of their subordinates. Nearly every- where the administration exercises this power with but few legal restrictions. The provisions of the federal law de- claring that organization membership shall not constitute grounds for removal or reduction have proved no obstacle to removal for organization activity.2® The authorities can get rid of whom they please for “the good of the service.” There is no appeal from their decision to an impartial tribunal. They make the charge, investigate, and sustain it. The requirement that the employee be given due notice and an opportunity to reply has proved but a mere for- mality affording no real protection. Furthermore, such a cay noel, A. L.: The Government of England (1916 edition), Vol. I, p. 147. 27 Sections 306, 739, 1099. Charter of the City of New York. 2 Chapter 805, Laws of 1920, State of New York. 2 For examples see below, pp. 215-19. 44 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY formal restrictions as the law imposes upon statutory offi- cers have no application to the President, whose power of removal is absolute. For years federal employees have been working for some sort of appeal tribunal, but their efforts have met with no success. Such tribunals or trial boards exist in several American cities but in most cases they are either controlled by the authorities, have purely advisory functions, or have con- current jurisdiction with the officials. In New York City, however, members of the police and uniform fire fighting forces and veterans can be removed only for cause after a trial. Removals of such employees are almost always con- tested in the courts.*° In Massachusetts municipal and state employees are en- titled to a public hearing with right of counsel, and all removals, except in the Boston police force, the metropolitan park police force, and the district police force are subject to court review.*! But effective restriction on the right of removal is excep- tional, so that, generally speaking, public employees hold their places at the pleasure of the executive. Discharge from the public service is often a far more serious thing than discharge from private employment. It usually bars the affected person from reemployment by the government under which he had worked, either permanently or for a fixed period. There are a number of kinds of government work which are of use to the government alone. Thus a dis- charged mail distributor can sell his special skill to no employer but the federal government. If he loses his job, he must begin all over again in a new occupation. The same is true of city policemen and other specially trained municipal workers, who, if discharged, must move out of town to find the work for which they are fitted. This binds large classes of civil workers closely to their jobs, and may account for their reluctance to take firm stands in oppo- sition to the authorities. ‘Those who, like President Butler, say “the door to get out is always open if one does not wish to serve the public on [its] terms,’** overlook the economic restrictions on legal freedom. 3 See Stover, George H.: Legal Rights of Civil Servants in the City of New York, Chapters VIII, IX, pp. 71-98 —98. 31 Massachusetts, General Acts, 1918, Chapter 247. 82 See above, p. 17. Cuapter III PUBLIC EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATION AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT THE EXTENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE UNIONISM There are, it is said, about fifty national and international organizations affiliated with the American Federation of Labor with members in federal employ? and nearly forty with members in municipal employ.? There is no reliable estimate of the number of public workers organized in trade unions. In January, 1920, The National Federation of Fed- eral Employees estimated that three-fourths of the personnel of the federal service was so organized.* This figure pre- tended to no more than a rough approximation and is undoubtedly a good deal too high. Between fifty and sixty per cent would probably be a fairer estimate. The municipal services in the larger cities are unionized to about the same, or, perhaps, a somewhat smaller extent. TYPES OF PUBLIC EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATIONS There are five types of labor organizations to which fed- eral employees belong. The first type includes the regular trade and craft internationals affiliated with the official labor movement, like the unions of printers, plate printers, pressmen, bookbinders, machinists, electricians, boilermak- ers, pattern makers, etc. The second includes the craft organizations of postal employees affiliated with the A. F. of L., the letter carriers, post office clerks, railway mail clerks, and rural carriers. The third is the National Fed- eration of Federal Employees, affiliated with the A. F. of L., a comprehensive organization of limited ‘“one-big-union” character. The fourth group includes organizations not affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, like the 1Statement of President Luther C. Sa kale National Federation of Federal Employees, in the Federal ree hee, Nov. 22, 1910, p. 7. 2 Based on data from the A. of L. ® Federal Employee, Jan. 17, 1920, p. 1. 45 46 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY postal clerks’ and rural carriers’ and customs’ inspectors associations and the post office supervisory employees. The fifty group includes associations of a quasi-social, quasi- professional and quasi-political type, like the postmasters, collectors of internal revenue, etc. There are two international trade unions of municipal employees, the fire fighters and the teachers. The latter has some members who teach in private schools. The great bulk of unionized employees belong to regular craft unions. There are a number of local unions of city, county and state employees composed of clerks and office workers. Most workers of this class, however, are organized in local asso- ciations not connected with the general labor movement. This is also true of policemen. THE SKILLED CRAFTS Public employees who are skilled craftsmen have always belonged to the unions of their respective callings. These workers look upon themselves as craftsmen first and govern- ment employees incidentally. They are part and parcel of the labor movement and usually insist that their employ- ment by public authority places no limitations on their industrial rights. These employees are not bound to their jobs as are some other classes of civil servants. They ean pursue their callings elsewhere. Their union membership means more to them than any particular job, public or private. THE ‘‘WHITE COLLAR” PREJUDICE Government workers, as such, have only recently begun to flock into the trade union movement in large numbers. For years these workers preferred organization in inde- pendent units. They preferred to secure redress of griev- ances through the cultivation of the good will of the officials rather than to depend upon the help of their fellow workers in industry. But coldness towards trade unionism is a char- acteristic not of government workers alone, but of non- manual, office and clerical workers everywhere. It has been their “white collar” prejudice even more than general notions of the impropriety of civil service unionism which has kept these workers out of the labor movement. Even so, there is at present a far greater proportion of clerical PUBLIC EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATION 47 workers organized in the government service than outside of it, that is, exclusive of the railway clerks. INTERDEPENDENCE OF PUBLIC AND PRIVATE EMPLOYEES Yet it is still urged that government workers have little in common with private workers and that, inasmuch as they “cannot strike,” labor affiliation is but a waste of money and but a means of antagonizing the employees’ “best friend,” the department. But this overlooks the fact that the general labor movement is a means of raising the eco- nomic standards of all wage earners, and that every bit of help government employees give towards keeping up this standard is of direct benefit to themselves. As Mr. Daniel C. Roper, first assistant postmaster general under Post- master General Burleson, put it: “The Government is only incidentally an employer of labor and it is no part of its function to establish new standards of wages. For the great mass of work- ers, these standards must be fixed by the economic demand and supply influenced as it is by the collective bargainings of organized capital and organized labor. For the Government to ignore the standards fixed by these forces, and to make wages in the postal service unduly attractive, would result in the reestablishment of the spoils system, and place an unwarranted drain on the public treasury.’”* Thus, even according to the testimony of one of the most bitter opponents of civil service unionism, there is every reason why public employees should help the cause of organ- ized labor, for the standard of government wages is deter- mined ultimately by the standard of wages outside. But besides this indirect help which organized labor has given public employees, the American Federation of Labor, representing the official labor movement, has aided directly in bringing about a number of changes of benefit to federal workers, while its city central labor unions and state fed- erations have been similarly active in behalf of city and state employees. The Federation has steadily opposed 4 Postal Record, October, 1915, p. 264. 5 See Carroll, Mollie Ray: Labor and Politics (1923), pp. 92-7. 48 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY restrictions on the civil and political rights of civil servants, and is directly responsible for the removal of some severe disabilities. PUBLIC EMPLOYEE UNIONS AND THE STRIKE But both the Federation of Labor and its affiliated na- tional unions of public employees have yielded all but completely to current prejudice in the matter of the right to strike. Everyone of the national or international organ- izations, composed entirely of government employees, either has an “anti-strike” clause in its constitution or is on record through the expression of officers or conventions as being opposed to the use of the strike weapon in government sér- vice. The constitution of the National Federation of Fed- eral Employees absolutely forbids strikes, those of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks and the National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers disapprove of them. The National Association of Letter Carriers and the Rail- way Mail Association are silent on the subject in their con- stitutions, yet these groups, especially the former, would probably be far less likely to consider striking than any of the other public service bodies. The constitution of the International Association of Firefighters contains an expres- sion disapproving of the strike among its members, but its local unions have struck a number of times and in some instances they have had the International’s help. The American Federation of Teachers through a convention resolution has disapproved of teachers’ strikes. A. F, OF L. AND PUBLIC SERVICE STRIKES The American Federation of Labor, itself being but a loose federation of autonomous trade unions, leaves ques- tions of method and policy to be decided by the unions concerned. However, the Federation and its officers have gone on record many times on the question of civil service strikes, and although they have held that public workers do not surrender the right, they have never pressed this con- tention very far. This stand is in accord with the tra- ditional opportunist policy of the Federation. Evidently feeling that there would seldom be occasion to use the strike, 6 See American chapels of Labor: Reconstruction Program, 1918, ‘Status of Public Employees,’ p. PUBLIC EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATION 49 it preferred not to hurt the chances of organization by insisting upon the right. Mr. Gompers frankly put the matter upon such grounds when he hinted that the post office clerks had best not repeal the “no strike” provision in their constitution.’ A similar stand was taken by Mr. Holder, legislative representative of the A. F. of L., at a hearing before a House committee in 1916. Congressman Denison asked: “Don’t you think that the fact that there is not a right to strike, as we commonly call it, on the part of government employees, at least, such a right is not recognized—should make a difference between govern- ment employees and private employees?” Mr. Holder: “I think it should. I think it is gen- erally recognized that instead of admitting that right can be denied, the workmen may say, ‘We will waive that right’ .. .” Mr. Denison (interposing): “I did not say denied, I meant not encouraged.” Mr. Holder: “I would not say that the employees of the United States Government or any State govern- ment should be denied that right.”® It has been the practice of the Federation of Labor to emphasize the fact that legislation is the public worker’s last resort.® A strike, of course, might force legislation, but the Federation’s spokesmen have always implied that the method was inexpedient in that political action was on the whole a better, although perhaps sometimes a slower, way of achieving the same results. On the whole it is probably wise policy for public service unions to call attention to their non-use of the strike by means of official “no-strike” expressions. To insist upon 7 Union Postal Clerk, October, 1919, p. 152; also below. 8 Hearings: House Subcommittee of Comrnittee on Labor: On a Bill to Fix Compensation of Certain Employees of the United States, March 20-30, April 3 and 5, 1916, pp. 11-12. ® Letter of Secretary Morrison of A. F. of L. to the railway mail clerks, ea 11, 1911. See also, American Federattonist, editorial, Jan., . 5 American labor movement has made a clear differentiation between Saag ment workers and private employment, holding that in private employment the Strike is the last resort, while in government employ legislation is the final remedy.’’ Another statement of this position may be found in a pamphlet entitled Legislative Achievements of the American Federation of Labor (pub- lished by the A. F. of L., 1920), pp. 7-8 50 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY a right of no immediate value could do no immediate good and might well result in greater hostility towards their organizations and in placing greater obstacles in their way. It might also weaken the influence among the rank and file of those who seek to emphasize the unity and common inter- est of all wage workers, and thus strengthen the factions which seek to maintain their official “stand in.” PROBABLE EFFECT OF THE INCREASE IN PUBLIC BMPLOYMENT ON THE WORKER’S ATTITUDE __Existing public employee organizations are not likely to resort to’ thestriké so"long“as*they can secure thé’ adjust- ment of grievances by other methods, but the use of these other methods will lead=thern ‘Inevitably to demand the elimination of restrictions on their civil and political rights As the eivilyservVice expands; boththrowsir the enlarsement of the state’s present functions and through the govern- ment’s assumption of basic industries, the personnel is likely to lose its submissiveness and demand the recognition of its full industrial and political rights. The organized rail- way workers, miners and packers would hardly be willing to surrender rights and methods which have stood them in good stead. The attitude of the railway workers during the period of federal control forced the administration to aban- don an attempt to enforce rules against political activity, while federal control of the wire lines and railroads did not prevent employees of these industries from striking on sev- eral occasions. An aggressive attitude on the part of such industrial workers in the permanent government service could hardly fail to have its effect upon other public employees. The restricted status of civil employees has no doubt gone far towards arousing a sentiment hostile to government operation among the unionized miners and railwaymen. The latter’s “Plumb Plan” was an attempt to substitute employee operation under public ownership for either gov- ernment or corporation operation, while the recent plan of the Nationalization Research Council of the United Mine Workers of America is a similar attempt on the part of the coal miners. “The American worker,” said this report, “has no use for the thing called state socialism. To have a’ group of politicians at Washington manage coal would be as dis- PUBLIC EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATION 51 tasteful to the miner as it would be to the long-suffering public.’’° CIVIL SERVICE UNIONS AS PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS Civil employees in this country are far behind these industrial workers and behind civil employees abroad in the development of a group professional consciousness seek- ing a controlling voice in the technical affairs of their occu- pations. The reason for this is that American organizations have thus far had to struggle for their lives or for freedom from departmental control and have had little opportunity to do very much in the way of service improvement. Be- sides, employee suggestions for improved service when they have been made have not always been received gracefully by the authorities. Nevertheless, these groups have managed to take an interest in the welfare of the service and they will undoubtedly increase their interest when the authori- ties drop their hostility and substitute friendly cooperation. Every civil service association is formally dedicated to the welfare of the service as well as of the employees, and they have certainly helped the service through helping the workers. It is hardly necessary to point out that good working conditions are the prime essential to good service. THE OPEN SHOP IN THE GOVERNMENT SERVICE The relation of government employees to outside workers is not just one-sided, but rather one of interdependence. Under certain conditions of the labor market, low work- ing standards of public employment might react unfavor- ably upon industrial standards and pull them down. This accounts partly for organized labor’s interest in public em- ployees. It accounts also for the insistence of some craft groups of government employees on a government closed shop. The principal reason for trade union insistence on the closed shop in private industry is fear that employment of non-union workers may lower union standards. , In govern- ment seryice.there..is.no_possibility.-of. unorganized labor underbidding union.labor, since wages, hours and other conditions of work.are fixed by law ‘Oreunder. the authority 19 United Mine Workers of America, Nationalization Dajentch Cottidl How to Run Coal (1922), p. 10. 52 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY _of the law, and must, therefore, be uniform. Organizations composed entirely of public employees have never insisted on the closed shop in the service, as they would have little to gain from it.11_ The printing trades unions, on the other hand, who have but a small part of their members in gov- ernment employ, have insisted upon the device not so much in the interest of their government workers as in the inter- est of the union as a whole. These organizations’ efforts for one hundred per cent membership are blocked by gov- ernment open shops, as are their efforts to keep “scabs” and undesirable persons out of their callings.? They hold that “to recognize the principle of the union shop in all other parts of the nation, and then except government employees, only means to use the government service as a club to destroy all that the honest and increasing efforts of organ- ized labor have accomplished.” The federal service has been an open shop ever since the celebrated ‘Miller case” of 1903, when President Roosevelt ordered the reinstatement of W. A. Miller who had been dis- charged from the Government Printing Office because he had been expelled from the local Bookbinders’ Union.** For a time the President’s open-shop stand weakened trade unionism in the Government Printing Office® but today the union shop has for all practical purposes been reestablished.t® At least, the Printing Office is all but com- pletely unionized. Non-union workers might possibly find work there, but it is exceedingly unlikely that they would remain there as non-unionists for very long. Less than three years after the “Miller case,” the Washington Press- man’s Union declared: ‘‘The frequent allusion to the open shop intended to apply to the Government Printing Office has really no meaning in this allusion, as every new ap- pointee in any of the trades becomes a member of their respective union, and there is no prospect that this con- dition will be changed.”?’ See Stockton, Frank T.: The Closed Shop in American Trade Unions (1911), pp. 31, 160-1. 12 Same, p. 161. 18 Keleher, Wm. T.: ‘‘Open Shop in Government Service’; American Federa- tionist, January, 1905, p. 14. 14 See Twentieth Report of U. S. Civil Service Commission, 1903, pp. 148-150. 15 See Barnett, George E.: The Printers (1909), p. 289. 16 Stockton, Frank T.: work cited, p. 48. f 17 The American Pressmen (organ of the International Printing Pressmen aad Assistants’ Union), February, 1906, p. 100. PUBLIC EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATION 53 There are a number of state printing plants which are actually or practically closed shops. Conditions in this respect in the Canadian Printing Bureau at Ottawa are about the same as in the Printing Office at Washington. The federal employees of the mechanical or metal trades, except in one or two instances, have not insisted upon a government closed shop, even though their position is prac- tically the same as that of employees of the printing trades. The fact that the metal crafts are not as well organized as the printing trades is doubtless responsible for this differ- ence in attitude. Of course, the closed shop in the public service would weaken the government’s control over its servants, just as it weakens the private employer’s control over his employees. Yet the demand for it is but proof that those employees who are not economically bound to the government service concede few, if any, special rights to the state as employer. THE DANGER OF CIVIL SERVICE RESTRICTIONS The restricted status of civil employees in this country is ‘a matter of vital concern not only to the three million men and women who now earn their living in the service of the ‘State, but also to all wage workers. The number of public employees is steadily growing as the functions of the state |xpand. Government is constantly entering new fields, and even the administration of its established functions is becoming more and more complicated and is requiring increasing numbers of help. Should the state take over basic industries, as many have demanded, a large propor- tion, if not an actual majority, of the working and voting population would be in government employ, or else be directly dependent for livelihood upon those who were. If, under such circumstances, the authorities should still insist upon imposing heavy political and economic restrictions on their employees, we shall have come close, indeed, to a situation wherein the great mass of men are the mere instru- ments of those in control, as Hilaire Belloc pictured in The Servile State. Part Il: ORGANIZATION AMONG POSTAL EMPLOYEES Part II: ORGANIZATION AMONG POSTAL EMPLOYEES CHaptTer IV EARLY DAYS: WORKING CONDITIONS IN THE POST OFFICES BEFORE THE MERIT SYSTEM It was not until after Congress had taken the first steps towards eliminating some of the worst abuses of postal employment that a definite and nationwide organized move- ment for the improvement of working conditions was begun among postal employees. There had been social and mutual benefit_associations, local in scope, among letter carriers ever since the institution of free city delivery in 1863.2. Although it is true that these groups occasionally inter- ested themselves in legislation or improved working condi- tions, such interest was but informal, furtive, and incidental and always secondary to their main purpose. Usually, when seeking to better the lot of the force, these societies would enlist the- aid of local politicians, and thus they often be- came tied to the local party machine in a way that was more to the benefit of that machine than of the letter car- riers. The conditions of the service before the coming of the merit system were hardly conducive to the growth of labor organizations. THE INFLUENCE OF “‘POLITICS”’ Down almost to the nineties favoritism and petty politics were the rule of the postal service. The postmaster and the hierarchy of supervisors were almost invariably politicians . of some. degree of local importance. The post office was conducted much as though it were an adjunct of the local political machine of the party nationally in power. A 1 There was a New York Letter Carriers’ Association founded in 1863 and a Chicago Association founded in 1870. The deeade of the seventies saw the estab- lishment of similar bodies in many of the larger cities, 57 58 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY change in party, or even in faction, local or national, usually meant a change in the post office personnel from the post- master down to the humblest employee. But this was taken much as a matter of course. Men got their jobs through political influence and they lost them when that influence changed. It was not this shake-up following elections or primaries which constituted the chief abuse of the service, but rather the part which politics played every day of the year. The system under which the Post Office Department was run placed the employee at the mercy of the postmaster. Working conditions, even including pay, were fixed by him and not by law. Post office clerks had no standing with the Department at Washington.? Their position was more nearly that of employees of their local offices than of the United States government. The local postmaster paid them what he willed from an allotment made him by the Depart- ment for that purpose from a lump-sum appropriation.® The position of the carriers was not much better. The law fixed their maximum salary, but beyond that left their scale of pay to be determined by the Postmaster General.* This made little difference to the individual carrier, for in practice his pay, like the clerk’s, was governed by the local postmaster’s recommendation and the size of his allotment. The postal officials naturally had their particular friends and supporters, and those employees with the best friends got the best jobs and the best pay. No man was ever certain of his rate of pay or sure of his job. If something happened to his political friend, something was almost certain to happen to him, too. Employees were always expected to do their part for the party organization. It was common for a worker to be summoned before the boss—not infrequently a postal offi- cial—and be threatened with extra work, reduction in pay, or even dismissal, if he failed to do as he was told. Em- ployees often had their pay reduced to make funds for new men or to provide increases for the more favored. 2 Dillon, Simon P.: “History of Boston Post Office Clerks’ Legislative Associa- tion,’’ in souvenir book of Boston Post Office Clerks’ Association (1912), p. 44. 3 Final Report of the Joint Commission on Postal Salaries, 1921 Ss Doc. 422 66th Cong., 3rd Sess. ), p. 39. (Hereafter cited as ‘‘Postal Salaries.’ ’) ¢ “Postal Salaries,” ae 5 and 51. ? EARLY DAYS: WORKING CONDITIONS 59 WORKING CONDITIONS OF THE CARRIERS While politics was always an all-important consideration, the service had, nevertheless, to be carried on. There were many jobs which were “soft snaps,” but the great bulk of them required hard work and exacting care. The tours of duty of letter carriers averaged from nine to eleven hours a day.’ Reckoned from the time of reporting to the termi- nation of their day’s service, the carriers’ time was at the government’s disposal much longer. For this they were at first paid from $200 to $1,000 a year, and at an average of about $460.6 They were able, however, to supplement this wage by fees collected from patrons on their routes. Although the inequalities of this scale as between the lowest and highest or the average and highest pay were glaring, especially since all carriers did about the same work, it nevertheless remained in effect for more than ten years. In 1875 the Postmaster General tried to remedy the situa- tion by lowering maximum salaries and increasing those of the lower grades. In 1876 and again in 1877 Congress so reduced the appropriation for the free city delivery ser- vice that the Department was compelled, “reluctantly,” as it said, to make considerable reductions in carriers’ salaries.* _ This led to a great deal of dissatisfaction among the men, resulting in agitation for a law fixing their basis of pay. Though not organized to meet the situation, the carriers were nevertheless able to arouse no little sentiment in their behalf through their direct daily contact with the public. The Postmaster General, in his 1877 report,® also sug- gested a fixed pay law as a possible remedy for the situa- tion. About the same time Representative Samuel Sullivan Cox of New York (‘“Sunset’’ Cox) introduced such a mea- sure in Congress. In 1879, largely through Cox’s efforts, a law was passed creating two grades of carriers in cities of over 75,000 in- habitants, with salaries fixed at $800 and $1,000 a year, while the pay of carriers in smaller cities was fixed at $850 a year. The law also provided for the establishment of a third grade, to be known as auxiliaries, at $400 a year.® ® Report of the Postmaster General (First Assistant), 1893, p. 52. ©“Postal Salaries,” p. 53. 5 came, pp. 54, 55, PP. XVI ® “Postal Salaries,” p. 55. 60 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY There was difficulty at first in getting the authorities to enforce this law properly. Postmasters who had their own ideas as to the wages men should get sometimes refused the postmen the pay to which they were legally entitled.*° The Department, too, in spite, of the fact that it had recom- mended a fixed salary law, procrastinated for many months before classifying the employees as the act directed. But when the law did come to be enforced, it effected a marked improvement in the condition of the force. Its principal defect was the auxiliary grade. Men served as auxiliaries at $400 per annum, doing the same work as the regular carriers. Postmasters with a sufficient number of auxiliaries would not ask for a larger carrier personnel. Promotions from this third grade to the regular upper grades took place slowly as vacancies occurred, with the result that men some- times remained in the auxiliary class for years. In 1882 the pay of auxiliary carriers was raised to $600. WORKING CONDITIONS OF THE CLERKS Meanwhile the clerks went on under the old system. The postmaster fixed their hours as he saw fit. Generally, schedules were arranged on an eight-hour basis with one Sunday off in three, though they differed from city to city and often even from station to station in a single city. Although overtime was frequently required, there seems to have been little complaint as to working hours outside of New York. There, in 1873, the postmaster, Thomas L. James, authorized supervisors to require such extra duty of clerks as they saw fit, without compensatory time or additional pay. The effect of this order was to bring about a general increase in clerical working hours. It actually became exceptional for a man to get off on time. One and one-half to two hours of extra duty became the rule. Twenty-minute cuts in the meal hour were frequent, as were orders directing all those who were to be off on Sun- day to report for duty on that day.1? This caused a great 10 Postal Record, September, 1904, p. 193. 11 Cox, W. V., and Northrup, M. H.: Life of Samuel S. Coz, p. 186. This work tells something of the condition of letter carriers during this period and gives a aaa glorified account of Cox’s efforts in their behalf. Chap. XXV, pp. Information from an official of the New York Post Office who was a clerk at that time. EARLY DAYS: WORKING CONDITIONS 61 deal of grumbling, dissatisfaction and ineffective protest, but the condition continued for almost twenty years. The clerks at New York received better pay than those in other parts of the country, for its post office was in a class by itself. At Boston, a representative larger first class office, clerks entered the service at thirty dollars a month down to 1877.1* Thereafter, they entered at forty dollars a month,—and there was no system of fees by which they could increase their incomes. THE EFFECT OF THE CIVIL SERVICE ACT Yet the employees made practically no attempt to im- prove these conditions through organized pressure. Their hope was not concerted action, but individual political “oull.” Men with the “right friends” always stood a good chance of having their conditions improved and their griev- ances adjusted. But in 1883 Congress passed the Pendleton Civil Service Act. From then on things began to changé.— Se RENEE SRT uneey—coemennemenmnal and although it still continued to play its part, and does 50 even today, its rdle became irregular and illicit. The world outside frowned upon such practices; before 1883 it had taken them as a matter of course. Gradually, as the patronage of these lower positions dis- appeared, Congressmen and politicians generally began to lose interest in the post office clerks and carriers, and these workers, thus thrown-ontheir_own resources, soon found_it necessary to unite among themselves in order to protect their interests _and_i improve- their-lot. Besides, with their positions now made ‘ ‘permanent,” postal employees saw that they had a stake in the service and in good working conditions which they had not had before. Previously a man was in a government job one year and out of it the next, and it did not make very much difference if working conditions did leave much to be desired. But now these men began to feel that they were in the service to stay, much as printers or machinists were in their crafts to stay. The organized movement among postal workers was the natural outcome of this changed situation. 18 History of Boston Clerks’ Association, work cited, p. 44. CHAPTER V THE RISE OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION The first attempts to organize and bring their cases before Congress seem to have been begun among both clerks and carriers at about the same time, though the efforts of the latter were first to be successful. INFORMAL BEGINNINGS OF UNITED EFFORT The carriers’ movement began informally. The forces in the various cities would select one of their number to go to Washington to look after their interests before Congress. Each city force paid the expenses of its own delegate from funds collected from its members. In some instances the delegates were actually, though not formally, chosen by the local carrier society. It was through the efforts of a com- mittee of such delegates that Congress passed the law of 1887 classifying carriers in cities of 75,000 and over in three grades at $600, $800, and $1,000 a year, and those in cities under 75,000 in two grades at $600 and $850 a year. The improvement over the old law was the creation of a regular $600 grade at which men entered the service. The Act of 1882, raising the pay of auxiliary carriers to $600, had provided a system of annual promotions for men in the regular grades. By making the $600 grade regular, the new law also made these lowest-paid men eligible for annual promotion. THE TRUMAN A. MERRIMAN ASSOCIATION Meanwhile the carriers of New York were laying the foundations for a stronger and more permanent organiza- tion. It had been the custom of the postmaster at that city to grant a vacation of ten days each year to the carriers under his jurisdiction. The routes of those on vacation were covered by three men combining to do the work of 1 “Postal Salaries,’’ p. 56. 62 THE RISE OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION 63 four. This vacation was purely a gift of the postmaster, and the practice of granting it seems to have been confined to New York. Employees in the government departments at Washing- ton were being allowed an annual leave of thirty days, also at the discretion of the heads of their departments. But this privilege did not extend to the employees of the Wash- ington, D. C., post office. These workers, living and work- ing in the same city as the more favored departmental employees, felt the difference keenly, far more keenly, nat- urally, than other field workers. Finally, the Washington letter carriers petitioned the Post Office Department for the same leave privileges as other federal workers in the city. The department referred the matter to its law officer, who issued an opinion holding that there was no law under which letters carriers could be allowed any vacation leave at all. Shortly after this the postmaster at New York was directed to discontinue the leaves he had been granting.’ The carriers who were immediately affected began a movement for an annual vacation law. In New York an organization, called the Truman A. Merriman Association, was formed to secure to letter carriers the same leave privi- leges that the departmental workers were enjoying. This group worked in conjunction with the forces in other cities. They succeeded in interesting “Sunset’’ Cox in their behalf and persuaded him to introduce a bill allowing them thirty days’ vacation. But the measure failed to pass. A com- promise was finally effected whereby the postmen through- out the country were granted an annual leave of absence of fifteen days with pay. The act also provided for the employment of substitutes at the rate of $600 a year, to do the work of the men away. Having attained its object, the vacation law, the Truman A. Merriman Association disbanded, but it left the carriers better acquainted than they had been before and awakened them to the advantages of organized agitation. THE GROWTH OF THE KNIGHTS OF LABOR AND THE EIGHT- HOUR MOVEMENT While the carriers were winning their little successes through informal or temporary organization, events began 2Information from officials and employees of the New York Post Office. 64 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY to move rapidly among the workers outside. The Noble Order of the Knights of Labor which, but a few years before, had ceased to be an absolutely secret “pass word and hand grip” body, was now looked upon by the workers, especially those outside of the skilled crafts, as their all- powerful supporter and liberator. A sreat deal of the Order’s prestige was based on tremendously exaggerated press reports of its activities and strength in numbers.* In 1885 the Knights enhanced their prestige in the industrial field through a successful strike on the Jay Gould railroads, one of the strongest capitalist interests in America, and demonstrated their political strength by securing from Con- gress, almost entirely through their own efforts, the passage of the anti-contract labor law.* At this time the movement for the eight-hour day was rapidly gaining the interest of all classes of workers, and, although the national officers of the Knights moved cautiously on this issue, the local organizers used it for all it was worth. This combination of circum- stances resulted in an increase in the number of organized workers such as the country had never seen before. Frem 60,811 members in 1884, the Knights of Labor grew to 104,066 in July, 1885, and to 702,924 a year later. During this year the number of its locals increased from 989 to 5,892. And press and popular estimates placed the mem- bership of the Order at anywhere from one to five millions. The letter carriers, whose daily tours lasted from nine to eleven hours, were as interested in the eight-hour movement as other classes of wage-earners. Since 1868 eight hours had constituted a day’s work for “laborers, workmen and me- chanics” in federal employ.? When the carriers had asked that this act be enforced in their service, the Department ruled that they were neither “laborers, workmen or mechan-. ics,’ and that the law, therefore, did not apply to them.® The need for new legislation was apparent and the em- ployees turned to the Knights of Labor as the agency most likely to get them what they wanted. | ® Commons, J. R., and terns ee (ration by Perlman, S.): History of La- bour in the United States (1918), Vol. II, 370. See also Powderly, T. V.: Tharty Years of Labor (revised edition, 1390), pp. 252-3. Ommons, work cited, p. 373. s Same, p. 378-9. Also Powderly, work cited, pp. 253-5. 6 Commons, work cited, p. 381. 7R. S. sec. 3738. j ae Letter of Postmaster General, Feb. 12, 1886. House Ex. Doc. 71 (49th Cong., st Sess THE RISE OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION 65 THE CARRIERS JOIN THE KNIGHTS The movement to join the Knights-began-in-New—York City among a group who had belonged to the Truman A. Merriman Association. It was a secret movement, chiefly ‘among the carriers of the uptown districts. While these workers were forming their local assembly, a group down- town was doing the same thing. As a result, before each group knew what the other was doing, there were two letter earrier local assemblies of the Knights of Labor in New York City. To avoid conflict and duplication of effort, a joint legislative committee was set up by the two locals and subsequently they were merged into a single assembly. Thi iS] _ At about the same time similar bodies were formed in Brooklyn and Chicago and shortly after- wards in Omaha, Buffalo, and a few other places. The- Legislative Committee of the Knights of Labor drafted an eight-hour bill for carriers which was introduced in Con- gress in 1886. THE AUTHORITIES’ OPPOSITION The Department opposed the measure strongly, but, that did not slacken the workers’ efforts in its behalf. For a time the postmen were able to hide their connection with the Knights from the authorities. But when the local offi- cials discovered it, they spared no effort to disrupt the movement. The postmaster at New York, H. G. Pearson, was most bitter in his opposition. He suspended some one hundred and fifty organization men and took steps to re- move them as “detriments to the service.” The Depart- ment, however, evidently not wishing to risk a fight with the powerful Knights of Labor, overruled Postmaster Pear- son and reinstated the men.® The authorities also fought the organizations by arbi- trarily transferring active workers to less desirable routes. Men were removed from localities where they were able to exert influence among their fellows, or assigned to stations far from their homes. This meant additional expense for carfare and meals as well as loss of time in travel. It was common also to punish Knights of Labor men by ordering them on their vacations on very short notice, often less than *Information from officials and employees of the New York Post Office who were active leaders of the Knights of Labor Letter Carriers. 66 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY |. twenty-four hours. Many active workers were compelled to take their leaves during the Christmas holiday period. The law at that time allowed the carriers fifteen days’ vaca- tion not exclusive of Sundays and holidays. By getting their leaves during the holiday period the men not only lost the time due them, but they also lost holiday gifts from patrons on their routes. In those days such gifts often totaled to considerable sums. THE KNIGHTS PUSH THE CARRIERS’ EIGHT-HOUR BILL Meanwhile the eight-hour question was being agitated as few industrial programs had ever been before or have been since. Meetings and demonstrations took place every- where and not infrequently these gatherings specifically endorsed the letter carriers’ bill. The year 1886 also saw an unprecedented number of eight-hour strikes in industry.?? These were part of a general eight-hour movement with which the Knights cooperated, but which was engineered primarily by the American Federation of Labor.™ But keeping a general labor demand in the limelight would not get a specific measure through Congress. So the Knights brought political pressure to bear and passed the word around that those who opposed the carriers’ bill would be punished at the polls. In June, 1886, a bill extending the provisions of the Act of 1868 to letter carriers passed the Senate, but it never came to a vote in the House.” In the Congressional election campaign in the fall of the same year the postmen, with the help of the labor order, did what they could to aid their supporters and defeat their opponents. When the new Congress met, “Sunset” Cox, who had been abroad on a diplomatic mission, was again on hand to take up the postmen’s cause in the House. Although the general eight-hour agitation had subsided somewhat by this time, the letter carriers were more active than ever. A great mass meeting in support of their mea- sure was held at Cooper Union, New York City, in 1888, under the auspices of the New York Assembly of the 10 Commons, work cited, Vol. II, pp. 375-86. For statistics and details as to these strikes see also Bradstreet’s, Vol. 13, May 1, 8, 15; June 12, 1886; pp, 247, on the Css of Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada, founded in 1881, changed its name to the American Federation of Labor in ie 2 For text of bill see Congressional Record (49th Cong., ist Sess.), p Since this bill contained no provision for overtime payment, it is doubtful Ps abel its passage would have helped conditions very much. THE RISE OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION 67 Knights of Labor. The meeting was preceded by union parades and torchlight processions after the fashion of the day and was attended by large delegations from labor organizations throughout the city. Cooper Union was crowded to its doors and several overflow meetings had to be organized outside. The General Master Workmen of the Knights, Terence V. Powderly, addressed the gather- ing. When he left the hall he signed a telegram to the Legislative Committee of the Knights to place the carriers’ bill ahead of all labor legislation pending in Congress. When the plans for the meeting became known, Post- master Pearson seized upon the occasion as a good oppor- tunity to learn the identity of the carriers’ leaders and active workers. Inspectors and supervisory officials were sent to Cooper Union to keep close watch on the activities of the postal employees. The men were on their guard, however, and kept themselves out of the limelight.1® Similar _ demonstrations took place at other cities, but wherever the carriers were organized they were obliged to keep them- selves well in the background to guard their locals against the disrupting efforts of the postal authorities. This agitation, as well as Cox’s efforts in Congress, soon began to show results. The bill, which now contained an overtime feature, was reported out, and in spite of the pro- tests of some members from the South and West, whose farmer constituents “knew no eight-hour law,” went on the statute books on May 24, 1888.14 THE FORMATION OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION For some time prior to the eight-hour law there had been a@ growing realization among the men of the need for some form of national organization. There was no connection between the forces in different cities aside from such con- tacts as their spokesmen or delegates established when they met at Washington. Even the Knights of Labor locals had no national connection other than the General Assembly of the Order. The result was often confusion and a good deal of working at cross purposes by men who were seeking the same ends. While the first eight-hour bill, which had previously % Information from persons closely connected with this episode. 1425 Stat., 157. 68 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY passed the Senate, was still pending in the House during the final session of the Forty-ninth Congress (December, 1886, to March, 1887), an organization called the “Letter Carriers’ National Association” sent several petitions ask- ing the passage of the measure. This organization’s strength seems to have been in Pennsylvania and Ohio. It was in no sense a “national” association. Its life was short and its very existence was not generally known among the car- riers. Its only activity seems to have been its efforts in support of the first eight-hour bill. The first real effort. toward. national.organization came- the year after the passage of the eight-hour.law- —when—the 9 letter carriers of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, issued_a_ call for a— gathering of carriers from all over the country. to. ‘meet at their city in August, 1889, at the time of the Annual En-~ campment of the Grand Army of the Republic. No official notice was taken of this call and no accredited carrier dele- gates were sent to Milwaukee. But when the Encampment convened, the Milwaukee carriers again set their movement on foot. This time they were more successful. A meeting was held at which letter carriers from several cities at- tended. Shortly after Victory’s election the Postal Record was sold to the Association and became its official organ. This paper was a decided asset to the organization. Vic- tory’s name was known to all the carriers of the country. He had been secretary of the committee of delegates whose efforts had secured the passage of the salary act of 18872° His paper already had some following and the weight of its influence along with Victory’s prestige went a long way toward strengthening the new Association. Following the Boston convention fifty-three cities re- ceived branch charters from the National Association.?? These included New York, Brooklyn, Chicago, Buffalo and the other cities which had previously established Local Assemblies of the Knights of Labor. Affiliation with the labor order had already proved so great an asset that these cities refused to surrender it for membership in a new move- ment no matter how full of promise it might seem to be. % In January, 1876, a little quarterly called The American Letter Carriers’ Maga- zine made its appearance. It was published at Cincinnati, Ohio, and was edited by a John H. Patterson. Its first issue demanded that postmen’s ‘salaries be raised to $1,200 a bagged The journal seems to have been short-lived. 18 See above, 62. Figures oi ‘Mr. John N. Parsons, former president of the National Associa- tion of Letter Carriers. In nearly all the cities where benefit societies had e these groups became the nucleus of the new National Association branch. 70 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY THE BREAK BETWEEN THE KNIGHTS AND THE ASSOCIATION Almost immediately the Knights organizations gained a control of the new branch associations. They became their inside governing bodies. The Knights’ officers automatically became the branch officers. This continued for about two years. During this time the Knights of Labor men, not satisfied with merely local affiliation, were bending their efforts towards bringing the entire National Association into the Order as a national trade assembly. This, however, met with a good deal of opposition from the unaffiliated cities and also from some of the national officers who had previ- ously been prominent in carrier local assemblies. This was especially true of Secretary Victory who was then perhaps the most influential figure in the Association. Those who opposed making the Association a national trade assembly of the Knights felt that the latter was by this time a rapidly disintegrating organization’® and that its failure had proved it an inefficient type of labor union. Besides, they felt that the tremendous power centralized in the hands of the Gen- eral Assembly would deprive the carriers’ association of necessary control over its affairs and special problems. It is interesting that the point of which so much has since been made, that the affiliation of public employees with “outside labor organizations” was wrong in principle, received com- paratively slight emphasis. The whole controversy, aside from its aspect as a factional fight within the Association, was merely one as to the expediency of the issue involved. In 1892 things came to a head in New York where the Knights had their principal strength. About half of the carriers there were in the Order.?® Dissatisfaction with the Knights’ domination of the local branch on the part of the “outs” grew into an open split. The contest was largely one- between the “outs”? and the “ins” for control of the branch. The dissatisfied group finally withdrew from the local organization and secured a charter as an independent local branch from the sympathetic national board of officers. When the National Association of Letter Carriers met in 18 See Commons, work -cited, pp. 482-95, especially pp. 482 and 494. 18 Estimate based on statements of Mr. John N. Parsons and Mr. Michael Fitzgerald, of the Finance Department, City of New York, former vice-president of National Association of Letter Carriers and Master Workman of New York Assembly of Knights of Labor. THE RISE OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION 71 convention that year (1892) at Indianapolis, two delega- tions appeared claiming the right to represent the letter carriers of New York, one group from the Knights of Labor organization, another from the newly chartered Empire City Branch. The contest was decided in favor of the new organization, and the Knights of Labor carriers were accord- ingly excluded from the convention.*° They went back to New York and appealed to the other Knights of Labor cities to join with them in opposition to the National Association and form a separate Knights of Labor National Trade Assembly of Letter Carriers. The existing carrier locals gave their support, but the movement was unable to muster the required ten cities and failed. Thus far the Association had not merely held its own, but was actually coming out on top. Outside of New York the Knights of Labor groups soon dissolved as the strength of the Order generally began to wane. In New York the force was divided into two rival organizations. A small group continued to maintain the Empire City Branch as the recognized New York local of the National Association. The majority remained in their Local Assembly of the Knights of Labor. For three years the split continued. Both the Knights of Labor and the National Association of Letter Carriers claimed the right to represent the carrier body. Each organization carried on its own agitation and propaganda. The National Association conducted its pub- licity through its official organ, the Postal Record; the Knights ran their own paper, The Postman. Each faction presented its own petitions and requests to Congress. The result was such confusion that Congress finally refused to consider any letter carrier measure until the dispute was settled. The National Association appointed a committee to meet the New York men. In the negotiations which followed the latter had the advantage, for the Association was plainly anxious for the undivided support of the largest carrier group in the country. Besides, the support of the Knights of Labor was a factor which the National Association could ill afford to ignore, much less antagonize, even though the strength of the Knights had declined greatly by this time. °See Postal Record, December, 1892, pp. 255-6; January, 1893, pp. 8-9; Feb- Tuary, 1893, pp. 34-5; article by John F. Victory: ‘‘New York Letter Carriers at Indianapolis.”’ 72 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY The committee, accordingly, withdrew the objections made three years before to membership in the labor order. The Empire City Branch was disbanded. A new charter was issued to New York and the Knights of Labor group came back into the National Association of Letter Carriers, and things were once again as they had been before the schism. Shortly before the break the National Association and the General Assembly of the Knights of Labor together circulated a petition to the President of the United States to place all post office clerks and carriers under the pro- visions of the Civil Service Law. Offices with less than fifty employees had not, up to that time, been brought under those provisions. Terence V. Powderly, General Master Workman of the Knights of Labor, presented the carriers’ petition. President Harrison issued his order complying with its request, in 1891. THE DEPARTMENT “INTERPRETS” THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW However it may seem, the organized carriers did not spend all their time in the year following scrapping among themselves. The Post Office Department did not let them. The eight-hour law, which had been won from Congress in spite of the Department’s opposition, was even less pleas- ing to the officials in its actuality than it had been in pros- pect. To enforce the new order and still maintain an efficient delivery system was undoubtedly difficult. It pre- sented the officials with a problem the like of which they had not been called upon to solve before, and, by their own confession, it caused them ‘much concern and annoy- ance’’;*+ so much, in fact, that for three months no attempt whatever was made to enforce the measure, while for almost five years its enforcement was but half-hearted and every effort was made to evade it.?? In August of 1888, less than three months after the pas- sage of the law, the Post Office Department inaugurated a policy of extension of the free city delivery service. In- creases of fifteen per cent were made in the carrier force.??- But this was insufficient, so the hours of the men employed were increased beyond the legal eight.2* The law provided 21 ‘‘Postal Salaries,’ p. 57. 22 Life of Samuel S, Coz, work cited, p. 191. 28 ‘Postal Salaries,’’ p. 57. 24 Same, THE RISE OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION 73 that “if any letter carrier is employed a greater number of hours a day than eight he shall be paid extra for the same in proportion to the salary now fixed by law.’*> The men protested the violation of the law and insisted that they were entitled to overtime payment for their extra duty. But, the Department held, eight hours a day meant fifty- six hours a week. If a man was not employed on Sunday, the fifty-six hours might be divided through the six working days and no man would receive overtime payments who worked less than fifty-six hours a week. Under this ruling, if a man worked nine hours a day for six days, he still owed the government two hours at the end of the week. THE “OVERTIME CASB”’ The men retorted that when the law said “hereafter eight hours shall constitute a day’s work for letter carriers,” it meant that each day was to be taken by itself and not “be bunched with half a dozen others.” In this connection the carriers were upheld by Representative Cox, the law’s prin- cipal sponsor in Congress. But the Assistant Attorney Gen- eral for the Post Office Department upheld the Department’s interpretation. The National Association of Letter Car- riers, unable to obtain redress through with the postal authorities, carried the fight into the courts. A test case was arranged and an action brought in the Court of Claims. A judgment was issued there upholding the men’s conten- tion, which was subsequently affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States.2° Following that decision Con- gress was compelled to adjust thousands of claims for overtime, which totaled approximately three and one-half million dollars.?? The National Association in 1891 set on foot a movement to establish a new carrier grade at $1,200 a year. Although the effort met with no success it helped the organization. The Association’s strength was also increased by its suc- cessful opposition to a proposal to separate the collection and delivery services and to pay collectors $600 a year. This low pay for work as hard, though not as exacting, as the delivery of mail was bound, it held, to reduce the effi- at Stat., 157. 26148 U. 8., 124 (1893), Pye) vs. United States. 37 “Postal Salaries,” p. 5 74 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY ciency of the service and endanger the higher scale of salaries already established. But the victory in the courts in the eight-hour or ‘“‘over- time case” did more than all else to enhance the prestige of the National Association. The split at New York was completely healed, as was evidenced by the election of prominent Knights to high office in the Association. John N. Parsons, national head, or General Master Workman of the Knights of Labor, was elected to the national presi- dency of the National Association of Letter Carriers, while Michael Fitzgerald, Master Workman of the New York Assembly of the Order, became a member of the carriers’ national board of officers. THE SPOTTER SYSTEM But the Association’s growth was accompanied by ob- stacles even more serious than the local schism at New York. It was obliged to withstand the efforts of individuals often holding or aspiring to places of prominence in the organization, who tried to direct its policy into channels which would be likely to bring them into the Department’s good graces or win them personal advancement. At the same time the authorities made similar efforts to control the Association’s policy by bestowing their official favors upon those who stood by them, while employees who showed too great a degree of independence ran the risk of discipline and even of dismissal.?® In the middle eighteen nineties the so-called “spotter sys- tem” was instituted in the city delivery service. “Spotters,” or sples, were stationed at various points along carrier routes to watch the postmen on their tours and to report all their violations and infringements of the regulations. None of these spotters were regular post office inspectors but men brought into the service from the outside. There were two reasons for this. First, it made it less likely that the carriers would recognize them; second, it furnished a large number of easy jobs to political henchmen. According to the authorities these spotters were employed to help the Department reorganize the city delivery service 28 Based on the statements of men prominent in association affairs at that time. The situation led to the adoption of a rule by the New York branch requiring officers of the association to pledge themselves to accept no promotions during their terms of office. THE RISE OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION 75 in the interest of efficiency and economy. The branch, it was said, was overmanned and carrier routes were too short. It was planned, therefore, to redistrict the cities, combining routes and reducing their number, while at the same time weeding out the less efficient members of the force. The spotters watched their men closely, reporting even their slightest and most inconsequential violations. In some cities as many as a fourth or even a third of the force were under charges, often for the most nominal and trivial trans- gressions, and were forced to fight for their retention in the service. There is a case on record of one of the most efficient men in the Cleveland post office reported for having walked through the concourse of an office building, coming out on the opposite street, when his directions called for his walking around the corner of the building. There were numerous instances of men who had completed their tours and returned to their stations ahead of the usual time, reported for loitering because spotters, not on the alert, happened to miss them and therefore took it for granted that they were wasting time. Usually the carrier was not told of any charge against him until months after the alleged transgression had been committeed. Then, without previous warning or intima- tion, he would be hailed before his superintendent and be asked to explain the violation of the rules committed months before. Of course, under such circumstances, employees were often unable to recall what they had done and there- fore could make no adequate defense. The Association came to the defense of its members under unjust charges and no small measure of its energies in those days was taken up with such work. In fact, a good many organization men felt at the time that the real purpose of the spotter system was to undermine the organization by discharging large numbers of its members from the service and by maneuvering it into a position hostile to the offi- cials, thus causing many cautions and fearsome employees to leave its ranks. The city hardest hit by this espionage was Philadelphia, where, it is said, almost half of the force were under charges at one time or another.?® These conditions provoked an animated discussion at the * Information from Mr. James C. Keller, of Washington, D. C., former president of the National Association of Letter Carriers. 76 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Association’s convention at Cleveland in 1894. A number of delegates, in the hope of currying favor with the Depart- ment, defended the system. This attitude provoked a dele- gate from Philadelphia to a hot speech in which he bitterly attacked the administration, the spotters and their carrier defenders, charging that the latter’s only purpose could be to win official favor. The next day this delegate was cited for removal before any account of his remarks had gotten into the papers or was published by the Association. There were but two ways in which the information on which they acted could have reached the authorities: either they had their agents on the floor of the convention, or some dele- gates, again seeking official favor, had informed them of the proceedings. THE BREATH OF SCANDAL The methods of politics during the early years of the Association’s history were not of the purest, and it is not altogether surprising that the Letter Carriers’ Association should not have escaped charges or intimations of miscon- duct. In 1899 the organization was working for the passage of a bill to reclassify the carriers and increase their pay. A special assessment of ten dollars per person was levied on the membership to create a fund of from $120,000 to $150,000 to be used by the legislative committee in behalf of the measure. This step of the national administration met with pro- tests from a majority of the local branches. The Los Angeles branch led the opposition. It issued an address to the locals declaring the huge fund which the levy would create would be “at the absolute call and disposal of the executive board, none of whom are under bonds for the safe custody and proper disposition of so large a fund.” The branch thought it “unwise and unsafe to invite extrava- gance, corruption and dishonesty” by placing so large a sum for which there could be “no legitimate and proper use” at. the “absolute disposal of an irresponsible board of officials.’”” The address then went on: “This branch has reason to believe that the proceeds of $10 per capita assessment are intended to be used corruptly and illegally in influencing Congressional THE RISE OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION 77 legislation in our favor. The address given here by the vice-president confirms us in this opinion. His address is an argument in favor of using any methods to effect our purpose, that bribery and corruption were uni- versal, and that the use of money liberally was abso- lutely essential to the securing of legislation in our behalf; that such men as” (there followed a list of prominent persons) ‘“‘were successful men, their prestige not affected by their peculiar methods of ‘doing polities.’ “We can readily believe that those born and brought up in an atmosphere of political rottenness and cor- ruption such as obtains in New York City and San Francisco, should take that view of it.’’%° At the same time an Associated Press dispatch reported that the Chicago carriers had “enthusiastically” voted to raise $200,000 as a fund to be used to procure legislation to ‘increase their salaries.” The fund, according to the dis- patch, was to be placed in the hands of the branch board of trustees who were to ‘“‘engineer the scheme.’’*! The action of the Los Angeles local brought the whole affair before the national convention at Scranton in Sep- tember, 1899. The matter was referred to the branches and a majority of them protested against the levy. Offers were made, especially after the failure of the Association’s legislative effort, to return the money which had been paid. In most places every dollar was returned to the members. Some branches, however, preferred not to take back their contributions, but to leave them in the hands of the national officers. In spite of charges and intimations there was no proved misconduct in connection with this episode. However, there are indications that not all of the Association’s dealings in its early years could stand the light of day. At the Scranton convention during the discussion of the legislative fund, while charges were being hurled back and forth, the chair- man of the legislative committee said: “If every man voted that I should disclose the names of the men who have assisted us in legislation, I would not do it for the whole convention. ‘The expense of the committee for the year % Congressional Record (57th Cong., Ist Sess.), p. 7015. *1 Same. 78 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY has been $4,650, and that is less than it has been for the last seven or eight years. . . . This slandering of national officers has got to stop. . . . I stand ready to face any branch in the country, the officials of the department, the Supreme Court or injunctions; but when you trust any work to me and the convention votes for it, I will carry it out under the direction of the officers; and if they say to carry it out in secret, all the men in this country cannot get me to say anything. . . .’’ Four thousand six hundred and fifty dollars are a good deal less than one hundred and fifty thousand, but never- theless the Association or its leaders obviously had some dealings which they did not care to lay bare. Yet, in spite of the authorities, in spite of those members who tried to use the organization for their own advance- ment, in spite, even, of the breath of scandal, the National Association of Letter Carriers remained intact. By 1900 its ranks included practically all those eligible to membership. 