Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/nineteenthcenturOOunse From a painting by K. Fournier. PASTEn: IK HIS LABORATORY. All will appreciate the beautiful significance of the above picture, which represents one of the greatest of scientific investigators at work in his laboratory for the benefit of mankind, which has already been blessed beyond measure by his remedy for the fearfni dbease of hydrophobia. THE Nineteenth ^ Century » ITS HISTORY, PROGRESS, AND - ^ MARVELOUS ACHIEVEMENTS ^ The Wonderful Story of the World for One Hundred Years COMING WONDERS OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY By EDWARD S. ELLIS THE AMERICAN ARMY By LIEUT. GEN. NELSON A. MILES, U. S. Army THE SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY By REAR ADMIRAL GEO, W. MELVILLE, Chief Engineer U.S, Navy THE PHILIPPINES By HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION By CHARLES EMORY SMITH, Postmaster General U. S. WEALTH AND WELFARE By ROLAND P. FAULKNER, University of Pennsylvania NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE By JULIAN HAWTHORNE AFRICA AND THE BRITISH -BOER WAR Introduction by PAUL B. DU CHAILLU THE YELLOW PERIL: CHINA AT WAR WITH THE WORLD By W. S. WHITEFORD Embellished with nearly 100 full-page Illustrations, including over 200 Portraits of the World^s Great Men PUBLISHED BY AMERICAN BOOK AND BIBLE HOUSE ...PHILADELPHIA... Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1900, by Charles A. Doe, in the office OF THE Librarian of Congress, at Washington. ^cfl^ } f\}LQ2 X CONTENTS 1800 1900 FIRST DECADE 1800 - 1810 INTRODUCTION, PAGE . 3 CHAPTER I THE) OPENING CENTURY— THE KNITTING OF THE STATES Formative period of America — War with Tripoli — Duel between Hamilton and Burr — The Louisiana Purchase — The Presidential Elections, 13 CHAPTER H NAPOLEON’S FRANCE Bonaparte crosses the Alps — Marengo — Hohenlinden — German territorial losses — Alexandria — Treaty of Madrid — Nelson at Copenhagen — French evacuation of — Resignation of Pitt — Peace of Amiens — Bonaparte made Consul for life, . 21 CHAPTER HI NAPOLEON’S FRANCE— (Continued) England declares war against France — The Cadoudal Conspiracy — Assassination of the Duke d’Enghien — The Boulogne Coup — Napoleon Emperor — The Coronation — Surrender at Ulm — Trafalgar — Victory of Austerlitz, 29 CHAPTER IV NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS End of Holy Roman Empire — Jena and Auerstadt — Napoleon at Berlin — Berlin Decree — Eylau — Friedland — Tilsit — The Milan Decree — Entrance of Rome — The Surrender of Madrid — Napoleon at Vienna — Essling and Wagram— Arrest of the Pope — Divorce of Josephine, 38 V VI CONTENTS CH/VPTER V ENGLAND AND THE WORLD AT LARGE PAGE Pitt’scareer — The Irish Union — Rise of Wellesley — Servian Insurrection — Russia and Turkey at war, 47 SECOND DECADE 1810-1820 CHAPTER VI THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND Tippecanoe — War declared — Hull’s surrender — The “ Constitution ” — Perry’s victory — General Jackson and New Orleans — The U. S. Bank — Monroe elected — Florida acquired and Alabama admitted, 52 CHAPTER VH THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEON’S SWAY Marriage with Marie Louise — Wellington in the Peninsula — Disastrous Russian Campaign — Allies invade France — Napoleon abdicates — His Exile, Escape, and Return — Waterloo — Estimate of Napoleon, 62 CHAPTER VIH ENGLAND TO THE FRONT George HI insane — English Colonial Acquisitions — Effect of the Great Duke’s victories — Congress of Vienna — Aix-la-Chapelle — Growth of English Rule in India, 75 CHAPTER IX CONTINENTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEON’S DOWNFALL 'Mettemich — Russia and Bulgaria — Kutuzoff against the Turks — IVJassacre of the .Mamelukes — Russia elitering Asia — Denmark cedes Norw^ay to Sweden, .... 84 CHAPTER X WARRING FOR FREEDOM IN SOUTH AMERICA The Struggle for Independence in Venezuela, New Granada, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico — Revolution in Chili — Miranda and Bolivar — Paraguay, 92 CONTENTS Vll THIRD DECADE 1820-1830 CHAPTER XI TEN YEARS OF AMERICAN PEACE AND PROGRESS PAGE The Missouri Compromise — Monroe and the Monroe Doctrine — Opening of the Brie Canal — Parry tries to reach the Pole — ^Jackson’s first Administration, 96 CHAPTER XII THE ENGLAND OF GEORGE IV Trial of Queen Caroline — Canning — English African Expedition reaches Bake Tchad — The Catholic Emancipation Act, 105 CHAPTER XIII CONTINENTAL INSURRECTIONS AND INTRIGUES The Bourbons in France and Spain — The Carbonari — Congress of Great Powers at Eaybach — Victor Emmanuel Resigns — Greek Revolution — Navarino — Russia conquers Turkey, 112 CHAPTER XIV BIRTH OF NEW STATES IN THE SOUTHERN AMERICAS Iturbide in Mexico — Central American Colonies declare their Independence — Brazil separates from Portugal — Bolivar Dictator of Peru, 122 FOURTH DECADE 1830-1840 CHAPTER XV THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY Andrew Jackson — Webster-Hayne Debate — The Black Hawk War— Nullification in South Carolina — ^Jackson defeats Clay — Clay’s Tariff Compromise — ^Jackson and the United States Bank — Forming the Indian Territory — War with the Semi- noles, 126 CONTENTS viii CHAPTER XVI REFORM MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND ?Acir Death of George IV — The Reform Bill — Successive Melbourne, Grey, and Peel Ministries — Death of William IV and the accession of his Niece Victoria — The Anti-Corn Law League — The British invade Afghanistan, 134 CHAPTER XVII THE REVOLUTION OF 1830 Overthrow of the Bourbon Dynasty — Louis Philippe declared King — The Belgian Insurrection — Revolt of the Poles — The Movement in Germany and Austria — Poland absorbed by Russia — Don Carlos — Dom Pedro, 146 CHAPTER XVIII ALONG THE MEDITERRANEAN The Powers declare Grecian Independence — Mehemet Ali invades Syria — Ibrahim Pasha storms Acre — Victory of Konieh — Russian Intervention — The French and Abd-el"Kader — Migration of Boers from Cape Colony, 154 FIFTH DECADE 1840-1850 CHAPTER XIX THE MEXICAN WAR The Ashburton Treaty — The First Telegraph Line — War breaks out with Mexico — Its triumphant progress under Taylor and Scott — Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and Consequences — Death of two Presidents — Gold discovered in California, . . 163 CHAPTER XX ENGLAND IN ASIA AND AFRICA The Reform Bill — The Opium War — The Afghan Insurrection — Cabool — The Sikh War— Establishment of the Transvaal Republic and first war with the Boers, . . 173 CHAPTER XXI THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 Causes — The World aflame with War — Outbreaks in Sicil}^ and Lombardy — Triumph of the Revolution in France — Abdication of Louis Philippe — The Republic — Fall of Metternich — Flight of the Emperor — Radetzky — Garibaldi — The Fall of Rome — Treaty of Milan, 186 CONTENTS IX CHAPTER XXII THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 (Continued) PAGK The Schleswig-Holstein War — Prussian Supremacy among German States — Hungary proclaims its Independence — Kossuth — Resubjection to the Hapsburgs, . . . 201 SIXTH DECADE 1850-1860 CHAPTER XXIII JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR Clay’s “Compromise Measures’’ — The Kansas Conflict — ^John Brown at Harper’s Ferry — Secession in Sight 211 CHAPTER XXIV ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA Russia demands Protectorate over Greek Christians — England and France sustain the Sultan — The Crimean War — Sebastopol — ^The Sepoy Mutiny — Lucknow and Cawnpore, 227 SEVENTH DECADE 1860-1870 CHAPTER XXV THE GREAT REBELLION Abraham Lincoln — Fort Sumter — Bull Run — The Mason and Slidell Affair — The Sur- render of Fort Donelson — Battle of Pea Ridge — The “Monitor” and “Merrimac” — Shiloh — -Farragut on the Mississippi, . 237 CHAPTER XXVI THE GREAT REBELLION— (Continued) McClellan and Johnston in Virginia — “The Seven Days’ Battle” — Lee’s Invasion of Maryland — Antietam — The Emancipation Proclamation — Fredericksburg — Grant invests Vicksburg — Lee invades Pennsylvania — Fall of Vicksburg — Gettysburg, 246 X CONTENTS CHAPTER XXVII THE GREAT REBELLION— (Continued) PAGE Sherman’s March to the Sea — Battle of the Wilderness — Farragut in Mobile Bay — Sheridan’s Raid — Appomattox — Assassination of Lincoln — Aftermath of the War, 254 CHAPTER XXVIII THE MAN OF BLOOD AND IRON Bismarck at the head of affairs in Prussia — Second Schleswig-Holstein War — It results in War between Prussia and Austria — The North German Confederation, 264 CHAPTER XXIX OTHER EVENTS IN OTHER LANDS Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel — Maximilian in Mexico — The Fenians — The Dominion of Canada — Disraeli and Gladstone, 271 EIGHTH DECADE 1870-1880 CHAPTER XXX OUR “CENTENNIAL” DECADE Reconstruction — The Geneva Award — The ‘ ‘ Virginius ’ ’ Affair — The Hayes-Tilden Election — Resumption of Specie Payment, 278 CHAPTER XXXI THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR Its Origin — Defeat of MacMahon at Worth — Gravelotte — Sedan — The Republic Proclaimed in Paris — German Occupation — The German Empire Restored, . . . 287 CHAPTER XXXII ENGLAND AND RUSSIA Bulgarian Atrocities — Famous Berlin Conference — Turko-Russian War — Plevna — England and Afghanistan again at War — Russia Involved — English Activity in South Africa, 298 CONTENTS XI NINTH DECADE 1880-1890 CHAPTER XXXIII PROGRESS AT HOME Garfield’s Assassination — Important Congressional Eegislation — Party Changes — Labor Strikes — New States Admitted, 311 CHAPTER XXXIV ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD Beaconsfield and Gladstone — The Agrarian Movement in Ireland — Home Rule — Sir George Colley’s Defeat by the Boers — The Revolt of the Mahdi — General Gordon, 321 CHAPTER XXXV A LOOK AROUND THE WORLD France and the Jesuits — Tonquin — The Boulangist Agitation — Spain and Cuba — Chili- Peruvian War, 343 TENTH DECADE 1890-1900 CHAPTER XXXVI UP TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN The Indians Pacified — The Columbian Exposition, 351 CHAPTER XXXVII THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR A Sketch of Leading Events, . 355 Xll CONTENTS CHAPTER XXXVIII AFRICA— AND THF BOER WAR (Introduction by Paul, B. Du Chaiulu) PAGK The Dark Continent a Sealed Book — Dangers Encountered by the Writer — Migration of the Boers — Steady Advance of the White Man— The Dutch Rebellion of 1880 — Wonderful Diamond Fields — Great Discovery of Gold — War of 1900 — Siege of Eadysmith — Mafeking — English Disaster — Boer Defeat, 366 CHAPTER XXXIX NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE (With Introduction by Juuian Hawthorne) The French School of Writers of Romance — De Balzac and Dumas p'^re — All Countries Contribute to the Literature of the Centur}" — The Modern Newspaper the most Characteristic Literary Product of our Age, 388 CHAPTER XL THE SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY— OUR NAVY (By Rear-Admiral Meuviuee) Our Grand Navy — Miraculous Inventions and Discoveries — The Sewing Machine — Cotton Gin — Steam Engine — Telegraph — Bicycle — Electricity — Trolley — Auto- mobile, 400 CHAPTER XLI HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION (By Charles Emory Smith, Postmaster-General U. S.) United States Foremost among Nations — A Miracle-Working Age — Unparalleled Value of our Manufactures — Immense Growth of Foreign Trade — Producers of the World’s Staples — Effect of the “Open Door” in China, 422 CHAPTER XLII THE AMERICAN ARMY (By Lieutenant-General Nelson A. Miles, Commanding U. S. Army) Service Different from that of other Nations — Mobilization of the Regular Troops — Vast Labor to Equip an Army — The Expedition to Cuba — Official Account of the Operations around Santiago — Off for Puerto Rico — Proposed Demonstration upon the Coast of Spain, 434 CONTENTS Xlll " CHAPTER XEIII WEALTH AND WELFARE (By Prof. Roland P. Faulkner) Page Growth and Strength of the Western World far beyond Anything Known before — Comparative Population — Industrial Growth — National Wealth — Formation of “Trusts” — Trades Unions — Other Economic Conditions, 451 CHAPTER XEIV THE PHILIPPINES (By Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, U. S. Senator) End of Three Hundred Years of Spanish Dominion — Aguinaldo and the Revolutions — Expansion of our Countr}- — New Market for our Products, 460 CHAPTER XEV EVOLUTION AND HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES FROM 1800-1900 Their Origin and Growth — ^Jefferson and his Doctrines — Race Questions — Intricate Problems — Platforms and Issues — Recent Heroic Measures in the South, .... 470 CHAPTER XEVI EXPLORATIONS AND DISCOVERIES OF THE XIX CENTURY Compare Favorably with other Periods — Great Sacrifice of Eife and Wealth in African Explorations — Steady Advance toward the North Pole — Dr. Kane — Sir John Franklin — Sensational Expedition under Greely — Efforts of Livingstone — Du Chaillu — Stanley — De Long — Peary— Nansen — Disastrous Attempt of Andree, . 476 CHAPTER XLVII THE YELLOW PERIL : CHINA AT WAR WITH THE WORLD The Chinese Empire — Form of Government — The Mysterious Forbidden City — “ The Son of Heaven” — The Empress Dowager — Hatred of Foreigners — Secret Societies — Missionaries, 484 CHAPTER XLVIII THE YELLOW PERIL (Continued) Uprising of the “Boxers” — Massacre of Christians — Assassination of the German Minister — Attack and Surrender of the Taku Forts — Japanese Chancellor Killed by Imperial Troops — Flight to the English Legation — Foreign Ministers Besieged — Heroic Resistance — Conger’s Historic Message, 493 CHAPTER XLIX the yellow peril (Continued) The Civilized World Aghast — China Defies the World — Terrible Anger of Germany’s “War Lord” — Massing of the Allied Forces — A^ast Preparations to Resi.st Invasion — “ On to Pekin ” — Stubborn Resistance of the Mongolians — The Result, 501 LIST OF FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS The Great Senate of 1850 Key to the above Battle of Lake Erie General Scott Entering the City of Mexico Fremont Raising the “ Bear” Flag First Reading of the Emancipation Proclama- tion Battle Between the “ Guerriere ” and the “ Con- stitution.” Battle of New Orleans Battle of Gettysburg An August Morning with Farragut in Mobile Bay Grant and Lee Action Between the “ Merrimac”and “Moni- tor” Battle of Manila Bay Charge at San Juan Hill Capture of El Caney Destruction of Cervera’s Fleet The Relief of Lucknow The Defence of Mafeking Battle of Modder River, Nov., 1899 Battle of Eland’s Laagte Battle of Trafalgar Rouget de Lisle, Singing the “ Marseillaise ” French Army Entering Mexico. At Woerth Surrender of Metz Congress of Vie,nna Napoleon at Tilsit Retreat from Russia Battle of Alma The Burning of Sebastopol Before the Battle of Plevna After the Battle of Plevna Von Moltke Before Paris Cavalry Attack — Sedan “ The Thin Red Line ” “ 1806 ” Wellington at Waterloo “ Marshal Vorwarts.” Bliicher at Waterloo After Waterloo Battle of Dundee Landing of the Prussian Army at Alsen Koniggratz Napoleon III at Solferino Crown Prince Albert at Gravelotte Meeting of Bismarck and Napoleon III After Sedan Storming of Spichererberg Sea Fight on the Yalu River by Japanese Cruiser “ Matsushima ” Japanese Attack on Ping Yang Battle of Navarino Emperor William II at the Opening of the Kiel Canal Suez Canal Carpenter Hall. Place of First Congress City Hall, New York, 1789 Capital, Washinglon, D. C., 1814 Capital, Washington, D. C., 1900 Evolution of Land Transporation “The Past and the Present ” Printing Presses — 1800-1900 Bronze Cannon. Early part of the XIX Cen- tury Twelve-inch Disappearing Gun. Latter part of the XIX Century. Panoramic View of Nicaragua Canal Route New York in 1790 New York in 1900 XV XVI LIST OF FULL- PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS Congressional Library Great Inventors American Authors. Plate I American Authors. Plate II German Authors English Authors French Authors American Statesmen. Plate I American Statesmen. Plate II French Statesmen. Plate I French Statesmen English Statesmen. German Statesmen American Soldiers. Plate I American Soldiers. Plate II French Soldiers German Soldiers English Soldiers Eminent Divines Great Patriots Eastern Potentates Battle of Dundee Popes of the XIX Century American Journalists Presidents of Republics Great War Presidents Noted Explorers Noted Women Great Crowned Heads Capitals of Our Country English Scientists German Scientists French Scientists Cannon — Old and New Edison and His Phonograph Lieutenant-General Nelson A. Miles Hon. Charles Emory Smith Hon. Chaunce}^ M. Depew Julian Hawthorne Paul B. Du Chaillu Rear-Admiral Geo. W. Melville Prof. Roland P. Faulkner Pasteur in His Laboratory LIST OF PORTRAITS Alfonso III, King of Spain Adams, John Quincy Andree, Herr Anthony, Susan B. Bancroft, George Barton, Clara Bazaine, Marshal Bennett, James Gordon Beecher, Henry Ward Beaconsfield, Lord Blaine, James G. Bliicher, Field Marshal Bolivar, Simon Bonheur, Rosa Bright, Right Hon. John Bryant, William Cullen Byron, Lord Calhoun, John C. Casimir-Perier, M. Charcot, M. Chase, Salmon P. Childs, George W. Clay, Henry Dana, Charles A. Darwin, Charles R. Daudet, Alphonse Davis, Cushman K. Davy, Sir Plumphry Decatur, Com. Stephen Dewey, Admiral George Depew, Chauncey M. De Balzac, Honore De Lesseps, Count Ferdinand De Musset, Alfred De Talleyrand, Charles Diaz, President Porfirio Dickens, Charles Dilke, Sir Charles Du Chaillu, Paul B. Dumas, Alexander Edison, Thomas A. Emperor of Japan Emerson, R. W. Ericsson, John Faraday, Michael Farragut, Admiral David G. Faure, M. Faulkner, Prof. Roland P. Flammarion, Camille Fox, Right Hon. Charles J. Franklin, Benjamin Franklin, Sir John Franz Joseph I, King of Aus- tria Frederick Charles, Prince of Germany Frederick HI of Germany Fulton, Robert Gambetta, Louis Garibaldi, Giuseppe. Gladstone, Rt. Hon. Wm. E. Gordon, Gen. C. G. Goethe Greely, Gen. A. W. Greeley, Horace Gregory XVI, Pope ' Gresham, Walter Q. Grevy, Frangois Paul Jules Guizot, Francois Haecker Halstead, Murat Hamilton, Alexander Harte, Bret Havelock, Gen. Sir Henry Hawthorne, Julian Heine Henry, Joseph Herder Hohenlohe, Prince Holmes, Oliver Wendell Howe, Elias Howe, Julia Ward Hugo, Victor Humbert I, King of Italy Huxley, Thomas H. Irving, Washington Jackson, Gen. Andrew Jackson, Gen. T. J. Jefferson, Thomas Johnson, Gen. Albert S, Johnston, Gen. Joe E King of Siam Kitchener, Gen. Lord Koch, Robert Kosciuszko, Tadeusz Kossuth, Lajos Kruger, Paul Lamartine, Alphonse Lasalle, Ferdinand Lee, Gen. R. E. Leo XH, Pope Leo XHI, Pope Lessing Lincoln, Abraham Livingstone, David Li Hung Chang Longfellow, Henry W. Longstreet, Gen. James xvii xviii Loubet, President M. Lowell, James Russell MacMahon, Marshal Marconi, William Medill, Joseph Melville, Rear Admiral Miles, Lieut. -Gen. Nelson A. Miller, Hugh Mommsen Monroe, James Moody, Dwight L. Morse, Samuel F. B. Motley, John Lothrop Muller, President B. Murat, Prince McKinley, President William McClellan, Gen. George B. iNIcCormick, Silas H. McCullough, J. B. Napoleon I. Nansen, Fridjov Nelson, Lord Admiral Ney, Marshal Nicholas II, Emperor of Rus- sia Oscar I, King of Sweden Parnell, Charles S. Pasteur, Louis Peary, Robert E. Pelissier, Marshal Pestalozzi LIST OF PORTRAITS Pitt, Right Hon. William Pius VH, Pope Pius VHI, Pope Pius IX, Pope Poe, Edgar Allen Polk, James K. Porter, Admiral David P. Raglan, Field Marshal Lord Renan, Joseph Erneste Riley, James Whitcomb Roberts, Field Marshal Lord Russell, Lord Savage, Minot J. Scott, Gen. Winfield Scott, Sir Walter Schiller Schlegel Seward, William H. Shafter, Gen. William R. Sherman, John Sherman, Gen. William T. Sheridan, Gen. Philip H. Shah of Persia Silliman, Benjamin Smith, Charles Emory Soult, Marshal Spencer, Plerbert Spurgeon, Rev. Charles H. Stanley, Plenry M. Stephens, Alexander H. Stephenson, Robert Stowe, Harriet Beecher Sultan of Turkey Swing, David Taylor, Gen. Zachary Tennyson, Lord Thiers, Adolph Thomas, Gen. George Henry Tesla, Nicola Victoria, Queen of England Von Bismarck, Prince Otto Von Bittenfeld, General Von Caprivi, Count Geo. Leo Von Humboldt, Alexander Von Liebig, Justus Von Moltke, Field Marshal Von Roon, General Washington, George Watterson, Henry Webster, Daniel Wellington, Duke of Whitney, Eli Whittier, John G. Wilhelmina I, Queen of Hol- land William II, Emperor of Ger- many Willard, Frances E. Winchell, Alexander Wundthorst, Ludwig Zola, Emile INTRODUCTION A HUNDRED years are but a fraction of time in the age of the world, but witbin that comparatively brief span the most momentous of events have had their being; revolutions sweep across the globe, like “ dreams o’er the troubled breast of sorrow ” ; nations rise and sink like isles in the ocean ; dynasties come and go ; great men perform their appointed task and pass to their reward; and the peoples of the earth, always climbing with their vision fixed upon the stars, move slowly, per- haps with checks and hesitation, toward the ideals of civilization, enlighten- ment, and Christianity, which must be attained before the full sunburst of that dawning when the mission of man shall be accomplished and the day of wrong and evil be relegated to the gloom of the past ages. The hundred years drawing to a close have been well called the Won- derful Century, for in many of its marvels it has surpassed all that have gone before. The most striking facts relating to that period are told in the following pages, and in no way can these be more impressively set forth than by a brief glance of the world at the opening of the nineteenth cen- tury, and by its comparison with the attainments reached on the threshold of the twentieth century. That awful tornado of hatred, passion, and murder known as the Reign of Terror, in which a million lives were sacrificed, had left France in the shuddering desolation of death and woe, and terrified the world by its atrocities ; but from the wreck and ruin had risen the form of the young Corsican lieutenant, and already the eyes of all France were drawn toward him through his dazzling genius, which in a brief while was to fill Europe with admiration, fear, and dread, and stamp Napoleon Bonaparte as the greatest military genius ever born into this world. His face was already turned toward other peoples and lands, and this conqueror of conquerors was soon to play shuttle-cock with crowns and dynasties until in the end, as the poet has said, heaven itself interfered to check the ambition of him who threatened the overturn the equilibrium of the universe. Germany — there was no Germany. She had been tossed about, torn 3 4 INTRODUCTION asunder, kicked hither and thither, a house divided against itself, and plaything almost since the far-away days of Charlemagne. The feeble light that twinkled in the sorely harried land was soon to be stamped out utterly b^^ the iron heel of Napoleon. Assigned an insignificant place on the map of Europe by the Peace Congress of 1814, a half-century more was to pass before the German Empire should emerge from the gloom and take its place as one of the foremost Powers of the world. The dry rot had eaten its way to the heart of Spain, which had never rallied from the blow that sent her invincible Armada to the bottom of the sea. As proud, haughty, and defiant as she is to-day, or, rather, as she was until she dared, in 1898, to grapple with the Giant of the West, she lived in the glories of the past. Science, art, literature, discovery, and invention stood still. It was under the flag of Spain that America was discovered and the Philippines brought to the knowledge of men. Those attain- ments exhausted the capacity of Spain in the field of discovery and she has rested content ever since. Grand old England, through her thousand years of travail and sorrow, had grown and waxed strong until the increasing shadow of her might was thrown across the crimson plains of France and the snowy wastes of Rus- sia, which was feebly struggling out of the barbaric gloom of the past. George III was still king, except when his brain was eclipsed by the malady that stirred the sympathy of every one, but England, by hard fighting, skilled statecraft, and wise leadership, had demonstrated that the Anglo- Saxon is the hope of mankind, and that through him the universal reign of right is ultimately to bless the world. The United States had taken its position among the nations of the world, but it was still in its infancy. The ashes of the immortal Washing- ton lay at Mount Vernon, and Thomas Jefferson, his former Secretary of State, had assumed the office of the third President, with promise of proving one of the best the new republic has ever had. The number of States had been increased by three, Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee, but what was known as the Great West was comparatively unsettled, while beyond the Alleghenies stretched hundreds of thousands of square miles of mountain, forest, and prairie, of which no more was known than Central Africa. The population of slightly more than five millions was mostly strung along the sea coast from Maine to Florida. Nowhere in the world were there steam- boats, railway lines, telegraphs, or aii}^ one of the astonishing discoveries and inventions that were to be made before the close of the dawning century. Benjamin Franklin had startled America and Europe by his experi- INTRODUCTION 5 ments in electricity, but liis glimpses of that wonderland were vague and impressive only because of their hints of what remained to be explored. There had been only one really great American invention made — that of the cotton gin, by Eli Whitney, a native of Massachusetts, but engaged in teaching in Georgia. In some respects this remains the most important invention ever perfected in this countiy. The difficulty of freeing cotton from seed was so great that its culture was unprofitable in a region whose climate and soil were intended by nature for it. The cotton gin enabled one man to do the work of five thousand ; it made cotton the leading indus- try of the South, added billions to its wealth, and gave it a power and im- portance without which, it has been said, she never would have dared to pre- cipitate the war for the Union. In Europe the century just closed had witnessed the invention of the pianoforte, the introduction of caoutchouc, or india-rubber (though the vul- canizing process remained undiscovered for a long time), the art of stereo- typing, the chronometer, vaccination, the hydraulic press, gas lights, lithog- raphy, galvanism, and the discovery of oxygen. Now let us leap forward for a hundred years and glance backward at a few of the marvels of the wonderful century of whose history it is the prov- ince of the following pages to tell. Spain is still a weak and decaying nation, not yet recovered from her humiliation at the hands of the Republic of the West ; Germany stands forth a towering, mighty, and all-powerful empire ; Russia is so tremendous in her strength that all European Powers fear her; France, volatile, impul- sive, fitful, but still great, so execrates the memory of the once mighty Napoleon, who has lain in his grave for four-score years, that she has become a republic, at least in name ; Italy, trodden under foot and once the home of the greatest nation of antiquity, is unified and commands the re- spect of the world ; England long ago so extended her dominion that the sun never sets upon her possessions ; she has pushed her conquests in all countries in every part of the habitable globe, and with her prodigious nav}^, exceeding that of any two other Powers, she remains the mistress of the seas, still pouring out her blood on the plains of South Africa in the effort to subjugate the Boers, who are unfortunate enough to possess the richest gold mines discovered since creation. Within the period named, England and the United States have engaged in another war, and, like brave foes, have come to like and respect each other more than ever. Clearer than at any previous time has become the truth that while the Latin race must decrease, the Anglo-Saxon must 6 INTRODUCTION increase, and that the hope of the world lies in the dominance of the latter. Not a nook or corner of the immense territory of the United States remains unknown or unexplored. The continent is spanned by railwa}^ and telegraph lines, and the five millions have become seventy-five millions. If the telegraph wires were strung along end to end, they would extend far enough to reach twice to the moon and back again. The lumbering stage- coach has given place to the palace car, whose passengers are whirled across the country at the rate of seventy miles an hour, while the automo- bile travels half as fast over the ordinary highways and roads. A hundred years ago, a man had to peck at a flint with a piece of steel to produce a tiny flame, which can now be incited by an inodorous match ; persons had to weary themselves in climbing to the upper floors of high buildings, to which they are now luxuriously lifted ; the housewife raised her flax and manufactured her own linen, from which the clothing of the family was made; clocks and watches were so costly that the majority depended on the sun-dial or hour-glass ; two or three weeks were required to sail across the Atlantic, which is now done by a floating palace in considerably less than a week ; the wooden war ships have given place to those with im- pregnable steel armor; postage that was formerly ten, fifteen, or twenty-five cents is now two cents ; the slow, tedious needlework is supplanted by the swift sewing machine ; men hold converse a thousand miles apart, and recognize one another’s voices ; missiles weighing a thousand pounds are hurled ten miles by the colossal pieces of ordnance ; trolley lines have taken the places of the lumbering coaches ; the nation, through the bloody sweat of Civil War, has been purified of the stain of slavery, whose baleful seeds were sown in the early colonial days of our countr}^ Who shall fully set forth the progress that has been made in science, art, literature, discovery, and invention ? As has been said, the century now drawing to a close has been more marvelous in some respects than all that have gone before. Among the leaders in the arts of peace were Humboldt, the German, and greatest of all descriptive naturalists ; Cuvier, the Swiss naturalist and paleontologist; Hegel, the German philosopher; Sir Humphry Davy, the English chemist, natural philosopher, and inventor of the safety lamp for miners ; Arago, the distinguished French savant ; Sir William Hamilton, the Scotch metaphysician and logician ; Faraday, the eminent physical phi- losopher, who made important discoveries relative to magnetic electricity and light ; Comte, the French philosopher and author of positive philos- INTRODUCTION opliy ; Liebig, the great chemist and professor at Munich ; John Stuart Mill, the English philosopher ; Sir David Brewster, the Scottish scientist and editor of the Edinburgh EncyclopcEdia ; Le Verrier, the brilliant French astronomer, who proved by mathematical calculation that there must be another planet be^mnd the orbit of Uranus and told when and where it would come into view, August lo, 1846. It was discovered exactly at the point named a few days later than the date set, and is now known as Neptune. There were also Tyndall, a natural philosopher and a clear and eloquent expounder of scientific subjects ; Agassiz, the Swiss naturalist^ and others of less prominence. In the field of literature are found such names as the German Goethe ; Wordsworth, poet-laureate of England after Southey j Sir Walter Scott, poet and unrivaled novelist; Coleridge, the poet; Beranger, the lyric poet of France ; Moore, the Irish lyric poet ; Lord Byron, one of the greatest of all poets; Carlyle, of Scotland, with his graphic, powerful, and picturesque style ; Prescott, the American historian ; Bancroft and Motley, eminent in the same field ; Pushkin, the greatest of Russian poets, and Tolstoi, the greatest of their novelists; Macaulay, the most brilliant of English his- torians ; Victor Hugo, the eminent French poet, dramatist, and novelist ; our own Ralph Waldo Emerson, the “ Sage of Concord ” ; Hawthorne, whose literary style approached perfection ; Alfred Tenn3^son, poet-laureate of England ; Thackeray, the profoundest of English novelists ; Dickens, the most popular story writer of his day ; Cooper, whose tales of Indian and pioneer life are poetical, graphic, and ideally American ; Irving, whose humor is delicious and delightful ; Longfellow, Bryant, Holmes, Whittier, Poe, and poets of lesser brilliancy. In the field of invention, however, the Americans surpass all other people. Since the passage of the law of 1836, which introduced a new era in that field, the number of patents issued to Americans exceeds half a million. While the vast majority of these were worthless, yet among them have been a number of era-producing contrivances, whose influence is beyond estimate. Reference has alread}^ been made to the cotton gin, but perhaps the most famous is the electro-magnetic telegraph, the production of Professor S. F. B. Morse, of Massachusetts. The first telegraph line was laid be- tween Washington and Baltimore, and the first public message ever passed over a wire was on May 29, 1844, from Baltimore to Washington, announc- ing the nomination of James K. Polk for the Presidency of the United States. Elias Howe, Jr., obtained his first patent for the sewing machine in 1845 ) Charles Goodyear, after ten years’ experimentation, produced perfectly 8 INTRODUCTION vulcanized india-rubber in 1844; John Ericsson, the Swedish inventor, who spent most of his life in this country, first applied the screw to the propulsion of war vessels, made a number of useful inventions, and completed the “ Mon- itor ” in the spring of 1862, just in time to check the terrifying career of the Confederate iron-clad “ Merrimac,” that famous battle introducing a new era in naval warfare ; Cyrus Hall McCormick, in 1834, made his reaper, of which William H. Seward said, that, owing to its invention, the line of civilization moved westward thirty miles each year ; and Alexander Graham Bell perfected his telephone in 1876. The most wonderful inventions, how- ever, have been those of Thomas A. Edison, the Wizard of Menlo Park,’^ whose researches in the field of electricity have rendered his name illus- trious on both sides of the Atlantic. A few of Edison’s marvelous achievements have been the quadruplex system of telegraphy, the carbon telephone, the phonograph, the micro- phone, the vinetoscope, the microtasimeter, and the kinetoscope. In his chosen field, Mr. Edison has been aided by the Servian professor, Nikola Tesla, whose inventive genius is hardly second to that of Edison himself. The greatest discovery of Tesla was announced in June, 1897, and consists of telegraphing without the aid of wires. The system upon which Signor Marconi has been at work for a con- siderable time received a decisive test during the races for the “ America’s ” cup in the autumn of 1899. (Apparatus was successfully installed on the steamer “ Ponce ” and the Navesink Highlands ; and the first messages sent by wireless telegraphy over a considerable distance in this country were fiashed between the stations on September 29, during the Dewey naval parade, the communication being perfect, even at the time the “ Ponce ” was as far up the North River as One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street.) In an address at the Royal Institute, London, February 2, 1900, M. Marconi stated that during the naval manoeuvres he had discovered that messages could be sent from one ship to another sixty miles distant. He added that his method was being used with fair success by the British in South Africa. It is safe to say that this remarkable invention has passed the experimental ■stage and has taken its place as one of the most wonderful achievements of the nineteenth century. A PROPHECY Had any man a hundred years ago sought to win the reputation of a lunatic, he could have taken no surer step than to prophesy that the close ^of the century would see messages flashed under the ocean from continent -to coutineiit in a few seconds ; passengers traveling in comfort at the rate INTRODUCTION 9 of seventy miles an lionr ; people a thousand miles apart conversing with and recognizing the voices of one another ; crossing the Atlantic in less than six days ; telegraphing not only with, but without the aid of wires ; the transfer of the prodigious power of Niagara Falls to a distance of more than a score of miles ; fighting with battleships impregnable against the heaviest artillery ; traveling over ordinary highways at the rate of thirty or forty miles an hour; sewing cloth by means of machinery that does the work of hundreds of men and women ; being lifted in luxurious comfort to the upper rooms of buildings more than twenty stories in height — and all this and much more in our own countr}^, whose States have grown in number from nineteen to forty-five, and whose population has expanded from five millions to seventy-five millions. And 3^et all this has come to pass. It was Patrick Henry who said that the only means of forecasting the future is by recalling the past. Applying this rule, it would seem that the wildest prophecy is warranted, and the hardest task of all is that of deciding what will not be invented or discov- ered. Avoiding aimless speculation, we appear to be warranted in believing that among the achievements of the twentieth centuiy will be the following: At present seven-eighths of the energy latent in coal is lost in convert- ing it into power. When we learn how to utilize this seven-eighths, steamers will cross the Atlantic in three da\^s, and the journey from New York to San Francisco will be made in twxnty-four hours. Since heat can be furnished from a central distributing point to any dwelling as desired, it follows that cold, or rather coolness, can be provided in the same manner. Indeed, it is already done, and one’s home can be rendered as comfortable during the oppressive sultriness of summer as amid the arctic blasts of winter. In this, as in all instances where steam has been relied upon, electricity will be the source. Pervading all things as it does, it will when fully harnessed take its place as the most effective servant of man. Wireless telegraphy will be universal, and its natural corollaiy will be the transfer of power b^^the same means. Such an achievement ma\" be ac- cepted as close upon fulfillment. It has been estimated that the world’s supply of coal will be exhausted in two hundred }^ears, but we need feel no anxiety on account of our descendants, for long before the close of that period a new and all-sufficient source of fuel is certain to be discovered or provided. The energ}^ of the winds and tides, which has gone to waste since first the^^ blew and rose and fell, will furnish an inconceivable motor for man. 10 INTRODUCTION Mr. Nikola Tesla, the profound thinker and investigator, published a remarkable article in the Cenhny Magazine for June, 1900, entitled “ The Problem of Increasing Human Energy, with Special Reference to the Har- nessing of the Sun’s Energy.” Sir William Crookes, in his presidential address before the British Association, in 1898, startled the scientific world by the declaration that the increase of population and the comparative decrease of acreage devoted to wheat raising made it inevitable that, unless some substitute is found, mankind the world over would, within the coming quarter of a century, be compelled to face famine or a prodigious increase of prices. Sir William impressively insisted that the wheat area through- out the world had ceased to expand, and the only practical suppl}^ for future necessities lay in some 3^et undiscovered process of increasing the produc- tivity of the soil already available. Of necessity, the basis of all such fertilizing material must be nitrog- enous matter. It is impracticable to draw this from the earth’s supply, such as the Chilian nitrate beds, because of the expense involved. But the air is an exhaustless storehouse of nitrogen, and the chemist who shall discover how to extract it in salable form will confer a measureless blessing upon his fellow-men. Mr. Tesla, in the article mentioned, maintains that while he has not accomplished this astounding result, he has taken several clearly defined steps toward it. Scientific men have known for some time that electrical dis- charges will free or oxidize nitrogen in the air, but hitherto the electrical discharge or flame used has been only three or four inches in length, the chemical action, as a consequence, being feeble, and the process of oxidation wasteful. Mr. Tesla, by investigating the effects of the different forms of electrical waves, and by noting the influence of the atmospheric pressure and the temperature and presence of water and other bodies, has ascertained the best conditions for producing the most intense chemical action of the discharge. The oxidizing of the electrical flame has been made much more intense, and by violent agitation of the electrified molecules of the atmos- phere a powerful affinity has been developed between the two normally indifferent constituents of the air, so that they readily blend. He expects soon to perfect special arrangements for the fixation of the compounds found, steam being the most effective agent to that end. Mr. Tesla makes the claim that he has fixed, theoretically at least, atmospheric nitrogen in exhaustless quantities. If this be really true, its importance to science and mankind is be^^ond calculation. We seem warranted, therefore, in including among our prophecies of INTRODUCTION 11 the near future the solving of this all-important problem, when the question of the world’s food supply will be answered and all danger of starvation to future generations will be fully removed. Aerial navigation has made little real progress since the day of the Montgolfiers, but the experiments of the last few years point unerringly to the solution of the problem. An airship suspended in space at present is one of the most helpless of objects, being at the mercy alike of tornado and zephyr, but there is no reason why it should long remain thus. One pecu- liar fact thus far has marked the majority of attempts at ballooning — the aeronaut has thought it necessary to ascend to a height of one or two miles, whereas the only altitude requisite, as is self-evident, is sufficient to clear the treetops and steeples. In the day of universal aerostation each man will keep his airship, or aircraft, or whatever it may be termed, at his door, as ready to serve him as his bicycle or automobile, and with no more regard to wdiid than is given by the steamboat or railway train. Then sports and races in the upper air will be as common as they are now on the face of the earth. Since vision is the result of an impression carried to the brain, the means will be found for conveying such impression when nature has for- gotten to furnish the eyes or accident has destroyed them. The same may be said of deafness, which, like blindness, will be unknown, while insanity will be equally amenable to surgery and medicine. Medicine itself will cease to be an experimental science. Every dis- ease will have its specific remedy, as quinine is now the specific for ma- laria, and our children and grandchildren will wonder at our ignorance in allowing our friends to die of any disease, when the reined}^ was at our doors. The discovery of the germs of many diseases indicate that this beneficent solution is at hand, and that human life as a consequence will be vastly prolonged. Indeed, the discovery of how to renew our tissues may result in prolonging life indefinitely, until the ages of the patriarchs of Biblical times are again attained. Medical practitioners have a.lready reached the point of recognizing that every disease has its limitations, and the most the physician can do is to hold himself prepared for emergencies. No wisdom or skill can shorten by a single hour the course of typhoid fever, and yet the perilous “ side issues ” may be guarded against and robbed of their fatal power. One' defect of to-day will surely look