82 Congressional Record (57th Cong., Ist Sess.), p. 7014. CHAPTER VI THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE AGAINST DEPARTMENTAL DOMINATION Compared with the post office clerks, the organized move- ment among the city letter carriers has been rather smooth sailing. After settlement of its early difficulties the Na- tional Association of Letter Carriers grew into a strong and united organization, including practically all of the city postmen in the country. It has been able to hold together in spite of differences and serious controversies, while the ranks of the clerks have been split and their organizations torn by internal dissensions. THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CLERICAL AND CARRIER BRANCHES The causes_of this contrast_are_to_be_found—largely—in differing natures of the two services. Everything about. ‘the tity delivery service conduces to the unity-of-its-foree- “The men are all engaged in othe same kind of work. Usually they remain-on-their routes for years, though shifts may be effected through officially approved. sautual-exehanges. Practically the only favors of the service are assignments to lighter routes. On the whole, there is little opportunity for promotion to supervisory posts. Almost the only car- riers to have received such promotions have been a few men who had come into prominence as local branch officers of the Association. A man who enters the service as a Carrier generally remains a carrier. The post ace clerks, on the other hand, are engaged ina great % “of -occipations and the favors_of_their branch are 1 aa? hey are the force concerned with the complicated business of distributing the mail in the post offices. Though misleadingly designated “clerks,” only a small proportion of them do work which might. properly be called clerical. Their tasks vary from hard manual 79 3 80 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY labor, in which at least thirty-five per cent of the force is engaged, to that of highly trained distributors of mail, accountants and postal specialists of various kinds, with a good number of other occupations thrown in. There is work which is easy and work which is hard, assignments which are desirable and those which are not. There are the possibilities of special assignments at desirable windows and choice places in executive offices. When to all this is added the fact that promotions to the supervisory grades are made from the clerical body (the railway mail service gets its share too) the reasons for the differences, jealousies, rivalries and intrigues among these workers may be readily understood. While his organization has offered the carrier his only chance for-improved conditions, the clerk, in addi- tion to his organization, has always banked on possible political preference. The history of organization. among the clerks is.a_story of the growth of rival factions, one_ playing faster politics than the other, and then the forma- - tion of still other groups in protest against the whole busi- ness. ane FIRST UNITED EFFORTS OF THE CLERKS Several attempts were made, though without success, to bring the post office clerks of the country together at the time the carriers were agitating for a law fixing their basis of pay. The carriers, even without organization, it will be remembered, were able to bring their case to the public’s attention through daily contact with the patrons on their routes. But the clerks, who worked unseen in the post offices, had no such advantage. In 1882 J. Holt Greene, a clerk in the Louisville, Ken- tucky, post office, began a correspondence with offices throughout the country in an effort to induce the employees to elect delegates to a national convention of postal clerks to be held at Washington. The next year Greene succeeded in uniting the clerks of his own office at Louisville, Ky., and became the local association’s first president. He con- tinued his efforts for a national conference and finally succeeded in bringing together a group of representatives from several post offices at the national capital in De- cember, 1884. A bill classifying clerks, increasing and fix- 1 Above, p. 59. THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE 81 ing their pay, was drawn. It was introduced in the House of Representatives, referred to the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, and left there to die. Two years later, in 1886, another convention met. Its most important work was the naming of a legislative committee. This committee appeared before the House Post Office Com- mittee in behalf of a new classification bill drawn by the clerks and sponsored in the House by “Sunset”? Cox. But again the bill failed of passage. The agitation continued until Congress passed the classification law of March, 1889. Under that law the local postmaster, with the consent of the Postmaster General, fixed the salaries of clerks by grading them as to duty performed. The grades ran in even hundreds of dollars, all the way from $100 to $2,600.? The high pay went to supervisory officials many of whom were then called clerks. Those in what to-day would be considered the regular clerical grades got from $400 to $1,200. Promotions were brought about by Congress in- creasing the number of men in the higher grades. Then those in the lower classes would be advanced to the grades next higher. Most promotions occurred from the four or five to the six hundred dollar grade. The upper classifi- cations were usually reserved for favorites. This law left the clerks only a little less at the mercy of the postmaster than they had been under the old system. The act was unsatisfactory to employees and the Department alike, but in spite of the complaints of both it remained in force until 1907. Up to this time the conventions or conferences which had been meeting represented no strong or well-organized national body with a permanent executive or permanent local branches. The delegates who came together repre- sented a movement but a few degrees more formal than the carrier delegates who used to go to Washington before the National Association of Letter Carriers was established. Such local associations as had been formed at about this time were independent units having no formal connection with the national conferences. Many of these groups, call- ing themselves ‘clerks’ associations,’ were not permanent organizations at all, but groups of active workers who would club together and select some of their number to 2‘*Postal Salaries,’ p. 40. 82 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY look after their interests at Washington, before the local authorities, or, often, before the political machine. Dele- gates to the national gatherings were elected at local mass meetings of the clerks which adjourned as soon as their business was completed. These meetings and conferences seem to have attracted little notice on the part of the authorities so long as the movement remained informal, scattered and weak. In some places it even won their support and cooperation, as at Boston, for example, where the postmaster permitted the men to use the post office gallery as a meeting place. But it is possible, too, that the postmaster preferred a meeting in a place under his jurisdiction to one outside. POSTMASTER PEARSON TRIES TO WRECK THE NEW YORK CLERKS’ ASSOCIATION The local Clerks’ Association at Louisville seems to have become inactive after the national conferences got under way. At New York, where there had been great dissatis- faction among the men ever since the overtime order of Postmaster Thomas L. James in 1873, several attempts to form a permanent local organization came to naught. For this failure the antagonism of the authorities was in a large measure to blame. Yet in spite of their known atti- tude, a New York Post Office Clerks’ Association.was.estab- lished in August, 1888, Almost immediately official antag- onism grew into active opposition. The president of the Association was removed from the service, while the vice president, secretary, and treasurer were reduced and shortly afterwards removed also.* This was during the postmas- tership of the same H. G. Pearson who had tried and failed to dismiss one hundred and fifty Knights of Labor letter carriers. No effort, open or underhand, was spared to dis- rupt the new organization. Since overtime was the chief cause of complaint, the Association, naturally, pledged itself to work for an eight-hour law. Those interested in wreck- ing the organization worked among the clerks in the execu- tive offices and Money Order Department who did no over- time. A movement was set afoot among these employees for a salary increase. A difference arose within the Asso- 8 Information from an official of the New York Post Office who was one of the leaders of this organization. THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE 83 ciation as to whether the question of hours or salary should be given precedence. But the salary group was in too hopeless a minority to begin an independent movement at this time. THE HOUR VS. THE SALARY QUESTION Realizing that the success of their efforts depended upon the cooperation of other large post offices, the New York Association called upon the principal cities of the east for advice and help. Every office approached responded and a meeting was held at New York in November, 1889. Dele- gates attended from New York, Washington, Baltimore, Jersey City, Newark, Boston, Providence, New Haven, Brooklyn, Albany and Buffalo. Three measures were ad- vocated: an eight-hour law, a law granting a vacation of fifteen days, and amendment of the Classification Act just passed to provide for automatic promotions. A dif-' ference of opinion as to the order in which the several measures should be pushed showed at once. New York strongly favored the eight-hour and vacation laws, while Boston led the movement to emphasize the salary measure. This difference was more than just a matter of whim. New York received better pay than Boston or smaller’ cities, even though its pay was poor and promotions were scarce. But one and one-half to two hours a day or more of overtime was not a regular occurrence outside of the metropolis. This division, of course, strengthened the hands of the salary faction at New York. But the con- ference decided to attempt no solution of the difference until a gathering from all parts of the country could be assembled. It accordingly issued a call to all first-class post offices to send delegates to a convention at Washington early the next year (1890). THE FORMATION OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF POST OFFICE CLERKS The response was general. Delegates from all parts of the Union assembled, from San Francisco, California, and Galveston, Texas, as well as from the cities which had attended previous gatherings. Here in February, 1890, the National Association of Post Office Clerks of the United States was born. Locals were set up throughout the coun- 84 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY try. Eight-hour and fifteen-day vacation and classifica- tion bills were drawn and introduced in Congress. In October of the same year the fifteen-day vacation bill be- came law though the classification and eight-hour bills could not get out of the committee. Although an eight-hour bill was formally endorsed, the Association concentrated its attention on a classification measure. At its second convention, in 1891, a legislative committee was named to look after affairs at Washington. This committee was very active.t It gave testimony several times before the House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads. It lobbied vigorously and persistently. With every failure to get favorable action in Congress, its activi- ties increased. A great drive was made to get the classifi- cation bill through the short session of 1893. The House Post Office Committee reported favorably, but the Rules Committee would not name a time for its consideration. Delegations of clerks from various cities came to the Capitol to aid the legislative committee, but in spite of all the pres- sure the employees could exert, the Fifty-second Congress died without the clerks’ classification bill becoming law. » At this time an employee of the Washington, D. C., post office, Benjamin Parkhurst, was the national leader of the Association. Parkhurst had long been a resident of Washington, and through his membership in many orders, his social connections and large acquaintance he was able to exert a great influence, to obtain entrée and make con- tacts for the organization which might otherwise have been impossible. At first he served on the legislative committee. In 1892 he was chosen national president, a post to which he was re-elected year after year, almost automatically. So far as the national postal administration was con- cerned, there was no formal opposition to the clerks’ or- ganization in the early years of their National Association. While active at the Capitol, the organization showed little disposition to oppose the Department at Washington. On the contrary, it made every effort to work in complete harmony with it, to grow under its sheltering wing, its tutelage and guidance. During the Postmaster General- ship of Mr. John Wanamaker, the Association’s requests were always politely received. The Postmaster General 4 National Association of Post Office Clerks: Official Book, 1894, pp. 51-2. THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE 85 willingly met and cooperated with both the legislative and executive committees.® The Association’s stumbling-block, insofar as official opposition was concerned, were the authorities at New York. Postmaster H. G. Pearson and his subordinate officials used every means in their power to hamper the activities of the employees. Men serving on committees and planning to attend sessions during their free time would be assigned to extra duties to prevent their atten- dance. On several occasions employees bound for Wash- ington were met at the depot by messengers and ordered back to their stations. On one occasion such a messenger followed a New York clerk, a member of the national executive committee, all the way to Washington to deliver an order from Postmaster Pearson directing his immediate return to New York. The message was delivered while the man was awaiting an audience with Postmaster Gen- eral Wanamaker. Mr. Wanamaker seemed much annoyed when the message was shown him. He wired Postmaster Pearson requesting that the man be allowed to remain in Washington several days longer to carry out the purpose of his trip. THE ORDER OF 1895: THE DEPARTMENT RESTRICTS THE WORKERS’ ACTIVITIES But with the passing of Mr. Wanamaker there came a change in the Department’s attitude. The ever-increasing activities of the employees, both at the Capitol and the Department, began to get on the nerves of both Congress- men and officials. Finally, in 1895, the Postmaster Gen- eral, Wm. L. Wilson, issued the following order: “That hereafter no Postmaster, Post-office Clerk, ” Letter Carrier, Railway Postal Clerk, or other postal” , employee, shall visit Washington, whether on leave. with or without pay, for the purpose of influencing ~ legislation before Congress. “Any such employee of the Postal Service who vio- lates this order shall be liable to removal. “Postmasters and other employees of the Postal Ser- vice are paid by the Government for attending to the &¥rom persons active in organization affairs during Mr. Wanamaker’s adminis- tration, 86 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY respective duties assigned them, which do not include efforts to secure legislation. That duty is assigned to the representatives of the people elected for that pur- ose. . “Tf bills are introduced in either branch of Congress affecting the Postal Service, upon which any informa- tion or recommendation is desired, I am ready at all times to submit such as lies in my power and province.” This was the first attempt to limit the activities of federal employees in their own behalf by formal official regulation. The rule was never very effectively enforced and soon came to be ignored entirely. “THE HARNESS-MAKERS” At New York, which through these years was the key- stone of the postal system, Postmaster Pearson was suc- ceeded by Charles W. Dayton under whom employee or- ganization enjoyed a period of favor and cooperation. But the “new era” was short-lived. Toward the end of the Dayton régime hostility toward the Clerks’ Association was renewed. But this time, instead of trying to break the organization through outward opposition, the officials set about to gain control of it. A movement to admit officials to membership was begun by a group of favored employees close to the supervisory force. This was op- posed by the branch officers and a majority of the members. The supervisors outside endeavored to keep themselves posted as to the progress of their efforts by a system of espionage under which unofficial tale-bearers would attend meetings and report back to their chiefs. To protect them- selves against these encroachments the majority faction organized a Local Assembly of the Knights of Labor, which soon became the inside governing organ of the New York Association. Its meetings were secret. Its existence was not openly acknowledged. To its own members and to other Knights it was referred to always as the “Harness- makers.” Of course this assembly was exceedingly careful of the persons whom it admitted to its ranks. DISSATISFACTION IN THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION There was another influence, besides just self-protection, which led to the formation of the Knights of Labor local. THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE 87 The continued failure of the National Association to obtain legislation naturally caused discontent and led the clerks to look elsewhere for help. They turned to the Knights of Labor who seemed in large measure responsible for the legislative successes of their brother employees, the carriers. This failure of the National Association led also to a growing anti-Parkhurst sentiment in some of the large cities, especially New York, Chicago and Philadelphia. These three locals threw their strength behind Parkhurst’s opponent at the 1896 convention of the Association, but failed to elect him. The feeling spread that Parkhurst had developed a machine to keep himself in office. The workers began to grow suspicious of his close social rela- tion with high postal officials and to feel that he was using his connections for the benefit of himself and his friends. These suspicions increased when the faction outside of the Knights of Labor at New York carried their advocacy of admitting officials to membership to the point of with- drawing from the local (Branch No. 3) and applying to President Parkhurst for a charter as the recognized New York Branch. Parkhurst’s executive committee thereupon revoked the charter of the regular local (Branch No. 3) on the grounds that it had violated the constitution of the National Association,® and issued a charter to the seceding wing as Branch 187, to which officials were to be admitted as members. Branch 3 protested and sent a delegation to the national convention at Baltimore in 1897. But the convention upheld Parkhurst and seated the delegates of Branch 187. Anti-Parkhurst sentiment now became intense, San Fran- cisco and Pittsburgh joining the opposition of New York, Chicago and Philadelphia, It was charged that Park- hurst had packed the convention with his supporters by obtaining free transportation from the Post Office Depart- ment for those whom he wished to have seated as delegates. THE BREAK IN THE NATIONAL’S RANKS The crisis came after the convention, when an employee of the Brooklyn post office who had been chosen chairman of the legislative committee resigned his place in favor of ® Post Office Clerk (organ of the United National Association of Post Office at May, 1919, p. 4. Up to 1909 the title of this journal was the Postal erk. 88 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Parkhurst on the grounds that the Postmaster General’s order, forbidding employees to go to Washington to in- fluence legislation, made it impossible for him to serve effectively. It was charged that this employee had ac- cepted the post with the understanding that he would act as he had. It is doubtful, however, whether Parkhurst, with trouble enough on his hands already, would have risked the results which he might have guessed would have followed such action. At any rate, whether the charge was true or not, this employee’s action brought things to a head. The Chicago, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh and San Francisco locals withdrew from the National Association. A con- ference was held at Pittsburgh of representatives from old Branch No. 3 of New York and the other seceding cities except San Francisco which was unable to attend. The advisability of forming a national association which should exclude supervision was discussed. Question was raised, however, as to the possibility of such an organization pro- curing salary legislation. But doubt on this point was dispelled by word from the men in San Francisco that the Chairman of the House Post Office Committee, Representa- tive Eugene F. Loud, had assured a committee of their number that, if the clerks would bring him a classification measure applying to themselves alone to the exclusion of supervisors, he was prepared to give it consideration. THE UNITED ASSOCIATION OF POST OFFICE CLERKS The United Association of Post Office Clerks was then organized. Its constitution excluded supervisory officials. The Chicago Clerks’ Association, though sympathizing and cooperating closely with the United Association, preferred to maintain an independent status rather than formally affiliate with the new movement. Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, San Francisco and New York were the charter locals. In New York the Knights of Labor Assembly remained intact within the United branch. Meanwhile the officials at that office were sparing no effort to force the workers under them into the newly char- tered Branch No. 187 of the National Association. A scheme of procedure, emanating from postal headquarters, used the supervisory force as an organizing agency. A clerk would THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE ' 89 be called into the office of his superintendent and told that “the Postmaster and Mr. ————— (a high official) wished him to join the Association.” Under the circumstances it took a great deal of courage to refuse such a “request.” The men knew well that failure to comply meant discrimination against them and very often dismissal from the service. This, and the fact that a change in national administration was pending (1896-97), forced a majority of the clerks into line. Then, of course, the officials had no difficulty in com- pletely dominating the affairs of the Branch.’ THE “PROMOTION SYNDICATE” During the next few years there developed one of the worst scandals in the history of the postal service, the affair of the “promotion syndicate.” It involved high postal offi- cials and officers of the National Association of Post Office Clerks at Washington, D. C., New York City and surround- ing places, especially Jersey City and Bayonne, N. J. It centered principally about the Chief of the Division of Salaries and Allowances of the Post Office Department who was a close friend of Benjamin Parkhurst. During - this chief’s incumbency the National Association of Post Office Clerks established a “legislative fund.” An employee in the registry division of the New York post office, chair- man of the legislative committee and also a close friend of the division chief referred to, had supervision of this fund to which clerks were asked to contribute on the plea that the money was necessary to obtain salary legislation from Congress. The sum of over $19,150 was thus collected. In New Yerk it seen became generally understeed that pre- motions could be secured by joining the Association (Branch 187) and contributing to the “legislative fund.” The sum of twenty-five dollars was usually the amount expected for salary increases of $100 a year in the grades paying $600 a year and over. At Bayonne, New Jersey; Jersey City and neighboring post offices, clerks received promotions on payment of 214 per cent of their salaries or fixed sums of $95 or $35. Orders from the Chief of the Division of Salaries and Allowances lirecting the promised promotions followed invariably upon the payment of the required sums. TInformation based on documents and papers for the use of which the writer is indebted to a member of the Sixty-seventh Congress and to a former officer of the New York Post Office Clerks’ Association. 90 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY The money was handled through the chairman of the legis- lative committee.® THE UNITED VS. THE NATIONAL While the “promotion syndicate” was “getting down to business,” the new United Association was slowly making inroads on the National’s strength among the rank and file. At offices where both organizations had locals the rivalry between the two groups was bitter in the extreme. The United, especially at New York, had almost the whole offi- cial hierarchy arrayed against it. With brazen discrimina- tion practiced against its members on every hand, it took more than common courage to remain loyal to the new group. It is doubtful whether the New York branch could have been kept intact at all if it had not been for the sup- port of the Knights of Labor. The only legislation of this period of warfare (1897-99) was a law modifying the Act of 1889 by grouping the em- ployees in grades and making specific appropriations for each grade. While this effected some slight improvement in the condition of the men in the lower grades, it made little difference on the whole, since political influence was always necessary in order to be placed in the higher grades. The United Association, with all too many of the authori- ties arrayed against it already, tried to keep its activities strictly within the law. Not wishing to ignore the depart- mental order of 1895, though its opponents were doing so with impunity, it designated a lobbyist-counsel to look after its affairs at the Capital. The man it chose, though a former United States Senator, was not very efficient. His expenses were paid by money collected from the locals. The Chicago Association, though independent, sent regular con- tributions to the United for this purpose. The whole pro- cedure was a failure and led to much dissatisfaction and even to charges of graft, probably with little foundation. After about two years, that is by 1899, the rank and file of both organizations had become thoroughly tired of the quarreling. Pressure was brought to bear on local and national officers, especially in the National Association, to drop the fight and unite the two factions. Without a great 8 See Report ot Fourth Assistant Postmaster General J. L. Bristow on “The Investigation of Certain Divisions of the Post Office Department,’ 1903 (58th Cong., 2nd Sess., S. Doc. 151), pp. 129-132. THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE 91 deal of difficulty a plan of merger was agreed upon in the latter part of 1899. THE FORMATION OF THE UNAPOC The agreement was a thoroughgoing compromise. Neither group absorbed the other. An entirely new association was founded whose title, the United National Association of Post Office Clerks, preserved the names of both old groups. Supervisors above the grade of foreman were barred from active membership in the future, but all supervisory em- ployees, except postmasters, in the organized ranks at the time were permitted to continue their membership in the new body. But the formation of the Unapoc—the United National Association has always been known in the service by that nickname spelled by its initials—failed to heal the schism at the chief center of trouble, New York City. The United local became the new movement’s official branch at that office, but Branch 187 of the old National continued its existence as an independent association under official domi- nance. THE BRISTOW INVESTIGATION The “promotion syndicate” continued to ply its trade and to use Branch 187 for its purposes. But bit by bit the scandal began to leak out. An investigation in 1903 of widespread charges of corruption in the Post Office Depart- ment brought the whole affair to light. Removals, resig- nations and indictments in large number followed the report of this investigation,® which was made by Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow at President Roosevelt’s direc- tion. This put an end to the “promotion syndicate.” Branch 187 managed to go on a while longer until it was dissolved at the request of William R. Wilcox when he assumed office as postmaster at New York. The manner of its dissolution at the request of headquarters is in itself sufficient proof of the character of Branch 187 as an ‘“‘em- ployee organization.” THE STORM CENTER SHIFTS TO CHICAGO: THE KNIGHTS OF LABOR LOCAL Meanwhile the organization storm center had been shifting from New York to Chicago. The Clerks’ Asso- ®See Memorandum of the President to the Bristow Report (1903), pp. 5-10. 92° UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY ciation there, it will be remembered, was an independent unit,1° without formal connection with either of the two national. movements, though it cooperated with the United Association and sympathized with its stand. In 1898 a group within this association organized a Local Assembly of the Knights of Labor along the very same lines as the similar assembly at New York.” Hardly had the new unit perfected its organization before Postmaster Gordon of Chicago gave it an opportunity to test its strength. He issued an order to all the clerks under his jurisdiction requiring them to wear uniforms while on duty. The new liveries—two a year—were to be purchased by the men themselves. A protest immediately went up from the men, but when they looked to the president of the Clerks’ Association to lead them, they found him unwilling to take a stand. Under pressure he resigned his office and the Board of Directors of the Association chose Frank T. Rogers to take his place. Rogers was one of the leaders of the Knights of Labor Assembly and later head of the United National Association for many years. The new leader took up the fight with full vigor. The postal authorities responded with equal vigor and Rogers found himself dismissed from the service on some tech- nicality. He appealed to Washington for reinstatement. The Knights of Labor brought their influence to bear, and in a short time Rogers was restored to his job. Incidentally, Postmaster Gordon soon forgot all about clerks’ uniforms.*” 10 There were independent locals in a few other cities. U The following letter well illustrates the way in which this body worked within the regular Clerks’ Association: Office of Recording Secretary Order of Knights of Labor Local Assembly, No. 1928 Chicago, Jan. 10, 1901 Dear Sir and Bro.: You are notified that L. A. 1928, K. of L., in meeting assembled on Jan. 6, 1961,. endorsed the following named Brothers for nomination at the next meeting of the Chicago Post Office Clerks’ Association: (Here follows the list of candidates for the various offices.) You are instructed to attend meeting of The Association, Sunday, Jan. 13, 1901, at Great Northern Hotel, ‘Parlor L38,’’ at 3 p. m., and vote for the nomination of above candidates. You are further instructed to induce your friends to attend this meeting. Fraternally yours, DESTROY THIS NOTICE. (Signed) JoHN F. McCormick, Recording Secretary. 12 See Postal Review, 1916 (‘‘A Text and Reference Book for Postal Employees,’” published by the National Federation of Post Office Clerks). James Bruch, editor; article by Edw. B. Goltra, p. 12; also p. 21. THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE 93 About this time, too, the hour question was becoming as serious an issue at Chicago as it had long been at New York. Long periods of uncompensated overtime were be- coming a regular occurrence. Discontent among the men was great and at times it was difficult for the officials to maintain discipline. On one occasion when the supervisors were unwilling to let them go after a stretch of fourteen hours coming on top of a long period of overtime, seventy- five men in the mailing division rebelled, rang the ‘“Bundy”’ clock and quit work. And no others could be found to take their places.t* Nor was this the only such occurrence at that time. THE CHICAGO CLERKS FORM A UNION OF THE A. F. OF L. Even when the Chicago clerks’ local assembly was char- tered, the Knights of Labor was but a shadow of its former self. By 1900 it had long been apparent that the Order had yielded its predominant place in the American labor movement to the American Federation of Labor. Though interested in government employees from its very beginnings, especially insofar as the eight-hour day was concerned, it was in 1897 that the American Federation of Labor first showed signs of interest in organizing the em- ployees in the postal service. The convention of that year in endorsing a bill for the reclassification of clerks in first and second class post offices referred to postal workers as a class “subject to a cruel, cunning, systematic tyranny which prevents them from organizing like other employees’ be- cause the system of classification, “or lack of classification,” under which they were employed rendered them “subject _to every petty subordinate who holds a position higher than his co-workers.’’!+ The next year the Federation definitely invited postal employees into its ranks, saying: “In view of the efforts of the trade unionists of the country to protect the interests of pdést office employees we suggest they join the trade union movement and thus render a just return of service 18 Hearings: House Committee on Reform in the Civil Service (62nd Cong., ist Sess.). The Removal of Employees in the Classified Civil Service, April and May, 1911 i, January, 1912; p. 137. (Hereafter cited as “(House Hearings ak the Lloyd 14 American Federation of Labor: Proceedings (1897), pp. 80, 97. See description of postal working conditions in article by Sullivan, J. W.: “The Post Office System’; American Federationist, August, 1902, pp. 420-1. 94 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY to other wage workers.’?> Two years later, in 1900, the clerks of Chicago accepted the invitation and received a charter as Chicago Post Office Clerks’ Union No. 8703. THE UNION, THE ASSOCIATION AND THE A. F. OF L. This was one month after the new United National Asso- ciation had held its first convention at Atlantic City. The Chicago unionists, believing-it only a matter of a short time before the new national body would cast its lot with the Federation of Labor, remained members in good standing in the Association and sent three delegates and a committee of five to the 1901 convention to work for affiliation. The Federation itself sent its treasurer to address the gather- ing in its behalf. The convention decided to consult the branches, and, at any rate, to let the question of affiliation go over until the next year. The union advocates returned to their homes in a hopeful frame of mind, though they might have guessed that there was little trade union senti- ment outside of some of the larger offices and that govern- ment employees had not yet come to identify themselves with the working classes. When the convention of 1902 met at Kansas City the Chicago unionists were not only denied the privilege of the floor, but were not even seated as delegates. Needless to say, the convention opposed affiliation. Its grounds were that it might interfere with the civil service oath of office. But in taking this stand the delegates were by no means blind to the possibilities of labor’s aid. They sent a me- morial to the American Federation of Labor requesting its endorsement of eight-hour and reclassification bills in which they were interested, and in making their request gave the following explanation of the Association’s attitude towards the Federation: “That as members of the said Association they were all civil service employees of the government and had taken the specific obligation upon entering the service, binding them to take no step that would embarrass the gov- ernment in conducting its postal affairs and that, as organ- ized labor had in the past achieved many of its victories in the struggle for justice by means to which clerks cannot resort without violating their oaths, it would be impossible for that reason to become members of your honorable body.” 145 American Federation of Labor: Proceedings (1898), p. 128. THE POSTAL CLERKS’ STRUGGLE 95 However, “they desired to put themselves on record as being in hearty sympathy with your aims and objects and of being at all times willing to assist you in so far as it may be within their power in obtaining the ends you seek.’’® Having thus explained its stand, the Association went a step further. It made a request which, if it had been adopted, would, with a single stroke, have given the Unapoc the Federation’s recognition as the official clerks’ organiza- tion and would have stopped then and there, for the time being, at least, the spread of trade unionism among that class of postal workers. The petition pointed out that it was the Federation’s declared purpose to organize eligible trades or callings “when the said trade or calling is not organized.”** Since the postal clerks were already organ- ized in the United National Association, it was the duty of the American Federation of Labor to refuse to charter more clerks’ unions, to revoke the charters already granted and to refer the post office clerks to the United National Asso- ciation as being the proper organization with which to affiliate. The Federation, as might have been expected, endorsed the eight-hour and reclassification bills and re- jected the rest of the petition.?® The immediate result of the Unapoc convention was the withdrawal of all trade unionists from the Association’s ranks. It had become apparent that the two factions could no longer work together in harmony within a single body. The union movement was a definite challenge to what had been called the “cruel, cunning, systematic tyranny” of the postal authorities.1® It represented a definite break with the policy to which the Association still clung, of working always in such a way as to conciliate and never “embar- rass” the Department. 16 American Federation of Labor: Proceedings (1902), pp. 158-161. 17 American Federation of Labor: Constitution (1901), Article XIII, Sec. 2. 18 American Federation of Labor: Proceedings (1902), p. 230. 19 This “tyranny’”’ was given new impetus in 1898 when the Department adopted a policy of imposing fines for the infraction of rules. The system, not unnaturally, lent itself to a good deal of abuse on the part of the officials. In 1904 the Chicago Post Office Clerks’ Union challenged the Department’s authority in the matter through a test case in the Court of Claims. By 1906 complaints had become so widespread that the Jepartment discontinued the practice. Two years later the Court of Claims handed down its decision in the test case upholding the union’s contention that the Department had _ never had the legal alge to institute the fining system. This e known in the service as the ‘‘Fining Case.’’ Sherlock vs. United States, 43 Cl. R. 161 (1908). Cuapter VII THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” Ever since the unsatisfactory law of 1889 the clerks had been carrying on their agitation for a new classification act. For a dozen years they received practically no relief. By 1901 it had become clear that the low pay and unsatisfac- tory conditions were breaking down the service. In 1900 the American Federation of Labor used its influence to have the Department bring the clerks within the scope of the existing eight-hour law for federal employees. But their efforts were blocked by the Department’s ruling, which had stood since the similar attempt of the carriers years before, that the clerks were “neither workmen, laborers or me- chanics” and were, therefore, entitled to none of the law’s benefits.? UNSATISFACTORY WORKING CONDITIONS UNDERMINE THE SERVICE The First Assistant Postmaster General in his 1901 report showed that the average salary of post office clerks was but $818 a year as against $903 for carriers and $1,055 for rail- way mail clerks.2 The clerks’ average failed to tell the whole story, for it included the comparatively high pay of men in the upper grades, who were really supervisors. Thousands were receiving considerably less than the average $818 a year. It was becoming harder and harder to keep the service properly manned.? The clerks in New York, Chicago and other important offices were greatly over- worked. The mail was often seriously delayed. To avoid congestion, it had been found necessary to call in railway mail clerks to assist in the work of distribution during their lay-off periods—a thing hardly pleasing to the railway mail clerks. 1 American Federation of Labor: Proceedings (1900), p. 67 2 Report of Post Office Department (First Assistant), 1901, p. 92. 8 Same, p. 93. 96 THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 97 The opposition to reclassification and automatic promo- tions had come from two sources. The first was the “promo- tion syndicate” ring which would brook no such interference with its patronage—and business. But with this influence gone, there still remained the second obstacle, the legitimate, but no less determined, opposition of the Chairman of the House Post Office Committee, Mr. Eugene F. Loud of California. ROOSEVELT’S FIRST ‘‘GAG-ORDER’”’ There were bills before the Committee affecting both clerks and letter carriers. The two groups made heroic efforts to have the measures pass at the regular session of 1901-2. From the opening of Congress the men’s represen- tatives were at hand. Members of both chambers, and especially the House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads and its Chairman, were given no peace. The Presi- dent himself, who had endorsed reclassification while he was Governor of New York and a candidate for Vice President, was deluged with telegrams, letters and petitions. At length, whether at Chairman Loud’s advice or as capping the climax of his annoyance, or whether he really felt that the workers’ activities were illegitimate, Roosevelt issued his famous executive order of January 31, 1902—the first of the now famous “gag-orders”’: “All officers and employees of the United States of every description, serving in or under any of the Execu- tive Departments, and whether so serving in or out of Washington, are hereby forbidden, either directly or indirectly, individually or through associations, to solicit an increase of pay or to influence or attempt to influence in their own interest any other legislation whatever, either before Congress or its Committees, or in any way save through the heads of the Departments in or under which they serve, on penalty of dismissal from the Government service. THEODORE ROOSEVELT.” The White House, January 31, 1902. Despite its sweeping and stringent character the order was looked upon more as a warning than anything else. 98 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Nearly every one believed that it would soon be dropped or forgotten as was the departmental order of 1895. The employees obeyed and went back home with hardly a mur- mur. The only official notice taken of the order at the time of its issue by an authorized employee representative was by President James C. Keller of the National Association of Letter Carriers, and the notice he took was not public. THE CARRIERS’ MEMORANDUM REGARDING THE “GAG” Keller, unlike the other employee officers, stayed in Wash- ington and obtained an audience with President Roosevelt through the intercession of a United States Senator. He presented a memorandum in the name of the Carriers’ Asso- ciation stating its position on the order. The Association, he said, was willing to present its grievances through the Department, but if the Department in its turn declined to present the carriers’ case to Congress as that case was pre- sented to it—especially the plea for reclassification and increased pay—then the men, through their Association, would find other ways of making themselves heard even to the extent of exercising their constitutional right of direct petition.* According to Mr. Keller, President Roosevelt read the memorandum and then wrote across its title page: “To the Postmaster General: This has my unqualified approval. An admirable document.” And then the President sent the paper on to the head of the Post Office Department. The Letter Carriers’ Association, however, never did at- tempt to exercise the right of direct petition to Congress during the operation of the “gag-rule.”” When the Depart- ment failed to make an adequate presentation of their case, the postmen always managed to find a Congressional sponsor for their measures. It was impossible, of course, to prevent Association representatives from approaching their Congressional friends personally. This action was indeed a violation of the executive order, but such viola- tions were general and could hardly be prevented. The complaint against the “gag-rule” was not that it could not be circumvented, but that it was a weapon in the hands of the authorities which they could invoke at any time against individuals or organizations which they did not favor. 4From Mr. James C. Keller, of Washington, D. C. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” = 99 THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST CHAIRMAN LOUD The Roosevelt edict ended the open legislative activities of the clerks’ and carriers’ organizations, while Chairman Loud’s uncompromising stand against reclassification ended hope of legislative action during the current Congress. Loud contended that the letter carriers were already overpaid under the existing law. He was absolutely opposed to the principle of automatic promotions and held that any act containing such a feature was but a disguised ‘compulsory promotion” law.® During the final session of the Fifty-seventh Congress, after the reclassification bill was definitely “killed,” Loud summarized his opposition toward the measure, saying that he thought the Post Office Committee should be congratu- lated by the House for having “steadily stood against the so-called ‘reclassification’ bills which are but compulsory promotion bills,” and that he hoped Congress would “never remove the bar.’ So consistent was Loud in his opposition that he even advocated the repeal of the existing carriers’ classification law. There seemed to be little hope for the employees’ bill as long as Loud remained Chairman of the House Post Office Committee. During 1902 a committee of postal employees called at the office of a powerful newspaper editor at New York to enlist his aid in their behalf. This journalist also had newspaper interests in San Francisco, Loud’s city. He told the workers what they already knew, that Loud was the man to contend with and that there was little hope of success so long as he remained a power in Congress. The Republican postal workers of the representative’s district made a great effort to defeat him at his party pri- maries, but failed. Then, with the help of organized labor and of the powerful newspaper interest mentioned, the em- ployees secured the Democratic endorsement to the can- didacy of a friendly trade unionist and with him defeated Loud in the Congressional election of 1902. This is one of the few cases on record of federal employees combining politically to punish a legislative opponent. So far as the postal men were concerned, this campaign was carried on under cover. It was not openly and frankly 5 Congressional Record (57th Cong., Ist Sess.), pp. 7010-15. ® Same (2nd Sess.), p. 1705. 100 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY an employee affair, nor was it an affair of their organiza- tions, as such. Yet the workers, especially the carriers, have not hesitated to acknowledge their part and to claim credit for the result. Charges and criticisms coming from many quarters fol- lowed the election and led the United States Civil Service Commission to conduct an investigation into the employees’ activities. Though a number of workers were called before the investigators on charges of “pernicious political activ- ity” and of violation of the Roosevelt “gag-order,” no removals were recommended. The Commission reported that the workers had unquestionably overstepped the limits of the regulations, but that it was impossible to find the ringleaders.? Besides, they said that, while the great ma- jority of carriers had opposed Loud, he also had had some active supporters among postal workers of all classes, espe- cially the higher officials. Many of the employees who had supported him had hoped thereby to obtain personal prefer- ence. Because it felt that the activity in Loud’s favor was as blameworthy as that in opposition to him, the Commis- sion recommended no disciplinary action other than a warning. The campaign, according to the investigator, was “a labor union fight from start to finish with the Democrats endors- ing and supporting the labor candidates.’”* The fact that little attempt seems to have been made to connect this aspect of the campaign with the postal workers’ activities and that, in spite of its investigation, it was impossible to connect a trip of the carriers’ national president to San Francisco in September, 1902, with the postmen’s opposi- tion to the Congressman,°® makes it look as though the Civil Service Commission was not very anxious to press the charges against the employees. “THE REIGN OF CZAR BRISTOW IV” OVER THE CITY CARRIERS Congressman Loud’s defeat might have been sweet re- venge, but it made no difference whatever so far as the expedition of salary legislation was concerned. The atti- tude of the House Post Office Committee continued much the same as before, while the “gag-order” restricted the 7 Twentieth Report, U. 8S. Civil Service Commission, 1903, pp. 133-5. 8 Twentieth Report, U. 8. Civil Service Commission, 1903, p. 133. ® Same. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 101 activity of the employees’ representatives. Nor was the “vac” their only obstacle. In 1903 the city free delivery service was transferred from the jurisdiction of the First Assistant Postmaster Gen- eral to the Fourth Assistant, where it remained until 1905 when it was transferred back to where it had been before. The Fourth Assistant at this time was Joseph L. Bristow of Kansas. Bristow was also in charge of the rural free delivery service and the Department’s secret service, the corps of inspectors. It was about this time that informa- tion concerning shocking irregularities in the postal estab- lishment, including the doings of the “promotion syndicate,” began to leak out, and Bristow was directed to make a “thorough and exhaustive” investigation of the charges in question..° The role of inquisitor general, together with the fact that the largest body of men in the service, the city and rural carriers, came under his direction, gave Bristow a dominating position in the Department. It made him the real head of the postal establishment and he ruled it with an iron hand. He refused to recognize the workers’ right to organize or petition. It was his belief that the government could not bargain with its servants and that it was the Department’s function to control working conditions, under the law, with- out the interference or advice of the employees. He refused to deal with the representatives of the carrier bodies under his jurisdiction, telling them that he “did not need, did not want and would not have” their cooperation. When the Association officers persisted in their efforts to carry on their activities, he made determined efforts to crush their organizations. So far as the city carriers were concerned, the Depart- ment’s fight was directed principally against President James C. Keller of the National Association. Keller’s activities as an organization leader had brought him into disfavor with the administration shortly before Bristow’s rise to power, and ever since then he had been persona non grata at the Department. The first attempt to interfere with Keller’s freedom to attend to his organization duties came some months after the Loud campaign. Prior to this time Association officers 1° See above, pp. 90-1, 102 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY had had no difficulty in obtaining leaves of absence from postmasters to attend to organization business. But upon Keller’s return from his much criticized preelection trip to California, Fourth Assistant Bristow issued a special order to the postmaster at Cleveland which prevented Keller from receiving any leave whatever without the Department’s consent."? However, this prohibition seems to have operated for but a short time. At any rate, Keller was away from his route on leave almost continuously for about fifteen months fol- lowing September, 1903. Throughout this time, although he knew he was in official disfavor, Keller received no inti- mation that the authorities objected to his absence until he received a visit from an inspector one morning early in December, 1904. Acting on the inspector’s instruction, Keller called at Fourth Assistant Bristow’s office on the fol- lowing day. He was ordered to report for duty in Cleve- land at 6:30 the next morning. This was physically impos- sible since there was no train which could have brought him to Cleveland on time and Keller told this to Bristow. It made no difference. He was cited for removal on the charge of absence without leave and a few days later was dismissed from the service. Even before his reply to the Depart- ment’s charges was received his removal notice was on its way to the Cleveland postmaster. if the carriers had been able to present a united front to the hostile Department, the years immediately following the Loud incident might not have been so barren of achieve- ment. This lack of unity became apparent when President Keller called a meeting of his national executive board to meet the public criticism of the Association’s alleged part in the California campaign. A number of members of the board, instead of coming straight to Cleveland to discuss the organization’s attitude towards its critics and the Depart- ment, first went to Washington where they consulted the pleasure of certain officials.12 This division in the ranks between those who wished the Association to cater to the authorities and those who wished it to take an independent stand, whether the officials liked it or not, was apparent throughout Keller’s last administration. 11 Postal Record, October, 1905, p. 241. 12 Postal Record, October, 1903, p. 223. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 103 So cautious was the National Association and so anxious was it not to offend, that the members of the executive board actually tried to restrain the national president in his efforts to present the carriers’ cause. They tried to make him their figurehead and to prevent his doing any- thing which might offend the postal authorities. Every effort was made to suppress the fact that the administration was fighting the Association bitterly. Aside from a few stray references which crept in, the columns of the official organ, the Postal Record, contained nothing which would indicate that the organization was meeting with great oppo- sition at the Department. THE R. F. D. NEWS AND THE FORMATION OF THE RURAL CARRIERS’ ORGANIZATION Very different, on the other hand, was the attitude of Bristow’s other charges, the rural carriers. It was only in 1902 that the rural free delivery service passed out of its experimental stage and came to be looked upon as a regular and permanent part of the postal establishment. Shortly after this the rural carriers set out to form state associa- tions and it was not long before such organizations existed in Iowa, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, and Delaware, and were in the process of formation in sev- eral other states. In January, 1903, a magazine known as the Rk. F. D. News, a privately owned paper “devoted to the interests of rural free delivery carriers of the United States,” made its appearance. The city carriers’ association had been urged to admit rural postmen to its ranks at its national convention of 1900, but no action was taken because the rurals were not under civil service rules. Nevertheless, numbers of country postmen continued to apply for admission to the city body, and when a few years later the rurals were brought under the merit system, the city carriers seemed anxious to have them join with them. But by this time the R. F. D. News had come actively to sponsor a separate rural carrier asso- ciation and hope of merging the two groups vanished.** The News offered its columns to the men and promised to assist a national association in every way. In Sep- cal F. D. News, January, 1903, pp. 4, 13. Also Postal Record, October, 1902, p. ; 104 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY tember, 1903, at its call, a national convention of rural car- riers was held at Chicago and the present National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association was brought into being. The Association adopted the R. F. D. News as its official organ. WHY IT HAS BEEN HARD TO ORGANIZE THE RURAL POSTMEN The Rural Letter Carriers’ Association has never been as inclusive or as closely knit an organization as some other postal bodies. Its membership at its high-water mark in 1914 included somewhat more than half of the total number of rural carriers in the land. The national body is a sort of federation of state associations which, in turn, are subdivided into county units. The rural carriers are not an easily organizable force. They are scattered widely throughout the country districts and do not often come in contact with one another except at a few points, such as, for example, Dayton, Ohio, when a large number of rural routes radiate from an urban center. Organization, therefore, has not seemed as logical an expedient to them as to the city postal clerks and carriers and railway mail clerks, who are always being thrown into contact with large numbers of their fellows. Besides, thousands of rural car- riers share their neighbors’ prejudices against labor organ- izations or anything resembling them. THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF RURAL CARRIERS On the other hand, rural postmen have always come into closest contact with the patrons on their routes. They actu- ally know personally the families they serve. As indi- viduals they are thus capable of exerting a political in- fluence over a wide area which no other class of federal employees even approximates. It has been said that a rural carrier can make or break a Congressman. Whether this be true or not, they are undoubtedly in a position to exercise a degree of political influence which no politician would readily challenge or ignore. The successes of the rural letter carriers have been due in no small measure to this fact. Even with an organization not of the strong- est they have nevertheless been able to muster powerful support “back home” for the measures they have asked. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 105 WORKING CONDITIONS IN THE RURAL SERVICE In many ways these employees have been better off than the other classes of postal workers. Even though obliged to spend a large part of their salaries in the interest of the service—that is, for the maintenance of their equip- ment—the amount which remained could often go as far in country districts as the pay of postal workers obliged to live in cities. Their work, too, is lighter than that in the other branches. Their tours of duty on standard routes! average six or six and a half hours a day.t® Of course, during the winter months their work is unenviable in the cold sections of the country and frequently takes all day. Often the weather is so bad that it is impossible to com- plete or even begin a tour. Until recently, in such cir- cumstances, the Department was in the habit of docking the day’s pay. But in the warmer sections of the country where there is seldom or never snow, and over the whole country for the major part of the year, rural carriers are usually able to complete their work in the forenoon and are then free to do what work they wish and to supplement their incomes as they choose with but few official restric- tions..* They can, too, and often do attend to private business transactions while actually engaged in carrying the mail. When the National Association was formed, rural carriers on standard routes received a salary of $600 a year, out of which they were obliged to maintain their rigs, horses and equipment. The National Association immediately upon its formation launched a campaign for an annual expense allowance of $200 to supplement the $600 salary. The R. F. D. News gave the proposition its fullest support. THE RELATION OF THE ASSOCIATION TO THE R. F. D. NEWS Although the Association had made this paper its “official organ” at its first convention, it did not acquire its owner- ship or assume control of its editorial policy. The editor and owner, Mr. H. H. Windsor, was not in the service and was therefore able to urge the rural carriers’ cause with 14 Twenty- four miles for horse-drawn vehicles and 50 miles for motor vehicles. 16 “‘Postal Salaries,’ p. 93. 18 They are not permitted to engage in any occupation in which their position as rural earriers would give them an unfair advantage over their competitors. This restriction is not easily enforced. A good many rural carriers, it is said, engage in the sale of insurance, although this is a prohibited occupation. 106 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY a greater degree of freedom and independence than many other spokesmen of the employees. This arrangement had its unquestionable advantages, especially with the “gag- rule” in operation, but it also had its serious drawbacks which have since come to be more and more apparent to the rank and file of the carriers. It placed the organiza- tion largely at the mercy of the editor, an outsider, who, through his control of its organ of publicity, could shape Association policy, control its councils and in no small measure forestall any opposition which might arise against himself. But in 1903 no one bothered about these disad- vantages. The great asset of an untrammelled and in- dependent organ outweighed the possible drawbacks of the arrangement. When it became clear, as it soon did, that an expense allowance could not be obtained, the News and the Asso- ciation advocated a salary increase. The low pay and the bad condition of the roads which wore heavily on the horses and equipment were making the service very unattractive. During 1904 about 2,500 carriers, or 19 per cent of the total force, resigned their places.17 Nevertheless the Asso- ciation’s activities for increased pay met with Fourth As- sistant Bristow’s strong opposition. It was not so much the increased pay to which he objected, for the First Assistant that year had urged a maximum salary of $750 on twenty-five mile routes,* but rather to the carriers’ activities. “CZAR” BRISTOW’S HOSTILITY TO THE ORGANIZATION In April, 1904, a delegation of Association officers came to see Mr. Bristow at Washington. They received a very hostile and, as some of them said, a very “insulting” recep- tion. In spite of this rebuff the organization officers con- tinued their activities in Washington. At the same time the postmen back home were endeavoring to arouse the folks on their routes in their behalf by circulating petitions for higher pay. This angered Mr. Bristow and finally resulted in his issuing an order forbidding rural carriers “to sign, circulate or institute” petitions on their routes.?® Bristow’s hostility to the carriers’ organization came to uR,. F. D. News, January, 1905, p. 1, and ‘‘Postal Salaries,”’ p. 90. 18 ‘Postal Salaries,’’ p. 90. FR. F. D. News, February, 1905, p. 1. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 107 a head in December, 1904, when National President Cun- ningham and some other officers were removed from the service for their activities in connection with the salary increase campaign. ‘The formal grounds for Cunningham’s dismissal were violation of the “‘gag-order” and “absence without leave.” This dismissal came at the same time as that of President Keller of the city carriers and the formal grounds for the action were practically the same in both cases. Cunningham had been away from his route for a long time in connection with his organization work, his place being taken by a substitute. When he found his work handicapped by Bristow’s hostility as well as by restrictive regulations, he filed his resignation with the Department, but the authorities refused to accept it, prefer- ring to dismiss him.?° THE CLERKS’ CONVENTION AT CEDAR RAPIDS While the two carrier groups were having their troubles with Mr. Bristow, the clerks were continuing their efforts for a reclassification law. But their efforts only met with ill success at session after session of Congress. This con- tinued failure caused a lot of dissatisfaction in the ranks of the United National Association and resulted in a con- siderable body of opinion averse to the reelection of the old administration. When the sixth annual convention of the Association met at Cedar Rapids, Iowa, in September, 1905, this dissatis- faction was increased by active electioneering efforts on the part of the national officers to carry a state in which they were interested. On the third day of the session the convention was thrown into a turmoil by a motion, ap- parently supported by the chair, to reverse the order of business and proceed to the election of officers.2+_ It looked much like an attempt to force through the administration slate before the delegates had had a chance to pass on the stewardship of the outgoing officers. Charges of all sorts were leveled against the motives of those supporting the motion—charges ranging all the way from steam roller tactics and dirty politics to aspersions on the honesty of 2 Same, January, 1905, 1 ff. a1 Proceedings Sixth Lanta Convention U. N. A. P. O. C. (verbatim report), 1905, pp. 10-13. 108 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY those concerned. Nevertheless, the motion carried. Im- mediately there followed another fight over the question of whether the elections were to be by ballot or by viva voce vote. The minority insisted on a vote by ballot, but the chair ruled otherwise and was sustained. The official group carried the elections as it had planned, but the minority was not through yet. The following after- | noon it reopened the entire controversy by bringing in a resolution of protest against the whole procedure. Then came the break which since the day before had seemed inevitable. The resolution was tabled.?* The delegates of fifty-five branches withdrew from the convention, held a session, perfected an organization and announced the for- mation of an independent association. The new movement lasted but a short time, for immedi- ately following the adjournment of the Unapoc gathering, the national officers got to work and succeeded in bringing nearly all of the bolting locals back into the fold. A great many of the individual members, however, refused to come back. The seceding group published a verbatim report of the proceedings on the convention floor taken from the minutes of the official stenographer. The summary appear- ing in the Postal Clerk,?* official organ of the United Na- tional Association, did not tell the whole story. An account of the split appeared in the Cedar Rapids Republican for September 8, 1905. It has been said that the successful faction of the convention bought this entire edition of the Republican to prevent the facts from becoming known.”* THE NATIONAL FEDERATION OF POST OFFICE CLERKS Shortly following the Cedar Rapids gathering, groups of clerks in San Francisco, Milwaukee and Louisville, having lost faith in the Association, organized local unions in affiliation with the American Federation of Labor. At the same time an organizing committee of the Chicago union was negotiating with several cities with a view to forming a national union of postal clerks. The dissatisfaction which came to the fore at Cedar Rapids made this com- mittee’s task a little easier than it would otherwise have been. In August, 1906, the National Federation of Post 22 Same 13, 22-25. 23 Same, 28. Pol er 1905, p. 18 ff. 25 Postal Seeotne (1916), pe 22. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 109 Office Clerks with seven locals and one thousand members was formed and was shortly afterwards formally chartered as a national union of the American Federation of Labor.*¢ A good many Cedar Rapids bolters joined the union move- ment, but that movement and the bolt were not identical. In fact the Chicago organizers say they tried their best not to poach upon the preserves of the organized clerks, but rather to bring those outside of the Association into their ranks.?7 Even at this time there were some who still thought there was a possibility of swinging the Association into the labor movement, but these hopes were soon dis- pelled.2® The character of the Federation then changed from a movement of protest to a direct challenge to con- servative association. THE DEPARTMENT'S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE NEW UNION The formation of the Federation attracted wide attention. Newspapers and magazines throughout the country com- mented upon it, and the comment was on the whole most favorable. ‘The Postmaster General, Mr. Cortelyou, issued a statement to the press, saying: “Employees can form all the unions they desire, there is nothing in the civil service regulations to prevent them, but it is understood that the Department will insist on loyal service from each employee as an in- dividual and without any thought of his affiliation with any organization.””® At the same time Mr. Frank H. Hitchcock, then the First Assistant Postmaster General, issued the following state- ment: “There is no postal regulation which prohibits the employees of the Department from joining organiza- tions of this kind (unions), but there is an Executive 26 The charter locals were Chicago, San Francisco, Milwaukee, Louisville, Salt Lake City, Nashville, and Muscogee. 27 Postal Review (1916), p. 12. Statement by Edw. B. Goltra, chairman of organizing committee. 28 Late in the summer ef 19@6, Secretary McGee of the U. N. A. P. @. C. wrete to Secretary Morrison of the American Federation of Labor, saying that his organ- ization would consider affiliation at its coming convention at Savannah, Ga., in September. The convention rejected the proposition and passed a resolution of protest over the insurance of a charter to the National Federation of Post Office Clerks. See Postal Clerk, October, 1906, pp. 79-80. 29 Congressional Record (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10733. 110 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Order, issued January 31, 1902, which directs that employees of the Government shall neither directly or indirectly, through associations, make any attempt to have their rate of compensation increased.’’*° In his report for the previous year (1905), when the question had been brought. to the fore by Mr. Bristow’s attitude, Postmaster General Cortelyou dwelt at some length on employee organizations and set forth the Depart- ment’s position regarding them as follows:* “Organizations having for their objects social en- joyment, mutual aid or improvement, or the better- ment of the service, may be unobjectionable or even desirable, provided they are not so conducted as to lead to waste of time and energy needed for perform- ance of official duties.” A few months before Mr. Cortelyou had told a conven- tion of second and third class postmasters:* “Organizations within the Department in order to receive its sanction in any degree, must have for their object improvements in the service or be of a purely fraternal or beneficial character. With any other pur- pose in view they are detrimental to the service, their members and the public .. . ‘““. . It must be clearly understood that the officials of the Department and not the officials or members of any organization, are the proper persons to present the Department’s needs to Congress.” This was but a definitive statement of the Department’s traditional position which the attitude of its officers, the order of 1895,°* and the Roosevelt ‘‘gag-order” had already served to make clear. The Department had no objection to employee associations, unions or any other type as long as they did nothing in particular or nothing to which the heads of the service objected. The statements which greeted the formation of the national union merely reemphasized that po8ition. 30 Same. 81 Report of the Oe General, 1905, p. 12. 32 Same, pp. 12-1 38 Above, pp. 85-6. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 111 THE MEANING OF THE FEDERATION MOVEMENT Still, the very fact that special notice was taken showed that the administration looked upon the Federation as a movement different from other postal organizations, and that they saw in it a challenge to the conciliatory tactics of the older associations. The formation of the Federation was a declaration of independence of departmental tutelage. It was equivalent to the service of notice that one group of postal workers, at least, preferred to seek improved con- ditions through the help of their fellow wage-earners in industry, rather than to wait upon the good will of the executive authorities, or to depend entirely upon the plea- sure of legislative friends. Experience had taught these civil servants that Congress legislates only under pressure and that department heads were not any too likely to bring adequate pressure to bear to push remedial employee legislation through to passage. Administrative officers are as a rule more interested in making records, usually for economy, than in looking out for their employees’ welfare. Workers who depend solely on the Department’s good will for relief are likely to find themselves rewarded with limitless good will but with little relief. So, in 1905, when the organizations were working for reclassification and increased salaries, the Postmaster General met their requests with: “While the present con- dition of government finance precludes me from making an immediate recommendation for increases in rates of compensation . . . I consider it only just to say that . . . L am convinced that in many cases the salaries of post office clerks and letter carriers, city and rural, are inadequate.”** The federationists realized that they could expect little improvement unless they were willing to bestir themselves to get it. The “gag-rule” made it impossible for the older organizations to do very much in the way of such necessary bestirring. As the national president explained in a statement of the union’s policy and purpose,*® the organization was “in no sense antagonistic to the heads of departments or estab- lished rules,” but, “if we cannot appeal to Congress in our % Report of the Postmaster General, 1905, p. 45. % Edw. B. Goltra in Postal Review, 1916, p. 23. 112 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY own behalf, we must do so indirectly, and this we expect to do through the Legislative Committee of the American Federation of Labor and the various central bodies through- out the country.” In other words, the thing that made the new move necessary was the gag order which had not been as completely forgotten as the employees had thought in 1902. | The formation of the Federation had a profound effect on the whole future history of the organized movement among public employees. It definitely lined up the official labor movement with the government worker, and it stood as an example and invitation to other public employees to line themselves up with labor. So far as the authorities were concerned, it gradually changed their hostility toward all employee organizations to a particular hostility against organizations with labor affiliations. It is interesting to note that at the time of affiliation almost nothing was said of the possibility of a strike in the government service, partly perhaps because it was taken for granted, and partly because it was thought out of question. The Federation’s constitution was silent on the subject. BEGINNINGS OF “ANTI-GAG” AGITATION The union movement was to an extent the culmination of a growing feeling against the Roosevelt order. But even before the formation of the union the American Federation of Labor had demanded the restoration of civil rights to federal workers. At its convention in 1905 it resolved that public employees maintain all their rights of citizenship and that they would receive the aid and support of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor in the fullest exercise of their right to organize for political and economic purposes.*® A protest against the gag-rule was included in “Labor’s Bill of Grievances” which the Federation’s council, led by Mr. Gompers, presented to the President and Congress in March, 1906.*7 As long as the gag stood, the memorial declared, “the constitutional right of citizens to petition must be sur- rendered by the government employee in order to retain his employment.” The Federation of Labor tried to make 8 American Federation of Labor: Proceedings, 1905, p. 115. 37 Same, 1906, p. 77. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 1138 the Roosevelt order an issue in the Congressional campaign of 1906, but without much success. During the first four years of its standing the “gag” order was not always enforced with uniform vigor. In fact, it was often violated or ignored with impunity, sometimes for long periods. But each stretch of laxity was followed by a period of rigorous enforcement, usually accompanied by suspensions and removals, which always added to the dis- - content of the workers. THE REVISED “‘GAG-ORDER”’ In January, 1906, President Roosevelt emphatically called attention to the order by re-issuing it strengthened and amended, so as to be sure to include every one in its scope. In its revised form the order read: “All officers and employees of the United States of every description, serving in or under any of the Executive Departments or independent Government establishments, and whether so serving in or out of Washington, are hereby forbidden, either directly or indirectly, individually or through associations, to solicit an increase of pay or to influence or attempt to influence in their own interest any other legislation whatever, either before Congress or its Committees, or in any way save through the heads of the Departments or independent Government establishments, in or under which they serve, on penalty of dismissal from the Government service. The White House, January 25, 1906. “'THEODORE ROOSEVELT.” Less than two months prior to this revised “gag-order” President Roosevelt changed the Civil Service Rules so as to permit the President or the head of a department to remove employees without notice.** Previously the regula- tions governing removals had not only required “reasons given in writing,” but also that the reasons be stated. with “sufficient definiteness” to enable the employee concerned to make “‘proper answer.’’®® 88 Twenty-third Report, U. S. Civil Service Commission, 1906, p. 75. *° Twenty-first Report, U. 8. Civil Service Commission, 1904, pp. 69-70. 114 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY HITCHCOCK, THE CARRIERS AND THE RECLASSIFICATION oF 1907 By the end of 1906 unfavorable conditions and inadequate — pay began to tell seriously on the service. Labor turnover, especially in the clerical branch, was exceedingly heavy. During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1906, twelve per cent of the clerks resigned. The first quarter of the next period, ending September 30, 1906, showed that the number of clerks’ resignations totaled to 18 per cent, while the figures for the next month, October, totaled to 20.8 per cent.*° In Chicago there were 550 resignations in six months.** Civil service secretaries and examiners from all parts of the country wrote to Washington saying that it was impossible to get men to take clerks’ examinations be- cause there was no real salary classification and no promise of promotion. Clerks entered the service at that time at $50 a month and it was as necessary to have political influ- ence to obtain promotion as it had been before the Civil Service Law.*? The situation was so serious that First Assistant Post- master General Hitchcock drafted a reclassification bill and presented it to Congress when it met in December, 1906. This bill applied to clerks and city carriers alike. It pro- vided six grades: $600, $800, $900, $1,000, $1,100, and $1,200, with annual automatic promotions up to the $900 gerade at second and $1,000 grade at first class offices. According to the statement of Oscar F. Nelson, president of the Clerks’ Federation, to the Civil Service Committee of the House of Representatives, Mr. Hitchcock, after having drawn this bill, sent for the president of the Clerks’ Association and said: “It is not going to be what the boys want, but it is the best that we can do for them, and I want you to see that the clerks of the country are satisfied with the classification recommended by the Department.’ This bill did less for the carriers than for the clerks, since the classification under which the former were then working provided for automatic promotions up to the $1,000 grade. Their fight for years had been for such promotions up to a $1,200 grade. When a Department refused to include this Postal Review (1916), me nite Hearings on Leva ell (1911-12), p. 137. am #8 House Hearings on Lloyd Bill (1911-12), p. 138. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 115 recommendation, President James Holland of the National Association came to Washington to induce Congress to amend the bill as the carriers desired. This was a viola- tion of the “gag-order,”’ and when First Assistant Hitchcock heard of Holland’s activity he immediately ordered him to return to his post of duty. But Holland was loath to leave the interests of the carriers without a spokesman at the Capital. At his request some Congressmen went to Hitch- cock and asked that he be allowed to remain in Washing- ton. The First Assistant then sent for Holland and told him that he would allow him to remain in town on the one condition that he would not be a candidate for reelection to the national presidency of the Carriers’ Association. Holland agreed and was allowed to remain in the city to work for his organization’s amendment. The reclassification bill which became law on March 2, 1907, and became effective the first of July following, was the Hitchcock measure so amended as to provide for auto- matic promotions up to the $1,000 grade at second and to the $1,100 grade at first class offices. The highest grades ($1,100 and $1,200, respectively) were rewards for meritori- ous service.** The clerks and carriers were exceedingly grateful to Hitchcock for the part he played in securing the passage of the law, and both the Unapoc and the Carriers’ Associa- tion asked him to attend their conventions that year. The carriers met at Canton, Ohio. When the First Assistant arrived at the gathering and found the delegates unanimous in their endorsement of President Holland, he immediately ordered Holland’s suspension from the service. The delegates gave Mr. Hitchcock a rousing reception when he entered the convention hall. It is said when he mounted the platform to address the gathering that he openly snubbed President Holiand.*® In the course of his address he made the following significant remarks regard- ing the Association: “T know what a tremendous influence it can wield for the betterment of the service, provided its activities are directed along proper lines, and I want to impress 4424 Stat., 1206. & Hearings cited, p. 138. 116 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY you gentlemen, you members of the Association, with the importance of having your organization so con- ducted that it will meet with the hearty approval and support of the Department. The Department is your best friend and I believe you are beginning to realize it. The Department is at all times working for your welfare. We officers of the Department and your own special leaders are striving for the same object, and we ought to be working together in perfect harmony and accord.’’#6 Then Mr. Hitchcock went on to speak of the national secretary who “represented the Association so ably and so acceptably,” in terms of heartiest approval and warmest praise. Of President Holland he said never a word. Every one saw at once that Mr. Hitchcock’s speech was intended as a rebuke to the national president and that his lavish praise of Secretary Cantwell, even though he was and still is one of the most tactful and one of the ablest of employee leaders, was intended not so much as a compli- ment to him as an expression of disapproval of President Holland. At the close of the session the delegates, of course, wanted to know the reason for the First Assistant’s unfriendliness. Holland then recalled his promise not to be a candidate for reelection. The delegates held a caucus and, although they had been overwhelmingly in favor of the president’s reten- tion in office, they decided that, under the circumstances, it was best for him to withdraw. They felt that it was absolutely necessary for the Association to have the good will of the Department, for with the Roosevelt order in force and without outside help to fall back upon they could set nothing without it. The Department thus succeeded in crushing all show of independence on the part of the letter carriers’ organization. It had the Association where it wanted it. The next few years saw the growth of unprecedented unrest among postal workers centering primarily about the gag-order. But in this “anti-gag” agitation the Letter Carriers’ Association took little or no part. It dwelt rather on the necessity of harmonious relations with the authori- 46 Postal Record, October, 1907, p. 240. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE “GAG-RULE” 117 ties, and accepted the executive order as a regular rule of civil employment. On several occasions carrier otticers declared that they were trying in every way to carry on their work within its terms and not a word was said as to the advisability of its repeal. Cuapter VIII THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT Discontent among the employees affected every branch of the postal service during the years 1908 to 1912. The unrest was most acute in the railway mail service, the most important branch of the postal system and often referred to as the “back-bone of the postal establishment.” This service is concerned with the carriage of the mail from point to point on the railroads and with its distribution en route or in terminals. About ninety per cent, by weight, of the entire mails of the country pass through the hands of this branch. THE WORK OF RAILWAY POSTAL CLERKS Its employees are the most highly trained in postal service. They do most of their work on the trains under enormous pressure and high nervous tension. A railway postal clerk starting on his route, which usually covers a number of states, has a batch of mail assigned to him for “distribution” or sorting. He is required to know all of the post offices in the area of his distribution as well as the railway lines to which mail for those offices shall be thrown. The number of offices run anywhere from 2,000 to 10,000. There are few crafts or trades which require quite as much of their members. The Department insists that these clerks keep themselves at a point of highest efficiency. It keeps tab on them through frequent tests on which a minimum grade of 971% per cent is required. And the average railway mail clerk actually attains a grade above 99 per cent.? The Department has at all times kept closest watch on the organization activities of these workers. It has always attempted to keep their organizations well in hand and to crush any movement which did not meet with its approval. 1 Post Office Department Reports (Postmaster General), 1921, p. 58. 2See Roper, Daniel C.: The United States Post Office (1917), p. 1338. 118 THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 119 The first concerted movement among these employees was as early as 1886. It was of political color and it met with severe displeasure. On March 4, 1885, a Democratic Congress and administration came into power after a term of Republican ascendency. Rumors immediately started that wholesale dismissals for political reasons would shortly be made, and that the railway mail service, because of the fact that its employees received a little better pay than the rest of the Post Office Department, would be especially hard hit. Two thousand Republican railway postal clerks, the rumors ran, were slated to lose their places. Unrest became so great that the Postmaster General, Wm. F. Vilas, was moved to issue a special notice on tenure of office, March 31, 1885, which ran: “Railway postal clerks who have become efficient and valuable men, against whom no just complaint of neglect, inattention, or want of fidelity, honesty, or inefficiency can be brought and who have not turned their attentions to political labors during their service, need have no fear of being disturbed so long as they continue to render meritorious and faithful service.’* But to any one who knew the government service, espe- cially at that time, the “special notice” meant little. It was clear that it would not be hard for the administration a keep within its letter and still make all the changes it chose. As a matter of fact, numbers of removals actually took place. A number of Republican clerks, in order to protect themselves in their positions, banded together in an organ- ization known as the Brotherhood of Railway Mail Postal Clerks. As soon as this action came to the attention of the Post Office Department, it dismissed about forty of the organizers in a single day, and before the organization was finally crushed, more than eighty of its leading members were separated from the service.t Much may be said in justification of the Department. Partisan political move- ments within the civil service are unwise, even though their purpose be to counteract official attacks on the merit sys- tem. If this Brotherhood had been an organization of all % See White, James E.: A Life Span and Reminiscences of Railway Mail Service, pp. 27-28. « House Hearings on Lloyd Bill (1911-12), p. 60. 120 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY clerks to protect themselves in their positions against par- tisan removals, there could have been no objection to it, but as an organization of clerks of a given party it was another matter. THE R. M. S. CLERKS ORGANIZE Until a comparatively few years ago service in the rail- way mail branch required, in addition to all that has been mentioned, the risks that go with work in a hazardous occu- pation. In the six years from 1887 to 1892 there were 1,610 railway mail casualties, forty-one of which were deaths.® The risks of the service were so great that it was impossible for the clerks to obtain insurance at rates within their reach. There had been a society, the United States Raii- way Mail Service Mutual Benefit Association, in the service since 1874, but it was only a death benefit association and failed to meet all the insurance needs of the men. In 1891 the R. M. S. Bugle,® a magazine “devoted to the interests of railway postal clerks and the Railway Mail Service,” published a call for a national convention of rail- way mail employees. As a result of this gathering at Cin- cinnati, Ohio, in July, 1891, a National Association of Railway Postal Clerks was formed “for the purpose of per- mitting a closer social relationship, and to better enable them [the clerks] to perfect any movement that may be for their benefit as a class, or for the benefit of the Railway Mail Service.’ For the first few years the Association was largely social in character. In 1897 it established its insurance depart- ment to meet what was perhaps the most urgent need of the clerks. From then on the organization devoted most of its energies to building up and strengthening this phase of its work, and it soon became one of the most successful of mutual benefit societies. Its activities as a labor organiza- tion were few and not very persistent or energetic. How- ever, within two months after its formation, the national officers went to Washington to cooperate with the adminis- tration in securing the passage of an act reclassifying the service. But for years no legislation resulted. 5 Cushing, Marshall: The Story of the American Post Office (1893), p. 88. 6 Under the name of The Railway Mail this paper continued to exist down to 1918. 7 Preamble to first constitution of Nationa] Association of Railway Postal Clerks. THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 121 In 1904 the organization met at Boston and changed its name to the Railway Mail Association. It was noticed there that the number of serious service casualties was in- creasing at an alarming rate.§ This led to the launching of a campaign for steel railway post office cars. The organ- ization was most cautious and conservative in urging its program. It was primarily a mutual benefit association. Its efforts for the improvement of service and working con- ditions were made always in closest conjunction with the postal authorities. Nothing was ever undertaken of which they disapproved, or which would be likely to offend them. THE INSURGENT MOVEMENT OF 1905-1907 By 1905 a great deal of dissatisfaction had developed, especially in the West, with these conciliatory and con- servative tactics. That year, John A. Kidwell, who had been the national president of the Association since 1902, gave voice to this sentiment in his address to the national convention at Cincinnati. He criticized the policies of the Department and urged that the Railway Mail Association adopt a more positive and aggressive attitude in dealing with the authorities.° President Kidwell tried to carry his policy into effect but the administration disapproved of his tactics. The organization fell from official grace. The con- cessions and favors which the authorities had hitherto been willing to grant now ceased to be forthcoming.?® Kidwell became persona non grata at the Department. Finally his hands were tied by an order of the General Superintendent of the railway mail service which made it impossible for officers of the Association to visit Washington on organiza- tion work or business without first obtaining permission from the Department. At the same time the Roosevelt “gag” cuaranteed the administration’s control of the situa- tion by enabling it to prevent appeals to Congress. The next year the Association held its convention at Chicago. But dissatisfaction with Association policy was by no means ended. A group of Los Angeles clerks, who stood even farther to 8 Table of Railway Mail Service Casualties, 1875-1905, inclusive; ‘‘Postal Salaries,” 79 Py Railway Post Office, October, 1905, pp. 9-11. fae 10 See letter of former President J. T. Canfield of the Railway Mail Association to Urban A. Walter in the Harpoon, September, 1909, p. 29. 122 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY the left than the Kidwell faction, organized a new associa- tion, which they called the Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks, with locals in their city and in San Francisco. But before the group had really got under way, the Department dismissed its leader, a clerk named Schaug, and put an end to the whole movement.!: This was in 1907. But progressive agitation did not cease even then. When the Railway Mail Association met in convention a few months later at Fort Worth, Texas, Carl C. Van Dyke, a clerk from Minnesota, charged that the organization was lax in attempting to protect the rights and welfare of the members for fear that it would incur the displeasure of the Department. Van Dyke’s efforts to free the Associa- tion from the Department domination were carried on before the resolutions committee, and no echo of them reached the convention floor. This was, however, merely the begin- ning of Van Dyke’s agitation for a more militant organiza- tion policy. Events moved quickly in the years following these epi- sodes. Service conditions, both in the post offices and on the trains, were steadily going from bad to worse, while the “gag” effectively prevented the employees from making their grievances known. | THE BUNDY RECORDER In December of 1908 the Seattle local of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks, risking departmental dis- pleasure and perhaps severe punishment, carried resolutions of sharp protest against the Roosevelt order through the city central labor body. Two months later the local started the publication of a little paper, the Post Office Bundy Recorder, carrying the motto: “For Freedom and for Equal Laws.” This little journal devoted most of its space to propaganda for the removal of the restrictions on the civil and political rights of civil servants. It ran a column called “He Criticized the Administration” which usually quoted verbatim from the Civil Service Commission’s reports on removals for ‘political activity” and interjected between every few paragraphs “He Criticized the Administration! Think of it! He Criticized the Administration!” A “free 11 House Hearings on the Lloyd Bill, p. 60, THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 123 speech edition” was issued in August, 1909, which contained an able discussion attempting to show the illegality of the “ac” and other civil service regulations tending to limit the political freedom of federal employees. The circula- tion of the Bundy Recorder was but 400 or 500 and was confined almost entirely to post office clerks in the State of Washington. But it was not long before some folks out- side of the clerical body began to show an ever-increasing interest in it. They read it thoroughly and noted its con- tents with care. As a result of their interest, H. M. Wells, the editor, received the following note: “You are hereby allowed three days to show cause why you should not be removed from the Postal Service for insubordination, disrespect to your superior officers, and for inciting, or intending to incite, discontent and disorganization among your fellow employees; this by means of articles written by you and published under your name in the Post Office Bundy Recorder, pub- lished at Seattle, Washington.” This note was signed by one C. L. Wayland, Post Office Inspector. Not long afterwards Wells was removed from the service, and the Post Office Bundy Recorder ceased to be. One of the items in that paper to which the inspector took exception appeared in the July, 1909, issue: “Every railway postal clerk whose eyes fall on this page is urged to subscribe for the Harpoon, a little magazine just started in Phoenix, Arizona, by Urban A. Walter, an ex-clerk. We shall have more to say about this magazine later. It is good.” URBAN A. WALTER AND THE HARPOON The Urban A. Walter referred to had contracted tuber- culosis after having worked for several years in the rail- way mail service and had been obliged to give up work and go to Phoenix, Arizona. For eight months the Depart- ment had granted him a succession of thirty days’ leave without pay. At the end of that period, in June, 1909, Walter sent this letter to the Postmaster General: 124 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Phoenix, Arizona, May 29, 1909. “Mr, F. H. Hitchcock, | “Postmaster General, Washington, D. C. “Please find inclosed, under registered mail, an ad- vance copy of the first issue of the Harpoon. Permit me to say that it will be well worth your while to care- fully peruse this issue: I wish especially that you would study the cartoon, and also read the opposite page, entitled ‘Silenced.’ Don’t neglect to read the article in regard to ‘Tank and Can’ and, if there be any libel in any of the articles contained in this first issue, I trust that you will not neglect to take the matter up at once. “Very truly yours, “URBAN A. WALTER, “Editor, Harpoon.” The receipt of this note was acknowledged in the form of an official order informing Walter that his resigna- tion, which had never been formally tendered, had been accepted.” The Harpoon, which seemed to meet with so little official favor, was a little pamphlet about six inches by eight. Diagonally across its outer cover was the design of a harpoon under which appeared the legend, “A Magazine that Hurts,” while on its inner title page there read almost like a “scare head”: Strike? NO!—Publicity? YES!* Its announced purpose was to “kill the gag” and to expose unrelentingly all that the gag kept hidden in the shape of official abuses and deplorable conditions under which the men worked. Bitter, scathing, unsparing and sensational in method the paper always was, but it was also, and above all, always intelligent. It shook the bureaucracy out of its comfortable rut, it goaded on the all too “diplomatic” and respectful leaders of the Railway Mail Association, and gave strength and encouragement to the progressive move- 12 Hearings: House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads. Post Office Appropriation Bill for 1913; January, 1912, pp. 519, 540. 18 Throughout its career, 1909-1917, the Harpoon appeared in several different rmake-ups ; first as a little pamphlet, next in the form of a newspaper, then as a magazine about 8 by 12 inches with a cartoon cover or striking cover comments, and finally as a staid and dignified trade union journal. THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 125 ment within its ranks, and finally, both directly and through the general press, it roused the public and Congress to a realization of service conditions. In its third month it re- ceived more than one thousand favorable newspaper notices. By the time the anti-gag campaign reached its height, the paper had 12,000 regular subscribers in the railway mail service and about the same number outside of that service, especially among newspapers and agencies which could help to give publicity to its cause. The Harpoon made its appearance at a time when dis- content in the entire postal service was rapidly becoming acute and at a time when the minds of the officials were much disturbed by the general postal strike which had just taken place in France. Many papers and prominent citi- zens began to assert that the right of civil servants to organize was a danger to the state and to urge that the right be limited or curtailed. A number of organization officers who were in Washing- ton in disregard of the executive order were suddenly ordered home under charges. This action was taken on complaint of the Chairman of the House Post Office Com- mittee, Representative Overstreet, who, it is said, charged the employees with having made political threats against him. CONDITIONS IN THE CHICAGO POST OFFICE 1909-10 Shortly after this Oscar F. Nelson, president of the Chi- cago Post Office Clerks’ Union, introduced resolutions in the Chicago Federation of Labor protesting against the long hours which postal clerks were obliged to work, because the Department, in its efforts to economize, would appoint no additional clerks in spite of the fact that the law authorized the appointment of 2,000.14 Copies of these resolutions were forwarded to the Postmaster General and the First Assistant. This step was taken only after repeatedly unsuc- cessful attempts to secure additional help. Throughout the months of July, August and September, 1909, the clerks of the mailing and city divisions, the sections of the Chicago office employing the majority of the clerical force, were working on a ten-hour schedule. Most of the men concerned were employed at night. The strain began to tell on their 144 House Hearings on the Lloyd Bill (1911-12), p. 118. 126 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY health. The postmaster was appealed to for relief. But in spite of his sympathy and assurances no action could be obtained.?® But it was not only the length of service, but the con- ditions under which they worked, which was causing great unrest at Chicago. Sanitary conditions were disgraceful. In October Nelson smuggled four sanitarians, members of the Illinois State Commission on Occupational Diseases, into the post office at ten o’clock one night and took them on a tour of inspection. They found the situation exceed- ingly bad and so reported to the postal authorities. Months passed and nothing was done. The superintendent of the Chicago Tuberculosis Institute, a member of the Commis- sion, said that there was not a concern in Chicago where such conditions existed and that, in his opinion, no private employer could permit such conditions in his establishment and escape prosecution.#® And this was true of both the main office and branch stations. Finally, after eight months of official inaction, the situa- tion got into the papers.’7 And a shocking account it was. In the six months prior to the publication of the story, a period in which facts and reports of the unofficial inves- tigators had been known to the authorities, four members of the Chicago Post Office Clerks’ Union had died of tuber- culosis contracted in the course of their employment, while four more were ill from the same cause. The doctor who investigated the ventilating system declared that it could not have been worse, while methods of dusting fell far short of the necessary requirements. Mail bags drawn over rail- way station platforms in all parts of the country, gathering disease germs, were never disinfected or cleaned. Yet they were handled by hundreds of clerks. The dust from them fell in a thick coating all over the distributing cases at which the men worked. The same drinking cup was used by hundreds of persons. No attempt was made to furnish the employees with an ample towel supply. The city mail- ing division was furnished with wooden boxes filled with sawdust for cuspidors, and no attempt was made to keep them clean. The head of the Tuberculosis Institute said that he had no hesitancy in tracing the many cases of con- 15 Hearing cited, pp. 123-4 16 Hearing cited, 127. 17 Chicago Record- Herald, May 23 and 24, 1910; Chicago eee) May 9, 1910. THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 127 sumption brought to his attention directly to the conditions under which the men were forced to work. Just a month after accounts of these conditions got into the daily papers, Oscar F. Nelson was directed by the post office inspectors to show cause why he should not be re- moved from the service for violations of the “gag” order. Three charges were made against him: (1) that he sought indirectly through the Legislative Committee of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor to influence legislation for post office clerks; (2) that he introduced the overtime protest in the Chicago Federation of Labor; (8) that he furnished information to the press so that articles appeared in the daily papers reflecting on the administration of the post office at Chicago.1* Some weeks later Nelson was removed. How the Department, under the circumstances, could have acted with less tact and wisdom it is difficult to imagine, even though Nelson were, in spite of his denials, guilty of every charge preferred. But the policy of these feverish days seems to have been to “get the agitator” at all costs no matter how severe was the grievance of the force. The members of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks took the first opportunity that offered itself to express their temper by electing Nelson to their national presidency. THE INTOLERABLE SITUATION IN THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE Even worse than the situation in the Chicago post office were the conditions in the railway mail service. The state of affairs on some lines was no less than disgraceful. It is safe to say that almost any group of private employees would have struck long before their conditions of work had reached such a pass. Yet this intolerable situation had been a fact for some time past and had about reached its height in the summer of 1909 when Urban A. Walter first began to publish the Harpoon and “‘to let the calcium go” on those abuses which the “gag” orders kept the clerks from reveal- ing to Congress and the public. The complaint of the workers was no less serious than that they were obliged to risk their health and lives in mail cars which were unsani- tary and unsafe. Nearly all of the post office cars in the service in the 18 Hearings cited, pp. 117-119. 128 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY summer of 1909 were of wooden construction and there were as many as 3860 full railway post office cars ten years old and over which had never been rebuilt.1® The mail car was nearly always placed in the most dangerous part of the train, between the locomotive and the baggage car which was often of steel. Most of the wooden mail cars were many years old. Those in general use west of the Missis- Sippi were usually ten years old or more.2° Other railroad equipment, especially on the great trunk lines, was of more recent construction, and every year saw coaches, Pullmans and engines grow larger and heavier. Postal cars which, no doubt, were strong enough at the time they were built were becoming less and less fit for service under more modern railroad conditions. The result was the report of wreck after wreck telling the same story of the wooden mail car being crushed like a strawberry box between the heavy engine and the heavy line of cars. When the clerks suggested that wooden mail cars run in steel trains be placed at the end of the train, the railroads informed them that this could not be done beeause it would block the view from the observation plat- form. A more than usual number of bad wrecks occurred during the fiscal year beginning in July, 1909. A greater number of railway mail employees were killed than ever before. The casualties of the year numbered 742, of whom 617 were slightly injured, while 98 were seriously injured and 27 were killed.?4 On some lines some of the old cars were in such bad con- dition that it was shameful to require men to go out in them. In July, 1907, a clerk, James A. Whalen, narrowly escaped death by having the pouch “catcher” give way in the rotten door frame of his car. He reported the case to the authorities and sent along with his report a sample of the rotten wood picked from the car wall with his ‘fingers. Three years later, in June, 1910, this same man sent the authorities similar samples also taken with his fingers from the same car and another in which he had done service. 19 Hearings: House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, December, 1910, 290. 20 House Hearings on Lloyd Bill (1911-12), 175. 21 Hearings: House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, December, 1910, p. 311. p. \ THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 129 The first car had been on the line ever since the accident three years before except for one or two brief intervals when it was sent to the shop to be repainted.”* Similar cases of cars in dilapidated condition were re- ported officially, time and time again, with little result. One instance reported was that of a car on a run out of St. Paul, Minnesota, which had been on the line for years with a roof so loose that not only did rain and cinders come through it freely, but with the car in motion it would sway back and forth so that it often looked as though it were about to fall. And there were also reports of cars with wall seams so torn that with the jolting of the train they would spread widely enough for the clerks to catch glimpses of sky through the opening cracks. In addition to its dangers this condition of the cars made it more difficult for the men to work and interfered in good measure with their efficiency. Poor lighting made things even worse for the men obliged to work at night. On many of the runs about which this complaint was made, the entire train, with the exception of the mail cars, was electrically lighted. But postal clerks were obliged to do their work by the light of old-fashioned oil lamps often in poor repair and furnished in insufficient number. To these grievances were added serious complaints in various parts of the country as to the sanitary conditions of the cars. Often they were not swept or cleaned for long periods. Toilets, not enclosed in closets but situated in the open car, were equipped with neither flushing nor disin- fecting devices. Drinking-water coolers, in many instances situated above the open, and all too often filthy, hoppers, were left uncleaned for trip after trip. The ice and water, instead of being kept separate as the sanitary codes of many states required of railroads in their jurisdiction, were thrown into the tank together. If the ice had been clean this would not have been so bad, but as a rule the ice used was taken from lakes, large sloughs or ponds. When the lump melted the weeds and grass and dirt which had been frozen into it would be left as settlings in the water. In the summer of 1909 the condition of the drinking- water coolers was brought to attention in a most sensa- tional manner. A clerk in Texas sent the Harpoon a bottle = House Hearings on Lloyd Bill (1911-12), p. 170. 130 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY containing the carcass of a rat which he had found in the water tank in his car.2? When called to account for giving the incident publicity in violation of the postal regulations, the man explained: “T did not report this in the prescribed way because I knew nothing would be accomplished by it. I think my method will accomplish more for the health of the 15,000 postal clerks of the United States than any other method would have done.”24 This case, true enough, was extreme and unrepresentative. But that made it no less disgraceful. When the Department finally removed the offending clerk, it merely aggravated the situation. The Railway Mail Association called attention to these abuses in a polite, dignified and thoroughly “proper” way, but its efforts met with little satisfaction or success. How long these evils would have gone on unchecked had not the Harpoon come into the field, it is impossible to say. Urban A. Walter came along just when the situation seemed most hopeless. Month after month he told the story of con- ditions, and told it in the most striking, dramatic and sensa- tional way, sparing no detail, however revolting, attacking with equal vigor the neglect of the railroads and of the government, letting no official, from the President of the United States down, escape his censure. The immediate result of the first months of the Harpoon’s campaign was to give confidence to clerks who had here- tofore been timid and to encourage those who had been silent to talk and make complaint. But while the paper never forgot the physical abuses of the service, it never ceased to hammer the fact that the worst abuse of all was the denial of civil rights through the “gag-order.” THE ‘WRECK-GAG” The tongues of the workers were tied not merely by the executive order which stopped appeals to Congress, but by a departmental order which prevented their giving publicity to the conditions under which they worked. This order was issued on August 17, 1906, to furnish the Department with 23 Harpoon, July, August, and September, 1909. 24 Harpoon, September, 1909, p. 12. “THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 131 a ruling under which to discipline an employee who, three weeks before, had written the Spokane, Washington, Spokes- man-Review criticizing the condition of the roadbed of the Great Northern Railway.?® The condition complained of was, according to the writer, the direct cause of a train wreck in which one of his comrades had been killed. This ruling of 1906, known in the service as the “wreck-gag,” had continued in force ever since its issue and formed the basis of widespread assertions of the Post Office Depart- ment’s subserviency to railroad interests. Office of Second Assistant Postmaster General, Washington, D. C., August 17, 1906. “Tt is deemed essential to the proper administration of public business that officers and employees of this office shall maintain respectful official relations with railroad companies and other carrying companies, as well as with their superior officers. Railway postal clerks must not engage in controversies with or criti- cisms of railroad officials involving the administration of the postal service by furnishing information to the newspapers or publicly discussing or denouncing the acts or omissions of such officials as affecting the postal service. Clerks violating this instruction will be sub- ject to discipline and possible removal from the service. All information, criticism, or complaint which clerks or officials can give from personal knowledge, or obtain from credible sources, looking to the betterment of the postal service and the comfort and safety of their persons while officially employed, should be forwarded through their superior officers in order that prompt investigation and proper action may be taken. “W. S. SHALLENBERGER, “Second Assistant Postmaster General.” Since unsafe and unsanitary cars were ‘“‘omissions” of the railroads, any postal employee giving publicity concerning them was subject to removal under this order. The men had good reason to doubt the efficacy of complaints made through official channels. The president of the Railway 25 House Hearings on the Lloyd Bill (1911-12), pp. 168-9. 182 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Mail Association, J. T. Canfield, candidly admitted in a letter to Walter: “T have seen all the evils of which you speak, have seen them develop and have tried to stop some of them, with but little success, I must say. I talked with Super- intendent Pepper about the insanitary condition of the water coolers and hoppers in our cars and got very little satisfaction from the conversation.’’® When a man with Canfield’s influence could do nothing, certainly the individual clerk might expect little satisfac- tion from his complaints. INEFFICACY OF INDIVIDUAL APPEALS TO THE DEPARTMENT Even in matters of utmost seriousness, recourse to the officials seemed to hold out little hope. For example, when a railway postal clerk in Texas wrote to his division super- intendent regarding a fellow clerk who had been killed in a car which had frequently been reported as unsafe, he was told that the Department had no control over the construc- tion of apartment post office cars and that all men who did not ‘‘care to assume the necessary risks had no place in the Railway Mail Service.’’? THE RAILROADS AND THE DEPARTMENT OBJECT TO COMPLAINTS As the Harpoon continued its campaign through the years 1909 and 1910, supplementing its stories with pages of photographs of wrecked wooden mail cars, the roads as well as the postal administration began to chafe and to place obstacles in Walter’s way. Clerks were made to under- stand that the paper was in official disfavor and that it would not go well with those who were caught actively sup- porting it.?® Clerks who carried their complaints informally to rail- road officials in the hope of their receiving quicker attention were often reported to their supervisors as nuisances. There is an instance on record of a railroad official in charge of 26 Quoted in the Harpoon, September, 1909, 28. 27 Hearings: House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, January, 1912, p. ; 28 Same, pp. 556-60. THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 133 mail contracts at St. Paul, Minnesota, actually making a false report to the postal authorities to have them put a stop to the efforts of a mail clerk on one of his lines to obtain satisfactory working conditions. The Department acted on this false report by disciplining the clerk in ques- tion without ever having taken the trouble to make an investigation of its own. The railway officer stated over his signature that he had checked the report of his car fore- man as to a mail car’s satisfactory condition at a time when the car in question was more than 400 miles from the place where the inspection was said to have been made.”® The Harpoon’s publicity campaign and the alarming growth of unrest and discontent among the service per- sonnel resulted in the insertion of a proviso in the Post Office Appropriation Act, approved May 12, 1910, and effec- tive July 1, 1910, that no part of the money appropriated was to be paid for the rent or use of any railway post office ear which was not “sanitary and sound in material construc- tion.”°° The immediate effect of this act in some divisions was—strange as it may sound—the very opposite of what might have been expected, for it was often so stupidly administered as to cause increased dissatisfaction and dis- trust. Orders were issued requiring the clerks to certify as to the sanitary condition of their cars. By classifying as “sanitary” conditions which fell far short of generally accepted standards, postal officials often practically nulli- fied the purpose of the law.*t Repeatedly clerks had un- favorable reports returned to them with directions that they be changed to read: “Cars in sanitary condition.” ‘The Department’s purpose seemed to be to make the law con- form with the old and inadequate facilities furnished by the railroads rather than compel the roads, as the workers seemed to think the law required, to provide modern facili- ties. In the tenth division of the railway mail service the authorities went so far as to discourage employees from reporting as to conditions by issuing the following as a public order: 29 House a on Lloyd Bill (1911-12), pp. 170-1. % 36 Stat 31 Hearings: House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, January, 1912, pp. 546-53. 134 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY BULLETIN Aberdeen, 8. Dakota, November 5, 1910. Instructions have been received from the superin- tendent to inform all clerks in this jurisdiction who are continually making exaggerated and unfounded reports regarding the physical conditions of their cars, that unless the practice is stopped, their reports will be referred to the department with recommendations not to their liking. Respectfully, | C. E. DENNISON, Chief Clerk. If this information had been conveyed privately to par- ticular offending clerks, no objection could have been raised, but when issued in a public bulletin, it could hardly have been interpreted as other than a “diplomatic” way of dis- couraging all complaints—especially in an employment like the government service where ‘“‘every one seems to be afraid of every one” and “the self-protective sense is developed abnormally.’’? The authorities were not in a pleasant mood. They were acting in the way those “in authority” usually act with the discontent of a subordinate force making their position dif- ficult. They were insisting on the exercises of their authority when it would have been wiser to exercise tact. A willingness to cooperate with the force, an honest effort to adjust com- plaints and improve the condition of the cars would have disarmed the Harpoon and the noisily discontented and have restored the morale of the service. True, the Second Assistant Postmaster General, Mr. Joseph Stewart, appeared before two successive conventions of the Railway Mail Association and informed the delegates that the clerks had the right of appeal in all cases even to the Second Assistant himself. Yet the organization and spirit of the service was such that few clerks dared to risk the ill will of their local chief clerks or supervisors. In spite of words to the con- trary, they had seen enough evidence of a tendency on the part of their local chiefs to discourage complaints, and they #2 From Franklin K. Lane’s statement on the government service. See New York Times, March 1, 1920., THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 135 had seen headquarters at Washington ignore an appeal to the extent of not even acknowledging its receipt.?? The majority of clerks felt, and not without basis, that it was the policy of the Department to run things in its own way, without the cooperation of the rank and file and without regard to their complaints and grievances. THE WAYS OF BUREAUCRACY INCREASE THE FRICTION This was the attitude of the Department in all things, including such every-day matters of administration as promotions, transfers, and discipline. Things were done in an almost military way. Orders went out from the top and were administered by the officials below. The lesser supervisors were not taken into the confidence of those in general charge, while the rank and file hardly dared to ask questions for fear of incurring official displeasure. One administrative matter which caused a tremendous amount of friction was an unaccountable lethargy on the part of the authorities in making promotions.** Advance- ments were often held up for months at a time and in some cases more than a year elapsed before they were forth- coming. When clerks were demoted, on the other hand, the change in pay and class took place at once. Then, too, men were often assigned to work which entitled them to classification above that in which they were rated without receiving the additional compensation rightfully due them. There were all sorts of rumors in explanation of these things, but the field officials really knew no more of the Department’s purposes, if it had any, than the clerks. The administration all this time had been talking of economy and of making the service self-supporting. The men nat- urally interpreted these delayed promotions and withheld advances as efforts to save money at their expense. Whether this was the case or whether the situation was merely the result of administrative bungling made no difference in so far as the temper of the clerks was concerned. The salary question was also a matter of complaint. The wages of railway postal clerks had gone up but slightly during a period of about twenty years, while the compensa- tion of other workers on the trains had gone up much faster 33 House Hearings on Lloyd Bill ogee ang p. 193. % House Hearings on Lloyd Bill, pp. 171-3. 136 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY and had on the whole kept pace with increased living costs. There were also serious complaints concerning the inade- quacy of clerks’ travel allowances. Yet the Department did not think that this was a matter of concern to the employees. It looked upon it purely as a question of administrative policy to be determined by itself and Congress. The fol- lowing excerpt from hearings before the House Post Office Committee well illustrates this official attitude:*° Mr. Lloyd: .. . “what harm would result if repre- sentatives of the Railway Mail Association should appear before this Committee and present the views of the railway mail clerks with reference to this ques- tion of travel pay? That is a matter which Congress passes upon. Mr. Stewart (Second Assistant Postmaster General) : Their views have already been expressed fully by the Department. What could be gained by their coming here? Mr. Lloyd: But you have expressed what you say their views are. Mr. Moore: Many of them tell us entirely differ- ently. Mr. Stewart: They all think that they ought to get more pay. Mr. Lloyd: That is just the point. They think they ought to get more and they think that you do not express to this Committee or to Congress or the country their views in the matter. ... That is a matter that affects them, and it does not affect you and it does not affect me. It is their pay, not yours. Mr. Stewart: It affects the appropriations, however, and the policy of the Department.” In its efforts to keep up the standard of performance the Department inaugurated a demerit system, but the clerks never knew that the system was in force until suddenly, at the end of one month, certain of them were told that they had received demerits. They did not know why they had gotten them and their immediate supervisors knew no more than they did. The marks were given by the officials at 85 House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads: Hearings on Post Office Appropriation Bill for 1912, December, 1910, p. 279. THE “GAG” BEGINS TO HURT 137 division headquarters. In some places the clerks, after they had asked, were told the reasons for their penalties. In other places the officials would give no information. But even where men received the information they asked in specific instances, they were told nothing of the methods and workings of the system. If on subsequent occasions they received demerits for other transgressions, they would know nothing about them until perhaps a month or two afterwards.*® All these things kept the clerks in a constant state of discontent. Every grievance ignored and every official act of repression merely helped convince large numbers that it was necessary to get their complaints before Congress and the public in spite of the authorities, and that the “gag-rule” which prevented this was their fundamental grievance. % House Hearings on Lloyd Bill (1911-12), p. 195. CHAPTER IX UNREST IN THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE PRESIDENT TAFT AND ADMINISTRATIVE EFFICIENCY When President Taft assumed office it was hoped for a while that he might rescind the objectionable gag. But this hope was soon dispelled. The President made it clear that he had no intention of withdrawing or modifying the rule. Mr. Taft was much interested in improving the effi- ciency of federal administration. He designated a Com- mission on Efficiency and Economy to make a survey of the federal departments and establishments and recommend necessary reorganizations. One of the executive’s pet reforms, one which the country sorely needed, was an exec- utive budget. The President had set his heart on this long before he assumed office, and he took steps to pave the way for its realization even before he designated the efficiency commission. An executive budget meant certain restrictions on the legislature’s freedom in the matter of appropriations. It also implied the exercise of a far greater degree of execu- tive authority, with its corresponding responsibility, than presidents had hitherto been willing to assume. THE TAFT “GAG” ORDER Proceeding in the light of this, President Taft issued the . following order as a supplement to the Roosevelt “gag” order already in force. It was dated November 26, 1909. _“Tt is hereby ordered that no bureau, office, or divi- sion chief, or subordinate in any department of the Government, and no officer of the army or navy or marine corps stationed in Washington, shall apply to either House of Congress, or to any committee of either House of Congress, or to any member of Congress, for legislation, or for appropriations, or for congressional action of any kind, except with the consent and knowl- 138 UNREST IN THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE 139 edge of the head of the department; nor shall any such person respond to any request for information from either House of Congress, or any committee of either House of Congress, or any member of Congress, except through, or as authorized by, the head of his depart- ment.” In actual practice this order added little to the Roosevelt rule. It did, however, come into prominence some months later when President Taft dismissed Chief Forester Gifford Pinchot for having violated it. The prohibition against responding to Congressional requests for information had to all intents and purposes been in force right along. To the civil service the whole business looked like a needless piece of spite and only served to increase the discontent. Members of both Houses of Congress also objected to the order as an unwarranted and an illegal attempt to interfere with their prerogatives.t But this, of course, was a hopeful sign to the employees. THE “TAKE-UP-THE-SLACK” ORDERS Efficiency and economy became the watchwords of the administration. Mr. Hitchcock, who had become Post- master General, was anxious above all others to save money in his Department. For more than a year there had been much talk of a reorganization of the mail service in the interest of greater economy. Several suggestions as to how savings could be made came from the President’s efficiency commission. The railway mail service seemed to be singled out especially for the trial. Accordingly, toward the end of 1910 orders went out from the office of the Second Assistant Postmaster General to “take up the slack” in the railway mail service. Of the Department’s purpose the men knew nothing, and their local chief clerks seemed equally at sea and unable to enlighten them. All that the workers were aware of, and all that they cared about, was that without warning and without apparent cause or reason their work was suddenly increased right on the eve of the Christmas holiday rush. The number of crews on various lines was cut down, while the number of clerks assigned to the crews was also reduced. Lay-off periods were shortened, while hours of road duty were made 1 New York Sun, Dec. 1, 1909. 140 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY correspondingly longer.? Vacancies caused by resignations or leaves of absence were left unfilled, while the men on duty were compelled to cover the work of those away as well as their own. Although, according to the Department, as much extra*holiday help was allowed as the year before, the number was far from adequate in view of both the regular increase in the volume of mail from year to year and the drastic curtailment of the service. The “slack order” was the last straw. The morale of the force and its prided efficiency went to pieces. Conservative, hard working, and loyal clerks who used to boast that they “never went stuck” (failed to finish their distribution) now openly grumbled that they didn’t care whether they “cleaned up” or not. Tons of Christmas mail remained unworked for days at a time. Some of this had to be car- ried back and forth on the “stuck lines” until the crews could find time to work it. Thousands of sacks were trans- ferred to cars sidetracked for the purpose to be worked by men called from their rest periods. In the northwest, where the situation was especially bad, anywhere from 10 to 160 sacks per train of unworked mail would come into the terminals.® Business men, civic organizations, and the press protested bitterly. Pictures of piles of bags of unworked mail were featured everywhere to reinforce the verbal attacks launched against the postal administration. In Denver, Urban Walter was arrested by a railroad official while he was photographing trucks of “stuck” mail at the station. But the local postal authorities, their hands full enough, had him released. On Christmas morning the photographs he had taken appeared in a Denver paper. Prior to Hitchcock’s “slack orders” it had been truly said that while post office clerks were driven by their supervisors, railway postal clerks were driven by the work they had to 2The needs of the R. M. S. are such as to require excessive hours of duty of clerks on their runs. Schedules are therefore arranged in alternate work and rest periods, i.e., three days on and three days off, or a week on and a week off, etc. The strain of long hours of road duty is exceedingly great. The men prefer longer rest periods, alternated by longer work periods, evidently finding schedules so arranged less trying than a few days on and a few days off. One of the reasons for this is that a considerable portion of the rest period must be taken up with so-called “home duties,’’ like the preparation of official statements and reports and the study of schemes of distribution which must always be kept fresh in mind. The lay-off period might be considered as compensatory overtime for the excessive hours worked on the road. 8 House Hearings on the Lloyd Bill, p. 177. UNREST IN THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE 141 do. The “slack orders” now changed this and made virtual “slave drivers” of the field officials. Tremendous pressure was brought to bear on them to speed things up and to show a saving, so that they in turn had no choice but to bring equal pressure on their men. The clerks did not know where to turn for relief. The rank and file had little faith in the Railway Mail Associa- tion which had proved ineffective in the past and was widely believed to be completely under the domination of the Department.* Ten of thirteen division superintendents, as well as the general superintendent at Washington and most of the chief clerks and field officials, were members of the Association. These local officials exercised a tremendous influence over Association affairs so that the officers elected were almost invariably men of whom they approved.> They were active in organization election campaigns, especially among the men in the more isolated districts who, lacking the advantage of constant contact with large numbers of their fellow workers, were more amenable to such pressure. Official influence was also potent among the new men in the service. Supervisors thus active always spoke not as representatives of the Department, but as members of the Association. Most of this influence was exercised by wink and nod and word of mouth, by “grapevine telegraph,” as one of the clerks put it. Yet some of it was reduced to writing. The following letter written by an assistant chief clerk in his capacity as an R. M. A. member during the tenth division election campaign in the spring of 1911 is an illustration of the way the officials worked. At the time there were two tickets in the field, one approved and one opposed by the local service authorities. Grand Forks, N. Dak., March 25, 1911. Dear Brother Clerk: The ballots for the coming division election will be mailed to each member of the association soon, and I wish to call your attention to a few things connected with association affairs in con- nection with the candidates for division. president. You are no doubt aware of the fact that Van Dyke is the “Brotherhood” candidate for division president, #See below, pp. 173-6, 296-7, See below, pp, 176, 297, 142 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY and we cannot now afford to have two organizations in the railway mail service, both working for the same ends, but one in harmony with the Department and the other antagonistic to the Department. I believe the R. M. A. is in a better position now to get what the clerks deserve in the way of better pay, better hours, better cars, etc., than ever before, and by ccntinuing the present organization I believe we will accomplish all we desire in the course of another year or two. The Department and Congress recognize the R. M. A. as the official organization of the railway postal clerks and will not recognize the “Brotherhood,” and it is a certainty that if the “Brotherhood” is allowed to gain control of the R. M. A. we will lose all the prestige and influence that we have gained by fair and honest dealing with the Department. We will never gain anything by antagonizing the Department, and past experience has proved that every- thing Congress has done for us has been recommended by our Department officials, and it has been proved by past experience that Congress will not grant us anything that has not been recommended by the Department. Our association may have been too easy in the past, and I believe we should adopt a more aggressive cam- paign for the future and in presenting our grievances to the Department be prepared to convince them that our claims are just and that we are properly entitled to them. We know that our present vice president, P. J. Schardt, is the man best fitted to conduct our national affairs for the next year, and a vote for Van Dyke means a vote against Schardt. We have a candidate for division president who will meet all the requirements, is a sound, level-headed man, quiet in demeanor, but with a determination to do whatever he undertakes to do, and who will not try to tear down the present R. M. A., but who will do his best to make it stronger and more effective. That man is Mr. O. E. Johnson, of the Chi, & Minn. R. P. O., and a vote for him means a vote for Schardt, and for a better and stronger R. M. A., and, incidentally, a UNREST IN THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE 143 vote to better our own condition, not by antagonizing the Department, but by working in harmony with them. Think these things over before casting your vote, for I am sure if you do you will vote for Johnson. Fraternally yours, EB. C. OLwIn. Mass meetings were held to discuss conditions. Efforts were made to organize progressive parties or blocs as indi- cated in the letter quoted, to gain control of the division associations at the coming elections. At one mass meeting in the tenth division (the northwestern states) resolutions were drawn which were subsequently given formal sanction by the St. Paul local, R. M. A., and forwarded to the Department in the form of a petition. But the officials at Washington never took the trouble to acknowledge its receipt.°® THE TRACY-PIERRE “STRIKE” Finally, in January, 1911, things were brought to a head by an act of virtual insubordination on the part of ten clerks on the Tracy (Minnesota)-Pierre (S. Dakota) Rail- way Post Office. This incident has become known in the service, somewhat misleadingly, as the “Tracy-Pierre strike.” The line in question had long been the scene of much dissatisfaction. ‘The previous year had seen sixteen men resign or transfer from it, a number exactly equal to the run’s total regular force. This turnover necessitated no less than eighty different assignments of substitutes.’? This help, largely inexperienced, placed no little burden on the regular clerks, Not all of the men on this run,were assigned for the whole distance of 225 miles from Traey to Pierre. Six of them, to keep down the classification of the line, were supposed to run only to a town called Blunt, some thirty miles short of Pierre. But since this town had no accommodations, the six were obliged to go on through to the end of the line. Other men, designated as helpers, ran only to a point, Huron, about midway on the route. In January a vacancy © House Hearings on the Lloyd Bill, p. 193; also above. 7™Dennis, Wm. J.: The Traveling Post Office (Des Moines, Iowa, 1916), Ch. VIII, p. 61. 144, UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY occurred in one of these helper’s places which the Depart- ment, in taking up the slack, refused to fill. Instead, it ordered that the work be taken over by the regular men. This meant that the clerks living in Tracy or Pierre would have to travel to Huron twelve hours before their regular leaving time. The extra work and travel meant two days and three nights off the lay-off period® and, of course, no additional pay.® 7 The arrangement involved eleven men. Ten of them refused to do the extra work, though willing to cover their regular runs. The division authorities tried their best to persuade them to obey orders until the Department could pass on the case. At first the men seemed willing and the local authorities so reported. But when it came to a show- down, they still continued in their refusal. By this time the Department was too far committed to turn back. In the face of its declaration that it would consider appeals but “not tolerate insubordination,’ there was really nothing left to do but to suspend the ten men. Then trouble began in earnest. Acting on the advice of the leaders of the progressive group in the division R. M. A., the suspended men asked permission to go back to work pending the official disposition of the trouble. This the authorities refused to permit. They attempted instead to carry the line with the help of a couple of transfers and about a score of substitutes. The result, so far as the efficient handling of the mails was concerned, was chaos. The congestion was unprecedented. Pouches rode up and down the line for days at a time. At one point over a thousand sacks, awaiting distribution, were piled on the station platform. Then “the public’ became interested. Protests poured into the offices of both the Washington and local authorities. The State Legislatures of South 1 an ar a at St. Paul reported that the extra work would make the crew’s average road duty seven hours a day. This statement, though true, was misleading. It took none of the other inroads on the men’s time into account. Besides, ‘‘averages’” are funny things. A railway mail clerk’s average hours of road duty means the number of hours he would spend on the road each day if his work were distributed evenly over both the ‘‘on’’ and “‘off’? periods. So a seven-hour average might mean fourteen or more hours of work on the run. Before the ‘‘slack order’? the average hours on two of the four trains on the line was 6 hours, 22 minutes, and on the other two 5 hours, 54 minutes. 10 Telegram of General Superintendent R. M. 8. to Superintendent at St. Paul, Jan. 12, 1911. UNREST IN THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE 145 Dakota and Minnesota memorialized the federal govern- ment for relief. But the government was able to do but little, for experi- enced clerks who could be spared to the line one after another refused the Department’s request to transfer to the “strikers’”’ runs. Then, on a connecting line, the Elroy and Tracy, twenty clerks did exactly what had been done by their fellow workers on the Tracy and Pierre. They refused to take up vacant helper runs. This time the Department dropped its order and filled the vacancies. THE THREAT OF RESIGNATIONS EN BLOC Then the clerks in South Dakota issued a statement, hardly distinguishable from an ultimatum, declaring that unless the Department conceded certain things they would quit in a body. Two hundred resignations were signed and ready to be filed at the slightest provocation.1: On the twenty-first of January two hundred clerks held a mass meeting at St. Paul and addressed the following telegram to the Postmaster General :?” “To your respectful consideration: At amass meet- ing of some two hundred railway postal clerks of the Twin Cities, held this evening, I was instructed to wire you that they absolutely refuse to keep up runs caused by vacancies without compensation therefor. Under no consideration will they fill vacancies caused by the suspension of clerks in such instances as Tracy and Pierre. JOHN L. THORNTON, Chairman of Committee.” For transmitting and signing this message Thornton was summarily dismissed from the service, while shortly fol- lowing came the discharge of five of the Tracy and Pierre “strikers” and the demotion of the rest. It was announced, too, that those who had remained loyal would receive pro- motions as soon as possible. On all sides and from all parts of the country there came expressions of sympathy for the discharged men. The Harpoon contributed five hundred dollars to their aid and a campaign for their further 11 House Hearings on Lloyd Bill, p. 181. 22 Same, p. 63. 146 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY assistance was got vigorously under way. On the other hand, post office inspectors became most vigilant. ‘They kept close watch on the movements of the men’s recognized leaders and patroled the Tracy line night and day to ferret out active sympathizers of the discharged clerks.** THE OMAHA PETITION Five days after the St. Paul meeting reported in the Thornton telegram, a group of 130 clerks of the sixth divi- sion met at Omaha, Nebr., and notified the Postmaster General that the conditions under which they labored were “becoming intolerable.” They asked the immediate enact- ment of laws giving them a five-hour distribution day, an increase in salary, an adequate expense allowance, retire- ment, steel cars on all lines, prompt action on promotions and vacancies, abolition of the demerit system, extra pay for extra duty, provision for sufficient number of clerks, rearrangement of the transfer service, repeal of the “gag” rule.1# These resolutions were the most complete and comprehensive statement of the men’s grievances so far formulated. THE BROTHERHOOD OF RAILWAY POSTAL CLERKS But while the sixth division clerks were thus petitioning and resolving, a general walkout among the men of the tenth seemed scarcely avoidable. It was clear to the leaders of the progressive group within the division R. M. A. that something had to be done and be done quickly. They felt that a strike or mass resignation on the part of an unorgan- ized group of employees would be but a futile, and perhaps disastrous, gesture of angry protest. So, largely to forestall any hasty action and to bring the grievances of the force to the attention of Congress in an effective manner, a series of meetings were held, out of which, in the early part of February, there grew an organization called the Brother- hood of Railway Postal Clerks. One of the leaders of this movement was Carl C. Van Dyke, the man who had urged the Association to adopt a more aggressive policy at its convention at Fort Worth in 1907. Van Dyke was now the most prominent figure in 18 The Railway Mail, March, 1911, p. 6. ’ t 14 Demotion of Clerks in the Railway Mail Service. Senate Doc. 1180 (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), pp. 6-11. UNREST IN THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE 147 the progressive faction within the R. M. A., president of ’ the tenth division association, and a member of the national executive committee. It was the hope of Van Dyke and the Brotherhood members that the new organization, in addition to its other purposes, would be of use in the effort to make the R. M. A. an independent, representative, and truly useful organization to the rank and file. The new Brotherhood, in order to guard itself against departmental domination, opened its membership only to railway postal clerks, “from sub to clerk in charge,” and barred not only officials, but also “assistants to higher officials or those assigned to office work.’