grotesque to the next generation — that is that dwellings and buildings were liable to burn down, causing destruction, not only of property, but .of life. Some simple 12 INTRODUCTION method is sure to be found whereby all structures may be rendered immune against fire. Accidents can never be fully eliminated from human affairs, but they can be greatly lessened, so that if a boat sinks, no man, woman, or child need drown ; or, if a person’s neck is broken, it shall be reset and adjusted with neatness and dispatch. Of course, we shall swim through and under water with our artificial fins and means of propulsion that will cause the natural inhabitants to turn green with envy. The ocean shall be forced to yield the treasures that have moldered in its caverns miles below the surface for untold ages ; diamonds shall be as ready of manufacture as building bricks ; wherever gold exists, it shall be located by a child’s divining rod ; the lost arts shall be rediscov- ered, the Sphinx shall be made to speak, and all the knowledge of the ancients shall become the heritage of the moderns, and shall be added to a hundred-fold. If Mars and Venus have inhabitants, shall we ever be able to com- municate with them ? Why not ? It is b}^ no means certain that the Marsians have not been striving for some time to attract our attention by signaling. It will be no difficult task to signal to them in turn, but the insuperable obstacle seems at present to be the impossibility of the inhab- itants of either world formulating a code whose meaning can be read by the people on the other planet. And yet some American, by and by, will hit upon the key. It is believed by many that the Marsians have made much greater mental advancement than we. If this is so, perhaps they will show us how to talk to them. Then Mars may serve as a way station, and telegraph our mes- sages to Jupiter, with which, perhaps, the Marsians are alread}^ in commu- nication, and Jupiter will telegraph to Saturn, and so on until, when man’s age has grown to a thousand or more years, we may establish regular com- munication with the remote corners of the universe. But this field is too limitless, too bewildering, to dwell upon. But it nia}^ be added, in all humility and awe, that there seems no ground for the hope that we are nearing a scientific solution of the question of a future life. Not that there can be any reasonable doubt of such exist- ence, for the greatest of human minds have long believed it, but as 3^et no scientific proof has been possible, nor does it seem likely ever to be possi- ble, but, none the less, shall aii}^ one dare to declare that even in this life the full splendor of the soul-thrilling truth shall not shine forth with the clearness of the noonday sun ? CHAPTER I (FIRST DECADE) THE OPENING CENTURY — THE KNITTING OF THE STATES A t the beginning of the nineteenth century Europe, so far as appre- ciable or appreciated history is concerned, was almost all the world. And all Europe was engaged in war. It had been so for many years before ; it was to continue so. There existed, prior to the French Revolution, the remains of the Feudal system, the detestable social institution by which the life of every European people of any importance was governed from the opening of the ninth until the close of the thirteenth centuries, and by which many of the forms of our modern life are still affected. Though common to the whole of Europe, France endured the system to its last and in its most intolerable forms. Briefly stated. Feudalism regarded all the land of a country as the property of its king, who divided it among his lords, who in turn divided it among their several dependents. Inferior to even the last of these there existed almost everywhere, in the earlier times, a class of the positively unfree. The lot of those who were in absolute slavery excluded them from the influences of feudality as a social and legal institution. It was really a savage age. An age in which ‘‘ the pressure of taxation and oppression of nobles ” kept the farmer hopelessly poor and the farm untilled ; an age when the taxgatherer was everywhere ; when the peasant who killed a wild boar which trampled his crops could be thrown into prison; when the weeding of vegetables was forbidden because it tended to disturb the young partridges ; when corn could only be ground in the lord’s mill and bread baked only in his oven ; when the peasant must beat the marsh all night to prevent the frogs from disturbing the rest of his lord and lady. Such was France in the latter part of the eighteenth century, when to 13 14 THE OPENING CENTURY encourage manufactures she overtaxed the farmer ; when criminals were tortured at the wheel, their limbs being previously broken by blows from a heavy iron bar; when workingmen were little less than slaves, and when, as one, they suddenly rose to avenge the wrongs which had embittered their lives. It has been well said that the internal history of France during a period of two 3^ears from the fall of the monarchy is perhaps the most appalling record which the annals of the human famil}^ present. “ There was much suffering among the people, and the pressure of hunger helped to make them fierce. They were agitated by fears for the success of the revolution, which, if it gave them scant supply of bread, undeniably freed them from the intolerable oppression of their superiors.” Such was the French Revolution. “A fury incomprehensible and almost incredible — a thirst of blood absolutely insatiable, possessed the minds of the people. There were eight or ten thousand suspected persons crowded into the horrible prisons of Paris. Every afternoon carts laden with unhappy men and women, condemned for iniaginar}^ offenses, passed along the streets to the place of death. The daily average at first was low, not exceeding eight or ten. A little later it stood at forty or fift}^ Toward the close of the Reign of Terror it ranged sometimes as high as eighty. It was reckoned that not fewer than a million of persons were murdered by the infuriated French people before the merciful reaction occurred which terminated the unutterable horrors of the time.” That was the French Revolution which set all Europe by the ears — all Europe, numbering about 170,000,000 souls, with about 4,000,000 trained fighters. The other great, and almost synchronous. Revolution — our own against Great Britain — needs no telling. Every Fourth of July we celebrate the courage of the handful of patriots who declared the independence of the thirteen Colonies in the teeth of 14,000,000 Englishmen. That independ- ence declared and won, the thirteen Colonies became thirteen States under the accepted Constitution. When Washington was inaugurated first President of the new nation he had for his cabinet four officers — the Secre- taries of State, Treasury, and War, and an Attorney-General. There was another department of the government, the post-office, but the Postmaster- General was not then a member of the cabinet. To-day ever}^ village in the land has its post-office ; then only the chief towns and villages received the mail. In 1790 there were but seventy-five post-offices in the whole United States ; now there are more than 50,000, THE OPENING CENTURY 15 and at this writing there are more than sixty post-offices wherein rural delivery letters can be registered by carriers. The first census (1790) showed a population of a little less than 4,000,000. The most populous State was Virginia. Then, in order, came Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Massachusetts, New York, Mainland, South Carolina, and Connecticut. Horace Scudder says of these four millions, of whom a little more than one-fifth were slaves, that they “ occupied a belt of country which la}^ chiefly between the Alleghenies and the sea. The most thickly parts were along river courses and about commodious harbors. So close to the sea-coast did most of the people live that the centre of population was twenty-three miles east of Baltimore.” In all this Atlantic territory there were but five towns which had a population of more than 10,000. They were Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Charleston, and Baltimore. In his early exploits as a surveyor of land along the head-waters of the Ohio, Washington had learned to look to the farther West as containing the hopes of the country. To condense Mr. Scudder’s admirable statement : The settlers in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys had a long and toilsome journey over the mountains to reach the Atlantic States, but the broad rivers offered them easy access to the Gulf of Mexico. By the terms of the Ja}^ treaty both England and the United States were to have free use of the Mississippi but neither country controlled the mouths of that river. The Spanish had a fortified post where New Orleans now stands. They controlled all the trade which came down the Mississippi to the Gulf, and so to Europe. They laid a heavy tax upon all merchandise which passed New Orleans. The settlers in the West were rendered very angry by this, and were bitter against Spain. At this time Spain was closely allied with France. When, therefore, the United States Avas about to go to Avar Avith the latter, many saAv the opportunity to get possession of NeAv Orleans. Kentuckians Avere ready to send men to take it by force, eA^en before Avar Avas declared. Alexander Hamilton was eager for an alliance betAveen the United States, England, and the people of the Spanish provinces in America, to driA^e Spain altogether out of America. These schemes fell through for tAvo reasons. The policy of Napoleon removed the grounds of complaint against France and the Federalists Avere defeated in a political contest by the Democratic-Republicans. Hamilton no longer had influence in the government. Jefferson became President and Aaron Burr Vice-President. What Avas not done by force of arms Avas noAv done by peaceable purchase. Spain had made a secret treat}^ Avith France, by Avhich she ceded the territory of Louisiana. Jefferson, knoAving of this, 16 THE OPENING CENTURY sent a commission to France to buy the island on which New Orleans stood, and also the right of passage to the sea. He did this at the urgent demand of Western men, who saw its importance. Napoleon was at this time expecting a war between France and England. He knew that in case of war an English fleet would be sent to the Gulf to take possession of Louisiana. It would be impossible for the French to hold the post of New Orleans ; but he was determined that the place should not fall into the hands of his great enemy. So before the American commissioners had made aii}^ offer to buy New Orleans he came forward with a proposition to sell not only what they wanted but all Louisiana. The commissioners had been instructed to offer two and a half millions dollars for the island. Napoleon named the price of twenty million dollars for the whole country. He would not give the commissioners time to consult with the American government. England might declare war at any moment. After some bargaining it was agreed that France should make over to the United States all the territory which she had lately received from Spain. The Lbiited States v\^as to pay France fifteen million dollars. Napoleon was delighted with the sale. He had received a large sum for a country which shortly he would have had to surrender to England : he had increased the friendliness of France and the United States ; he had aimed a heavy blow at England. “ This accession of territory,” he said, “ strengthens forever the power of the United States. I have given England a rival.” The United States took formal possession of the territory December 20, 1803. Very few people had any idea of the worth of the purchase and many abused Jefferson for making it. The settlers at the West, however, were overjo3'ed. Jefferson’s popularity was increased there by this and other measures, so that he was re- elected President at the end of his term. He sent two officers of the army, IMeriwether Lewis and William Clarke, with a part}^ to explore the vast country of Louisiana. They spent nearl}^ three years in the journey. The}^ ascended the Missouri and crossed the Rock}^ Mountains. The}^ dis- covered the two rivers now called Lewis River and Clark River, followed them to the Columbia, and thus reached the Pacific. It was a wonderful journey and gave the American people their first knowledge of a great country which la}^ even bev^ond their new boundaries. Meanwhile the Northwest Territory was filling with settlers. People from Connecticut moved out to the land which originally was claimed by that State. People from Virginia and others occupied the valley of the Ohio. In 1802 a new State was formed from the territoiy and named Ohio. The founders of Ohio encouraged settlers by laying no taxes for four years upon land bought THE OPENING CENTURY 17 of the United States. The United States in return gave to the State one section in each township for the support of common schools. Thus it was made easy for men to settle there, and they were encouraged to provide education for their children. When Jefferson was re-elected President, Aaron Burr was not re-elected Vice-President. He was a restless, scheming man, and was distrusted by the better men of the country. While Vice-President he had killed Hamil- ton in a duel. Dueling was not then felt to be disgraceful as it is now, and Burr continued to hold office; but when his term ended he left the Atlantic States to seek other fortune in the West. Although Louisiana was now United States soil, the whole country bordering the Mississippi was remote from the older settlements, and offered great temptations to a bold, adven- turous leader like Burr. He gathered a company of daring men, and after two years of preparation began to descend the Mississippi. Exactly what his purpose was no one seemed to know. Apparently he intended to seize the Spanish possessions in Mexico, and to establish himself and his follow^- ers in power there, as Cortez had done before him. At any rate, his expedi- tion was hostile to Spain, and the United States was at peace with that country. The President suffered him to make all his preparations, but when he was actually on the march Jefferson issued a proclamation de- nouncing him. One who was in Burr’s confidence is said to have betrayed him. The movement was stopped at Natchez, and Burr was arrested. He was tried for treason, but was not convicted, owing to an error in the method of trying him. Meanwhile the insolence of the North African pirates had become un- bearable^ and the United States resolved to cease paying tribute to the Bar- bary Powders. Captain Bainbridge had been sent in 1800 in the frigate “ George Washington ” to pay the usual tribute to the Dey of Algiers, and had been treated with cruel insolence by that ruler. After performing the errand courteously, and when he was about to leave, the Dey commanded Bainbridge to carry an Algerian ambassador to the court of the Sultan at Constantinople. Bainbridge refused compliance, and the governor said : “ You pay me tribute, by which you become my slave, and therefore I have a right to order you as I think proper.” Bainbridge could not sail out of the harbor of Algiers without permission of the guns of the castle, and was compelled to yield. He bore the ambassador to the Golden Horn. Bain- bridge was granted a firman to protect him from further insolence from Barbary rulers, and he used it efficiently. When he returned to Algiers he was ordered by the Dey to go on another errand to Constantinople, and he 18 THE OPENING CENTURY peremptorily refused. The African, enraged, ordered his attendants to seize Bainbridge, who quietly produced the firman, and the Dey offered the man whom he had just regarded as his slave his friendship and service. Bain- bridge, assuming the air of a dictator, demanded the release of the French consul and fifty or sixty of his own countrymen, whom the Dey had im- prisoned, and they were borne away in the Washington ” in triumph. Then he wrote to the Secretary of the Nav}^ : ‘‘ I hope I shall never again be sent to Algiers with tribute unless I am authorized to deliver it from the mouth of our cannon.” In the spring of i8oi President Jefferson had ordered Commodore Dale to go with a squadron to cruise off the North African coasts. Dale reached Gibraltar on the first of July, aud found that Tripoli had latel}^ declared war against the United States, and its corsairs were out upon the sea. His presence effectually restrained the pirates and made them quite circumspect. The next year a larger squadron, commanded by Commodore Morris, was sent to the same waters. The harbor of Tripoli was blockaded in May, and not long afterwards the ‘‘ Chesapeake ” had a fight with a flotilla of Tripol- itan gunboats. Finally, in 1803, the whole squadron appeared off the coasts of the Barbary Powers and effectually protected American commerce from the corsairs for awhile. But Morris’s cruise was not regarded as an efficient one. In August, 1803, Commodore Preble, in command of a squadron, sailed for the Mediterranean in the frigate “ Constitution.” After settling some difficulties with the Emperor of Morocco, whose corsairs were on the sea, he appeared with his vessels before the harbor of Tripoli, where a serious disaster occurred. The frigate “ Philadelphia,” commanded by Captain Bainbridge, while reconnoitering the harbor, struck a rock and was captured by the Tripolitans. Her officers were made prisoners-of-war and her crew were made slaves. When the news reached Preble at Malta, a plan was devised for the destruction of the “ Philadelphia ” before her captors could make her ready for sea. “ Eieutenant Decatur with sevenH^-four volunteers — gallant 3mung men like himself — sailed from Syracuse in a small vessel called a ‘ ketch,’ named the ‘ Intrepid.’ She entered the harbor of Tripoli on the evening of the third of February, 1804, in the disguise of a vessel in distress, and moored alongside the ‘ Philadelphia.’ Decatur and his men were concealed below, when suddenly they burst from the hatches, leaped on board the ‘ Philadelphia,’ and after a desperate fight, killed or drove into the sea her occupants. Then they set her on fire and escaped by the light, under cover of a heavy cannonade from the American squadron, and followed by shots from the castle, vessels at anchor in the harbor, and THE OPENING CENTURY 19 batteries on shore. Yet not one of Decatur’s men was harmed. Before a favoring breeze they sailed to Syracuse, where they were greeted by the American squadron.” In August following, Preble opened a bombardment upon the town, castle, shore-batteries, and flotilla of gunboats. In one of these engage- ments Decatur again distinguished himself. Finally Preble, with his flag- ship, the “ Constitution,” entered the harbor, when her great guns opened a heavy fire upon the town, the castle, the batteries on shore and the camps of twenty-five thousand land troops, and flotilla in the harbor. She silenced the Tripolitan guns, sunk a Tunisian vessel-of-war, damaged a Spanish one, severely bruised the enemy’s galleys and gunboats, and then withdrew without a man hurt. Another attack was made. Says Mr. Dossing : “ On that night — a very dark one — the ‘ Intrepid,’ which had been converted into a floating mine — an immense torpedo — with one hundred barrels of gunpowder below her deck, and a large quantity of shot, shell, and irregular pieces of iron lying over them, went into the harbor under the general direction of Captain Somers, to scatter destruction among the vessels of the enemy. She was towed in b}^ two boats, with brave crews, in which it was expected all would escape after firing combustibles on board of her. All hearts in the American squadron followed the ‘ Intrepid ’ as she disappeared in the gloom. Suddenly a lurid flame, like that from a volcano, shot up from the bosom of the harbor, and lighted with its horrid glare, the town, castle, bat- teries, ships, camps, and surrounding hills. It was followed by an explosion that shook the earth and sea, and flaming masts and sails and firing bombs rained upon the waters for a moment, when darkness more profound settled upon the scene. The safet3^-boats were anxiously watched for until the dawn. They never returned, and no man of that perilous expedition was heard of afterwards. Their names are inscribed upon a monument erected to the memory of these brave men and the event.” It stands at the western front of the Capitol at Washington city. Hostilities on the Barbary coast now ceased for the season. Preble was relieved by Commodore Samuel Barron, and early in 1805 he returned home, and received the homage of the nation’s gratitude. While Barron’s ships blockaded Tripoli, an important land movement against the province was undertaken, under the general management of William Eaton, American consul at Tunis. The reigning Bashaw of Tripoli was a usurper, who had murdered his father and taken the seat of power from his brother, Hamet Caramalli. The latter had fled to Egypt. A plan was 20 THE OPENING CENTURY concerted between him and General Eaton for the restoration of his rights. The latter acted under the sanction of his government. Eaton went to Egypt, and at the beginning of March he left Alexandria, accompanied by Hamet and his followers, some Egyptian soldiers, and seventy United States seamen. They made a march of a thousand miles across the borders of the Libyan desert; and near the close of April, in conjunction with two American vessels, they captured the Tripolitan city of Derne, on the borders of the Mediterranean Sea. They had defeated the Tripolitan forces in two battles, and were about to march on the capital when news came that the American consul-general (Tobias Lear) had made a treaty of peace with the terrified Bashaw. So ended the hopes of Hamet, and also the four years’ war with Tripoli. But the ruler of Tunis was yet insolent. He was speedily humbled by Commodore Rodgers, Barron’s successor, and the power of the United States was respected and feared by the half- barbarians of the north of Africa. Pope Pius the Seventh declared that the Americans had done more for Christendom against the pirates than all the powers of Europe united. It was in 1806 that Napoleon Bonaparte, probably the greatest military genius that ever lived, crushed Prussia to the dust aud won the two terrific battles of Auerstiidt aud Jena on the same day, October 14. These victories were followed by the triumphant entry of Napoleon into Berlin, aud the “ Conqueror of Conquerors” began giving away kingdoms as if they were so many toys. GREAT FRENCH SOLDIERS. Napoleon I, the greatest of all military geniuses, was born in (Corsica in 1769, and died in exile on the island of St.^Helena, in 1821. Joachim Murat, Marshal of I'rance,was horn in 1771, ami executed in 1815. Marshal MacMahon was born in 1808. He commanded the French army which surrendered at Sedan, with Emperor Napoleon in 1870. Marshal Ney, “the bravest of the brave,” was born in 1769, and executed in 1815. Francois Achille Bazaine, Marshal of France, was born in 1811, and was condemned to be shot for his surren- der of his immense army at Metz in 1870. Marshal Soult was born in 1769, and died in 1851. Marshal Pelissier was born in 1794, and died in 1864. CHAPTER II (FIRST DECADE) NAPOEEON’S FRANCE [RisumS . — Napoleon Bonaparte was born in Corsica in the Mediterranean, in 1769. He. first won fame by subduing the insurrection of the French National Guard. Appointed to the command of the Army of Italy (1796), at the head of 40,000 he defeated the Austrians in eighteen pitched battles. Then ensued his brilliant campaign in Egypt. He returned to find the young French Republic in sore straits. Russia, Austria, and England were leagued against her. Italy had been wrenched from her grasp.] A t the age of thirty Napoleon was made First Consul of France under the Constitution of 1799. He confronted a situation sufficiently difficult to stagger even his matchless genius. Austria was the immediate and most threatening foe of France, for England was, as yet, but little more than the financial backer of her Continental allies, and Napoleon had succeeded, with the expenditure of a few sweet words, in pacifying the Emperor Paul — the half-witted Czar of Russia. Two formidable French armies took the field in the spring of 1800: the one under Moreau, on the Rhine ; the other, under Napoleon, bound for Italy. Taking command in person, the First Consul silently and swiftly crossed the Alps, and swept down upon the Austrians in Lombardy like an avalanche. The opposing forces met at Marengo, about 30,000 troops on each side. Here is one brief condensed account of that famous battle : “ At first the French gave way before the attack of their foes. After many hours of fighting, victory seemed to remain with the Austrians, whose commander, an old man of eighty, yielding to fatigue, and regarding his work as done, retired from the field. Napoleon asked General Desaix what he thought of the situation. ‘ The battle,’ said that officer, ‘ is com- pletely lost ; but it is only four o’clock, and there is time to gain another.’ The retreating French were rallied for a fresh effort. The Austrians, called to fight where they expected only to pursue, were advancing to the attack, 21 22 NAPOLEON'S FRANCE 1 when the French cavalry, concealed from view by the thick foliage, burst suddenly upon their flank. This charge decided the battle, and the Austrians, after bravely fighting for twelve hours, fled in utter disorder from the field.” Napoleon regained by this decisive victory all that had been lost in Italy during his absence in Egypt. Austria owned her defeat by a convention in which she yielded to the conqueror all her fortresses in Lombardy and Piedmont. Marengo occurred in June, 1800. In December, Moreau, who had crossed the Rhine, met the Austrians in the forest of Hohenlinden, and dealt them a crushing defeat. Vienna now lay open to attack, and Austria was forced to humble herself and, without the concurrence of England, accept a humiliating peace. At the close of this campaign Great Britain stood alone. All Germany, west of the Rhine, was attached to France ; Italy, Holland, and Spain were under Napoleon’s sway ; and even the northern powers, Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, were in league against the “ right of search ” asserted by England — the untenable doctrine which afterwards led to our own war of 1812. A year later England herself stopped fighting, and all Europe for a brief period — the first in nine 3^ears — was at peace. But previous to this several notable events occurred. On the same day (March 21, 1801) that Sir Ralph Abercromby defeated the French forces at Alexandria, the treaty of Madrid between France and Spain was signed. A few days later Lord Nelson fought the famous battle of Copenhagen — the battle of all the hundred he fought which he regarded as the most terrible. It resulted in the defeat of the Danes and the ruin of their fleet. Here is one graphic account of the battle : When the fleet sailed from Yarmouth the Government would seem to have thought that Denmark could be easily detached from the confederation ; and the instructions forwarded to Sir Hyde Parker — instructions which must have been framed by Lord St. Vincent — were to proceed to Reval so soon as the fleet could be withdrawn from Copen- hagen ; to attack the Russian squadron there; to destroy the arsenal ; to pass on to Cronstadt; and, in general, “ to attack and endeavor to capture or destroy any ships of war or others belonging to Russia, and to annoy that power in every manner not incompatible with the fair and acknowledged usages of war.” These instructions were apparently discussed in a council of war on hlarch 23, and on the 24th Nelson wrote a long letter to Sir Hyde, urging the necessity of prompt and immediate action if the negotiations at Copen- hagen should prove unsuccessful, as by the intelligence they had received from the ambassador, seemed now most probable. This letter is a full and NAPOLEON'S FRANCE 23 masterly exposition of tlie prospects before them, and shonld be studied in detail by every one who wishes to obtain an insight into Nelson’s manner of considering not merely how to get at the enemy but, in his own words, “ how to get at them with the least risk to our ships.” It is impossible to do more here than indicate his definite proposals. “You are now,” he wrote, “ about Kronborg. If the wind is fair and you determine to attack the ships and Crown Islands you must expect the natural issue of such a battle, — ships crippled and perhaps one or two lost ; for the wind which carries you in will most probably not bring out a crippled ship. This mode I call taking the bull by the horns. It, however, will not prevent the Reval ships, nor Swedes, from joining the Danes ; and to prevent this from taking effect is, in my humble opinion, a measure absolutely necessary — and still to attack Copenhagen. Two modes are in view : one to pass Kronborg, taking the risk of damage, and to pass up the deepest and straightest channel above the Middle Grounds ; and coming down the Garbar or King’s Channel, to attack their floating batteries, etc., etc., as we find it convenient. It must have the effect of preventing a junction between the Russians, Swedes, and Danes, and may give us an opportunity of bombarding Copenhagen. . . . Should this mode of attack be ineligible, the passage of the Belt, I have no doubt, would be accomplished in four or five days, and then the attack by Dragor could be carried into effect and the junction of the Russians pre- vented, with every probability of success against the Danish floating bat- teries. . . . Supposing us through the Belt with the wind westerl}^, would it not be possible to either go with the fleet, or detach ten ships of three or two decks, with one bomb or two fire-ships, to Reval to destroy the Russian squadron at that place ? I do not see the great risk of such a detachment, and with the remainder to attempt the business at Copenhagen. The mea- sure may be thought bold, but I am of opinion the boldest measures are the safest.” It is of this last suggestion, “ a suggestion worthy of Napoleon himself,” that Captain Mahan has well said : “ If adopted, it would have brought down the Baltic Confederacy with a crash that would have re- sounded throughout Europe.” It was, however, the first proposal which was ultimately adopted. When, on the 30th, the fleet passed Kronborg, entered the sound, and anchored a few miles to the north of Copenhagen, it was seen, as Nelson had pointed out, that to go in from the north, exposing the ships to the fire of the Crown batteries, would be extremely, dangerous and could scarrely lead to a satisfactory result. While off Elsinore Nelson had shifted his flag to the “ Elephant,” commanded b}’ Captain Foley, who had so brilliantly led into action at the 24 NAPOLEON’S FRANCE Nile, and he now at once volunteered to undertake the attack in the way he had proposed, from the southward, if the Admiral would give him ten ships of the line and all the smaller vessels. Sir Hyde readily agreed to this, giving him twelve ships of the line, and leaving all the details to his judg- ment. In the “Amazon ” frigate he had already examined the position, and during the night of March 31st had the channel by which he was to pass carefully sounded. On the forenoon of April ist the whole fleet moved on to an anchorage within six miles of the town, off the northwest end of the middle ground, a large shoal abreast of Copenhagen dividing the channel at that part into two. By the easternmost of these the squad- ron under Nelson passed the town out of range of the batteries ; and having anchored for the night to the southeast of the Middle Ground, examined the approach to the town by the inner or King’s channel, and given detailed orders to the several captains both in writing and verbally, at half-past nine on April 2d Nelson made the signal to weigh in succession. The pilots, for the most part mates of small merchant vessels engaged in the Baltic trade, were unequal to the task of conducting these large ships in a channel from which the accustomed buoys had been removed, and Mr. Brierly, the master of the “ Bellona,” piloted the squadron in. Captain George Alurray leading in the “ Edgar.” The second ship, the “Agamemnon,” keeping too much to the east, struck on the Middle Ground and remained fast ; so also did the “ Bellona ” and “ Russell ;” the other nine ships passed up safely and anchored abreast of the Danish floating batteries (heavily-armed hulks) ranged along the shoal waters on the western side of the channel. At ten o’clock the action began. By half-past eleven the nine English ships had taken their positions and the battle had become general. The two lines were about two hundred yards apart ; the distance betw^een the English ships was about one hundred. The “ Elephant ” was in the centre of the line, opposite to the Danish commodore, Fischer, in the “ Dannebrog.” At one o’clock the battle was raging fiercel3^ None of the Danish ships had been silenced ; many of the English had suffered severely, and the “ Bellona ” and “ Russell ” had hoisted signals of distress. Seeing this, but unable to see what was actually taking place, Parker made the signal to discontinue the action. “Leave off action!” said Nelson; “ damn me, if I do. You know, Foley, I have a right to be blind some- times and putting the glass to his blind eye, continued ; “ I really do not see the signal.” The story told on the unimpeachable evidence of Colonel Stewart, who was b}^ Nelson’s side at the time, and to whom part of the conversation was addressed, has often been repeated as though marking in NAPOLEON'S FRANCE 25 a most characteristic way the man’s reckless and determined bravery. It is, however, very well established that Parker sent his flag-captain, Otway, with a verbal message that the signal was to be understood as permissive, and was made in that way so that the whole responsibility might rest with Parker, if Nelson judged it advisable to discontinue . the action. If he thought it advisable to continue it, he was at liberty to do so. He judged it right to continue; and the little pantomime was only a joke, which Foley probably understood as well as he did. Stewart apparently had no knowledge of the message Otway had brought. By two o’clock Nelson’s resolution to continue the action was clearly justifled. Most of the Danish ships had ceased to Are ; and as their crews were constantly reinforced by men from the shore, the carnage on board was very great. Some of them had their cables cut and were drifting helplessly. The “Dannebrog” caught fire after nearly every man on board had been killed or wounded, and, drifting along the line, finally blew up, with the loss of all that had been unable to jump overboard. At half-past two. Nelson, seeing that this butchery (and by this time it was nothing more) must go on as long as the Danes continued sending fresh men to their ships, wrote a letter to the Crown Prince, which was taken on shore by Captain Sir Frederick Thesiger, serving on Nelson’s staff as a volunteer, who, having been in the Swedish service, spoke the language sufiiciently well. This celebrated letter ran ; “Lord Nelson has directions to spare Denmark when no longer resisting; but if the firing is continued on the part of Denmark, Lord Nelson will be obliged to set on fire all the floating batteries he has taken, without having the power of saving the brave Danes who have defended them. Nelson and Bronte, Vice-Admiral, under the command of Admiral Sir Hyde Parker. Dated on board his Britannic Majesty’s ship ‘Elephant,’ Copen- hagen Roads, April 2, 1801.” The letter brought on a truce, and the truce led to an armistice. Thus one limb was struck from the Northern Confederacy. A few ’da^^s before the Czar Paul of Russia, who had given more decided evidence of insanity, was strangled by some of his nobles, who were of the opinion that the empire required a change of policy. His son Alexander hastened to make peace with England, and thus England’s greatest peril passed away. Now a brief respite was enjoyed by the European powers. It was not the expectation — perhaps it was not even the desire — of the government that a lasting peace could yet be attained, but it suited the interests of all that at this stage of the war a breathing-time should be afforded. It was true that England, by whom the first overtures were made, had not 3^et gained 26 NAPOLEON'S FRANCE any of the ends which she had proposed to herself by the war. But the government admitted that it seemed hopeless to reduce the power of France^ and asserted the desirable policy of at least attempting to live in peace with their neighbor. The negotiations were attended with considerable difficulty. But the wish to have some interval of peace was strong both in England and France, and at last an agreement was reached. The other European powers effected quickly an adjustment of differences. For the first and last time in his public life, Napoleon found himself without any war upon his hands. Egypt was evacuated. The Peace of Amiens, destined to give Europe but a few months of uncertain rest, was hailed with delight in all lands. Napoleon, although nominally Frst Consul, was in the full exercise of absolute power, and already surrounded himself with the observances of royalty. As a soldier he had no rival. He was still a young man ; he could boast the double conquest of Italy, the conquest of Egypt, the defeat of Aus- tria. Already the Corsican lawyer’s son held the destinies of Europe in his hands. The glory which he had gained for them made him supreme in the hearts of Frenchmen. But his greatness was not merely that of the suc- cessful soldier ; he governed with clemency and wisdom, and returning prosperity obtained for him the submission of a people wearied by the cruelty and weakness of revolutionary governments. During the months of peace which succeeded the treaty of Amiens, he gave thought to the reconstruction of institutions which the revolution had overthrown. He -did not allow religious considerations to exercise influence over his life ; but he regarded religion as an instrument of government, which he would have been constrained to invent had he not found it already in existence. “ The Roman Catholic religion was now restored, to the joy of the devout peas- antry, but grievously to the dissatisfaction of the Parisians and the soldiery. The Sabbath became again the weekly day of rest. Education was pro- -moted, although, as yet, only in its higher forms ; for Napoleon was not -sufficiently enlightened to desire that the masses of the French people should receive education. Improved methods of levying taxation were insti- tuted, in place of the system established during the revolution, which was in the highest degree unequal and oppressive. To occupy the attention of the Parisians, and to prevent a too searching discussion of the policy of Napoleon, now First Consul, extensive improvements of the capital were originated. In the provinces canals and roads were formed. The families banished by the revolution were nermitted to return, and such of their possessions as had not been sold to meet the necessities of the state were restored. Through- NAPOLEON'S FRANCE 27 out France the laws differed excessivel}^ In one day’s journey the traveler encountered several varieties of law. Napoleon formed the grand design of framing a uniform system of law for France. His conception was in due course of years given effect, he himself taking no inconsiderable share in the labor involved.” William Pitt, who had labored to form a league of Kuropean powers to curb the ambition of Napoleon, now saw the edifice, which he had almost completed, in ruins. He resigned the ministry. Lord Rosebeiy says in his biography of the statesman that he “ had no generals. He dis- covered the genius of Wellington, but did not live to profit by it.” His genius and ambition had displayed themselves with an almost unexampled precocity. “ The fineness of William’s mind,” his mother writes of him, when he was but twelve years old, “ makes him enjoy with pleasure what would be above the reach of any other creature of his small age.” The excessive delicacy of his constitution prevented his education at a public school, but he studied at home with success, and in 1773 he was sent to the University of Cambridge, where his knowledge of the classics seems to have astonished veteran critics. To modern literature he appears to have been indifferent — he knew no continental language except French, and that very imperfectly. In 1780 he was called to the bar. At twenty-five years of age he was the most powerful subject that England had seen for many genera- tions. He ruled absolutely over the cabinet, and was the favorite at once of the sovereign, of the Parliament, and of the nation ; and from this date his life became the history of England. For seventeen eventful years he held his great position without a break. It is certain — though authorities differ as to the cause — that’s Pitt’s military administration was eminently unsnc- cessful. But no disaster could daunt his spirit. When a new French victory, a rebellion in Ireland, a mutiny in the fleet, and a panic in the city had spread dismay through the nation, Pitt, from his place in Parliament, poured forth the language of inextinguishable hope and inflexible reso- lution. Disaster abroad was regularly followed by triumph at home, until at last he had no longer an opposition to enconnter. His death w^as doubt- less hastened by the stupendons success of Napoleon. The peculiar look which he wore during the last days of his life was pathetically termed by Wilberforce “ the Austerlitz look.” The impeachment also of his friend. Lord Melville, is supposed to have hastened his end. It gave him, he said in Parliament, a deep pang. His voice quivered as he uttered the word ; and it seemed as if the man of iron were about to shed tears. “ He was,” says Macaulay, “ a minister of great talents, honest intentions and liberal 28 NAPOLEON FRANCE opinions, . . . but unequal to surprising and terrible emergencies, and liable is such emergencies to err grievously, both on the side of weakness and on the side of violence. But what man ever lived we may ask, who, placed in such circumstances as Pitt, would not often have greatly erred ? His policy was liberal beyond his age, at least he wished it to be so, though he was often obliged to yield to the prejudices of his sovereign. He resigned office because he could not carry Roman Catholic emancipation. He laid before the king unanswerable reasons for abolishing the List Act. He was more deeply imbued with doctrines of free-trade than either Fox or Grey.” It cannot indeed be denied that he was addicted to port wine, and he died overwhelmed with debts. Parliament voting $200,000 to his creditors. High as his character stands, it would have stood higher had he united the virtue of frugality to that of disinterestedness. CHAPTER III (FIRST DECADE) napoleon’s FRANCE — (CONTINUED) {^ResuniL — The preceding chapter traced the career of Napoleon from Marengo to the declaration of war by England in May, 1803. The conspicuous events were the battles of Alexandria and Copen- hagen, and the Peace of Amiens.] A t the age of thirty-three, Napoleon, the conqueror of Italy, Egypt, and Austria, was the foremost man in all the world. He was always that, however, so long as he lived. “ Eclipse first, and the rest nowhere.” Later on, in the proper place, we shall attempt an estimate of his character and achievements. Meanwhile, in mixed metaphor, we are to look upon his dwarfish figure and try to compass the truly colossal pro- portions of the Man of Destiny. He not only dominated Europe by force of arms, this young man of thirty-three, but in the short interval of peace, ^ve are now considering, he gave ample proof of his genius in civil as well as military governorship. He centralized the administration of French affairs ; he codified the laws ; he reconciled France with the Pope. As we have already said, Napoleon did not allow religious considerations to exercise any considerable influence over his own life, but he regarded religion as an indispensable instrument of government, which he would have been con- strained to invent had he not found it already in existence. However true this may be it is certain that in order to effect a reunion of the divorced French Church with Rome he made terms of agreement with the Pope by which all priests in France were appointed by the bishops and approved by the state. Thus he was assured of the powerful support of the priesthood. It was but a short-lived peace between France and England. The latter resented the steady accession of French influence on the continent, and Napoleon as bitterly resented the scurrilous attacks made against him by English journalists, as well as the studious delay of England in evacuating 29 30 NAPOLEON'S FRANCE Egypt and Malta. After less than two years of fretful peace, diplomatic relations were broken in May, 1803, the two nations began anew a struggle of arms that was to last uninterruptedly for a dozen years. Writ- ing of this period Mr. Robert MacKenzie points out the vast changes that had occurred in England and France as the result of nine years of incessant war. “The English fleet had been doubled in strength and now consisted of eight hundred vessels, carrying one hundred and twenty thousand fight- ing men ; a naval force such as the world had never seen. On the other hand, the navy of France, blighted by the overwhelming strength of Eng- land, had dwindled by one-half, and was destined to yet greater decay.” Great Britain’s fighting strength on land had grown from eighty thousand men to nearly half a million, while the French forces had increased from two hundred and seventy thousand to about a million armed men. England was spending annually about $300,000,000; France, about $110,000,000. France, having repudiated her old debts, had as yet been able to contract no larger an obligation than $275,000,000; the debt of England had attained the enormous sum of $2,424,000,000. Yet her trade had vastly increased, almost doubled, indeed, while the foreign trade of France was practically extinct. The invincible ships of England had chased her flag from the sea. The reconciliation had been too superficial to be enduring. Difficulties arose, as we have said, out of the continued aggressions of France on the Continent. The English newspapers spoke evil of Napoleon and he vainly demanded the suppression of the offending journals. He gathered forces on the shores of the Channel as if he meditated early invasion. England, on her part, delayed to evacuate Egypt and Malta, of which Napoleon vehemently complained. In the temper of both countries these troubles could have but one ending. England broke off diplomatic relations, and the European people turned again, without reluctance, to the familiar work of mutual destruction, from which they were not to rest again till twelve years had passed. A coalition of all governments hostile to France was at once formed. England and Russia were already in accord. Sweden was controlled by Russia. Austria was slow to avow hostility ; but her wounds ’ were so deep and so recent that she could safely be reckoned upon. On the other hand, Spain leagued with Napoleon. Holland, Italy, Switzerland, and many of the small German states, were under his control. Prussia followed a timid and ungenerous course. Tempted by the possession of Hanover, she cultivated the friendship of Napoleon, and awoke from her dream of aggrandizement only to sink in ruin under the blows of the con- queror whom she had humbled herself to serve. Napoleon’s first enterprise NAPOLEON'S FRANCE • 31 was to invade England. He had persuaded himself that this undertaking was practicable, and he made his preparations on a scale which almost rendered it so. He assembled on the shores of the channel one hundred and fifty thousand men in the highest state of discipline and equipment, with two thousand vessels for their transport. But England, with a power- ful fleet, held command of the channel and rendered hopeless the attempt to convey an army across. Napoleon, with the help of his Spanish allies, brought together sixty ships of the line, but even with that immense force he shunned a sea fight. He schemed rather to decoy the English ships into distant seas, so that the passage of his troops might be unobstructed. His own fleets were ordered to the West Indies with secret instructions to return immediately to Europe. Nelson fell into the snare and gave chase across the Atlantic. When he discovered the stratagem he sent his swiftest ship to England to intimate the danger which impended. His warning was received in time and a strong squadron under Sir Robert Calder was ready to meet the returning allies. A battle ensued, not memorable otherwise than by its results, which were in the highest degree momentous. The allies sustained a defeat and instead of pressing on to the channel they took shelter in Ferrol. Had they dared all and sailed onward a French army would probably have landed in England. Their retreat made the invasion impossible. Nelson shortly afterwards met the combined fleets off Cape Trafalgar, and inflicted upon them a defeat which was well-nigh annihilating. This great triumph placed beyond challenge the naval supremacy of Britain for it did not leave afloat any power fit to encounter her in battle. Napoleon knew so soon as he heard of the retreat of his fleet that all his combinations were baffled and that England was now beyond his reach. On the instant he designed the campaign of Austerlitz. With a promptitude unexampled in the movements of such large bodies of men his army moved from the shores of the channel to confront his enemies on the Rhine. Austria had now committed herself to another war with France. Near the valley of the Danube, around the fortress of Ulm, with no enemy near them lay eight}^ thousand Austrian soldiers meditating action against French territor3^ In absolute secrecy, and with amazing swiftness, Napoleon provided for the converging of one hundred and eighty thousand Frenchmen around the supine and unsuspecting Austrians. In six weeks from the abandonment of his project of invasion the Austrians were surrounded, and ever}^ avenue by which they might regain a position of safety was securely barred by an overwhelming force directed by the matchless skill of Napoleon himself. 