> Besides, mem- bers pledged themselves to “keep secret all the acts of the Brotherhood and the names of the members’”* and to stand by the organization on “any proposition endorsed by a 78 per cent referendum vote of the entire Brotherhood,’” The purpose of this last obligation was to guard the association against any hasty or ill-considered action. The leaders knew that it would be exceedingly unlikely that 75 per cent of the entire membership of a representative group of gov- ernment employees would endorse a strike or insubordinaté act. When this obligation was originally drawn it had appended to it the phrase, “even to handing in my resigna- tion if necessary,” but these words were stricken out at Van Dyke’s suggestion and no man ever took the obligation in that form.1* Yet the post office inspectors in their zeal to discover and report “insubordinate and dangerous activi- ties” secured a copy of the preliminary form of the obli- gation and transmitted it to Washington with the result of increased friction and misunderstanding between the Department and the men. The provisions against the admission of officials or those who came into close and regular contact with them was one of the Department’s principal reasons for opposing the Brotherhood. This, the Second Assistant Postmaster Gen- eral complained, “excluded all knowledge of the delibera- tions of the association from the supervisory officers.”’?® 1® Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks—By-laws: Membership qualifications, i ne sali of Railway Postal Clerks—By-laws: Members’ obligations. 18 House Hearings on the Lloyd Bill, p. 181. 19 Same, p. 51. 148 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY THE BROTHERHOOD AND THE STRIKE QUESTION The .formation of the Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks relieved some of the tension in the northwest and removed immediate danger of a strike or walkout. Of course, this danger did not vanish in a flash. The clerks through their organization and special meetings made every effort to secure the support of civic and business bodies for Congressional action which would bring them relief. Their appeals always called attention to the possibility of a strike if the situation continued unimproved. The following is from such an appeal by the Brotherhood’s attorney: “Every mayor, commercial club and business man who feels that a strike or disorganization of the postal service would work public injury, should kick hard and often. I suggest telegrams and letters hot and often to our Senators and Congressmen, urging full investigation of the post office with its salary saving and thrifty railroad serving economy.” At the same time, Thornton, who had been removed for the January telegram, tried to enlist the aid of postal em- ployees throughout the country in this campaign to rouse Congress. Telling of the Brotherhood attorney’s appeal, he said: “This gentleman also drew up a letter designed to be sent to commercial clubs, stating our grievances and the consequences to the public in general were we to quit in a body.” The Department interpreted these appeals as definite strike threats. Actually they were no more than warnings that, if unbearable conditions continued, it might be impos- sible for the leaders to hold the men to peaceful methods. THE DEPARTMENT MODIFIES ITS “SLACK” POLICY The Brotherhood gave the clerks a new agency to which they could turn with some hope of relieving their condition. The situation was now further relieved by the Department’s surrender to the men on the question of the “slack orders.” The national officers of the Railway Mail Association, forced to action by the situation, held a conference with the service heads at Washington, after which the Postmaster UNREST IN THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE 149 General, declaring that “unreasonable and humiliating’’ orders had been issued without his authorization, modified the “slack” policy. A few weeks later the General Superin- tendent of the R. M. 8S. was transferred to the superin- tendency of the 10th division. It was generally believed that the higher officials had made him the scapegoat of the whole unfortunate affair. But this transfer was welcomed by the 10th division clerks, for it rid them of their unpopu- lar chief, Superintendent Norman Perkins. It had, in fact, been reported for a long time that the clerks were sparing no effort to bring about Perkins’ removal.?° But these concessions by no means brought peace. In fact, it encouraged the men to fight all the harder for the removal of the other service abuses. The change of front on the “slack orders” was due in no small part to the action of the Tracy and Pierre men.*! The discharged five became a sort of rallying point. The campaign to raise funds for their relief lent no small amount of publicity to the clerks’ fight during the next few months. The revolt against the reactionary leadership of the R. M. A. made headway in nearly every division. Local lodges of the Brotherhood were organized in several localities, but in spite of its spread the movement was generally regarded as temporary. Its principal supporters, including the Harpoon, regarded it as an attempt to fill the gap left by the Railway Mail Asso- ciation’s failure. It was generally felt that the new organ- ization would go out of existence as soon as it, with the help of many supporters and sympathizers outside of its ranks, would oust the ‘old crowd” from the control of the Association. THE A. F. OF L. AND RAILWAY MAIL CLERKS’ UNIONS At the same time another insurgent movement started under the leadership of the American Federation of Labor. General organizers of that body got actively to work and within a few weeks local federal labor unions of railway postal clerks were organized at New York, Chicago, Har- risburg, Pa., Syracuse, N. Y., Cleveland, O., Washington, 2 Demotion of salir in the Railway Mail Service. Senate Doc, 1130 (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), 42; a The deuihention of the line was subsequently raised $100 and the objection- able helper runs to Blunt changed, so that these clerks were assigned to the end of the line, 150 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY D. C., Richmond, Va., Chattanooga, Tenn., Ogden, Utah, Norfolk, Va., Minneapolis, Minn., and Cincinnati, O. A strong effort was also made to form a union at Boston, but according to the Second Assistant Postmaster General “through the efforts of the Department it did not succeed.”22 Shortly before at Cleveland, under the leadership of the city central labor body, plans were made and pushed for the organization of a national union of railway mail clerks to be affiliated with the A. F. of L. Application was made to the Federation for a national charter by the Postal Clerks’ Protective Association, the organization of railway postal clerks of Cleveland and its vicinity, which, it was thought, would be the nucleus of this national organization. The application was refused on the grounds that several local federal labor unions of railway mail clerks had already been chartered or were in the process of formation. A few weeks later the Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks was also refused a national charter on the same grounds. According to the Federation, there was not a sufficient num- ber of local unions in existence to assure the success of a national union, but it promised that as soon as the number was sufficient it would take the necessary steps towards establishing a national organization.”* ? 22 House Hearings on the Lloyd Bill, 86. 23 Hearings: House Special Aboaanittes of the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, December, 1917, January, 1918, p. 31. CHAPTER X CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN But even before the “slack order” crisis the Harpoon’s campaign for safe and sanitary mail cars began to show results. In spite of official efforts to prevent it, the com- plaints of the workers finally began to come effectively to the attention of Congress. ‘The post office bill passed the House in December, 1910, containing a very strong proviso regarding the safety and sanitary condition of mail cars. It spoke not in generalities as had the provision of the year before, but actually attempted to set a definite standard and define its terms in detail. On the morning on which the appropriation bill came up in the House, representatives received telegrams from Urban A. Walter urging the inclu- sion of a safety proviso almost identical with the one finally adopted. The Senate Post Office Committee, however, just at the time when the employees were on the verge of re- bellion, practically nullified the House steel car provision by a large majority. This action came almost simultaneously with a statement of the President, issued through his Secretary, definitely refusing to modify the gag-orders.t. A more effective situa- tion to aid the “‘anti-gag” campaign could not have been purposely devised. A bill affecting, perhaps, the very lives of the workers was being “killed” by a legislative com- mittee. At the same time the nation’s chief executive was emphasizing the fact that these workers must do nothing to save the legislation. THE HARPOON’S SPECIAL “ANTI-GAG”’ BULLETIN Urban A. Walter felt that the situation was serious enough to warrant the issue of a special bulletin prelimi- nary to the regular edition of the Harpoon. This bulletin also served as an appeal for funds for the discharged Tracy 1 Note to Mr. Fulton R. Gordon, of Washington, D. C., Feb. 14, 1911. 151 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY 152 and Pierre “strikers.” The circulars were enclosed in large envelopes as shown in the facsimile below. ‘I ‘DI *OJOD ‘41GAUEG ‘NOOdYUYH 9YL—AdOd sad yu29 YY] ‘s9qwny APONGNA-PeH-Hay jo sojpung (83039 OO ‘etroyjdyz9sqns Ajse94-7]8y 1OQ'CS ‘UOAVS fOO"SS ‘29Iq) {OOS ‘SVONdsosqns ojPug) *eqwosqne 0} °9d];30 ANOA JO S4dJIIVD PUY SYIO}) 993 19H “ATAU OVO YFseus oF youssq £300 DY Bem OM JO Js0ddns oq) Pod OM "Y30YO SIHL ONIOSIY LON TUIM 3H LVHL OJINNONNY ATINOTG SVH L4VL ONY DVD SNOWVANI 3HL AD SONVIS NIOIHOIIH 139A *YOJJENYIS ALS 0} PEpPUsosed Ssepso SeHpejMoUy s{y JNOYYIM pans; Siapo ,OUN;eI WHY PUB ajqeUoseesun,, Speajd YOODYD!H “"}OAG Yodo UY Ojty pUB YURI ‘s2xB] SYZVOW OME : “440M 0} 4OVG PUB-—-9UlOY JUOM eAI]RIUAsedes B]Ip “Sse/HUd aJ0jaq asd siy AB] PUY HYD O44 Ajap 04 Suseay *Gdas ay J —,, | USUI 299194 QOO'HL 120 ued Om ‘Yam AidA,, suopPusyse ry 7 Spe) 2{ Jo JeIsod op uopyeszueBso ,Sy42]7 uapjsmy—,,BIAIOE |B ARMIILY OY) Uy UAW poxs}ess}P QOO'L 4B e124) MOLY Nod Og, JOVSNYY TINY-SVO-LNY S.NOOGUY HY THL NIOP 1IOIAUIS °Q “d NI NYY AYSAJ 3OvVLS0d Nuniau wos *O109 ‘HY3ANAG ZOE! 10d “NOOdHYA FHL Aynon'sieg g sayy This mail was held up at the Denver post office. Walter was placed under arrest by the inspectors, charged with violation of the postal laws, and discharged on $1,000 bail. The authorities took special exception to the last sentence, CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 153 “Vet Hitchcock stands by the infamous gag and Taft has bluntly announced that he will not rescind this order.” MATTER INSIDE CENSORED GAG-RULE. Get the Clerks and Carriers at your seven, $5.00; half-yearly subscriptions, §0 cents,) Fic. 2. OF THE GAG! We Need the support of the men in every branch to smash to subscribe. (Single subscriptions, $1.00; three, $2.50; office LAST DEATH RATTLE * After 5 Days Notify FOR RETURN PosTact iL. coo < & f= ] — o=: Cc & Li a = —_— ox &§ c> & =< ce — = = es = [ —— ) = Qe. c= = = [Se | Py tf & = t = } = fede’ =_—=F => Fs Cc id ck | = =F =p >= c= =e | — Bacdaeadd Bundles of Anti-Gag-Publicity Number, 14 cent per copy.—The HARPOON, Donver, Colo. Walter complied with the authorities’ demands and removed all of the objectionable words under the first heading by printing over them a black ribbon line, long and wide enough to cover them. But by holding the envelope in the proper light the deleted lines could easily be read through 154 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY the ribbon. This, however, was probably not done delib- erately. In its revised form the envelope appeared as reproduced on the preceding page. Thus the bulletins went through the mails. Walter en- closed an additional leaflet telling the story of his arrest in such a way as to make the officials seem unspeakably ridiculous. At the same time he repeated in full the matter which he was obliged to remove from the outside of the envelope. Once more official stupidity defeated its own ends. Unquestionably the effectiveness of the bulletin was multiplied many times. The purpose of this bulletin was chiefly to impress upon the clerks the necessity for keeping up their fight and to secure support for the Tracy men. And in the following words it announced the coming regular March issue of the Harpoon: “We shall make the next number of the Harpoon the greatest and best that has ever been issued. It will be essentially public. It will show up the gag-orders which Taft declares shall stand, and it will show up the criminal action of the Senate Committee in annul- ling the steel car provision for safe cars. It will contain the photographs of three-fourths of the fatal mail car wrecks that have occurred during the last two years. And the public will be firmly told that you have de- cided, after years of begging, to take the question of safe cars into your own hands. Henceforth the plan will be to ‘refuse to ride’ in a wooden car sandwiched between steel cars, or in any mail car in which your life is jeopardized. There will be no refusal to work the mail or do your duty as a railway mail clerk. Nor will there be any concerted action to tie up the mails, but in every case where the car or its position jeopard- izes your life you will ‘refuse to ride’ in that car. ‘“‘And if, as in the case of the Tracy and Pierre clerks, the Department will suspend clerks who will be taking a, stand only on their rights, then you, as a body, will stand by such suspended clerks, Just as we are now standing by the Tracy and Pierre clerks, and further, by appeal to the public, demand their reinstatement.” CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 155° THE SAFETY PROVISION OF 1911 No challenge to the government could have been clearer or more direct. But it was never necessary to put the “refuse to ride” method into effect, for when the President approved the post office bill on March 4, 1911, to be effec- tive July 1st, it contained the following provision :? “For railway post-office car service, five million and ten thousand dollars: Provided, That no part of this amount shall be paid for the use of any car which is not sound in material and construction, and which is not equipped with sanitary drinking-water containers and toilet facilities, nor unless such car is regularly and thoroughly cleaned: Provided further, That after the first of July, nineteen hundred and eleven, no pay shall be allowed for the use of any wooden full railway post- office car unless constructed substantially in accordance with the most approved plans and specifications of the Post-Office Department for such type of cars, nor for any wooden full railway post-office cars run in any train between adjoining steel cars or between the engine and a steel car adjoining, and that hereafter additional cars accepted for this service shall be of steel, or with steel underframe, if used in a train in which a majority of the cars are of like construction: Provided further, That after the first of July, nineteen hundred and six- teen, the Postmaster General shall not approve or allow to be used or pay for any full railway post-office car not constructed of steel or with steel underframe, if such post-office car is used in a train in which a ma- jority of the cars are of steel or of steel underframe construction.” Thus the way was in large measure cleared for the employees to concentrate their major effort on the removal of the “gag.” The March, 1911, issue of the Harpoon began this stage of the fight in all its intensity. From its first sensational scare head: “Shall ‘Gag’ Silence 100,000 Postal Workers Against Official Graft, Incompetency and Tyranny?” the issue was all that preliminary announce- ments had promised. Almost 200,000 copies were dis- 236 Stat., 1335. 156 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY tributed and it attracted surprisingly widespread and sym- pathetic attention. STEWART’S SECRET SOCIETY ORDER Just as these copies were reaching their destinations, an order issued from the headquarters of the railway mail service which attempted a further and most important re- striction on the privileges of the employees under its juris- diction. As has been mentioned, post office inspectors had kept most active watch upon the clerks ever since the first warnings that trouble was brewing. They had been on the lookout for secret societies, plots and “pernicious activi- ties” for many weeks. Most of their work was done under cover and often their methods were none too scrupulous. Reports of their findings, true, exaggerated and not so true, kept going to Washington. Finally, as a result of these reports, the following order was issued: Post Office Department, Office of Second Assistant Postmaster General, Washington, March 13, 1911. Mr. Alex. Grant, General Superintendent Division of Railway Mail Service. Sir: Referring to the reports that postal clerks at various points are forming lodges of secret organizations of railway postal clerks, I desire that steps be taken at once to acquaint all in the service that such action is regarded as inimical to the interests of the Government. All clerks when they enter the service take an oath to well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office to which they are appointed and to perform all the duties required of them and to abstain from everything for- bidden by the laws in relation to post offices and post roads. It is incompatible with their obligation to the department that they should assume another oath with a secret organization in the service which may at any time interfere with the obligations which they have assumed upon entering the service. This is not to be construed as interfering with any right which a clerk may have of acting personally and individually with CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 157 reference to organizations outside of the postal service. You are directed to advise all railway postal clerks as to these principles of employment and views here expressed and that they shall be governed thereby. JOSEPH STEWART, Second Assistant Postmaster General. In this form the order was printed in the first (New Eng- land) division, but before it could be so published in other sections of the country, the direction to print it in the general orders was rescinded and instead word was com- municated to the division heads: “Please do not publish this in your orders, but let it go by word of mouth.’”® This enabled superintendents and chief clerks, as Mr. Gompers told the Civil Service Committee of the House, to inform clerks in person that the Department was opposed to certain organizations and that, if the clerks should join them or should refuse to withdraw from them, they would be demoted or discharged. The Department was now openly at war with all em- ployee organizations in the railway mail service which it could not control. Second Assistant Stewart declared that, according to the rules laid down by Postmaster General Cortelyou in 1905, organization officers had to be employees of the Department.* “Men who had been dismissed from the service have been elected officers of these organizations. Is there any better evidence,” he said, “of insubordination and opposition to the Post Office Department or to its Gov- ernment needed than that?’> Furthermore, Mr. Stewart held, the Postmaster General reserved the right to deter- mine the form which an employee organization should take,® and according to him, the Department looked with favor upon two organizations in the railway mail service. The first was the Railway Mail Association, the second, the Mutual Benefit Association.? The latter was a_ benefit society only. It had no other activities. The fact that the Second Assistant could mention these two bodies ap- provingly in the same breath indicated more effectively than pages of explanation how active an organization the 3 House Hearings on Lloyd Bill, p. 10. 4 Report of the Postmaster General, 1905, p. 14. 5 House Hearings on the Lloyd Bill, p. 50. © Same, p. 49. 7Same, p. 52. 158 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Department would tolerate. It also spoke volumes as to the character of the Railway Mail Association at the time. In accordance with these orders the Department now set out, through the agency of divisional and local officers and the corps of inspectors, to break the unions and the Brother- hood. And in this effort it used about every method prac- tised by private employers in fighting organizations among their employees, with the additional advantage of having behind its acts all the glamour and prestige of “law” and “sovernment.” The efforts of the inspectors now redoubled. They spied on meetings and gatherings of the men. They used clerks to spy on other clerks. They worked at distributing cases alongside of the regular workers to pick up such informa- tion as they could. They did not even hesitate, these agents of the Post Office Department, to tamper with the mail if they thought it served their purpose.® THE “INQUISITION” Chief clerks and division superintendents called suspected employees into their presence and subjected them to severe cross questioning as to their organization connections, activities and intentions. The following is a typical exam- ple of such a cross examination. The clerk here ques- tioned, and who was subsequently removed for his answers, had been in the service twenty-two years. His only offense was his membership in the Cleveland Postal Clerks’ Pro- tective Association. Q. Are you a member of the Railway Mail Clerks’ Protective Association? A. I decline to answer. I consider this a private affair. Q. This is a secret organization, is it not? A. Yes, I suppose so. Q. Have you attended any meeting? A. I decline to answer. Q. This association affiliates with the American Fed- eration of Labor, does it not? A. I do not know. Q. Do you decline to answer any and all questions 8 Congressional Record (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10729; also Hearings (above cited), pp. 184 and 200. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 159 concerning this association and the matter of your membership with it on the grounds that it is no con- cern of the department? A. I do. He was further questioned by his chief clerk at Cleve- land, Ohio, March 30: I have called your attention to the letter from the honorable Second Assistant Postmaster General, under date of March 13, 1911, defining the attitude of the department with relation to the formation of secret organizations within the Railway Mail Service. Q. You are a member of the Postal Clerks’ Protec- tive Association, are you not, Mr. Nichols? A. Yes. Q. You have been nominated for office and your name placed upon the ballot? A. I suppose so; yes. Q. What office, may I ask? A. I think it was trustee. Q. The ballots that were sent out are returnable April 1, are they not? A. I don’t remember. Q. Now that you have been made aoe ented with the position of the department with relation to organ- izations of the character of the Postal Clerks’ Protec- tive Association, which I understand is a secret organ- ization, please say what your future policy will be with regard to membership in that organization and per- formance of duties of the office for which you have been nominated, if elected. A. Well, I take the ground that that letter of Mr. Stewart’s is entirely beyond his authority; that he has no right to make any such regulations. My position is such that I don’t intend to withdraw. Q. You will serve as an officer of that organization if elected? A. I certainly will—if I remain in the service. I’ve got to the point that I don’t care whether I stay or not, as far as that’s concerned. Mr. Formanek: That will be all. 160 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Wherever there was a local union or Brotherhood lodge, employees were subjected to this treatment. The questions asked were pretty much the same all over, but the attitude and tone of the officials naturally varied with circumstances. At St. Paul, for example, the superintendent told a Brother- hood man that, in accordance with the Second Assistant’s letter, it was his duty to withdraw from the organization, “that failure to do so would be considered insubordination, that the Department was determined to break up such organization.” The examined clerk, after telling his superior that he believed in union principles and that he thought the Department’s order illegal, was told: ‘Well, then I see that you and I can never agree on that subject. You understand that any one who takes such a stand against the Depart- ment is liable to get hurt and you’ll have no kick coming.”® LEADERS DEMOTED OR DISCHARGED As a result of these interviews demotions and dismissals took place on all sides. The reasons given were usually “for the good of the service,” “for conduct detrimental to the welfare of the service.”’ Among those disciplined by demotion was Carl C. Van Dyke who was transferred at a loss of $300 in salary from the railway mail service to the post office at St. Paul “for having been perniciously active in endeavoring to foment discontent on the part of fellow employees in the R. M. S. and in so doing (exerting) an influence detrimental to the best interests of the service and tending to insubordination.” Immediately upon his transfer Van Dyke resigned from the service and was elected chair- man of the welfare committee of the division R. M. A., and went to Washington to represent the interests of his former fellows. The new office to which Van Dyke was elected was created by the division convention of 1911 which felt that the national officers of the Railway Mail Association could not be depended upon to look after the interests of the clerks. It was provided that the chairman of the wel- fare committee devote his entire time to his duties.1° An assessment was levied upon the members to cover the cost of the work. The national officers at once opposed this policy and subsequently succeeded in prohibiting the collec- ® Congressional Record (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10780. 10See Railway Post Office, May, 1911, p. 9. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 161° tion of funds to carry it on. In 1914, three and a half years after his discharge, the people of St. Paul gave some indica- tion of what they thought of the Department’s procedure by sending Van Dyke to Congress. To an extent the Post Office Department’s policy was successful. The union movement was checked and before long many of the locals were forced out of existence or greatly weakened. But the Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks managed to hang on in spite of losses, and the move- ment of the “radicals” to gain control of the R. M. A. went on with unabated vigor. Wherever this movement was sufh- ciently “radical,” i.e., where it spoke harshly of the “gag” or the Department’s policies, or where it spoke favorably of the Harpoon or indulged in similar “indiscretions,” the Department’s attitude was as antagonistic as towards the Brotherhood or the unions. The inspectors kept as close watch on the more active insurgents as on the leaders of the banned organizations. In their zeal to discover insubor- dination and “disloyalty to the Department,” they went the way of so many of their fellow detectives of a later day, who saw organized treason in every manifestation of dis- content. THE ERWIN CASE In Nebraska Charles H. Erwin was president of the Omaha branch of the Railway Mail Association. For some time this branch had been at the front of the ‘reform move- ment” in the 6th division association. It was the body which, towards the end of January, 1911, had issued the comprehensive statement of the men’s grievances above mentioned.” It was about a month after this event that Erwin an- nounced his candidacy for the division presidency on a plat- form’? which endorsed the Harpoon as having been of “‘ines- timable value—in our troubles in connection with the ‘slack- orders,’ and which favored Urban A. Walter as editor of the Railway Post Office, the official organ of the R. M. A.’”’3 It 11 Above, p. 146. 12 See Demotion of oie in the Railway Mail Service. Senate Doc. 1130 (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), 9, 181t was widely coariad ‘that the Railway Post Office represented only the executive committee of the R. M. A., and that it would give the rank and file no opportunity to express, through its columns, opinions hostile to the As- sociation administration of the Department’s policy. 162 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY also espoused the creation of a grievance committee to pre- sent “deserving complaints” to the Department or Congress. On the recommendation of the inspectors Erwin was transferred to the Omaha post office at a loss of $200 a year in salary. In addition to his platform and his active espousal and leadership of the insurgent cause this clerk’s only other offense was that, after an address by the national vice-president of the Railway Mail Association reporting a conference at Washington with the heads of the service, he raised the question as to who paid the expenses of the trip of the Association officers. A number of other clerks in the division, supporters of the “radical” cause, received the same treatment as Erwin. Later, in spite of his de- motion, Erwin was chosen president of his division associa- tion by a large majority. THE SLOCUM PLATFORM At the same time similar events were occurring in the New England division. A railway postal clerk, Harry E. Slocum of Springfield, Mass., announced himself a candi- date for delegate to the national convention of the Railway Mail Association on a platform in which he declared him- self in favor of “‘a representative (at Washington) who can neither be bought, fired, nor told he is out of place, to look after any legislation affecting our service and to present our case to Congress. ...” Slocum further declared himself “in favor of the repeal of the Executive order or ‘gag’ rule which denies us the rights and privileges guaranteed us by the Constitution of the United States.’”24 This was shortly before the ‘“‘secret society” order, so there could be no ques- tion of Slocum having offended on that score. Neverthe- less, he was summarily removed without charge or hearing. The official reason was the usual one: “Conduct detrimental to the welfare of the service.” This action caused a wave of protest among the New England clerks and, of course, contributed immensely to the very cause which the authorities were trying to defeat. Slocum received his notice on a Thursday. The following Sunday the division association held a special meeting at Boston and by unanimous vote “demanded” that Slocum be 14 Springfield Republican, March 15, 1911. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 1638 given a hearing before the proper officials and that he be accorded the right of counsel. THE QUACKENBUSH CASE Less than three weeks after this meeting another New England clerk, Charles H. Quackenbush, the mover of these resolutions, also found himself discharged “for conduct det- rimental to the service.” This case attracted a good deal of attention at the time and received much newspaper pub- licity, both in and out of Boston. The formal complaints against Quackenbush were several. The first was that he had moved that a copy of certain resolutions adopted by the division association, including one “demanding’* the withdrawal of the “gag” rule, be sent to the chairman of the Post Office Committee. This, the inspectors held, was a violation of the executive orders, even though the division secretary, presumably in fear of official displeasure, never forwarded the resolutions. The second charge was that he had on two occasions met a general organizer of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor in the company of several other employees. This was taken to show that Quackenbush was behind a movement to unionize the New England railway postal clerks. The third charge was his connection with the Slocum resolutions. The fourth was that he had said that the Harpoon was entitled to the support of all the clerks, although he was opposed to it being made the official organ of the Railway Mail Association. But the real reasons for the Quackenbush action lay else- where. The fight for ascendency between the conservative and insurgent factions of the New England division was exceedingly sharp. Quackenbush led the latter group while the president of the division association led the former. This officer was a staunch supporter of the policies and leaders of the national association and always threw his influence in the way of every proposed action of the organization which might in any way displease the authorities.17 On 15 Boston Traveler, March 13, 1911. 16 Quackenbush was responsible for the substitution of ‘‘demand’”’ for “‘request.’’ 17 When on his return from a conference with the authorities at Washington he was asked: ‘‘What have you to tell us that has been promised to better our conditions?’’ he answered: ‘‘That I am not at liberty to tell, as my talk with the officials was confidential.’-—Congressional Record (62nd Cong., 2nd _ Sess.), p. 10731. The workers felt this to be a strange answer on the part of their repre- sentative and an even stranger policy on the part of a public department officially opposed to “‘secret societies’’ among its employees. 164 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY March 9th, the very day on which Slocum received notice of his dismissal, Quackenbush formally announced his candidacy for division president. To the men active in Association politics this announcement did not come as a surprise. Meanwhile, about the middle of February, when the dis- satisfaction caused by the “slack orders” was at its height, the division president paid a visit to the inspector-in-charge at Boston. He warned him of the danger of the discontent among the force growing into “radical disloyalty” and of the growing sentiment among the men for affiliation with the American Federation of Labor.ts Having thus put the inspectors on their guard, he continued in closest touch with them. The day after the Slocum protest meeting the New England inspector-in-charge wrote to his chief at Washing- ton of Quackenbush’s activities and admitted that he was “receiving his information to a great extent from Mr. —_——., president of the Railway Mail Clerks’ Associa- tion of New England.” He added: “Mr. ————— is not in sympathy at all with such actions as have been recorded in this report. and I think I can depend on him for further information.”?® The belief was general among the men that Mr. ————— had brought about the Slocum and Quacken- bush discharges as a means towards helping to keep himself and his friends in control of the R. M. A.?° THE NEW ENGLAND DIVISION ELECTION When it became apparent that neither Quackenbush nor Slocum would retire from candidacy because of their dis- charges, the national secretary of the R. M. A. at Mr. ———’s request”? cancelled the membership of both former clerks in the Association. He claimed to have acted “under instructions from the executive committee.” Later it was found that there had been no meeting of that committee. Instead Mr. ————, as a committee man, had, without any 18 Charles H. Quackenbush, 8. Doc. 866 (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), pp. 26 and 240. 19 Same, pp. 17-18 % It is true that Mr. ————— visited the inspectors before Quackenbush had announced himself a candidate for division president. ‘“This,” the inspectors wrote, “would appear to set aside the charge that —-————— is instituting this investi- gation against Quackenbush for the purpose of defeating a competing candidate.”’ Written under date of April 6, 1911; See S. Doc. cited, p. 26. However, the political situation within the division association was clear to all long before Quackenbush’s formal announcement of his candidacy. *1 Charles H. Quackenbush, S. Doc. 866 (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 216. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 165 authority in the rules of the Association, simply “ordered” the national secretary to take the action he had announced.?? Yet in spite of every effort to keep themselves in power the “old guard” were defeated. Quackenbush was chosen president by a large majority and Slocum elected to the national convention. On the day of the annual meeting Quackenbush was obliged to obtain a court order restraining Mr. from interfering with his election. The defeated president left the hall saying that all members who had helped elect his opponent would be brought to account for their action.*® R. M. A. OLD GUARD “USES” THE DEPARTMENT What little faith remained anywhere in the justice and fair dealing of the Department was completely dispelled by these incidents in New England and the West. To thousands of employees they were proof positive that the authorities and their agents were using their official posi- tions to control Association elections. This the authorities indignantly denied, and the truth seems to be that they were rather the victims than the plotters. The threatened Association officers took full advantage of the fears and credulity of officials who had shown that they were willing to believe almost anything, and fed them full of stories of the insubordinate nature of the insurgent movement and of the disloyal character of the A. F. of L. RIDICULOUS REPORTS OF INSPECTORS The Department was suffering from a bad case of nerves for which ridiculous reports of the inspectors were in no small measure responsible. Though they were the employers of thousands of workers, the heads of the postal service were apparently astonishingly ignorant of the character of the official American labor movement. Of course, these heads of the service could have informed themselves of the character of the A. F. of L. with little difficulty, but they preferred to depend on the hair-raising reports of stupid inspectors and to make themselves ridiculous by taking these reports seriously. Accepting such accounts of the A. F. of L. as the following, there is little wonder that the 22 Same, p. 201. ; 23Same, pp. 201, 209, 216, and Boston Traveler, April 12, 1911. 166 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY authorities were so frightened at the thought of clerks’ unions. This is from a memorandum of the chief inspector to the Postmaster General, summing up the findings of local inspectors regarding the American Federation of Labor: “Tt appears that this . . . organization, before grant- .» ing admission to applicants for membership, requires a secret oath and that all other organizations affiliating with it pay tribute to the central organization. This central organization does not appear to be incorporated; is responsible to no laws and to no government; in spite of the tremendous industrial, economical, and social influence which it asserts, it manages its affairs without public accountability ; its oligarchies raise and spend vast sums of money in ways of which the public has no knowledge; its operations are veiled in mystery and reach out to every corner of the country.”* “Tn view of the above and having in mind the best inter- ests of the service as a whole,” the chief added, “Inspector- in-Charge Letherman was fully justified in keeping close watch on the situation.” And Mr. Letherman depended to no small extent on “information” given him by the president of the New England Division, R. M. A., and employees close to him. Much of this information was just as ridicu- lous as the chief inspector’s memorandum. Yet the Depart- ment accepted it unquestioningly and solemnly presented it to a Congressional committee as evidence of the danger of allowing government employees to join organizations not to the Department’s liking. Several employees in aff- davits sworn before a post office inspector said that it was a matter of general conversation among the clerks that, should the R. M. A. join the Federation of Labor and should it desire to strike, the latter would assess every member of federated labor in the United States ten cents each and turn the money over to the R. M. A. to aid it in its strike.*® Of course, to any one who knew anything about the American Federation of Labor, it would at once have been clear that all this talk of the inspectors and interested clerks 24 Memorandum to Postmaster General from Chief Inspector, S. Doc. 866 (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), 241. 2> House Hearings on Lloyd Bill, pp. 83-5. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 167 was arrant nonsense.*® Yet the Department accepted it without question, grew hysterical over it, and allowed itself to be imposed upon to the advantage of the “old guard” of the R. M. A. It was ignorance in high places which, more than all else, was at the bottom of the troubles of 1911. SENATOR LA FOLLETTH’S QUESTIONNAIRE The disordered state of postal affairs soon began to attract the attention of Senators and Representatives, and many resolutions calling for investigations of the service were presented in Congress. Senator La Follette of Wis- consin became especially interested and conducted an inves- tigation of his own through a questionnaire which he sent to every railway postal clerk in the country.?’ In his letter accompanying the questions the Senator explained that his attention had been called to the Second Assistant Post- master General’s order regarding organization “inimical to the interests of the Government” and to the “system of intimidation” which the officers of the service were employ- ing to prevent clerks from “exercising their right to join a union.” He stated further: “T desire to secure direct statements from railway postal clerks as to whether, in any way, they have been so threatened or intimidated. If you have been ap- proached and an effort made to prevent you from join- ing or to force you to withdraw from a union or to cease your activities as a union man, state fully the circum- stances... . “The railway mail clerks have the right to organize. If the officers of the Department are endeavoring to prevent them from so doing by threats of discharge, such action is without legal authority or moral right. If I find conditions in the railway postal service to be generally such as has been represented, I shall introduce and do everything in my power to pass a bill to prevent the continuation of such un-American practices and 26 Secretary Morrison of the A. F. of L. secured affidavits from the organizer at Boston who had been active among the railway mail clerks there, specifically denying the statements regarding the ten cent strike levy as well as other assertions not quite as preposterous. It is interesting to note that most of the assertions made in the clerk’s affidavits were indirect, ie., “it has been a matter of general conversation, etc. ... 27 Senate Doc. 866 (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), pp. 47-8. 168 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY to preserve to all government employees the right of petition which belongs to every citizen, and the right to form or join labor organizations for the improvement of their conditions. . . “Your answer will be held confidential except as to the facts stated, as it is my purpose merely to collect the information and present it to Congress without disclosing the names or any circumstances which would lead to the identification of my informants.” The questionnaire covered the Department’s anti-organ- ization activities, the effect of the “take-up-the-slack”’ orders, the degree of improvement which followed their modification after the conference of the service heads and the R. M. A. officers, and finally the effect of that policy as to delayed or unworked mails. To these questionnaires Mr. La Follette received thou- sands of replies which indicated, he said, that conditions in the R. M.S. were “probably more arbitrary than in any other branch of the civil service.”?® Of course the Department did not like this investigation and made every effort to find out what information was being given the Senator. His mail, he charged, “was sub- jected to an espionage almost Russian in character.” Let- Ha addressed to him were opened in violation of the postal aws.?° THE OPPOSITION TO THE “ANTI-GAG” BILLS Another effect of the Department’s anti-union activities was to take the interest of the American Federation of Labor in the rights of federal employees beyond the resolu- tion stage into the field of active politics. Through the efforts of President Gompers bills limiting the power of removal over civil servants and guaranteeing their right of association and appeal were introduced in both houses of Congress.°° Extended hearings which threw much light on the whole postal labor situation were held before the House Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. The Department and the President opposed these bills - SLU aretha Record (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10729. 8 The first ‘‘anti-gag’’ measure was introduced in January, 1910, at the sug- gestion of the A. F. of L., but it was not pushed and no action was taken re- garding it. This measure ‘was known as the Jones-Poindexter Bill. The more saint bill, which finally became law, was known as the Lloyd-La Follette CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 169 with all their resources, holding that they endangered the discipline and efficiency of the service. President Taft gave public utterance to his opposition in a speech at Harrisburg, in which he said: “The government employees are a privi- leged class whose work is necessary to carry on the govern- ment and upon whose entry into the government service it is entirely reasonable to impose conditions that should not be and ought not to be imposed upon those who serve private employers.’’** Ranged against the bills was not only the influence of the administration, but also some of the most powerful employing interests in the land. Mr. James A. Emery appeared at the House hearings in opposition to the mea- sure as the counsel and representative of about one hundred and thirty manufacturers, employers, business men’s asso- ciations, and citizens’ alliances, of which the National Association of Manufacturers was but one. These interests evidently felt that, should the measure before Congress succeed and should government employees be guaranteed the right to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor, the organized labor movement throughout the country would be given a tremendous boost. If, on the other hand, the federal government could successfully prevent the effec- tive organization of its workers, its example would be of tremendous value to the anti-union movement. Their formal opposition was based upon the grounds that, as good citi- zens, they could not see the government’s authority threat- ened by its employees, who had sworn to obey it, taking another obligation of loyalty to an “outside organization.” The authorities, too, were now taking the ground that they did not oppose organizations of civil servants provided they had no “outside affiliations.” Yet the ban which they had placed upon the unaffiliated Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks and the attitude they took towards the insurgent movement in the Railway Mail Association showed that they were opposed to any organized movement among the force whose policy they did not like or could not influence. THE PRESIDENT MODIFIES THE “GAG” Towards the end of the year, when it became apparent that Congress was overwhelmingly in favor of the pending % May 14, 1911, at Harrisburg, Pa. 170 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY legislation, the Administration changed its tactics and tried to forestall the favorable sentiment by a policy of conces- sion. On December 9, 1911, the President amended the civil service rules to provide that in the future no employee could be definitely removed or demoted without charges having been preferred and an opportunity for written defense given the employee. ‘This attempted to concede by executive regulation what part of the pending Lloyd- La Follette bill purposed to accomplish by legislation. The President’s concession was hailed as a victory for the employees, but it was a concession as to the least important part of the pending bill and it in no way restricted the fight for complete legislative victory. It was, too, no more than a paper victory, for it still left the executive officials with all their former power after they had gone through certain prescribed forms. Four months later, just when the bill was about to come up in the House of Representatives, the President made a final effort by withdrawing the “gag” itself and substituting the following order under the date of April 8, 1912: “Tt is hereby ordered that petitions or other commu- nications regarding public business addressed to the Congress or either House or any committee or member thereof by officers and employees in the civil service of the United States shall be transmitted through the heads of their respective departments or offices, who shall forward them without delay with such comment as they may deem requisite in the public interest. Officers and employees are strictly prohibited either directly or indirectly from attempting to secure legisla- tion, or to influence pending legislation, except in the manner above prescribed. “This order supersedes the Executive orders of Jan- uary 31, 1902, January 25, 1906, and November 26, 1909, regarding the same general matter.” THE ‘ANTI-GAG” FIGHT IN CONGRESS This was a more notable victory, but it still left civil servants without complete guarantees as to the right of petition and association. Besides, it came too late. Ten days later the Lloyd bill passed the House with but one CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 171 dissenting vote*? as an amendment to post office appro- priation bill for 1913. In the Senate, however, the measure met with decided opposition. When the Post Office Com- mittee reported the appropriation bill towards the end of July, the only part of the Lloyd amendment which it retained was the rather meaningless section providing for the right of written charges and an opportunity for reply before removal, while the vital ‘‘anti-gag” section which guaranteed the right to organize and petition Congress was stricken out. But after protracted debate which centered chiefly about the possibility of a strike in the government service if the House provision which, it was contended, “Invited” and “encouraged” affiliation with the American Federation of Labor was adopted, the Senate restored the “anti-gag” section. But it so amended it as to provide against affiliation with any “outside organization imposing an obligation or duty to . . . engage in any strike against the United States,” or which proposed to assist postal employees in such a strike. It has at times been said that in inserting this amend- ment, which was offered by Senator Reed of Missouri, the Senate thought it was voting to bar affiliation with the American Federation of Labor. But the basis for such assertion is slight. Mr. Gompers was consulted before the Reed amendment was offered** and it was adopted with the Federation’s full knowledge and approval. Besides, it was accepted by the Senate in preference to a substitute drawn by the National Civil Service Reform League which specif- ically barred organizations which were “secret” or “affiliated with any outside organization.’’*+ Judging from the debates in the Senate,*° the Reed amendment seems to have been offered largely to ease the minds of those Senators who feared that affiliation with the Federation of Labor might draw federal employees into a strike against the govern- ment. In attempting to arrive at any estimate of the legisla- ture’s intentions in passing the Lloyd-La Follette act, one all-important fact must be remembered, namely, that Con- ii The leader of the Republican minority, Representative J. R. Mann, of - -Thinois. _ 83 Postal Review (1916) p. 51. Also Union Postal fm August, 1912, p. 1. * Congressional Record (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10793. Same, pp. 10670-7, 10727-33 (La Follette’s speech), 1790-804. 172 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY gress acted primarily to rectify what it considered to be certain grave abuses of authority on the part of the execu- tive, and that prominent among these abuses were anti- union activities of the Post Office Department. But, after all, discussion as to this point is merely academic, for Congress, the executive, and the employees have always interpreted the Lloyd-La Follette act as specifically guar- anteeing the right to affiliate with the A. F. of L., and no attempt has ever been made by any one in authority to place any other interpretation upon the law.*® The text of this act which was approved August 24, 1912, is as follows:*7 Sec. 6. That no person in the classified civil service of the United States shall be removed therefrom except for such cause as will promote the efficiency of said service and for reasons given in writing, and the person whose removal is sought shall have notice of the same and of any charges preferred against him, and be fur- nished with a copy thereof, and also be allowed a reasonable time for personally answering the same in writings; and affidavits in support thereof; but no examination of witnesses nor any trial or hearing shall be required except in the discretion of the officer making the removal; and copies of charges, notice of hearing, answer, reasons for removal, and of the order of removal shall be made a part of the records of the proper department or office, as shall also the reasons for reduction in rank or compensation; and copies of the same shall be furnished to the person affected upon request, and the Civil Service Commission also shall, upon request, be furnished copies of the same: Pro- vided, However, That membership in any society, asso- ciation, club, or other form of organization of postal employees not affiliated with any outside organization imposing an obligation or duty upon them to engage in any strike, or proposing to assist them in any strike, against the United States, having for its objects, among 36 Postmaster General Burleson raised the question of the legality of affiliation under the Act of Aug. 24, 1912 (Post Office Department Reports, 1917, p. 33; ay Pe ice even he never tried to force such an interpretation of the Dp. 221. 87 37 Stat., 555. This was Sec. Public Law 336 (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), the Post Office Appropriation Act for 1018. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 173 other things, improvements in the condition of labor of its members, including hours of labor and compensa- tion therefor and leave of absence, by any person or groups of persons in said postal service, or the pre- senting by any such person or group of persons of any grievance or grievances to the Congress or any member thereof shall not constitute or be cause for reduction in rank or compensation or removal of such person or groups of persons from said service. The right of persons employed in the civil service of the United States, either individually or collectively, to petition Congress, or any member thereof, or to furnish infor- mation to either house of Congress, or to any committee or member thereof, shall not be denied or interfered with. THE OLDER ASSOCIATIONS AND THE “ANTI-GAG” FIGHT It is the most important piece of legislation ever enacted affecting the rights of federal workers. Its passage was due almost entirely to the Harpoon’s campaign, the efforts of the American Federation of Labor, and the activities of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks, which had urged the passage of such legislation ever since its formation in 1906. The leading employee organizations did little or nothing to help in the fight. The National Association of Letter Carriers and the United National Association of Post Office Clerks did, it is true, place themselves on record against the “gag.” The latter, at its convention, September, 1911, passed resolutions approving the bill.*® The repre- sentatives of both associations, when subpoenaed, appeared before the Senate Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads and urged the measure’s passage. But aside from these formal expressions they played no part in the “anti-gag” campaign. The officers of the Clerks’ and Carriers’ Asso- ciations who testified before the Senate Committee told the Senators that they would not have been present if it had not been for the subpoenas, since such action would have been in violation of the President’s orders.*® The president of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks, 38 Post Office Clerk, October, 1911, p. 73. 89 Hearings: Senate Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads: Post Office Appropriation Bill for 1913, p. 91. 174 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY on the other hand, testified at both Senate and House hearings without subpoena or apology. At two successive conventions of the Railway Mail Asso- ciation it was impossible to get a majority of the delegates to endorse the Lloyd bill.*#° Even after that measure had passed the House of Representatives with but one negative vote, it was impossible for the progressive delegates at the New Orleans convention of 1912 to muster more than twenty votes in favor of a resolution of endorsement to forty-four which were cast against it.41 The year before, at Syracuse, the convention actually endorsed a similar proposition by a vote 41 to 23, but later the delegates took the advice of the national president,*? reconsidered their action and reversed themselves by a vote of 38 to 25.42 The national president, Mr. Schardt, in explaining his advice, said: “I argued for nearly an hour with Mr. Stewart at Syracuse for the right of direct petition to Congress, but when its dangers were clearly pointed out to me, I grasped the significance of the very positive views held by Mr. Stewart, Mr. Hitchcock, and President Taft. I would have been a poltroon and a traitor to the best interests of the clerks to have advised any other course than I did in the debates on the Lloyd bill. . . .’’*4 ASSOCIATION OFFICERS APPROVE THE ELIMINATION OF THE GUARANTEE OF THE RIGHT TO ORGANIZE While the legislation was under consideration in the Senate an attempt was made to strike out the clause guar- anteeing the right to organize and to substitute one which guaranteed to federal workers the right to petition Con- gress, either as individuals or in groups.*® Upon inquiry from Senator Reed as to whether the substitute clause was satisfactory, President Wm. E. Kelly of the National Asso- ciation of Letter Carriers wrote a letter giving his assurance that it met with the “hearty approval” of his association.** 40 Hearings: Senate Subcommittee of Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads: Railway Mail Clerks, March, 1916: Statement of President E. J. Ryan of the PMA iD 112. 41 Harpoon, No. 64; January, 1915. 42 Railway Post Office, June, 1911 (Proceedings), p. 56. 43 Same, pp. 56, 57. 44 Quoted in the Harpoon, No. 64; January, 1915. 45 Two substitutes, practically identical, were offered: one by Senator Reed, of Missouri, and one by Senator Nelson, of Minnesota; Congressional Record (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10728. 48 Congressional Meoeard (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10727. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 175 President Schardt of the R. M. A., who had shortly come from the New Orleans convention, replied to the Senator in a long letter in which he strongly favored the right of appeal and held that the proposed substitute clause guaranteed it sufficiently. He added: “Tn the provision stricken out . . . there is a propo- sition which encourages affiliation with outside organi- zations among government employees without restric- tions. ... We who are in the service desire to make it clear that we have never urged and do not now urge that Congress should by legislation encourage govern- ment employees to form organizations or affiliate with outside organizations. We would prefer to have the organization feature eliminated, but would like the substance ... of the proviso... restored, granting us the right of appeal to Congress.’’*” Senator Bourne of Oregon, Chairman of the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, told the Senate that the representatives of the National Association of Letter Car- riers and the United National Association of Post Office Clerks had assured him that they were satisfied with the amendment recommended by the National Civil Service Reform League, which barred affiliation with “any outside organization.’’*® In setting forth the attitude of the spokesmen of the various employee organizations Senator Reed said: “T want to say that some four men claiming to repre- sent these organizations [the older associations]...... stated to me that they believed their right to petition Congress might be jeopardized by insisting upon the House proposition as it came here, and for that reason they desired to wait. One or two of them went to the extent of saying that they did not desire the right to organize as contemplated in the House bill, and went further and stated that they now did have organiza- tions that were not interfered with; but there are others [representatives of the unionized clerks and insurgent railway mail clerks] who have come to me since and have stated that they do desire the House provision 47 Congressional Record (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10727. 48 Same, p. 10793. 176 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY and that they feel that their rights are being infringed upon by Departmental orders.’’*® Ten years of the “gag” rule had kept the dominant postal organizations under the wing of the Department. ‘The officers of these organizations, all but one of whom were in the service, of course had to move cautiously in their advocacy of any measure to which the Department was opposed. That, it seems, is sufficient explanation of the attitude of the clerks’ and carriers’ associations with refer- ence to the anti-gag campaign. And this attitude, all but inevitable under the circumstances, makes it clear why the Department would approve only of such organizations as were “wholly within the service.” THE WAY IN WHICH THE DEPARTMENT CONTROLLED THE ASSOCIATIONS According to Senator La Follette, any leaders who took such a stand as that taken by the presidents of Letter Car- riers’ and Railway Mail Clerks’ Associations laid themselves open to the suspicion of being “controlled” by the Depart- ment.°° These leaders were not “controlled” by the Depart- ment in the crude and ordinary sense of the word. But they were most certainly dominated by the officials and, perhaps just as effectively as though they did the Depart- ment’s bidding outright, by the limitations of their own policy.** It was their purpose always to remain in the good graces of the administration. It hardly need be pointed out that in order to do that it was often necessary to sacri- fice part measure of the men’s cause and sometimes, as the R. M. A. Syracuse convention showed, such concession amounted to surrender. Leaders of the organizations which “stood” well with the Department often obtained special favors and concessions not allowed the representatives of the more independent employee groups. Thus at the time that Oscar F. Nelson, 49 Same, p. 10728. 50 Same, p. 10732. 51 President Ryan of the R. M. A., telling the House Committee on Expendi- tures in the Post Office Department of how he got into disfavor with the Depart- ment by making a direct appeal to Congress, said: “From the system that did prevail in the organization, I am convinced that the Department always controlled the association through its officers.’’ Hearings, Part I, August 29, 1919, p. 32. n. this point see also statements of Senator La Follette, Congressional Record (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 10731. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 177 president of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks, was dismissed from the service for violating the “gag” rule in connection with the publicity regarding sanitary condi- tions in the Chicago postoffice,*? Frank T. Rogers, president of the United National Association of Post Office Clerks, was granted an indefinite leave of absence and was per- mitted to remain in Washington contrary to the rules. When Secretary Morrison of the A. F. of L. asked the First Assistant, Dr. Grandfield, why Rogers was granted these special privileges which others did not enjoy, he was told “that Mr. Rogers had a special leave signed by the Post- master General himself and that whenever Mr. Rogers comes to Washington he comes to this office and explains his business and we grant him permission to-remain.”® Internal association politics was a factor of no small moment, though perhaps an unconscious one, in determining the leaders’ attitude towards the organization feature of the House bill. The factions present in every service group which favored closer affiliation with the trade union move- ment, though at the time comparatively small in number, were exceedingly active and persistent and seemed to be growing stronger steadily. The association leaders felt that the Lloyd-La Follette bill would give these “radicals” a freer hand and would help them in their fight against the conservative factions in control of the older organiza- tions. These leaders had a sort of vested interest in things as they were. The official attitude of opposition towards their opponents was of inestimable help to them. It was but natural, therefore, that they should oppose, or at least not be especially favorable towards, any legislation which they thought likely to weaken their position. OTHER REMEDIAL LEGISLATION: THE HOUR QUESTION The “anti-gag” fight gave the employees an opportunity to carry through several other remedial measures in the Post Office Act for 1913. In fact, the section in which the Clerks’ and Carriers’ Associations were most actively inter- ested was not the “anti-gag” provision but a section spon- sored by Representative Reilly of Connecticut regulating hours of labor. The clerks, it will be remembered, had been 53 See above, p. 127. 53 Union Postal Clerk, April, 1912, p. 12. 178 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY unsuccessfully agitating for an eight-hour law from the time they had first begun to organize. In 1900, at the Department’s request, Congress inserted the following substitute for the carriers’ eight-hour law of 1888 in the Appropriation Act for the fiscal year of 1901: “That letter carriers may be required to work as nearly as practicable only eight hours on each working day, but not in any event exceeding 48 hours during six working days of each week and such numbers of hours on Sunday, not exceeding eight, as may be required by the needs of the service. . . .”54 This legislation was enacted to meet a specific situation and at the time of its passage was generally considered temporary. It was not included in the Appropriation Act for the next year, and under an opinion of the law officer of the Department the eight-hour law of 1888 again became effective.°® But after some years the Department began to question this ruling. A test case was brought in the Court of Claims in 1908 and a decision holding the provision of 1900 in force and superseding the act of 1888 was rendered in May, 1910.°° This was just at the time of the publicity con- cerning working conditions in the Chicago post office. Although the Department did, in general, try to have the postmen’s schedules conform to the spirit of the law, that spirit was often disregarded. A law of the type in question easily lent itself to almost unconscious violation. Supervisory officials often found it not “practicable” to observe the eight-hour limitation and, since the act con- tained no provision for overtime compensation, the authori- ties could ignore it with impunity. CARRIERS’ HOURS From 1909, while the test case was still pending, the Carriers’ Association worked persistently for an hour law which would be more satisfactory to the force, while the clerks’ organizations worked equally hard for similar legis- lation. The carriers’ principal complaint concerning the operation of the existing law was that even though their 54 31 Stat., 257. Approved June 2, 1900. 5 Report of the Post Office Department (First Assistant), 1901, pp. 105-7. % 45 Cl. R. 476 (May 31, 1910): Van Doran vs. United States. CLIMAX OF THE “ANTI-GAG” CAMPAIGN 179 actual tours might be but eight hours, these tours extended over very much longer periods during which they were always on call. According to Dr. Grandfield, the First Assistant Postmaster General, although about 85 per cent of the men finished their work within ten hours and 95 per cent within eleven hours, there were some tours which ex- tended over twelve or thirteen hours.5? Mr. Cantwell, the national secretary of the Letter Carriers’ Association, ‘told the Senate Post Office Committee that carriers’ tours existed over periods of anywhere from eight to fourteen hours, while there were many instances reported to the organization of schedules extending to sixteen hours and, in one case at least, to eighteen hours.°® THE REILLY EIGHT-IN-TEN-HOUR LAW The section of the Act of August 24, 1912, regulating hours, is known as the “Reilly eight-in-ten-hour law.’ It provided that, beginning March 4, 1913, carriers and clerks at first and second class offices “shall be required to work not more than eight hours a day, provided that the eight hours of service shall not extend over a longer period than ten consecutive hours.” It also provided for pro rata pay for overtime, for Sunday closing of post offices, and for compensatory time on one of the six days following Sunday where the needs of the service required work on that day. The Department opposed this legislation just as it had op- posed the eight-hour law in 1888. The Postmaster General and his First Assistant both contended that the service could not possibly be run under such a system without destroying its efficiency and enormously increasing the expense of oper- ation.®® But 1912 was a bad year for the postal administra- tion. It had fallen from legislative grace. Congress seemed determined to combat its opposition to employee measures and to give the men what they asked. Another factor which aided the employee cause was that the “gag” was practically nullified while the appropriation bill was in 57 Hearings: Subcommittee No. 1 of House Committee on Post nae ie and Post Roads, on Post Office Appropriation Bill for 1913; January, 1912, 9. 58 Hearings: Senate Committee on Post Offices and Post oad: Post Office Appropriation Bill for 1913; pp. 79, 80. ® Public Law 336, Sec. i (62nd Cong., 2nd Sess.), 37 Stat., 554. 00 House Hearings cited, p. 77. For the most complete and comprehensive argu- ment against the bill see ‘Postmaster General Hitchcock’s letter to Senator Bourne, Chairman of the Senate P. O. Committee, Jan. 10, 1912; same, pp. 77-9. 180 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY the hands of the committee. Organization representatives were present at the Senate hearings by subpoena from the chairman where it was felt necessary to take this precaution to evade the executive order. They were thus able to present their own cases and combat the Department’s argu- ments as they had not been able to do for more than a decade. The Act of 1912 also provided for a new classification for railway postal clerks with automatic promotions, as well as a considerable increase in their travel pay. CHAPTER XI THE IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF THE LLOYD- LA FOLLETTE ACT The immediate effect of the Lloyd-La Follette Act throughout the service was to hearten the groups which favored affiliation with the American Federation of Labor. Those who had formerly looked upon the proposition with favor, but hesitated because of the hostile attitude of the authorities and uncertainty as to their own legal rights, now had their doubts removed. THE A. F. OF L., THE BROTHERHOOD, AND THE RAILWAY MAIL ASSOCIATION The 1910-11 efforts of the A. F. of L. to organize federal labor unions of railway mail clerks and ultimately unite these locals in a national union had failed because the character of the movement was not such as to enable it to stand against the Department’s active opposition. The A. F. of L. had worked through its own organizers and agents without seeking the help, cooperation, or advice of the clerks’ logical national leaders like Urban A. Walter and Van Dyke When the Department set out to break up the locals its efforts met with a large measure of success. The Federation of Labor looked upon the Brotherhood just as many of its own members and leaders did, as a dual membership organization for Railway Mail Association progressives whose chief purpose was to gain control of the Association and to make it over into a truly useful and representative labor organization. Yet the Brotherhood was on record as favoring affiliation with the Federation of Labor, while its most active leaders, as well as the Harpoon, had declared that it would organize on a perma- nent basis as a challenge to the Railway Mail Association should the latter continue in its old ways. 1 Harpoon, No. 80, June 29, 1916. 