32 NAPOLEON’S FRANCE The Austrian general, Mack, appalled by the sudden calamity which had fallen upon him, hastened to surrender. “ The road to Vienna was once more open, and Napoleon lost no time in entering the capital of his foe. He supplied the wants of his army from the stores accumulated there. A Russian army, strengthened by the remnants of the ruined Austrian force, was marching against him ; and Prussia, offended by an indignity which he had offered, was arming suspicioush^, although as yet she withheld any declara- tion of her purposes.” Napoleon took up his position at Austerlitz, and artfully contrived to impress his enemies with the belief that he knew the dangers of his position, and was seeking a way to withdraw. Under this fatal delusion the Emperor Alexander directed his troops to march across the front of the French army in order to turn its right flank. Napoleon, at the head of an army almost equal in number and greatly more experienced, looked calmly on while the Russians involved themselves in this fearful peril, and foretold the ruin which he saw was now inevitable. Restraining the impatience of his troops, he waited till the cross-march had made irretraceable progress. And then the masses of his eager veterans, issuing from the mist which veiled the field, were launched against the disordered Russians. Although taken unawares the allies fought stubbornly ; but iu the end their overthrow was complete, and they were driven from the field, wectkened by a loss of thirty thousand men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. The dispirited emperors, deeming further resistance hopeless, hastened to negotiate for an armistice. For the space of four months, that is to say from the commencement of February, 1804, and on the first outbreak of the Cadoudal conspiracy, many addresses had openly demanded the re-establishment of the throne and the foundation of a new dynasty. On March 27, the entire Senate in acknowledging reports of a criminal correspondence with the English agents of the Lower Rhine, replied to Napoleon : “ It was you who drew us out of the chaos of tlie past ; you cause us to bless the benefits of the present; protect us against the future. Great man, finish your work, make it as immortal as your own glory.” The reply of the First Consul to this official advance was measured: “ He would consider it,” he said. Conse- quently the State Council was consulted on the establishment of a hereditary government. On May 18, the Second Consul brought forward the project of Senatus-Consultus, which created the Empire and the almost absolute power of Napoleon ; this project was at once adopted, and by unanimous consent, minus two votes that were null and void, and three against it. NAPOLEON'S FRANCE 33 This was a unique epoch in French history. “ We were,” says the Count de Segur, “ living, as it were, in a rarified atmospliere of miracles ; on the i8th of May, especially, a day of intoxicating splendor and trininph. The Senate had hardly passed its vote for the Empire, before all the members tumultuously following on the steps of the Second Consul, came in a bod}^ to St. Cloud ill a burst of enthusiasm. Napoleon being proclaimed Emperor, then sent them back to closet himself with Cambaceres, settling then and there the transformation of the Italian Republic into a kingdom ; the inauguration of the Order of Honor ; negotiations with the Pope to come over and consecrate him himself ; and pending his arrival the invasion of England. France, being consulted, declared that she desired the Empire, and Napoleon for Emperor, in one loud response of 3,524,254 voices! Truguet was the sole admiral of the fleet who refused to accept it ; if there were any dissentients in the army they kept silence : when the accession of the First Consul to the Empire was proclaimed in its ranks, it was received with unanimous acclamation. One colonel of infantry alone, a man of splendid stature and well-known merit turned round and in bold accents exclaimed : ‘ Silence in the ranks!’ This was Mouton, afterwards a marshal and Count de Lobau. Napoleon’s reply to this republican manifestation did not tarry. It was worthy of each of these brave spirits ; for shortly after, the colonel received with his general’s brevet that of aide-de-camp to the Emperor.” It is known that the principal motive alleged for the creation of the Empire was to discourage attacks on the life and temporary power of Napo- leon by making this power hereditary in his family. So that to restore the Republic or the old Monarchy there would not be one man alone to strike down but an entire dynasty. Thus, as always happens with abortive plots, like that of the 3d Nivose, which, having doubled the power of Napoleon, had the effect of soon after causing him to be made Consul for life, the one by Georges Cadoudal made him Emperor, even before sentence on the con- spirators had been pronounced, and in spite of the murder of the Due de Enghien. In naval history no name is more distinguished than that of the hero of Trafalgar. A technical stor}^ of the battle would interest but few of our readers ; a plain recital of the facts to those of our American readers who have pride in what Dewe}^ did in the Bay of Manila ma}'^ give a certain degree of importance to our account of Trafalgar — Nelson’s greatest battle and his tomb. Having seen all things arranged as was best suited to the circumstances. Nelson went down to his cabin and entered in his diary a 3 34 NAPOLEON'S FRANCE brief note of tbe occurrences of the morning. Then, on bis knees, be added : ‘‘ May tbe great God wboni I worship grant to my country and for tbe benefit of Europe in general a great and glorious victory ; and no mis- conduct in an}^ one tarnisb it ; and may bumanity after victory be tbe predominant feature of tbe British fleet. For myself, individually, I com- mit my life to Him who made me, and may His blessing light upon my endeavors for serving my country faithfully. To Him I resign myself and tbe just cause which is intrusted to me to defend.” He afterwards wrote or at any rate signed, in tbe presence of Blackwood and Hardy, that remarkable document which has been called tbe codicil to bis will, in which he briefly stated tbe services which, as he had been led to believe. Lady Hamilton had rendered to the country. She had obtained, he said, in 1796, the King of Spain's letter to the King of Naples acquainting him of his intentions to declare war against England, and had thus been able to give timely warning to the English Ministry ; and in 1798 she had, by her “ in- fluence with the Queen of Naples, caused letters to be written to the Gov- ernor of Sjwacuse, that he was to encourage the fleet being supplied with everything should they put into any port in Sicily.” As it had not been in his power to reward these services, “ I leave,” he wrote, “ Emma, Lady Hamilton, a legacy to my king and countr}^ that they will give her an ample provision to maintain her rank in life. I also leave to the beneficence of my country my adopted daughter, Horatio Nelson Thompson ; and I desire she will use in future the name of Nelson only. These are the only favors I ask of my king and country at this moment when I am going to fight their battles.” The approach towards the enemy’s line was necessarily slow ; at first it was not more than three knots an hour, and as the breeze got lighter even this rate was lessened. About eleven o’clock, the fleets being then little more than two miles apart. Nelson, rightly interpreting the manoeuvre which the combined fleet had so clumsily telegraphed to Collingwood, “ I intend to push through the enemy’s line to prevent them from getting into Cadiz and half an hour later he made the celebrated signal, ‘‘ England expects that every man will do his duty.” It is said that as he saw the flags going up, Collingwood remarked half-peevishly to his flag lieutenant, “ I wish Nelson would make no more signals ; we all understand what we have to do.” When, however, the signal was reported, he was delighted, and ordered it to be announced to the ship’s company, by whom it was received with the greatest enthusiasm. On board most of the ships of the fleet it was similarly announced and similarly received ; but in some the captains NAPOLEON FRANCE 35 thought it unnecessary, and nothing was said about it. The modification of the plan of attack, which the circumstances of the weather had rendered necessary, was not allowed to effect the essential part of it. Collingwood, at the head of the lee line, was still to lead through the enemy’s rear ; Nelson, on the “ Victory,” at the head of the water line, was still to take care that Collingwood was not interrupted. It was thus not by accident, nor by better sailing, nor by more careful trimming of sails, to all of which it has been assigned, but in accordance with the prearranged plan, that the Royal Sovereign ” was considerably ahead of the “ Victory ” as, closely followed by the “ Belleisle,” ‘‘ Mars,” “ Tonnant,” and the rest, she steered straight for the rear division of the combined fleet. It was about noon when she entered between the horns of the crescent, bringing the enemy’s van and rear equally abaft the beam. Immediately in front of her was the “ Santa Ana,” with the flag of Vice-Admiral Alava, close astern of which was the “ Fougueux.” The “San Leandro,” “San Justo,” and “ In- domptable ” ought to have been ahead of the “Santa Ana,” but they had fallen considerably to leeward, and their guns were thus to a certain extent masked by the “ Santa Ana ” herself, when the Spanish Vice-Admiral opened his fire on the “ Royal Sovereign.” His doing so Avas the signal for the ships of both fleets to hoist their colors, the English all flying the A^Fite ensign to avoid the confusion Avhich Nelson thought might arise from the use of different flags ; for while he himself Avas Vice-Admiral and Lord Northesk Rear-Admiral of the White, CollingAvood Avas Vice-Admiral of the Blue. In addition to the ensign, each ship flew two or more union jacks in different parts of the rigging. The Admirals wore their proper flags ; and at the “ Victory’s” maintopgallant masthead Avas the signal, “ Engage the enemy more closely.” The advance of the English ships had by this time become extremely sloAv, and for full twenty minutes the “ Royal Sovereign ” was under the direct fire of the “ Santa Ana ” and “ Fougueux,” and more partiall}^ under that of four or five other ships. She ought to have been beaten into matches, but so bad was the enemy’s gunnery practice that she sustained no loss of any importance ; none at all, indeed, beyond Avhat dreAV from Col- lingwood the sorrowing cry : “ Oh, dear ! Oh, dear ! I forgot to shift that new foretopsail. It Avon’t be Avorth anything after this.” But about tAventy minutes after noon she passed sloAAdy under the stern of the “ Santa Ana,” across the bows of the “ Fougueux.” The first gun she fired Avas a sixt}' -eight pounder carronade on the port side of the forecastle. This Avas loaded Avith one round-shot and a keg of five hundred musket bullets, and AA^as now dis- 36 NAPOLEON'S FRANCE charged slap into the stern of the “ Santa Ana.” A second or two later the starboard, loaded in the same way, was discharged into the bows of the “ Fougueux.” In slow succession each gun, as it bore, all loaded with two round shot, some with three, was fired into the stern of the “ Santa Ana” or the bows of the “ Fougueux.” As she drew clear, the “ Royal Sov- ereign’s ” helm was put hard a-starboard, and she shot up alongside of the Santa Ana,” where she engaged her, broadside to broadside, at the distance of only a few yards. Meanwhile Nelson was occupied in seeing that Col- lingwood should not be interrupted. All that Nelson wished was gained, and he steered for the centre of the line. Here was the huge “ Santisima Trinidad,” of one hundred and thirty guns, commonly spoken of as a four- decker. Captain Hardy represented to Nelson that the enemy’s ships were so crowded at the point abreast of them that it was impossible to go through without fouling some one or other. “ It does not signify which we run on board of,” answered Nelson ; “ go on board which you please ; take ^^our choice.” The “ Victory ” had all this time been sustaining the fire of the “ Bucentaure,” “ Santisima,” “ Trinidad,” and the ships ahead and astern of these. When yet nearly a mile distant, the “ Bucentaure ” fired a trial shot, which fell short ; a few minutes later another, and then others, till at last, one going through the “ Victory’s ” maintopgallant sail, gave the enemy a visible proof that their shot would reach. Then ever}^ ship that could bring a gun to bear opened fire. But though they made a great deal of noise and smoke, and though the shot fell thick all around, comparatively few struck the Victor}",” which on her part reserved her fire, though one or two of her foremost guns were discharged accidentally or without orders. For nearly half an hour she was exposed to this heavy fire. The secretary. Dr. Scott, standing by Nelson’s side, was killed by a round shot ; another passed be- tween Nelson and Captain Hardy. A double-headed shot swept away eight marines drawn up on the poop ; the rest were immediately ordered down and dispersed around the ship. The mizzen-topmast was shot away about two-thirds of the way up ; the fore-sail and fore-topsail were in ribbons ; the wheel was knocked to pieces. But this, with some fifty men in all killed or wounded, was the full amount of loss sustained by the “ Vic- tory ” from this tremendous cannonade. At last, a little before one, she passed under the stern of the “ Bucentaure ” so close that her main yard- arm fouled the “ Bucentaure’s ” vangs. Her fire was delivered in exactly the same way as the “ Royal Sovereign’s.” The sixty-eight pounder car- ronade on the port side of the forecastle was the first gun, and its charge of a round-shot and a keg of five hundred musket bullets was discharged into THE BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR. fig:i.p- MARSHAL LORD /Robert; •/IARSHA*' iRy HAVEto^ ^^A£:oFV/£a\^^ (j.G'ordo^^ UEN.LORD KiTCtiENci<^_ (iRKAT ENGLISH SOLDIERS. Field Marshal Lord Raglan, horn in 1788; died in 1855. Admiral Lord Nelson, horn in 1758, and killed in the inoinent of his grandest victory at Trafalger in 1805. General .‘^ir Henry Ifavcdock, was horn in 1795, and died universally regretted in 1869. The Dukeof Wellington, the eoinineror of Napoleon, was born in Ireland in 1769, and died in 1852. Field Marshal Lord Roberts, in supreme command of the Rrilish forces in the late war with the Boers, was born in 1«:J2. Gen. (’. G. Gordon, horn in 1883; killed inthe.Soudan in 1885. Gen. Lord Kitchener, second in command in the late South African War. is slightly i)ast the age of forty. NAPOLEON'S FRANCE 37 tlie “ Biicentaiire’s ” cabin windows. As she slowly moved ahead every one of the fifty guns on her broadside, all double, some treble-shotted, was delib- erately discharged in the same manner. It was said afterwards by the ‘‘ Bucentaure’s ” officers that twenty of her guns were dismounted and nearly four hundred of her men killed or wounded by this one terrible broadside. On the other hand, the moment the “Victory’s” bows opened clear of the “ Bucentaure’s ” stern she was exposed to the direct fire of the “ Neptune ” and “ Redoutable.” But this, however well intended, was harmless in comparison with the “ Victory’s and though at such a short distance it was impossible to help sometimes hitting such a huge target as a three-decker, the greater number of the shot were scattered about through her rigging and but few struck the hull or caused any loss to the crew. It was probably Hardy’s intention, after drawing clear of the “ Bucentaure,” to range up on her starboard beam, as the “ Royal Sovereign ” had done to the “ Santa Ana.” If so, however, he was unable to execute it ; for the “ Redoutable ” had closed up to such a degree that, whether accidentally or of set purpose, the two ships fell foul of each other, the starboard bow of the “ Victory ” striking the port bow of the “ Redoutable and her fore- yard catching in the “ Redoutable’s ” rigging, the two ships fell alongside each other and so remained. The steady fire of the “ Victory’s ” lower and middle decks drove the “ Redoutable’s ” men from their guns ; but above the advantage was with the French. A chance shot struck Nelson on the left shoulder as he stood near the hatchway. The bullet passed down through the epaulette through the lungs, through the spine, and lodged in the muscles of the back. He fell on the very same spot where his secretary had been killed shortly before. As Captain Hardy attempted to raise him he said, “ They’ve done for me at last. Hardy.” “ I hope not,” answered Hardy. “ Yes,” replied Nelson ; “ my backbone is shot through.” He was carried below ; but, though from the first the wound was recognized as mortal, he did not die for more than three hours. His fall was speedily avenged ; for though it was not known who fired the fatal shot, not a man came out of the “ Redoutable’s ” mizzen-top alive. The French musketry, however, was at this time very deadly. Within a few minutes after Nelson’s fall several other ofdcers of the “ Victory ” and about forty men were killed or wounded. CHAPTER IV (FIRST DECADE) NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS \_ResumL — The salient incidents in the preceding chapter were : England’s declaration of war against France — The Cadoudal conspiracy — Assassination of the Duke d’Enghien — The Boulogne coup — Napoleon’s coronation — The surrender at Ulm — Trafalgar — Victory of Austerlitz.] A USTERLITZ placed Napoleon on the heights. Within a 3^ear his x\_ power was supreme in Europe. With Western Germany united in a federation under his protectorate ; with his brother Joseph, made King of Naples ; another brother, Louis, King of Holland, and himself crowned King of Italy, he was, indeed, the “ conquerer of the conti- nent.” His successes effected the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire, the title to which was perforce abandoned by the Emperor Francis (1806). Napoleon was now ready to punish the Prussians, whose attitude had been vacillating in the campaign just ended. Within a few weeks King Frederick William and his people were made bitterly to regret their temerity in crossing swords with the victors of Austerlitz. At Jena and Auerstiidt the Prussian army was surprised, defeated, and destroyed. In his Memoirs the Count de Segur, an aid-de-camp of Napoleon, gives ns a glimpse of the Emperor at Jena : “ Towards five o’clock Napoleon, who had remained alone with Marshal Soult, was saying to him : ‘ Shall we beat them ?’ ‘ Yes, if they are there,’ answered the Marshal ; ‘ but I fear they may not be !’ Just then the first musketry reports were heard, when the Emperor gayly ex- claimed : ‘ There they are ! The affair is beginning !’ and immediately pro- ceeded to harangue the infantry and to excite its emulation against the celebrated Prussian cavalry, ‘which 3^011 must,’ he said, ‘destroy before our squares, as at x\usterlitz, we crushed the Russian infantry.’ ” This was done, and the Prussian retreat became a rout; every fortress in the country 38 NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS 39 surrendered, 80,000 prisoners were taken, and within a month Napoleon entered Berlin. Onl}^ Russia and England now remained to dispute the sovereignty of the French Emperor, and England present!}^ stood alone, and at — sea. In his Berlin Decree of November, 1806, Napoleon declared the British isles in a state of blockade, and prohibited all commercial intercourse • with them — a mandate which the continental nations, in their subserviency to the conqueror’s policy were forced to obey. This so-called “ Continental System ” was framed by Napoleon in revenge for the extensive English system of blockades after Trafalgar had put it out of his power to attempt the control of the seas. The principal decrees were : Berlin, November 21, 1806; Milan, December 17, 1807; Paris, January ii, 1808; Ant- werp, July 25, 1810; Trianon, August 5, 1810; Fontainebleau, October 19, 1810. By these decrees all ports occupied by the French were closed to the English, and all English goods were to be destroyed wherever found in any country occupied by the French. All states under French influence had to adopt this system. The English, who claimed the right of blockading any coast with but little regard to the effectiveness of the blockade, retaliated by Orders in Council, by which no ships of any power were allowed to trade between any French ports or the ports of any country closed to England. Whatever the real merits of the “ system,” and although it was the cause of war between the United States and England, its execu- tion did most to damage France and Napoleon and to band all Europe against it. One very remarkable feature of the imperial wars was, that, with the exception of the interior police, of which Fouche was the soul, the whole government of France was at the headquarters of the Emperor. At Warsaw, Napoleon’s attention was not only occupied with the affairs of his army, but he directed the whole machinery of the French Government just the same as if he had been in Paris. Daily “ estafettes,” and fre- ■quently the useless auditors of the Council of State, brought him reports more or less correct, and curious disclosures which were frequently the invention of the police. The portfolios of the Ministers arrived every week, with the exception of those of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Minister of the War Department. This state of things lasted during the ten months of the Emperor’s absence from Paris. Louis XIV said^ “ I am myself the State.” Napoleon did not say this ; but in fact, under his reign the Government of France was always at his headquarters. While Napoleon was at Warsaw a battle was not the only thing to be 40 NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS thought about ; affairs were much more complicated than during the cam- paign of Vienna. It was necessary on the one hand to observe Prussia, which was occupied ; and on the other to anticipate the Russians, whose movement indicated that they were inclined to strike the first blow. In the preceding campaign Austria, before the taking of Vienna, was engaged alone. The case was different now. During the Prussian campaign Austria played precisely the same waiting game which Prussia had played during the campaign of Austria. As Prussia had, before the battle of Austerlitz, awaited the success or defeat of the French to decide whether she should remain neutral or declare herself against France, or Austria, doubtless sup- posing that Russia would be more fortunate as the ally of Prussia than she had been as her ally, assembled a corps of forty thousand men in Bohemia. That corps was called an army of observation; but the nature of these armies of observation is well known ; they belong to the class of armed neutralities, like the ingenious invention of sanitary cordons. Napoleon had not a moment to lose, but his activity required no spur ; he had hastened the battle of Austerlitz to anticipate Prussia, and he now found it necessary to anticipate Russia in order to keep Austria in a state of indecision. The Emperor, therefore, left Warsaw about the end of January, and immediately gave orders for engaging the Russian army in the beginning of February ; but in spite of his desire of beginning the attack, he was anticipated. On the 8th of February, at seven in the morning, he was attacked by the Russians, who advanced during a terrible storm of snow, which fell in large flakes. They approached Preussich-Eylau, where the Emperor was, and the Imperial Guard stopped the Russian column. Nearly the whole French army was engaged in that battle — one of the most sanguinary ever fought in Europe. The corps commanded by Berna- dotte was not engaged in the contest ; it had been stationed on the left at Mohrungen, whence it menaced Dantzic. The issues of the battle would have been ver}^ different had the four divisions of infantry and two of cavalry composing Bernadotte’s corps arrived in time ; but unfortunately the officer instructed to convey orders to the general to march without dela}^ on Preussich-Eylau was taken by a body of Cossacks ; so Bernadotte failed to arrive. He was accused of not having been willing to march on Eylau, though, as it was alleged. General d’Hautpoult had informed him of the necessity of his presence. This battle was, indeed, terrible. Night came on — Bernadotte’s corps was instantly, but in vain, expected ; and after a great loss the French army had the melancholy honor of passing the night on the field. From a painting by Pils] ROUGET 1)E LISLE SINGING THE MARSEILLES. The celebrated national song of France was composed by Rouget de Lisle, an officer in the engineer corps at Strasburg, early in the French Revolution. It became highly popular and greatly contributed to the success of the revolutionary movement. It received its name from being sung for the first time in Paris by Ti band of men who were brought from Marseilles by Rarbaroux to aid in the revolution of August 10, 1792. NAPOLEOX AT TILSIT. The French victories of Jena and Auerstiidt in October, 1806, crushed Prussia to the dust. The Prussian Queen Louisa, beloved in her country for her spirit, beauty, and ardent patriotism, ai)pealed in person to Napoleon for an abatement of his harsli terms, and in rej)ly was brutally insulted. Filled with anguish for her suffering country, she soon afterward died broken hearted. NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS 41 Bernadette at lengtli arrived, but too late. He met the enemy, who were retreating without the fear of being molested towards Konigsberg, the only capital remaining of Prussia. The King of Prussia was then at ]\Iemel, a small port on the Baltic, thirty leagues from Konigsberg. After the battle both sides remained stationary, and several days elapsed without anything remarkable taking place. The offers of peace made by the Emperor, with very little earnestness it is true, were disdainfully rejected, as if a victory disputed with Napoleon was to be regarded as a triumph. The battle of Eylau seemed to turn the heads of the Russians, wdio chanted Te Deum on the occasion. But while the Emperor was making preparations to advance his diplomacy was taking effect in a distant quarter and raising up against Russia an old and formidable enemy. Turkey declared war against her. This was a powerful diversion and obliged Russia to strip her western frontiers to secure a line of defense on the south. Then followed Napoleon’s victory at Friedland. The subsequent meeting of the sovereigns at Tilsit is one of the culminating points of modern history, and the waters of the Niemen reflected the image of Napoleon at the height of his glory. The interview and the melancholy situation of the King of Prussia are facts generally known. Savary gives the following account of it : “ The Emperor Napoleon whose courtesy was manifest in all his actions, ordered a large raft to be floated in the middle of the river, upon which was constructed a room well covered in and elegantly decorated, having two doors on opposite sides, each of which opened into an antechamber. The work could not have been better executed in Paris. The roof was surmounted by two weathercocks, one displaying the eagle of Russia and the other the eagle of France. The two outer doors were also surmounted by the eagles of the two countries. The raft was precisely in the middle of the river, with the two doors of the salon facing the two opposite banks. The two sovereigns appeared on the banks of the river and embarked at the same moment. But the Emperor Napoleon, having a good boat manned by marines of the Guard, arrived first on the raft, entered the room, and went to the opposite door, which he opened, and then stationed himself on the edge of the raft to receive the Emperor Alexander, who had not yet arrived, not having such good rowers as the Emperor Napoleon. The two Emperors met in the most amicable way, at least to all appearance. They remained together for a considerable time, and then they took leave of each other with as friendly an air as that with which they had met. The next day the Emperor of Russia established himself at Tilsit with a battalion of his Guards.” 42 NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS “ Orders were given for evacuating that part of the town where he and his battalion were to be quartered ; and, though we were very much pressed for room, no encroachment on the space allotted to the Russians was thought ' of. On the day the Emperor Alexander entered Tilsit the whole arni}^ was under arms. The Imperial Guard was drawn out in two lines of three deep from the landing-place to the Emperor Napoleon’s quarters, and from thence to the quarters of the Emperor of Russia. A salute of one hundred guns were fired the moment Alexander stepped ashore on the spot where the Emperor Napoleon was waiting to receive him. The latter carried his attentions to his visitor so far as to send from his quarters the furniture for Alexander’s bed-chamber. Among the articles sent was a camp-bed belonging to the Emperor, which he presented to Alexander, who appeared much pleased with the gift. So deep was the hatred cherished by Austria, that she suffered herself to be hurried into a ‘premature renewal of hos- tilities, which resulted in a swift and terrible disaster. Her military preparations were sadly defective ; her finances were in utter confusion. But the French army was occupied in Spain; and England, it was known, would provide with funds any government which was willing to war against France. Borne up by a vehement popular desire to avenge the wrongs which the empire had endured, Austria once more took field. Napoleon was urging the pursuit of the English towards Corunna, where tidings reached him which sufficiently revealed the purposes of Austria. He turned back on the instant, to direct the greater operation of which Germany was now to become the field. The concentration of his troops was conducted with such energy that in three months he had three hundred thousand men ready to strike at Austria. Never has his success been so dazzling in the rapidity with which it \vas gained and the vastness of the results which it yielded. In little more than a month from the opening of the campaign, Vienna had again fallen into his power. The tenacious Austria fought on, and at Aspern inflicted a defeat which, if sustained by a commander of inferior skill, must have proved disastrous. But Napoleon extricated himself from the perils which surrounded him, and at Wagram regained the advantage he had lost. In a campaign of a hundred days unhappy Austria was once more beaten to the ground, and a treaty was signed by which one-fifth of the territory and population of the empire was handed over to France. Enormous pecuniary exactions still further weakened the fallen foe. Austria submitted to extreme humiliations. She became bound to reduce her army to one hundred and fifty thousand men. And that no element of bitterness might be wanting, the ancient ramparts of Vienna — the favorite NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS 43 walk of the citizens — were in utter wantonness destroyed the order of Napoleon. Constant, the valet de chambre of the Emperor, gives us in his interesting ‘‘ Memoirs,” these interesting details of the battle of Essling : “The battle of Essling was disastrous in every way. Twelve thousand Frenchmen were killed. The cause of all this evil came from the breaking of the bridges, which might have been foreseen, it appears to me ; for the same thing had happened two or three da 3 ^s before the battle. The soldiers complained openly ; several corps of infantry shouted to the generals to get off their horses and fight in the midst of them. But this bad humor detracted nothing from their courage and their patience ; one saw regiments remain five hours, weapons in hand, exposed to the most terrible fire. Three times during the evening the Emperor sent to ask Marshal Massena if he could hold out, and the brave captain, who saw his son fighting for the first time, and his friends and most intrepid officers falling by the dozen around him, held out till night fell. ‘ I will not turn back while da^dight lasts,’ he said, ‘ those rapscallians of Austrians would be too conceited.’ ” The Marshal’s constancy saved the day ; but then, as he said himself the next day, he was always lucky. At the opening of the battle he noticed that one of his stirrups was too long. He called a soldier to shorten it, and during this operation he put his leg over the neck of his horse ; a ball came which carried off the soldier and cut the stirrup without touching either the Marshal or his horse. “Well!” said he, “it seems I must get down and change my saddle 1” And the Marshal made this remark crossly. The surgeons and health officers conducted themselves admirably on this terrible day ; the}^ displayed unheard-of courage and activity which aston- ished even the Emperor; hence, in passing near them, he several times addressed them as “ My brave surgeons !” M. Larrey especially was sublime. After having treated all the wounded of the guard, who were huddled tegether in the isle of Lobau, he asked if there was any soup to give them. “ No,” replied the aides. “ Make some of them,” said he, pointing to some horses near him ; “ make some with the horses that belong to this picket.” The horses were the property of a general. When some one went near to obey M. Earrey’s orders the owner exclaimed, grew angry, and swore that he would not allow them taken. “ Oh, well 1” said the worth}^ surgeon, “ let them take mine and kill them, so that my comrades ma}^ have some soup.” So said, so done ; and as there were no iron pots on the island, the soup was made in cuirasses ; it was black with gunpowder and there was no salt. Marshal Massena tasted this soup and found it good. One knew not which to admire the most, the zeal of the surgeons, the courage with which 44 NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS they braved danger by caring for the wounded on the field of battle, even in the midst of balls, or the stoical firmness of the soldiers, who, lying on the ground, one without an arm, another without a leg, chatted together about the campaigns while awaiting their turn to be operated on. Some of them went so far as to perform acts of politeness : “ Mr. Doctor, begin with my neighbor ; he is suffering more than I am. ... I can wait awhile.” A cam noneer had both legs carried off by a ball ; two of his comrades picked him up and made a litter with branches of trees, on which they laid him to transport him to the island. The poor, mutilated fellow did not make a single outcry. “ I am very thirsty,” he said now and then to his porters. As they were crossing one of the bridges he supplicated them to stop and get him a little wine or brandy to revive his strength. They believed him and departed ; but they had not gone twenty steps when the cannoneer cried out : “ Don’t go so fast, my comrades ; I shall arrive sooner than you. Long live France !” And making an effort, he let himself roll into the Danube. The same Constant tells the most dramatic story of the divorce of Josephine. Some days after all these rejoicings the Viceroy of Italy, Eugene de Beauharnais, arrived. He learned from the Emperor’s own mouth the terrible measure which circumstances were about to render necessary. This confidence overwhelmed him ; troubled and despairing he went to his Majesty, and as he could not believe what he had just heard he asked the Emperor if it were true that the divorce must take place. The Emperor made a sign in the affirmative and held out his hand to his adopted son with a sorrowful expression. “ Sire, permit me to leave you.” “ How?” “ Yes, Sire ; the son of her who is no longer Empress cannot remain Vice- roy ; I will follow my mother in her retreat and console her.” “ Thou wilt leave me, Eugene ? Thou ! And knowest thou not how imperative are the reasons which compel me to such a step ? And if I obtain him, that son, the object of my dearest wishes, that son so necessary to me, who will take my place near him when I shall be absent ? who will act as a father to him if I die? who will bring him up? who will make a man of him?” There were tears in the Emperor’s eyes as he uttered these last words ; again he took the hand of Prince Eugene, and drawing him to his breast, he em- braced him tenderly. I could not hear the close of this interesting conver- sation. At last the fatal day arrived; it was the i6th of December. The imperial family had reassembled in extremely ceremonious costumes, when the Empress entered, in a very simple white robe without the least orna- ment ; she was pale but calm, and leaned on the arm of Queen Hortense, who was as pale and much more affected than her august mother. Prince NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS 45 de Beaiiliarnais was standing beside the Emperor, bis arms crossed, and trembling so violently that he seemed likely to fall at any moment. When the Empress had entered. Count Regnaud de Saint-Jean d’Angely read aloud the act of separation. This reading was listened to in profound silence ; every face was expressive of profound anxiety ; the Empress seemed more calm than the others, although her cheeks were constantly furrowed with tears. She sat in an armchair in the middle of the salon, her elbow resting on a table ; Queen Hortense stood behind her, sobbing. The reading of the act finished, the Empress rose, dried her e^^es, and in a voice that was almost firm, pronounced the words of adhesion ; then she sat down again in her armchair, took a pen from the hands of M. Regnaud de Saint-Jean d’Angely, and signed. Afterwards she withdrew^, still supported b}^ Queen Hortense. Prince Eugene went out at the same moment through the study, and his strength failing him, he fell down unconscious between the two doors. The usher of the study raised him and put him in charge of his aides-de-camp, who lavished on him all the attentions required b}^ so painful a position. “ During this terrible ceremony the Emperor did not say a word, did not make a gesture ; he was as motionless as a statue, his eyes fixed and almost haggard. He was silent and gloomy all day long. In the evening, just as he had gone to bed, and while I was awaiting his last orders, the door opened suddenly and I saw the Empress enter, her hair in disorder and her face very much drawn. Her aspect terrified me. Josephine (for she was no longer anything but Josephine) advanced with trembling steps toward the Emperor’s bed. When nearly there she stopped and cried in a heart-rending manner. She fell upon the bed, passed her arms around His Majest^^’s neck, and lavished on him the tenderest caresses. My emotion cannot be described. The Emperor also began to weep ; he sat up, and pressed Josephine to his heart, saying: ‘ Come, my good Josephine, be more reasonable. Come, courage, courage ; I shall always be thy friend.’ Stifled by her sobs, the Empress could not reply ; then there was a silent scene which lasted several minutes, during which their blended tears and sobs told more than the tenderest verbal expressions. “ At last His Majesty, coming out of this prostration as from a dream, perceived that I was there, and said : ‘ Go out, Constant,’ in a voice altered by his tears. I obeyed and went into the adjoining salon. An hour later I saw Josephine go back, still very sad, still in tears ; she made me a kindly sign in passing. Then I re-entered the sleeping chamber to fetch away the candles, as I was accustomed to do every evening. The Emperor was 46 NAPOLEON ON THE HEIGHTS as silent as tlie grave and so buried in liis bed that it was impossible for me to see liis face. The next morning, when I went into the Emperor’s chamber, he did not say a word to me concerning the visit of the Empress, but I found him suffering and depressed. Some badly stifled sighs issued from his breast ; he did not speak while his toilet was being made, and as soon as it was over he went into his cabinet. It was on that day Josephine was to leave the Tuileries and go to Malmaison. All those whose duties did not detain them elsewhere were assembled under the vestibule to see once more this dethroned Empress whom all hearts followed into her exile. We looked at each other without daring to speak. Josephine appeared, closely veiled, one arm over the shoulder of one of her ladies and the other holding a handkerchief to her eyes. There was a totally indescribable chorus of lamentations when this adored woman crossed the short space which separated her from her carriage. She got into it without casting a last look at the palace she was quitting forever. The blinds were instantly pulled down and the horses went off like lightning. Some hours later the Emperor departed for Versailles.” CHAPTER V (FIRST DECADE) ENGLAND AND THE WORLD AT LARGE \_Resume . — From 1793 to 1815 England was almost continually at war with France. So, indeed, was “ the World at Large.” The younger Pitt was the commanding figure in English affairs.] A t the age of twenty-five William Pitt was master of England as no prime minister had ever been before. Though not endowed with his father’s genius for oratory, he addressed with even greater effect his eloquent political platitudes to the influential middle classes who admired him. Says J. R. Green : “ In his love of peace, his immense industry, his despatch of business, his skill in debate, his knowledge of finance, he recalled Sir Robert Walpole ; but he had virtues which Walpole never possessed, and he was free from Walpole’s worse defects. He was careless of personal gain. He was too proud to rule by corruption. His lofty self-esteem left no room for any jealousy of subordinates. He was generous in his appreciation of youthful merits ; and the ‘ boys ’ he gathered round him, such as Canning and Lord Wellesley, rewarded his generosity by a devotion which death left untouched.” Pitt was strongest as a financier, and he appeared at the precise moment when England was most in need of a premier gifted with his special powers. “ The progress of the nation was wonderful. Population more than doubled during the eighteenth century, and the advance of wealth was even greater than that of population. The war had added a hundred millions to the national debt but the burden was hardly felt. The loss of America only increased the commerce with that country, and industry had begun that great career that was to make Britain the workshop of the world.” Pitt was reall}^ a peace minister, and once France had declared war against England his power waned. A few months before the Peace of Lune- 47 48 ENGLAND AND THE WORLD AT LARGE ville (i8oi), lie effected the union of Ireland with England. A panic aroused in 1796 by an attempted French invasion under Hoche had awakened passions of cruelty and tyranny which turned Ireland, according to the historian Green, “ into a hell.” Soldiers and yeomanry marched over the country, torturing and scourging the “ croppies,” as the Irish peasantry were called, in derision, from their short-cut hair, robbing, ravish- ing, and murdering. As the matter was finally arranged in June, 1800, one hundred Irish members became part of the House of Commons at West- minster, and twenty-eight temporal with four spiritual peers, chosen for each Parliament by their fellows, took their seats in the House of Lords. Commerce between the two countries was freed from all restrictions. Wilberforce said that Austerlitz killed Pitt. The great premier was but forty-seven years of age when the “ sun ” of Napoleon reached its zenith. “ Roll up that map,” said Pitt, pointing to an atlas of Europe which hung upon the wall ; ” it will not be wanted these ten ^^ears.” That was in January, 1806; and he died, was buried in Westminster Abbey in the grave of his father, the great Earl of Chatham. “ What grave,” said Lord Wellesley, “ contains such a father and such a son ? What sep- ulchre embosoms the remains of so much human excellence and glory ?” It was in connection with the disturbances in Ireland that the fame of Robert Emmet — the Irish patriot and orator — became distinguished. He was a school-fellow of Thomas Moore, the poet, in Trinity College, from which he was expelled for avowing republican principles, 1798, and then joined the Association of United Irishmen, who undertook to separate Ireland from Great Britain and establish an independent republic. He became leader in this movement, and on its failure went to France and planned a general uprising of the Irish people. In 1802 be returned to Dublin, organized his forces, established depots of powder and firearms, and designated 1803, 23, as the time for seizing the castle and arsenal. On that day the insurgents killed the chief justice. Lord Kilwarden, and fled at the first volley from the garrison. Emmet left the city, but returning to bid his betrothed adieu, was arrested, tried, and condemned, and the sentence of death was executed. He defended himself in a speech of remarkable eloquence. At this period the fame of Wellington became luminous. Gleig, in his “ Life of Wellington,” speaking of him as Colonel Wellesley, as he was in 1802, and in relation to his brilliant services in India then, quotes from the letter of a young officer this commendation : ” Everything goes well because Colonel Wellesley is in command. Whatever he undertakes he does (;0\]HT (jEORg CapriVi IUdWig :Windthors/ !!^^'^01a55ALLL GROUP OF GREAT GERMAN STATESMEN. Bismarck, one of the greatest of modern statesmen, was born in 1814, and died in 1898. Caprivi, born in 1881 ; died in 1899. Ludwig Windthorst, leader of the German Catholics, was born in 1812, and died in 1891. Prince Hohenlohe, born in 1819, is now Chancellor of the German Empire. Ferdinand Lassalle, leader of Socialists, born in 1825; died in 1864. IeoXH L.'4iJi- Pius^y^ Pius ^ POPKS OF THE NINETEENTH ('ENTUUY. Gregory XVI, born in 1765; liecame I'ope in 1831; died in 1846. Leo XII, born in 1760; became Pope in 1823; died in 1829. Leo XII I, born in 1810; became Pope in 1878. Pius VH, born in 1742 ; became Pope in 1800 ; died in 1823. Pins Vlir, born in 1761 ; became Pope in 1829; died in 1830. Pius IX, born in 1790; became Pope in 1846; died in 1878. ENGLAND AND THE WORLD AT LARGE 49 admirably.” That was certainly true. It will be remembered that after the conclusion of the treaty of Tilsit Napoleon had, for the time, disposed of all his Continental enemies, and, at the instigation of Russia, he resolved first to subjugate Portugal, and afterwards to expel the Bourbon dynast}^ from Spain, substituting his brother Joseph for Charles IV. Russia encouraged the French Emperor in his designs upon the Peninsula, first, in order to withdraw his attention from Poland, and, secondly, in the event of a general peace, to secure his assent to the incorporation in the Russian Empire of Finland, Wallachia, and Moldavia. Napoleon was anxious completely to subjugate Portugal, because that country was the traditional ally of England, and an exclusive and lucrative trade was carried on between the two nations. He also regarded it as necessary to his Continental system, and conducive to the strength and permanence of his d^mast}^, that a member of his own family should replace the Bourbons on the Spanish throne. The Portuguese as a race were well disposed towards England, and ready to welcome British assistance in maintaining their independence. The Spaniards, on the other hand, wished to be left alone to manage their own affairs; and though they objected to French interference, and greedily accepted the money and stores which the British Government so lavishly supplied, they appear to have disliked the English even more than they did the French. This is shown by the speech which Castanos made to the French officers after the affair at Bayleu, when he remarked : “ Let not Napoleon persevere in aiming at a conquest which is unattainable. Let him not force us into the arms of the English. They are hateful to us, and up to the present moment we have rejected their proffered succors.” The revolt of the Spanish colonies in America increased the ill-feeling against England. This revolt was as ruinous to Spain as it was advan- tageous to English merchants, who were enabled to participate in a trans- atlantic trade which had previously been monopolized by the parent kingdom. As regards the Portuguese and Spanish troops, both at first were equall}^ useless, not on account of the inferiority of the raw material, but because the officers were bigoted, conceited, and devoid of any idea of discipline and subordination. The Portuguese, however, were wise enough to recognize their own inefficiency, and to submit themselves to the control of British officers, under whose supervision they graduall}^ improved until, in Wel- lington’s opinion, they became equal to the native troops of the East India Company. They would not tolerate the interference of any foreign agency with the discipline and organization of their soldiers. “ I am quite con- vinced,” said Wellington, ‘‘ that the Spanish officers would rather submit to 4 50 ENGLAND AND THE WORLD AT LARGE France than consent to give to us the smallest authority over their troops ; neither will they allow that our officers know more than their own.” And 3^et these troops were so badly commanded as to be almost worth- less. Wellington remarked of them : ‘‘ They are mere children in art of war ; they know only how to advance, how to take to flight, and reassemble again as if they were in a state of nature.” One of their own generals, the Duke of Albuquerque, speaking of Cuesta’s army, made the following admission : ‘‘In our marches we stopped to rest like a flock of sheep, without taking up any position. By-and-by we resumed our journey like pilgrims, without paying any attention to distance, order, or formation.” Napoleon was of a similar opinion. Writing in August, 1808, he said: “The whole body of insurrectionary forces is incapable of beating twenW flve thousand French in a good position.” And Berthier, in a letter to Joseph Bonaparte, dated January 31, 1810, observed : “The Emperor con- siders that the English alone are formidable in Spain. The rest are the merest canaille, which can never keep the field.” When the war with Austria was beginning Wellington arrived at Lisbon to command the English army of twenty thousand men, and Eng- land put her hand in earnest to the work of rescuing the Peninsula. It was a large undertaking to expel from the country they had seized three hundred thousand of the best troops in the world, abl}^ led and amply supplied. Years were required for its accomplishment. The means em- ployed seemed wholly inadequate, the British force in the Peninsula having at no time exceeded fifty thousand men. To this was added a large force of Portuguese and Spaniards, equipped mainly by England, not always to be trusted when brought to face the enemy. The genius of Wellington bestowed upon these apparently insufficient means an efficacy not naturall}^ their own. In his hands they achieved an unbroken series of victories in battle, and the final expulsion of the French from the Peninsula of which they had so lawlessly possessed themselves. Wellington’s earliest care was to provide for his troops a position in which they could find a safe retreat if the fortune of war should turn against him. At Torres Vedras, on the Portuguese coast, he found three great lines of fortifications, which he knew his army could make good against any assailant, and where, at the very worst, he could embark if that extreme necessity should arise. From the sure basis of these impregnable defences he would extend his operations as his strength permitted. Wellington had advanced to the frontier, where the vast forces which Napoleon had directed against him counseled a retreat. At Busaco he waited for the French in a ENGLAND AND THE WORLD AT LARGE 51 strong position, and having there inflicted upon them a bloody repulse, he continued his retreat to the lines of Torres Vedras. These followed the mountain-bastion on the north of Lisbon, and left no single point open between the Tagus and the sea. With the approach of summer, Massena arrived in Spain and moved against Portugal with an army of 70,000 men. Wellington retreated down the valley and halting at Busaco gave battle. The French attack was repelled, but the English commander deemed it wise to continue his retreat. Massena followed, but arriving at the fortifi- cations of Torres Vedras, he hunted in vain for an unprotected point. He remained until the country was exhausted when he began a retreat. Wel- lington was too weak to attack him until he received re-enforcements in the spring of 1811. Then he moved against Massena, who retreated north- ward. This step backward was the beginning of the general movement which continued until the last Frenchman was driven from the soil of the Peninsula and the British were immovably fixed upon the soil of France. Elsewhere in Europe the insurrection in Servia and the war between Russia and Turkey are the chief events worthy of notice. CHAPTER VI (SECOND DECADE) THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND \^Risumi . — The fortunes of America during the first decade of the century were described in the opening chapter. The narrative included accounts of the War with Tripoli, the duel between Hamilton and Burr, the Louisiana Purchase, and the important events leading up to the War of 1812.] W HEN Madison succeeded to the Presidency of the United States he continued the belligerent policy instituted by the Non-Inter- course Act under Jefferson’s administration. The country was divided in feeling : the Federalists in New England complained that the sole cause of all the trouble was the operation of the Embargo and Non- Intercourse Acts ; the Democratic-Republicans of the South and West replied with allegations of disloyalty on the part of the Federalists, and even with charges of secret negotiations with England and intended secession from the Union. Meanwhile, William Henry Harrison, Governor of the New Indian Territory — what was left of the Northwest Territory when Ohio became a State — created a diversion by defeating the recal- citrant Indian chief, Tecumseh, at the battle of Tippecanoe (i8ii). Tecumseh and his brother. The Prophet, had objected to the cession b}^ the Indians of certain lands in exchange for flowers of speech and other precious gifts. It was impossible that this country could long withstand its strained ' relations with Great Britain. Since the seizure of its men and ships began in 1803, more than nine hundred American vessels had been taken, and several thousand American sailors had been impressed into the British service. President Madison desired a continuance of Jefferson’s peace polic}^ but he was refused the support of his own party. Henry Clay and Jolin C. Calhoun forced Congress to action, and on the i8th of June, 1812, against the pacific wishes of the President and the bitter opposition of the 52 l--i 9 ^ 111 I ' 2 S aj .u a . « 1^5 a ■ 2 3 O a -2 « «S - 2 2 ^ ■B 3 ^ 5 a d rt .=f ^ ■■" 2 ■? H o H a The battle of Lake Erie was fought September 10, 1813, at the western end of the lake between the American fleet of nine vessels, carrying fifty-four guns, under Oliver Hazard Perry, twenty-eight years old, who had never commanded in battle, and the British squadron of six vessels and sixty-three guns under Commodore Barclay. The result was a brilliant American victory, every vessel of the enemy being captured. This was the first time in the naval history of Great Britaio that she surrendered an entire squadron and the triumph was the cause of Perry’s famous dispatch, “ We have met the enemy and they are ours.” THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND 53 New England Federalists, tlie United States formally declared war against England. This war, so far as the events on land are concerned, has not been impartially treated by onr own historians. It began disastrously for the American forces. General William Hull, the Governor of Michigan, made such an ignominious surrender of Detroit to Isaac Brock, the British general, that he was tried by court-martial and sentenced to be shot. Madison pardoned him. Again, when the Americans under General Scott, invaded Canada by way of the Niagara River, Brock forced them to retreat. On the Canadian border our forces were defeated. But it was different at sea. There our infant navy of some twenty ships of war had more than a thousand formidable English vessels to encounter. Read this historical statement, as graphic as it is succinct : “ Within an hour after the declaration of war was known. Commander John Rodgers of the ‘ President,’ weighed anchor and was off to catch the nearest British ship. He chased a frigate, which escaped. He crossed the Atlantic, and captured a privateer and seven merchantmen. He retook an American ship which had been captured by the enemy, returned with his prizes to America, and was off again.” Other American ships were quite as active. The frigate “ Constitution,” Captain Isaac Hull, fought the British frigate “ Guerriere,” and in half an hour made her strike her colors. Commodore Stephen Decatur, in command of the frigate “ United States,” captured the frigate ‘‘ Macedonian,” and brought his prize into New York on New Year’s Day. The “ Constitution ” again, now under Com- modore Bainbridge, attacked the British ship “Java” off the South Ameri- can coast and demolished it. People gave to the “ Constitution ” the name of “ Old Ironsides.” Besides the little navy, many merchantmen were turned into privateers and went roving about the seas. Nearly three hun- dred British vessels, with three thousand prisoners, were brought into United States ports before winter. There were occasional losses, but the advantage was decidedly with the Americans. The disasters on land had led the gov- ernment to collect a larger army, which was placed under command of Gen- eral Harrison. The British and Indians, who were led by General Proctor and Tecumseh, made several attempts against Harrison’s forces. They succeeded at Frenchtown, where a portion of Harrison’s army was placed ; but they failed at Fort Meigs and Fort Stephenson. So much of the frontier was occupied by the great lakes that it was of the greatest importance to get control of these. Captain Oliver H. Perry directed the building of a fleet on Lake Erie, and sailors were sent forward 64 THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND from the sea-coast. He had just completed nine vessels, which were at anchor in Put-in-Bay, when he saw the British approaching. He at once moved out to meet the enemy, and in a little more than two hours was able to send this dispatch to General Harrison, who was in command on the “ Sandusky ” : “We have met the enemy, and they are ours; two ships, two brigs, one schooner and one sloop.” Harrison was anxious to recover possession of Michigan, which had been lost when Hull surrendered Detroit. With the aid of Perry’s fleet, which transported some of his troops, he moved upon Fort Malden. Proctor set fire to the fort and retreated with Tecumseh, meaning to join the other British forces at Niagara. Harrison set out in pursuit, and Tecumseh halted on the river Thames, near Moravian Town. Here a battle was fought. The British were defeated. Proctor escaped, but Tecumseh was killed. The American success restored Michigan to the country, and Harrison became very popular. The war gave the Indians an opportunity which they were quick to seize. In the South the Americans had taken possession of Mobile, which was held by a few Spaniards. It was in territory claimed both by Spain and by the United States. The Spaniards had no power to resist, but they incited the Creek Indians to take up arms against the Americans. The people of the Southwestern States raised companies to fight an enemy which was thus at their very doors. The Creeks were a vigorous tribe, and were partl}^ supplied with arms and ammunition. They surprised Fort Minims, and destroyed the garrison. Then they marched into the interior, up the Alabama River. Tennessee was prompt in raising men, and placed Andrew Jackson in command. He was aided by pioneers, who were skilled in Indian warfare. Other forces also came from Georgia and Mississippi, and during the rest of the year and beginning of 1814 the Creeks were hard pushed. The whites, who hated the Indians and were never sorry of an excuse to get rid of them, killed great numbers and showed no quarter. The British, after the defeat which they had suffered from the American navy in 1812, strengthened their Atlantic squadron. During the summer of 1813 they attempted to blockade the coast from Maine to Georgia. Congress, in turn, hastened to build new ships ; and the courageous priva- teers continued to fight pluckily, and to bring prizes into United States ports. The Americans made a fresh effort to invade Canada in 1814. They failed in an attempt to retake Fort Alackinaw, but a movement on the Niagara River was more successful. At the battle of Chippewa they put the British to rout, and determined to move upon Kingston at the other end of Lake Ontario. To do this, it was necessary to have co-operation of the fleet ; but THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND 55 < the fleet was not ready. The British had been reinforced, and were strongdy posted at Queenstown. General Scott was sent forward to make observa- tion, and came upon the entire British force drawn up at Lundy’s Lane, opposite Niagara Falls. Here the Americans attacked the British, and sent back for reinforcements. A terrible fight followed, in which both armies suffered severely. The British were too exhausted to follow up their victory, and returned to Chippewa. Their principal officers were wounded, and Scott was unable to return to duty again during the war. The Americans retreated to the defences of Fort Erie and the British besieged the place. The siege lasted through the summer, and then the British abandoned it. The x\mericans destroyed the fort and returned to their side of the river. The campaign had cost many lives, and neither party had gained aii}^ real advantage. The British, however, seemed to be gaining. In Europe Napoleon had been defeated, and England was thus enabled to spare more men for the war in America. Her policy was to march two armies into the United States. One army was to descend from Canada, and the other was to land at New Orleans and march northward. To divert attention a fleet under Admiral Cockburn sailed up the Potomac and attacked the capital. There was scarcely any resistance ; and to their lasting disgrace, the British destroyed public buildings, books, and papers. Nothing was spared except the Patent Office and the jail. Another attack was made by a British fleet upon Baltimore. The enemy landed men a few miles below the town, but the Americans gallantly repulsed them. Then the fleet bombarded the forts which protected Baltimore, and tried to land men in the rear of the forts. The forts could not reach the vessels, but they drove back the land forces. Fort McHenry received the hottest fire from the fleet. It was upon seeing the flag still flying from the fort, when the smoke cleared away, that Francis S. Key wrote the national song, “ The Star-Spangled Banner.” The fleet finally abandoned the attempt and sailed away. The British undertook to bring their army from Canada to New York by the familiar Lake Champlain route. General Macomb, in command of a small force at Plattsburgh, and Lieutenant Macdonough, with a little fleet, completely repulsed the British at the battle of Plattsburgh, and compelled them to return to Canada. The army and fleet which were to take New Orleans made their rendez- vous at Pensacola. Louisiana had been admitted a State in 1812 and every one felt the importance of New Orleans. If the British should obtain pos- session of it they would control the Mississippi and the western country. Andrew Jackson was in command of the southwestern forces and moved 56 THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND rapidly to the coast. The British were driven back by Fort Bowyer when trying to take Mobile, and they abandoned Pensacola when Jackson ap- proached. They were more intent on New Orleans and moved their men and vessels to Lake Borgne. Jackson hurried after them and made vigorous preparations to defend New Orleans. He called upon eveiybody, white and black, to help build fortifications. He led his men out of the town and attacked the enemy in their camp at night. His energy inspired the greatest enthusiasm. General Sir Edward Pakenham and General Gibbs were in command of the British forces. Their men were encamped in a marsh. They made defence of hogsheads ‘of sugar while Jackson used cotton bales. The guns on each side quickl}^ destroyed these temporary barricades, and Jackson used the black mud of the river bank to make earth- works. After a fortnight’s siege the British determined to storm the American works. Early in the morning of January 8, 1815, the}^ made the attack. Jackson’s men, trained to rifle shooting and aided b}^ artillery, met them with coolness. A second attack was made, but in less than half an hour from the first assault the battle was over. General Pakenham was killed ; General Gibbs was mortally wounded ; a Highland regiment which had made a brave and stubborn assault was cut to pieces. The British withdrew, completely disheartened. The fleet failed to pass the fort which guarded the town and the whole expedition was abandoned. The victory was a complete one for the Americans ; yet the battle was unnecessary. Fourteen days before it was fought a treaty of peace between the two countries had been signed at Ghent in Belgium. Neither side knew of it, nor did the news at once reach the scattered vessels of the navy. These con- tinued their operations until one by one they learned that the war was over. The independence of the United States was securely fixed by the War of t8i2. England withdrew her last claim to sovereignty. The country was not only established in its own domain, but it had equal rights with Europe on the broad seas. She was henceforth to be one of the great powers of the world. The last vestige of subjection to the Old World dis- appeared when Decatur sailed into the harbor of Algiers in June, 1815. That country had again declared war upon the United States. Decatur compelled the Algerians to meet him on his own ship and give up forever their demands. The other Barbary States signed similar treaties, and American commerce was free. The eventful administration of President Madison came to a close in 1816. During that- year the efforts of the government were put forth to complete the readjustment of the finances of the conntr}^ after the derange- THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. It is a curious fact tliat the most important battle of the war of 1812 was fought several weeks after the signing of the treaty of peace between Great Britain ami the Lnited States, but, of course, before the news had reached tliis country. General Jackson, at New Orleans, was attacked January 8, 1815, by the British army under Lord Packenham, which, within the space of twenty-five minutes, was repulsed with the loss of its commander and 2,500 men, while the Americans had only 8 killed and 13 wounded. Daniel V^EBSTER ,)oHN C. CALHOUN Henry Clay QUiNCN FAMorS AMFinCAX STATESMEN THE NINETEENTH John C. Calhoun, born in 1782; died in 1850. Daniel Webster, born in 1782; died in 1852. John Quincy Adams, born in PS’ ■ died in 18-48. OF THE FIRST HALF OF CENTURY. Henry Clay, born in 1777 ; died in 1852. Thomas Jefterson, born in 1743; died in 1820. Alexander Hamilton, born in the AVest Indies in 1757 ; killed in a duel in 1804. THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND 67 meiits produced by a state of war. Direct taxation was reduced one-lialf, and other changes were made. The Bank of the United States had expired by the limitation of its charter in i8ii, and the banks authorized by the several States had appeared in all parts of the Union. At the close of 1815 there were one hundred and twenty of these institutions, with an aggregate capital of $40,000,000, and an emission of notes estimated at $200,000,000. The finances of the government were then in a wretched condition. The public credit had been depressed by the unpatriotic action of the Peace faction, and from the same cause there was a general suspension of specie payments by the banks, the notes of which were greatly depreciated — twenty per cent, in Baltimore and fifteen in New York. In this state of things the friends of a national bank pressed its claims on Congress, and in the spring of 1816 a second bank of the United States was chartered for twenty years with a capital of $35,000,000, the United States subscribing for stock to the amount of $7,000,000. The creation of this bank gave an impetus to general business. The State banks were compelled to resume specie payments. Some of them were aided in their efforts by the national bank, while more feeble ones were finally obliged to close their doors. The government bank went into operation early in 1817, and receiving on deposit the funds of the national government it soon became a powerful financial institution. It was so powerful that when President Jackson was inaugurated in 1829 evinced hostility to it, and waged war upon it as a dangerous institution until it expired by the limitation of its charter, in 1836, which was never renewed by Congress. The bank was re-chartered by the Legislature of Pennsylvania in 1836, but made a final suspension four years afterward, when, on winding up its business, there remained noth- ing for the stockholders — the whole capital was gone. During Madison’s administration Louisiana and Indiana were admitted into the Union as States — the former in April, 1812, and the latter in De- cember, 1816. There had been warm discussions on the subject of the admission of Louisiana, the Federalists strongly opposing the measure. The question of boundary between the possessions of Spain and the United States in that region was a serious one. Eastward of the vast territory which, under the title of Louisiana, had been ceded to the United States, and bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, was a region in possession of the Spaniards, known as East and West Florida and Alabama. The western portion was claimed by the United States as included in the cession, while the Spanish authorities asserted that their possession extended to the Mississippi. With the act for the admission of Louisiana was passed 58 THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND another act, annexing to that State that part of West Florida lying between the Mississippi and Pearl Rivers, and all eastward of that stream to the Perdido was annexed to the Territory of Mississippi. This measure pro- duced unpleasant relations between the United States and Spain, which continued several years ; and the dispute was not settled until after the retirement of Mr. Madison from the Presidency. The latter event occurred on the 4th of March, 1817. James Monroe, his Secretary of State, was his successor, having received an almost unanimous vote for the high ofi&ce by the electoral college. Mr. Monroe was conservative, judicious, and con- ciliatory, just such a man as was then needed in the place he filled. It was a critical time in the history of the Republic, for the country was in a transition state from that of war to one of peace. The demand for domestic manufactures and the high prices obtained for them during the war had stimulated that particular industry, and many manufacturing establish- ments had been nurtured into vigorous life. When the war was ended and European manufactures came like a flood in quantity and at low prices, that industry was suddenly overwhelmed in disaster. Thousands of men and women were compelled to seek other employments, and many turned .'their eyes and their hopes to the millions of fertile acres beyond the Alle- gheny Mountains, where sure wealth, or at least a competence, awaited the tiller’s industry and skill. Bankrupts sought and found relief in the pur- 'Suits of agriculture. Homes in the East were left by swarms of sturdy people. Emigration flowed over the mountains in a broad and continuous stream ; and before the close of Monroe’s administration the Great West had begun its wonderful career. That administration was marked by an immense expansion in the material growth of the United States. Four independent States had been created and added to the Union — namely, Mississippi in 1817, Illinois in 1818, Alabama in 1819, and Maine in 1820. The growth of “ The West ” in wealth and population has been marvelous. The five great lakes are over fifteen hundred miles in aggregate length, and drain a region estimated to be nearly thirty-six thousand square miles in extent. The regions around these lakes (especially the more western ones) dess than fifty years ago were almost a wilderness. In 1830 there were less vthan five thousand white people in the vast region between Lake Michigan ■and the Pacific Ocean ; now there are millions, and populous States exist where, within a generation or so, the buffalo and the Indian hunter were lords of the soil. On the borders of these lakes now cluster great com- mercial centres. Chicago is a model illustration. Monroe determined to know more of the country and the people he THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND 59 was called upon to preside over, and sixty days after lie was seated in the chair of state he left the capital for an extensive tour. He was clad in the undress uniform worn by officers of the Revolution — a blue coat of domestic manufacture, light waistcoat, and breeches, high top-boots, known as “ Wellingtons,” and a cocked-hat. He journeyed to far-eastern New England, and thence passed through the sparsely settled country of Vermont. He visited Plattsburgh, and journeyed through the forests to the St. Lawrence, where he embarked for Lake Ontario. He halted at Sackett’s Harbor, Fort Niagara, and Buffalo, and then sailed over Lake Erie to Detroit. From that then remote region he journeyed through the woods of Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, and reached the capital after an absence of more than three months. In the journey the President became acquainted with leading men of all parties, and was cor- dially received everywhere with civic and military escorts and the profound respect of the people. The effect of that tour was in every way beneficial. Partisan asperity was softened, and genuine patriotism filled the hearts of the people. Congress had passed laws, after the year 1808, prohibiting the African slave trade in our country ; but after the war, the rapid increase in the cultivation of cotton made the demand for slave labor greater than the supply and the African slave trade was reopened on the southern coasts in violation of law. There was also a brisk interstate slave-trade act estab- lished, which continued until the breaking out of the late civil war. Before the Revolution the unpleasant situation of free colored people among the slaves on account of their social disabilities had attracted the attention of benevolent persons, and efforts had been made to form a settlement for them in Africa. Nothing of great importance was accomplished until about the beginning of Monroe’s administration, when the American Colonization Society was formed for that purpose, and for sending to such settlements slaves who had been unlawfully brought to the United States. The society founded the Republic of Liberia on the western coast of Africa, which, since 1848, has been an independent state governed by its own people. At this period several of the Spanish-American colonies had declared their independence. East Florida was then in possession of Spain. A bold Scotchman named McGergor, bearing a commission (as he asserted) from several of the revolted Spanish colonies, was at the head of a band of desperate men, and took possession of Amelia Island, off the northern part of the coast of Florida. He declared St. Augustine in a state of blockade, pretended to be engaged in the liberation of Florida from the Spanish 3^oke, sheltered privateers and pirates, and carried on a brisk trade in African 60 THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND slaves, who were smuggled into the United States. At the same time a similar establishment was set np at Galveston, on the coast of Texas, for the same purposes, to which some of the late followers of Lafitte resorted. The President determined to break up these nests. Late in November, 1817, a body of United States troops took possession of Amelia Island, and the Galveston establishment soon disappeared for want of support. Meanwhile a mixed host, composed of Seminole Indians in Florida creeks, who were dissatisfied with the treaty of 1814, and runaway slaves, had commenced murderous forays upon the frontier settlers in Georgia and the Territory of Alabama, carved out of Mississippi. It was ascertained that these depre- dations were incited by British subjects residing in Florida under the protection of the Spanish authorities there. General Gaines was sent by onr government to suppress these outrages and to remove any Indian from the territory ceded by the Creeks to the United States. His presence aroused the fierce anger of the Indians. They flew to arms, and for a while Gaines was in great peril. General Jackson hastened to his relief in time, with a thousand Tennessee volunteers. He arrived in December. Very little was done during the winter; but in March (1818) Jackson invaded Florida, took possession of the Spanish fort of St. Marks, at the head of Appalachee Bay, and sent the civil authorities and troops to Pensacola. At St. Marks Jackson found two of the most active inciters of the Indians to make forays into the settlements, and they were arrested. One was a Scotch trader from the Bermudas, named Arbuthnot, and the other was a young Englishman named Anbrister, twenty-one years of age, who had borne a lieutenant’s commission in the British service, and had led the motley gang of plunderers into Alabama. The general called these men before him, sternly accused them of their misdeeds, which they did not dis- claim, and ordered them to be bound and tried by a court-martial. They were speedily found guilty and hanged. Jackson soon afterward marched towards Pensacola, where the Spanish authorities, who cherished the enemies of the United States and encouraged the Indians to make war on the white people, resided. On Jackson’s ap- proach the governor sent a protest against the invasion of the country of a friendly power, and a threat of repelling the intruders “ force by force.” Jackson pushed on to Pensacola. The governor and a few friends fled on horseback to Fort Barrancas, where he refused to give a guaranty for the peace of the frontier or to surrender the fort. Jackson drew np a nine- pounder field-piece and five eight-inch howitzers before the fort, and had scaling ladders ready, when a white flag appeared over the ramparts, and a THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND 61 surrender took place. Jackson sent the governor and the garrison to Havana, and afterward wrote : ‘‘ All I regret is that I did not storm the works, capture the governor, put him on his trial for the murder of Stokes and his family and hang him for the deed.” Jackson was severely censured in some circles for these high-handed proceedings. His justification was a care for the public safety, which could not be secured in any other way. The governor and the voice of the people sustained him ; but it was perceived that a general and thorough settlement of affairs on the southern boundary was a pressing necessity. A treaty was soon made (February 22, 1819) by which Spain ceded to the United States the whole of the Floridas and the adjacent islands. Just two years afterwards that country was erected into a Territory of the United States, and in March, 1821, General Jackson was appointed the first gov- ernor over the newly-acquired domain. The vast region known as Louis- iana, which was ceded to the United States by France, was divided into two Territories, called respectively the “ Territory of New Orleans ” and the “ District of Louisiana.” The first named, when it was admitted as a State in 1812, assumed the original name of Louisiana, and the Territory north of it received the name of Missouri. In 1819 the southern portion of the latter Territory was formed into a separate government and called Arkan- sas. At the same time the Territories of Maine and Missouri were making overtures for admission into the Union. CHAPTER VII (SECOND DECADE) THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEON’S SWAY \_RSsume . — The following links will connect the reader with the chain of events laid out in the last chapter devoted to Napoleonic conquest — Jena and Auerstadt — Berlin Decree — Eylau — Friedland — The Surrender of Madrid — Napoleon at Vienna — Wagram — Divorce of Josephine.] W AGRAM meant more than the terrific defeat of the Austrian forces on that bloody battlefield. It involved, as we have seen, the divorce of the childless Josephine, and it resulted in the alliance of the Corsican adventurer ” with the proudest princess in Europe — the Archduchess Marie Louise. This woman was not at all an admirable character. Born in 1791, she was Empress of the French in 