181 182 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Accordingly, upon the passage of the Act of August 24, 1912, and after the Railway Mail Association had failed to act on many important items favored by the Brotherhood and the progressive group, Urban A. Walter and others set out to reorganize the Brotherhood on a permanent basis and to include within it what remained of the federal labor unions of railway postal clerks. After about a year, in May, 1914, the A. F. of L. granted the organization a national charter.2. The Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks thus became the second national union of postal workers to cast its lot with the official labor movement. The establishment of the Brotherhood created a situation in the railway mail service not unlike that which had long obtained among the post office clerks. But the relation between the new hostile rivals was different in several important respects from that which existed in the older camp. In the first place, the Brotherhood continued to a great extent as a dual membership organization. A large number of its adherents remained members in good standing in the Railway Mail Association and continued to work with its progressive wing. This was in large part due to the fact that the R. M. A. was one of the most successful benevolent and insurance organizations in the entire service, and members hesitated to surrender its advantages in that regard. Secondly, the Harpoon was the Brotherhood’s official organ and its wide, in fact; general, circulation in. the railway mail service gave the new union a direct influence far greater than that which it could have wielded by force of members alone. When the Brotherhood was chartered its membership was about 1,200, while the Harpoon reached about ten or twelve thousand railway postal clerks. Many of the Brotherhood’s achievements were gained directly through the Railway Mail Association. The officers of that organization had entrée at Washington where the new group could not even hope “to look in.”” Nevertheless the union was often able to bring sufficient pressure to 2The formation of the Brotherhood under the leadership of the editor of the Harpoon recalls the part which independent postal journals and their editors have played in the formation of employee organizations. The National Association of Letter Carriers in the days of its beginning was strengthened to no small extent by the support it received from the Postal Record (above, p. 69). The convention which brought the Railway Mail Association into being was held at the call of the R. M. S. Bugle (above, p. 120), and the National Rural Letter Carriers’ scapes? was founded under the leadership of the R. F. D. News (above, pp EFFECTS OF THE LLOYD-LA FOLLETTE ACT 183 bear to compel the Association leaders to push and obtain measures for which they would not otherwise have thought of asking. THE CARRIERS AND THE AFFILIATION QUESTION 1900-1905 The affiliation question had always been a live issue among the letter carriers. In 1900, President Gompers had sent letters to the branches of the National Association of Letter Carriers urging them to use their influence to bring that organization into the American Federation of Labor. A few months later he addressed the Association’s national convention to the same effect. Late in 1902 President Keller of the carriers held a number of conferences with Mr. Gompers at which the affiliation issue was considered. The postmen’s leaders felt, however, that the time was not yet ripe for their organization to cast its lot with the Labor Federation. In 1903 President Keller addressed the convention of the A. F. of L. He told the delegates that the letter carriers were entering upon their “final period of organization” and that the time was not far distant when delegates from his association would be found in the councils of the American Federation of Labor.t The carriers’ convention that year ordered the appointment of a committee to inquire into the advisability of affiliation and to report their recom- mendations to the next convention scheduled to meet in 1905. The committee’s report, though expressing friend- ship for the labor body, advised against affiliation on the grounds that the character of the postman’s employment made it “highly mexpedient, if not to the last degree dan- gerous,” to enter into “entangling alliances with any other organization.” The report was unanimously adopted by the convention.’ This position was the same as that taken by the Clerks’ Association in 1902.° Though the carrier affiliationists continued to agitate, the issue remained pretty much in the background for the next four or five years until the hour question and the general unrest throughout the service brought it to the fore again 8 Postal Record, October, 1900, p. 299. “American Federation of Labor: Proceedings, 1903, p. 180. 5 Postal Record, October, 1905, p. 227. © Above, pp. 94-5, 184 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY about 1910. During the next two years it again became a very live issue. CLERKS’ FEDERATION ATTEMPTS TO EXTEND ITS JURISDICTION The National Federation of Post Office Clerks, which had always been committed to the principle of a single national union of postal workers, felt that affiliation sentiment was sufficiently strong in 1911 to warrant its taking a first step towards the realization of its ideal. Accordingly it asked the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. to extend its juris- diction so that it might include letter carriers in its mem- bership. The council took the matter under consideration and suggested a meeting of the clerks’ and carriers’ officers with a view to amalgamating the two bodies into a single organization. After some correspondence a meeting was arranged between the carriers’ and A. F. of L. leaders. The former preferred not to have a representative of the clerks present. The carriers were anxious above all else to keep their organization intact. They opposed the granting of charters to local carrier unions or the admission of carriers into any other postal organizations. The A. F. of L., evidently con- vinced by the National Association’s arguments, refused to authorize the admission of letter carriers into its ranks by either of the methods to which they objected.” A representative of the A. F. of L. addressed the post- men’s 1911 convention and the national president discussed affiliation in his report to the delegates. He raised the question as to whether the Association had much to gain by joining the labor movement and added: “One thing is certain, and that is that the carriers as a body must work as a unit in their organization work to accomplish results, and if they decide to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor the whole institution should go in a body, or else if they decide not to affiliate . . . every possible effort should be made to resist any attempt to divide the carriers by forming separate organizations within their ranks.’ CARRIER REFERENDUM DEFEATS AFFILIATION The convention took no action regarding the question. During the next two years agitation continued and in- 7 Postal Record, October, 1911, pp. 305-6. 8 Same, p. 306. EFFECTS OF THE LLOYD-LA FOLLETTE ACT 185 creased, especially after the passage of the Lloyd-La Fol- lette law. The next national convention, which met at San Francisco in September, 1918, acting on the president’s recommendation, ordered a referendum on the question. The ballot was taken during 1914 and the proposition was decisively defeated by 19,783 votes to 4,118. The only im- portant local branch to vote affirmatively was Chicago, where the vote stood 911 ayes and 725 noes.’° This referendum showed that affiliation sentiment was about as extensive among the city carriers as among the post office and railway postal clerks. The union organiza- tions in both those branches were decidedly minority move- ments. In 1914 the Brotherhood had about 1,200 members to the Railway Mail Association’s 13,000, while the National Federation of Post Office Clerks had between four and five thousand to the United National Association’s 22,000. In other words, in the three services combined the affiliation- ists amounted to about one-seventh, or at most one-sixth, of the entire organized force. Yet in spite of their small numbers, the affiliationists were most active and during the next few years they saw themselves vindicated and their numbers increased by leaps and bounds as a result of the repressive tactics of the Burleson administration. ®Same, September, 1914, p. 250. The official vote stood’ 3,968 for, and 18,769 against, ‘affiliation. These figures do not include 150 ayes and 1,014 noes which reached the secretary too late to be included in the official tabulation. 109 Same, p. 248. CHAPTER XII THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM BURLESON ACCENTUATES THE DEPARTMEN T’S TRADITIONAL LABOR POLICY The real test of strength of the postal organizations came during the eight years of the Burleson administration. Mr. Burleson assumed office six months after the passage of the Lloyd-La Follette “anti-gag law” and on the very day, March 4, 1913, on which most of the other remedial legis- lation of 1912 became effective. But instead of reversing the Department’s traditional labor policy according to the spirit of the new legislation, he accentuated it and gave the postal service what the workers called a “sweatshop repu- tation.’ In a measure, but by no means altogether, Mr. Burle- son’s labor policy was the result of his general adminis- trative policy. But here, too, he was merely accentuating the Department’s traditional methods. As it was Mr. Hitchcock’s purpose to economize in order to make the ser- vice self-sustaining, so it was Mr. Burleson’s purpose to economize in order to make it yield a surplus.2, Every effort of his administration was bent in that direction, so that the aim of the postal establishment as expressed in the Depart- ment’s old motto, “service, celerity, and certainty,” was changed to “count the cost.” Mr. Burleson’s attitude toward his employees was much the same as Mr. Bristow’s of a decade before. His policy was but a short step away from that of his immediate prede- cessor, Mr. Hitchcock. Relations between the administra- tion and the more militant organizations had reached the breaking point before Mr. Burleson’s coming. The advanced minorities were steadily forcing the more cautious majori- 1 Letter of Thomas F, Flaherty to President Wilson, July 8, 1919. 2See Hard, William: ‘‘Mr. Burleson, Republican Test,’’ in the New Republic, May 24, 1919, p. 111. 186 THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM _ 187 ties into positions more and more independent of depart- mental oversight. Thus, from the break which had already occurred between the Hitchcock administration and the more advanced groups, it was but a comparatively short step to Burleson’s coldness and finally his hostility towards nearly all employee organizations. Yet, while all this is true, the fact must not be overlooked that Mr. Burleson himself did a great deal to make the growth of organization militancy inevitable. His ambition to turn the largest possible number of dollars back into the federal treasury at the end of the fiscal year led him to block increases in wages when soaring prices were cutting their purchasing power in half and to advocate the nulli- fication of the employees’ protective laws so that he could work the force longer and harder without increasing costs. On several occasions he went so far as to “interpret” the law so as to twist it out of its meaning in violation of the intent of Congress, or to circumvent or ignore it altogether. He waged a relentless war on postal associations, declining to meet their officers and refusing to deal with his workers save as individuals. DEPARTMENT RECOMMENDS NULLIFICATING EMPLOYEE MEASURES In his 1914 report, the first to cover a full year in office, Mr. Burleson was gratified to announce a surplus of $3,600,000.* At the same time he or his assistants asked Congress: 1. To make all promotions from grade to grade biennial instead of annual.® 2. To repeal the 8-in-10-hour law for clerks and carriers and return to 48 hours a week basis, which that law had superseded, and to be permitted to work em- ployees up to twelve hours a day.® 3. To reduce the pay of substitute clerks and carriers from 40 and 35 cents to 30 cents an hour.’ 4. To repeal the one day rest in seven provision, and 3? Post Office Department Reports, 1914, p. 5. *Some of these recommendations were repeated in subsequent reports. 5 Post Office Department Reports, 1914, pp. 63, 70, 143. ® Same, pp. 64, 141-2. 7 Same, pp. 62, 143. 188 UNIONISM 'N A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY permit the Department to grant compensatory time for Sunday work at its convenience.® 5. To turn the rural delivery service over to a private syndicate on a contract basis.° The officers of the Department fought hard, but without avail, to get favorable action on these recommendations while the postal appropriation bill was in committee.*° The employees fought equally hard in opposition. Most of the recommendations were, of course, hopeless from the start, and it was almost unnecessary to wage a vigorous fight against them. But the biennia! promotion item was not of this class. It seemed for a time to stand a good chance of passage. It was a measure of importance to every class of workers, to post office and railway mail clerks and carriers alike. It roused their united opposition and was defeated because of it.1t1 The adoption of the measure would have meant an average loss in pay of about eleven per cent to the workers affected. It was urged as a necessary measure of economy, though, as the workers pointed out, there was no suggestion to cut the salaries of postmasters receiving from four to eight thousand a year. DEPARTMENT REDUCES THE SALARIES OF ‘‘COLLECTORS” This was but a beginning of the Department’s new policy of economy and retrenchment. On February 4, 1915, while the above recommendations were under consideration in Congress, the First Assistant, Daniel C. Roper, sent an order to all postmasters as follows: “Work of carriers collecting mail is less exacting and important than that performed by carriers in effecting deliveries of mail. It is, therefore, desired that in the future the maximum salary of letter carriers as- signed to the collection of mail be fixed at $1,000 per BNNs mee ie, There was no warrant under the law for the issue of such an order. The statute made or authorized no distinction between letter carriers and collectors.t?, Such a distinction had been urged on Congress in 1885 and though repeated 8 Same, pp. 61, 143. ®Same, pp. 34-37. 10 Hearings: House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, Dec. 8-9, 1914. 11 Congressional Record (63rd Cong., 38rd Sess.), pp. 4400-1. 1234 Stat., 1206 (1907). THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM _ 189 in several subsequent reports of the Department no legis- lative action was taken upon it.1* One of the earliest acts of the National Association of Letter Carriers was to place itself on record as opposed to any such proposal.!t The law spoke only of “letter carriers” and made all workers of that class eligible for promotion up to the highest grade. It authorized reductions from higher to lower grades only when an employee’s “efficiency falls below a fair standard or whenever necessary for purposes of discipline.” EMPLOYEES COMPELLED TO SIGN WAIVERS OF THEIR RIGHTS As a result of the First Assistant’s order, local post- masters took immediate steps not only to close the $1,100 and $1,200 grades to collectors, but also to reduce to $1,000 a year all employees of that service who were receiving more. The men concerned were summoned to the office and presented with a paper containing the following statement, which was supposed to be a waiver of their rights: “T, _—_—_—_——., a letter carrier in the ————— post office, assigned to duty as a collector, and understand- ing that the $1,200 grade is a reward for specially meritorious service as a letter carrier, and desiring to remain assigned as a collector, hereby consent to accept a salary of $1,000 per annum from ——————,, for my services as a letter carrier assigned to the collection branch of the service: Provided, That should I at any future time be permanently assigned or transferred to the exclusive delivery of mail I shall be eligible to pro- motion in due course.” If any carrier hesitated or refused to sign this waiver he was given an opportunity to sign this alternative: “J _______. a _ letter carrier in the ————— post office, assigned to duty in the collection branch, and understanding that only men who are receiving $1,000 or less salary are to be retained in the collection branch, and that my retention in the collection service would, therefore, be compensated at $1,000 per annum, request to be transferred to permanent duty as a letter carrier in the delivery branch, understanding that the $1,200 grade in which I am at present is granted as a reward 33 “Postal Salaries,” p. 56. 14 Above. 1909 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY for specially meritorious service, and that if my ser- vices are not hereafter satisfactory as a carrier I will not be reassigned to the collection service or be retained in the carrier service if found deficient as a carrier.’’® It was a plain case of coercion and duress, but the em- ployee had little choice but to accede. It was a choice between the loss of his job and a reduction of one or two hundred dollars in salary and in almost every case the carrier chose to keep his job. THE CARRIERS OBTAIN LEGISLATIVE REDRESS The situation occasioned a great deal of resentment and ill feeling. The carriers’ representatives brought the case to the attention of Congress and secured the incorporation of a provision in a resolution passed July 28, 1916, con- tinuing the appropriations of the fiscal year of 1915 for 1916, to the effect that carriers whose salaries had been reduced under the First Assistant’s order should be restored to their former grades.1* The appropriation act for the next year contained a like provision and forbade the Department to make any distinction in salary between carriers assigned to collection and carriers assigned to delivery.*? THE POST OFFICE EFFICIENCY RATING SYSTEM At the same time the Department took full advantage of the existing law and instituted a systematic reduction and scaling down in grade of all employees, clerk and carrier, who did not measure up to its standards of efficiency. This standard was measured by a newly instituted efficiency rating scheme which in itself caused no end of dissatisfac- tion and unrest. The regulations governing this system provided: , “Comparative ratings shall be given, on a scale of one hundred, on the quantity of work the employees turn out. Such ratings shall be based on observations of the employee’s work supplemented, whenever pos- sible, by actual counts of the amounts done during brief periods. Clerks and carriers who set the standard for the office with relation to the work performed shall be 18 For these two documents see Appendix to Congressional Record (63rd Cong., 8rd Sess.), pp. 845. 16 “Postal Salaries,” p. 62. 17 Same. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM 191 rated one hundred. No employee shall be promoted to the $1,200 grade if his rating is less than 90 per cent.” In addition to the general and fundamental objections which working forces have always raised against efficiency rating schemes and systems of “scientific management,” the post office clerks and carriers objected that this particular system was unfair in its distribution of credits and demerits. They claimed that, while it provided ample penalties for errors, it made no adequate reward for merit. But the feature which roused more opposition was the speed test, ie., ‘the actual counts of amounts done in brief periods.” DEPARTMENT MAKES “READJUSTMENTS” IN GRADES AND SALARIES But, nevertheless, the scheme-went into effect and was of great value to the Department in its attempt to cut down expenses. Large numbers of reductions took place everywhere, usually from the $1,100 or $1,200 grades to the $1,000 grade, but there were a great many “adjustments” which were far more drastic. In the three years, 1915-1917 inclusive, 729 letter carriers were reduced from the regular grades to substitutes, while in the six years from 1909 through 1914 such reductions had been only 59.1% At the same time scores of superannuated employees who had spent their lives in the service were dropped from the rolls. IT URGES THE DISMISSAL OF SUPERANNUATED EMPLOYEES There were some postmasters who hesitated to fall in line with the Department’s policy. At a convention of the National Association of Postmasters and again in his 1914 report, First Assistant Postmaster General Roper upbraided them for their hesitancy, saying: “Some postmasters refrain from humanitarian rea- sons from recommending demotions and removals in accordance with the declining efficiency of employees. . . . The only proper course for the Department and for the postmasters and the course prompted by humanitarian interests is to put on notice all employees that they will be continued in office only so long as they are capable of earning the salaries paid them and 18 Congressional Record (65th Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 5905. 192 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY that salaries will be scaled down and readjusted from time to time to meet the declining efficiency and earn- ing power of clerks and carriers.’’® The whole process of “scaling down” and “readjusting”’ affected principally the older men. The reductions to the substitute class caused even more friction than dismissals from the service. The men who were dropped were gone, but the men who were reduced were around to talk and grumble. The work of substitute carriers was hardly less trying than that of the regulars. They were obliged to report for duty along with the rest and remain at hand for call. They were paid by the hour at the rate of thirty-five or forty cents, though the Department had tried to have the rate reduced to thirty cents. To earn enough to get along when $45 or $50 a month was the average earning of these workers in larger offices?® involved a measure of scraping and worry which was trying even to robust young entrants to the serviee. EMPLOYEES’ PROTECTIVE LAWS VIOLATED Supervisory officials, whether they liked it or not, had no choice but to direct the work of their subordinates in accordance with the general policy of the administration. With “economy” the rule of the day, they were expected to keep expenses down. Their own records and advance- ments depended largely on the savings they were able to show in their little field of authority. This spirit, along with certain rulings of the Department which gave the “supervisories” their cues, resulted in the violation of a number of important employee protective laws.*t Letter carriers were often compelled to report early and put in work prior to their regular time for reporting for duty. They were often required, too, to work on Sundays. The law provided that overtime could be exacted “in cases of emergency, or if the needs of the service require.” But the workers were able to marshal convincing data to show that 19 Post Office Department Reports, 1914, p. 144. 20 Hearings: House Special Subcommittee of Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, ‘‘Salaries of Postal Employees,’’ December, 1917, January, 1918, p. 171. This was the average for large offices like Chicago for which hg figures were given. The general average was about $35 a month. See same, 77. 21 Hearings: House Committee on Expenditures in Post Office Departed: July, 1917; Investigation of Expenditures in Post Office Department, pp. 3-8. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM 198 the department was using the “needs of the service” clause to make overtime a regular occurrence so as to keep down the size of the force.** In the case of distributors, also, the spirit of the law was violated day after day when these employees were com- pelled to give nine, ten, eleven and twelve hours of work. The holiday rebate law, which provided for compensatory time for holiday service upon one of the thirty days after such service had been performed, was regularly ignored. Instead of granting the men time off as the law contem- plated, the Department would pay overtime for holiday work. Acording to the testimony of Mr. Thomas F. Flaherty, secretary-treasurer of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks,?* the Department in effect falsified the records to prove that the men were working in excess of eight hours on other days, rather than working a number of hours on some particular holiday for which service they were entitled to compensatory time off. In a like manner the Sunday compensatory time provision was also fre- quently violated. RAILWAY MAIL PAY CHANGED FROM A WEIGHT TO A SPACE BASIS But savings such as these, even in their grand total, were but a drop in the bucket as compared with the Depart- ment’s total outlay. The administration saw clearly that, if any sizable surplus were to be shown, large cuts would have to be made in the big items of expense. The biggest of these, next to the total for salaries, was railway mail pay, i.e., compensation to the railroads for carrying mail. Heretofore the government had paid the roads on the basis of the weight of the mail transported. Mr. Burleson in- duced Congress to authorize a change in this method and permit the Department, instead, to pay the roads for the number of square feet of car space which it used. The authorities believed that the new system was more flexible *2 See letters of Secretary Thomas F. Flaherty of N. F. P. O. C. to President Wilson, October 6 and 24, 1916, and to Congressman Buchanan, January 9, 1917, in Congressional Record (64th Cong., 2nd Sess.), pp. 1308-9. Also testimony of Mrs. Frank Halas before House Committee on Post Office Expenditures, July 20, 1917, and before House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, February 19, 1917, and time sheets for Chicago Post Office, Postal Review, 1917, p. 45. See also Hearings before House Committee on Expenditures in Post Office Department, August 26, 1919, p. 8. 28 Hearing cited on Expenditures in Post Office Department, July, 1917, pp. 3-8. 194 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY than the old. They felt that it permitted great economies by making drastic cuts in railway mail pay possible where the old system kept that item irreducible. THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE EFFICIENCY RATING SYSTEM Even before the space system went into effect on Novem- ber 1, 1916, the Department. began a thoroughgoing reor- ganization of the railway mail service. Readjustments were made similar to those in the post offices, and an efficiency rating system, on which work had been begun during Mr. Hitchcock’s final months in office, was put into operation. This scheme, like the one in use in the post office, was a merit-demerit system, which included more than one hundred items to which fixed numbers of plus and minus points were assigned.** It was more rigid and allowed less room for the arbitrary judgment of the supervisor to enter into the reckoning than the old “demerit system” which caused so much complaint in 1910 and 1911. But it was badly conceived in its details. Little failings could cancel out acts of greatest merit to an extent utterly ridiculous. A clerk who risked his life to save the mail in a hold-up got 500 plus points. A clerk who lost his mail key got 500 minus points. To a lesser extent such discrepancies of credit ran right through the list of items. The minuses over- whelmingly outpointed the pluses; and while demerits car- ried their penalties in loss of promotion, reduction and dismissal, merits, aside from their ability to cancel an equal number of minuses, were their own rewards.?®> But in the railway mail service, as among the clerks and carriers, it was the ‘‘speed test” which roused most opposition. Resolu- tions of protest were passed at regular organization meetings as well as at special mass meetings, and finally Congress was petitioned for relief. THE REORGANIZATION OF THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE But meanwhile the reorganization went on. With the space system of railway mail pay in effect, the Department 4 Full text may be found in Hearings before Senate Subcommittee of Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, March 17, 24, 25, 1916, pp. 51-61. *% An analysis showing some of the defects of this system may be found in an.article by Mr. William Hard, in the New Republic, April 19, 1919, p. 370, A defense of it was given by the General Superintendent of the Railway Mail Service, Mr. Alexander Stephens, before the House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, December 9, 1914. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM 195 undertook to cut down the amount of post office car space in operation by reducing distribution on trains. Between November 1, 1916, and June 30, 1918, the annual mileage traveled by railway post office cars was reduced from 340,479,600 to 292,167,229, while the number of railway postal clerks in the service was reduced by 1,562, that is from 19,170 to 17,608.°° This meant a reduction of about 13 per cent in the service personnel during a time when the increase in the volume of mail was about 14 per cent. Wher- ever possible, closed pouch transportation and distribution at terminal railway post offices was substituted for distri- bution on trains. This helped cut down the Department’s salary outlay, for terminals were usually of lower classi- fication than the eliminated train post offices. In fact, an order of the Postmaster General automatically reduced the classification of terminals, so that where the road clerks earned a maximum salary of $1,500 a year, terminal clerks received a maximum of $1,200.77 Scores of men were trans- ferred from trains to these stationary railway post offices. Heavy lines, such as the New York-Pittsburgh Railway Post Office, were served by five trains a day where six had formerly been a rule. In many instances the rest periods were heavily cut, so that men whose schedules had been six days on and six days off now worked six days and rested three.”§ CLERKS FORCED TO TRANSFER TO DISTANT POINTS At the same time all extraordinarily long runs were divided up so that twelve hours would constitute the maxi- mum of actual train service. The Department, of course, took this action without consulting the men affected, and instead of its arrangement meeting with hearty approval, it actually caused them additional hardship. The shorter runs were arranged in shorter work and rest periods, a scheme of things never approved of by the clerks. They claimed that a three-day rest period, for instance, even after a shorter work period than before, did not allow adequate time for rest and “home duties.” But far worse, clerks who 2° Hearings: House Committee on Expenditures in Post Office Department, Ae en p., 42. 28 Hearing before Special Subcommittee of House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, December, 1917, January, 1918; Salaries of Postal Employes, p. 120. 196 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY happened to be living at a terminal of a divided line were ordered to change their residences to other points. In some instances they were compelled to leave the community in which they and their families had established homes and social connections and move to places one, two, sometimes three hundred miles away. And they were obliged to do this at their own expense. Some men who could not comply were removed from the service for violation of orders. Similar situations arose when clerks, made superfluous by the reorganization of train lines, were transferred to terminal points distant from their homes. When the New York-Chicago line was reorganized, crews whose schedules were six days on and six days off had six days on and but three days off. A number of clerks living at Syracuse, N. Y., who were not needed on the road, were ordered to the Grand Central Terminal Railway Post Office at New York City. When they notified the Department that they could not- afford to leave Syracuse and break their long- established ties, they were dismissed for failure to comply with orders.?° THE LAW FORBIDDING REDUCTIONS BECAUSE OF REORGANIZA- TION TRANSFERS, VIOLATED To prevent the reorganization from taking too great a toll of innocent victims, Congress incorporated a provision in the Appropriation Act of March 3, 1917, saying, “when railway postal clerks are transferred from one assignment to another because of changes in the service, their salaries shall not be reduced by reason of such change.’”° But this provision proved no more effective than so much other protective legislation. Clerks, transferred to points far from their homes or offered new assignments on distant lines or in terminals, found it cheaper and easier to “request voluntarily” that the Department assign them to lower classifications so that they could remain where they were.** Thus the administration was able to make further cuts in its salary outlay by “granting” the ‘voluntary requests” of employees for lower pay. 29 Same, pp. 120, 122. 3039 Stat., 1065. 81 House Hearings on Salaries of Postal Employees, above cited: Statement of President Ryan of R. M. A., p. 120; of Congressman Van Dyke, author of the provision of March 3, 1917, p. 146; of William J. Denning, General Superintendent of Railway Mail Service, p. 291. But on pp. 295-6 Mr. Denning denied that the Department was disregarding the spirit of the law. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM 197 This reorganization of the railway mail service, in addi- tion to making the railway postal clerks a bitterly hostile and discontented group of workers, reduced the efficiency of the postal service to so low a point as to rouse a storm of protest against the administration’s methods.*? THE DOMINATING POSITION IN THE ASSOCIATION OF THE NEW EDITOR OF R. F. D. NEWS The rural free delivery service had always been run at a tremendous loss to the government. Mr. Burleson found it responsible for a very large part of the usual postal deficit and he looked upon it as a great obstacle in the path of efforts to keep down expenses. Mr. Hitchcock, too, had found the costs of this branch an exceedingly disturbing factor to his economy plans. In 1908 the R. F. D. News was sold to Mr. W. D. Brown, a Washington attorney. This paper, it will be remembered, was the “official organ” of the National Rural Letter Car- riers’ Association, even though that organization did not own it, and even though its editor was not and had never been a rural letter carrier.** The new editor at once be- came very active in behalf ot postmen and it was not long before he was a dominating figure in the councils of the National Association. In 1910, or about two years after Brown had begun his relations with the organization, the national president was defeated for reelection at the Asso- ciation’s convention at Little Rock, Arkansas. It is said that the fight against the president was directed by Brown who opposed him because his policies conflicted with his own.** The carriers were then seeking a salary increase and a difference of opinion as to tactics had evidently arisen between the editor and the head of the organization. The News’ advocacy of a higher salary had brought it into sharp conflict with the Department, which was opposed to the proposition. Mr. Hitchcock, in his report for 1910, 32 See press protests gathered by Union Postal Clerk (1918-19). Also, see Hard, William: ‘Mr. Burleson, Service Wrecker,’’ New Republic, April 12, 1919, pp. 332-4. Chambers of Commerce and civic bodies in all parts of the country "denounced the curtailment of the service. The New York Merchants’ Association made a special study of the situation. See Inquiry Concerning Mail Delays, Report by roth Committee on Postal Affairs, Merchants’ Association of New York, May 13, %3 Above, 105. % Rural Listers Record (organ of National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers), April, 1920, p. 10. 198 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY called attention to the “excessive cost of rural delivery” as one of the “principal inroad(s) into the profits of the postal service’ and announced that the costs of the branch must be reduced.*> The R. F. D. News interpreted this announce- ment as foreshadowing either a curtailment of the service or a reduction in carriers’ salaries,** and to counter the Department it made its campaign before Congress for a salary increase more vigorous than ever. And its efforts almost met with success. THE DEPARTMENT FORCES THE ASSOCIATION TO REBUKE THE NEWS The News’ continued attacks on what it termed Mr. Hitchcock’s “unfriendly” attitude towards rural delivery incurred the Department’s severe displeasure. But in spite of these strained relations, the Rural Carriers’ Association invited the head of the rural mail service, P. V. DeGraw, the Fourth Assistant Postmaster General, to address its convention in September, 1910. Mr. DeGraw came to Little Rock but refused to take the platform until the Association repudiated the R. F. D. News and assured him that its “wantonly unjust” attacks did not represent the carrier body.*? A resolution which met with the official’s approval was drawn, and after an exceedingly bitter fight it was adopted. As a result the following legend has since appeared on the front page of the R. F. D. News: “The National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association is in no way responsible for articles appearing in the R. F. D. News unless signed by the proper officers of the association.” And this disclaimer appears directly below the announce- ment: “Official Organ of the National Rural Letter Car- riers’ Association.” This made the relations of the organization and its paper even more anomalous than ever. The R. F. D. News was the Association’s official organ, 1.e., its mouthpiece. Yet the Association had no control over its policy which might, for 85 Post Office Department eer (Postmaster General), 1910, p. & 8 RR, F, News, January, 1910, and several issues following. 37 Same, October, 1910, pp. 486, 457-9, 467. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM 199 all the organization could do, be contrary to its wishes or desires. But the editor of the News continued as the Asso- ciation’s counsel and representative at the capital and re- mained as powerful and influential as ever in organization councils. The News became the rural carriers’ chief asset. The organization was subordinate to it in almost every respect. This was the situation in 1914 when this service first began to feel the effects of Postmaster General Burle- son’s policy of retrenchment. DEPARTMENT CHANGES BASIS OF COMPENSATION FOR RURAL CARRIERS Congress had always fixed the compensation of rural letter carriers at a certain maximum and had left it to the Department to arrange pay schedules on a basis of its choosing. The basis chosen was mileage. In 1904 twenty- four miles was fixed as the standard route for serving which the maximum salary was paid. At the same time propor- tionate deductions were made, according to a fixed schedule, for all routes below standard. The mileage basis was not ideal and the postal authorities had considered the inclusion of additional factors such as the quantity of mail handled or the character of the route. The plan, however, did not seem feasible. ‘Considering the service as a whole,” said the Postmaster General in his 1904 report,** “the mileage basis is by far the most equitable that can be established. . . . This service is of such a character that exact equality for service rendered is not practicable.” The Appropriation Act for 1913 fixed the salary of rural postmen at “not exceeding $1,100 per annum.” That year the parcel post law went into effect and the work of the rural carriers was increased appreciably. They asked Con- gress, therefore, to increase their maximum salary by $100. Congress granted this request, and the Appropriation Act of 1914 fixed the pay of these employees at “not exceeding $1,200 per annum.” The Department had opposed this increase. When it was enacted, instead of granting the advance and publishing new pay schedules as had been the custom, it suddenly announced a change in the basis of compensation which SP. 23, 200 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY took into consideration not merely the length of the routes but also the time required to serve them, the number of pieces of mail carried and the weight of the mail.*® The Department claimed that in doing this it was acting within its proper legal authority.*? The fact that past administrations had not chosen to include factors other than mileage in fixing rural carriers’ pay did not in any way limit its freedom of action in that regard. And there does seem little question that the authorities had technical legal right on their side. But the carriers were greatly dismayed. The effect of the new order was to deprive thousands of them of an increase of pay which Congress had unquestionably intended them to have. The mileage basis had been in operation so long that everyone thought of it as fixed and established forever. The language of the legislation for the fiscal year 1914 was exactly the same as that for other years and Congress, as well as the employees, fully expected that it would be carried out as in the past. The new schedule certainly did violence to the expressed wish of the legisla- ture and the postmen could see in it nothing other than a deliberate attempt on the part of the administration to nullify a law which it did not like. At the Association’s request, a bill was introduced re- enacting the salary provision in such terms as to make the payment of the standard $1,200 a year mandatory on all twenty-four-mile routes. The administration worked hard to defeat this bill. The Postmaster General appeared before the Senate Committee in person* to tell the Senators that the 1914 increase had come without the Department’s recommendation and that, in his opinion, the mail carriers were greatly overpaid. When the service was organized in 1898, Mr. Burleson told the committee, their salary was $300 a year and “there were hordes of applicants for the places.” In spite of this the pay was gradually increased until it reached the $1,100 mark in 1913.4? Thereupon, he 89 Office of the Postmaster General, Order No. 8246, July 14, 1914. 40 For the Department’s position see Congressional Record (63rd Cong., 2nd Sess.), pp. 13547-50. 41 See testimony of Postmaster General Burleson before the Senate Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, Hearings on Post Office Appropriation Bill for 1915. In 1898 to $400. In 1904 to $720. 1900 to 500. 1907 to 900. 1902 to 600. 1911 to 1000. In 1912 to $1100. —Congressional Record (68rd Cong., 2nd Sess.), . 13548. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM _ 201 said, the Department “reached the conclusion that he (the rural carrier) was being overpaid and, notwithstanding the fact that there was terrific pressure brought to bear by a large organization, the Post Office Department refused to recommend any increase in compensation. . . .” BURLESON ADVOCATES PLACING RURAL SERVICE ON PRIVATE CONTRACT BASIS The Postmaster General went on to tell the Senators that the rural mail service as a whole was too expensive a propo- sition and that he felt that it could be operated far more economically if contracted out to a private syndicate. In fact, a contractor had already offered to take over the service and perform it for $40,000,000, or a saving of thirteen million annually to the Department. Mr. Burleson said further that if Congress would give him authority to advertise for bids for rural routes, as much as eighteen million dollars a year could be saved to the government. This spurred the R. F. D. News and the Rural Carriers’ Association to unexampled activity. All the political pres- sure they could exert was brought to bear to push the salary bill to passage and to kill the contract proposal before it could get far. Their fight was successful. The salary bill passed by large majorities, while the contract proposal never got beyond the committee stage. But before this measure was finally disposed of, the Department evened its accounts with the National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association by forcing the chairman of its executive committee to resign from the service. He had given offense by publicly referring to the “contract corpse” and asking why the rural service alone should have been singled out for the private con- tractor. The Fourth Assistant told the offending employee that the Department was especially lenient in allowing him to resign. His punishment should have been removal.** Encouraged by their legislative success, the postmen next sought to make their victory complete by inducing Congress to reimburse them for the pay lost under the operation of the Burleson schedule, a request which, in view of the legislative stand already taken, could not consistently have been refused. This incident served to rouse the authorities #3 Union Postal Clerk, January, 1915, p. 25. 202 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY to a still higher pitch of resentment. Mr. Burleson spoke of the measure as “an unwarranted gratuity of nearly $3,000,000 to be taken from the postal revenues,’’** and the whole ‘episode served to crystallize his opposition towards employee organizations. WAR PRICES CUT VALUE OF POSTAL SALARIES By the end of 1917 the rise in prices brought about by the war had made postal salaries altogether insufficient to meet living costs. The scale of pay for city clerks and carriers had not been revised since July, 1907, except to change the entrance salary from $600 to $800 a year. In spite of the fact that men entered the regular grades at that figure and could reach a maximum of $1,200 per annum, the long period of substituting reduced the average salary to but $742.22 a year for the first nine years of service.*® The salaries of railway postal clerks had not been revised since 1912. ADMINISTRATION OPPOSES INCREASES Wages in private industry were being advanced and it was becoming hard to keep the service properly manned. Yet the postal authorities would recommend no increases for their employees and they opposed the efforts of the workers’ organizations to secure relief from Congress. To Mr. Burleson’s mind there was no need for higher salaries and the organized postal employees seeking such were making ‘selfish demands,” for, according to him, they were “justly compensated, receiving more than three times as much as those fighting in the trenches. . . .’’*° THE INSUFFICIENT INCREASE OF 1918 That statement made the employees even more resent- ful. They felt that it was unfair; that it was an effort to prejudice Congress and the public against them by an appeal to war sentiment. The character of Mr. Burleson’s opposition stirred the workers to greater activity, while his overstatements helped to show the reasonableness of their case. Congress in 1918 granted them an increase of what i noe Office Department Reports, 1916 (Postmaster General), port: House Ae ae on Post Offices and Post Reade ‘Blouse Report bly. Pray 2, 1917, 46 Post Office LUN ack Reports (Postmaster General), 1917, p. 33. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM 203 amounted to $200 a year for each grade. The new rates applied to the railway mail service as well as to city clerks and carriers. But before the increases had become effective, steadily rising costs had rendered them inadequate and made it impossible for the workers to stop their efforts to bring their wages nearer to the level of prices. STAFF INADEQUATE TO HANDLE INCREASED VOLUME OF MAIL In spite of the fact that the post office was handling an ever-increasing volume of mail, the number of regular employees remained about the same.*7 In some of the largest offices the force had actually decreased. In Chicago, for example, there were 4,006 clerks employed on June 30, 1914, as compared with 3,792 on June 30, 1919, a reduction of 4.2 per cent; while during the six years from 1913 to 1919 the amount of mail handled had increased 78.89 per cent.*® To handle the work, overtime in the mailing divi- sion was increased 243.8 per cent from December 31, 1915, to June 30, 1919, or from an average of 13 minutes a day to one hour and two minutes.*® For the service as a whole, from 1913 to 1919 the number of employees increased by 11 per cent, while the amount of work increased by about 60 per cent.*° Little wonder that such conditions caused unrest. The success of strike after strike in the industrial world gave rise to a measure of direct action sentiment among a small number of postal workers which was further increased by the victorious strike of the Canadian clerks and carriers in the summer of 1918. The papers reported talk of “mass resignations” at Chicago and other places, while the clerks and carriers of Sioux City, Iowa, actually passed and pub- lished resolutions saying that they could not get along on the existing wage standards and that if relief were not forthcoming, they would resign in a body on October 1, 1919.5 *7It was part of the Department’s policy to handle the increased work with substitutes and temporary employees. These workers lacked adequate training and experience and were of but little help to the post offices in their efforts to handle the mail properly. 48 Hearings: ‘ora Committee on Expenditures in the Post Office Department, August i 1919, 49 Same ‘6 Same, 51 Same, p. 4. 204 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY THE EMPLOYEES’ CAMPAIGN TO ROUSE PUBLIC In the summer of 1919 the Chicago local of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks began a series of promi- nently displayed advertisements in the leading dailies as part of a publicity campaign to make the public realize the deplorable condition of the postal worker and the rela- tion of that condition to the breakdown in the efficiency of the service. At the same time joint employee publicity committees were formed in many of the larger cities. At New York the rival clerks’ organizations were able to forget their differences long enough for their representatives to serve on the local joint committee along with the spokesmen of all the other employees including the supervisors. The press gave the campaign its hearty support. The widely read weekly, the Interary Digest, in addition to lending the influence of its columns,®? helped enormously by distributing the employees’ appeals on posters and hand- bills over the length and breadth of the country, while some of the groups of union workers employed in getting the matter out gave their labor without compensation. The New York joint committee was for all practical purposes the central directing agency of this feature of the campaign. LOW PAY IMPAIRS THE SERVICE The employees’ appeal had not only the effect which so widespread and persistent a campaign is bound to have, but it also carried great additional weight because the state of affairs told not only on the postal worker but in terms of greatly impaired service besides. Undermanning made overtime and the disregard of many protective laws almost inevitable. When men left the service for more remunera- tive work outside, it was impossible to get others to take their places. In many of the larger cities the Civil Service Commission held examinations every second week. The number of applicants was far below the Department’s needs, and of those who qualified, but few remained in the service long enough to be of help.®* At some centers it was necessary to let down the examination bars and accept such labor as offered itself. In the cities of Detroit, Chicago, 52 See Literary Digest, May 22, 1920, p. 29; May 29, 1920, p. 58. 53 Hearings cited, p. 4. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM 205 Akron, O., Norfolk, Va.,°* and other places, the Post Office Department kept a standing order for available labor with the United States Employment Service. It was said, too, that men were sent to the postal service with the under- standing that they would be expected to remain only until they had found ‘“‘decent’’ jobs.°° THE JOINT SALARY COMMISSION Congress took two steps to remedy the situation. In February, 1919, it appointed a Joint Commission on Postal Salaries “to investigate the salaries of postmasters and other employees of the postal service with a view to the reclassification and readjustment of those salaries on an equitable basis.” But it was months before this body got to work and months more before it was ready to report its findings and make its recommendations. In fact, it showed few signs of activity until the workers’ campaign had grown to large proportions. The situation needed a more immediate remedy and the employees needed more than the assurance that their wages would one day be readjusted on an “equitable basis.” So in November, 1919, a joint resolution increased the compensation of the three lower grades of clerks and carriers by $200 a year and the three upper grades by $150. The pay of railway postal clerks was likewise advanced $200 for the lower grades, $150 and $125 for the higher. MAKESHIFT SALARY INCREASE OF 1919 These increases were but makeshifts. They fell far short of keeping pace with advances in the industrial world and failed to give the workers the relief they so badly needed. Their effect was more to irritate than appease and this irritation was hardly lessened by the Joint Salary Commis- sion’s delay first, in getting to work, and afterwards, in making its report. But when the Congressional investigators finally set about their task, they did so in a thorough and efficient manner. They held hearings at the capital and in many cities throughout the country. Five hundred and thirty- 54 War industry was responsible for enormous population increases in all of these cities but Chicago, but other needs of the population were met even though postal service lagged behind. Hearings cited, p. 5. 206 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY seven men and women, all actually employed in the service, gave testimony. Many told shocking stories of hardship and privation and all revealed a deplorable state of affairs.*¢ Questionnaires were sent to every class of worker from postmaster to laborer to obtain specific data not otherwise available. Over 125,000 of these blanks were filled out and returned and the data tabulated in the commission’s report.>* In much of its work the commission was assisted by an advisory committee of postal experts. But one thing marred the high hope raised by this encour- aging procedure, the granting of a secret hearing to the Department’s representative, First Assistant Postmaster General Koons. And when month after month elapsed without a report or even a sign of one, there was no little impatience and grumbling. It was the middle of May, 1920. In a few weeks Congress was scheduled to adjourn for the national party conventions. Unless something was done at once no salary legislation could be forthcoming for many months. So on May 24th the joint commission issued a hurried and very brief pre- liminary report making wage recommendations which were enacted with practically no changes and signed by the President on June 5, 1920. This legislation was about the last thing Congress did before adjourning. Its whole treat- ment of the matter and the inadequacy of the law’s provi- sions were sadly disappointing to the employees. If it had not been for the fact that there was a general feeling that prices would not go much higher and for the realization that the Burleson administration had but a short time longer to serve, there might have been a large number of resignations en bloc or even strike attempts. But, as it was, the employees accepted the situation and bided their time. THE RECLASSIFICATION ACT OF 1920 The reclassification act divided clerks and carriers into five grades at from $1,400 to $1,800 a year with a uniform advance of $100 a year for each grade. The standard salary of rural letter carriers was fixed at $1,800 a year. 66 For a brief and reliable account of the conditions as revealed by the testimony given before the commission, see article by Lowry, E. G.: “Why the Mail Service is Poor,” New Republic, June 23, 1920, pp. 111-14. adit Postal Salaries,’’ Vol. II. THE BURLESON ECONOMY PROGRAM 207 Railway postal clerks were divided into six grades at from $1,600 a year to $2,300 for clerks-in-charge. The pay of substitute clerks and carriers was fixed at sixty cents per hour and provision was made for giving credit for time served at this work in advancement to the regular grades. Unquestionably the act®® was an improvement over what had gone before, but it fell short of the workers’ hopes and expectations and failed to satisfy their foremost press sup- porters.°® Yet the provisions for clerks and carriers, at any rate, were considerably better than the scale urged by the First Assistant, Mr. Koons, for the Department:® an entrance salary of $1,100 with credit for time served in substituting, and a maximum of $1,600, or an entrance salary of $1,200 if substitute credit were not allowed. But under no circumstances would Mr. Koons concede the neces- sity of a maximum higher than the $1,650 then in effect. 58 Public Law 265 (66th Cong.), approved June 5, 1920. 1920, p. 21. 58 See Literary Digest, June 26, 6 “Postal Salaries,’’ Vol. I, p. 190. Cuapter XIII BURLESON’S OPPOSITION TO EMPLOYEE ORGANIZATIONS Burleson’s hostility towards employee organizations was accentuated, though not caused, by the associations’ fight against the administration’s policies. Long before the organized workers had a chance to oppose the Department’s plans, Mr. Burleson and his aides looked askance upon their routine activities about the executive offices, and there was a good deal of official talk about “overorganization” and ‘“‘too much unionism.” Because of the guarantees of the Lloyd-La Follette act the position of employee associations was stronger than under previous administrations, and they were able to function more freely. Yet some officials were openly hostile to this free functioning and attempted to interfere with the specifically guaranteed right to petition Congress. At first this interference consisted of expressed disapproval of appeals to Congress over the head of the Department on the grounds that such action was unnecessary or subversive of discipline. But this was just a beginning. As time went on far more serious attempts were made to interfere with the activities of the workers or to disrupt their organizations. GENERAL SUPERINTENDENT STEPHENS AND THE SPEED TEST In the railway mail service, where the Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks had recently received a national charter from the A. F. of L., the authorities pursued the policy of backing the conservative Railway Mail Associa- tion against the new union toward which they were openly hostile. The new General Superintendent, Mr. A. H. Stephens, almost immediately after entering upon his duties was quoted as saying, “We have no use for labor unionism within the government service and certainly labor unionism will not be permitted in the railway mail service.” 1 Harpoon, No. 66, April 27, 1915. 208 OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 209 _It was during Mr. Stephens’ administration that the effi- ciency rating system was promulgated. The clerks’ protests against its speed test feature by which distribution time standards were set, along with similar complaints on the part of post office clerks and carriers and employees engaged In government navy yards, arsenals, and other establish- ments against time studies in their branches, resulted in the introduction of a bill by Senator Borah of Idaho designed to do away with “speeding up” or “stop watch methods” throughout the federal service. A group of railway mail clerks petitioned the Senate to support this measure. They said that, while they did not object seriously to the extra work involved in gathering data on “speed tests” for the Department’s records, they did object to having the data used to their disadvantage. The fact that they were charged with demerits if they failed to attain a certain speed showed, they said, that the data was to be so used. The petition was couched in moderate and inoffensive terms. Yet General Superintendent Stephens took violent exception to it in a speech to the railway mail clerks of Indianapolis.* Though the petition said no such thing, he declared that it contained a statement saying that the purpose of the speed test was to prevent promotions.* ‘And let me tell you,” he went on, “that anybody that signs that petition with that statement is up before the general! super- intendent of this service for removal for lying. Tell your fellow clerks that. I do not think any of you gentlemen in Indianapolis have signed that petition, but whoever signs it is going to come up before the general superintendent for removal. ... When a man goes to the extent that he will misrepresent to a Senator of the United States the conditions in the service, I have the power, the authority, and the inclination, and the decision to remove him from che service.” In Congress,° and among all classes of postal workers, Superintendent Stephens’ speech was interpreted as an attempt to abridge the right of petition and “gag” the em- ployees, in spite of the guarantees of the Lloyd-La Follette 2 Congressional Record (63rd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 16262. 8 Railway Post Office, September, 1914, p. 87. *This statement was evidently made by Stephens in order to give a semblance of justification to his stand. 5 Congressional Record (68rd Cong., 2nd Sess.), pp. 15565-6, 16262-3. 210 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY section of the Act of August 24, 1912. Almost every civil service paper, along with a good many dailies, denounced the statement. The Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks called the incident to the attention of President Wilson and asked that action be taken requiring Superintendent Stephens publicly to disavow his threat. The Railway Mail Association, or at least its official organ, the Radway Post Office,’ stood alone in defending the bureau chief, praising his “‘come-back” to the “precipitate action of some thoughtless ones.” | No one was removed as a result of the Stephens’ threat, but a number of clerks who had signed the petition wrote to Senator Borah asking him to strike their names from the list of signatures. Most of those who wrote reaffirmed their interest in the passage of the bill but could not afford to run the risk of losing their jobs.*® This was the first overt attempt of an official of the Burleson administration to interfere with the legal rights of employees. While the incident was perhaps more of a display of bad temper than a deliberate attempt to nullify the law, it did, nevertheless, show a marked disregard for the workers’ rights. It also showed thousands of civil servants that their legal guarantees were little better than worthless unless they could be enforced by machinery inde- pendent of the department which employed them and unless the employees themselves were constantly on their guard to see that they were not violated. BURLESON’S ATTACK ON THE RURAL CARRIERS’ ORGANIZATION It was not long after this Stephens incident that the Post- master General had his controversy with the Rural Carriers’ Association over his new schedule of compensation.? While this controversy was at its height, Mr. Burleson sent a letter to the chairman of the House Post Office Committee in the course of which he spoke as follows of the postmen’s organization and its activities: “During this session of Congress a pernicious lobby, encouraged by the circulation of a sheet known as the R. F. D. News and labeled ‘The Official Organ of 6 The Harpoon, No. 60, Oct. 28, 1914. 7 September, 1914. 8 Congressional Record (63rd Cong., 2nd Sess.), pp. 16262-3. 2 Above, pp. 199-201. OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 211 the National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association,’ advo- cated the increase of the maximum salary of rural letter carriers to the extent of $100 additional per annum, ostensibly on account of the amount of mail matter carried, due to the establishment of the parcel post feature of postal activity. This proposition to increase the annual cost of operation of the rural delivery mail service to the extent of $4,500,000 was further promoted by the periodical visits of certain officers of the National Rural Letter Carriers’ Associa- ciation, an organization presumably formed within the carrier body to cooperate with the Department in the advancement of the postal service, but which in reality has degenerated to a point where, in the opinion of the Department, it exercises a baneful influence over the service and incites the carrier body to political reprisal upon the representatives of the people in Congress who may have the courage to deny its demands or defy its vengeance. Largely through the influence and activi- ties of the ‘official organ’ certain carriers submitted grossly exaggerated, misleading, and untrue statements to members of Congress relative to the cost of main- taining service on their routes. A circular issued froi? the same source, dated July 29, 1914, boasts of plans for further legislation, and mentions an allowance for equipment, etc., as the next avenue of approach.’?° It will be recalled, too, that the chairman of the Asso- ciation’s national executive committee was forced out of the service because of the part he had played in opposing the Postmaster General’s efforts to place the rural service on a contract basis." The success of the Association the next year in getting Congress to compensate the carriers for their losses under the Burleson schedule was altogether too much for the Postmaster General. This, along with the success of repre- sentatives of the railway mail clerks in securing legislation compelling some administrative changes to the advantage of the clerks which the administration had opposed, moved the Postmaster General to warn that the activities of certain organizations of postal employees were making it “extremely ¥ Congressional Record (63rd Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 13548. 41 Above, p. 201. 212 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY difficult . . . to properly administer the postal service,” and to say that the continuance of such activities might result in the repeal of the Lloyd-La Follette law. FOURTH ASSISTANT BLAKSLEE’S REPORT ON ORGANIZATIONS ' At the same time the Fourth Assistant, reporting to his chief, spoke thus of the activities of the workers’ agents at the capital: ae “I wish to invite your attention to a species of per- nicious postal parasites, whose existence depends upon their ability to arouse discord and dissension between the administrative officials and the employees. “As self-constituted agents or attorneys they collect salaries and fees from postal employees for services they never render, and for imaginary influence with Representatives in Congress. “They frequently publish misleading and inaccurate criticisms of some function of the postal establishment, and circulate prepared articles in various localities, that are carefully collected to present to committees of the Congress to influence legislation. “They encourage and foster numerous associations or organizations, formed ostensibly for the advance- ment of the postal service and to cooperate with this Department for the welfare of the postal patron, which associations, however, are organized purely to raid the public treasury through one form or another of unusual privilege. “They endeavor to utilize the political power of the several organizations or associations they represent to punish their opponents in and out of public office. “They foregather in the city of Washington during the sessions of Congress and endeavor to destroy the spirit of good will and cooperation that should exist between the executive and legislative branches of the government. “They report to the several associations that main- tain them in luxury in this city, from whence they circulate reports concerning their numerous activities, 12 Post Office Department Reports (Postmaster General), 1916, Pp. 13 Post Office Department Reports (Fourth. Assistant Postmaster Consent}: 1916, p. 211. OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 213 and the many benefits they demand and receive, whereas in fact they do not perform one substantial service, except to limit the earning capacity of that type of postal employee who is entitled to far greater consideration for expert service rendered, while at the same time promoting the interest of that employee who is negligent, inefficient, and whose duty could be performed by a schoolboy. “They constitute a menace to the classified service, in that they thwart the purpose thereof in an effort to concentrate the political power of their deluded followers, and demand of candidates and nominees for public office specific promises with regard to their future action, threatening independent representatives of the people with punishment, whenever they indicate their independence. “They attempt to interfere in the administration of discipline and in the promotion and demotion of em- ployees solely because of their affiliation with different organizations in the service, and without regard to the merits involved. “The public must be freed from these insidious influences, for the reason that they are demoralizing the spirit of honesty and loyalty that constitutes sincerity in the service of the people.” One organization journal reprinted this outgiving under the caption, “WOW.” ROPER DEFINES THE DEPARTMENT’S ATTITUDE The Postmaster General’s threat against the Lloyd-La Follette law in his report for 1916 hardly came as a surprise. It was the logical outcome of the administration’s declared position regarding organizations. The year before, the First Assistant, Mr. Daniel C. Roper, had set forth that position at length in papers to the conventions of the National Association of Letter Carriers and the United National Association of Post Office Clerks. Mr. Roper sent these papers in lieu of attending the conventions in person. Aside from the portions which dealt specifically with the clerical or carrier services, the communications were identical. The one to the clerks was entitled, “The Department’s View- 214 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY point on the Postal Employee,” while that to the carriers. was called “The Recognition of the Human Element in the Postal Service.’’!4 Mr. Roper stated bluntly: “Organizations of postal employees have no official status which may be recognized by the Department. They are not per se a part of the postal service, nor are they essential to its conduct or welfare. They are purely unofficial. .. .”. At the same time, he admitted, they might serve “a useful purpose and in a manner entirely unobjectionable to the Department” if they confined their activities to ‘the fra- ternal feature . . . whereby life insurance and other benev- olent features might be arranged.” Nor did he object to the “social feature,’ provided that those who took part in the discussions had a “common viewpoint”... “not centralized in self but in the great postal service.” As for the adoption of trade union tactics, or the affilia- tion with “outside organized influence,” or making appeals for legislation direct to Congress over the heads of the administrative authorities, the Department was unalterably opposed. There was, according to Mr. Roper, no need for such tactics, “for both Congress and the Department are interested in the welfare of postal employees, but the Department is even more solicitous for their welfare than Congress can be. . . .”” Mr. Roper was particularly opposed to direct appeals to Congress. This practice, he said, “‘con- tinued unchecked and unguarded” might ‘imperil either the position of the employees or the integrity of the service.” DEPARTMENT TRIES STRONGER TACTICS Neither official warnings nor the hostile tactics of those in control resulted in the slightest diminution of organiza- tion activity. In fact, the year followmg Postmaster General Burelson’s warning saw that activity increase to an unprecedented degree. It was during that year that the railway postal clerks fought the reorganization plan and that all classes of workers began their campaign for increased pay in the face of departmental opposition. Law or no law the Department now set out to disrupt the 14 These papers may be found in Congressional Record (64th Cong., Ist Sess.), pp. 2718-20. OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 215 workers’ associations or at least to prevent their func- tioning. Since proscription by official edict was now legally impossible, and since all attempts to proscribe them unoffi- cially by threat and warning had failed, the Postmaster General was forced to try other tactics. So he proceeded to dismiss from the service one after another of the active heads of the several postal organizations. NEW POLICY OF RAILWAY MAIL ASSOCIATION In the railway mail service Mr. E. J. Ryan, who had been elected president of the Railway Mail Association in 1915, had tried his best not to alienate the good will which the officials had always borne towards his organization. Following the Association’s customary course, the new president, along with the members of the national execu- tive committee, conferred with the officials of the railway mail service at Washington and presented the requests of the clerks as expressed in the resolutions of their conven- tion. Time after time following that conference, President Ryan saw the Second Assistant to ask some action regarding those requests, but the authorities chose to ignore them. By that time the appropriation bill for the year had passed through the committee stage and was being discussed on the floor of the House. Mr. Ryan now decided that a change in organization tactics was necessary. Since the Department would not let the Association do business in the old way, he felt that he had no choice but to carry the clerks’ requests directly to Congress. This brought Presi- dent Ryan’s administration into official disfavor. The Department was not used to having officers of the Railway Mail Association act in so independent a fashion. Not long after the adopting of these new tactics, Mr. Ryan claims, pressure began to be exerted to have him stop his activities about the capital. “One gentleman,” he said, “connected with the Department down here (South Terminal R. P. O., Boston), said that the officials did not like what I was doing and that if I was not careful I might lose my job.’”