1810; and, when the star of Napoleon set, she became Duchess of Parma in 1816, and an unmourned corpse in 1847. France had now attained to its greatest territorial limits. Not only had the Papal States in Italy been annexed to the Empire, but also Hol- land, the Valois, and the better part of the North German coast. Alliance with Austria, however, through Marie Louise, meant a breach with Russia. The peace concluded at Tilsit with the Emperor Alexander had lasted a few years, when, in 1811, the Czar renounced the Continental system. Napoleon was prepared for war. England aside, and beyond his reach, he had no enemy on hand but Russia. All other enemies he had overthrown. Before we tell, in brief, the story of the invasion of Russia, it is neces- sary that we revert to the Spanish Peninsula. From April, 1809, Wellington, with an estimated force of twenty thousand English troops — the British force, it is said, at no time exceeded fifty thousand men — had been trying to wrest Spain from the iron grasp of Napoleon. His progress was slow. Here is how an English author describes it up to 1812 : “Wellington had advanced to the Spanish frontier, when the vast forces which Napoleon had 62 THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEONS SIVAV G3 directed against liiin counseled a retreat. At Busaco lie waited for the French in a strong position, and having there inflicted upon them a bloody repulse, he continued his retreat to the lines of Torres Vedras. Thither Massena followed him. The French general searched eagerly for some point so weak that he might hope to force an entrance, but there was none. He waited for several weeks, expecting that supplies would fail and that Wellington must come forth and give battle. But the English ships main- tained abundance in the camp. Massena himself, obliged to depend upon a wasted country, began to feel straitened. At length the inevitable retreat began. It is memorable as the first step in a backward movement which was not interrupted till the last invader was driven from the peninsula and the victorious British stood upon the soil of France.” The substance of the foregoing has already been given, and it will be remembered that it is the partial report of an English historian, which is to be taken with a liberal dose of salt. It has been said by an eminent authority that it is impossible for one to write an impartial history of a war until at least three centuries after its termination. The intense hatred felt by England toward Napoleon and the French could not fail to warp the judgment of those who attempted to tell the story of the war. Napoleon’s most powerful motive for war with Russia was his wish to compel her to carry out the treaty signed at Tilsit in 1807. By this time the Emperor Alexander had undertaken to close all his ports to England ; but this had never been carried out otherwise than very imperfectly. Napoleon rightly thought that he could ruin the English, an essentially manufac- turing and trading people, if he could succeed in destroying their commerce with the continent ; but the execution of this gigantic scheme involved such difficulties that only France proper was really subject to the commercial restrictions. As for Italy, Germany, and the Illyrian provinces, the appli- cation of the Continental system, though established by imperial decree, was quite illusory, both from the extent of the coast line and by the connivance and defective vigilance of those who administered the districts. Thus the Emperor of Russia when summoned by France to forbid all commercial relations with England, replied by pointing to the exceptions which had become almost the rule throughout Europe. But the real reason for Alexander’s refusal to comply with Napoleon’s claim was his fear of being assassinated like the Emperor Paul, his father, the cause of complaint against whom was that he had wounded the national self-esteem by his alliance with France, and destroyed Russian commerce by going to war with G4 THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEONS SWAY England. Now Alexander began to see that by showing deference and friend- ship to Napoleon at Erfurt, at Tilsit, he had already alienated the people’s minds, and he had now to fear that by suspending all trade with England, the only outlet which Russian nobility had for the produce of their vast estates, he would supply them wdth a fresh ground of complaint. The death of Paul I had shown the danger to which an Emperor of Russia ex- posed himself by taking such a step, and Alexander had all the more reason to fear, that he saw about him the same officers who had been about his father, among them Benningsen, his chief of staff. Napoleon, when threatening Alexander with war if he did not accede to his wishes, hardly took into account the difficulties of his position. However, when he learned the reverses which he had undergone in Spain and Portugal, he seemed to hesitate about engaging in a war of which the result seemed very uncertain. General Bertrand related how Napoleon often repeated at St. Helena that at first his only idea was to frighten the Emperor Alexander into carrying out the treat}^ ‘‘ We were,” he would say, “ like two equally good fencers, wffio seem ready to try conclusions, but neither one nor the other quite liking it. They advanced by small steps, threatening with eye and with blade, each hoping that fear of crossing swords will make his enemy give wa3^” But the Emperor’s comparison was not exact ; for one of the fencers had behind him a bottomless abyss ready to engulf him if he took a step backwards, and thus placed between an ignominious death and the necessity of fighting with some chance of success, he was bound to take the latter course. Such was the situation of Alexander, made still worse by the intrigues of the Englishman, Wilson, with General Benningsen and the officers of his staff. Still Napoleon hesitated, and seemed willing to listen to the prudent counsels of Cautaincourt, formerly ambassador to St. Peters- burg. He questioned French officers wffio had lived in Russia and knew the country and its resources. Among these w^as Lieutenant-Colonel de Pouthon, one of the engineer officers whom Napoleon had, at Alexander’s request, authorized, and even asked, to enter the Russian service after the peace at Tilsit. “ In April the French troops in Germany and those of the allied princes of the Germanic Confederation were set in motion, and their march toward Poland w^as delayed only by the difficult}^ of procuring forage. Meanwhile the Emperor left Paris, and wdth the Empress betook himself to Dresden. Pie was awaited there by his father-in-law, the Emperor of Austria, and nearly all the German princes, some drawn by the hope of seeing their states extended, others by fear of displeasing the arbiter of destiny. The GREAT FRENCH SCIENTISTS. Ferdinand de Lesseps, the noted engineer, was l)orn in Camille Flammarion, born in 1842. 1805 and died in 1894. ISl. Charcot, neurologist, was born in 1825. Louis Pasteur, medical scientist, horn in 1822. JUSTUS Von Liebig ‘^8£rt Koch Alexander Von Humboldt GREAT GERMAN SCIENTISTS. Liebig, chemist, was l»orn in 1803, and died in 1872. Koch, medical scientist, born in 1843. Haeckel, born in 1834. Humboldt, the greatest of descriptive naturalists, was born in 1769, and died in 1859. THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEON\S SWAY 65 only king absent was the King of Prussia. Not belonging to the Confed- eration of the Rhine, he had not been summoned to the meeting and dared not present himself without Napoleon’s leave. For this he humbl}^ begged, and when he had obtained it hastened to make another among the crowd of sovereigns who had repaired to Dresden to pay their court to the all-powerful conqueror of Europe. The protestations of fidelity and devotion which were there lavished on Napoleon dazzled him till they made him commit a most serious mistake in the organization of the contingents which were to compose the Grand Army. Instead of weakening the governments of Austria and Prussia, his former foes, by requiring them to contribute the larger part of their available troops, whom prudence would have enjoined him to place in the advance, as much to spare French blood as to enable him to keep an eye on his new and wavering allies, Napoleon not only contented himself with taking thirty thousand men from these Powers, but employed them on the wings of his army. The Austrians, under Prince Schwarzenberg, were on the right, in Volh3mia ; the Prussians, whom he placed under a French marshal, Macdonald, formed the left ; the centre was composed of French troops and the contingents from the Confederation of the Rhine. “ The faults of this organization struck many intelligent men, who were Sony to see the wings of the Grand Army composed of foreigners, who, placed on the frontiers of their own countries, were in a position to form, in case of a reverse, two armies in our rear, while our centre, consisting of trustworthy troops, would be deep within the Russian Empire. “ Austria was retaining one hundred and twenty thousand soldiers ready to act against us in case of our failure ; Prussia had sixty thousand men over and above her contingent. It is astonishing that the Emperor took so little heed of what he was leaving behind him, but so confident was he that when the King of Prussia begged him to allow his eldest son to go with him as aide-de-camp, Napoleon, although the young prince would have been valuable hostage for the lo^mlty of his father, would not consent. It was a re- markable fact that, while the Austrian generals expressed their satisfaction, the inferior officers and the men regretted having to march against Russia. In the Prussian contingent it was just the contrar3\ The generals and colonels felt humiliated at being obliged to serve their conqueror, while the junior officers and the soldiers rejoiced at the opportunity of fighting beside the French, to show that, if they had been beaten in the Vienna campaign, it was not for want of courage, but because the}^ had been badl}^ led.” Says Marbot : “ Besides enclosing the Grand Army between Austria and Prussian contingents, Napoleon had lowered the tone of the French troops 5 66 THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEON'S SWAY by mingling foreign regiments with them. Thus the first corps, commanded by Marshal Davout, reckoned on June i, sixty-seven thousand men, of whom fifty-eight thousand were French, the balance consisting of Germans, Spaniards, and Poles. In the second corps under Oudinot, with thirt^Mour thousand French, there were one thousand six hundred Portuguese, one thousand eight hundred Croats, and seven thousand Swiss. In Ney’s corps, the third, the proportion of French was even smaller, while in the fourth and sixth corps, united under Eugene Beauharnais, the French composed less than one-half, the remainder being Croats, Bavarians, Spaniards, Dalmatians, and Italians, and of the forty-four thousand cavalry under Murat, twenty-seven thousand only were French. It is not our intention to name all the forces at Napoleon’s disposal, only to show to what extent the French element was mingled with foreigners, who were themselves in the most heterogeneous confusion with regard to language, manners, customs, and interest ; all served very badly, and often paralyzed the efforts of the French troops. This was one of the principal causes of the French reverses. Leaving Dresden on July 24, the Emperor went towards Poland by wa}^ of Dantzig and Prussia proper. His troops were crossing this country at the same time, and he reviewed them as he came up with them. The review involved severe examination by the Emperor of the regimental commanders, especiall}^ on the eve of a campaign. Besides the usual questions as to the numerical strength in men and horse, he used to address a heap of unex- pected queries which people were not always prepared to answer. “ For instance : How many men have you had from such a department in the last two years ? How many carbines from Tulle or from Chari e- ville ? How many Norman horses have you ? How many Breton ? How many German ? How many men of that troop have got three stripes ? How many have two or one ? Of 3^our officers ? Of 3^our horses ? and so on. These questions, always put in a short, imperative tone, accompanied with a piercing glance, put many colonels out of countenance ; and yet woe to him who hesitated to answer : he got a bad mark in Napoleon’s mind. I had prepared myself so well that I had an answer for everything, and the Emperor, after complimenting me on the fine condition of the regiment, would probably have named me colonel and promoted M. de la NougarMe general. But just then the latter, with his legs wrapped in flannel, had got hoisted on his horse to follow the movements of his regiment at a distance, while I commanded in his place, and, hearing his name, came up to Napoleon and irritated him b}^ an untimely request on behalf of an officer, a relative of his, who was unworthy of aiu" interest. This request raised THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEON SWAY 67 a storm of whicli I experienced the recoil. Napoleon flew into a violent rage, ordered tlie gendarmes to expel the officer in question from the army and galloped away, leaving La Nougarede confounded. So he was not made general. Marshal Oudinot, having followed the Emperor to inquire his orders with regard to the Twenty-third Chasseurs, his Majesty replied, ‘ Let Major Marbot continue to command it.’ Before I obtained colonel’s rank I was to be wounded again, and that severely.” The policy of the Russians was to retire before the irresistible force of Napoleon, laying waste the country as they went. At an early period in the campaign it became evident that Napoleon had brought into those thinly- peopled wilds a host of men so great that it was beyond his power to feed them. It was impossible to carry supplies for such multitudes, and the wasted country through which their march led yielded nothing adequate to their enormous wants. Almost from the beginning the soldiers were put on half rations. Water was scanty and bad; the heat of the weather was intense. Large numbers of the hungry soldiers strayed on marauding ex- peditions and were lost. The mortality soon became excessive, and the army left ghastly traces of its presence in the carcasses of horses and the unburied bodies of men scattered thickly along the line of march. Before they reached Moscow one-half of the men had sunk under the hardships of the journey. Encouraged by the losses of their enemy, the Russians determined to abide the issue of a great battle before yielding Moscow. They took up a strong position at Borodino and there awaited the French attack. The battle which ensued was distinguished over all the bloody encounters of that time by its enormous slaughter. At its close one hundred thousand men lay dead or mangled on the field. The result was indecisive, both armies continuing to hold their original positions. But the Russians retreated next day and left Moscow open to the invaders. The French army, grievously weakened by battle and hardships, en- tered Moscow with the rapturous joy of men whose dangers were over and their triumph assured. But their rejoicing quickly experienced a disastrous eclipse. To their dismay they found Moscow utterly abandoned by its inhabitants — silent as the city of the dead. Still worse remained. The people had resolved to destroy their ancient capital rather than suffer it to be polluted by the occupation of the French army. Arrangements had been made to set fire to buildings in every quarter, and care had been taken to remove every appliance which could aid the extinction of the flames. The invaders, helpless and appalled, watched the unresisted progress of the fire ; and even Napoleon admitted that this ushered in a long train of dis- 68 THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEON'S SWAY aster. The Emperor shrank from owning the utter failure of his enterprise. He lingered among the ruins of Moscow during five or six precious weeks, which might almost have sufficed to place his army beyond the perils of a Russian winter. At length the retreat was begun, and the great tide of conquest rolled backward. The army was now reduced to one hundred thousand men. The greatest of Russian authors, Count Tolstoi, says: “In 1812 the French marched as conquerors into Moscow, and, instead of striking a death-blow at the existence of Russia, the outcome was the destruction of their own army of six hundred thousand men. And, say what we will, it is impossible to distort the facts to fit historical theory to maintain that the Russians remained in possession of the field of Borodino, or that after the French had left Moscow, they were cut up in a series of pitched battles. The whole course of the invasion of 1812, from the battle of Borodino till the last Frenchman had recrossed the frontier, proves to a demonstration that, in the first place a victory does not necessarily lead to conquest — is not even a sure promise of it, and, in the second place, the power which decides the fate of nations is not inherent in conquerors, armies, and battles, but has a quite different source. French writers have told us that, excepting in the cavalry, the artillery, and the baggage-train, everything in the Grande Armee was kept in perfect order; they admit that provender was lacking for the horses, but that for this there was no remedy, as the peasants burnt their hay rather than sell it. In fact, after the evacuation of Smolensk the war took a course which cannot be accounted for by any received tradition. The burning of the towns and villages, the retreat after each battle, the club hurled at the foe at Borodino, the pursuit of skirmishers, the guerilla warfare, all were out of the pale or cognizance of law. ‘ Napoleon, who had struck the correct duellist’s attitude at Moscow, knew this better than any man, and he never ceased complaining of it to Kontonzow and the Czar ; but in spite of his remonstrances and to the shame which some high personages may very possibl}^ have felt at seeing the country fight in this fashion, the national bludgeon was lifted, and, without any question as to good taste or correct rule, fell and hammered the French unremittingly, till its stupendous brute force had utterly crushed the invasion.” To resume, the Russian army, in renewed strength and ampl}^ sup- plied, hung upon the flanks and rear of their enemy, and inflicted severe loss by their unwear^dng attacks. Soon the snow began to fall and a Rus- GREAT FRENCH STATESMEN. Gr6vy, born in 1807 ; died in 1891. Gambetta, born in 1838 ; died in 1882. Perrier, born in 1847. Faure, born in 1841 ; died in 1899. Guizot, born in 1787 ; died in 1874. Thiers, born in 1797 ; died in 1877. Lamartine, born in 1792 ; died in 1869. Talleyrand, born in 1769; died in 1820 THE RETREAT FROM RUSSIA. THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEONS SWAY 69 sian winter of exceptional severity set in. The retreat was henceforth attended by horrors unsurpassed in human history. At one time the un- sheltered wretches were subjected to cold thirty degrees under zero. Thou- sands perished daily of hunger and cold. The River Berezina had to be passed under fire of the Russian artillery. So terrible was the disaster which befell them there, that when thaw came the Russians buried twelve thousand bodies of Frenchmen found in the river. At last the agonies of this awful retreat came to an end. Notwithstanding Marbot’s statement, six hundred thousand fighting men had entered Russia ; eighty thousand recrossed the Niemen. Of these a large proportion had been late reinforce- ments. But very few who had been with the expedition from the beginning returned to their homes. Nearly all had perished or remained prisoners in the hands of the enemy. The miseries of this expedition stand alone in their appalling magni- tude. The political results of the Moscow campaign were necessarily of extreme importance. Napoleon was the abhorred oppressor of Germany ; but his power had been such that resistance was hopeless, and Germany had to suffer the humiliation of sending troops to fight under the banner of the tyrant. But with the destruction of the French army hope dawned upon the suffering and degradation of years. Prussia, without loss of time, under the influence of a vehement popular impulse, entered into an engagement with Russia to aid her in the war with France. Austria followed, not in- considerably strengthened in her disposition by an offer of ten millions sterling from England. Sweden sent an army under Napoleon’s old mar- shal, Bernadotte, to join the allies. The Emperor was not yet wholly with- out friends. Denmark adhered to him in his days of adversity, as did several of the smaller German states. But the balance was now hopelessly against him. Napoleon returned to Paris, and with a candor nnusual in his career, revealed the magnitude of the disaster which had fallen upon him. The confidence with which unparalleled success had inspired the French people was too strong to yield at once even to this unparalleled calamity. When the first paroxysm of dismay had exhausted itself, a belief in the genius and good fortune of the Emperor was found to have survived. Na- poleon applied himself with wonted energy to the creation of a fresh army to replace that which had perished amid the Russian snows. The waste of life during these many years of war was now pressing hard upon the population of France. The military age was reduced to sev- enteen and the standard of height to five feet one inch. Imperfectly grown 70 THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEON’S SWAY boys, unfit to endure tlie fatigue of war, filled the ranks and speedily crowded the hospitals. So vigorous, however, were the Emperor’s measures, and so well did his people support him, that in April he had two hundred thousand men ready to meet the Russians and Prussi'ans on the Elbe. In the campaign wdiich followed victory visited the imperial standard. In the battle of Lutzen and Bautzen the advantage remained with the French suffi- ciently to make it desirable for the Allies to seek an armistice, which Na- poleon granted. But this gleam of hope was delusive. In the next campaign he sustained, at Eeipsic, a defeat which made his retreat to the Rhine indis- pensable, and Germany was delivered. And now France had to endure the miseries of invasion, which she had so long and so ruthlessly inflicted upon others. On the southwest Wellington, with a hundred thousand veteran troops, who had come victorious out of every battle, stood ready to enter French territory. On the northwest the Allies, numbering almost a million of fighting men, were ready to fall upon her. Napoleon, with forces utterly inadequate to quell the storm which his ambition had raised, struggled heroically but vainly to defend his throne against the overwhelming strength of his enemies. The Allies forced their way to Paris. With slight resistance the capital ^delded to their summons. The fickle Parisians received them with delight. Napoleon was promptly abandoned by the courtiers who had lately lived in his smile. He abdicated the throne after, it is alleged, an unsuccessful attempt to commit suicide. The allied sovereigns behaved generously to tlieir fallen foe. He was allowed to retain the title of Emperor ; the island of Elba was assigned as his residence, and a sum of $500,000 as his yearly income. Four hundred French soldiers were given him as a body-guard. He set out at once for his new home. He had to travel toward the coast in disguise to escape the fury of the people, who were eager now to have the blood of him who had so long been their idol. Napoleon lived for nine or ten months in his little kingdom — an islet sixty miles in circumference. He visited every corner of his dominions, laid out new roads, built several new palaces ; imposed new taxes, to the discontent of his subjects ; had a sup- ply of water brought into his capital ; took possession of an adjoining island, still smaller than his own. Soon these pursuits ceased to interest a mind accustomed to a sphere of activity so vastly higher. Then he turned his atten- tion to the recruiting of his little army. It may be supposed that Napoleon would scarcely pause to consider the proportion which his income bore to his expenditure, and he quickly ran himself into pecuniary difficulties. All the while he spoke of his political career as closed. He spoke freely of the THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEONE SIVAV 71 public affairs of Europe, but alwa3^s with tlie tone of an uiicoiicerued spec- tator. For hi 111 now there were no interests but his faniil}^ his house, his cows, his poultr}^ The disguise was skilfully assumed, for Na 23 oleoii was uiiequaled as a dissembler. But ordiiiar}^ credulit}^ could scarce!}' trust in the permaneuce of a change so violent. Meantime Louis XVIII was on the throne of France, the fickle Parisians having hailed the restoration of the Bourbons with enthusiastic lo3^alty. At Vienna an august congress of royal and highly distinguished persons sat down to dispose of the enormous territories which had been redeemed from the grasp of Napoleon. The avaricious monarchs wrangled over the distribution of their vast spoils, and at one period there was imminent danger that their differences would fall to be arranged by the sword. But while their debates were. in progress tidings were received which suspended all disputes. Napoleon had left Elba and w^as again in France. The Emperor had unostentatiously increased his army to a thousand men and his fleet to seven small ships. A conspiracy had been formed in France to obtain the support of the soldiers, by whom the reign of peace was regarded unfavorably. When the time was fully ripe, Napoleon invited his principal subjects to a ball, over which his mother and sister presided. Meanwhile his troops were embarked, and Napoleon, quietly disengaging himself from his guests, went on board of one of the ships. The little fleet at once put to sea and steered for the French coast. The restored government of the Bourbons melted into air before the awful figure of the returning Emperor. The King and those who remained faithful to him withdrew in haste from Paris. The army everywhere pronounced for the chief who had so often led them to victory and plunder. Some of those whom Napoleon had raised to eminence, and who had accepted office from the king, hesitated to cancel their new allegiance. But Napoleon’s personal ascendancy over the men who had served him w^as irresistible. Marshal Soult, who was War Minister to King Louis, after some decent hesitation, lent his sword to his old chief. Marshal Ney left Paris to take command against Napoleon, assuring the king that he would bring back the disturber in an iron cage. No sooner had he come within the range of Napoleon’s influence than he yielded to the charm and his army followed him. The civil population of France did not desire the renewal of strife, but the army was wholly with the Emperor, and the destinies of France were in the hands of the arni}^ Napoleon returned to the Tuileries and resumed at once his old occupation of gather- ing men together to fight his battles and be slain in the interests of his ambition. The allied monarchs prepared to renew their efforts to crush this 72 THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEOHS SWAY destroyer of the peace of Europe. They bound themselves to furnish unitedly about a million of armed men and never to rest from their efforts while Napoleon was on the throne of France. The troops, but recently arrived at their homes, were at once ordered to retrace their steps towards the French frontier. In a few months an overwhelming force would tread the soil of France. But the only troops immediately to resist Napoleon were the English and Prussian armies in Belgium, commanded by the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Blucher. In numbers these forces amounted to nearly two hundred thousand men, scattered over a wide territory, for it was uncertain where the attack of Napoleon would fall. The French army was one hundred and thirty thousand strong — excellent in material and equipment. Napoleon’s plan was to concentrate his own troops and attack the widely-dispersed Allies in detail. He burst upon the Prussians — im- perfecth^ prepared to receive him — at Ligny, and drove them back with a loss nearly double his own. At the same time Marshal Ney attacked the English at Quatre Bras. The English also were caught before they had time to bring up their forces, but they fought with their accustomed courage. Reinforcements arrived during the battle, and after a desperate conflict, Ne}^ retired baffled. Next day Wellington drew back his army in such a direction as to approach the Prussians, and took his position near the village of Waterloo. It was Napoleen’s design to break the English by the attacks of his superior 'forces before the Prussians came up. It was Wellington’s design to hold his position till the arrival of the Prussians. The united armies would greatly outnumber their enemies. Napoleon had eight}^ thousand soldiers present on the field — veterans on whom he could rely. Wellington had sixty-seven thousand, of whom only twenty -four thousand were British ; the rest were Belgians, Hanoverians, and others of doubtful quality. The fate of the campaign depended on Wellington’s ability to make good his defence against the superior forces which now came against him. The Prussians were long delayed by the difficulties of their march, and the battle had to be fought by the British army alone. Wellington had chosen his position on the crest of a range of gentle heights, with two strongly-held farmhouses in his front. The French occupied a corresponding eminence on the other side of a little valley. For eight hours the battle raged. Napoleon strove to break the English line of defence. In close succession, furious attacks were directed against the outnumbered English. The splendid French cavalry rode around the English squares, and up to the very muzzles of the muskets. A powerful artillery maintained a WELLINGTON AT WATERLOO. From a i)ainting by F. Neuhaus. “MAllSHAI. VOKWARTS.” liLUCHKK AT WATERLOO. Field Marshal Ilh'iclier, by his daring and impetuosity, gained the name of “ISIarslial Yorwiirts” (l-’orward). It was his arrival on the field of Waterloo in the nick of time, accompanied by his usual intrepidity that saved Wellington from defeat and ended the career of Napoleon I. THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEONS SWAY 73 witliering fire. Massive columns of infantry — strong enough, it seemed, to cleave their bloody path through every obstacle — ascended the slope. But it was all in vain. The English held the ridge, and repulsed every assault with terrible slaughter. At length the cannons of the advancing Prussians were heard. Napoleon moved forward, for a last attack, the splendid soldiers of his Guard — every man a veteran who had seen at least twelve campaigns. They, too, were driven back. And then the wkole English line moved from its position, and advanced upon the shattered enemy. The Prussians, in great force, appeared upon the field and took up the pursuit. The French army fied in hopeless rout, and now indeed the rod of the oppressor was broken. Napoleon himself had to ply his spurs to keep from capture. He rode on during all the hours of that midsummer night, with such thoughts as may be imagined. He hurried to Paris, where he arrived almost alone. Irretrievable as all men knew his ruin to be, he demanded that his^ ministers should find him money and three hundred thousand men to continue the war. While men were still to be found in that France which he had so cruelly wasted, he had no better wish for them than that they should feed with their lives the devouring fire which his ambition had kindled. But all Frenchmen were sick of this murderous and now hopeless fighting. Napoleon had to abdicate his throne, and then he had to surrender himself to an English ship-of-war. He wrote to the Prince Regent that he had closed his political career, and now came, like Theniistocles, to throw him- self on the hospitality of the British people. But the British people could accept no such trust. The government intimated that they could not again leave him opportunity to disturb the peace of Europe. He w^as told that his place of residence during the remainder of his life was to be St. Helena, an island in the South Atlantic, remote from any inhabited land. He declared that he would not go there, and pointed to a refuge in suicide. But he accepted his fate. The early portion of his residence at St. Helena was not heroic. He was full of angry negotiations with the governor and vehement complaints against all the conditions and circumstances by which he was surrounded. Then he was smitten by the disease of which his father had died and of which he himself had long expected to die — cancer of the stomach. He suffered much pain; he was subject to deep and prolonged depression of mind. And then the conqueror died. The influence which Napoleon exerted upon the course of human affairs is without parallel in history. Never before had any man inflicted 74 THE DECLINE OF NAPOLEON'S SWAY upon his fellow-men miseries so appalling; never before did one man’s hand scatter seeds destined to produce a harvest of political change so vast and so beneficent. Assuming, as he did, the control of a people who had filing aside their government, it was a necessity of his position, not merely to defer to democratic influences at home, but also, as opportunity offered, to extend their dominion among foreign states. It was he who roused Italy from her sleep of centuries and led her toward that free and united national life which she at length enjoys. It was he who, by destroying the innumer- able petty states of Germany, inspired that dream of unity which it has required more than half a century to fulfill. He was the dreaded apostle of democracy. When Washington died Napoleon invited his soldiers to mourn the man who had fought for liberty and equality. It was his intention, had he effected a landing in England, to proclaim the sovereignty of the people. By the institutions which he created, by the doctrines which he was obliged to profess, by the very violences of which he was guilty, he communicated to the human mind an impulse which it can never lose. And even when he became utterly and shamelessly despotic — when he laid intolerable burdens upon the people, when he squandered their lives, when he trampled on the life of nations — even then his influence was favorable to popular rights. For the hatred which his despotism evoked, and the vast combination of forces which it rendered necessary, united the people and taught them to know their own strength. For a time the kings who had conquered him were irresistible. But his career had created and strengthened impulses in presence of which kings are powerless. Napoleon, himself one of the most selflsh and remorseless of despots, made the overthrow of despotism and the final tri- umph of liberal principles inevitable in all European countries. CHAPTER VIII (SECOND DECADE) ENGLAND TO THE FRONT S^Resume . — The England of the First Decade witnessed at home the splendid career of Pitt, involving the Union with Ireland, and, abroad, the series of victories which Wellington won in the Peninsula. Under preceding chapters in this, the Second Decade, the conclusion of the Napoleonic wars and the War of 1812 are treated.] I N 1810 George III became hopelessly insane, and after an interval of a few months the Prince of Wales was appointed regent of Great Britain. Preoccupied with the great wars it was waging on land and sea, the nation hardly took note of this event, or of the more important one of the vast extension of its Colonial possessions. England was, indeed, forging to the front. Wellington, having delivered Portugal, assailed and captured in quick succession the Spanish frontier fortresses of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz. He defeated the French at Salamanca, and a few days later trium- phantly entered Madrid. Then followed his victories over Marshal Soult and the pursuit of the French army on French soil. With the utter and terrible failure of Napoleon’s Russian campaign, these successes set the star of England in the highest ascendant. There was, above all, however, the more peaceful progress making in the development or acquisition of the great British colonial empire. First ill importance was Australia, the largest island on the globe — nearly 2,000 miles wide one way and 2,500 the other. Within two-thirds of the century its eastern and southern shores have been colonized by English people, who now number, with those of Tasmania, about 3,000,000. In 1788 there was only a penal convict settlement at Sydney, that part of the coast having been discovered by Captain Cook in 1770. Some twenty years of petty troubles passed over the infant settlement of New South Wales ; then, in 1815, the inland pastures were explored and opened to the enterprise of 75 76 ENGLAND TO THE FRONT sHeep-breeders for the growth of merino wool, and so, to anticipate, this first Australian colony gave birth successively, in 1825, lesser island colony of Tasmania, at first called Van Diemen’s Land; then to Victoria, in 1850, though Melbourne, the capital, was founded fifteen years before, and, nine years later, to Queensland. Then there was the immense stretch of South African territory, on which the gaze of the world is now fastened. There was doubtless some political justification for the British occupation of Cape Colony during the wars of the French Revolution and Empire. In 1795 a Dutch revolution- ary party had revolted against the Prince of Orange, and England’s inter- vention then saved the Cape from becoming a starting-point for French attacks upon her trade. In 1806, at the height of the European danger from Napoleon, the Cape was again occupied by an English force. It was formally ceded to Great Britain by the King of the Netherlands in 1815. In a special chapter, devoted to the Boer war, we shall carefully follow the fortunes of the several South African colonies. With the occupation of Paris, Wellington’s service in the field came to an end, but as Comniander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies in France, his moderation, sound judgment, and impartiality did much to ensure lasting peace in Europe. While he insisted on restoration of the art treasures which the French armies had plundered from the principal Continental cities, he prevented the destruction of national monuments which had been erected in commemoration of French victories ; and he strenuously and successfully opposed the demand of the allies of Great Britain for a large cession of French territory. His opinion on this subject is well worth repeating. After pointing out that France would never acquiesce in the loss of any of her provinces, and that their forcible annexation would lead to a state of armed neutrality rather than a general peace, he remarked : “ If we take this large cession, we must consider the operation of war as deferred till France shall find a suitable opportunity of endeavoring to regain what she lost ; and after having wasted our resources in the main- tenance of overgrown military establishments in time of peace, we shall find how little the cession we shall have acquired will be against a national effort to regain them.’^ Wellington was also instrumental in adjusting the claims brought against the French nation on account of the cost of the late war, and the damage done to public and private property by the French troops. The commissioners appointed to investigate these claims were unable to agree, and the Duke undertook the office of arbitrator ; the result being that the ENGLAND TO THE FRONT 77 total charge against France was reduced from eight hundred millions of francs to two hundred and forty millions. As Comniander-in-Chief of the army of occupation, he took care that the expense of maintaining the troops, which fell upon the French people, should be kept within reasonable limits ; and so soon as he thought it prudent to do so he advised the Allied sovereigns first to diminish the force under his orders, and afterward to withdraw it, two years before the date fixed by the treaty. Let ns now quote from Lord Roberts : It is almost unnecessary to say that like most people who do good to their enemies, Wellington was treated with ingratitude by the nation he endeavored to befriend. On the occasion of his giving a ball, in June, i8i6, his house in the Champs-Elysees was set on fire, oil and gunpowder having previously been placed in the cellar. Fortunately the fire was discovered in time to prevent an explosion. In February, i8i8, his life was attempted by Cantillon, an old non-commissioned officer of the Imperial Army. Napoleon was base enough to leave a legacy of ten thousand francs to this miscreant, in acknowledgment of the service which he had endeavored to render to France by shooting at the Duke of Wellington ; and a quarter of a century later, Napoleon III caused search to be made at Brussels for Can- tillon’s heirs, in order that the money might be handed over to them. The Court, the Ministers, and the chief officers of the French army behaved towards Wellington with a coldness which sometimes amounted to dis- courtesy. On one occasion, when he was attending a levee, the Marshals present barely acknowledged his greetings, and after a short interval walked awa}^ from him in a body. Louis XVIII had grace enough to apologize for this act of rudeness, whereupon Wellington made the apt reply : ‘ Your Majesty need not distress yourself. It is not the first time they have turned their backs on me.’ After attending the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle in October, i8i8, and arranging for the evacuation of France by the Allied armies on the ist of the following month, Wellington returned to England in December and took up the appointment of Master-General of the Ordnance, with a seat in the Cabinet. In July, 1815, Parliament had voted him an additional grant of ^200,000 for his services in the Netherlands ; and before he left France he was given the rank of Marshal in the Austrian, Prussian, and Russian armies, besides other marks of distinction too numerous to mention. This may be regarded as the culminating point of Wellington’s career. From December, 1818, until June, 1846, he devoted himself almost entirely to political affairs. From the latter date up to his death in 1852, the only 78 ENGLAND TO THE FRONT important public office wliicli he held was that of Commaiider-in-Chief, to which, on the death of Lord Hill, in 1842, he had been appointed for life by patent under the Great Seal.” The conquests of Napoleon had marvelously disordered the territorial arrangements of Europe. When the revolution began there were between three and four hundred sovereign powers on the Continent. There were a few great and powerful states, and a multitude of very small ones — each with its miniature court, and its petty army, and its despotic code of laws emanating from the will of the prince, and conflicting vexatiously with the codes enacted by surrounding princes. In Africa, it is said, the traveler meets a new language in every sixty miles of his progress. In Europe he had to encounter, within a similar range, the annoyances resulting from a change of sovereign and a change of law. Over some of the fairest por- tions of the Continent there still prevailed that same inconvenient and wasteful method of government which existed in England in the da^^s when there were seven kingdoms on her soil. Italy was one of the countries thus unfortunately circumstanced. Italy had once been firmly compacted under the strong rule of Ancient Rome ; but when Rome fell, every bar- barian chief possessed himself of what he could, and Italy sank into a multitude of petty states. Charlemagne, for a space, recombined the frag- ments, or most of them, under his own rule. The tribune Rienzi dreamed of uniting Italy in a great federal republic, of which Rome should be the head. But the eighteenth century closed upon Italy still disintegrated and powerless for her own defence. Piedmont and Naples were independent kingdoms. Venice, the oldest state in Europe, although. grievousl}^ decayed, still maintained her precarious existence. Austria ruled in Lombardy. The Pope exercised paternal sway over two million miserably governed subjects. Genoa was ruled by an aristocracy. There were several duchies ; and some of the free cities which sprang up so vigorously in the twelfth century now swelled out into little states. There was no federation. The pett}^ monarchs could enter into treaties to unite their toy armies for mutual defence, but there was no organization for that purpose, and Italy was prac- tically at the mercy of any strong invader. Germany was composed of nearly three hundred independent powers ; there were princes civil and princes ecclesiastical ; there were electors ; there were free towns ; there were some kings of secondary importance ; there were also the great Austrian and Prussian monarchies. Over this constituency the King of Austria exercised the authority of emperor, rep- ENGLAND TO THE ERONT 79 resenting in a shadowy way the old Caesars, whose dignities he was sup- posed to have inherited. Each of the petty states might be required to contribute troops for the defence of the empire. But it was only from the more considerable members of the federation that help could be obtained. The revenues of the smaller states could do little more than support the outlays of the sovereign with his train of unprofitable and burdensome dependants. Austria had for centuries predominated in Central Europe. Her population numbered twenty-five millions. In addition to her German territory she possessed Flanders, Lombardy, Hungary, and the Tyrol. Prussia had as yet scarcely been admitted to the rank of a first-class power. Her population was only eight millions. But her military organization was effective ; the victories which she gained under the great Frederick had given her confidence in her own prowess ; strong national impulses pointed to aggrandizement at the cost of her weaker neighbors. The national existence of Poland had recently been subverted by the arms of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, and her territory divided among conquerors. She had not relinquished her earnest desire for unity and independence, nor for many years was she to desist from heroic efforts to regain them. Holland was leading a quiet existence under a republican form of government. She had long ceased to attempt a prominent part in European politics. The days were passed when Holland contested the maritime supremacy of England. Peacefully and unostentatiously she now sought greatness in the more profitable paths of commercial enterprise. Her artisans were exceptionally industrious and ingenious. The labor of her careful peasantry was over- coming the difficulties of an uncongenial climate and an unproductive soil, and drew abundantly from those discouraging plains the elements of solid and generally diffused material well-being. Her neighbor, Belgium, after centuries of vicissitude, was prospering beside her under the rule of Austria. Switzerland was a federation of twenty-two little republics. Her whole population was only two million. For two centuries she had cherished her independence, and from a position of well-established neutrality looked serenely down upon the contests which desolated her neighbors. Over states thus circumstanced the tide of French invasion rolled for nearl}" a quarter of a century. What were the changes produced on the political arrangements of the multitudinous and, for the most part, fragile sover- eignties thus rudely dealt with ? Italy underwent political changes of the most sweeping and, in their results, of the most beneficial character. Napoleon contemplated from a very early period the combination of all the Italian states into one. He began with the creation of a strong 80 ENGLAND TO THE FRONT republic in the north, overcoming the objections of the petty states by the declaration that he was laying the foundation of a united Italy. He became the chief of that republic, and in due time the neighboring states were forcibly absorbed. Even the territories of the Pope shared the common lot. In the end Napoleon reigned as king over the larger portion of the peninsula; and his brother-in-law, as King of Naples, governed nearly all the rest. The dream of Italian unity was for a brief space almost fulfilled. Unoffending Holland was created into a monarchy, and Louis Bonaparte became its king. When Louis, unable to submit longer to the despotic harshness of his brother, resigned his crown, Holland was at once annexed to France. Belgium also was overrun in the early years of the revolution, and held to the close as a French possession. In Germany Napoleon took advantage of internal jealousies to break off from the empire states with a population of sixteen millions, and to combine them anew into the Confederation of the Rhine, under his own protection, and available for his own purposes. He reduced the number of German governments from three hundred down to thirty. Prussia had been despoiled of half her territory — portions of which Napoleon bestowed upon his German allies ; some he retained and some he erected into Kingdom of Westphalia, for the benefit of his brother Jerome. Austria had been plun- dered in like manner after the campaign of Wagram, and the spoils similarly disposed of. That part of Poland which belonged to Prussia was taken away from her, and, under the title of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, was bestowed upon the King of Saxony. Switzerland had been subjugated while Napoleon was still first Consul. He forcibly imposed on her a new constitution, and held her in a tributary position, guaranteeing, however, her independence against all others. The great inonarchs who had over- thrown Napoleon had now to bring order out of the territorial confusion which he had created, and to make restitution to a crowd of dethroned princes. It was a work of unexampled difficulty ; on its wise performance hung the welfare of generations. Unhappily the inonarchs who then held the destinies of Europe in their hands did not rise to the greatness of their opportunity. It was not a reconstruction of Europe which the}^ sat down to accomplish, with a wise regard to the wants of the European people. Tliey met to satisfy the demands of a horde of bereaved princes They met in the spirit of a supreme regard to personal interests. Their avowed object was to restore to Europe, as nearly as possible, the political arrange- ments Avliich existed before the war. They took no account of the vast changes which the war had caused. They were blind to the new impulses ENGLAND TO THE FRONT 81 whicli had risen to unsuspected strength, and were henceforth to shape out the destinies of Europe. On every petty throne they would reseat the petty despot who had occupied it before. Certain weak states which lay near France were strengthened, the better to withstand the encroachments which that unquiet power might be expected to attempt when her strength returned. Otherwise the wornout system of the eighteenth century was to be faithfully reproduced. A reconstruction of Europe on this principle could not be lasting ; but it cost Europe many years and much blood to undo it. Absolute monarchy was about to enter upon a period of swift, almost of sudden decay. But its splendors were yet untarnished. Indeed, absolute power never seemed so far beyond reach of decay as when four or five men sat down in Vienna to regulate the political destinies of the European people — no other thought than that of submission presenting itself to any of the victims of their arrangements. The success of their arms had made the allied monarchs supreme in Europe. Neither they themselves nor the European people questioned their right to dispose of territories and races according to their own pleasure. They had at the outset to deal with France, and they did so justly. France was at one stroke divested of territories which held a population of thirt3Awo millions — the enormous gains of Napoleon’s unscrupulous aggressions. All that France had unlawfully acquired she was now compelled to relinquish. It was the design of the Allies that she should resume the identical dimensions of 1792 ; and this substantially was effected, although several unimportant modifications in the direction both of increase and diminution left her to a small extent a gainer. Italy awoke from her dream of unity. Lombard}^ was given back to Austria. Venice, humbled and indignant, was added to the gift. The Pope resumed his temporal sovereignt3^ The Bourbons quickly regained the throne of Naples. The dukes swarmed back to their paltry thrones. Genoa was handed over to Piedmont, amid the vehement but unheeded remonstrance of the people thus transferred. Italy was once more a mass of incohering fragments. But the desire for unity, although frustrated for half a century, was already enkindled in strength sufficient to compel fulfilment. Germany, too, received back her innumerable sovereignties. Only they were knit together in a league, of which Austria and Prussia were the supreme directors. The states forming this confederation were bound to afford mutual support against foreign attack. Austria, as the most powerful member of the union, naturally looked to be its head. But the rising strength and ambition of Prussia involved a perilous. competition for the coveted supremacy. Holland and 82 ENGLAND TO THE ERONT Belgium were crushed together into a kingdom. Hanover, for the possession of which Prussia sinned and suffered so grievously, was restored to Eng- land. Norway was annexed to Sweden. Switzerland had a constitution bestowed upon her royal hands, and having meekly accepted it, resumed her independence. The old partition of Poland was confirmed with some modifications in the interest of Russia, and a people numbering fifteen millions were formally handed over to Russia, Austria, and Prussia. The poor King of Saxony had a hard fate. He had adhered too faithfully to the falling emperor, and thus in the congress he had few friends. Prussia claimed the whole of his territory. Ultimately she consented to accept something less than the half of her demand. England came with credit and dignity out of this ignoble contest over the spoils of the war. She gave back to France and her allies all the colonies which she had taken, with some inconsiderable exceptions. She asked nothing for herself but the glor}^ of having contributed to the deliverance of Europe. At length the settlement was complete. The monarchs were able to cherish the pleasing conviction that they had created a perfect and enduring political equi- librium. The European powers were now so happily balanced that permanent tranquillity would gladden the tormented nations. Alas ! they omitted from their calculations one most vital factor, they took no thought of the European people. Their ingeniously devised system was abhorred by the people who were required to live under it. For half a century to come many of the nations had to give their energies to the overthrow of the balance which the Congress of Vienna established. The British Empire in the East, like that of Napoleon I in Europe, .could be maintained only by constant fighting ; fighting was the price paid for the empire, and to stand still was to retrograde. Tippoo Sahib broke his faith by intriguing against the English, both with the French and with native princes ; his bad faith cost him his crowm and his life. In May, 1799, Seringapatam was captured and Tippoo slain. The Hindu dynasty, dis- placed by Hyder Ali, was restored and the administration carried on most successfully for the youthful Rajah by Colonel Wellesley (afterward Duke of Wellington). In the famous battle of Assaye, 1803, he defeated the Mahrattas under Scindia ; and the victories of Lord Lake, in northern India, extended considerably the dominions of the company. The policy of the Marquis V/ellesley was, however, too aggressive to suit the views of the East India Company, and he was superseded by Lord Cornwallis, who returned to India only to die. Lord Minto succeeded, 1806-13. Nothing ENGLAND TO THE FRONT 83 of much importance occurred until the Marquis of Hastings became governor-general (1813-23). He waged war against the Pendaris, who were entirely suppressed. He had previously defeated the Gurkhas, and before the close of his brilliant administration he made the British power supreme in India. The civil administration of the Marquis of Hastings was directed to the amelioration of the moral condition of the people of India. CHAPTER IX (SECOND DECADE) CONTINENTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEON’S DOWNFALL [Resmne . — We have seen how the ambitious projects of Napoleon affected the destinies of all the leading nations of the world. With his exile to St. Helena, another and giant figure appeared to control the affairs of Europe — Metternich.] W HEN Waterloo had completed the overthrow of Napoleon, the master mind in Europe was Prince Metternich, then some forty years of age, who quietly but very firmly proceeded to direct the policy of the Continent during the next -thirty odd years. Metternich’s “ system ” differed in most of its essentials from that of the great conqueror, who at heart was a despot and who terrorized over the supporters of the pre-existing system.” The despotism of Metternich, not less actual, used as its willing instruments these very supporters upon whose necks Napoleon had placed his heel. “ He was,” says Colonel Malleson, “ as a Jesuit succeeding an Attila ; and when, after enduring it long, the peoples of Europe realized its result in the crushing of every noble aspiration, of every attempt to secure leal liberty, we cannot wonder that they should have asked one another whether it was to obtain such a system that they had combined to overthrow Napoleon.” The peoples, who, led in 1813 by the kings upon whom Napoleon had trampled, had, after completing their mission, trusted their leaders, rose in 1848 to rid themselves of these very leaders. During the earlier epoch Metternich had been the leading spirit to inspire the uprising ; in the later, he was the first victim. The career of this remarkable statesman, like our history of the cen- tury, divides itself naturally into ten epochs : The first, from his birth (1773) to the embassy to Paris in 1806 ; the second, from 1806 to the outbreak of the war in 1809 ; the third, from the war of 1809 to the retreat from Moscow ; the fourth, from the winter of 1812 to the armistice of Pleiswitz ; the fifth, 84 CONTINENTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEON'S DOWNFALL 85 from the armistice to the renewal of hostilities ; the sixth, from the rupture of the armistice to the fall of Napoleon in 1814; the seventh, during the crisis before the Hundred Days — and after ; the eighth, the rise and progress of the Continental system he established ; the ninth, the decline and fall of that Continental system ; the tenth, the close of his career. Our readers are prepared by these dates and the memory of the events narrated in pre- ceding chapters for a brief consideration of Metternich’s Continental system. The Holy Alliance of the great powers was signed in September, 1815. It was the keystone of the arch which Metternich, planning for the Emperor Francis, was building to replace the fallen temple of Napoleon. England, through Lord Castlereagh, refused to accede to it. The state of the Conti- nent, at the close of 1815, offered a great opportunity to a brilliant states- man. Twenty-three years of almost incessant warfare had produced a longing for peace, for an era of definite tranquillity, such as has rarely been equalled. But the French Revolution had, in spite of its excesses, widely disseminated its principles throughout Europe. In the eyes of Metternich all concession to such principles was destructive. Having a free hand and being in a position to dictate a policy and inaugurate a system which would be supported by the armed force of Continental Europe, he deliberately cast to the winds the generous ideas which the sovereigns had enunciated in the hours of their distress, and adopted plans of repression and one-man rule. The Peace of Pressburg following Austerlitz, completed as we have seen the dissolution of the old German Empire, and secured for France a predominating influence in central and southern Germany. At Vienna it followed naturally that the Ministers who had instigated a war which re- sulted in so disastrous a peace should no longer hold office. Count Stadion, then, who had been ambassador at St. Petersburg, was directed to replace Count Colloredo at the Foreign Office ; and at the express instance of the Emperor Alexander, Prince Metternich was ordered to succeed Stadion. For the embass}^ at Paris Count Philip Cobenzl had been named, but Napoleon objected to him, and had indicated Metternich as the man most suitable to strengthen the relations he was anxious to see established be- tween the two empires. Metternich learned this change in his destination only when he had reached Vienna on his way to take up, as he believed, the embassy at St. Petersburg. To himself the change was most unwel- come. The relations between himself and the Czar had been of a most cordial character, and he had looked forward with real pleasure to a residence in a country with the sovereign of which he had so many sympathies. For 86 CONTINENTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEONS DOWNFALL alike at this time and always Metternick hated the French Revolution and all its offspring. He regarded Napoleon, he tells us, as its “ incarnation.” Alexander, at that time, completely shared his views on this point. He had not been discouraged by Austerlitz ; not even sufficiently humiliated to recognize as an Emperor and an equal a man whom he regarded only as a Corsican adventurer. All that and more were to come. But, in the beginning of 1806, the Czar still ' employed the contemptuous utterances regarding the great Emperor which the jackals, who for ten years groveled before him, used after his fall. Well, indeed, might Metternich, holding the views he did and animated by the prejudices which influenced him all his life, shrink from the embassy to Paris. But the sacrifice of his personal wishes had become a necessity. Though Austria had been vanquished, she had not been wholly discouraged. So much in war depends on fortune, and the Emperor Francis felt that fortune had been unkind. The selection of Mack to be Commander- in-Chief had been a mistake such as would never be repeated. Then, from a military point of view, the Czar had been the evil genius of the campaign. Francis had always urged that no battle should be fought at Austerlitz, but that the French should be lured on to the extremities of the empire, when an attempt should be made to destroy their long line of communication ; but Alexander would insist on fighting. Though the Allies had been beaten then, the Austrian court was not discouraged. All they wanted was time — time to rally, time to reorganize, time for recuperation ; and Francis felt that he could most surely obtain that time by sending to Paris as his am- bassador a man agreeable to the French Emperor, and yet upon whose tact and knowledge of the world he could thoroughly depend. When, therefore, Napoleon expressed his desire to see Metternich at Paris, Francis, who knew Metternich well, very readily complied. He re- ceived him on his arrival in Vienna with his usual kindness ; praised him for his conduct in Berlin, and set before him the necessity of accommodating himself to what he called his destiny, with expressions which made it im- possible for him to oppose his wishes. But the soft words of his sovereign did not hide from Metternich the difficulties which would await him at Paris. France was still at war with England ; no peace had been made with Russia ; a very guarded conduct was necessary for the Austria whose interests he would represent. Then, too, there was Prussia, groveling at the feet of Napoleon, rejoicing in her heart of hearts at the humiliation of her ancient rival, and yet dreading lest the next blow should fall on her. If, argued Metternich, hostilities might be averted till Austria could recoup CONTINENTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEON'S DOWNFALL 87 herself, then all might go well ; if not, the next state of Germany would be worse than that then existing. Still he did not despair. He had belief in himself : belief in his power to win the confidence of others without betray- ing his own secret views. He would enjoy, moreover, the opportunity — golden to a cold, determined nature such as he possessed — to study the character of the man who held in his hand the fate of Europe, and to keep his master well informed as to the chances which might befall. The new ambassador quitted 'Vienna for his destination in July, 1806. At Strasbiirg he was delayed for a time, as Napoleon was there endeav- oring to arrange terms of peace with Russia, and, apparently, he did not wish that Metternich should arrive until the Russian agent should have departed. Consequently it was not until the first week in August that he reached Paris. The first important personage he called upon was the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the courtly Talleyrand. The impression he received of that statesman was favorable. He found him courteous and in- clined to meet the views he put forward. For he at once asserted his own position, explaining to the minister, when he spoke of his desire to cultivate friendly relations with Austria, what the Emperor Francis understood by “ friendly relations, which,” he added, “ must not be confounded with sub- mission.” This interview Metternich himself calls the beginning of his public life. “ All that had gone before,” he writes, “ might have shown the inde- , pendence of my character. As a man of principles I could not and I would not bend when it came to the point of defending them. Within a short space of time destiny had placed me face to face with the man who at this epoch ruled the affairs of the world ; I felt it my duty, and I had the courage never to offer to mere circumstance a sacrifice which I could not defend to my conscience, both as a statesman and a private individual. The voice of conscience ^ followed ; and I do not think it was a good inspiration of Napoleon’s which called me to functions which gave me the opportunity of appreciating his excellence, but also the possibility of discovering the faults which at last led him to ruin, and freed Europe from the oppression under which it languished.” Metternich was right. Napoleon never made a greater mistake than when he invited to his court this most implacable enemy. Yet there are few sentences in the Autobiography of Metternich which reveal his char- acter more completely than that quoted. The intense self-appreciation ; the allusion to the voice of conscience, as if in him the voice of conscience had been other than an intense desire to rid Europe of the incarnation of the 88 CONTINENTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEONS DOWNFALL hated revolution. Those who follow his career will not fail to recognize that from 1806 to 1814 this was the one aim, the solitary purpose to which the Austrian ambassador, more Austrian in this respect than his own sovereign, directed all his efforts. That aim never left him. It was with him alike when intriguing with the Russian ambassador and with Talley- rand, and when apparently enjoying the friendly converse of Napoleon and the Empress. At the court of the Emperor, whom he never ceased to regard as a parveiiu^ he had made himself liked — only that he might enjoy better opportunities of studying, in order to find the weak points in the character of the man who was in it the prominent figure. Metternich was extremely well received at Paris, alike by Napoleon and the members of the Imperial family, and in general society. Young, with a physiognomy which might well be called distinguished, with the courtly manners of the old ^'Sgime^ talking well, and possessing the wit which is nowhere more appreciated than in France, having, besides, a special interest in making himself agreeable, he could scarcely fail to make good his footing. His real opinion regarding Napoleon breaks out repeatedly in his Autobiography. He read him, he tells ns, at their first interview. The fact that Napoleon kept on his hat on the occasion when Metternich pre- sented his credentials ; that, possessing as the Austrian ambassador records, a short, broad figure, and dressing negligently, the Emperor should have endeavored to make an imposing effect, “ combined,” he writes, “ to weaken in me the feeling of grandeur naturally attaching to the idea of a man before whom the world trembled.” This first impression, he tells ns, was never entirely effaced from his mind. What followed is more curious still. The impression thus formed, adds the same authority, helped to show him the man as he was, ‘‘ behind the masks with which he knew how to cover himself. In his freaks, in his fits of passion, in his brusque interpellations, I saw prepared scenes, studied and calculated to produce a ceitain effect on the person to whom he was speaking.” When Metternich tells us that he discovered all this and imbibed an impression regarding Napoleon which was never entirely effaced, from what passed at their first interview, we turn with some curiosity to the recorded account of that interview. We are fortunately able to present that record on the authority of one to whom Met- ternich liimself would offer no objection, for it is his own story. “ I pre- sented myself to Napoleon,” he writes, without delivering an address at the first audience I had at St. Cloud, as was the custom of 1113^ colleagues. I confined m3^self to stating that as in accordance with his own wishes I CONTINENTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEON'S DOWNFALL 89 had been chosen to represent the Emperor of Austria at his Court, I should strive on every occasion to strengthen the good relations between the two empires on that basis upon which alone a lasting peace could be established between independent states. Napoleon answered me in the same simple style, and our subsequent personal relations took their tone from this first meeting.” This is the unvarnished account. The other represents the version compiled in later years, based upon the violent antipathy in- spired by the incarnation of the Revolution in the mind of a representative of the idea which prevailed prior to 1789. The same spirit is displayed b}^ Metternich when he attempts to describe, and to ridicule when describing, the hospitalities of Fontainebleau. “ The aspect of the Court of Fontainebleau,” he wrote in 1807, could not but offer many objects of curiosity to an impartial observer. This Court sometimes endeavored to go back to the old forms, and sometimes rejected them as beneath the dignity of the moment. The Emperor hunted forty miserable deer which had been brought from Hanover and other parts of Germany to refill a forest twenty leagues round, because the kings had their fixed days for hunting. He did not reall}^ care for the sport, except for the violent exercise, which suited his health ; and besides, he merely went at full speed, right and left, through the forest without regularly fol- lowing the hunt.” It was, in fact, in the eyes of the aristocratic ikustrian, who had imbibed his ideas in the society of the emigres^ the Court of a parvenu. It is easy to understand why, with the feelings which animated him, Metternich was anxious that Napoleon should not wage war with Prussia. Austria lay disarmed and bleeding, yet secretly determined to prepare to use the first fitting occasion to recover what she had lost. Prussia, full of resources, and still possessing the prestige which Frederick H had won for her, was to be humbled before Austria could recover. Such was the imperial programme, and Napoleon set out to execute it just two months after the arrival of Metternich in Paris. During the war, then, which ended in the dismemberment of Prussia, Metternich remained in the French capital, noting, he says, the impression which the news of Napoleon’s victories produced there. He states that the impression was certainly not one of joy ; that it was simply one of satis- faction that France had escaped the consequences and that her internal peace was not endangered. When, at last, Napoleon returned, intoxicated with victory, from the banks of the Niemen to Paris, and all the repre- sentatives of Foreign Powers crowded to his reception to welcome him,” Metternich records how they all had in turn to hear unpleasant things from 90 CONTINENTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEON E DOWNFALL the mouth of the conqueror. He adds, “I came oif best, though,”' with respect to certain negotiations regarding the boundary between Austria and Italy which had just been concluded; “the feeling of Napoleon betrayed itself in a way anything but satisfactory to the wishes of Austria.” From that moment dates the study of the character of Napoleon which Metter- nich used with so much effect subsequently to 1809. He had many oppor- tunities, for he could make himself more than agreeable, and Napoleon, enjoying his society, revealed himself to him. Recognizing, as he records, all the great qualities of Napoleon, his vivid intellect, his clear and precise conceptive power, his love of action when his resolution was taken, the directness of his aims and views, and yet his power to modify them at any given moment, his marvelous insight, the abstract justice of his mode of arguing, the fact that he was never rooted to his own opinions when reason could be shown on the other side, never influenced in public affairs by affec- tion or hatred ; he was keeiiH alive, on the other hand, to his failings. He found him full of faults ; a gambler on a great scale, thinking of nothing but to advance, reckoning alike on the weaknesses and errors of his adver- saries. It was the abuse of the last-named habit in which Metternich rec- ognized, even during the time of his embassy to Paris, the charmed weapon which, if Austria would but hold herself in readiness, could be used with deadly effect against the Revolution and its living incarnation ; which Aus- tria did attempt to use in 1809, coming much nearer to success than the casual reader would suppose, and which she did wield with triumphant result in 1813-14. Several important events occurring elsewhere are to be noted. One is the cession by Denmark of Norway to Sweden. Another is the gradual but steady advance of Russian interests in Asia. It was in this second decade that Russia renewed in Bulgaria her aggressions against the Turks, Kutuzoff leading her army. Russia has for ages looked with an eye of desire upon Constantinople and the Turkish seaboard. A prophecy of extreme antiquity foretells the ultimate accomplishment of her purposes. When or by whom it was first uttered no man knows. Eight centuries ago it might be read upon an equestrian statue, then very old, which had been brought to Constantinople from Antioch. It was believed for centuries before the invasion of the Turks; and the Turks themselves soon learned to look forward to its fulfilment. In Russia a powerful national sentiment regards the possession of Constantinople as a manifest destiny, and urges forward every measure which tends to accomplish it. The Emperor Alex- ander claimed that he himself was the only Russian who resisted the CONTINE.SfTAL EUROPE AFTER NAPOLEON'S DOWNFALL 91 national desire to seize Turkey. The Emperor Nicholas stated that he did not wish Russia to possess Constantinople, but it was inevitable ; as well he said, strive to arrest a stream in its descent from the mountains. Russia has omitted no opportunity of aggravating the disorders of the Turkish empire, p.nd thus of silently hastening its overthrow. During a great part of the eighteenth century she contrived to involve the Turks in perpetual quarrel, and waged against them frequent and destructive wars. And she would long ago, by open violence, have fulfilled the ancient prediction had not the jealousies of the other European powers peremptorily forbidden this aggrandizement. This decade witnessed also the rise in power of Mehemet Ali. He had entered the Turkish army at an early age, and in 1799 was sent to Egypt at the head of a contingent of three hundred troops, to co-operate with the British against the French invaders. Here his fine military qualities rapidly developed, and he at length became commander of the Albanian corps d’armee in Egypt. In 1806 he was recognized by the Porte as Viceroy of Egypt and Pasha of Three Tails ; but was soon involved in disputes with the Mamelukes, who had long practically ruled Egypt. He terminated the struggle in 1811, by the massacre of the greater number of these at Cairo. The rest fled to Upper Egypt, but were expelled by Meiapoute in the follow- ing year. They then took refuge in Nubia from their remorseless foe ; but in 1820 he followed them thither, and they were utterly exterminated.’ CHAPTER X (SECOND DECADE) WARRING FOR FREEDOM IN SOUTH AMERICA \_Resumi , — The conquerors of Mexico and Peru effected in a few 3^ears more than they left behind them for future ages to effect, ranging along the coast from the southern extremity of Chili to the penin- sula and Gulf of California. As early as 1537, within six years after the landing of Pizarro in Peru, and within two after the founding of Buenos Ayres, the Spaniards met on the eastern borders of Peru from opposite shores of the continent.] S PAIN was foremost among the European powers that colonized America., In one respect her colonies differed from those of Portugal, France, and England. Hers alone came in contact with civilization, such as it was among the aborigines ; and, accordingly, in Mexico and Peru, colonization required to be preceded by something like regular war and formal conquest. Notwithstanding this obstacle, the colonies of Spain grew at first with a rapidity which has scarcely found its parallel even in the somewhat similar instance of Australia. It was colonial resources that armed Cortes and Pizarro for their respective enterprises; and without the immediate aid of the mother country, Cuba, within twenty-seven years after the first discovery equipped the conquerors of Mexico, while the town of Panama, only twelve years later, sent forth the adventurers that were to subjugate Peru. Such vigor and vitality continued for a long time to advance in Spain’s trans- atlantic possessions. It was only after law and order were established that the authorities of the old country “ stereotyped” their despotism along the length and breadth of every colony. From that moment vigor and vitality were succeeded by stagnation and torpor. The efforts of Portugal, in the cause of South American colonization, were at first less energetic than those of Spain. In fact, Portugal, having doubled the Cape of Good Hope in 1497, zealously engaged in the East as to allow a generation to pass before sending any coloii}^ to Brazil. 92 WARRING FOR FREEDOM IN SOUTH AMERICA 93 The discovery of that country took place in 1500. In 1580, at the same time as Portugal itself, it was annexed to the Spanish monarchy, and soon afterwards fell into the hands of the rebellious Hollanders. In 1640 it threw off the Spanish yoke, and became the most flourishing of Portuguese colonies — the refuge of the Plouse of Braganza from French domination. Of all the republics of* Spanish origin in South America, Chili is, perhaps, the best governed and most prosperous. The history of its development will proceed with our story of the century. Here it is only necessary to remind the reader that Chili, immediately after the conquest of Peru, was seized by Almagro, a companion of Pizarro, and subsequently became the seat of a Spanish Captain-generalship, which held swa^^ as far as Cape Horn. In 1810 began the war of independence, which, at the close of eight years, was decided against Spain by the victory of Maypu. In the history of South America the name of one man is pre-eminent, just as the name of Washington is pre-eminent in the histoiy of the United States. That name is Simon Bolivar, called El Liber tador^ for he rescued South America from the Spanish yoke. Born in Caracas, 1783, of a noble and wealthy family, he traveled and studied extensively in Europe, and in 1809 visited the United States, returning home with the fixed determination of freeing his country from foreign despotism. Arriving at Venezuela, he at once associated himself with the patriots there, and after the insurrection of Caracas, 1810, was sent to London with a view to enlisting British interest. The British government, however, declaring its neutralit}^ Bolivar speedily returned and fought under General Miranda in several successful engagements. The Spaniards having again obtained possession of Vene- zuela, Bolivar fled to Curagoa. He did not remain long inactive. Sympa- thized with by the republican president of New Granada, he raised a force of volunteers, defeated the Spaniards several times, his army increasing with each victory; and in 1813, August 4th, entered Caracas as a con- queror, was hailed as the liberator of Venezuela, and made absolute dictator in all civil and military affairs. After defeating the Spaniards in several engagements he was himself worsted at the battle of La Puerta, and again in August at San Mateo, where he had a narrow escape. He now went to Cartagena and afterwards to Kingston, in Jamaica, where an assassin, hired by the Spaniards, tracked his steps, but, b}^ mistake, murdered his secretary. Having visited Hayti and assembled there a body of insurgent refugees, he landed with them on the island of Margarita in 1816 and convoked a con- gress, instituted a government, proclaimed the abolition of slavery, and 94 WARRING FOR FREEDOM IN SOUTH AMERICA immediately manumitted his own slaves. The following two years w^ere marked by successes over Morillo. In 1819 (February), a congress was opened at Angostura, and Bolivar chosen President, was armed with the power of dictator. Having conducted his forces over the almost impassable Cordilleras to New Granda, he achieved the victories of Tunja and Bojaca, and soon afterward declared New Granada united with Venezuela as a republic, under the name of Colombia. The office of President was con- ferred upon him. The revolt against Spanish rule involved all the Central or South American states — Venezuela, New Granada, Buenos Ayers, Chili, and Paraguay. It was the same tale in Mexico. So far back as 1540 that country was united, with other American territories, under the name of New Spain, and governed by viceroys appointed by the mother country. The intolerant spirit of the Roman Catholic clergy led to the suppression of almost every trace of the ancient Aztec nationality, while the strict system of sequestra- tion enforced in Mexico crippled the resources of the colony ; yet notwith- standing these drawbacks Mexico ranked first among all the Spanish colonies in population, material, riches, and natural products. It may be said to have vegetated for nearly three centuries in a semi-quiescent pros- perity, interrupted by few disturbances of any kind until 1810, when the discontent, which had been gaining ground against the viceregal power during the war of Spain with Napoleon, broke into open rebellion under the leadership of a country priest named Hidalgo. Hidalgo’s defeat and death by execution put a partial stop to the insurrection ; but the atrocities com- mitted under the sanction of the new viceroy, Calleja, exasperated the people, and gave irresistible impulse to the revolutionary cause. The Republic of Paraguay is one of the least known of the South American states. Situated in the heart of the continent, and communi- cating with the sea only by the intermediary of the Parana River, it has until of late remained a far-away country, forgotten, unvisited, unexplored. And yet in the old days its territory was the centre of all the operations of the Europeans on the Atlantic coast of America. During the early period of the Spanish occupation the settlers found a readier hospitality in Para- guay than on the more accessible banks of the river Plata ; while its fertility, genial climate, and geographical position recommended it to the Jesuits for the establishment of their “ reductions,” and for the essay of a system of communism which gave admirable results from the point of view of col- lective felicity. During two hundred years the settlements of the Jesuits prospered. In 1764 the order was expelled ; when the architects left it, the WARRING FOR FREEDOM IN SOUTH AMERICA 95 communistic edifice, within whose pleasant precincts the native Guarani population had learned the elements of a simple and almost idyllic civiliza- tion, fell into ruins, the whole country and the people quickly declined. In the beginning of the present century, when the independent movement deprived the crown of Spain of its American colonies, Paraguay did not join in the generous and co-operative work of liberty, but shut itself up within its frontiers, trusting to its wealth, and wishing to owe nothing to its neigh- bors. This policy was that of the dictator Francia and of his successors, Lopez I, and Lopez II, whose despotic rule from the beginning of the century up to 1870, was virtually a continuation of the Jesuit system of state communism, minus the religious and recreative elements. Critics who persist in considering universal suffrage to be the last word of political science have severely condemned these despots. The fact, however, remains that under their rule Paraguay reached a high degree of wealth and material well-being. CHAPTER XI (THIRD DECADE) TEN YEARS OF AMERICAN PEACE AND PROGRESS \_RHtiniL — Oiir sketch of American history during the Second Decade embraced a synopsis of the leading events of the War of 1812, and references to the Monroe Doctrine, the United States Bank, the acqui- sition of Florida, the admission of Alabama to Statehood, etc.] B y an ordinance of 1787 slaver}^ was forever excluded from the North- west Territory of the United States. The territories applying for admission to the Union, which lay north of the Ohio River, were to be admitted as free States ; the States formed south of the Ohio came in as slave States. This line of demarcation held very well until the Mississippi River was crossed, and settlements began to be made in the big territory originally called Louisiana. Then the question arose whether the States made from it were to be slave States or free. At the time when Missouri was seeking admission into the Union (1818-1821), the country was in the first throes of the anti-slavery agitation, when abolition was not as yet looked forward to as a possibility by any one save a few so-called fanatics. All the energy of the Northern or free States was directed merel}^ to hindering the further extension of the slave territory, just as the energy of the Southern States was devoted to its promotion. In IMissouri the pro-slavery party was the stronger, and, after a long and bitter struggle, the confiicting parties effected a compromise. An Act of Congress was passed February 28, 1821, admitting Missouri as a slave-holding State, but laying down the principle in prospective that slavery should thenceforth be prohibited in any State lying north of 36° 30', the northern boundary of Missouri. This parallel, as the boundary line between the free and slave States, came, in the ensuing conflict over slavery, to be popu- larly known as “ Mason and Dixon’s Line ” — a name which really belongs to another line of division. That is, the real Mason and Dixon’s line was a 96 TEN YEARS OF AMERICAN PEACE AND PROGRESS 97 boundary Hue surveyed between November 15, 1763, and December 26, 1767, by two English mathematicians and surveyors, Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, to settle the constant dissensions between the Lords Bal- timore and the Penn family, the lords proprietor of Maryland and Pennsyl- vania, respectively. It runs along the parallel in latitude 39° 43' 26.3", and was originally marked by milestones bearing on one side the coat-of-arms of Penn, and on the other those of Lord Baltimore In spite of the dissensions engendered by the great debate in Congress over the Missouri Compromise, the Union grew steadily stronger. A sign of of its strength was the influence it had on its neighbors. We have seen how the provinces of Spain in Mexico, Central America, and South America threw off the dominion of the mother country and set up republics after the manner of the United States. Europe buttressed Spain in her attempt to recover these provinces, but President Monroe, in a message to Congress, declared that this country would preserve a strict neutrality in the war, but should any Spanish colony achieve independence, the United States would regard an attack upon it by a European power as an attack upon herself. This declaration has received the name of the Monroe Doctrine, and it was meant simply to assert that the preponderant interest of the United States in the prosperity of the whole American continent would not permit Europe to recover any foothold in America which it once had lost. While this question was pending, an election for President of the United States occurred. Never was a canvass carried on more quietly, and Monroe and Tompkins were re-elected by an almost unanimous vote, the old Federal party as a political organization being nearly extinct. Mr. Monroe’s second term was not marked by any important public occur- rences, but a pleasing incident in our history distinguished the last year of his administration. It was the visit of General Lafayette to the United States as the “ nation’s guest,” he having been invited to come by the President at the request of Congress. He declined the offer of a ship-of- the-line for his conveyance to this country, and with his son (George Washington), and his secretary, he sailed from Havre for New York, where he arrived on the 13th of August, 1824. In the space of less than a year he made a tour of about five thousand miles through the principal portions of the United States, and was greeted with the greatest enthusiasm. His journey was almost a continual triumphal procession. Congress voted him $200,000 and a township of land, “ in consideration of his important services and expenditures during the American Revolution and when he was ready to return to France, an American frigate, named the “ Brand3^wine,” in 98 TEN YEARS OF AMERICAN PEACE AND PROGRESS compliment to him (the first battle for our independence in which he was engaged having been fought on the banks of the Brandywine, in September, 1777), was sent by our government to convey him back. He had witnessed the greatness of the American republic ; on his return he experienced the littleness of the Bourbon dynasty in France, for when, on his arrival in Havre, a great concourse of the people assembled to make a demonstration in his honor, they were dispersed by the police. When Monroe’s administration of eight years was drawing to a close, the task of choosing his successor devolved upon the people. There were several prominent men spoken of as candidates, and the choice was not a political, blit a personal affair. The nomination, in the state of political parties at that time, if done with unanimity, would be equivalent to an election. But candidates were too numerous to insure unanimity. The principal ones were William H. Crawford, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and Andrew Jackson. The elections held in the autumn of 1824, showed conclusively that not one of the candidates would be elected by the popular vote, and that the choice would devolve upon the House of Representatives. This was determined by the vote of the electoral colleges; and in February, 1825, House of Representatives chose John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for President, and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, for Vice-President, by votes of the thirteen States. The administration of Monroe was not made noteworthy by any important events besides those mentioned, excepting the passage of an act making provision by pensions for the widows and children of deceased soldiers of the War for Independence and the War of 1812-1815; also an arrangement with Great Britain by which American citizens were allowed to share with Englishmen in the valuable Newfoundland fisheries. At about the same time the boundary between the United States and the American-British possessions from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains was defined. The industries of the country were readjusted. In New England, in which capital had been chiefly employed in commerce, navigation, and the fisheries, manufactures soon became the favorite pursuit, and the stimulating influence of high tariffs established in 1816 and 1818, was amply remunerative. The business of the country was generally very prosperous. The population had rapidly increased; the paper currency of the country was contracted and restored to a specie basis. Cotton had become the staple production of the Southern States ; the manufactures of the country had increased tenfold ; the national debt had dwindled from one hundred and twenty-seven million dollars in 1816 to less than eighty TEN YEARS OE AMERICAN PEACE AND PROGRESS 99 million dollars, and tlie banking capital of the country was one hundred and twenty-seven million dollars. Such was the condition of the country when John Quincy Adams, fifty-seven years of age, was elevated to the office of President. It was in this decade that Captain Parry made his fruitless attempt to reach the North Pole. His expedition reached latitude 82° 45'. The great coal and iron regions lying in the Appalachian range began to yield their riches. Charcoal was formerly used in smelting iron, but in 1820 the Pennsylvania iron-workers began to make experiments in mixing anthracite coal with charcoal. When it was at last found that anthracite coal could be used alone the manufacture of iron increased with great rapidity. The coal was close by the iron ore ; and both coal and iron were so near the Atlantic seaboard that it cost little to get the produce of mines to ports, and then to ship it to points up and down the coast. With a coun- try so large, and with population spreading in every direction, it became important to find means of getting quickly and easily from place to place. During Monroe’s administration more than a million dollars — a large sum in those days — was spent by government in building a national road from Cumberland, in Maryland, to Ohio. The people did not wait for the gen- eral government, and, indeed, there were many who thought government ought not to spend the public money in this way. Sometimes private com- panies and sometimes the State built roads and canals. The money for building them and keeping them in repair was obtained by charging tolls upon all who used them. The greatest of these public works was the Erie Canal, which owed its execution chiefly to the energetic Governor of New York, De Witt Clinton. It was begun in 1817 and opened for traffic in 1825. It extended across the State from Lake Erie to the Hudson River, and was the largest canal in the world. The Erie Canal was thus the means by which the produce of the country bordering on the great Lakes and of the rich farms in the Mohawk Valley was carried to the sea. It was one of the great means by which the city of New York became the chief com- mercial city of the New World. This was before the locomotive had been perfected, so that steam rail- roads were not yet in operation. Steamboats, however, were alread}^ begin- ning to ply on rivers and lakes. Jnst after the Erie Canal was begun a steamboat was built, which was the first to navigate Lake Erie. The next year a still more important step was taken. The steamer “ Savan- nah ” crossed the Atlantic, went as far as St. Petersburg, and returned. Six years later, when the Erie Canal was finished, the steamer ‘‘ Enterprise ” 100 TEN YEARS OF AMERICAN PEACE AND PROGRESS went from America to India by way of the Cape, of Good Hope. Thus the beginning of steam navigation for America had been made. A year after the “ Enterprise ” sailed for India the first railroad in the United States was opened from Milton to Quincy, in Massachusetts. It was only two miles long, and was used for hauling grg.nite ; the wagons were drawn by horses. It was the first use of rails in America. In 1830 the first passenger railway in America was opened. It was the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, of which fifteen miles had been built. The cars were at first drawn by horses, but a locomotive was used the next year. Now began the construction of rail- roads in various directions ; in the next twenty years nearly ten thousand miles of road were built. Georgia wished to get rid of the Creeks and Cherokees remaining with- in the state ; but they refused to go. The United States had made treaties with them, and these treaties acknowledged the right of the Indians to the land which they held. They were more civilized than most Indians, and had farms which they cultivated. A few of their chiefs were persuaded to sign a new treaty, giving up their lands. The other Indians at once put them to death ; they declared that these chiefs had no authority to sign for the tribes, and that there was no treaty. Georgia would not wait for the Indians to yield. The State ordered a survey ; the territory was within her boundaries, but it also was distinctly under the control of the Indians by agreement with the United States. The United States was very desirous of getting the Indians out of Georgia, and tried every means to persuade them to leave. That was one reason why it suffered Georgia to crowd the Indians out. It was no less true that a State was taking to itself a power which belonged only to the Union. The wrangle over the Indians began in the administration of John Quincy Adams, and continued after Andrew Jackson was chosen President. Jackson had no love for Indians ; he had fought them all his life, and he did not now interfere. Georgia had her own way, and the doctrine of State sovereignty was more firmly held than ever. No sooner had General Jackson announced the names of the gentlemen who were to compose his cabinet, than an opposition to one of them mani- fested itself of a peculiar and most virulent character. Mr. Eaton, the President’s friend and neighbor, was the object of this opposition, the grounds of which must be particularly stated, for it led to important results. A certain William O’Neal kept at Washington for many years a large, old- fashioned tavern, where members of Congress in considerable numbers boarded during the sessions of the national Legislature. William O’Neal had a daughter, sprightly and beautiful, who aided him and his wife in en- TEN YEARS OF AMERICAN PEACE AND PROGRESS 101 tertaining his boarders. Peg O’Neal, as she was called, was so lively in her deportment, so free in her conversation, that, as might be expected, her name was subjected to considerable gossip, not always of a complimentary nature. When Major Eaton first came to Washington as a Senator of the United States, in the year i8i8, he took board at Mr. O’Neal’s tavern, and con- tinued to reside there every winter for ten years. He became acquainted, of course, with the hiinily, including the vivacious and attractive Peg. When General Jackson came to the city as Senator, in 1823, went to live at the O’Neals’, whom he had known in Washington before it had become the seat of government. For Mrs. O’Neal, who was a remarkably efficient woman, he had a particular respect. Even during his presidency, when he was supposed to visit no one, it was one of his favorite relaxations, when worn out with business, to stroll with Major Lewis across the “ old fields ” near Washington, to the cottage where Mrs. O’Neal lived in retire- ment, and enjoy an hour’s chat with the old lady. Mrs. Jackson, also, during her residence in Washington, in 1825, became attached to Mrs. O’Neal and to her daughter. In course of time Miss O’Neal became the wife of Purser Timberlake, of the United States Navy, and the mother of two children. In 1828 came the news that Mr. Timberlake, then on duty in the Mediterranean, had cut his throat in a fit of melancholy, induced, it was said, by previous intoxication. On hearing this. Major Eaton, then a widower, felt an inclination to marry Mrs. Timberlake, for whom he had entertained an attachment quite as tender as a man could lawfully indulge for the wife of a friend and brother Mason. He took the precaution to consult General Jackson on the subject. “Why, yes. Major,” said the general, “if you love the woman, and she will have you, marry her, by all means.” Major Eaton mentioned, what the general well knew, that Mrs. Timberlake’s reputation in Wash- ington had not escaped reproach, and that Major Eaton himself was supposed to have been too intimate with her. “ Well,” said the general, “ your marrying her will disprove these charges, and restore Peg’s good name.” And so, perhaps, it might, if Major Eaton had not been taken, into the Cabinet. Eaton and Mrs. Timberlake were married in January, 1829, a few weeks before General Jackson arrived at the seat of government. As soon as it was whispered about Washington that Major Eaton was to be a member of the new Cabinet, it occurred with great force to the minds of certain ladies, who supposed themselves to be at the head of society at the capital, that in that case Peg O’Neal would be the wife of a Cabinet minister, and, as such, entitled to admission into their own sacred circle. From the 102 TEN YEARS OF AMERICAN PEACE AND PROGRESS' moment the scandal reached his ears the new President made Mr. Eaton’s cause his own. He sent a confidential agent to New York to investigate one of the stories. He wrote so many letters and statements in relation to this business that Major Lewis, wdio lived in the White House, was worn out with the nightly toil of copying. The entire mass of the secret and confidential writings relating to Mrs. Eaton, all dated in the summer and autumn of 1829, most of them originally in General Jackson’s hand, would fill about one hundred of these pages. And besides these, there was a large number of papers and docu- ments not deemed important enough for preservation. General Jackson, indeed, brought to the defence of ]\Irs. Eaton all the fire and resolution with which, forty years before, he had silenced every wdiisper against Mrs. Jack- son. He considered the cases of the two ladies parallel. His zeal in behalf of Mrs. Eaton was a manifestation or consequence of his wrath against the calumniators of his wife. At length the President of the United States brought this matter before his Cabinet. The members of the Cabinet hav- ing assembled one day in the usual place, the accusers were brought before them, when the President endeavored to demonstrate that Mrs. Eaton was ‘‘ as chaste as snow.” The sun had not gone down upon the day of Jackson’s inauguration before it was known in all official circles in Washington that the “ reform ” alluded to in his inaugural address meant a removal from office of all who had conspicuously opposed, and an appointment to office of those who had conspicuously aided, the election of the new President. The work was promptly begun. Colonel Benton will not be suspected of overstating the facts respecting the removals, but he admits that their number during this year (1829) six hundred and ninety. His estimate of six hundred and ninety does not include the little army of clerks and others who were at the disposal of some of the six hundred and ninety. The estimate of two thousand includes all who lost their places in consequence of General Jack- son’s accession to power ; and though the exact number cannot be ascertained, it was not less than two thousand. Colonel Benton says that of the eight thousand postmasters only four hundred and ninety-one were removed ; but he does not add, as he might have added, that the four hundred and ninety- one vacated places comprised nearl}^ all in the department that w^ere worth having. Nor does he mention that the removal of the postmasters of half a dozen great cities was equivalent to the removal of many hundreds of clerks, bookkeepers, and carriers. In tlie eagerness of his desire to “ stand by his friends,” the President was brought into collision with the Bank of GROUP OF AM FRIG AX AUTHORS. Geo. Bancroft, historian, Imrn in Massachusetts in 1800; died in 1891. Oliver Wendell Holmes, poet, born in Massacluisetts in 1809; died in 1894. William Cullen Bryant, poet, born in Massachusetts in 1794 ; died in 1878. Edgar Allen Poe, poet and critic, horn in Maryland in 1809 ; died in 1849. Ralph Waldo Emerson, jjoet and ])hilnsopher, horn in Massachusetts in 1808; died in 1882. Washington Irving, historian, born in New "iork in 1783; died in 18.=i9. NOTKI) WOMKX OF THF CFNIl^IlY. Susan H. Anthony, retornier, lioni in 1820. Clara Haiion, philanthropist, born in 1830. Harriot P.eeclior .erator of Central America, born in Louis Kossuth, of Hungary, born in 1S02 ; diet! in 1783 ; died in 1881. 1894. Guiseppe Garibaldi, Liberator of Italy, born in 18n7 ; Thaddeus Koscius/.ko, of INdand, born in 175G; died died in 1882. in 1817. PANORAMIC VIEW OF NICARAGUA CANAL ROUTE. BIRTH OF NEW STATES IN THE SOUTHERN AMERICAS 123 ately declared liiui an outlaw, and forbade liis setting foot in Mexico on pain of death. Ignorant of this declaration, Itnrbide embarked May ii, 1824; landed in disguise at the port of Soto-la-Marina, July 14; was arrested on the 17th, and incontinently shot to death at Padilla on the 19th. His soldiers idolized him, and he is said to have had a pleasing manner in private life ; yet he was barbarous enough to boast in an official dispatch that he had honored Good Friday by shooting three hundred of his enemies. The Mexican Congress made generous provision for his family, and more than two score years later on it was his grandson, Agustin, whom the equally unfortunate Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, adopted as his heir. Still farther south lay the recalcitrant colonies of Central America. Being nearly as populous as all the other settlements combined, Guatemala gave name in the early days of independence to the confederation which those states temporarily formed in 1824 j from the same preeminence, it had given name, under Spanish dominion, to a still more extensive region. Costa Rica was included in Guatemala and held as a province of Spain until it became a part of Iturbide’s short-lived Mexican empire. In 1823 united with Guatemala, San Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the territory of Mosquitia in forming the Central American confederacy, and maintained this relation until 1840, when it withdrew and proclaimed itself an inde- pendent republic. The revolt of the Spanish colonies was founded on the need of inde- pendence for free development and sound administration. But by their whole history the nations of South America were unfitted for parliamentary government. Bolivar had the chief share in expelling the Spaniards and founding a republican dictatorship. The first revolt was rendered possible by the French invasion of Spain, but the great earthquake of Caracas, looked upon as God’s vengeance on the disloyal, brought about a reaction fatal to the republican cause. When Bolivar took refuge in the negro republic of Hayti he received help which enabled him to return free to his country. This he never forgot ; though a noble and a large slave owner, he immediately on landing, proclaimed the freedom of the blacks, thereby alienating the rich and ruining his private fortune; nor did he scruple to annul certain acts of congress intended to delay emancipation. Invited into Pern, he drove out the Spaniards and became defender of the Indians, hitherto oppressed by all. What better eulogy could be passed on him than that he was everywhere the protector of the oppressed ? Bolivar was a bad general and a worse administrator — not himself corrupt, yet caring little for the corruption of his favorites ; but he had great insight in policy. 124 BIRTH OF NEW STATES IN THE SOUTHERN AMERICAS and unexampled callousness to defeat ; often overthrown, he always re- appeared — an indispensable man by the admission even of his enemies. He saw the need of a stable central government : in his Peruvian Consti- tution, with a democratic legislature, he intrusted the executive to a dictator for life, who was to name his successor. Like Danton he insisted on all constitutional questions being postponed until the end of the war. He rightly desired that all the colonies should unite against Spain : he erred in thinking that this defensive alliance could become a permanent union. When at length he saw his error, and agreed to the separation of Venezuela from Colombia, it was too late to recover his popularity. For the sixth time he resigned, and for once his resignation was accepted. He died soon after at Carthagena, on his way to exile. A word about Peru. In the early part of the sixteenth century the great kingdom of the Incas was made known to the world by Pizarro. We read in the glowing pages of Prescott of the great size of this kingdom, including, as it did, what are now the States of Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Chili, and extending eastward to unknown limits. It embraced within its borders every climate, from that of the dry, rainless, sandy belt along the Pacific to that of the might}^ peaks of Chimborazo and his fellows, whose upper heights are covered with everlasting snows. Every- where a never-ending thrift turned aside on the uplands the rushing streams, and forced them into little channels to irrigate sunny slopes and arid places, until the whole land was green with verdure or with waving grain. Over the million of subjects there reigned a despot — perhaps the one example in the world of a despot who brought about the greatest good to the greatest number, securing to the agriculturist the worker in precious metals, the artisan at the loom — for all these arts flourished — a fair portion of his time for the support of his family while the rest was devoted to the maintenance of the sovereign, the nobility, and the temples of their god, the Sun. Of the wealth of the kingdom it is sufficient to say that the captive Atahuallpa, offered as his ransom to fill a room seventeen feet broad and twenty two feet long with ornaments and statues of gold to a height of nine feet. And though his perfidious conquerors did not wait, before resolving on his death, for him to complete the tale, yet what was then collected and melted down gave them a boot}^ equivalent to fifteen and one-half millions of our dollars, and this was but a fragment of the national resources. Interesting above all other vSouth American states, however, in regard to extent of territory, at least, and until of recent date, as being the only monarchy or empire on the American Continent — there was Brazil. It was BIRTH OF NEW STATES IN THE SOUTHERN AMERICAS 125 discovered 1499 by Vicente Janez Pinzon in tlie service of Spain. Next year the Portuguese expedition to the East Indies, coinmanded by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, missed its course by adverse currents and came to this coast, and Cabral took possession of the country in the name of Emanuel, his sovereign. Successful colonization by the Portuguese soon followed, not- withstanding the opposition of Spain and the rivalry of private adventurers from France, who sought the country for purposes of commerce. Soon, however, the Spaniards of Buenos Ayres, feeling that the complete com- mand of their mighty river was necessary to them, colonized the left bank by founding Monte Video. But nearl}^ twenty years before Portugal had acquired more territory on the Amazon than it was to abandon on the Plata, having (1509) wrested from France, then at war with Portugal, what ma}^ now be designated Brazilian Guiana. It was only in 1531 that the Por- tuguese, busy as they were in India, planted their first settlement. In 1578 Brazil fell, with Portugal itself under the power of Spain — a connection which, besides being essentially detrimental, speedily threw it as a pre3Anto the hands of the Dutch Republic, and though Portugal regained its own in- dependence in 1640, it was not until 1654 that the country was entirely recovered from the Hollanders. Thenceforward the colony entered on a new era. Supplanted throughout the east by the Dutch, Portugal was now direct- ing most of its attention to her possessions on either side of the Atlantic. About a century and a half later, a still more beneficial change — aris- ing from the mother country’s own disasters — was inaugurated in the colony. In 1808, under the pressure of French invasion, the monarchy, in the persons of the royal family, was virtually transferred from Portugal to Brazil — an event immediately followed by the opening of the ports to foreigners. As a remoter benefit, too, of an incident which had no parallel either in England, Spain or America, Brazil on shaking off, like its neighbors, the European yoke altogether, found a merely nominal revolu- tion sufficient for its purpose; and, since the transition period, 1821-25, this consolidated government, with subordinate institutions for local objects, has secured to Brazil’s twenty vast provinces, comparative unity and peace. In 1815 the Portuguese king John VI, raised Brazil to the rank of a king- dom. Returning to Portugal, 1820, he left his son, Dom Pedro, regent. Two years later the latter declared Brazil free and independent, and assumed the title of Emperor. In 1831 Dom Pedro I abdicated and returned to Europe, leaving his son Dom Pedro, then only six years old his successor. The country was under a regency until 1841, when the son was declared of age and crowned Dom Pedro II. 1 CHAPTER XV (FOURTH DECADE) THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY — Prom 1820 to 1830 the United States enjoyed a period of comparative peace and steady prog- ress. The prime events noted in our record of the decade were: The Missouri Compromise — The Monroe Doctrine — The Opening of the Erie Canal— The Storming of the Alamo. J A ndrew JACKSON was entirely unlike the six Presidents of the United States who had preceded him in office. They, from Wash- ington to the second Adams, had been men of culture, trained in the science of government both at home and abroad. Jackson had grown up on the frontier among rude men, and was chiefly known to the American people as the hero who had led successful campaigns against the Indians and defeated the British at New Orleans. Those who followed his lead, politically, were known as Democrats, a party maintaining the principle that the people should everywhere manage their own affairs and the Federal Government interfere as little as possible. Opposed to it, under the leader- ship of Henry Clay, was the National Republican Party, which asserted the right of the general government to the supreme direction of the affairs of the Union. It also favored a protective tariff and a United States Bank, with branches, to be chartered by the government instead of many local banks. We summarize the situation in the (amended) words of Horace E. Scudder : Jackson was devoted to the Union but he was also convinced that local affairs should be managed by the local government. It was urged that the United States Bank was growing too powerful, was interfering with local banks, and was influencing the general government. Jackson opposed the bank with all his might and finally succeeded in closing it. Such a man could no^ help having bitter enemies as well as ardent friends.' It seemed as though government had passed out of the hands of a set of men 126 ti£i ^ S = cT P 'Tl ^ ^ IX) ^ ~ sill .5 i . - e4 -- I" S § s W 03 (-1 M * •^.-^0)0 cc Ch S 9 2 o 1 1 I -i CC 1-^ r^ CO CO 5 s o w I J s a r; 3 a c3 C rt cS S ^ ^ ■3 ^ ^ -i -■ CO a - ^ c ml ffi 2 H -I ^ ^ o "Si® 'i s I I o % o •= Published by^V^' Suiitli Piiiit Sellei- 702 S. St. Idnladdpba Pa 5 ! lO d CO .. ^ 'SO' *> •f' THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY 127 wlio had always ruled and into the hands of the people. It was Jackson who introduced the custom of turning political enemies out of office and replacing them with political friends. He had a powerful party behind him and there were many in it who pushed to an extreme the doctrine of State sovereignty. The question whether the Constitution intended a Union superior to the States, or only a compact between States, each supreme, was debated, as every American schoolboy knows, in the United States Senate in 1830. Robert Young Hayiie, of South Carolina, defended the State-sovereignty doctrine, and Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, the doctrine of the supremacy of the Union. In this debate the great Webster earned the reputation of being the ablest expounder and defender of the American Constitution. The closing words of one of his memorable speeches, “ Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable,” became a watchword of the people. The Southern States had at first favored a protective tariff, seeing that it made a new market for cotton where it could not be taxed ; but the Northern States, taking advantage of the tariff, had turned their energies to manufacturing. The tariff, by successive acts of Congress, had been made to cover many articles of commerce. Thus the North was growing rich while the South made no headway. The great articles of export, cotton and tobacco, went from the South, and it was by selling these that the country was able to buy goods from Europe ; but when these goods arrived and were heavily taxed they must need sell at a high price. Now began a conflict which shook the republic to its very center. The doctrine of State sovereignty, or State supremacy, formulated in the first constitution of the republic, known as the Articles of Confederation, and discarded in the second constitution, yet prevailed, especially in South Carolina, where John C. Calhoun was its most earnest exponent. The discontent alluded to growing out of the tariff acts, and crystallized by the alchem}^ of this doctrine, assumed the concrete form of incipient rebellion against the- national government when, in the spring of 1813, an act of Congress was passed imposing additional duties on imported textile fabrics. A State convention of delegates was held in South Carolina in November following, at which it was declared that the tariff acts were unconstitutional, and therefore null and void ; and it was resolved that no duties should be collected in the port of Charleston by the national government. It was also proclaimed that any attempt to enforce the law would be resisted b}^ the people in arms, and would cause the secession of South Carolina from the 128 THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY Union. The State Legislature that met soon afterwards passed laws in support of this declaration, and military preparations were made for that purpose. Civil war seemed to be inevitable, but the President met the exi- gency with his usual promptness and vigor. On the loth of December he issued a proclamation (written by Louis McLane, Secretar};^ of the Treasury), in which he denied the right of any State to nullify any act of the national government, and warned those engaged in the movement in South Carolina that the laws of the United States would be enforced by military power, if necessary. The “ nullifiers ” yielded to necessity for the moment, but their zeal and determination were not abated. Great anxiet}^ filled the public mind for a time, until Henr}^ Clay, one of the most earnest promoters of the American system, appeared as a pacificator, b}- offering a bill (February 12, 1833) which provided for a gradual reduction of the obnoxious duties during the next ten years. This compromise was accepted by both parties, and the bill became a law in IMarch. Discord ceased, and the dark cloud gave way to sunshine. President Jackson had been re-elected to the Chief Magistracy in the autumn of 1832, with Martin Van Buren as Vice- President. The latter had been Secretary of State, and was appointed by the President, during the recess of Congress, to succeed Mr. McLane as minister to England. The Senate afterwards refused to ratify the appoint- ment, and Van Buren was recalled. This act was regarded as a gratuitous indignity offered to the administration. Its friends made use of it to create s\mipathy for the rejected minister, and he was elected to preside over the body which had declared him to be unfit to represent the Republic at the British court. The result completel}^ alienated Calhoun from the admin- istration. While the country was agitated b}" the movements of the nullifiers, the President himself produced equal excitement by beginning a series of acts in his warfare upon the United States Bank which were denounced as high- handed and tyrannical. In his annual message in December, 1832, the President recommended Congress to authorize the removal from that insti- tution of the Government moneys deposited in it, and to sell the stock of the bank owned b}^ the United States. Congress refused to do so. After the adjournment of that bod}^ the President took the responsibility of order- ing Mr. Duane, the Secretary of the Treasury, to withdraw the public funds (amounting to about $10,000,000) from the bank, and deposit them in cer- tain State banks. The Secretary refused, when the President removed him from office, and put in his place R. B. Tane}^ then the Attorney-General THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY 129 and afterwards Chief Justice, who obeyed his superior. The removal of the funds began in October, 1833, and a large portion of them were drawn out in the course of four months ; the remainder, by the end of nine months. This transaction produced great public excitement and much commercial distress. The amount of loans of the bank was over $60,000,000 on the first of October, when the removal was begun ; and so intricate were the relations of that institution with the business of the country, that when the functions of the bank were paralyzed, all commercial operation felt a dead- ening shock. This fact confirmed the opinion of the President that it was a dangerous institution, and he refused to listen favorably to all prayers for a modification of his measures, or for action for relief made by numerous committees of merchants, manufacturers, and mechanics, who waited upon him. To all of these he said, in substance : “ The government can give no relief nor provide a remedy ; the banks are the occasion of the evils which exist, and those who have suffered by trading largely on borrowed capital ought to break ; you have no one to blame but yourselves.” The State banks received the government funds on deposit, and loaned them freely. The panic subsided ; confidence was gradually restored, and apparent gen- eral prosperity returned. The appearance was deceptive. Let us condense Mr. Lossing again : “ Speculation was stimulated by the freedom with which the banks loaned the public funds, and the credit system was enormously expanded. Trade was brisk; the shipping interest was prosperous ; prices ruled high ; luxury abounded, and nobody seemed to perceive the undercurrent of disaster that was wasting the foundations of the absurd credit S3^stem and the real pros- perity of the nation. A failure of the grain of England caused a large demand for corn to pay for food products abroad. The Bank of England, seeing exchanges running higher and higher against that country, con- tracted its loans and admonished houses who were giving long and exten- sive credits to the Americans, by the use of money borrowed from the bank, to curtail that hazardous business. At the same time the famous ‘ Specie Circular’ went out from our Treasur}^ Department (July, 1836), directing all collectors of the public revenue to receive nothing but coin. American houses in London failed for many millions ; and every bank in the United States suspended specie payment in 1837, resumed in 1839. Then the United States Bank, chartered by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, fell into hopeless ruin, and with it went down a very large number of the State banks of the country. A general bankrupt law, passed in 1841, relieved of debt 9 130 THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY almost forty tliousand persons, wliose liabilities amounted in the aggregate to about four hundred and forty-one million dollars.’^ These financial troubles were preceded by the breaking out of war with the Seminole Indians in East Florida, a consequence of an attempt to remove them, by force, to the wilderness west of the Mississippi River. Led by Micanopy, their principal sachem and chief, they began a most distressing warfare upon the frontier settlements of Florida, in which Osceola, a chief, superior in ability to Micanopy (for he possessed the cun- ning of Tecumtha and the heroism of a Metacomet), was an active leader for a while, for he had private wrongs to revenge. In the spring of 1832, some of the Seminole chiefs, in council, agreed to leave Florida, and made a treaty to that effect. Other chiefs (among whom was Osceola) and the great body of the nation resolved to stay, declaring that the treaty was not binding upon them. At length, in 1834, General Wiley Thompson was sent to Florida with troops to prepare for a forcible removal of the Indians. Osceola stirred up the nation to resistance. One day his insolent bearing and offensive words in the presence of Thompson caused that general to put the chief in irons and in a prison for a day. Osceola’s wounded pride called for vengeance, and it was fearfully wrought during a war that lasted about seven years. By braver}^ skill, strategies, and treachery, he overmatched the United States troops com- manded by some of the best officers in the service. The first blow was struck in December, 1835. Osceola had agreed to send horses and cattle to General Thompson ; but at the very time he was to do so, the savage was, with a small war party, murdering the unsuspecting inhabitants on the borders of the Everglades — a region niostl}^ covered with water and grass, and affording a secure hiding-place for the Indians. At that time General Clinch was occupying Fort Drane with a small body of troops. That post was in the interior of Florida, forty miles eastward of the mouth of the Withlacoochee River, and the garrison was now exposed to much danger from the hostilities of the Indians. Major Dade, with over a hundred soldiers, was sent from Fort Brooke, at the head of Tampa Bay, to the relief of Clinch ; and on the 28th of December, 1835, he fell into an ambush, and he with his followers were all massacred excepting four men, who afterwards died from the effects of the encounter. That sad event occurred near Wahoo Swamp, on the upper waters of the Withlacoochee. On the same day Osceola and a small war party stole unobserved up to a store a few 3^ards from Fort King (about sixty miles southwest of St. Augustine), where General Thompson and five of his friends were dining. THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY 131 and murdered them. Osceola killed and scalped General Thompson with his own hand, and so he enjoyed the revenge he had sought. Three days later, General Clinch had a sharp fight with the Seminoles on the Withlacoochee, and on the last day of February, 1836, General Gaines was assailed at the same place. The Creeks helped their brethren in Florida by attacking white settlers within their ancient domain, in the spring of 1836. Made bold by success, they extended their depredation and murderous forays into Georgia and parts of Alabama, attacking mail- carriers on horseback, stage-coaches, and even steamboats ; and they assailed villages, until thousands of men, women, and children, were seen fly- ing for their lives from place to place, from the tomahawk, bullets, and scalp- ing knife. General Winfield Scott was now in chief command in the South, and he prosecuted the war with so much vigor that the Creeks were speedily subdued; and during the summer of 1836 thousands of them were removed to the wilderness west of the Mississippi. In mid-autumn. General Call, of Georgia, led about two thousand militia and volunteers from that State against the Seminoles. Near the place of the massacre of Dade’s command, a detachment of them, about five hundred in number, had a severe battle with the savages on the 25th of November; but like all other encounters with these Indians in their swampy fastnesses, it was not decisive. In that region the United States troops suffered dreadfully from miasmatic fevers, the bites of venomous serpents, and stings of insects ; and the 3^ear 1836 closed with no prospect of peace. Indeed, the war continued all the winter ; but finally, in March, 1837, several chiefs appeared before General Jesup. then in chief command there, at his quarters at Fort Dade, and signed a treaty, which was intended to secure an immediate peace and the instant departure of the Seminoles to the new home prepared for them. The wily Osceola caused this treaty to be violated. The war was renewed ; and during the summer of 1837, many more troops perished in the swamps while pur- suing the savages. At length the treacherous chief became a prisoner in hands of General Jesup. That officer received Osceola and other chiefs, with a train of sevent}^ warriors, under a flag of truce, in a grove of magnolias in the dark swamp. As the chief arose to speak, Jesup gave a signal, two or three of his soldiers rushed forward, seized and bound Osceola with strong cords. He made no resistance ; but several of his excited followers drew their gleaming hatchets from their belts. The muskets and bayonets of Jesup’s troops restrained them, and they were dismissed without their leader, who was sent to Charles- ton and confined in Fort Moultrie. There he died of a fever, and a 132 THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY small monument was erected over liis grave near the main entrance of the fort. Jesup was severely censured for this violation of the sanctity of a flag; his plea in his justification was that it was the only way to stop the dis- tressing war, for Osceola could not be held by the most solemn obligations of a treaty. Osceola’s captivity was a severe blow to the Seminoles ; but under other leaders they continued to resist, notwithstanding almost nine thousand United States troops were in their territory at the close of 1837. Their fastnesses in the Everglades could not be penetrated by the troops, and they defied them, even after they received a severe punishment from a body of six hundred national soldiers under Colonel Zachary Taylor (afterwards President of the United States), who had succeeded General Jesup. This chastisement was given them in a battle fought on Christmas Day, on the northern border of Macaco Lake. For more than two years afterwards Taylor and his men endured great hardships in trying to bring the war to a close. A treaty for that purpose was made in May, 1839, but so lightly did its obligations bind the Indians that they continued their depredations. It was not until 1842 that a permanent peace was secured, when scores of valuable lives and millions of money had been wasted in a war that had its origin in the injustice of the white man towards his dusky neighbor. In the intercourse of President Jackson’s administration with foreign governments, his instructions to Minister McLane formed the basis of action. He demanded what was right with vigor, and refused to submit to what was