*> But Ryan continued his new methods. Even if he had wanted to stop, the volume of protest caused tf the reorganization of the service would not have allowed im. 45 Hearings: House Committee on Expenditures in the Post Office Department, August 26, 1919, p. 33. 216 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Towards the end of March, 1917, he issued a bulletin which was posted at some two hundred railway mail centers throughout the country, saying that it was apparent that the Department would not discontinue its plan to reorganize the railway mail service, reducing both the number of runs on various lines and the number of men on the crews while at the same time increasing the hours of work of those who remained. “While private employees,” said the circular, “have benefited by voluntary acts of their employers, rail- way postal clerks have been forced to accept changes that have made working conditions in the service worse than at any time past.” In view of the facts as presented, the bulletin urged the clerks to gather data to fight the reor- ganization plan. before Congress. PRESIDENT RYAN’S REMOVAL In less than a month President Ryan received a letter from the Department directing him “to show cause within three days why he should not be removed for publishing and circulating among railway postal clerks false and mis- leading statements which foment discontent and create disloyalty among the employees of the railway mail ser- vice.” Ryan offered to substantiate all his statements before an “impartial tribunal.” He went on practically to court dismissal by taking full responsibility for all his statements in the circular and by couching his reply in the tone of an attack rather than an apology. The ‘discontent’ and “disloyalty” among the clerks was “fomented,” he said, not by circulars or news-letters of his, but by “false economy, an idiotic efficiency system, stupid rulings and decisions, and unfair transfers and reductions.” “I shall,” he went on, “await your reply to this letter with considerable curi- osity and I’ll not be surprised if it comes in the form of an order notifying me of my removal from the service.’2® And the Department played right into Ryan’s hand. It did just what he had practically asked of it and dismissed him from the service. , PRESIDENT WHITE’S REMOVAL On the very day of Ryan’s discharge Fred L. White, national president of the Rural Letter Carriers’ Association, 16 For the text of the principal points of Ryan’s letter see Unien Postal Clerk, June, 1917, p. 11. OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 217 met a similar fate. He had printed in the R. F. D. News? an article in which he stated that he had learned on “the very best authority” that the Department intended to reorganize the rural delivery service, making the majority of the routes thirty miles instead of twenty-four miles. That furnished an opportunity to get White out of the way. The Department declared that the statement “grossly mis- represented the facts’; that it was “demoralizing” and had “a tendency to create a spirit of dissatisfaction among the employees and engender antagonism between them and the Department.” So the rural carriers’ president was given ten days “to show cause why he should not be removed from the service.” White, according to his own statement, originally had obtained the information on which he had based his articles from two members of the House who had been in direct communication with the Post Office Department. He said further that he had, in the company of Senator Hardwick of Georgia, personally verified his statement at the office of the Fourth Assistant Postmaster General, where he had learned that the authorities were planning to reorganize the service so that where six routes were close together one was to be eliminated and divided up among the remaining five. A few days later White received this letter: Stoughton, Wisconsin, April 17, 1917. “Dear Brother White: “T was until last Saturday night a rural carrier, but am now without work, as the routes here have been reorganized in this county (Dane) and I am let out. There were six routes. Mine was 224 miles. The others were between 24 and 27 miles. Now there are five routes. The shortest is 267% miles. The longest 297% miles. It seems to me that the greatest need in the rural service is to enforce the law as intended by Congress. Probably a more stringent law is needed to do so. “Respectfully, “(Signed) M. J. HoKERNSON, “Member National Association.” 17 April 7, 1917, p. 10; April 21, 1917, p. 10. 218 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY This seemed to vindicate White’s article and to show that the reorganization was not merely contemplated but that it was actually being put into effect. The Department, however, held the defense unsatisfactory. The Fourth Assistant denied that he or anyone in his bureau had given White information on which to base his statements and made that an additional ground for his dismissal.1® THE ORDER RECALLING LEAVES OF ABSENCE The war offered the administration another good excuse to curtail and hamper organization activities. On April 6, 1917, the Postmaster General issued an order providing that thereafter no leaves of absence would be granted except to employees absent with pay, to employees absent on mili- tary duty and to employees absent on account of sickness. The order at the same time cancelled all leaves which did not fall within the excepted classes.1° Though on its face this seemed a perfectly proper and justifiable war measure, its effect was to imperil in some instances the very right of organization by making it difficult if not impossible for bodies with officers still in the service to function. It had always been the custom for the Department to grant leaves of absence without pay to national association officers to attend their organization duties. President Gainor of the National Association of Letter Carriers obeyed the order and returned to duty as a letter carrier at Muncie, Indiana. After trying for about six months to attend to the requirements of his two posts and finding the task impossible, he applied for leave without pay to care for his organization duties. But the Postmaster General, in spite of the old custom to honor such requests, refused to make any exception to his order on the ground that the government needed the services of all its experi- enced employees. A few weeks later Gainor again applied for a special leave, this time to attend the convention of the American Federation of Labor as a delegate from the Letter Carriers’ Association. But again the Department denied the application. Feeling that there was nothing left 18 For White’s defense and the Department’s reply see Union Postal Clerk, June, 1917, pp. 810. See also R. F. D. News, May 8, 1917, p. 12. For a detailed description by White of his interview with the Fourth Assistant and the super- intendent of the rural mail service see R. F. D. News, November 15, 1921, pp. 19 Post, Office Department Order No. 210, Office of the Postmaster General. OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 219 for him to do, Gainor resigned as a carrier and went to the convention. SECRETARY FLAHERTY’S DISCHARGE Mr. Thomas F. Flaherty, the secretary-treasurer and legislative representative of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks, called at the Post Office Department to intercede in behalf of an employee active in the affairs of the Chicago clerks’ union. This clerk had been disciplined by a reduction of $100 a year in salary for scattering organ- ization notices among the mails in order to reach those clerks who would subsequently handle the matter. The authorities had always permitted employees to scatter notices in this way. Mr. Flaherty submitted this fact to the Department as part of the Chicago clerk’s defense. Following Flaherty’s visit, the Department changed the punishment of the Chicago clerk from demotion to dis- charge and then, seizing the day, also dismissed Flaherty on the ground that he, too, had scattered notices in the mails when a clerk in the San Francisco office. As a matter of fact, Flaherty was employed in the Foreign Division and had no opportunity to do the thing for which he was dis- missed for doing. Now that he had rid the service of the leaders of all the great staff organizations—except the United National Asso- ciation of Post Office Clerks—the Postmaster General could contemptuously discount the statements of association spokesmen as coming from “disgruntled former employees.” And he could also say with perfect consistency: “The De- partment is willing at all times to hear committees of postal employees, . . . but .. . the members of such com- mittee must be persons actually employed in the postal servide.... ..’7° Aside from this, the administration’s action had the very opposite of the desired effect. The associations instead of being weakened were greatly strengthened, while the lead- ers, who were forced out of the service, were retained in office with permanent salaries.** 2 Letter of Mr. Burleson on the recognition of postal organizations, Aug. 6, 1918, in Union Postal Employee, September, 1918, pp. 9-10. 21 White of the rural carriers remained in office until the end of his term, but the association failed to provide, as the R. F. D. News urged, for a president outside the service with permanent headquarters at Washington, 220 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY BURLESON URGES REPEAL OF THE “ANTI-GAG LAW” Burleson’s attack reached its high mark in a bitter and — sweeping indictment of postal organizations in his report for the fiscal year of 1917.2 He charged that they injured the postal establishment and hampered its proper admin- istration and that they were a constant menace to civil service principles. Furthermore, he held that organizations were unnecessary to the workers themselves, for they could always depend upon the Department and public opinion to safeguard their interests. ‘‘The department,” he said, “in- sists that all employees shall be treated in a fair, just, and equitable manner and to secure such treatment it is not necessary that they belong to any organization. ts Though organization was necessary to employees “obliged to protect themselves against the selfishness of private em- ployers,” the situation in the case of government employees was “essentially different,” because “the relations between the employee and the government are always matters of public information, and the interests of the employee will always be protected by public sentiment.’’ While it was perfectly proper, the Postmaster General went on, for gov- ernment workers to organize for their “social and mutual welfare” and to “appear before committees in Congress when requested,” the workers under his jurisdiction were affiliating with an outside organization (the A. F. of L.), were organizing to interfere with the “discipline and admin- istration of the service’ and to “control the election of persons nominated for public office.” Besides, they were “making many selfish demands and insisting that they shall not be required or permitted to work in excess of the usual number of hours; also that their salaries be permanently increased, although they are justly compensated, receiving more than three times as much as those fighting in the trenches. .. .” In summary he said: “The conduct of these organizations at this time is incompatible with the principles of civil service and with good administration of the Postal Service. They are fast becoming a menace to public welfare and should no longer be tolerated or condoned.’”’ And so in con- formity with his threat of the year before and in keeping 22 Post Office Department Reports (Postmaster. General), 1917, pp. 31-5. OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 221 with the counts of his indictment, Mr. Burleson “earnestly recommended” that the provisions of the Act of August 24, 1912 (the Lloyd-La Follette law), be repealed. From then on this recommendation became one of the chief ends and aims of the Department. It was renewed in each annual report until Postmaster General Burleson retired from office.?* BURLESON ATTACKS AFFILIATION WITH A. F. OF L. carriers, had strong organizations in the American Fed- eration of Labor, so the report for that year called particular attention to the “impropriety of government employees owing allegiance to any organization which might stand between them and the government, and to the actual menace to governmental authority which is involved in such affiliation. . . . Organizations which sanction strike and boycott serve the private interests of the members of the order. The labor organizations are formed as a defense against employers. When the employer is the government of the United States such an association of its employees is aimed at the government and is inconsistent with the per- formance of public service. . . . It can only be upon the assumption that the government is unjust, tyrannical, and compliant to force alone that the contention can be sus- tained that government employees require the support of an outside organization to compel the government to respect their rights and do them justice. . . . No organization of class or creed can be invoked to coerce the government without taking on a taint of disloyalty.” Though he did say, on several occasions, that affiliation with outside labor organizations was “believed to be con- trary to the Act of August 24, 1912,’ Postmaster General Burleson never went so far as to force a legal test of the law by attempting to enforce such an interpretation of it. He contented himself merely with urging its repeal while at the same time using his administrative authority to make the organizations impotent. By 1919 all of the great service groups, except the me *8 Post Office Department Reports (Post | 94: , 52-6; 1920, pp. 14-1 ports (Postmaster General), 1918, p. 24; 1919, pp * Same, 1917, p. 33; 1920, p. 14. 222 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY THE JOINT APPEAL FOR OFFICIAL RECOGNITION While he could do nothing without legal test to prevent the associations from existing, or from affiliating with the official labor movement if they so chose, or from carrying on their activities about the Capitol, he could and did pre- vent their functioning in an equally important sphere, namely, at the Department: Several groups, therefore, urged legislation to compel the authorities to recognize them and deal with them officially. Yet they saw that such legislation could do little good unless the administration dropped its hostile attitude. And, in that event, legislation would be unnecessary. A final effort was made to bring about a change in the Department’s attitude in July, 1918. The representatives of the city carriers’ and railway mail clerks’ associations and the federated post office clerks’ joined in a petition to the Postmaster General requesting official recognition so that “the accredited officials of the postal associations, appearing in behalf of the employees,” could, ‘“‘at opportune intervals, be granted an audience by the Postmaster General for the purpose of offering timely suggestions intended to promote service betterments or to submit and explain their petitions for redress of griev- ances.”?5 They pointed out that the postal unions of Great Britain had had such official recognition ever since 1906 and that the same was true of American railway em- ployees under federal control, while the National War Labor Board had announced the recognition of “the right of work- ers to organize in trade unions and bargain collectively through chosen representatives” as a fundamental policy in dealing with labor disputes in private employment. The petition was not granted. Mr. Burleson refused to deal with the workers save as individuals. He was willing, however, to receive committees of their representatives if they were composed of persons in actual service.”® There was no good reason for dissatisfaction and unrest among the force, according to the administration. Such 25 For its full text see Union Postal Employe, September, 1918, pp. 7-9. Although this petition was signed only by the representatives of the organizations affiliated with the A. F. of L., it was meant to apply to all postal associations. The Wash- ington representative of the rural carriers, the editor of the R. F. D. News, was in full accord with its principles but was called out of town before he had had an opportunity to sign the letter. The representative of the United States Association of Post Office Clerks, on the other hand, refused to sign. 28 See Union Postal Employe, September, 1918, pp. 9-10. OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 223 discontent as there was, was stirred up by “agitators’’ who were also responsible for persistent complaints regarding the breakdown of the service’s efficiency. “If we could get rid of the agitators it will do more to help us than any one thing,” Mr. Koons, the First Assistant, told the Joint Salary Commission at the secret hearing it allowed him. ‘“What- ever is done,” he said, “I do hope, if it is possible . . . that some curb be put on the employees about affiliating with the American Federation of Labor. That one thing is demoralizing the service today more than anything else. They are absolutely irresponsible. They make the most lying statements and do not care that they are not based on facts. They have no interest in good service or the public welfare. All they wish to do is to cause unrest and discontent. They carry ads in the newspapers; they are conducting propaganda all the time.’”? THE “ADS” OF THE CHICAGO CLERKS’ UNION Clearly, the workers’ publicity campaign for increased Wages was becoming an annoyance to the authorities. Par- ticularly irritating were the advertisements of the Chicago Clerks’ Union which had been appearing for about a year and a half in the Washington and Chicago papers. When the Chicago Tribune in the spring of 1920 began a vigorous editorial campaign attacking the Department, urging in- creased pay for the workers and taking Mr. Koons to task for defending rather than improving the deteriorated ser- vice,”* the First Assistant lost patience and journeyed to Chicago to put a stop to the whole business. He was certain that Pierce Butler, president of the clerks local union, was not only the directing genius of the advertising campaign,”°® but that he had also inspired the Tribune editorials. Mr. Koons, who had been an inspector before his promotion to the position of Mr. Burleson’s chief aide, set the resident inspectors to work to investigate Butler and the other union leaders. Then he returned to Washington. Some weeks later, specifically on July 28, an official of the Chicago post office asked a clerk to bring him a copy of the letterhead of the Chicago Post Office Clerks’ Union. The next day eleven clerks, all officers and former officers 27 ‘Postal Salaries,’”’ p. 200. 28 See Chicago Tribune, April and May, 1920. ‘ 2° The chairman of the publicity committee was a man no longer in the service. 224 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY of the union, were directed to show cause why they should not be removed from the service. The charges against them were two: first, that they had solicited contributions of money from the public in violation of the postal laws and regulations ;°° second, that they had published or caused to be published ‘false and derogatory statements relative to the Postal Service.” A few weeks later President Butler and his ten colleagues were out of their jobs. This incident was the last Burleson attempt to punish an organization whose activities met with its disfavor. If any additional proof had been needed to show that the whole affair was an attempt to break up the union and not merely to get rid of offending and insubordinate employees, the amusing part played by the local’s letterhead would have furnished it. Two of the discharged clerks were no longer officers of the union, but their names still appeared upon the letterhead, while another officer whose name did not appear had no charges preferred against him. As a matter of fact, the men discharged had little direct concern with the advertisements in the papers. That activ- ity was handled by a publicity committee against whose members no charges were brought. The charge concerning the soliciting of funds, even if true, was merely a pretext to help along the Department’s case. If funds had been solicited for a purpose of which the Department had ap- proved, the violation of the Postal Laws and Regulations would probably have been winked at. Employees had always solicited money with impunity to help defray their convention expenses. In fact, shortly after the Chicago affair Mr. Koons attended a convention of the United National Association of Post Office Clerks, the expenses of which were paid in part by funds solicited from the citi- zens of Cincinnati.*t The Department took no more notice of the fact than it had on previous occasions when other associations had done the same thing. The average length of service of the discharged employees Was seventeen years. One had been in the post office for thirteen years, one for fourteen years, three for fifteen, two 80 See Sec. 171, Postal Laws and Regulations. 81 Union Postal Clerk, October, 1920, pp. 6-7. 2 Based on statements of several postal officials. OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 225 for sixteen, one for seventeen, one for nineteen, one for twenty and one for twenty-six years.*% The Department’s charge that the Chicago “ads” were untrue gave the National Federation of Post Office Clerks a chance to engage in one of those pleasant little wagers which they knew would not be accepted, but which at the same time helped to place the challenged party in an un- favorable position. The Union Postal Clerk** offered to pay $1,000 to any worthy charity named by the First Assistant if he could prove to a jury of his choosing that any of the Chicago local’s ‘‘ads” was false or misleading as he had said. No more than a formal attempt was made to secure the reinstatement of the eleven men, for the very officials who had brought the charges against them and had also sat in judgment and sustained their own indictments would have heard the appeal. In the absence of an impartial agency of appeal, the union thought it best to let the case rest until after the retirement of the Burleson régime. : Postmaster General Hays, shortly after assuming office, had the cases re-opened and on the basis of his investiga- tion ordered the reinstatement of ten of the eleven em- ployees. The case of Pierce Burler, the president of the union, was held up for a time pending further inquiry after which he, too, was reinstated. A. F. OF L. CONDEMNS BURLESON In November, 1917, just about the time of the release of the Postmaster General’s first report urging the repeal of the “anti-gag law,” the convention of the American Federa- tion of Labor “emphatically condemn(ed) the autocratic policy of Postmaster General Burleson toward the postal employees” and instructed the Executive Council to cooper- ate with the representatives of the affiliated postal organi- zations “in securing an audience with President Wilson and placing before him all the facts concerning the oppressive labor policy of Postmaster General Burleson.”*° Two years later several resolutions condemning the postal administration were again adopted by the convention.*® %3 Union Postal ety August, 1921, p. 12. %4 October, 1920, p. 85 American Fodanction of Labor: Proceedings, 1917, p. 364. 86 Same, 1919, pp. 345 and 429-30. 226 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY One of these, introduced by the representatives of the fed- eral employees, asked the Postmaster General’s removal.” This was in line with a statement of President Gompers, issued a few weeks before, denouncing Burleson’s “auto- cratic methods” and declaring that he must “walk . the plank.’’® ANTI-AFFILIATION MOVES IN CONGRESS The postal administration’s attitude towards the affilia- tion question found some support in Congress, especially in the Senate, during the last two years of the Burleson régime. A great deal of this legislative opposition was based not upon the danger of a strike in the public service as for- merly, but upon the political activities of the A. F. of L. and its reemphasis of its policy to do its utmost to return its friends to office and defeat its enemies. Some members of Congress took special exception to the announced pur- pose of certain affiliated unions of government employees to keep close watch on the records of every man in both Houses and keep their associates throughout the country informed of those records.*® ‘This anti-affiliation sentiment in Congress resulted in several attempts, led principally by Senator Myers of Montana, to legislate government work- ers out of the A. F. of L. At a night session of the United States Senate on Novem- ber 11, 1919, with only thirteen members present, on Sena- tor Myers’ motion the following clause was incorporated into the District of Columbia police pay bill: “No organization of governmental employees shall affiliate with any outside organization which uses the strike or which assists any other organization in the use of the strike in the adjustment of its grievances.’’*° This clause would have barred all federal employees from the American Federation of Labor. The next morning a delegation of organized federal work- ers called upon the conferees on the police bill to protest against the amendment. At the same time representatives of dozens of unions with government employee members 87 Same, 345. 88 Union Postal Clerk, June, 1919, Pp. 32 Congressional Record (66th Cong., fad Sess.), p. 4966. 4 Congressional Record (66th Cong., 1st Sess.), p. 8306 OPPOSITION TO ORGANIZATIONS 227 hurried to the Capitol to oppose the provision. A few days later, on the fifteenth, the conference committee eliminated the clause and its report was shortly afterwards accepted by both Houses. About half a year later Senator Myers again moved to keep government workers out of the labor movement by the following amendment to the post office bill for 1921: “That hereafter the civil service law shall not apply to any person in the classified civil service who is a member of an organization of employees in the service of the government which is affiliated with or pays dues to an outside organization which attempts, or avows its purpose to attempt, to control or influence the elec- tion of any Federal or State official.” This proposal went out on a point of order from the chair- man of the Post Office Committee, Senator Townsend of Michigan, himself an anti-affiliationist.* Thereupon Mr. Myers moved the fellowing: “That no money appropriated by this act shall be paid to any employee under the classified civil service who is a member of an organization of government employees affiliated with an outside organization.” This motion, after some discussion in which it was opposed by a number of Senators who were not at all friendly to “external affiliations,” was defeated by a viva voce vote.*? Several members of the Senate Post Office Committee in the course of the hearings on this same appropriation bill showed a none too friendly attitude towards labor affiliation as well as a none too great understanding of the question.** According to Chairman Townsend, there was a general feeling on the part of the committee that some action similar to that proposed by Senator Myers should be taken, but because of the certainty that the House would not concur, no such action was recommended,** Senator Myers made a third and major anti-affiliation attempt a few weeks later in the form of an amendment to the civil service retirement bill which sought to deny the 41 Congressional Record (66th Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 4964. 42 Same, p. 4966. “ Hearings: Senate Subcommittee of Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, Post Office Appropriation Bill for 1921, pp. 130-134. #4 Congressional Record (66th Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 4965. 228 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY benefits of the act to any person “who is a member of any association, society, organization or union of government employees which is affiliated with, subject to, or a member or component part of, or acknowledges the authority of any higher or superior body or institution of organized labor.’’*° When this section first came to a vote it was defeated by 35 to 3, but, because of the absence of a quorum, the vote was not decisive.*® Nevertheless, the question was discussed at very great length.*7 This and the delay caused by the first indecisive vote gave the supporters of the amendment a chance to muster their full strength. Yet in spite of this, the amendment was defeated by a vote of 43 to 3, fifty Senators not voting.*® An attempt was again made to insert this clause in the retirement bill when it came up in the House. Represen- tative Blanton of Texas was the leader of this effort which was overwhelmingly defeated by a vote of 318 to 7.*° In its belated final report, the Joint Commission on Postal Salaries expressed the following unfavorable atti- tude towards affiliation: “The Commission does not believe that the welfare of postal employees or of the public which they serve, is advanced by affiliation or association either directly or indirectly with labor organizations, the members of which are not engaged in postal work. Certainly no advantage is secured by affiliation.’’°° Eight members of the Commission signed the report con- taining this expression, while two dissented from it. No attempt was made to give legislative effect to this majority view. Congressional sentiment against affiliation was somewhat stronger than the vote on the various measures to forbid it would seem to indicate, for several legislators opposed to the movement were reluctant to write their opinions into law. On the whole, the very slight positive support which the anti-union movement was able to muster only served to strengthen the affiliationists’ position. 45 Sitti Record (66th Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 515 2. ve Same, p. 5153 47 Same, pp. 5131-50. 48 Same, p. 5164. Same, p. 6380, 50 ‘Postal Salaries,’’ pp. 36-7. CHAPTER XIV THE ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO THE A. F. OF L. ADMINISTRATION’S ATTITUDE STRENGTHENS THE MILITANTS The Department’s attitude played directly into the hands of the militant factions among the employees. Every failure to obtain relief by the old method of “working in harmony” with the authorities and every rebuff to the groups which had formerly depended upon their official “stand in” added recruits to the progressive ranks. By the end of 1916 the futility of keeping up the pretense of friendly cooperation with the Department had become apparent to most of the organizations and the year fol- lowing saw a complete break between the two parties. Still, the change in tactics took its time in coming and really did not arrive until every effort had been made to exhaust the possibilities of the old accustomed ways. In June, 1915, the national convention, or council, as it is formally called, of the Railway Mail Association assem- bled at San Francisco. The organization was then still pursuing its old policy and working along its accustomed lines. Resolutions were offered endorsing legislation pend- ing in Congress to classify railway post offices, and to define the hours and mileage which should constitute a day’s work for railway postal clerks. The Department opposed this legislation. The convention would not en- dorse it, in spite of the fact that it was favored by most of the workers.1 To this gathering the Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks, representing about 2,700 members, submitted a statement of the terms on which it would merge its identity with the older body.? These included a referendum on the question of affiliating with the A. F. of L. in addition to certain internal reforms regarding 1 Hearings: Senate Subcommittee of Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, met 17, 24, 25, 1916; Statement of President Ryan of Railway Mail Association, Pp. a aruai No. 68, June 29, 1915. 229 230 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY organization finances and the complete democratization of association government. ‘The convention refused to con- sider the terms. THE NATIONAL FEDERATION OF POSTAL EMPLOYEES A few months after the adjournment of this council the convention of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks met in the same city. This gathering passed resolutions suggesting the amalgamation of the Brotherhood and the Federation as a step toward the realization of its ideal of a single organization of postal workers affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. With practically no oppo- sition the membership of the two organizations approved the plan. In 1917 the two unions joined forces under the — name of the National Federation of Postal Employees. This amalgamation, incidentally, ended the Harpoon’s eight-year career and what was one of the most interesting propagandist journals in the country became a section or department of the new Union Postal Employee. The formation of the National Federation of Postal Employees was an event of tremendous importance in the history of postal organizations, even though at the time of the amalgamation its membership was hardly 10,000. Its jurisdiction was not confined to postal and railway mail clerks, but included all postal workers not exercising supervisory authority and who were not otherwise eligible to membership in a union of the A. F. of L. It was thus the first organization of postal employees to be built along industrial rather than craft lines. Before long groups of letter carriers in several large post offices were clamoring for admission to its ranks and in a few months the Federation had letter-carrier locals organ- ized in Chicago, New Orleans, St. Paul, Washington, D. C., Scranton, Pa., Philadelphia and Kalamazoo, Mich. True, these unions were small, hardly more than little rump organizations, but a split had been made in the ranks of the city letter carriers for the first time since the days of the old Knights of Labor. And this movement was not localized but scattered over a wide area. The principal strength of these secessionists was in Chicago, where a majority had voted to enter the A. F. of L. in the carriers’ ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO A. F. OF L. 281 referendum of 1914. The National Association of Letter Carriers filed vigorous protests with the A. F. of L.,* but without avail. Its officers journeyed to the localities where defections were threatened or had already taken place and did their best to stem the tide. THE LETTER CARRIERS AFFILIATE WITH A. F. OF L. In September, 1917, the National Association of Letter Carriers met in national convention at Dallas. The gen- eral discontent in the service and the danger of the organi- zation’s disintegration as a result of the new Federation’s activities made affiliation the all-important question of the day. President Gainor recommended that it be submitted to a referendum of the membership. But when delegate after delegate arose to say that his constituency was over- whelmingly in favor of affiliation and that a referendum would but make for unnecessary delay, the convention suspended its rules and by a viva voce vote directed the secretary to take immediate steps to bring the organization into the A. F. of L.6 An agreement was reached between the National Federation of Postal Employees and the Carriers’ Association, whereby the former surrendered its jurisdiction over city carriers and the latter consented to receive the secessionists back in its ranks without prejudice to their standing. Shortly following the Dallas gathering, the required number of locals invoked a referendum to test the con- vention’s action. The result was a vote of 23,551 in favor of affiliation to 1,971 against it. The convention’s action was thus sustained by a majority of 21,580.° In less than four years a majority of more than 15,000 against affilia- tion with the labor movement had been changed to one of more than 21,000 in its favor. This was, of course, largely an anti-Burleson vote. Though the convention might have been influenced to an extent by the inroads the National Federation of Postal Employees had made on the Carrier Association’s strength and the fear of these inroads becoming greater, this factor weighed little with the rank and file. Undoubtedly a great many carriers had become convinced by the experiences of 3 Above, p. 185. 4 Postal Record, October, 1917, pp. 327-8. 5 Same, pp. 270-5. 6 Same, March, 1918, pp. 59-60. 232 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY the few years past of the necessity of the support of the general labor movement, but by and large the huge vote for affiliation was an expression of resentment against the Postmaster General and his policies. As one carrier put it: “If Mr. Burleson is against affiliation, if he wants to prevent an alliance with the A. F. of L., then affiliation and such an alliance must be just the things we need.’ THE RAILWAY MAIL ASSOCIATION AFFILIATES But even more astonishing than the change in sentiment among the carriers was that among the railway postal clerks. The Railway Mail Association’s convention met at Cleveland, Ohio, in June, 1917, and in conformity with President Ryan’s recommendation directed a referendum on the affiliation question. By 6,827 votes to 2,072 the membership endorsed the proposition.* The National Federation of Postal Employees reached an agreement with the Railway Mail Association similar to that which it had made with the carriers, and in December, 1917, this ultra- conservative organization came into the A. F. of L. That the Railway Mail Association should by a vote of more than three to one have ordered such affiliation was almost unbelievable. Yet the sentiment was unmistakable. Prior to the meeting of the national convention the ques- tion had been allowed to come to a vote in four division associations and had been overwhelmingly approved in each. On the final referendum but four small local branches recorded a majority against the proposition. This vote, like the carriers’, was an expression of resentment against Mr. Burleson. Not a few who voted with the majority believed they were endorsing the step as a tempo- rary measure to meet an immediate situation. For the time being they consented to waive all other considerations. The national president, Mr. E. J. Ryan, expressed the attitude of those members when, referring to one of the objections to affiliation, he said: “This presentation looks to the future and is met by the contention that the imme- diate present demands a radical remedy and that there will be no future worthy cf consideration if the present trend of policies is permitted to continue.’® 7 Union Postal Employe, February, 1918, p. 23. 8 Same, December, 1917, p. 32. ® Report of President Ryan: Railway Post Office, July, 1917, p. 27. ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO A. F. OF L. 233 To express their resentment toward the Department’s policies and to check their trend, practically all of the city letter carriers and practically all of the white’? railway postal clerks joined forces with the official labor movement. The National Federation of Postal Employees again be- came a clerks’ organization. A few mechanics and other such employees remained within its ranks, but their num- ber was negligible. For more than a year the Federation continued under its broader title until its national conven- tion of September, 1919, when its style again became the National Federation of Post Office Clerks. In view of the course of events in the other branches of the service, it might reasonably have been expected that the long-standing schism in the ranks of the clerical body would also have been healed and that a united organization of those workers would have taken its place beside the other postal groups in the American Federation of Labor. At the time the other affiliations were taking place, the United National Association of Post Office Clerks was experiencing a large falling off of membership.1t At the same time the Federation was making rapid gains. THE CLERKS’ ORGANIZATIONS FAIL TO UNITE In October, 1917, in conformity with the instructions of its national convention which had met at Fort Worth, Texas, the month before, a committee of the United Na- tional Association waited on Secretary Morrison of the A. F. of L. and made formal application for a national charter from that body. The Federation of Labor had no choice but to refuse the request. The National Federation of Postal Employees already had jurisdiction over postal clerks. Under its rules the A. F. of L. could not charter two organizations in the same craft. But at its suggestion a conference was arranged between representatives of the two rival clerks’ associations with a view to their amalga- mation. The National Federation insisted that the principle of _ 2° Several organizations of government employees, like a great many other Amer- ican labor organizations, pursue the policy of drawing the color line. Post Office Clerk, December, 1918, pp. 11 and 13. In about a year the member- ship had fallen from about twenty-six or seven thousand to about fifteen or sixteen thousand. The war could not account for this falling off, because other postal employee organizations did not experience it and the trade union movement in general made unprecedented membership gains during the war period. 234 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY affiliation be conceded at the outset. They held that the issue was not debatable and that no negotiations could go on until it was conceded. The United National had con- ceded the principle by requesting a charter from the A. F. of L. Yet when the Clerks’ Federation submitted a resolu- tion to the joint conference to make it possible for the legis- lative agents of both organizations “to cooperate and to work in harmony” “pending the time when all post office clerks shall be under the banner of the American Federation of Labor,” the Association refused to give its sanction.” Several conferences were held. Proposals and counter proposals were made. The negotiations throughout were marked by mutual distrust and suspicion.t* Plan after plan was advanced and rejected first by one party then by the other. Each group accused the other of insincerity and selfishness. To ease the situation the president and secretary of the Federation offered to resign their offices, but their own colleagues would not permit such a step. When, at length, it was found to be impossible to bring the Association conferees to concede the principle of affiliation, the Federation suggested that they submit this question to a vote of their membership. At the same time the Asso- ciation proposed a joint convention of the two bodies to “decide finally the future policies of the organization and the result of the convention to be binding to all.” This dodged the affiliation issue. The Federation refused the offer and there the matter rested until its 1919 convention. This gathering ended all hope of agreement. It even voted down a suggestion to resume negotiations after the _ Association should have taken a referendum on the affilia- tion issue. It declared the “amalgamation question a local one to be put into effect by merging of existing Federation unions and Association branches upon mutually satisfac- tory terms.” The convention also decided that in offices where no union existed charters might be issued to Unapoc branches free of charge.'4 The Federation thus closed the door to compromise. It felt that the trend of events was in its favor. The indica- 12 Union Postal Clerk, October, 1919, p. 207. 18 For review of the negotiations see Report of Secretary-Treasurer of National Federation of Postal Employees, September, 1919, pp. 24-27. Also Post Office Clerk, December, 1918, pp. 10-15, 18-25, and May, 1919, p. 18, 144 Union Postal Clerk, October, 1919, p. 8, ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO A. F. OF L. 285 tions seemed to be that it would soon absorb the Associa- tion, so it was not anxious to put itself out to accommodate what it believed to be a rapidly disintegrating rival. It would offer no terms. It would surrender none of its advantages. In a few years it had grown from a small organization of protest to one which could dispute the position of its weakening rival as the representative asso- ciation in its craft. With the failure of the negotiations a “fight to the finish” set in and the enmity of the two associations has since been greater than ever. Each group, in its campaign against the other, has taken so hard and fast a position and has committed itself to such an extent that an agree- ment seems impossible. UNAPOC’S ANTI-UNION ACTIVITIES The Association has not entirely disintegrated, as the Federation had hoped, but has held on and has become the center of propaganda against trade unionism among government workers. In its fight against this movement it has, naturally, directed most of its energies against its rival, but at the same time, though protesting its friendship for organized labor,® it has engaged in bitter attacks against the American Federation of Labor and the labor movement as a whole. On one occasion its organ, the Post Office Clerk, went so far as to reprint from the New York Times an article by a prominent English manufacturer called “Unionism as Foe of Labor,” and to give it a place of honor as leading article of the issue.1° The editor prefaced this article with a note saying: “The thought appears irrepressible and it is be- lieved will impress all Post Office Clerks similarly, that if Unionism is in truth the foe of Labor for the outside worker how much greater foe must it be to the government employee.” At the same time the journal gave the manu- facturer’s opinions its complete endorsement in an editorial saying: “The article goes to the very core in exposing the fallacious logic of the agitators who are innocently or intentionally blind to the shortcomings of their cause... .” © Post Office Clerk, December, 1919, pp. 19-20, editorial entitled, ‘Our Position as Regards Entangling Alliances.”’ This ee also appeared in Harvey’s Weekly for Sept. bo , 1919. See also, Post Office Clerk, March, 1919, pp. 3-10, debate, President Hyatt of Federation vs. President Franciscus of U. N. A. P. O. C. 16 Post Office Clerk, June, 1919. 236 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY THE UNAPOC WINS DEPARTMENT’S FAVOR When the unionized groups adopted a policy of frank opposition to the Department, the clerks’ Association as- sumed a conciliatory attitude. When the administration placed itself on record as being especially opposed to “out- side affiliations,” though declaring at the same time that “sovernment employees should be permitted to organize for their social and general welfare,” the Unapoe adopted a policy calculated to win Departmental favor. Its anti- labor attitude must, in no small measure, be judged in this light. To remain on the friendliest terms possible with the Departmental authorities had always been a cardinal principle of the clerks’ Association. Now the new turn of events accentuated that policy. Under the circum- stances it was their only alternative. Of course, seeking to appease the Burleson administration in order to win concessions was no easy task. Yet the organization made that policy its principal ground of appeal. Thus the na- tional secretary, Mr. William F. Gibbons, wrote a gentle- man in Syracuse, N. Y., saying: “I hope that the members will allow their better judgment to prevail and remain loyal to the U. N. A. P. O. C. because the Department is absolutely opposed to Post Office Employees affiliating with any outside organization but have no objections to their maintaining an organization of their own.’’?? On another occasion, while the amalgamation and affili- ation question was still under discussion, the president of the United National Association, Mr. Franciscus,’* con- demned the representatives of the affiliated postal em- ployees for having secured the passage by the A. F. of L. convention of “a most vicious arraignment of Postmaster General Burleson.’’!® | 17 Letter dated at Washington, D. C., Jan. 25, 1918. This letter, incidentally, was written but a few months after Secretary Gibbons had, in the company of other association officers, asked Secretary Morrison of the A. F. of L. for a national charter of affiliation. The letter increased the distrust on the part of the clerks’ federation and helped to furnish it plausible grounds on which to charge the association with insincerity during the negotiations. 18 J¢ should be said that Mr. Franciscus had personally always sincerely opposed affiliation. However, he was willing, if the association decided to affiliate, to stand by the decision of the majority. See Post Office Clerk, March, 1919, p. 5. Yet it was under Mr. Franciscus’ acting editorship that the Post Office Clerk took so of its most extreme anti-labor stands. 1 Post Office Clerk, March, 1919, p. 10; see above. a ; ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO A. F. OF L. 237 THE UNAPOC SUPPORTS POSTMASTER SELPH OF ST. LOUIS Sometimes the Association carried its support of those in authority to unfortunate extremes, as when its St. Louis branch backed and defended “Czar” Selph, the local post- master whose administration was the very low mark of the Burleson régime. In an article in the Post Office Clerk called “The Postmaster at St. Louis as the Post Office Clerks Know Him,” a member of the Association branch attacked the local “Feds” for their opposition to Selph. The article said: “We feel that this attack on our Post- master is an attack on our Association and every right- thinking employee in the St. Louis post office.’”?° Yet the charges against Postmaster Selph continued and complaints against him grew in volume. An inquiry into his conduct was made by the House Committee on Ex- penditures in the Post Office Department. As a result of the evidence presented to it, the committee unanimously decided to request an official investigation of Selph’s administration. The inspectors assigned to the work con- firmed the charges.*! Selph was removed from office shortly before his term expired. Among their several conclusions as to the postmaster’s misconduct the inspectors found: “That antagonism has been shown the National Federation of Post Office Clerks and the National Association of Letter Carriers. “Members of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks swear that they had to secure a president outside of the service because the postmaster made trouble or caused the removal of any clerk who ac- cepted the office. Carriers give instances of numerous indignities and discipline suffered by officers of their organization. Other organizations in the office were favored. He harassed and persecuted officers of the two organizations named evidently because they re- fused to allow him to control them.?? FIRST ASSISTANT KOONS ATTENDS UNAPOC CONVENTION The affiliation movement had its effect on the Depart- ment as well as on the clerks’ Association. Its hostility 20 December, 1919, p. 21. yap es i of report of post office inspectors in Postal Record, March, 1912, p. 51-2. # Inspectors’ Memorandum, Item No. & 238 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY toward organizations in general became a particular hos- tility toward organizations connected with the official labor movement. When the Association, after its failure to obtain a charter from the A. F. of L., began to seek support because non-affiliation was in official favor, the authorities did not turn a cold shoulder. Perhaps they saw in the Association an instrument for driving a disrupting wedge into the ranks of the groups toward whom they were openly antagonistic. In September, 1920, the First Assistant, Mr. Koons, addressed the Unapoc convention. To no other organiza- tion had a representative of the Department shown such attention since the Fourth Assistant had delivered a hostile and critical address to the rural carriers’ gathering in 1914.2 But Mr. Koons’ speech was different. He de- fended and endorsed the Postmaster General’s attitude toward employee organizations, saying that the workers had a right to form mutual benefit and welfare organiza- tions solely within the service, but should not be permitted to afhliate with outside organizations. “A great deal,” he said, “has been said about your own organization by those who are opposed to it. I have had the honor to know three of your presidents, the last three. I have never known gentlemen of higher standing, men who were ever zealous and anx- ious to do what was right for you and at the same time what was right for the postal service, and so far as I know no national officer of your organization has ever been removed from the service. “It has been said that no officer of an organization can get along with the Post Office Department, but, gentlemen, our relations with your organization have been most cordial.”?5 DEPARTMENT'S HOSTILITY WEAKENS RURAL CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION _ The National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association neither joined the A. F. of L. nor met with official approval. The effect of the Department’s opposition in the case of this ia ete Ps oe roceedings 20t onvention of U. N. A. P. O. C., September, 1920, in Post Office Clerk, November, 1920, pp. 41-6. ea om 2> Same, p. 43, ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO A. F. OF L. = 2389 organization was different—in fact, about opposite—from what it was in the case of the other groups. Instead of making it strong and militant it almost succeeded in dis- rupting it. In 1914 the organization met in convention at Washing- ton. Its membership, which had never before been so large, included nearly sixty per cent of the rural carrier body. In accordance with custom, the Fourth Assistant Post- master General was asked to address the delegates. He came, but he spoke no words of welcome and encourage- ment. His speech, on the other hand, was unfriendly and severely critical of the Association’s policy.?° Following this gathering there was a marked falling off in the membership of the organization. Before the next annual convention the decrease amounted to about 4,000, or approximately one-fifth of the membership of a year ago. This drop continued steadily, so that in 1917 the Association included but fifteen per cent of the whole carrier body.?7 After allowing for the increase in service personnel during that period, it will be seen from these figures that the organization lost at least sixty-five per cent of its members in three years. The Department’s anti-organization activities were so successful here chiefly because these employees came into such little contact with their fellow workers. The rural postman read the Postmaster General’s reports and pro- nouncements and his continual attacks in the Postal Bulle- tin. He read them by himself. He turned them over in his mind. There was seldom a fellow carrier with whom he could discuss them. His Association had no local unit —the very life of effective organization—made up of men who worked together or who came into constant contact with one another. He didn’t know what the other carriers thought or what they were going to do. He felt it safest not to offend the powers whom he could not defy alone. So he yielded to official pressure and left the organization. DISSATISFACTION WITH THE EDITOR OF THE R. F. D. NEWS But that did not account for the whole deflection. There was another factor that had long been iA oasis eos 2#*R. F. D. News, Aug. 22, 1914, rey p. 4; Brown’s speech, 27 These figures were furnished by Mr. E. D. Landwehr, President of cn ‘National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association. 240 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY the administration’s attitude now greatly accentuated. For some time there had been a growing dissatisfaction over the position and influence in the organization of W. D. Brown, the Association’s counsel, the editor and owner of the R. F. D. News. Some foolishly held Brown responsible for the Department’s hostility because the News had taken so firm and uncompromising a stand against its recom- mendations, while others held him to blame for the organi- zation’s weakness and inability to withstand official attacks because he had dominated it for so long and ruled it with so strong a hand. He had prevented the choice, they said, of strong and independent officers because he feared that they would threaten his position and authority. ' THE DEPARTMENT PLAYS THE ASSOCIATION AGAINST THE NEWS Following the 1914 gathering, the national officers ad- dressed 4 communication to the Fourth Assistant, asking for a meeting with him. The request was not only curtly refused, but the official in his reply ignored the Association and addressed the national president merely as a rural carrier. A little later in the season one of the state branch asso- ciations invited one of the United States Senators from its state to address its convention. The Senator was a very prominent member of the upper house who had fought vigorously in the rural carriers’ behalf in their tilt with the Department. Official pressure was immediately brought to bear upon the state association leaders and they were forced to cancel their invitation to the Senator after he had accepted it. The 1915 national convention was held at Detroit in August. This time the Fourth Assistant communicated with the gathering in terms of marked cordiality. This surprising change of attitude was at the same time accom- panied by actions on the part of various groups of delegates which led many to suspect the authorities of partisan politi- cal designs upon the organization. The convention could not be brought to take a decided stand on any question of interest to the postmen toward which the authorities were or might be expected to be unfavorable.?8 FR. F. D. News, August 21, 1915, pp. 1 ff. ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO A. F. OF L. 241 The R. F. D. News was among the first to deplore the situation. In an editorial it said: “There is a wide difference between courage and defiance. The officers of the Association should appeal with courage, firmness, and reason for desired changes in some of the policies of the Department and the Department should consider such efforts as looking toward the welfare of the service and not as defiance of its orders. . . . It is earnestly hoped that officials of the Department and the national Association will get together and discuss and relieve at least some of the conditions which now bear so heavily upon many carriers. “In any event the national Association will be ex- pected to do its part and keep the carriers promptly informed of every movement. It will be expected to come out in the open and be fair and honest in all its dealings. The conduct of its officers should determine whether the Association should flourish or decay. And partisan political development will be awaited with keen interest. “The future of the national Association is suspended in the balance. Which way will it incline?’?® This situation drove hundreds more out of the organiza- tion, while at the same time the Department refused to meet the Association’s representatives in the manner of the R. F. D. News’ suggestion. But Brown managed to maintain his commanding influence in organization coun- cils. Naturally, increasing numbers held him responsible for the unsatisfactory state of affairs and the old cleavage between the Brown and the anti-Brown factions became sharper. In the fall of 1918 one of the foremost of the anti-Brown men, the president of the Pennsylvania State Branch Asso- ciation, J. Cletus Stambaugh, began the publication of a monthly paper, the Rural Delivery Record. Officially this paper was the organ of the state association. Actually it was the mouthpiece of the anti-Brown faction. 29 Same, p. 4. 242 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY BROWN AND THE AFFILIATION MOVEMENT In 1917, with affiliation sentiment running high among other postal workers, a group of rural carriers began an agitation to bring their Association into the Labor Federa- tion. This movement was especially strong among men whose routes radiated from urban post offices and who thus came in contact with numbers of city workers. The 1917 convention of the Association directed the appoint- ment of a committee to investigate the question and report to the next gathering. The committee reported in 1919 that one member was “in favor of affiliation at once,’ one was “absolutely op- posed” and two were ‘‘to some extent favorable,” but felt that ‘due to the unrest in our nation at the present time” it was best to refer the matter back to the state conven- tions to be held in 1920 so that delegates to the next national gathering could be properly instructed.*° The question was referred back as the two committeemen suggested. Meanwhile Brown had come out against affiliation in the columns of the News. The principal reason for his opposition was that the rural carriers’ best friends in the Senate and House looked upon the proposition with dis- favor.* Gradually Brown assumed a position more and more antagonistic to the labor movement. When the affili- ation question came up for final consideration in 1920 he was at the head of the opposition and delivered a speech which was a bitter attack upon the position of organized labor.8? The convention then rejected affiliation by a unanimous vote.*® It was at this convention at Dayton that anti-Brown feeling came to a head. It was charged that delegations of a number of the large states were seated in violation of the rules, in that the provision that all per capita taxes forwarded to the national secretary should be accompanied by the names of the members was ignored in the cases of the delegations from Wisconsin, Ohio and Missouri. THE NATIONAL FEDERATION OF RURAL CARRIERS This was a signal for revolt. A number of anti-Brown men, led principally by Stambaugh of Pennsylvania, with- 9 R. F. D. News, Oct. 4, 1919, p. 20. 31 Same, June 29, 1918, p. 4. 32 Same, Oct. 23, 1920, pp. 16-17. % Same, p. 1. ORGANIZATIONS TURN TO A. F. OF L. 248 drew from the convention and formed a new organization, the National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers. This new group assumed the ownership and control of the Rural Delivery Record and shortly affiliated with the A. F. of L. as a national union. The break in the rural carrier ranks was an expression of anti-Brown far more than anti-Burleson sentiment. It is exceedingly unlikely that the affiliation question would have occasioned a split among these employees if it had not become tied up with the anti-Brown issue. Even when the bolt occurred it was an anti-Brown rather than pro- affiliation bolt. Affiliation was primarily a weapon with which to fight the editor’s influence. But the seceding carriers knew that they were but a tiny minority organi- zation and could hope for no progress unless they could secure the support and cooperation of the other postal unions. To obtain this support it was necessary to join the A. F. of L. The National Federation attracted some of the more advanced and progressive R. F. D. men to its ranks. It hardly hoped, at least for a long time to come, to be more than a minority movement of protest. By owning and controlling its own organ and by being represented by its own Officers rather than by an outside attorney who must look upon the postmen as his clients rather than his fel- lows, the new organization attempted to overcome, at the outset, the principal causes of dissension and complaint in the older organization. Its most extravagant membership claim was that it represented almost five per cent of the whole rural carrier force.** And its claim was most cer- tainly too high. But even when all else is discounted, the Burleson administration contributed its share to the causes which drew the rural postmen into the A. F. of L. through the impetus it gave to postal unionism in general and through the dissatisfaction which it aroused in the ranks of the old Association. 84 Rural Delivery Record, June, 1921, p. 8. CHAPTER XV “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY HAYS SEES THAT ORGANIZATIONS HAVE COME TO STAY Will H. Hays’ administration seemed to mark the coming of a new era in postal labor history. Hays was the first Postmaster General to see the futility of the old way of dealing with the employees. He saw that workers’ organ- ization had come to stay and that it had demonstrated its ability to function despite official let or hindrance. He shaped his labor policy to conform in large measure with these facts. But the change was not due only to his ability to see more clearly than his predecessors. Burleson’s policy had been an important issue in the election campaign of 1920. Republican leaders counted it one of their principal assets. The attitude of the workers had made it good politics to make Burleson such an issue and to promise a “complete reversal” of his policies. Hays merely faced the situation as it was and pursued his policy accordingly. The change was primarily the work of the employees themselves. Their agitation practically forced it upon the administration. The incoming administration set out to give its plans effect in a rather ostentatious manner. Hays’ successful career as a political leader had taught him the value of publicity. He never failed to let the press and public know every change away from Burleson that was either made or contemplated. HAYS BEGINS TO ““HUMANIZE” THE SERVICE A few days after taking up his duties the Postmaster General announced: “The Postal Establishment is not an institution for profit or politics; it is an institution for service, and it is the President’s purpose that every effort shall be made to improve that service. 244 “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 245 “Every effort shall be made to humanize the indus- try. Labor is not a commodity. That idea was aban- doned 1,921 years ago next Easter. There are 300,000 employees. They have the brain and they have the hand to do the job well; and they shall have the heart to do it well. We purpose to approach this matter so that they shall be partners with us in this busi- TG Me sys. In his effort to let everyone know that the Department was no longer a cold, harsh, machine-like institution, Hays ordered a change in its forms of correspondence, orders, and notices. The cold, impersonal style of the bureaucrat was dropped and in its place there was substituted the warm, heartfelt, personal touch of the “advertising man.” Thus, for example, when it was found impossible under the rules to grant a request for the reinstatement of an employee, the interested party was no longer “stereotypedly” told: “Reference is made to your letter of the tenth instant. “Mr. . . . has now been out of the service for more than a year and is no longer eligible for reinstatement under civil service rules. “Sincerely yours,” Instead, the interested party was told with a “personal touch” and in “humanized” fashion: “T have not been unmindful of your letter of the tenth instant, ete. ... As you know, under the civil service rules, an employee who has been out of the service for more than a year is ineligible for reinstate- ment. Mr. ... unfortunately falls within that class. “With very best wishes, always, I am “Sincerely yours,” Along with this change of forms there came official admo- nitions directing the workers to be pleasant, to say “thank you,” and to be courteous, to cooperate with patrons and with the municipal authorities, etc., etc. All this was one aspect of the “humanizing” policy, an attempt to change the tone of the service from that detached, routine, official air of a government department to the familiar eager-to- please tone of a private business concern. 1 Postal Bulletin, March 11, 1921. 246 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY ORGANIZATIONS ‘‘RECOGNIZED” But this was by no means all there was to Hays’ reforms. He righted many Burleson injustices. One of the most important of such acts, the reinstatement of the Chicago clerks, has already been mentioned. He established a welfare division and called to Washington two of the most successful industrial welfare directors in the country to supervise its work.* He extended official recognition to employee organizations and announced: “I have met and am meeting, and want to continue to meet, the heads of all postal organizations just as often as it is convenient for them to see me. This, I understand, is a change in practice.’’ THE WELFARE DIRECTOR INVESTIGATES CONDITIONS Shortly after his appointment the welfare director began an extended tour of investigation, inspecting and studying sanitary and other working conditions, including grievances regarding promotions, ratings, seniority, etc., in over one hundred post offices and substations, railway mail cars, and terminals in all parts of the country. This survey was supplemented by a lengthy questionnaire to all first and ~ second class offices asking specific and detailed information under the following heads: Number of employees by position Square feet of floor space occupied Post office building Side wall space General appearance of specified places at 5 p.m. Lighting Heating Janitor service Toilet facilities Lockers and care of clothing Elevator service Ventilation Working comfort 2 Above, p. 225. _ 8Dr. Lee K. Frankel of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company organized the Welfare Department. He then resigned in favor of Mr. H. 8. Dennison of the Dennison Manufacturing Company, who had served for some time as assistant director. 4 Post Office Department Reports (Postmaster General), 1921, p. 56. “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 247 Water supply Washroom facilities Fire protection of personnel and mails Recreation facilities Provision for medical care of employees Mutual aid during sickness Luncheons Training employees for efficient service Turnover in permanent positions in year ended June 30, 1921 Civil service examinations Efficiency ratings Suggestions and grievances Cultivating good will Social organizations in office The welfare director arranged to have the United States Public Health Service make periodic inspections of the sanitary conditions of important offices and to take steps towards improving lighting conditions, particularly the lighting for distributing cases. At the same time reports with recommendations on sanitary conditions were made part of the regular duties of inspectors. THE NATIONAL WELFARE COUNCIL But most important of the welfare division’s acts was the call it issued to the representatives of the national postal organizations to meet at the Department for the purpose of forming a national welfare council. As first organized this body consisted of representatives of the following organizations: National Association of Letter Carriers National Rural Letter Carriers’ Associations National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers National Federation of Post Office Clerks United National Association of Post Office Clerks Railway Mail Association National Association of Post Office Laborers National Association of Supervisory Post Office Em- ployees National Federation of Federal Employees 248 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY The last named group represented some employees under the Postmaster General who did not come under the juris- diction of the other organizations. The Department was represented by the welfare director. After a time, the National Association of Postmasters, representing first and second class postmasters, and the National League of Post- masters, representing third and fourth class postmasters, became affiliated with the council. An organization known as the National Council of Supervisory Officials of the Railway Mail Service has recently been formed to give representation to the railway mail officers, while the Na- tional Federation of Federal Employees has been dropped on the grounds that it was not a postal organization. The constitution of the National Welfare Council accords membership in that body to “all national organizations of postal workers.”’ Representation is equal, each association being allowed two delegates.° The objects of the council are defined thus: “The object of this council shall be the betterment of the Postal Service generally, the improvement of the working conditions, and the bringing about of closer cooperation and better understanding among the public, the officials, and the employees of the Postal Service.’ Its duties are set forth as follows: “Tt shall be the duty of the council to consider matters of national interest which have relation to the accomplishment of the objects stated in Article II. All matters affecting working conditions of employees or relations between employees and the Post Office Department, or cooperation between employees, offi- cials, and the public, are legitimate subjects for dis- ” cussion and consideration by the council. “Questions of national importance may be consid- — ered by the council if these are referred to it by the Post Office Department, by local welfare councils, by © postmasters, or by employees. The council may of — its own initiative consider such questions. Appeals — 5 Constitutions of the National Welfare Council, Article III. 6 Same, Article II. “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 249 from rulings of local administrative officials shall be considered by the council when these are referred to it by the Post Office Department. The council may request the department to refer to it for consideration, appeals which have been brought to the council’s no- tice by others. The findings of the council as expressed in a majority vote shall be transmitted through the chairman to the Postmaster General.’”? OBJECTS AND DUTIES OF LOCAL COUNCILS Local councils were established at first and second class offices. The National Council drew up a model constitu- tion for these bodies under which they were organized as follows: “Tn each first-class post office there shall be a coun- cil of not more than eight members, of whom three shall be elected by the letter carriers, three by the post office clerks, and two by the supervisory officials. In cities where there are railway mail terminal em- ployees, post office laborers, motor-vehicle employees, or rural letter earriers, these may, on their request, be entitled to one member each and the council enlarged correspondingly. Annually in December all employees ‘in each group shall assemble and elect their represen- tatives to the council. A majority vote of those present shall be necessary for election.’’® Their objects and duties were defined thus: “The object of this council shall be to increase the efficiency of the Postal Service in the city of : to improve working conditions in the post office, and to effect closer cooperation and better understanding among the public, the officials, and the employees of the Postal Service.’® “Tt shall be the duty of each council to consider the matters of local interest which have relation to the accomplishment of the object stated in Article II. All matters that affect working conditions of employees, whether these deal with sanitation, efficiency, or co- 7Same, Article VII. 8 Model Constitution of Local Welfare Councils, Article III. *Same, Article II. 250 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY operation between employees, officials, and the public, are legitimate subjects for discussion and consideration by the council. “Grievances of employees may be considered by the council in its advisory capacity if presented in writing by the member representing the employee. The coun- cil may at its discretion permit the employee to appear in person and produce witnesses. The views of the council as expressed in a majority vote shall be trans- mitted to the postmaster for his consideration. Simi- larly, the council may consider suggestions and recom- mendations of employees for the betterment of the service, and in a similar fashion, shall transmit these as approved by the council on a majority vote for the consideration of the postmaster.”?° County councils were organized to meet the needs of third and fourth class postmasters and rural carriers and a departmental council was formed to represent the 2,600 employees of the Department and mail-equipment shops who, although coming under the jurisdiction of the Post- master General, are not technically “postal employees.” The functions of the councils are purely advisory. They do not give the employees the “voice in management” towards which a large section of the labor movement aspires, but they do provide an official channel through which the organized workers can reach their superiors and make their grievances heard as well as offer suggestions for the improvement of the service. They have not “democratized” the postal industry nor have they moved it very far in that direction, but they have shown that the administration was attempting to give some degree of recognition to the so-called “human element” which the Department had hitherto ignored. “WELFARE COUNCILS” BECOME ‘‘SERVICE COUNCILS” Mr. Hays never contended that the councils were a step toward industrial democracy, but rather that they were an attempt at the democratization of “industrial welfare work.” Workers in industry have usually opposed or looked with disfavor on such work because it has been 10 Same, Article IX. “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 251 conducted by the employers in a paternalistic spirit and rather patronizing manner. But it was hoped that postal welfare work, though sponsored by the Department, would function largely through the employees themselves in their national and local councils. But even under these circum- stances the very word “welfare” still had an unpleasant ring in the ears of the workers. For this reason Postmaster General Work announced that from January 1, 1923, the welfare division would be known as the “division of service relations,” while the name of the National Welfare Council would be changed to the “National Service Relations Coun- cil” and that of the local bodies to “Local Service Coun- ceils.” In announcing these changes the Postmaster General said: “More speedily, I believe, than has been the expe- rience of industrial concerns, we have outgrown the term ‘welfare,’ which now only partially expresses the scope of the Department’s personnel policy.’’!+ It will be some time before any fair estimate can be made of the place and accomplishments of the councils and personnel division.*? It is still too early to gauge their effect on the standard of the service, on the workers and on the organization movement. Employee councils are not new to government establishments either in this country or abroad, but there can be little value in making predic- tions for the postal councils on the basis of other perform- ances. OTHER GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEE COUNCILS The Whitley council system, which has been established in the British civil service for the past few years, has worked well in some departments, while it has left conditions un- 11 Postal Bulletin, Dec. 28, 1922. 12 The Welfare Division of the Post Office Department, a mimeographed pam- phlet compiled by Maud Harris, secretary to the director, gives an official account up to April 4, 1922. See also article by Dr. Lee K. Frankel, first welfare director, “Humanizing the Post Office Department,’ in The Survey, December 17, 1921, p. 434, and “One Year of Welfare Work,’ by President Gainor, National As- sociation of Letter Carriers, in Postal Record, November, 1922, p. 273. More lengthy discussions may be found in Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Vol. IX, No. 4, January, 1922, Constructive Experiments in Industrial Cooperation Between Employers and Employees, Frankel, Lee K., ‘Personnel Work in the Post Office Department,” pp. 149-153; Mosher, W. E., ‘‘Personnel Administration in the Federal Government,’ pp. 178-9; Hays, Will H., ‘‘The Value of Good Will in Government Employment,’ pp. 130-140. See also Mr. Hays’ article, ‘‘The Human Side of the Postal Service,’’ Review of Reviews, December, 1921, pp. 629-32; and Report of the Postmaster General, 1923, pp. 42-3. 252 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY changed in others? and has proved especially disappointing in the postal service.4 These councils, on which the ad- ministration and the staff, through their organizations, are equally represented, are not “advisory and consultive only,” as was originally planned. The decisions of the National Council in theory, at least, carry the weight of real author- ity. Its constitution provides: “The decisions of the Council shall be arrived at by agreement between the two sides, shall be signed by the Chairman and Vice-Chairman, shall be reported to the Cabinet, and thereupon shall become operative.”?® Without this clause the staff organizations would not have consented to take part in the plan.*® But even with this clause, the powers of the Whitley councils have not proved very effective in the face of the administrative powers of the Treasury over the state departments and the authority of the permanent secretaries. These powers are guaranteed by a provision to the effect that the de- cisions of the Council shall be without prejudice to the overriding authority of Parliament and the responsibility of the minister.17 Yet there is a vital difference between the Whitley plan and the councils of the United States Post Office Department which, together with fundamental differences between the British and American civil services and between the state of development of employee associa- tions in the two countries, make comparison and prediction impossible. Employee councils have worked well in the United States Bureau of Engraving and Printing, and though similar bodies gave satisfactory results at the government arsenal at Rock Island for a short time after their establishment, it is reported that they have since become ineffective. 18 See Macrae-Gibson, J. H.: The Whitley System in the Civil Service (London: The Fabian Society, 1922). 14Trade Unionism and Whitleyism in the Post Office,” pat Annual, 1921, pp. 68-70. See also Postal Advocate (Australia), January 12, 1922, %. 15 See Report of the National Provisional Joint Committee on the Application of the Whitley Report to the Administrative Departments of the Civil Service, Par. 26 16 Macrae-Gibson, work cited, p. 12. 17 Post Annual, 1921, p. 68. See also Report of the Sub-Committee of the Inter- departmental Committee on the Application of the Whitley Report to the Admin- istrative Departments of the Civil Service, 1919, p. 2, Par. 9 “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 253 THE ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF THE COUNCILS During the brief period of their existence the postal councils have dealt with various administrative questions ranging from matters of routine and detail and individual grievances to a subject of such general administrative im- portance as the application of the principle of seniority in promotions. They have dealt with matters affecting the physical surroundings of the workers and have succeeded in having many minor causes of complaint adjusted, but have been unable to obtain relief where the reform involved the expenditure of money. In such cases the necessity for Congressional action has made it impossible for the De- partment to give relief. The fact that buildings and facilities fall under the control of the Treasury and not the Post Office Department has also complicated such mat- ters. Many improvements with which the councils are credited are really the result of years of agitation on the part of the workers. For instance, their most widely heralded physical improvement, the installation of rest bars for distributors, is a thing for which the clerks’ organizations had been asking for at least ten years. So far the National Council has taken no position in conflict with the will of the Department. THE CONFERENCE-CONVENTIONS Another change in the direction of greater cooperation between the rank and file and the administration was the inauguration of the conference-convention system by Post- master General Work. Dr. Work characterized this inno- vation as “probably the greatest single accomplishment of the Department” during the first eighteen months of President Harding’s administration.”+® These conference- conventions of postal employees meet in a centrally located city in each state of the Union. The gatherings are com- posed of delegates chosen by the employees in various postal centers of the state and such other employees as care to attend at their own expense. Necessary leaves of absence are granted to any such workers. Employee organizations have no official place in these gatherings. 18 See ore States Official Postal Guide, November, 1922, 6. 18 Same, p. 5. On pages 5-7 the Postmaster General lists Hineteen “changes for the benefit of postal employees.” 254 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY The Department is represented by the Postmaster General or some official designated by him. At first the various employee groups meet by themselves to transact such busi- ness as they have or to plan such action as they may wish to take at the later conference-convention itself, at which all the groups, including postmasters and other local postal officials, meet together with the Postmaster General or his representatives to discuss service problems. Large users of mail and mail-order houses have also been asked to have delegates present at these gatherings so that all points of view may be heard. The gatherings so far held have been successful at least in point of attendance and enthusiasm. At the first one, at Portland, Maine, which the Postmaster General and his assistants attended, one thousand employees out of two thousand in the state were present. As in the case of the employees’ councils, it is still too early to estimate the value of this innovation. It remains to be seen whether the conference-conventions will develop into really useful institutions, or whether they will become merely pleasant and harmless social gatherings, or perhaps turn into occa- sions which will serve the Department with opportunities for making political speeches and spreading its propa- ganda.?° Their chances of success would certainly be greater if the workers, as well as the departmental representatives, were given opportunities not merely to ask questions and take part in the discussion but to make formal speeches through representatives of their own choosing. The work- ers and large postal patrons would also have more confi- dence in the gatherings if they were held under the joint auspices of all three interested parties rather than of the Department alone. The presiding officer might be chosen from the delegates present, including the official represen- tatives, or the various interests represented might take turns at having one of their number preside. Lastly, the Depart- 20 Reports of some recent gatherings point to such development. The Postmaster General has suspended conference-conventions for the presidential year of 1924 ‘in order to remove any possible cause for complaint that they may in any degree be involved in the political activities which will engage the attention of citizens generally.’’? (See Report of the Postmaster General, 1923, p. 9.) Although the announcement said that the conferences ‘‘may be resumed thereafter,’’ many em- ployee leaders believe that they will not be, and that the Department was glad of an opportunity to drop them because it found that the employees were asking too many troublesome questions. “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 255 ment should not send inspectors to represent it. No matter what may be said of the inspectors as “the eyes and hands” of the executive, or as the “connecting :ink between the Department and the field,’ most of the workers do look upon them as the administration’s spies or as the Post- master General’s secret police. Their very presence is likely to put a damper on full and free discussion. Unquestionably the morale of the service has improved since March 4, 1921. But this improvement, which was more noticeable during Mr. Hays’ year in office than it has been since, must be credited to factors other than confer- ence-conventions and service relations work. Any relief from Burleson conditions would have been hailed with joy and could not have failed to have had a good effect upon the spirit of the force. The salary law of June 5, 1920, passed while Burleson was still in office, though far from adequate, did, nevertheless, relieve conditions to some extent. The situation was also improved by the Civil Service Retirement Act which was passed a few weeks before the salary measure. The removal of obstacles which had long been placed in the way of employee organizations at the Department also went a long way toward creating a more satisfactory temper in the service. ORGANIZATION SUSPICIONS OF HAYS’ PLANS Mr. Hays’ first announcement of his welfare policy was greeted with no little suspicion by some of the workers’ organizations. They were afraid that the councils were an attempt to “back fire” them; that the administration, hav- ing seen the failure of other régimes to kill them by force, was trying to kill them by kindness. They were uncertain as to whether the administration was sincere or whether it was merely adopting the well-known methods of “enlight- ened” employees who seek to rid their establishments of unionism through paternalistic “welfare work” and “com- pany unions.” Two things, however, served to allay such suspicions. In the first place, organizations were made the basis of representation in the National Council. In this way the national officers, whether in or out of the service, were given official recognition as the representatives of the employees. Although the local organizations were not made the unit 256 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY of representation on local councils, they have for the most part succeeded in controlling the choice of delegates to these bodies. In the second place, the councils were not the only means through which the employees could reach the authori- ties. If they failed as effective channels of approach, the organizations could still deal directly with the administra- tion if they desired.?? Yet, despite the new policy, the official attitude towards the employees has not undergone very fundamental changes. There has been evidence to indicate that with Mr. Hays gone and with the edge of the first enthusiasm over “human- ization” dulled, the Department has been slipping back into old ways. Although this has been especially true since Mr. Hays’ retirement from office, there were also indica- tions of it during his incumbency. HAYS AND AFFILIATION WITH A. F. OF L. ‘Hays was hardly more cordial to labor affiliation than his predecessors. He did not try to forbid it, or have it outlawed, or hamper the organizations which were members of the American Federation of Labor, but he did make it clear that he did not like such affiliation and hoped that his policy would make it unnecessary. At a conference with representatives of the U. N. A. P. O. C. he stated his posi- tion as follows: “We shall treat all alike but shall cooperate so closely together that there will be no need of affilia- tions. I propose to have the situation such that nobody has to have an outside organization to help them get attention from the Department. You will not need lia Mr. Hays spoke in a similar vein to the officers of the affiliated Railway Mail Association whose official organ reported that portion of the interview as follows:?° “While Mr. Hays expressed his purpose of human- izing the service and doing the right thing, he left no 21 Mr. Hays told the convention of the National Association of Letter Carriers: “Paternalism is as obnoxious to me as it is to you.... I would build a welfare organization solely for the purpose of supplementing and encouraging the work of the employees.’’ Postal Record, October, 1921, p. 237. 22 Leaflet issued by the United National Association of Post Office Clerks. % Railway Post Office, March, 1921, p. 8. “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 257 doubt as to his attitude on ‘intemperate radicals and professional agitators.’ He desired specific information on the nature of our organization and as to whether it was controlled by an executive board of employees in the service. He expressed much satisfaction on learn- ing that such was the case, and that it had tried at all times to cooperate with the Department, in the interest of the public welfare, even under the most discouraging conditions. Mr. Hays stated that he was opposed to the aftiliation of postal organizations with ‘outside or- ganizations,’ but said that he realized that conditions in the past had been such as to almost force the move as one of self defense.” The representatives of the rural letter carriers associa- tion were told practically the same thing.?* The unaffiliated clerks’ association, reporting its officers’ first interview with the Postmaster General?> under the head, “Hays opposed to affiliations. Will end them dip- lomatically,” said: “The first question asked by Mr. Hays . . . was in regard to the nature of their organization and if they had any external labor affiliations. He seemed greatly relieved to know that we had the common sense to keep away from such influences. He said he wants to be fair to all but would not stand for strikes in the service or their interfering with the operations of the mails. It is his intention to end affiliations diplomatically, and when we look back over his record as an organizer and his ability to eliminate radical factions from anything he is handling we must admit he is going about things in the proper way to put an end to disturbing influences in the postal service.” THE RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE STILL DISCONTENTED But in spite of the administration’s “diplomacy,” there has been no trend away from the Federation of Labor. Its only noticeable effect was to give encouragement to the faction of railway postal clerks opposed to affiliation. They carried on so persistent an agitation in favor of the Railway Mail “FR. F, D. News, March 12, 1921. % Leaflet cited. 258 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Association reconsidering the question that the national executive committee, at its meeting in June, 1922, ordered that the matter be put to a referendum. The result was favorable to affiliation by 7,131 votes to 3,830, a majority of almost two to one. Every one of the fifteen divisions voted in the affirmative.?° According to the Railway Post Office,27 the vote was as much an expression of dissatisfaction with working condi- tions in the service as an expression upon the direct proposi- tion of affiliation. It intimated that the result might, perhaps, have been different “had it been the policy and disposition of the Department to meet the Association upon a basis of genuine cooperation.” The principal reason for this dissatisfaction was that Burleson’s administrative policies had not been “‘completely reversed” in the railway mail service. The official attitude toward the employees had changed so that the workers were now “partners” instead of enemies of the republic, but the reductions and curtailments of the service with their consequent inconveniences and hardships to the clerks con- tinued as before. For this reason the administration’s wel- fare work and “humanizing” activities have had little effect upon railway postal clerks. Incidentally, the local service councils which are the heart of the welfare work are post office affairs. Though terminal railway postal clerks may take part in their work, the clerks on the road cannot. Thus such improved conditions and relations as these bodies may have brought about have in no way affected the men on the trains. RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE AGREEMENTS But under the postal organizations’ new dispensation, the Railway Mail Association took steps to make good this deficiency by establishing both national and local confer- ence machinery on its own initiative. At its suggestion, its national executive committee, the division superintendents, the General Superintendent of the railway mail service and the Second Assistant Postmaster General met together in a series of conferences and discussed a number of important administrative matters affecting the interests of the clerks 26 Railway Post Office, October, 1922, pp. 11-12. 27 October, 1922, p. 21. “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 259 and the service. Papers presented by the association’s rep- resentatives, dealing with hours of service, seniority, pro- motions, service rating system, the construction of railway mail cars, etc., formed the basis of the discussions. * The clerks have suggested that the work of crime detection and accounting be assigned respectively to the Department of Justice and the Bureau of Accounts, and that inspectors, freed from these duties and assigned solely to personnel work, be made responsible to the Na- tional Service Relations Council. “In this way,” the sug- gestion ran, “the representative of the employees will be in a position to occasionally review the judgment of an inspector.’’>4 THE POSTMASTER AND THE CLERKS’ UNION AT MINNEAPOLIS There was one office in the country where even before the coming of “humanization” genuine cooperation had been established between the local administration and the working force. This was the post office at Minneapolis under the direction of Postmaster Edward A. Purdy. Mr. Purdy had recognized and cooperated closely with the local employee organizations and with their help he had suc- ceeded in making his office a model of efficiency and good spirit. Even during the Burleson administration, working conditions at Minneapolis had been excellent and the place had become known as the “postal employees’ paradise.” When Mr. Hays became Postmaster General, he at once saw the value of Mr. Purdy’s work. He spoke of him as a “bird of a postmaster” and as an official with a “batting average of 1,000 even though a Democrat.” Hays not only retained Purdy at his post, but he called upon him to super- vise the reorganization of other large offices along Minne- 58 Beyer, Otto 8., and Soule, George: Supervision of the City Delivery Service (Prepared for the National Association of Letter Carriers by the Labor Bureau, Inc., May 26, 1923). 64 See National Federation of Post Office Clerks: Reports of Officers, 1923, p. 70. “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 267 apolis lines. Shortly after Hays’ retirement from the Cabinet, Postmaster Purdy resigned and his place was taken by Arch Coleman, a Republican politician of some local prominence and power. Not long after this a controversy arose between the local Post Office Clerks’ Union and the Coleman administration which resulted in the discharge from the service of several union officers. The immediate cause of the quarrel was the adoption by the Minneapolis Trades and Labor Assem- dly of a resolution condemning President Harding and Governor Preus of Minnesota for their alleged hostile atti- tude toward labor in the railway shopmen’s strike then in progress. The clause of the resolution which started the trouble read: “Whereas, public utterances of men in public offices from President Harding down to the local office boy of the corporations—Governor Preus—have shown their hatred of the Labor Movement, and their desire for victory for the enemies of Labor . . . etc.’ The president of the clerks’ local union had been elected president of the Trades and Labor Assembly the night this resolution was passed. The day after the meeting this employee was charged with “conduct highly improper for an employee of the United States Government’’®® and was discharged from the service a month later. His discharge was interpreted as an attack on the local Post Office Clerks’ Union,*” while a subsequent investigation of the case by the inspectors, which resulted in more dismissals, was fur- ther condemned in the same way as well as an effort to discredit the Purdy administration.*®® The whole struggle seems to have had its roots in local politics.°® Subsequent activities by the postal inspectors, however, have provided the authorities with good grounds on which to justify some of the dismissals and to declare that the Minneapolis affair was not a “labor case.” 5 Adopted by Minneapolis Trades and Labor mand July 12, 1922. 5 Minnesota Daily Star (Minneapolis), July 27, 1922 57 Minnesota Daily Star (Minneapolis), August 14, 1922. : 53 Report by Committee of Minneapolis Trades and Labor Assembly: In Regard to Post Office Inspectors Furness and Shafell Investigation of the Case of Dismissal of George N. Meyers from Postal Service in Minneapolis. 58 Minnesota Daily Star (Minneapolis), July 28, August 2 and 5, 1922. 268 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY THE CHIEF OBSTACLES TO A CONSTRUCTIVE PERSONNEL POLICY: “POLITICS” AND THE BUREAUCRACY Whether or not the local postal authorities were able to find an adequate basis of justification for bringing about the discharge of certain employees who had been active in the local organization is not the important feature in the Minneapolis case. The whole affair was local in character and not part of an administration drive against employee organization as were Mr. Burleson’s Chicago dismissals. The national administration acted on the advice of the local postmaster. The indications are that the local post- master was appointed for political reasons and was not uninfluenced in his actions by political considerations. Of course there is nothing unusual about this in the American government service and few were so naive as to expect to see the policy of “humanization” change the situation to any ereat extent. Yet so long as politics continues to remain a factor of primary importance in the postal service construc- tive personnel policies like Mr. Purdy’s will be upset to meet its needs, and efforts at “humanization” will not be of very great value. Nor can such attempts be very successful if the perma- nent supervisory officials are allowed to go on directing things in their old way. It is these officers, rather than the heads of the administration, who carry on the actual management of the service. Mr. Hays left office before he could really bring the supervisors into line behind his announced plans. His successors as heads of the Depart- ment, Dr. Hubert Work and Mr. Harry 8. New, have been placing less and less emphasis on “humanization” and have shown little disposition to upset the established way of doing things. Many of the chiefs, taking their cues from Washington, have begun to lose interest in the service relation work. In addition, the increased volume of mail unaccompanied by adequate increases in personnel have led to the intro- duction of drastic “speed up” and efficiency schemes, which have caused sharp eomplaint from the foree®® and have led many employees to declare “humanization” a mockery. © See Union Postal Clerk, November, 1923, p. 59. Also the carriers’ statement cited above: Supervision of the City Delivery Service, for constructive sugges- tions looking towards an efficiency system to be administered under the joint supervision of the carriers and the officials, “HUMANIZING” THE POSTAL INDUSTRY 269 Still, the active hostility towards employee organizations which characterized the postal administrations of other years is no longer present. Although the change of heart has not been complete, the situation in this respect is unquestionably an improvement over that of a few years ago. CHAPTER XVI THE METHODS OF POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS Postal organizations have sought the attainment of their objects by direct dealing with the administrative chiefs and by bringing pressure to bear on Congress. Where the former method was unsuccessful or inadequate to the remedy sought, they have turned to the latter. _The principal methods by which they have sought to influence legislation have been first, by lobbying and by presenting their cases to the Congressional committee of proper jurisdiction; sec- ond, by agitation and publicity through advertising condi- tions in the local press and through the organization of mass meetings; third, and seldom, by using their organized polit- ical power at the polls; and fourth, a method becoming less and less frequent, by playing politics “back home.” PUBLICITY AND LOBBYING Publicity and direct dealing with Congress have been the methods which have proved most successful. Though the associations had long tried to work with and through the Department and to influence the legislature in their behalf through a sympathetic executive, the method has not been satisfactory. The development of the postal labor move- ment has shown a definite trend away from such indirection. “PLAYING POLITICS” Although the method of “playing politics” has been gen- erally abandoned, it is still practiced to an extent by rural carriers. It is also practiced quite extensively and inten- sively in New York and, to a somewhat lesser extent, in Philadelphia and Boston with anything but good effect upon the service. The employees in these cities visit polit- ical clubs. They become acquainted with the local leaders 1 See Report of Secretary Flaherty of Clerks’ Federation: ‘What Methods Shall We Follow?” Union Postal Clerk, October, 1919, pp. 213-214. 270 METHODS OF POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS 271 and when they have wants, they let them be heard. When a national employee organization has a legislative pro- gram, the leaders of the local branches “work” the local political chiefs. The Democratic employees “work” the Democratic bosses, while the Republicans “work” the Re- publican bosses. So, it is felt, matters get to the attention of Congressmen with recommendations which carry weight. The Congressional vote in many districts of New York and Boston is often surprisingly close. Pluralities of 2,000 or less are not infrequent and districts often contain a suffi- cient number of civil service employees together with their families and friends to swing the result one way or the other under such circumstances. The rural carriers are reputed to be the employees with greatest political influence. The individual city carrier, who serves a far larger number of families, is also capable of exercising a degree of political influence which politicians would not find convenient to ignore. A well-known Tam- many leader was once quoted as saying, ‘Give me the letter carriers of my district and my opponent can have all the other organizations on his side—churches, labor organiza- tions, schools, civic bodies, and chambers of commerce.”’® The increase in the number of apartment houses and flats, and perhaps, even an increased respect for civil service rules, have made the letter carriers less influential politi- cally than they had once been.? THE USE OF ORGANIZED VOTING POWER There are but a few cases on record of postal workers actually setting out to defeat their Congressional enemies through their organized voting power. Civil service restric- tions on political activity have made organized efforts at the polls difficult. Besides, Congressmen who have offended the postal workers do not always happen to come from districts where the position of these workers is of particular strategic importance in politics. Then, too, the issue is not always clear cut, and it is often impossible to get the support of other organized interests whose aid is usually necessary to 2 Above, p. 104. *New York Evening Post, March 8, 1924. : 4No doubt the politician quoted exaggerated the postmen’s influence. He seems to have forgotten that in addition to the support of the letter carriers he had the support of Tammany Hall. 272 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY success at the polls. On the whole, the difficulty of postal employees has not been Congressional hostility, but Con- gressional lack of interest. Actual hostility toward em- ployee desires has come rather from the executive. Insofar as this branch of the government is concerned the political strength of postal workers, m spite of their numbers, is hardly formidable, for they are scattered thinly over the length and breadth of the country. The Knights of Labor carriers were very active politically when the first eight-hour law was before Congress. The support promised to the bill’s supporters by the postmen and the Knights generally and the threat of opposition against those who did not favor the measure went a iong way towards insuring its passage.® There was a special Congressional election in New York City in 1894. The Democratic candidate, William L. Brown, promised to work for Sunday delivery of mail. This brought the postal clerks and carriers flocking to the sup- port of the Republican, Mr. Lemuel Ely Quigg. Employees from all parts of the city were active in the campaign and they received no little assistance from the municipal work- ers, especially from the fire fighters. The city employees realized that the help of federal workers might be useful in local political contests where the former’s interests were involved. The firemen, postal clerks and carriers between them had watchers in every election district to assure a fair count for Quigg who was elected by a plurality of but 949 votes.® Since the district had previously been Democratic by a wide margin, the activity of the civil service workers was evidently responsible for the result. Some years later, in 1901, the organized police, fire fight- ers and letter carriers in New York City combined to defeat the chairmen of two committees of the State Legislature who had stood in the way of salary increases for the local workers.” The postmen gave their support not only in exchange for the help they had received before, but because they felt that they would need the assistance of the munici- pal workers in the coming Congressional elections. Postal workers were then working for a re-classification act which was having rough sledding at Washington. 5 Above, p. 66. 6 Congressional Directory, December, 1894, 0. 7See Civil Service Chronicle (New York), jy 20, 1913. METHODS OF POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS 273 The part which the clerks and carriers played in bring- ing about the defeat of Representative Loud of California in the elections of 1902 has already been related. Loud, it will be remembered, had blocked a re-classification law with an automatic promotion feature on the grounds that it was a disguised ‘‘compulsory promotion law.” William §8. Cowherd of Missouri, a supporter of Loud in Congress, had been prominent in the opposition to clerk and carrier measures. He was defeated by Edgar C. Ellis in a very close race in the elections of 1904.° Ellis had active employee support which is said to have turned the tide in his favor. Jesse Overstreet, Republican, of Indiana, who was Chair- man of the House Post Office Committee and a strong sup- porter of the “gag” rule, attributed his defeat in 1908 to the employee opposition.1° While it is true that he was opposed by the postal workers, his party that year was defeated almost everywhere in the state. Indiana’s dele- gation in the 60th Congress had consisted of eight Repub- licans and five Democrats. In the 61st, it consisted of three Republicans and ten Democrats. Following the election of 1904, Overstreet also charged that postal employees, especially rural carriers, had tried to defeat him." The most recent instance of the defeat of a member of Congress by employees’ influence was the case of Represen- tative Borland of Missouri. The Borland campaign was primarily of concern to federal employees in the District of Columbia. Borland had aroused these workers by sponsor- ing a bill to increase their hours without increasing their pay. it is generally conceded that Borland was defeated in the 1918 primaries by the votes of federal employees, railroad workers then under federal control and the central labor body of Kansas City, Missouri. Prominent leaders of the organized postal workers took a very active part in the campaign.'* There are a number of other instances in which the postal workers were active in Congressional campaigns. There are two outstanding instances in which they used their votes 8 Above 99. 9 23, 873. Fis to 22,912.—Congressional eee { December, 1906, p. 65. 10 House Hearings on Lloyd Bill (1911- es p. 147. U See R. F. D. News, January, 1905, p. 3. 12 Federal Employee, September, 1918, eae 865-6, 872-5. 274 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY to elect their friends. The first is the case of Carl Van Dyke of Minnesota, leader of the railway mail clerks of the tenth division during the trouble of 1910-11,1° who was elected to Congress in 1914. The second is the case of John J. Gorman of Illinois who had served both.as a clerk and carrier and had been prominent. in the affairs of the latter organization. Gorman was elected to Congress in 1920 with active employee support, but in spite of this same support, he was defeated in 1922 by a very small majority. Postal employee leaders have also been active in supporting or opposing candidates who were endorsed or opposed by the general labor movement. These are the principal instances of postal workers using their votes to defeat their enemies at the polls, or to elect their friends. The cases are few and the results of such activity are insignificant as compared with the use of pub- licity and direct dealings with Congress. POSTAL WORKERS HAVE NEVER REALLY STRUCK Postal workers have always adhered to what the English call “constitutional methods.” There has never been a real strike in the U. S. Postal Service. There has been some strike talk, here and there. There have been stoppages of work by small groups and serious threats and near mutinies as in the railway mail service in 1911. Yet no group has ever struck to force a course of action upon Congress or the Department. One of the most significant of such “strike” episodes, the Tracy-Pierre “strike,” has already been told in some de- tail.* An account of the threatened “bloc resignations” and strike plans in the northwest which ended with the formation of the Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks has also been given.** Mention has likewise been made of the situation in the Chicago post office around 1900, when the 75 men, refusing to work any longer after a 14- hour stretch, rang the “Bundy clock” and quit.'® THE ‘FAIRMONT STRIKE” In November, 1915, a serious labor trouble occurred in the post office at Fairmont, West Virginia. The affair, usually referred to as the “Fairmont strike,” set up a prec- 13 Above, pp. 160-1. 14 Above, pp. 148-5. 15 Above, pp. 145-8. 18 Above, p. 93. METHODS OF POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS 275 edent which, if it is allowed to stand, may yet prove a matter of tremendous import to all federal employees. Three employees of the Fairmont office, W. H. Brand, the assistant postmaster; P. D. Burton, clerk in charge of a station, and George P. Cochran, a letter carrier, were dis- missed by Postmaster Charles E. Manley without apparent cause or reason. Manley, according to the statements of other employees, had threatened similar action all along the line and it was the general opinion of the force that he was discourteous, inconsiderate and thoroughly incompe- tent.27 Out of protest against what they deemed the unwar- ranted discharge of their three colleagues, and because they felt they could no longer continue to work under Mr. Manley and maintain their self-respect, the twenty-five re- maining employees, carriers, clerks and supervisors handed in their resignations in concert. Each worker wrote and signed his own resignation. Throughout their letters there ran not only a current of dissatisfaction and disgust with the administration of the postmaster, but also a decided lack of faith in the efficacy of the civil service system to protect them. One man said: “I do not feel that the civil service gives any protection to my position.” Another: “The civil service affords no protection to the post office clerk whatever.” without protest from the Clerks’ and Carriers’ Associations. According to President Gom- pers of the A. F. of L., if the court’s ruling were allowed to stand, it would mean that “enlistment obtains for civil service employees—that they are subject to a rigid disci- pline for service and for compulsory authority to enforce compulsory service or go to prison.’”*® STRIKE TALK 1910-11, 1919-20 Aside from the actions of the railway mail elerks in the northwest at the time of the Hitchcock “take-up-the-slack” orders, the only time that postal workers seriously consid- ered striking or resigning in a body was in 1919, when the procrastination of the Joint Salary Commission was making it look as though nothing short of a strike would awaken the public to a realization of postal labor conditions.*7 The employees at Sioux City, Iowa, announced that they would resign in a body if relief were not forthcoming, and were prevented from carrying out their threat only by the inter- vention of organization officials. The Clerks’ Union at Chicago, at a regular meeting, seriously considered a “mass resignation.” It inquired into the methods by which such action could be taken.?® There was so much strike talk at this time*® that the national officers of the Clerks’ Federation took cognizance 24 e. 25 American Federationist, February, 1916, pp. 123-4; April, 1916, pp. 285-7. 2% Same, February, 1916, p. 124. 27 Above, p. 203. 28 Civil Service News (Chicago), August 14, 1919, p. 7. 29 See Hearings: House Committee on Expenditures in Post Office Department, August 26, 1919, pp. 4, 17. 278 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY of it at their 1919 convention. Secretary Flaherty discussed the issue as follows: “Strikes are a last resort. Should the time come—and. IT hope it will not—when we exert the limit of our legis- lative resources in seeking legislative relief and fail to gain our just ends, then a strike would be justifiable. I can conceive of circumstances when to refrain from striking would be cowardly. There are far worse things than a strike. One is supine submission to injustice. I have no patience with those who say that postal employees cannot strike. There is a constitutional inhibition against involuntary servitude.’’®° Mr. Flaherty then went on to say that the employees had not yet exhausted their resources in seeking legislative relief, that the strike was no short cut to the “postal millenium.” He outlined a program of education, agitation, and “pitiless publicity.’’*4 THE FEDERATION’S STRIKE REFERENDUM When the National Federation of Post Office Clerks was formed, its constitution was silent on the strike question.*? In fact, the question of a postal strike was not seriously raised until the railway mail trouble during the Hitchcock régime. In 1911 the national convention yielded to popular and official prejudice and passed a “no strike” resolution which has been part of its constitution ever since. In 1919 the question of eliminating this expression came up in the national convention. The majority of the com- mittee on constitution and by-laws recommended elimina- tion, and the trend of the discussion seemed to indicate that the majority of the delegates favored the proposition.** However, a motion by Secretary Flaherty that the matter be submitted to the membership within one month from the convention’s adjournment was adopted in lieu of the committee’s report.** One month, as Mr. Flaherty no doubt knew, was a rather short time in which to set a referendum on so important a matter in motion. The vote was exceedingly light and, 20 Union Postal Clerk, October, 1919, p. 213. “1 Same, pp. 213-14 82 Above, p. 112. 83 Union Postal Clerk, October, 1919, p. 144 ff. %4 Same, pp. 150. METHODS OF POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS 279 although a majority voted in favor of the proposition, the vote fell short of the necessary two-thirds and the ‘‘no strike” clause remained in the union’s constitution. The vote stood 4,494 yes and 3,419 no.*® The Union Postal Clerk admitted that “it was impossible to get a full expres- sion from the members in the short time permitted” and that “there was not sufficient opportunity for a discussion of the merits of the proposition.”*® It is interesting that Mr. Gompers, who was in the hall during part of the discussion prior to addressing the conven- tion, began the body of his address saying: “T did not get the full meaning, in fact I hardly understood anything of the action taken by your con- vention, and I am here not to criticize it or to say any- thing in connection with it. There is one thing I want to say, however, and thatisthat . . . at this moment in the life of organized labor it is well for us to exercise the most extreme care.’’*7 The crisis of 1919-20 passed without resort to the extreme measures, but the story of the period makes one wonder whether in a similar situation the leaders would be as successful in holding the rank and file in check. % Same, November, 1919, p. 22. % Same. 37 Same, October, 1919, p. 152. Cuapter XVII THE PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION AMONG POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS QUESTIONS OF MOMENT TO ALL FEDERAL EMPLOYEES Many of the fundamental questions which have agitated postal workers in the past have been of concern not to them alone but to the whole federal civil service. Inevitably such common problems have brought the various organiza- tions into close cooperation. Government employee trade unionists of all classes have been called upon to present a united front in defense of their right to organize, and it was only through such combined effort that a retirement law was finally achieved after more than twenty years of unsuc- cessful agitation. A board of review to check the absolute power of the employing departments to remove or demote workers, a liberalization of the restrictions on political activity and more adequate retirement provisions are a few of the matters which concern the whole service today, and there are many other matters such as the removal of restric- tions on their industrial rights, the extension and strength- ening of the merit system and the demand for a voice in the determination of working conditions which must in time call forth the active cooperation of all federal employee eTroups. THE RETIREMENT QUESTION: THE BEGINNINGS OF THE AGITATION The matter which above all others aroused the active interest of all civil service workers was the question of the retirement of the superannuated employee. Agitation for a retirement system began, at least formally, with a resolu- tion by the national convention of the National Association of Letter Carriers in the later 1890’s. More active agitation began in 1900 with the formation of the United States Civil Service Retirement Association. This organization 280 PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION) 281 for several years after its formation was composed almost entirely of clerks in the executive departments in the Dis- trict of Columbia. It was officered and controlled altogether by such employees and it attracted no membership outside of the District. From 1900 to 1907 the Association devoted itself largely to the study of retirement systems in opera- tion. Although it succeeded in interesting some Congress- men in the superannuation problem, no legislative progress was made. In 1907 President Roosevelt’s “Keep Commission,” ap- pointed to investigate departmental methods, reported in favor of a contributory retirement plan. Its recommenda- tions were subsequently put in the form of a bill and intro- duced in Congress early in 1908. This set the ball rolling. Employee organizations which had shown little interest in the question beyond the passage of resolutions, now became more actively concerned. The Retirement Association commenced a membership campaign and made special efforts to attract adherents and organize branches outside of Washington. During the year several other retirement measures came before Congress, each one having its employee backers and supporters. In May, 1909, the Retirement Association held its tenth annual meeting at the capital. For the first time delegates from many cities attended. Their discus- sion showed that although everyone favored some sort of retirement system, there was not even an approach toward agreement on any plan, measure, or even principle. In the months immediately following, this disagreement became even more marked, so that in October, 1909, the Associa- tion’s executive committee announced that the organization would decline to approve any particular bill or type of bill and instead devoted its undivided energies to creating a sentiment favorable to the “idea of retirement.’t At the same time it called for a general conference at Washington of representatives of all branches of the service. CONTRIBUTORY RETIREMENT VS. CIVIL PENSION But instead of opening the way for cooperation, the announcement of this new policy opened a breach in the ranks of the Retirement Association. A group led by the 1 Postal Record, November, 1909, p. 338. 282 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY secretary, Dr. Llewellyn Jordan, favored a contributory retirement plan under which part of the costs would be borne by the government and part by the employees through deductions from their salaries. A second group led by the president, Mr. M. F. O’Donoghue, favored a civil pension to be paid for entirely by the government. President Taft favored the contributry plan, which was subsequently endorsed by his Commission on Efficiency and Economy. Many progressive employees supported it because they felt that a “straight pension” might tie them too closely to their employer and hamper them in their efforts for remedial measures. However, the majority of the workers stood for a civil pension.?, The Letter Carriers’ Association was the most active sponsor of this plan. The carriers and several other groups conceded the advis- ability of working through the Retirement Association as a central agency since the question concerned the entire civil service. Yet they were wary about recommending the Association to their constituents until its constitution had been changed so as to give adequate representation on the executive board to all employee groups. The conference of representatives of all branches of the service called by the Retirement Association met in Wash- ington during the middle of January, 1910. A committee designated to hear the sponsors of various measures reported overwhelmingly in favor of a civil pension. The “gag” rule was temporarily modified by President Taft so that the delegates to the conference could appear before Congres- sional committees and give the legislators the benefit of their advice on the superannuation question. Unfortunately for the employees, the conference broke up ina row. The Association’s constitution and rules were radically revised. Mr. Cantwell, national secretary of the Letter Carriers’ Association, was elected secretary in place of Dr. Jordan and a new board of directors was chosen. Dr. Jordan claimed that the whole procedure was illegal and that he was still the rightful secretary. The gathering, he contended, was a conference to iron out differences of opinion on the retirement question and not a regular con- vention of the Association. He advised the post office that all mail addressed to the secretary should be delivered to 2Same, January, 1910, p. 27. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION 283 him. The postmaster referred the matter to the Attorney General, who held that Cantwell had been duly elected.® The result of the controversy was a split in the Association’s ranks and the existence for more than two years of two bodies, each calling itself by the same name and each claim- ing to be the legal retirement organization. THE CIVIL PENSION GROUPS FORM RIVAL RETIREMENT ASSOCIATION The progress of the legislative campaign stood still while the leaders of the rival bodies fought out libel suits and actions for the possession of Association funds, furniture, and other property. Finally, on June 28, 1912, a decree by the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia decided in favor of the Jordan group. This placed the United States Civil Service Retirement Association in control of the faction favoring the contributory plan. The civil pen- sion party thereupon withdrew its support from the organi- zation and formed the National Association of Civil Service Employees at a convention in Washington early in the spring of 1913.4 Although the straight pension plan was endorsed by all of the postal associations except the Clerks’ Federation,® the new organization was largely the creation of the letter earriers. With their support withdrawn the Association would have gone to pieces. The two rival bodies kept up their agitation for four years with no legislative results. Time and again the regular postal associations tried to make retirement a “paramount issue,” but other matters more immediate and pressing would interfere. In 1915 Mr. Burleson brought the question into the limelight by dis- charging superannuated employees. Still the inability of the workers to agree on a retirement plan prevented legislation. At length, in 1916, the older retirement organization went on record as favoring “any reasonable measure” which 8 Civil tial Advocate (organ of the U. S. Civil Service Retirement Association), March, 1910, * Postal ee red May, 1913, 121. ’ The Federation shared the pititude of the trade union movement towards the disadvantages of the straight pension. It felt that it would be likely to tie the workers to their employer and limit their freedom of action, while a contributory pension, on the other hand, would give them an equitable claim upon the retire- ment fund and so, in a measure, guarantee their independence. All groups admitted that the existing wage scale was inadequate to permit deductions for the pension fund. The conservative associations met the situation by demanding a straight pension, while the unionized clerks met it by demanding increased pay. 284 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Congress would enact. The next year the convention of the National Association of Letter Carriers adopted a reso- lution to the same effect.?. This change of policy on the part of the carriers was prompted by the realization that some sort of retirement law was absolutely necessary if the merit system were to continue and by the fact that Congress would not pass a straight pension bill. The action of the carriers’ convention soon ended the career of the younger retirement body. THE JOINT RETIREMENT CONFERENCE AND NEW RETIREMENT ASSOCIATIONS Shortly after this a Joint Conference on Retirement was constituted as a permanent committee of all labor organi- zations with government employee members to act as a clearing house for retirement propaganda. The work of this conference resulted in the passage of a retirement law on May 22, 1920. The conference is still in existence. Its purpose is to look after the administration of the law and to work for a liberalization of its provisions. A group of retired em- ployees have formed an organization, the Association of Retired Civil Service Employees, whose declared purpose is, also, to work for a liberalization of the law’s provisions. This new group has not been warmly received by the regular employee organizations, which are interested in improving the law in a number of respects and often find their efforts hindered by the retired workers who are interested only in increased annuities. Another group, the Retirement Federation of Civil Service Employees, has recently been formed. Although it has declared its intention of working in harmony with the Joint Conference and existing unions and associations to bring about a better retirement act and equitable administration of the present one, these estab- lished organizations oppose it. They say that it can do nothing which they are not already doing and that it is likely to weaken them and hamper them in the exercise of their regular functions.® 6 Postal Review (1916), p. 77. 7 Postal Record, October, 1917, p. 293. : Rus ®See Federal Machinist (organ of District 44, International Association of Machinists), October and December, 1922, p. 3; February, 1923, p. 2. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION 285 MOVEMENT TO LIMIT THE ABSOLUTE POWER OF REMOVAL Retirement is the only question which had been agitated through the agency of a special association. Another matter of great import to the whole service, the establishment of a “court of appeals” to pass upon questions of discipline and dismissals, has been agitated for years and has the endorsement of almost every employee association. Yet no measure to establish such a tribunal has ever come near to passage, because there has never been sufficient united action among the various employee groups to overcome the opposition. COMPENSATION FOR INJURY A number of important but “unexciting” or undramatic measures affecting the interests of the employees have been slow of achievement largely because the workers were unable to bring sufficient united pressure to bear to wake Congress from its sloth and lethargy in dealing with such matters. Thus an adequate death or injury compensation law was not passed until September 7, 1916 (the Kern- McGillicuddy law), although both the departments and the various employee groups had stressed the need of one for many years.® ‘Thirty-one states and two territories’ had adopted workmen’s compensation measures for em- ployees in industry before the federal Congress acted in behalf of government servants. A very large share of the credit for the passage of the Kern-McGillicuddy law be- longs to the American Association for Labor Legislation. CLOSER UNION OF CIVIL SERVICE ORGANIZATIONS THROUGH A. F. OF L. The recent progress of the affiliation movement among federal workers has served to throw their organizations into closer contact through their common membership in the labor federation. The A. F. of L. serves as an agency for pushing measures of interest to all service groups. Its. Joint Legislative Committee, on which all member organi- zations interested in legislation as well as the four unaffili- ® A federal employees’ compensation for injury law had been on the books since 1908. Commons and Andrews in the preface to the revised edition (1920) of their Principles of Labor Legislation refer to this measure as the ‘‘worst compensation law in the world.” > 19 Principles of Labor Legislation (1916 edition), p. 369. 286 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY ated railway brotherhoods have representation, serves as a clearing house for matters of interest to federal employees and as a place where differences between the various groups can be ironed out and a united program agreed upon. It has often been suggested that a still closer union of all public service labor organizations and unions having public service employee members be effected through the estab- lishment of a public employee department of the A. F. of L. similar in structure to the five existing departments of railway workers, metal trades employees, etc. LITTLE REASON FOR CRAFT DIVISIONS AMONG POSTAL WORKERS The cooperation and close association so necessary to federal workers as a whole is imperative in so far as postal workers are concerned. Their organizations, which natu- rally sprang up among those whose similarity of work threw them into close contact, that is, along craft lines, have little reason for continuing their separate existences. Most of the important matters which concern postal organi- zations affect the personnel as a whole. The workers all come under the jurisdiction of a single government depart- ment and Congress has for some years past followed the practice of legislating for them at a single time and through a single bill. Of course each service branch has its own particular problems, but there seems no reason why such questions could not be handled by a single organization, if necessary, through special subordinate sections or depart- ments. The need for closer union has long been apparent to large numbers in all organizations and frequent efforts have been made to bring it about. There have been two general methods of procedure. One has been to draw the members of existing bodies into a single industrial union; the other has been to leave the craft groups intact, but to foster their closer association and ultimately their federation. ATTEMPTS TO FORM “ONE BIG POSTAL UNION” Efforts of the first type have failed because of prema- turity. Most notable of them have been the attempts of the National Federation of Post Office Clerks, which began with its unsuccessful effort in 1911 to extend its jurisdic- U1 Report of President of National Federation of Federal Employees, 1920, p. 25. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION 287 tion over city carriers'? and finally resulted in the forma- tion of the National Federation of Postal Employees, whose membership included clerks, carriers, railway mail clerks and some other employees of the postal establishment.* This movement played a part in bringing the other asso- ciations into the A. F. of L., but it ended with their affilia- tion. There have been at least two other unsuccessful “one big postal union” movements which differed from the Federa- tion’s movement in that they ignored the A. F. of L. and stood somewhat to the left of it. The first of these was led by a post office clerk at Davenport, Iowa, named Fred Feuchter. It attracted some following in the west but died before it had really got under way. The second movement, led by George Tworger, a carrier in Brooklyn, grew little beyond its original nucleus. It existed for some years but accomplished nothing. Even President Gompers of the A. F. of L., than whom there is no stronger supporter of craft unionism anywhere, said in 1916 that there was no reason why all postal em- ployees should not be in one organization."4 The affiliation of the carriers and railway mail clerks with the A. F. of L. did not lead the clerks’ Federation to change its position regarding a single postal union. Nor did it end amalgamation sentiment in other branches. When the carrier’s application for a national charter came before the Executive Council of the A. F. of L., the repre- sentative of the postmen in the National Federation of Postal Employees said: “We still feel that there should be a closer union of all postal workers and we return to the N. A. L. C. determined to work for an amalgation of the various organizations until the “one big postal union” con- trolling our industry in the interests of the men and the public shall be achieved.’’*® “To this view,” said the organ of the clerks’ Federation, “We say Amen!’*° The declaration in favor of a single union of postal workers affiliated with the general labor movement, which has always been a part of the organiza- 13 Above, p. 184. 18 Above, B; 230. 14 Union Postal Clerk, June, 1916, p. 13. 25 Union Postal Employe, October, 1917, p. 17. 16 Same. 288 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY tion’s constitution, still remains in it.17 But the Federation has now adopted the policy of bringing about a single postal union through the method of closer association of existing organizations. | THE MOVEMENT FOR CLOSER ASSOCIATION AMONG POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS The movement for closer cooperation between existing postal bodies, though of long standing, made comparatively little headway until recently. As early as 1900 the city carriers’ convention ordered the appointment of a commit- tee to meet with other employee representatives “to effect harmonious action in matters of legislation and to inquire into the advisability of forming a postal federation.1* But class and craft jealousies and differences prevented the movement from making any headway. In 1911, as the result of a resolution by the carriers’ con- vention directing its national officers to confer with the leaders of other postal bodies for the purpose of creating an agency for joint action, but making it clear that the step was not to be construed as an “amalgamation of the va- rious associations,’ a joint advisory committee known as the National Council of Postal Associations was set up.?® This council consisted of the presidents and secretaries of the National Association of Letter Carriers, the National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association, the Railway Mail Asso- ciation and the United National Association of Post Office Clerks. The body never functioned very actively. Aside from opposing the pernicious “tenure of office bill” which would have limited the terms of departmental employees to seven years and from supporting a straight pension retire- ment law, it seems to have done little. The fact that it was composed of the conservative “stand in” associations loath to take any independent action which would be likely to bring them into official disfavor accounts largely for the council’s inertia. The council’s career ended with the movement of the railway mail clerks and letter carriers into the A. F. of L. 17 Constitution of N. F. P.O. C., Art. II: “The objects of the National Federa- Hoe of Post Office Clerks shall be to unite the postal employees in one brother- $8 Postal Record, October, 1900, p. 301. 19 Same, October, 1913, p. 321. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION 289 With the settlement of their inter-jurisdictional differences, cooperation between the affiliated bodies became of the closest. Although without formal connection, they took joint action on many matters of common interest. In 1920, following the entrance of the National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers into the official labor movement, the four unions set up a Joint Council of Postal Organizations. This body, organized along the same lines as the earlier National Council, merely gave formal recognition to the cooperation already existing between the various national headquarters. At the same time local cooperation had in many places progressed to an even more advanced stage. Councils of civil service organizations had been established in many cities. In several smaller post offices joint organizations were created, so that the members of various branches of the service belonged to one local, but paid their per capita into their respective national treasuries. This cooperation, local and national, is constantly in- creasing. Through it, when the rank and file of the vari- ous organizations come to see the advantages of united action, will come closer federation and ultimately, no doubt, the merging of the various craft groups. At least such has been the tendency in other countries, where the trend towards cooperation between organizations parallels the progress of the American movement to a large extent. PROGRESS TOWARDS CLOSER UNION OF POSTAL WORKERS IN OTHER COUNTRIES: GREAT BRITAIN Cooperation among the various British postal societies, of which at one time there were about fifty representing different crafts and grades, began in 1897 with the forma- tion of the National Joint Committee of Postal, Tele- graphic and Telephone Associations of the United Kingdom. This organization, popularly known as the N. J. C., was a rather loose federation of the six or eight larger associations. Between the time of its formation and 1917, when the sec- ond important step towards a stronger union was taken, several mergers and amalgamations took place between a number of the affiliated societies, while some organizations, notably Irish groups, withdrew and others were added. All this while dozens of the smaller regional, grade or craft societies remained outside of the joint body. : 290 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY In August, 1917, forty-five organizations, including those in the joint committee, held a conference at which the Fed- eration of Post Office Trade Unions was formed. This federation was in turn composed of three federations: one of the clerical, one of the manipulative, and one of the supervisory grades. The plan did not succeed, however, because of the refusal of the two largest unions, the Post- men’s Federation and the Postal and Telegraph Clerks’ Association with respective memberships of 45,000 and 22,000, to take part in it.?° Towards the end of 1919 these two organizations amal- gamated. The Fawcett Association (the London postal clerks) and the Central London Postmen’s Assoeiation shortly joined the merger, while a number of smaller organ- izations soon followed suit. Thus in 1920 the employees were able to announce the creation of the Union of Post Office Workers (the U. P. W.) with a membership approach- ing 100,000. One large group, the Post Office Engineering Union, composed of technical workers employed in the tele- phone and telegraph services, remained outside of the new union. In 1921 a joint committee was established to handle matters of common interest to both organizations. ‘The supervisory employees have a federation of their own, the Federation of Post Office Supervising Officers, to which ten associations are affiliated. Although “one big postal union” is not yet a fact, the Union of Post Office Workers 1 is sparing no effort to make it so. GERMANY Cooperation between the various German postal organi- zations dates from shortly after the armistice. Prior to the war the government had had few dealings with the numer- ous employee associations and there was not the slightest trace of cooperation among these groups themselves. But when the new régime came into power and reversed the labor policy of old bureaucracy, the various postal societies found it necessary to establish some agency capable of representing the personnel in an authoritative manner. Their first step in the direction of closer union was the establishment of a “Joint Committee of Postal and Tele- graph Organizations.” The powers of this body were soon 20 The Labour Year Book (British), 1919, p. 311. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION 291 found inadequate, and after about a year it was displaced by the National Union of Postal and Telegraph Officers, a strong federation of six large associations. The National Union, when formed, represented about 265,000 workers, while its largest constituent association, “Reichsverband deutscher Post- und Telegraphenbeamten,” alone had a membership of 160,000. This unit, dissatisfied with the federated union, shortly demanded the amalgamation of the various groups into a single industrial organization. The supervisory officials and the so-called “unestablished workers” were not included in the federation. The latter belonged to the General Workers’ Union, “Deutsche Ver- kehrsbund,” whose Postal, Telegraph and Telephone Sec- tion represented 60,000 employees.”4 AUSTRALIA A very active campaign for the amalgamation of exist- ing postal associations has been going on for some time in Australia. The proposition has the support of the rank and file. Although the Letter Carriers’ Association en- dorsed it at a plebiscite, its national officers have thus far succeeded in blocking all efforts to carry out the will of the membership.?” CANADA In Canada, too, the movement towards closer union has advanced farther than in this country. It dates from the summer of 1918 when the letter carriers and clerks struck because the government refused their demand for a Board of Conciliation under the Industrial Disputes Act to inves- tigate their request for increased pay. The workers in the west, dissatisfied with the settlement of the strike and with the way in which the officers of their organizations, the Federated Association of Letter Carriers and the Dominion Postal Clerks’ Association, handled the situation, withdrew from these bodies and formed a union called the Amalga- mated Postal Workers, asserting jurisdiction over carriers, postal and railway mail clerks. In 1921 the group changed its name to the Amalgamated Civil Servants of Canada and invited all Dominion government employees to join 21 See In a ihe 1s. P. T. T. (English edition), July, 1922, p. 40; and December, 1923, pp. 132 22 Postal Advocate (Australia), Nov. 16, 1922, p. 3 292 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY its ranks.2? Following this, the Federated Association of Letter Carriers, the Dominion Postal Clerks’ Association and the Dominion Railway Mail Clerks’ Federation formed the Canadian Federation of Postal Employees, which pro- posed that the Amalgamated Civil Servants disband and that their members return to the various craft groups to which they were eligible. The latter rejected this proposal and continues as one big union movement outside of the federation of the three craft groups.** OBSTACLES TO CLOSER UNION IN U. S.: THE UNAPOC VS. THE FEDERATION Craft rivalry is no longer the serious obstacle it had once been to unity among American postal workers. The bar at present is rather the differences in method, policy and outlook of the several associations. The most serious of such differences is that between the two organizations of clerks. Despite the claim of the United National Associa- tion, the question of affiliation with the American Federa- tion of Labor is no longer the real basis of this division. By applying for a charter from the general labor body, the Association threw away all claim to difference in principle between itself and its rival. Since 1918 it has made its official “stand in” the sole basis of its appeal for support. The officials and the powers in Congress, it claims, are op- posed to labor affiliation and consequently such affiliation as well as the more militant tactics of its rival have hurt employee legislation. A few politicians in the Department and in Congress, its publicity matter runs, have it in their power to give or refuse help to the workers. The Association, being on good terms with these powers, is in a position to get help, and all the improvement that the Association has failed to achieve is the fault of its rival’s independent atti- tude. It cites the Federation’s vote on the ‘“no-strike” expression in its constitution and the threats of political action against unfriendly Congressmen made by the A. F. of L. and the National Federation of Federal Employees, an affiliated body, as incidents which have made enemies for federal workers. ‘Postal employees,” it says, “cannot 23 Canadian Department of Labor: Report on Labor Organization in Canada, 1921, pp. 131-2. 24Same, p. 142. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION 293 afford to be affiliated with such movements (the A. F. of L.). They cannot afford to make enemies in Congress.’’5 The National Federation, on the other hand, while it favors cooperation with the authorities when possible, feels that the policy of depending solely upon official favor for redress of grievances is bound inevitably to compromise an organization’s freedom of action and to make its officers tools of the powers. The Federation does not deny its op- ponent’s “stand in,” but points out that it has been main- tained only at the expense of the Association’s self-respect and the welfare of the clerks. The National Federation of Post Office Clerks has never lost the militancy and spirited idealism which the circumstances of its formation as a movement of protest against the over-conciliatory tactics of the postal associations of the day originally gave to it. The Federation’s affiliation, in September 1923, with the Postal Telegraph and Telephone International?* at Vienna, was in keeping with its tradition as an “advanced” organiza- tion. The act not only recognized the international charac- ter of the postal service and of the labor movement, but it was also a step in advance of the position of the American Federation of Labor and of nearly all of its affiliated bodies, which have no connection with the international labor move- ment. The Federation, born and bred, so to speak, in the Amer- ican Federation of Labor, is active in official labor councils both locally and nationally and many of its leaders hold high offices and play prominent roles in the affairs of state federations and city central unions. It continually stresses its affiliation with the A. F. of L. and constantly emphasizes the civil employee’s dependence upon the general labor movement. It is so wrapped up in the labor movement that it has actually gone too far in crediting the A. F. of L. with the attainment of legislative results, holding it responsible for practically all of the legislative achievements of postal organizations. For this overemphasis of the A. F. of L.’s 2 United National Association of Post Office Clerks, bulletin: ‘External Affilia- tions Hurt Legislation of Postal Employees.’’ See also leaflets: ‘Hays Opposed to Affiliations;’’ “A Real Winning Record.’’ ‘ % The Postal Telegraph and Telephone International is composed of trade unions of employees of the communication services of the leading countries of Europe. Its affiliated organizations have a total membership of about 600,000. They are unions which belong to the ‘reformist’? wing of the international labor movement with headquarters at Amsterdam, as contrasted with the ‘‘revolutionary’”’ wing with headquarters at Moscow. 294 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY: role, the Federation’s conflict with the Association is no doubt largely responsible. THE PRINCIPAL VALUE OF AFFILIATION The part played by the A. F. of L. has unquestionably been great. The effect of its potential political power and the influence of its lobby at the Capitol are not to be un- derestimated. But when all due weight has been given to these factors, the fact still remains that affiliation has been of value to postal organizations principally as a guarantee of freedom from official domination. The very act of affiliation has been looked upon as a sort of declara- tion of independence of departmental tutelage. With the support of organized labor to fall back upon, the postal unions have come to feel that they can make their demands and fight for them without having to compromise on es- sentials in order to remain in departmental favor as the unaffiliated bodies were obliged to do during the “anti- sag” campaign, and as the Unapoc convention of 1921 did when it voted down a resolution in favor of a civil service “court of appeals,” because the authorities were opposed to the creation of such a body.?7 RELATIVE STRENGTH OF THE UNAPOC AND THE FEDERATION The United National Association of Post Office Clerks seems to be fighting a losing fight. In spite of the ex- travagant membership claim of 35,000 made by its presi- dent, Mr. Franciscus, in 1921 and 1922,?* the financial report of the secretary for 1921 showed per capita receipts from 13,844 members, that for 1922 from 14,506, and that for 1923 from 14 675. It has little strength today outside of the East, where its principal strongholds are New York and Brooklyn, in which places it is still the dominant or- ganization. It also has considerable strength in Philadel- phia, though it no longer predominates in that city, and has a large branch in Chicago. The Federation cast votes for 17,000 members at the 1922 convention of the A. F. of L., and for 18,000 at the 1923 convention, but this is not always a good indication of a union’s numbers. The financial re- port of the Federation for 1921 showed per capita receipts 2 Post Office Clerk, November, 1921, 31. 28 Same, November, 1921, p. 20; November 1922, p. 15. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION) 295 from 16,826 members, that for 1922 from 19,260, and that for 1923 from 21,023 members. On June 30, 1923, there were over 57,000 post office clerks in the service.” It would thus appear on the basis of the figures of the two organizations that more than thirty-five per cent of the clerical force is unorganized. Indications are not wanting that the Association is on the decline. Not the least significant of such indications is its growing bitterness towards the Federation and the Federation’s increasing tendency to ignore it. The Union Postal Clerk, whose columns once bristled with anti-Unapoc attacks, now scarcely refers to the organization. The United National Association as it is conducted today rep- resents a type of postal labor organization which belongs to a period now passed. This is a far more significant indica- tion of its ultimate decline than its attacks on its rival and its membership figures. The latter may remain stationary or may even increase now and then. In the long run, however, the Association must either bring its policy abreast of that of the other organization or go by the way. THE POLICY OF THE CARRIERS’ ASSOCIATION Although the National Association of Letter Carriers is affiliated with the A. F. of L., its policy and outlook are decidedly different from that of the federated clerks, though not sufficiently different to prevent close cooperation with them on legislative matters. The Carriers’ Association is far more conservative than the Clerks’ Federation and far more willing to compromise with the authorities. Although in no sense under departmental domination, it is exceed- ingly cautious and it is willing to go a long way in order to avoid official displeasure. It has always emphasized the fact that it is an exceedingly “practical” organization ‘‘in- terested in results.” Its policy has been decidedly oppor- tunist. Its official organ, the Postal Record, runs along in a style more nearly resembling a “trade paper” than a trade union paper. It has none of the spirit, humor, interest and range of the Union Postal Clerk, the Ratlway Post Office, or the R. F. D. News. . Yet the National Association of Letter Carriers has been remarkably successful. It has never indulged in flights of 2 Report of the Postmaster General, 1923, p. 103. 296 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY fancy but it has usually gotten what it has gone after. When occasion warrants, it is ready to take very positive action. It affiliated with the A. F. of L. when it found the time ripe. It fought Burleson as hard as any other postal group. Although its Council of Administration recently re- fused to join the Postal International, in spite of the fact that the proposition had the hearty support of some of the leaders, it is probably safe to say that the Association will in time join the Vienna federation. The National Associa- tion of Letter Carriers is far and away the strongest of the postal organizations. Its membership includes practically one hundred per cent of the city carrier body. The influence of personalities on the development of postal organizations has been shown many times in these pages. The Carriers’ Association bears the unmistakable impress of its able, veteran national secretary, Mr. Edward J. Cantwell. While the federated clerks continually emphasize their affiliation with the A. F. of L., the carriers seldom mention theirs. Their connection with the labor body is purely national. There are few, if any, state associations or local branches affiliated with state federations of labor or city central unions. President Gainor, it is true, has always been active and prominent at the national conventions of the American Federation of Labor, but beyond his activity, the organized postmen seem to take little interest in A. F. of L. affairs. Mr. Gainor’s prominence in the Federation of Labor was attested by the action of the Portland, Ore., con- vention in electing him a fraternal delegate to the British Trade Union Congress of 1924. PRESENT POLICY OF THE RAILWAY MAIL ASSOCIATION The Railway Mail Association, at one time the most re- .actionary of all postal bodies, now pursues a policy as independent and advanced as any in the service. The As- sociation made the following comment upon its change in policy in an editorial in a recent issue of the Rawlway Post Office®® in which it discussed the relative merits of “stand in” and independent organization policies: — “The Railway Mail Association has tried both policies. ‘There was a day when Association officers ‘stood’ very high in official estimation, even if they 80 May, 1922: ‘Progressive Organization Work,” pp. 21-22, PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION 297 did not have the approval of the membership of the organization. And while Association officers of those days were properly rewarded for their harmony with the Department, in due course of time, yet it was not until the Organization adjusted itself so that it could select officers in accord with the progressive ideas of the majority that the working conditions began to materially improve. Practically all progress in work- ing conditions, salary increases and more efficient Rail- way Mail Service are the result of the progressive policies of the Railway Mail Association since it be- came responsive to the will of the rank and file instead of being dominated by officialdom.” Like the National Association of Letter Carriers, the Railway Mail Association has confined its connection with the A. F. of L. to national affiliation. Few, if any, of its locals have connections with the official labor movement. In spite of its far-seeing progressive and independent leadership, the Railway Mail Association still contains an active minority which is constantly endeavoring to swing the organization back to its old “stand in” policy. The activities of this reactionary faction serve as a check upon the national administration. The Railway Mail Association has had a much greater development as a “professional association” than the other postal groups. A very large proportion of its recommenda- tions to the Department has to do with service improve- ments, as such, as apart from improvements affecting the railway postal clerks. It is also the most craft-conscious of all postal bodies and a majority of its membership would no doubt oppose any attempt to have it merge its identity in “one big postal union,” or in any movement which tended to impair its autonomy in any respect. THE COLOR QUESTION: THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF POSTAL EMPLOYEES There is one other issue, seldom mentioned, which has acted as a dividing force in the postal labor movement, namely, the color question. Most of the regular organiza- tions admit negroes to membership. Some admit them into the same locals as whites, while some have separate white 298 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY and colored locals. The Railway Mail Association, how- ever, bars colored clerks. These workers, left without organ- ization, formed the National Alliance of Postal Employees, in Georgia, in 1913. Although composed primarily of rail- way mail clerks, this organization admits and has consider- able numbers of all other classes of postal employees. In so far as the colored employees are concerned, it is a “one big postal union.” It is certainly a “national postal organ- ization.” Yet it is not a member of the National Service Relations Council and seems to have little to do with the other postal bodies. THE DIVISIONS IN THE RANKS OF THE RURAL CARRIERS By far the least advanced postal group in so far as organization is concerned are the rural carriers. These workers suffer from a division in their ranks which in many ways is as serious as that in the ranks of the clerks. This is true in spite of the fact that the A. F. of L. organ- ization, the National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers, is at present almost negligible so far as numbers are con- cerned. The serious split in the rural carriers’ ranks is not between the two organizations, but between those who sup- port the editor of the R. F. D. News and those who oppose him. So long as the present relations between the Associa- tion and the News continue there can be little hope of a very substantial increase in organization strength. The fact that the News and its editor have served the postmen faith- fully and well makes little difference. The R. F. D. News has long been, and in many ways still is, the rural car- riers’ chief asset, but it is also their principal liability, the chief obstacle to the organization’s future progress. It has undoubtedly done its part in procuring legislation and in keeping the organization from falling under the domination of the officials. But at the same time it has completely subordinated the Association to itself. It lacks social vision and economic understanding. It fails com- pletely to grasp the significance and aspirations of the labor movement.*! While it has not gone out of its way to curry favor with the departmental authorities, it has always tried to maintain a “stand in” with the powers that i & See R. F. D. News, Sept. 17, 1921; editorial referring to “‘rapacity of organ- ized labor,’’ p. 4. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION 299 be in Congress. There are many who charge the editor of the News with ambitions for political preferment. These rumors have gone a long way towards increasing the hos- tility and distrust of the anti-Brown carriers. The News’ policy towards the Association’s rival, the National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers, has been to ignore it rather than to attack it. The News has, however, constantly attacked the affiliation of government em- ployees with “outside organizations.” Such attacks cer- tainly come with ill grace from a source which is itself an “outside affiliation” to an organization of government employees. The rural carriers, even if their relations with the News were altered, would very likely continue to be the principal obstacle to the amalgamation of all the rank and file organizations for some time to come, for the great majority of the rural postmen have little sympathy with or under- standing of the labor movement. THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF POST OFFICE LABORERS In addition to the organizations representing the four great divisions of the service, there are a number of other postal associations. All but two of these, the National Association of Post Office Laborers and the National Alli- ance of Postal Employees, represent the supervisory forces. The post office laborers number but a few thousand, so that their organization, even though it now represents a substantial majority of them, is not very powerful or in- fluential. In the fall of 1907 a local union affiliated with the A. F. of L. was formed by one hundred and twenty laborers at the Chicago Post Office, while a few months later, in January, 1908, three hundred of these workers in New York took like action. These unions were never able to do very much and when the present National Association of Post Office Laborers was formed at New York a few years later, they went by the way. In 1919 the laborer’s associa- tion applied to the A. F. of L. for a national charter, but its request was refused on the grounds that it was not strong enough to stand alone as a national union. The Association is officially recognized by the strong postal organizations and has depended largely upon them for the 300 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY support of its measures. Recently it seems to have adopted a policy of leaning heavily upon the Department. THE OFFICIALS’ ORGANIZATIONS There are four associations of postal officials: the Na- tional Association of Supervisory Post Office Employees, the National Council of Supervisory Officials of the Rail- way Mail Service, the National League of District Postmas- ters, representing third and fourth class postmasters, and the National Association of Postmasters, representing first and second class postmasters. THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY P. 0. EMPLOYEES Of these four organizations, the first named, the National Association of Supervisory Post Office Employees, is most active and “alive.” It was formed in Louisville, Kentucky, in 1908. It has branches throughout the country and its membership includes about fifty per cent of the supervisory force in first and second class post offices. Although theo- retically protected by civil service rules, supervisory posts usually go by political favor, and they can likewise be lost through political disfavor. This has kept the “super- visories” organization from ever becoming very large or active. There is also somewhat of a cleavage between the higher and lower officials. The former usually favor leav- ing matters to Congress and the Department to a greater extent than do the latter. The Supervisors’ Association and the rank and file organi- zations have helped and cooperated with one another on many occasions. When the former was making a drive for a salary reclassification in 1913, it received the hearty support of the organized rank and file. When all classes of employes were waging their campaign for a salary in- crease in 1919 and 1920 the representatives of the officials’ association served on joint publicity committees where they were as active as any of the employee leaders. During these years there was some trace of sentiment favorable toward bringing the Association into the A. F. of L. and even some talk about forming a separate supervisors’ union.*? However, the “supervisory” was still “too polit- ical” for such a step. See Union Postal Employe, February, 1919, p. 16. PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION © 301 NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SUPERVISORY OFFICIALS OF RAILWAY MAIL SERVICE In 1922 the railway mail officials met at New York and formed the National Council of Supervisory Officials of the Railway Mail Service. The total number eligible to membership in this association is hardly above three hun- dred. Yet, two days after its formation, its delegate to the National Service Relations Council said, on applying for admission to that body, that his organization already numbered between one hundred and fifty and two hundred. The reason for this astonishingly rapid growth, according to the delegate, was that the group was “organized by request.”** Whose “request” he did not say, but it has been widely whispered that the request was the Depart- ment’s, so that the railway mail officials might have a voice and, incidentally, a pair of official votes in the National Service Relations Council. Yet despite this, there seems no good reason why the railway mail officials should not be or- ganized and should not express their views in the National Service Relations Council merely because they are few in number. THE THIRD AND FOURTH CLASS POSTMASTERS The National League of District Postmasters (third and fourth class) draws its membership from among small-town shopkeepers. The fourth class postmasters attend to the government work and their private affairs at the same time. They do not receive fixed salaries like other government servants. Their compensation consists of a commission on the cancellation of stamps on matter mailed from their offices. Until eight or ten years ago fourth class postmaster- ships were rural political plums. During the Taft adminis- tration the offices were placed under the civil service.** Al- though in some places the incumbents still change with shifts in politics, the places are becoming less and less political. This is not due so much to the protection of the civil service regulations as to the fact that the jobs are no 3 See Railway Post Office, February, 1922, p. 18. * Fourth class postmasters, whose compensation amounts to less than $500 a year, are not in the competitive classified service. They are appointed by the Postmaster General on the recommendation of the inspector for the district. This class is practically unorganizable since most of them do not have a sufficient stake in the service, 302 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY longer considered “desirable.” The compensation is low as compared with the amount of work required. In recent years many fourth class postmasterships have actually gone begging. Third class postmasters are full time employees. They are required to give eight hours of service daily to the De- partment and are forbidden. to engage in other business which would interfere with the government’s time. If the postmaster has a store, as is often, if not usually, the case, he is obliged to hire some one to take charge of it during his hours of postal work. Recent orders placing these officers under the civil service have not been effective. The League is now working to take the third class offices “out of politics” by an act of Congress which would place them in the classified service. The National League of District Postmasters has an of- ficial organ, the Postmasters’ Advocate, publishec at Wash- ington. For the past few years it has maintained a legisla- tive agent at the Capitol. The organization is becoming more and more active and it will no doubt in time develop into a group similar to the present Rural Carriers’ Associa- tion. These small-town shopkeeper-postmasters are not an easy class to organize. They are confirmed individualists. They have no organization background. The group is only just beginning to have a continuous membership. THE FIRST AND SECOND CLASS POSTMASTERS The National Association of Postmasters (first and sec- ond class) is an organization of politicians. Despite the fact that these places have been formally placed under the civil service, they are still altogether political and change with the administration. If first and second class postmasterships were really taken “out of politics,” the organization would no doubt become a useful professional association. At present, it is hardly more than an excuse for a pleasant social gathering every year. The national convention, of course, spends some time discussing postal problems, but its purpose is often other than professional— especially around election time. In the fall of 1915 Post- master General Burleson welcomed the convention of the National Association of Postmasters to Washington, be- cause, he said, they were the only convention which did not PROSPECT FOR CLOSER COOPERATION — 303 come to the Capital to ask for an inerease in salary. On the last day of the gathering the postmaster at Cincinnati told the delegates that they were assembled primarily “to devise ways and means to aid in the reelection of President Wilson.”** ‘This was evidently considered a perfectly legiti- mate purpose for political appointees. THE POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS AND THE MERIT SYSTEM The rank and file organizations, although they have always insisted upon a greater degree of political freedom for civil servants, would never allow their groups to become the tools of a political party. On the contrary, they have been staunch defenders of the merit system and have always resisted attempts against it on the part of politicians in Congress and in the executive. They actively opposed a “tenure of office bill’? which would have limited the tenure of civil workers to seven years. This measure actually passed both Houses of Congress but was vetoed by Presi- dent Taft in 1912.°° They fought the so-called Cullop amendment in 1914 which aimed to place the appointment of postal employees entirely in the hands of local post- masters. They have likewise fought dozens of other mea- sures aimed against the merit system in the civil service. While all organizations have strongly supported the merit system, no group has ever stood by it more bravely than that much abused “trouble-making” organization, the old Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks and its organ, the Harpoon. Defense of the civil service seems to be the one issue upon which there is little difference of opinion among postal groups. THE POSTAL ORGANIZATIONS AND THE POSTAL SERVICE In defending the merit system against the attacks of politicians, the organized postal workers were not only safe- guarding the efficiency of the service but they were also de- fending their jobs and their security of tenure. The stake which the organized postal workers have come to realize that they have in the stability and general good of the postal establishment has been demonstrated by an increas- ing interest on their part in general service affairs, which a % See Harpoon, No. 73, Nov. 28, 1915. % See Postal Record, November, 1912, p. 274, ‘804 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY few years ago would have been considered altogether out- side the scope of organization activity. Of this, the interest of the Railway Mail Association in the reestablishment of the weight system of railway mail pay,®* the opposition of the National Council of Postal Organizations to one cent postage,®* and the agitation of all the groups for a readjust- ment of postage rates for parcel post®® are a few ready examples. The action of the Railway Mail Association in establishing service committees to deal with the field of- ficials,*° and the suggestions of the National Association of Letter Carriers and the National Federation of Post Office Clerks regarding the supervision of work and the reorgan- ization of the inspection service,*? are examples of a growing interest in problems of management. The fact that the supervisory officials are organized and that they take an active interest in service affairs will doubtless lead to co- operation between their associations and those of the rank and file on many service matters in the future. Insofar as problems of management are concerned, however, Amer- ican postal workers are behind many groups of private em- ployees in this country as well as postal employees abroad. In almost every important European state “control of the industry” is the declared goal of the organized postal workers.* The common problems which have given rise to the co- operation which now exists among various rank and file organizations will undoubtedly draw the various groups closer together despite their present differences in character and outlook. Then the strong temptation of the Depart- ment to hamper employee organization by playing one group against another will be gone and the workers will be able to meet the administration on a basis nearer to equality. And this will have a profound effect not merely upon the well-being of the workers but upon the service as well. 87 Above, p. 262. : 88 See Sere ‘dated March 26, 1920. Congressional Record (66th Cong., 2nd Sess.), p. 39 LS iy “i ‘the Industrial Secretary of the Railway Mail Association, 1923, p. 9. 40 Above, P: 259. 41 Above, 266. ae aS Bowank J. W.: Control of Industry (published by the P.T.T. Interna- ional). INDEX Affiliation of government work- ers with outside labor organizations with A. F. of L., 16, 94-95, 108- 112, 149-150, 158-160, 163- 168, 181-185, 208, 214, 221, 223, 226-228, 231-235, 238, 242-243, 256-257, 292-294, 296, 297, 298 divided allegiance and, 15 ff. Butler, N. M., on, 17-18 Senator Myers on, 16-17 with Knights of Labor, 65, 70- 72, 86, 90, 91-92 American Association for Labor Legislation, 285 American Federation of Labor (see also Affiliation and “Anti-gag”) affiliation of government em- ployees with, 15-17 Lloyd-La Follette act and, 171-172, 181 moves against in Congress, 226-229 Post Office Department op- poses, 150, 156-168, 214, 221, 223, 256-257, 292 “anti-gag” law and, 112, 168, 171, 173 attacks postal conditions, 93 backs eight-hour bills, 95, 96 backs reclassification of clerks, 95 closer union of postal workers through, 286-287 government employees, propor- tion affiliated with, 45-46 invites postal workers to join, letter carriers and, 183, 184, 185, 230-232, 295-296 post office clerks and, 94, 95, 108-109, 233-235, 292-293 employment American Federation of Labor— (Continued) railway mail clerks’ unions, at- tempt to form, 149-150 railway postal clerks and, 149- 150, 163-168, 181-182, 232- - 233, 297 rural letter carriers, 242-243, 298 supervisors, sentiment for all affiliation with, among, 300 value of affiliation with, 294 American Federation of Teach- ers, 46 disapproves of teachers’ strikes, 48 Andrews, J. B., 25, 285 “Anti-gag” Campaign A. F. of L., and, 112, 168, 171 beginnings of, 112 bills, Jones-Poindexter, 168 Lloyd-La Follette, 168 ff. Bundy Recorder and, 112, 122-123 in Congress, 170-176 Harpoon and, 125, 127, 151- 154 “Labor’s Bill of Grievances” 1906, 112-113 “Anti-gag” Law, 172-173 Burleson urges repeal of, 220-222 effects of, 181 ff. National Association of Manu- facturing and, 169 pe associations and, 173- 1 opposition to, 168-169 Arsenals, 12 ie ‘mat Works’ Council, Kesstation of Retired Civil Ser- vice Employees, 284 305 306 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Australia, postal organization in, 291 (see also Victoria) Barnett, George E., 52 Bartlett, John H., First Assistant Postmaster General attacks Clerks’ Federation, 264 bulletin board censorship order of, 264-265 on inspectors, 265 } “overtime” controversy with, 263-265 Basic industries dependence’ of upon, 13 movement to limit employee rights in, 14 right of employees to strike, 14; to affiliate with labor movement, 15 Belloc, Hilaire, 53 Blakeslee, Fourth Assistant, on employee organizations, 212-213 Blanton, Congressman, anti-affil- lation amendment of, 228 Borland, Congressman, defeated by federal employees, 273 Bourne, Jonathan, Senator, on attitude of employees to- ward “anti-gag” bills, 175 Bowen, J. W., 304 Branch 187 of atonal Asso- ' elation P. O. Clerks admits officials to member- ship, 87 chartered as official, New York branch of National Asso- ciation, 87 dissolved at Postmaster Wil- cox’s request, 91 Officials force clerks to join, government Bristow, Fourth Assistant Post- master General dominates postal establish- ment, 101 hostility towards President Keller, 101-102 investigates “promotion syndi- cate,” 91 Bristow, Fourth Assistant Post- master General—(Cont’d) opposition to employee organ- ization, 101 rebuffs rural carriers’ spokes- men, 106-107 nes over city carriers, 100 Brotherhood of Railway Mail Postal Clerks, 119-120 Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks affiliates with A. F. of L., 182 attitude towards strike ques- tion, 148 bars officials, 146-147 Department’s opposition to, 147-148, 156 ff. leader dismissed and move- ment crushed (1907), 122 merges with Clerks’ Federa- tion, 230 movement of 1907, 122 ff. movement of 1911, 146 ff. Van Dyke and, 146-147 Brown, W. D., 197, 240-243, 299 Brown, Wm. sty defeated with employees’ aid, 272 Bruck, James, 92 Budget executive and employee activ- ity, 23-24 Taft and, 138 Bulletin boards, censorship of, 264-265 Bundy Recorder, The attacks gag, 122-123 stopped by authorities, 123 Bureau of Engraving and Print- ing, 10, 12, 25 employee councils in, 252 Bureaucracy, 135-137, 268 (see also Officials) Burleson, Albert Sidney, Post- master General affiliation with A. F. of L., at- tacked by, 221 economy program of, 186 ff. employee organization op- posed, 208 ff. employees’ pay basis changed, R. F. D., 199-201 labor policy of, 185, 186 ff. INDEX Burleson, Albert Sidney, Post- master General—(Cont’d) organization leaders dismissed, 215-219, 223-225 organizations refused recogni- tion by, 222 pay of collectors reduced, 188- 189 repeal of “anti-gag” law urged by, 220-221 repeal of labor legislation ad- vocated, 186-187 R. F. D. private contract operation favored, 201-202 salary increases opposed, 200, 201, 202, 207 Butler, Nicholas Murray, on civil employees’ organization, 17-18 Butler, Pierce, 223, 225 Canada government printing bureau, open shop in, 538 postal organization in, 291-292 strike of postal workers in, 203, 291 Canfield, James T., President of R.M.A., admits inefficacy oF complaints to officials, 132 Cantwell, E. J., 116, 282, 296 Carroll, Mollie Ray, 47 Casualties, in railway mail ser- vice, 120, 121, 128 Cedar Rapids convention, 107- 108 Chicago “ads” of clerks’ union, 204, 223-225 A. F. of L. union, 94 discharge of union leaders at, 223-225 Gordon, Postmaster, 92 independent clerks’ associa- tion, 88-91 Knights of Labor clerks’ local, 91-92 Nelson, O. F., discharge, 127 Rogers, F. T., discharge, 92 working condition in post office 1910, 125-127 307 Chicago Tribune attacks P. O. Department, 223 clerks’ ads in, 233-234 Civil employees compared with soldiers, 16 ff. Senator Myers’ statement, President Butler’s statement, 17-18 Outlook editorial, 18 Survey editorial, 19 various functions of, 10-11 Civil Service Act effect of passage on employee organization, 61 exceptions to provisions of, 32 Civil Service Commission, U. S. investigates employee activity against Loud, 100 Civil Service Reform Movement on political danger of em- ployee organization, 26 recognizes non-political char- acter of technical jobs, 23 Civil Service Rules concerning political activity, —42 concerning removals Roosevelt’s permitting with- out notice, 113 Taft’s requiring notice, 170 Clerical workers (see Clerks) Clerks difference between and letter carriers, 79-80 post office, work of, 79-80 proportion organized in gov- ernment and private em- ployment, 46 “white collar” prejudice of, 46 Cleveland, railway mail clerks’ union, 150 Closed shop in government ser- vice, 51-53 Coleman, Arch, Postmaster at Minneapolis, 267 Collective bargaining limitations on in public em- ployment, 20-21, 25-26 steps toward in U. S. service, 21, 258-261 Color question, 233, 297-298 808 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Committees (see Service Com- mittees and Councils) Commons, J. R., 25, 28, 64, 70, 285 Compensation for injury, 285 Complaints of employees authorities invite, 134, 262-263 LEN is discourages, 131- 5 railroads object to in R. M.S., 132-133 Conference Conventions, 253-255 Contract relation in public em- ployment, 20 i state as sovereign and as employer, 20 ff. Control of industry civil employees and, 23, 50-51, 250-252, 256, 258-260, 287, 297, 303-304 private employees and, §0-51, 304 Conyngton, Mary on government salaries, 33 on separations from service, 34 ae Goma mass meeting at, 6 Cooperation among postal or- ganizations in Australia, 291 in Canada, 291-292 in Germany, 290-291 in Great Britain, 289-290 in U. S., 288-289, 303-304 Cooperation of organized em- ployees with authorities, 244 ff., 259-260, 292, 293, 295, 304 Cortelyou, George B., Postmas- ter General attitude towards Clerks’ Fed- eration, 109 on. employee organization, 110 Councils, employee Bureau of Engraving Printing, 252 Rock Island Arsenal, 252 service relations, 250-251 welfare in postal service, 247- 251 Whitley, 251-252 Cowherd, Wm. 8., defeated with employee aid, 273 and Cox, yont S. (Sunset), 59, 63, Cox, W. V., 60 Crafts in postal service, organization on basis of, 286-287, 289- 292 the skilled in government ser- vice, 18, 25, 46 Cunningham, ‘National President of Rural Carriers’ Asso- ciation Bristow’s hostility towards, 107 dismissed from service, 107 Cushing, Marshall, 120 Dayton, Charles W., Postmaster at, New York, attitude to- wards clerks’ organization, 86 De Graw, P. V., Fourth Assist- ant, 198 : Demotions for organization ac- tivity, 160 ff. Erwin and others, 162 Van Dyke, 160 Denationalization of postal tele- graph and telephone. ser- vices, movement toward in Europe, 12 Dennison, Henry S., 246 Departmental domination of em- ployee organizations, 27, 82-83, 87, 141-143, 164-167, 174, 176-177, 236-238, 292- 293 Dillon, Simon P., 58 Discharges (see Dismissals for organization activity) Discipline for organization ac- tivity (see Demotions and Dismissals for —) Dismissals for organization ac- tivity, 43 ae of Postmaster Pearson K. of L., carriers, 65 Biotherwand leaders in 1886, 119 Chicago union leaders, 223-225 at Cleveland, 158 Cunningham, 107 Flaherty, 219 Keller, J. C., 102 INDEX Dismissals for organization ac- tivity—(Continued) at Minneapolis, 266-267 officers of New York Clerks’ Association, 82 Quackenbush, 163 Rogers, F. T., 92 rural carrier leader, 201, 215 Ryan, 216 Schaug, 122 Slocum, 162 Thornton, J. L., 145 Wells, H. M., 123 White, 217 Disraeli, 28 “Driving” in government service, 31 (see also Speed tests, and Efficiency rating sys- tems) Efficiency and Economy, Com- mission on, 138-139 Efficiency rating systems in post office, 190-191 in railway mail service, 136- 137, 194, 208-209 Eight-hour movement Knights of Labor and, 63 ff. letter carriers and, 64-67 Elroy and Tracy railway post office, refusal of clerks to do extra duty, 145 Emery, James A., apposes “anti- gag” bill, 169 Empire City Branch of Letter Carriers’ Association, 71 England (see Great Britain) Erwin, Charles H., case of, 161- i62 Etheridge, Florence, 32 Executive responsibility, 21 and employee activity, 21 Stewart, Joseph, on, 22 Federal labor unions of A. F. of L. (see Unions) Federation (see American Fed- eration of Labor, National Federation of Post Office Clerks, National Federa- tion of Postal Employees, National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers) 309 Federation—(Continued) movement towards, among postal organizations in U. S., 288-289 movement towards abroad, 289-292 Fergusson, Harvey, 31 Feuchter, Fred., t/t: to form one big postal union, 287 ‘Fining Case,” 95 Firefighters, International Asso- ciation of, 46 attitude towards strikes, 48 Fitzgerald, Michael, 74 Flaherty, Thomas F., 186, 193 219, 278 on postal strikes, 278 Ford, Henry Jones justifies limitations on em- ployee appeals to legisla- ture, Foreign countries, postal organ- izations in, 289-292, 293, 304 Edgar C., Congressman, elected with employee support, 273 France civil servants in, distinguish between technical and political functions, 22 importance of question. of pub- a employee organization firemen’s Ellis, Natal strike, 17, 125 Franciscus, C. P., 235, 236 Frankel, Lee K., Dr., 246 Functions of civil workers, class- ified, 10-11 “Gag” order, 40 A. F. of L.’s protest in “Labor’s Bill of Grievances,” 112- 113 campaign against, beginning of 112, (see also “Anti-gag” campaign) carriers’ ge Sage cerning, departmental oF 1885, 85 first Roosevelt, 96 revised Roosevelt, 113 con- 810 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY “Gag” order—(Continued) Taft’s, 138-189 “wreck gag,” 130-131 Gainor, E. J., 218-219, 296 Gibbons, William F., 236 Gladstone, 28 Goltra, Edw. B., 92, 109, 111 Gompers, Samuel, President of AN opiLs “anti-gag” law and, 112, 168, 171 on Burleson, 226 hint of, on strike policy, 49, 279 © on secret society order, 157 on single union of postal work- ers, 287 Gordon, Postmaster, at Chicago, uniform order, 92 Gorman, John J., Congressman, seal with employee aid, 274 Grandfield, Dr. C. P., First As- sistant Postmaster Gen- eral, 177 Great Britain Dockyard members in Parlia- ment of, 28 Gladstone and Disraeli on dan- gers of civil service in- fluence over Parliament, 28 no stringent legal restrictions on civil servants in, 42-43 postal organizations in, 289- 290 Whitley Councils in, 252-253 Hard, William, 186, 194, 197 Harding, eae Ge 263, 264, 267 Harley, J. H., “Harnessmakers, ‘ the, 86 Harpoon, The eco organ of Brotherhood, campaign of for safe cars, 132, 151, 154 character and methods of, 124, 129-139 circulation of, 125, 155-156, 182 Department’s disapproval of, 123, 161, 163 fight of, against “pag,” 124, 125, 127, 151-155 Harpoon, The—(Continued) merged with Union Postal Employee, 230 and merit system, 303 raises funds for Tracy-Pierre “strikes,” 145-146, 154 sanitary conditions in R.MS. and, 127-130, 133, 151 supports Fairmont “strikers,” 276 Harrison, President, merit system, 72 Hays, Will H., Postmaster Gen- extends eral, 295, 244 ff. on affiliation with A. F. of a 256-257 changes Department’s labor policy, 244 ; on “humanizing” the service, 244-245 recognizes employee organiza- tions, 256-257 Henderson, Second Assistant Postmaster General, effort of, to rectify grievances, 6 262 Hitchcock, Frank T., First As- sistant and Postmaster General attitude towards Clerks’ Fed- eration, 109 at city carriers’ 1907, 115-116 Ronen policy of, 139 ff., 186, 19 convention, forces retirement of letter car- riers’ president, 115-116 helps reclassification in 1907, 114-115 Rian i, Ar E., on right to strike, Holland, James, 115-116 Hours of labor of postal em- ployees (also see eight- hour movement), 59, 60, 83, 140, 177-180, 193, 203, 262, 263-265 Reilly eight-in-ten-hour law, 177-180 ‘Humanizing” the postal service, 244 ff. the bureaucracy and, 268 effect of “politics” on, 268 INDEX “Humanizing” the postal ser- vice—( Continued) employee suspicions concern- ing, Hays announcement concern- ing, 255 Industrial Conference, Presi- dent’s Second on collec- tive bargaining in public employment, 21 Industrial democracy (see con- trol of industry) Industrial ‘onan of govern- ment, “Inquisition, ; ihe. 158-160 Inspectors, post office anti-organization activities of, 67, 102, 123, 146, 158, 161- 167, 923, 265 at conference conventions, 255 Department’s reliance upon, 265-266 employee recommendations concerning, 266, 304 Interdependence of public and private employees, 47 International, Postal, Telegraph, and Telephone, 293, 296 Italy, movement to denation- alize non-self-supporting state industries in, 12 James, Thomas L., Postmaster at New York, overtime order, 60 Joint Commission on Postal Salaries, 205-206 on affiliation with A. F. of L., 228 Joint Committee of Postal, Tele- graphic, and Telephone Associations, National of United Kingdom, 289 Joint Conference on Retirement, 284 Joint Council of Postal Organ- izations, 289, 304 Jordan, Dr. Llewellyn, 282 Journals, independent postal, part of in formation of organizations, 182 311 ‘Keep Commission,” favors con- tributory retirement sys- tem, 281 Keleher, Wm. T., 52 Keller, James C., President, 75 on affiliation of Carriers’ Asso- ciation with A. F. of L., 183 Bristow’s 101-102 dismissed from service, 102 opposition to in Association, 102-103 protests Roosevelt “gag” order, 98 Kelly, Wm. E., 174 Kern-MecGuillicuddy law, 285 Kidwell, John A., President of Railway Mail Association becomes persona non grata at Department, 121 protests against organization’s conservative policy, 121 Knights of Labor break between and National Association of Letter Car- riers, 70-72 and eight-hour movement, 63- hostility towards, “Harnessmakers,” 86 letter carriers, 70-72 letter carriers affiliate with, 65 post. office clerks at Chicago join, 91-92 post office clerks’ local at New York, 86, 90 postal authorities oppose affili- ation with, 65-66 push carriers’ eight-hour bill, 66-67 Koons, First Assistant Postmas- ter General and discharge of Chicago union leaders, 223-224 opposes affiliation with A. F. of L., 223, 238 opposes salary increases, 207 La Follette, Robert M., Senator on Departmental domination of employee leaders, 176 opening mail, charges concern- ing, 1 312 La Follette, Robert M., Senator —(Continued) questionnaire of, to R.MS. clerks, 167-168 on right to organize, 167 on right of petition, 168 Lane, Franklin K., on govern- ment service, 134 Legislative Action, dependence of public employees upon, 2 Leroy, Maxime, 22 Letter carriers (see also National Association of, Hours of Labor, Salaries) position of, compared with clerks, 79-80 literary Digest, The, 204 Lloyd-La Follette act, 35, 36 effect of, 171, 172, 181 ff. full text, 172-173 Los Angeles, local of Brother- hood of 1907, at, 121 Loud, Eugene F., Congressman, 88 defeat of, 99 employees’ campaign against, 99-100 opposes reclassification of sal- aries, 97 Lowell, A. L., 28, 43 Lowry, E. G., 206 Manley, Charles E., Postmaster Macrea-Gibson, J. H., 252 at Fairmont, W. Va., 275 Mann, James R., Congressman, votes against anti-gag bill, 171 Massachusetts, limitations on power of removal in, 44 Mayers, Lewis, 41, 42 Merit System effect of on postal organiza- tion, 61 extent) of, 11n ‘AJGa8., 32 politicians’ attitude, 26 effect of, on condition of civil workers, 26 postal organizations favor ex- tension of, 72, 303 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Merit System—(Continued) postmasters and, 32 third and fourth class, 300-302 first and second class, 302-303 supervisory officials and, 300 eyer, Hugo R., 28 ‘Miller case,” 53 Milwaukee, letter carriers’ meet- ing at, 68-69 Morrison, Frank, secretary of A. Fy otk: departmental favoritism, ques- tion concerning, 177 on resignation en bloc, 38 strike levy, denies, 167 Mutual Benefit Association, U.S. Railway Mail Service, 120 iasecaye approves of, 157— 58 Myers, Senator on affiliation of government employees with organized labor, 16 anti-affiliation amendments of, 226, 227 National Alliance of Postal Em- ployees, 297-298 National Association of Civil Service Employees, 283- 284 National Association of Letter Carriers affiliation with A. F. of L., de- feated, 184-185 affiliation with A. F. of L., 221, 296 break with Knights of Labor, 70-72 formed, 67 present policy of, 295-296 strength and success of, 296 National Association of Manu- facturers, opposes anti-gag bill, 169 National Association of Post Office Clerks break in ranks of, 87-88 dissatisfaction in ranks of, 86 ff. formation of, 83 Parkhurst elected president, 84 INDEX National Association of Post Office Laborers, 247, 299 National Association of Postmas- ters, 248, 302-303 National Association of Railway Postal Clerks formed, 120 name changed to Railway Mail Association, 121 National Association of Super- visory Post Office Em- ployees, 248, 300 National Civil Service Reform League, amendment of to anti-gag bill, 171 National Council of Postal Asso- ciations, 288, 289 National Council of Supervisory Officials of the Railway Mail Service, 248, 301 National Federation of Federal Employees, 45, 48, 247-248, 292 National Federation of Post Office Clerks and “anti-gag” campaign, 173 attitude towards amalgama- tion with rival associa- tion, 233-235 attitude towards labor move- ment, 293 Department’s attitude towards, 109-110 formation of, 108 membership of, 295-296 and one big postal union, 184, 230, 286-288 policy of, 292-293 significance of, 111 National Federation of Postal Employees, 230, 287 National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers, 243, 298 National League of District Post- masters, 301-302 National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association and Burleson, 201-202, 210-211 and De Graw, 198 and Hitchcock, 197-199 organized, 103-104 policy of, 298-299 313 National Rural Letter Carriers’ Association—(Continued) R. F. D. News and, 103-105, 106, 198-199, 240, 241, 298 Navy Yards, 12 Nelson, Oscar F. elected president of Clerks’ Federation, 127 on Hitchcock and Reclassifica- tion Act, 114 removal of, 127, 176-177 reveals conditions in Chicago P. O., 125-127 New, Harry S., Postmaster Gen- eral, 268 New York Branch No. 187, 88-91 city charter on public em- ployee rights, 438 There C. W., Postmaster at, employees’ joint publicity committee at, 204 hours of labor at, 60 Knights of Labor carriers at, 65-67, 70-72 ee of Labor clerks at, 86 8 Merriam Association at, 62-63 pay of P. O. clerks at, 61 Pearson, H. G., 65, 67, 82, 85 Promotion Syndicate, 89 state right of appeal law, 43 Northrup, M. H., 60 O’Donoghue, M. F., 282 Officials associations of, 248, 300-302, 304 character of authority over subordinates, 22-24 control by over organizations, 27, 87, 88, 141-143, 157, 161, 176, 237, 296-297 cooperation of with organized rank and file, 204, 300, 304 French employees’ position re- garding authority of, 22- 23 membership of in employee organizations, 87, 88, 91, 141, 147 314 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY, Officials—(Continued) position of permanent in ser- vice, 136-137, 140-141, 192, 262, 268 Omaha Petition, 146 One-big-union, 45 attempts to form in postal service, U. S., 286-287 Australia, 291 Canada, 291-292 Germany, 291 Great Britain, 290 One cent postage, 304 Open shop in government ser- vice, 51-53 Overstreet, Jesse, Congressman attributes defeat to employees, 273 charges of concerning employee threats, 125, 273 “Overtime-case,” 73 Overtime, 60, 72-74, 178-179, 192-193, 203, 263-265 Postmaster James order, 60 Parkhurst, Benjamin, 84, 87, 89 Parsons, John N., 69, 70, 74 Patterson, John H., 69 Payroll of civil employees in United States, size of, 31 Pearson, H. G., Postmaster at New York opposes carriers’ affiliation with Knights of Labor, 65, 67 opposes clerks’ organization, 82, 85 Pendleton Act (see Civil Service Act) Perkins, Norman, Supt. Tenth Division, R. M. S., Perlman, S., 64 Petition (see right of petition) Plumb Plan, 51 Police Boston strike, 14 President Wilson on, 40 strikes of, 14 union membership forbidden, Huntington, W. Va., 39 Washington, D. C., 39 149 Political action by public eme ployees in Australia, 29 British dockyard employees, 28 compared with other political action by other groups, 29 danger of, 26 ff. Btn of grievances through, disadvantages of, 25, 33-34 “Selfish,”?, 27 Political activity by government employees for eight-hour law, by letter carriers, 66 federal rules restricting, 41-43 Mayers, Lewis, on, 42 by Knights of Labor, 66-67: restrictions on in New York City Charter, 43 restrictions on in other coun- tries, 41 Political influence in American public service, 32 ff. of city carriers, 271 effect on attitude of legislators, 26 effect of Civil Service Act on, 61 effect on merit system, 32 effect on pay schedules, 31 effect of on personnel policy, 268 in postal services before merit system, 57-58 of rural carriers, 104, 271 use of by postal workers, 270- 271 Political Parties, attitude of on employee rights, 40-41 “Politics” (see political influence) Popular conception of govern- ment employment, 30 Post Office Clerk article defending Selph, 237 attacks on labor movement, 235 attitude towards Federation, 295 title changed, 87 INDEX Postal Record becomes official organ of car- riers, 69 character of, 295 strengthens carriers’ organiza- tion, 69, 182 Victory, John F., and, 69 Postal Service employee organizations and, 303-304 various functions of, 11-12 Postman, The organ of Knights of Labor let- ter carriers, 71 Postmasters first and second class, 248, 302- 303 third and fourth class, 248, 301- 302 National Association of, 302- 303 National League of District, 301-302 Powderly, Terence, V., 64, 67, 72 Preus, Governor, 267 Primary functions of government, 13 dependence of on basic indus- tries, 13 ff. Printing Office, U. S. Govern- ment, 13 “Miller case,” 52 open-shop conditions in, 52 Promotions clerks and carriers to super- visory posts, 79-80 delays concerning, 135 political influence and, 32, 33, 300 “Promotion Syndicate,” 89 Branch 187 and, 89, 91 Bristow investigation, 91 Protective Association, Clerks, 150, 158-159 Public utilities movement to limit employee rights in, 14-15 Publicity use of by postal organizations, 270 Postal 315 Purdy, Edward A., Postmaster, work of at Minneapolis, 266, 267, 268 Quackenbush, George H., case of, 163-165 Quigg, Lemuel Eli, Congressman, elected with employee sup- port, 272 R. F. D. News helps form Rural Carriers As- sociation, 103-104, 182 relation to Rural Carriers’ Association, 105-106, 198- 199, 298-299 R. M. S. Bugle, helps organize R. M. S. clerks, 120, 182 Railway Mail Association adopts conservative erage 121 affiliation of, with A. F. of L., 232-233, 258 change in tactics of, 215-216 departmental domination of, 141-143, 175-176, 297-298 establishes service committee, 259, 304 ineffectiveness of protests of, 130, 132 insurance department organ- ized, 120 insurgent movement, 1905-1907, 121-122 National Association of Rail- way Postal Clerks changes name to, 121 old guard of “uses” ment, 163-166 present progressive policy of, Depart- 297-298, 304 President Kidwell protests against conservative policy of, 121 service agreements with De- partment, 258-260 success of insurance depart- ment, 120, 182 wins abt A aberaraA approval, 15 Railway mail pay basis of, changed from weight to space, 193-194 R. M. A. and, 262, 304 316 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Railway Mail Service casualties in, 120, 121, 128 curtailment of, 195, 261 discontent in, 127 ff., 194-197, 215-217, 232-233, 258-263 importance of, 118 reorganization of, 194-195, 261 working conditions intolerable, 127-130 Railway Post Office on affiliation vote of R. M. A., 258 charges concerning unrepresen- tative character of, 161 compared with other organs, 295 Web on progressive organization policy, 296-297 Stephens’ speech, defense of, 210 Railway Postal Clerks, (see also Railway Mail Service and Railway Mail Association) high. standards expected of, 118 Rates, postage,, 304 Reed, James A., Senator amendment of to “anti-gag” bill, 171 on employee attitude towards “anti-gag” bill, 174-175 Referendum Carriers’ Association defeats affiliation with A. F. of L., 184- 185 approves affiliation, 231 Clerks’ Federation on strike question, 278-279 R. M. A. approves affiliation, 232, 258 Removal (see also Dismissals) Act of August 24, 1912, on, 172 limitations on in Massachusetts, 44 in New York, 44 movement to limit power of, 280, 285 power of, 43-44 Roosevelt rule permitting with- out notice, 113 Taft rule requiring notice in case of, 170 Resignation en bloc, Frank Morrison on, 38 legality of, 38-39 threats of, 145, 203, 274, 277 at Fairmont, W. Va., post office, 38 limitations on right in Wash- ington police force, 39 Restrictions on civil employees A. F. of L.» opposes, 47-48 attitude of railway employees during federal control to- wards, 50 on civil rights, 36, 40-41 in general, 9, 10, 11 on industrial activity, 11, 13— 24, 35-44 on political activity, 26, 41-43 probable effect of increase in oe employment upon,. 5 Retirement act, 255, 284 agitation, 280-284 Association, U. S. Civil Ser- vice, 280-284 contributory vs. civil pension, 282-284 Joint Conference on, 284 new associations, 284 Retirement Federation of Civil Service Employees, 284 Right of petition of public em- ployees of federal employees to Con- gress, 36 legal guarantee, 36 Professor Ford, H. J., on, 23 Stewart, Joseph, on, 22 New York State Right of Ap- peal Law, 43 Right to organize, federal legal guarantee of, 35 Rogers, Frank T. dismissed for opposing Post- master’s uniform order, 92 gets special favors, 177 reinstated, 92 Roosevelt, Theodore “gao order,” first, 97 amended, 113 INDEX Roosevelt, Theodore — (Contin- ued) order of on removals without notice, 113 Roper, Daniel C. on dependence of government wages on standard in pri- vate employment, 47 on employee organization, 213- 214 Rural carriers (see also National Rural Letter Carriers’ As- sociation) Bristow’s hostility toward or- ganization of, 106-107 organize, 103-104 political influence of, 104, 271 working conditions of, 105 Rural Delivery Record, 241, 243 Ryan, E. J., 176, 215-216, 232 Salaries Act of 1907, 115 Act of 1918, 202, 207 Act of 1919, 205 Act of 1920, 206-207 average postal 1901, 96; 1917, 202 of clerks, no fixed basis, 58 inadequacy of, 33-34 increases opposed by Burleson and Koons, 202, 207 inflexibility of in civil service, 33-34 Joint Commission on Postal, 205-206 of letter carriers, 59, 62 railway mail clerks, 119, 135- 136 rural carriers, 105 Scandal, rumors of in Carriers’ Association, 76-77 Schaug, leader of Brotherhood movement of 1907, dis- missed, 122 Schardt, J. T., 142, 174-175 Seattle, clerks’ local at attacks “gag,” 122 publishes Bundy Recorder, 122-123 Secret societies amendment to “anti-gag” bill regarding, 171 317 | Secret Societies—(Continued) Stewart’s order forbidding, 156- 157, 159 Selph, C., Postmaster at St. Louis, 237 Service Committees, established by Railway Mail Associa- tion, 259, 260, 261, 304 Service Relations (see also Wel- fare Councils and Welfare Division) Director of, 263 Division of, 250-251 National Council, 301 Sioux City, Ia., clerks at threaten to resign in body, 203, 277 Skilled craftsmen in government service attitude of towards state’s spe- cial claims, 46, 53 distinction between and other pupie workers recognized, 1 and open-shop question, 51-53 ‘Slack” orders (see “Take up the slack” orders) Slocum, Harry E., 162 Soldiers, compared with civil ser- vants, 16 ff. Sovereignty, 10 conflict of labor affiliation with, 15 contract relation in public em- ployment and, 20-21 effect of civil employee organi- zation on, 10 relation of to basic industries, 13-15 Speed tests (also see Efficiency rating systems), 31, 208- 209, 268 “Spotter” system, 74-76 Stambaugh, J. Cletus, 241 “Stand in” (see also Depart- mental domination) policy of maintaining, 27, 74, 76, 84, 102-103, 120-121, 236-238, 292-293, 296-297 Steel cars, (see also Harpoon), 151, 154, 155 Stephens, A. H., General Super- intendent of Railway Mail Service 318 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Stephens, A. H., General Super- intendent of Railway Mail Service—( Continued) speech regarding “speed test” petition, 208-209 on unions in postal service, 208 Stewart, Joseph, Second Assist- ant Postmaster General on Department’s power over organizations, 157 on executive responsibility and employee activity, 21-22 invites employee complaints, 134 secret society order, 156-157 on travel allowances, 136 Stockton, Frank T., 52 Stover, George H., on contrac- tual relation in public em- ployment, 20 Strikes American Federation of Labor and, 48-49 Brotherhood of Railway Postal Clerks and, 148 Fairmont P. O., 274-277 implied prohibitions against federal, 35, 36 laws which might be invoked to prevent, 36-38 legality of, 36-38 Lloyd-La Follette act and, 36- 38, 171-172 not a serious issue in U. S., 24 oath of office and, 36-37 aoe strike in Canada, 23, postal strike in France, 17, 125 President Gompers’ concerning, 279 prohibition against in Wash- neo D. C., police force, 9 public employees’ unions dis- approve of, 48 referendum of Clerks’ Federa- warning tion concerning, 278-279, 292 reports concerning in R. M. &., 166-167 Strikes—-(Contenued) Republican Platform of 1920 on, 40 Secretary Flaherty on, in postal service, 278 wehbe in Chicago P. O., 93, 274 talk concerning, 203, 277-278 oe 143-145, 146, 154, 274 Sullivan, J. W., 93 | Sunday closing of post offices, 179, 192 Supervisory officials (see also Officials) of Railway Mail Service, National Council of, 248, 301 Taft, Wm. H. and administrative efficiency, 138 calls government employees privileged class, 30, 169 favors contributory, retirement plan, 282 fourth class postmasters placed under civil service by, 301 “gag order” of, 138-139 modified by, 170 notice in cases of removal re- quired by, 170 “Take up the slack,” orders, 139- 141, 144, 145 modified, 148-149 Teachers American Federation of attitude towards strikes, 48 pay of in 1919, 33 unionization of forbidden in Chicago, 40 Telegraph and Telephones movement to denationalize abroad, 12 dagen of to postal service, ye Telephones (see Telegraphs) Thornton, John L., dismissed, 145 telegram of to Postmaster General, 145 Townsend, Senator, 227 Tracy-Pierre “strike,” 274 143-145, INDEX Travel allowance of postal clerks complaints regarding, 136 Department’s attitude towards, 136 railway increased, 180 Truman A. Merriman Associa- tion, 62-63 Tworger, George, atempt of to at one big postal union, 28 Unapoc, derivation of name, 91 (see United National Associa- tion of Post Office Clerks) Under-staffing of postal service, 96, 195, 203, 263-264, 268 Union membership of govern- ment employees Butler, N. M., on, 17-18 courts on dismissals for, 39-40 extent of in federal service, 45 aye of in municipal services, Hitcheock and Cortelyou on, 109-110 inspectors and, 165-167 Lloyd-La Follette act, concern- ing, 35 postal authorities oppose, 156 ff prohibited among fire-fighters, 39-40 prohibited among police, 39 prohibited among school teach- ers, 40 Senator La Follette on right of, 167-168 Senator Myers on, 17-18 Union of Post Office Workers in Great Britain, 290 Union Postal Clerk compared with other organs, 295 Harpoon merged with, 239 policy towards Unapoc, 295 prize offer to Koons, 225 Unions, federal labor of A. F. of L. Chicago P. O. clerks, 93-95, 108 railway mail clerks, 150, 156, 181-182 319 United Association of Post Office Clerks authorities oppose, 90 . formation of, 88 Knights of Labor local at New York, 90 struggle against National Asso- ciation, 90 United Mine Workers, National Research Council of on state socialism, 50-51 United National Association of Post Office Clerks anti-union activities of, 235- 236 applies for A. F. of L. charter, 233 asks A. F. of L. aid, 94 Cedar Rapids convention of, 107-108 formed, 91 membership of, 294-295 negotiations of with Clerks’ Federation, 233-235 opposes affiliation with A. F. of L., 94, 109, 235, 236, 292- 293 policy of, 292-293 supports Postmaster Selph of St. Louis, 237 unseats Chicago unionist dele- gates, 94 wins Department’s favor, 236- 238 Vacation law, carriers’, activity of Truman H. Merriman As- sociation for, 62-63 Van Dyke, Carl C. disciplined, 160 elected to Congress, 161, 274 leads R. M. A. progressive, 146-147, 160-161, 181 part of in Brotherhood move- ment, 146-147 protests against R. M. A. policy, 22 Victory, John F. editor of Postal Record, 69 elected secretary of Carriers’ Association, 69 320 UNIONISM IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Victory, John F.—(Continued) opposes national affiliation of carriers with Knights of Labor, 70 Victoria, Australia disfranchisement of civil em- ployees, 29-30 special civil service constituen- cies, 29-30 Vienna, P. T. T. International at, 293 Vilas, Wm. F., Postmaster Gen- eral, issues notice on ten- ure of office, 119 Voting Power use of organized by employees, 99, 271-274 Walter, Urban A. arrest of, 152, 154 and Brotherhood movement, 181-182 and Harpoon, 123-124, 127, 130 notices of censored, 152-154 Wanamaker, John, Postmaster General, cooperates with Clerks’ Association, 84-85 Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, 41 Welfare Council (see also Ser- vice Relations Councils) accomplishments of, 251, 253 constitution of, local, 249-250 established, 247-248 name changed, 250-251 national, 247-249 Welfare Division (see also Ser- vice Relations), 246 director of investigates work- ing conditions, 246-247 establishes employee councils, 247 name changed, 250-251 Wells, H. M., 123 Whalen, James A., 128 “White collar” prejudice, 46 White, Fred L., President, 216- 218 White, James E., 119 Whitley councils, 252-253 Wilson, President, 41, 42, 186, 210, 225 Wilson, Wm. L., Postmaster General order restricting legislative ac- tivities of employees, 85 Windsor, H. H., owner of R. F. D. News, 105 Wooden mail cars (see also Har- poon), 127-129 Working conditions in post offices before merit sys- tem, 57 ff. of carriers, 59-60 of clerks, 60-61 “Wreck Gag,” 130-131 Wrecks (see casualties) Work, Hubert, Postmaster Gen- eral, 32, 253, 268 hy Wii Ve ' “ La } oy a if q j ur? ¥ * at ; " ‘3 - f , ay iy 4 ie } a / 7. 4o5 rer ah : ; p i. rt iy >, te ; , u ‘ is : > ' q ‘ 4 s r ue Cay Ere | : he 4 ’ ‘ i ae : ‘ ti A 7 e) a : bee aa, te 7 Rery Ps fA ; ie “ip 02 A MS COE a it : i i ¥ ie t aT i : “i x ; ~? 7 ee , = 5 rr ; A a) 4 Tl © } | I x. a b oh sa ne ee i’ rh er, ‘ orale 7 ,, hal F] 5 Away tee Pr ay ney : th “iy : ; 7 ‘ } ae Be NM OOF ee a ane aa ary) our ' J J f ate ah " Aa ' a em . THE WORKERS’ BOOKSHELF In our modern industrial society, knowledge increases more rapidly than our understanding. The rapid accumu- lation of this unrelated knowledge greatly adds to the com- plexity and confusion of our life. As a result, the industrial worker finds it increasingly difficult to understand the world which he has done so much to create. The task of workers’ education is to interpret modern industrial society to the worker that he may better understand his relation- ship to the industry in which he works and to the society in which he lives. The Workers’ Bookshelf has been conceived as a con- scious attempt to meet this need of the workers for social understanding by a restatement of some of the fundamental problems of modern industrial society in simple language. The bookshelf has been designed primarily to satisfy the cultural aspirations of the men and women workers in industry. The books will not be limited either in the range of subjects or in number. Art, literature, natural sciences, as well as the social sciences, will be included. New titles will be added as the demand for them becomes apparent. In a strict sense these books may become text-books for use in the development of the movement for workers’ education. In a larger sense they will become the nucleus of a library for workingmen. The fact that these titles are prepared for a particular group will not restrict their interest for the general reader, it will enhance it. THE WORKERS’ BOOKSHELF In form and in substance the volumes in the Workers’ Bookshelf present certain distinctive features. Scholarship, a scientific attitude toward facts, and simplicity of style will prevail. The books on the social sciences will be evolved from human experience. Each volume will begin as a Class outline and will receive the suggestions and criticisms of the men and women who are the human fac- tors in the industrial world. Each book will be adequately brief that it may present the subject clearly without be- coming an exhaustive treatise. References will help the reader to more detailed sources, a large clear type-page will facilitate reading. Finally, the books will be found in paper and sold at a price within the range of all. The Workers’ Bookshelf will contain no volumes on trade training nor books which give short cuts to material success. The reason which will finally determine the selec- tion of titles for the Workers’ Bookshelf will be because they enrich life, because they illumine human experience. and because they deepen men’s understanding. EDITORIAL COMMITTEE The Workers’ Bookshelf CHARLES A. BEARD JOHN R. COMMONS FANNIA M. COHN H. W. L. DANA JOHN P. FREY E. C. LINDEMAN WALTON HAMILTON EVERETT DEAN MARTIN SPENCER MILLER, JR. GEORGE W. PERKINS FLORENCE C. THORNE MATTHEW WOLL ROBERT B. WOLF THE WORKERS’ BOOKSHELF Now Published: JOINING IN PUBLIC DISCUSSION A STUDY OF EFFECTIVE SPEECHMAKING FOR MEMBERS OF LABOR UNIONS, CONFERENCES, FORUMS, AND OTHER DISCUSSION GROUPS Alfred Dwight Sheffield Professor of English Literature, Wellesley College; Instructor in Public Discussion, Boston Trade Union College. THE CONTROL OF WAGES Walton Hamilton Recently Professor of Economics, Amherst College; Instructor, Amherst Classes for Workers. and Stacy May Instructor, Brookwood Workers’ College. WOMEN AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT Alice Henry Fditor ‘‘Life and Labor,” Director of Training School for Women Workers in Industry. THE HUMANIZING OF KNOWLEDGE James Harvey Robinson Author of “The Mind in the Making,” “A History of Western Europe,” “The New History,” etc. THE LABOR MOVEMENT IN A GOVERNMENT INDUSTRY Sterling Denhard Spero Fellow in the New School for Social Research, New York. In Preparation: A SHORT HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN LABOR MOVEMENT Mary Beard Author of ‘“ Woman’s Work in Municipalities,” Joint Author with Charles A. Beard of ‘American Citizenship,” ‘History of the United States ” THE POLICIES OF AMERICAN TRADE UNIONS Leo Wolman, Lecturer, New School for Social Research; Instructor, Workers’ Uni- versity, International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union. COOPERATIVE RAILROADING Otto S. Beyer, Jr. Consulting Engineer, Railway Department, American Federation of Labor, Member of Labor Bureau, Inc. THE LAW OF INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES A CASE BOOK ON INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION George Soule Director, Labor Bureau, Inc. Published for WORKERS EDUCATION BUREAU OF AMERICA 476 WEST 24th STREET, NEW YORK, U.S. A. ee a