wrong on all occasions ; and by this course he secured to our republic the profound respect of all nations. At the end of his first term the foreign relations of our government were very satisfactory, save with France. That government, by a treaty which Jackson had pressed vigorously to a con- clusion, had agreed to pay to the United States five million dollars, by in- stalments, as indemnity for injury to American commerce, which the operations of the various decrees of Napoleon from 1806 until t8ii had inflicted. The legislative branch of the French government did not comply promptly with the provisions of the treaty, and the President assumed a hostile attitude. The affair was finally settled in 1836, before Jackson left the chair of state. Similar claims were made against Portugal, and pa}^- nient obtained, and for similar reasons the king of Naples agreed to pa}" to the United States one million seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars. Commercial treaties were made with several European states and with the Sultan of Turkey ; and when Jackson retired from office in the spring of THE DAYS OF WEBSTER AND CLAY 133 1837, our republic, with its national debt extinguished, was more respected than ever by the powers of the earth. During the two administrations of Jackson two new States were admitted into the Union, making the whole number twenty-six. These were Arkansas and Michigan. The former was admitted in June, 1836, and the latter in January, 1837. time Jackson’s Administration was draw- ing to a close. Martin Van Buren, who had been nominated for the Presi- dency, with the understanding that if elected he would continue the gen- eral policy of Jackson, was chosen to that office by a very large majority of the popular vote. The people failed to elect a Vice-President, and the Senate chose Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky for that office. President Jackson offended a large class of the people of the United States by his last official act. So loud was the public clamor against the “ Specie Circular,” that a bill for the partial repeal of the measure was passed by both Houses of Congress at near the close of the session in 1837. President refused to sign this bill ; and to prevent its becoming a law by two-thirds vote after he should veto it, he kept it in his hands until Congress had adjourned. His message giving his reasons for withholding his signature was dated, March 3, 1837, ^ quarter before 12 P. M.” President Jackson now retired to his seat, “ The Hermitage,” in Tennessee. He was then seventy years of age. He never entered public life again ; and there, at that beautiful retreat, he died in June, 1845, when he was more than seventy-eight years of age. CHAPTER XVI (FOURTH DBCADK) REFORM MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND {^Risurni . — The crazy George III died in 1820, and during the next decade the British crown was worn by George IV, “ the first gentleman in Europe ” — in reality, “ the first dandy and first scamp.” In 1829 he was forced to give his assent to the Catholic Emancipation Act, and the next year he died and was succeeded by his bluff and honest sailor-brother, William IV.] W HEN George IV of England died in 1830, and was succeeded by Iiis brother, William IV, the cry for Parliamentary reform in England was revived with a strength it had never known before in England, because of the Revolution in France which drove Charles X from the throne and called his cousin, Louis Philippe, to reign as constitutional King. William IV favored the demand for reform, but the Duke of Wellington, who was prime minister still, refused any concession. In a debate on the answer to the speech from the throne, he declared that “ he would consent to no reform ; that he thought the representative system, just as it stood, the masterpiece of human wisdom ; that if he had to make it anew, he would make it just as it was, with all its represented ruins and all its unrepresented cities.” His attitude drove him from office, and for the first time in twenty years the Whigs saw themselves again in power, under the leadership of Earl Grey. In 1831, Lord John Russell introduced in the House of Commons the first Reform Bill. It was debated throughout a week, and on the second reading was carried by a vote of three hundred and two to three hundred and one. Subsequently the government was defeated on an amendment by a majority of eight votes, and in a few weeks there followed a dissolution. The reform party triumphed splendidly in the ensuing election, and a second bill was introduced, and, after three months of obstructive debate, passed bv the House of Commons. The House of Lords promptLm'ejected it. ‘Ht 134 REFORM MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND 135 seemed now as if reform was permanently blocked and the borough mongers, securely entrenched in the hereditary house, were determined to balk the popular will. And the people were thoroughly exasperated. Riots broke out here and there. It looked for a time as if revolution was the only remedy. And the nation was determined to reform the government.” However, a way was found without using violence. The third bill was introduced in December, 1831, and it passed the House of Commons the following March. The ministry had a constitutional means of coercing the upper house, and this they prepared to use. It was announced that the crown was ready to create enough Liberal peers to swamp the Tory majority. Once convinced that this would be done, the lords yielded to the inevitable; their vote was one hundred and six to twenty-two. And so the Reform Bill of 1832 became a law. It was not a revolutionary act. It sought merely to cut off flagrant Parliamentary abuses. Fifty-six English boroughs, returning one hundred and eleven members, were disfranchised. Thirty-two other boroughs lost each one member — a lotal loss of one hundred and forty-three. There was a net loss in England of eighteen seats in Parliament — a loss divided among Wales, Ireland, and Scotland. The suffrage was materially extended ; and, in a word, the grand result of the act was, that “ political power was transferred from the upper to the middle classes.” Popular excitement was unbounded. Petitions rained upon the House of Commons, demanding that the House should refuse to vote supplies. A run upon the Bank of England was begun. Enormous meetings in all parts of the country resolved to pay no taxes until the bill should pass. Plans were laid for arming large bodies of men in the northern counties and marching 011 London. There were serious discussions of barricades and street-fighting. The Duke of Wellington was reported to have said that “ there was a way to make the people quiet.” It was believed that he meant to suppress reform by violence, and the dragoons were seen by the eye of imagination, if not in actual fact, grinding their sabres as for the work of immediate battle. Meantime, while this fierce excitement was raging over the land, a feeble effort was made to form a Tory administra- tion with a view to some acceptable compromise. The hopeless attempt was quickly abandoned, and Earl Grey returned to office with power to add to the House of Lords such a number of new peers as would effectually quell the resistance of the obstructive dignitaries. Their lordships did not wait to be thus diluted. The Duke of Wellington and a hundred other peers, majestically sullen, quitted the House and ceased from troubling. Amid 136 REFORM MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND rejoicing such as political victory never awakened in England before, the great measure passed which inaugurated, for all the coming generations, government of the people, by the people, and for the people. The Reform Bill of 1832 was perhaps, for the English, the greatest political feat of the nineteenth century. It has been called by its enemies a revolution ; and it was so. Two methods of government have been prac- ticed among men. The oldest and the most widely prevalent has been gov- ernment by an individual or a class, very naturally with a supreme regard to the interests of that individual or that class. The other, which is of later origin, and until recently was confined for the most part to the Anglo-Saxon family, is government by the people themselves, and for their own interests. The Reform Bill marks for Great Britain the transition from the old method to the new. Before half-past two o’clock on the morning of June 20, 1837, Wil- liam IV was lying dead in Windsor Castle, while the messengers were already hurrying off to Kensington Palace to bear to his successor her sum- mons to the throne. With William ended the reign of a personal govern- ment in England. King William had always held to and exercised the right to dismiss his ministers when he pleased, and because he pleased. “ In our day,” says Justin McCarthy, “ we should believe that the constitu- tional freedom of England was outraged, if a sovereign were to dismiss a ministry at mere pleasure, or to retain it in despite of the expressed wish of the House of Commons.” The manners of William IV had been, like those of most of his broth- ers, somewhat rough and overbearing. He had been an unmanageable naval officer. He had made himself unpopular while Duke of Clarence by his strenuous opposition to some of the measures which were especially desired by all the elect minds of the country. He was, for example, a determined opponent of the measures for the abolition of the slave trade. But William seems to have been one of the men whom increased responsibility improves. He was far better as a king than as a prince. He proved that he was able at least to understand the first duty of a constitutional sovereign — which, to the last day of his active life, his father, George HI, never could be brought to comprehend — that the personal predilections and prejudices of the King must sometimes give way to the public interest. One judges William by the reigns that went before, and not the reign that came after him, and must admit that 011 the whole he was better than his education, his early opportunities, and his early promise. William IV (third son of George HI) had left no children who could have succeeded to the throne, grp: AT p:xglish scip:ntists. Thomas Huxley, born in 1825; died in 1895. Charles R. Darwin, born in 1800; died in 1882. Sir Humphry Davy, chemist and philosoplier, born in 1778 and died in 1829, Hugh Miller, geologist, born in 1802; committed suicide while insane in 1855. Michall Faraday, physical philosoi)her, born in 1791 ; died in 1869. Nicholas'^ William II of GlbmahV ^ OscA^f ^liMBERT 10*" Tin-: cKowxKi) heads of Europe. William II of fiermaiiy, horn in 1859; acceded, 1888. Nicholas II of Itussia, horn in 18()8; acceded, 1894. Ilumhert I of Italy, horn in ls44 ; acceder that high office James K. Polk of Tennessee, who was warmly in favor of the annexation of Texas, was nominated by the Democrats, and George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania, was named for Vice- President. They were elected over the opposing Whig candidates, Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey. The friendship between the United States and Mexico had been ex- tinguished some years before the annexation of Texas, because of repeated aggressions which had been made against the property of American citizens on the soil of Mexico, or on vessels on the Gulf of Mexico. Redress had been frequently sought in vain. Our government generously forbore to use its power because Mexico was weak and distracted, and the latter seemed 166 THE MEXICAN WAR to consider tliat forbearance as an evidence of cowardice. Our government claimed six million dollars for spoliations of American property ; Mexico acknowledged two millions as a just claim, but after repeated postpone- ments of the payment of this amount, the government of Mexico virtually refused to settle the claim. This conduct alienated the confidence and respect of our government and people for Mexico ; and yet, in all the dis- cussions concerning the annexation of Texas, propositions were made with Mexico. That government, conscious of its inability to hold Texas, had offered to acknowledge its independence, provided it would not become annexed to our Union. Such was the situation when the joint resolution providing for the annexation of Texas was adopted by both Houses of Congress on the 28th of February, 1845, was signed by President Tyler on the first day of March. Two days after the inauguration of President Polk, General Almonte, the Mexican minister at Washington, asked and received his passports, and diplomatic relations between the government ceased. The President of Mexico, Herrera, issued a proclamation in June following, declaring that the annexation of Texas in no wise destroyed the rights of Mexico, and that they would be maintained by force of arms. Both governments prepared for war when, on the 4th of July, 1845, Texas became a State of our Union. Satisfied that war was inevitable. President Polk ordered brevet Brigadier-General Zachary Taylor, then in comnmnd of national troops in the southwest, to enter Texas and take a position as near the Rio Grande as prudence would allow. Plis little force of fifteen hundred men were called an Army of Occupation ” for the defence of the newly- acquired State. 'At the same time Commodore Conner, of the United States Navy, w’as sent with a strong squadron into the Gulf of Mexico to protect American interests in that region, ashore and afloat. At that time, Santa Anna was an irritated exile in Cuba, having been banished from Mexico for ten years, and President Polk made a secret bargain with him for the betrayal of his country into the hands of the government of the United States. The plan that was agreed upon was simple. The President was to send a strong force towards the frontier of Mexico. Santa Anna was to go into his own country where an army gath- ered near that frontier would be sure to “ pronounce ” for him as their leader, and then the war was to begin. The President was to furnish a force sufficient to give Santa Anna a decent excuse for surrendering his army to it ; and so the Americans might easily take possession of Mexico. For this important act Santa Anna was to receive a very large sum of money from the secret service fund in the hands of the President. The Arni}^ of — 2 ; (D IS merged into American operations for the conquest of California. GENERAL SCOTT ENTERING THE CITY OF MEXICO. War between the United States and Mexico i)egan in May, 184(1. The hero of the war was General MTnfield Scott, who, at the head of an army of 12,000 men, began a n.areh from Vera Crnz to the cai)ital. After an uninterrupted series of victories tlie city of Afexico surrendered September 14, 1847, and General Scott rode into the cai)ital in triumph. THE MEXICAN WAR 167 Occupation or Observation, as it was alternately called, was sent into Texas, and A. Slidell jMeKeiizie, of the United States Nav}^, was sent to Cuba to perfect the arrangement with Santa Anna, who was living a few miles from Havana. Instead of going secretly to the retreat of the exile, IMcKenzie dressed in the full nniform of onr naval officers, entered a volante in Havana, at noon-day, and in sight of all the peo|)le rode out to the dwelling- place of Santa Anna. This folly disconcerted the whole plan. After this public visit from an officer of onr navy, the exile could not fulfill his bargain in Mexico, for the act would make his treason palpable. Earl 3^ in 1846 General Taylor was ordered to take a position on the left bank of the Rio Grande, opposite the Mexican city of Matamoras, for it was observed that Mexican troops were gathering there with the evident intention of invading Texas. The region on the left bank of the Rio Grande, fronting the State of Tamanlipas, was disputed territor}^, the boundary line between that State and Texas not having been defined. Mexico claimed it as apart of Tamau- lipas, Avhile the United States claimed it as a part of Texas. General Ta3dor obe3^ed his orders and went into that territoiy, landing at Point Isabel, about twenty-eight miles from Matamoras, where he formed a camp, despite the warnings of the Mexicans that he was on foreign soil. Leaving his stores and a part of his army there, he proceeded with the remainder of his force to the bank of the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, and there began the eonstrnetioii of a fort large enough to accommodate about two thousand men. It was called Fort Brown in compliment to Major Brown, who was left in command there. General Taylor ordered Major Brown to fire heavy signal guns if the fort seemed to be in peril. These w^ere fired on the evening of the 6th of Ma}^, and on the following evening Taylor, with more than two thousand men, marched from Point Isabel to relieve Fort Brown. He had been rein- forced by Texan volunteers and marines from the fleet. At noon on the 8th the}^ eneountered a Mexican army six thousand strong, led b}^ General Arista, upon a portion of a prairie flanked by ponds of water and beautified by tall trees, whieh gave it the name of Palo Alto. Nothing daunted, Ta3dor and his men attacked this superior force, and fought them so des- perately for five hours that at twilight the Mexicans gave way and fled in great disorder. The victory for Taylor was thorough and complete, and when the battle was ended the victors sank exhausted upon the ground. They had lost in killed and wounded fifty-three men ; the Mexicans had lost about six hundred. During the engagement Major Ringgold, com- mander of the American flying artillery whieh did terrible work in the 168 THE MEXICAN WAR Mexican ranks, was mortally wonnded by a cannon ball that passed tbrongh one thigh, the body of his horse, and the other thigh. Rider and steed fell to the ground. The latter was dead; the Major died at Point Isabel four days afterwards. Meanwhile Fort Brown had defied the shot and shell from the Mexican batteries ; and when on the 8th the thunder of cannon at Palo Alto announced Taylor’s approach, the garrison took fresh courage and held out. Their works had endured a cannonade and bombardment for about one hundred and sixty hours without receiving much hurt.” At two o’clock in the morning of the 9th of May, Taylor’s army were awakened from their slumbers on the battlefield to resume their march for Fort Brown. Their leader prepared for an attack on the way, for the broken force of the enemy had been rallied ; but he saw no traces of the enemy until toward evening, when, as the Americans emerged from a dense thicket, the Mexicans were discovered strongly posted in battle order in a broad ravine that indented the prairie, called Resaca de la Palma, or Dry River of Palms.” The ravine was about four feet deep and two hundred feet wide, and was fringed with palmetto trees. It was the bed of continuous pools of water in the rainy season, but was dust in the dry season. Within that trench the Mexicans had planted a battery that swept the road over which the Americans were marching. Taylor pressed forward, and after some severe skirmishing, in which a part of his army was engaged, he ordered Captain May, leader of dragoons, to charge upon the battery. That gallant ofiicer instantly obeyed. Rising in his stirrups, he called out to his troops : “ Remember your regiment ! hlen, follow !” and dashing forward in the face of a shower of balls from the battery he made his powerful black horse leap the parapet. He was followed by a few of his men, whose steeds made the fearful leap. The gunners were killed and General La Vega (who was about to apply a match to one of the pieces) and a hundred men were seized by the troopers, made prisoners, and were borne away in triumph within the American lines. The battle went on, growing hotter every moment. The almost impenetrable thicket was alive with Mexicans, and blazed with the fire of their muskets. The strife was terrible for some time, but at length the camp and headquarters of General Arista, the commander-in- chief, were captured, and the enemy was completely routed. Arista saved himself by flight, and, unattended, he made his way across the Rio Grande. So sudden was his discomfiture and departure that the plate and other pri- vate property of Arista, with correspondence, arms, ammunition, and equip- ments for several thousand men, and two thousand horses fell into the hands of the victors. La Vega and a few other captive officers were sent on parol THE MEXICAN WAR 1G9 to New Orleans. It was estimated tliat tlie Mexicans liad over seven thou- sand men on that battlefield ; the Americans had less than two thousand. The former lost about a thousand men ; the latter, one hundred and ten. The Mexican army was completely broken up. Leaving the battlefield of Resaca de la Palma, General Taylor returned to Point Isabel to make arrangements with Commodore Connor for future work, and then proceeded to Fort Brown to commence offensive operations there. The terrified Mexicans trembled for the safety of Matamoras, when Arista sent a deputation to Taylor to ask for an armistice until the two governments should arrange the dispute. The latter would not trust the treacherous Mexican, and refused the boon. It was afterwards ascertained that during the conference Arista had removed a large quantity of amninni- tion and stores, and during the succeeding night (May 17, 1846) retreated with his troops, which he had rallied, to the open country towards Monterey. Hearing of this, Ta^dor crossed the river (May 18) with his army, and, for the first, unfurled the American fiag over undisputed Mexican soil. He remained at Matamoras until the beginning of September, waiting for instructions from his government and reinforcements for his army. Then the first division of his troops, under General W. J. Worth, moved towards Monterey, the strongly fortified capital of New Leon, which was then defended by about nine thousand troops commanded by General Ampudia. Taylor joined Worth, and on the 19th of September they encamped within three miles of that cit}^ with almost seven thousand men. On the night of the 20th, Worth moved nearer the town, and on the fol- lowing day he attacked it. Joined by other divisions of the army, the assault became general on the 23d, and a conflict in the streets was dreadfuh From the strong stone houses, the Mexicans poured volle^^s of musketry upon the invaders, and the carnage was severe. Finally, on the fourth day of the siege, Ampudia asked for a truce. It was granted, and he proposed to evacuate the city. Taylor would grant no other terms than absolute surrender, which was done on the 24th of September. Leaving General Worth in command at Monterey, Taylor encamped at Walnut Springs, a few miles from that city, and there awaited further orders from his govern- ment. Santa Anna had gone into Mexico, and was now at the head of its army ; and, having given assurance that he desired peace, Taylor agreed to a cessation of hostilities for eight weeks, if permitted by his government. In the siege of Monterey, the Americans lost over five hundred men, and the Mexicans about double that number. Just -as General Taylor was pre- paring to enter upon a vigorous winter campaign, he was compelled to 170 THE MEXICAN WAR endure a severe trial of his patience, temper, and patriotism. In accord- ance with his recommendation, his government had sent General Scott, with a considerable force, to attempt the capture of Vera Cruz, and from that point to penetrate to the Mexican capital. Scott arrived off Vera Cruz in January, 1847, being the senior officer of the arm}^ he assumed the chief command of the American armies in Alexico. To effect the work which his government had ordered him to do, he felt compelled to draw from General Taylor’s army a large number of his best officers and a greater portion of his regular troops, leaving him with onl}^ about five thousand effective men, including the division of General Wool ; and of them only five hundred were regulars. Like a true soldier, Taylor, though greatly mortified, instantly obe^^ed the chief’s order to that effect. At that time Santa Anna had gathered an army of twenty thousand men at San Luis Potosi. He had also been elected Provisional President of Mexico in December, and his followers were full of enthusiasm when, on the ist of February, he began a march toward Saltillo, with the avowed intention of drawing the Americans beyond the Rio Grande. General Wool, at Saltillo, had kept his commander advised of the movements of Santa Anna ; and when Taylor was assured that the Mexicans were realh^ moving against him, he resolved, weak as he was in number, to fight them. On the 31st of January he left Monterey with all his troops, and reached Saltillo on the 2d of February. On the morning of the 2 2d (1847), Santa Anna and his army were within two miles of Taylor’s line of battle, when the Mexican chief sent the following note to the American leader : “ You are surrounded by twenty thousand men, and cannot, in any human probability, avoid suffering a rout, and being cut to pieces, with your troops ; but as you deserve consideration and particular esteem, I wish to save you from such a catastrophe, and, for that purpose, give yon this notice in order that you may surrender at discretion, under the assurance that you will be treated with the consideration belonging to the Mexican character ; to which end you will be granted an hour’s time to make up your mind, to commence from the moment that 1113^ flag of truce arrives at your camp. With this view, I assure yon of my particular consideration. God and Libert}^ !” General Ta\dor, who was alwa^^s “ ready,” did not take an hour to con- sider the matter, but immediately replied : “ Sir — In reply to your note of this date, summoning me to surrender my forces at discretion, I beg leave to sa}^ that I decline acceding to your request. With high respect, I am, sir, yonr obedient servant, Z. Taylor.” . The Americans waited for the Mexicans to take the initiative. It was THE MEXICAN WAR 171 deferred until evening, excepting some skirmishing that afternoon and all that night. While the American troops were bivouacked without fire and slept on their arms, the Mexicans were in detachments in the mountains above them, trying to form a cordon of soldiers around the little army of Taylor and Wool, then less than five thousand in iinmber. Early in the morning of the 23d the battle began and continued all day. The struggle was terribly severe, and the slaughter was fearful. Until almost sunset it was doubtful who would triumph. Then the Mexican leader, after perform- ing the pitiful trick of displaying a flag in token of surrender, to throw Taylor off his guard, made a desperate assault on the American centre, where that officer was in command in person. That centre stook like a rock against the billow. The batteries of Bragg, Washington, and Sherman rolled back the martial wave, and it was not long before the Mexican lines began to waver. General Taylor, standing near the battery of Captain Bragg, saw signs of weakness and coolly said : “ Give them a little more grape!” Bragg did so, when, just after twilight, the Mexicans gave way and fled in considerable confusion. Night closed the battle ; but expecting it to be resumed in the morning, the Americans again slept on their arms ; but when the day dawned, no enemy was to be seen. Santa Anna had fallen back to Aqua Neuva, and, in the course of a few days, his large but utterly amazed and dispirited army was almost dissolved. In the flight they had left five hundred of their comrades dead or dying on the field. They had lost in the battle almost two thousand men ; the loss of the Americans in killed, wounded, and missing was seven hundred and forty-six. A son of Henry Clay was among the slain. On the day of the battle of Buena Vista, Captain Webster and a small party of Americans drove General Minon and eight hundred Mexicans from Saltillo. Three days afterwards. Colonels Morgan and Irwin defeated some of the enemy in a skirmish at Aqua Frio, and on the 7th of March Major Gidding was victorious in a conflict at Ceralvo. Meanwhile General Taylor had marched for Walnut Springs, near Monterey, where he remained almost inactive several months, and in September (1847) he returned home, where he was received with the liveliest demonstrations of respect and honor because of his achievements. Three years afterwards he was elected President of the United States by the votes of the Whig party. While these operations were in progress near the Gulf, other events of importance were occurring in the northern part of Mexico. Stephen W. Kearney, of New Jersey, who had been breveted Major-General late in 1846, was placed in command of the “ Arni}^ of the West” at Fort Leavenworth, in the spring of 1847, with ii^structions to 172 THE MEXICAN WAR conquer New Mexico and California. Before this time, Captain John C. Fremont, who had been sent by our government, with about sixty men, to explore portions of New Mexico and California, had become involved in hos- , tilities with the Mexicans on the Pacific coast. When he approached Mon- terey, on that coast, he was opposed by General Castro and a strong party of Mexicans. Fremont retired to a mountain position, where he called around him the American settlers in that region, and captured a Mexican post at Sonoma Pass (June 15, 1846), with nine cannon and two hundred and fifty muskets. After some more skirmishing, Castro was routed, the Mexicans were driven from that region, and on the 5th of Jul}^ the Ameri- cans there declared themselves independent, and placed Fremont at the head of public affairs. Two da^^s afterward, Commodore Sloat, who was in com- mand of an American squadron on the Pacific coast, bombarded and captured Alonterey, and on the 9th Commodore Montgomery took possession of San Francisco. Almost a week later. Commodore Stockton arrived bn that station and succeeded Sloat in command, and on the 17th of August he and Fremont took possession of the city of Los Angeles (city of the angels), near the Pacific coast, now the capital of Los Angeles County, California. General Kearney left Fort Leavenworth with sixteen hundred men in June, and on the i8th of August, after a march of almost nine hundred miles, he arrived at Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico. He had traversed great plains and rugged mountain passes without opposition, and as he approached Santa Fe the governor and four thousand Mexican troops fled, leaving the six thousand inhabitants of the city to quietly surrender it. Kearney took full possession of the State, appointed Charles Bent Governor, and then pushed on toward California. He soon met a messenger from Stockton and Fremont informing him that the conquest of California was already achieved ; then Kearney sent the main body of his troops back to Santa Fe, and with one hundred men he pushed on toward Los Angeles. There, on the 27th of December, 1846, Kearney met Stockton and Fremont, and these three officers shared in the honors of the events, soon afterward accomplishing the complete conquest and pacification of California. CHAPTER XX (FIFTH DECADE) ENGLAND IN ASIA AND AFRICA \_Resn}iie. — The death of George IV, and accession of William IV, led us lately to a consideration of the Reform bill, and the main events distinguishing the ministries of Melbourne, Grey and Peele. Queen Victoria came to the throne in the last decade.] A “ REFORM ” bill, tlie political origin of wliicb was determined by the reactionary events in France, asked Parliament to take away the right of representation from some fifty “ rotten ” boroughs. The bill was passed by the new House of Commons. On its defeat the Ministry appealed to the country. The new House of Commons at once passed the bill, and so terrible was the agitation produced by its rejection by the Lords, that on its subsequent reintroduction the Peers who opposed it withdrew and suffered it to become a law. The Reformed Parliament which met in 1833, did much by the violence and inexperience of many of its new members, and, especially, by the eonduct of O’Connell, to produce a feeling of reaction in the country. On the resignation of Lord Grey, in 1834, the Ministry was reconstituted under the leadership of Viscount Melbourne ; and although this administration was soon dismissed by the King, whose sympathies had now veered round to the Tories, and was succeeded for a short time b^^ a Ministry under Sir Robert Peel ; a general election again returned a Whig Parliament, and replaced Lord Melbourne in office. When Queen Victoria came to the throne the dispute with China over opium was going on. Here is the plain language used concerning it by an eloquent British historian, Justin McCarthy, M. P. : “The Opium War broke out soon after. Reduced to plain words, the principle for which England fought in the China war was the right of Great Britain to force a peculiar trade upon a foreign people in spite of the protes- tation of the Government and all such public opinion as there was of the 173 174 ENGLAND IN ASIA AND AFRICA nation. The whole principle of Chinese civilization, at the time when the Opium War broke out, was based on conditions which to any modern nation must seem erroneous and unreasonable. The Chinese Government and people desired to have no political relations or dealings whatever with any other state. They were not so obstinately set against private and com- mercial dealings ; but the}^ would have no political intercourse with foreigners, and they would not even recognize the existence of foreign peoples as states. They were perfectly satisfied with themselves and their own systems. The one thing which China asked of European civilization and the movement called Modern Progress, was to be let alone. . . . The charter and the exclusive rights of the East India Company expired in April, 1834; the charter was renewed under different conditions, and the trade with China was thrown open. One of the great branches of the East India Company’s business with China was the opium trade.” When the trading privileges ceased this trafdc was taken up briskly by private merchants, who bought of the Compaii}^ the opium which they grew in India and sold it to the Chinese. The Chinese Government, and all teachers, moralists, and persons of education in China, had long desired to get rid of or put down this trade in opium. They considered it highly det- rimental to the morals, the health, and the prosperity of the people. All traffic ill opium was strictl}^ forbidden by the Government and laws of China. Yet English traders carried on a brisk and profitable trade in the forbidden article. Nor was this merely an ordinary smuggling, or a busi- ness akin to that of blockade running during the American civil war. The arrangements with the Chinese Government allowed the existence of all establishments and machiner}'- for canying on a general trade at Canton and IMacao ; under cover of these arrangements the opium traders set up their regular headquarters in these towns. The English Government appointed superintendents to manage commercial dealings with China. Misunder- standings occurred at every new step of negotiation. These misunder- standings were natural. The Chinese believed from the first that the superintendents were there merely to protect the opium trade, and to force on China political relations with the West. Practically this was the effect of their presence. The superintendents took no steps to aid the Chinese authorities in stopping the hated trade. The British traders naturall}^ enough thought that the British Government were determined to protect them in carr^dng it on. At length the English Goverumeut announced that ‘Aier ]\Iajest3"’s Government could not interfere for the purpose of enabling British subjects to violate the laws ENGLAND IN ASIA AND AFRICA 175 of the country with which they trade and that “ any loss therefore which such persons may suffer in consequence of the more effectual execution of the Chinese laws on this subject must be borne b}^ the parties who have brougdit that loss on themselves by their own acts.” This ver}^ wise and proper resolve came, however, too late. The British traders had been allowed to go on for a long time under the full conviction that the protec- tion of the English Government was behind them and wholly at their service. When the Chinese authorities actually proceeded to insist on the forfeiture of an immense quantity of opium in the hands of British traders and took other harsh, but certainly not unnatural measures to extinguish the traffic. Captain Elliott, the chief superintendent, sent to the Governor of India a request for as many ships of war as could be spared for the pro- tection of the life and property of Englishmen in China. Before long British ships arrived, and the two countries were at war. “ It was,” sa^vs an English authority, “ easy work enough so far as England was concerned. It was on our side nothing but a succession of cheap victories. The Chinese fought very bravely in a great maii}^ instances, and they showed still more often a Spartan-like resolve not to survive defeat. When one of the Chinese cities was taken by Sir Hugh Gough, the Tartar general went into his house as soon as he saw that all was lost, made his servants set fire to the building and calmly sat in his chair until he was burned to death. We quickly captured the island of Chusan on the east coast of China; a part of our squadron went up the Peiho River to threaten the capital ; negotiations were opened and the preliminaries of a treaty were made out, to which, however, neither the English Government nor the Chinese would agree, and the war was reopened. Chusan was again taken by us. Ningpo, a large city a few miles in on the mainland, fell into our hands ; Amoy, farther south, was captured ; our troops were before Nankin, when the Chinese Government at last saw how futile was the idea of resisting. They made peace at last on any terms we chose to ask. We asked in the first instant the cession in perpetuity to us of the island of Hong-Kong. Of course we got it. Then ^ve asked that ports. Canton, Amo}^ Foo*Chow-Foo, Ningpo, and Shanghai, should be thrown. open to British traders, and that consuls should be established there. This, too, was conceded. Then it Avas agreed that the indemnity already mentioned should be paid b}^ the Chinese Government — some four millions and a half sterling, in addition to one mil- lion and a quarter as compensation for the destroyed opium. The Chinese war then was over for the time. But as the children sa}^ that snow brings more snow, so did that war with China bring other wars to follow it.” 176 ENGLAND IN ASIA AND AFRICA The deceptive quiet in Afghanistan which followed the sharp lessons administered to the Dooranees and the Ghilzais was not seriously disturbed during the month of September, 1841, and Macnaghten, the Governor of Bombay, was in a full glow of cheerfulness. The belief that he would leave behind him a quiescent Afghanistan, and Shah Soojah firmly estab- lished on its throne, was the compliment to a proud and zealous man of the satisfaction which his promotion afforded. One distasteful task he had to per- form before he should go. The Home Government had become seriousl}^ dis- quieted by the condition of affairs in Afghanistan. The Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, the channel through which the ministry communi- cated with the Governor-General, had expressed great concern at the heavy burden imposed on the Indian finances by the cost of the maintenance of the British force in Afghanistan, and by lavish expenditure of the administration which Macnaghten directed. The Anglo-Indian Government was urgently required to review with great earnestness the question of its future policy in regard to Afghanistan, and to consider gravely whether an enterprise at once so costly and so unsatisfactory in results should not be frankl}^ aban- boned. Lord Auckland was alive to the difficulties and embarrassments which encompassed the position beyond the Indus, but he was loth to admit that the policy of which he had been the author, and in which the Home Government had abetted him so eagerly, was an utter failure. He and his advisers finally decided in favor of the continued occupation of Afghanistan, and since the Indian treasury was empty, and the annual charge of that occupation was not less than a million and a quarter sterling, recourse was had to a loan. Macnaghten was pressed to effect economies in the administration, and he was specially enjoined to cut down the sub- sidies which were paid to Afghan chiefs as bribes to keep them quiet. iMacnaghten had objected to this retrenchment, pointing out that the stipends to the chiefs were simply compensation for the abandonment by them of their immemorial practice of highway robbery, but he yielded to pressure, called to Cabul the chiefs in its vicinity and informed them that thenceforth their subsidies would be reduced. The chiefs strongly remonstrated, but without effect, and they then formed a confederac}^ of rebellion. The Ghilzai chiefs were the first to act. Quitting Cabul they occupied the passes between the capital and Jellalabad, and entirely intercepted the communi- cations with India by the Kh3^ber route. Let the famous war correspondent, Archibald Forbes, tell the rest of the stoiy : In the more open country between Futtehabad and Jellalabad, the hillmen made themselves exceeding obnoxious, so that at length Broad- ENGLAND IN ASIA AND AFRICA 177 foot persuaded Oldfield to charge them with his cavalry, Broadfoot engaging to support with his sappers. Oldfield cut up sixt}^ or seventy of the eneni}^ ; while Broadfoot swept the hills clear of assailants. The same night the brigade encamped under the walls of Jellalabad, and next day entered the place. An inspection showed the works surrounding the town to be inde- fensible against a vigorous assault in their existing condition. But it was decided to hold the place ; Broadfoot, as garrison engineer, undertaking to restore its defences so as to render them secure against Afghan attacks. Broadfoot had undertaken an arduous task. The encienteof Jellalabad was greatly too extensive for the small force of defenders. Its tracing was vicious in the extreme ; it had no parapet to speak of ; the ramparts were so dilapidated that there were roads across and over them into the countr}^ ; the fire zone was cumbered with ruined structure affording near cover to the enemy, who were already encircling the position so menacingly that the work of repair could not be commenced. They swejDt the walls with their fire, and in derision their braves danced to the music of a bagpipe on an adjacent elevation, which was thenceforth known as Piper’s Hill. But the Afghans did not stand before the sortie which Colonel Monteath executed on the 15th. They fled with a heavy loss ; supplies then began to come in from the ad- jacent country, and Broadfoot was able to begin the work of repairing the fortifications. His sappers, a strange corps of Hindustanees, Goorkhas, and Afghans of every tribe, were workmanlike, valiant, disciplined, and lo^^al. With provident forethought he had exacted by sheer masterfulness from the Cabul stores a supply of entrenching tools, which proved simply the salvation of the Jellalabad garrison. All hands worked vigorously, and the repairs were well forward when on the 29th the Afghans came down again and opened fire on the place. Ammunition was short in the garrison — not above one hundred and fifty rounds per man — and the force at the head of which Colonel Dennie sallied out had strict orders to husband their cart- ridges. Nevertheless he punished the Afghans severely, and as the result of this spirited repulse the garrison enjoyed a period of repose. At the end of the year came a disheartening letter from Pottinger in Cabul, confirming the rumor already current of the murder of the Envoy and of the virtual capitulation entered into by the Cabul force on the plea of starvation and consequent imperious necessity. On January 8, 1842, Sale received from Cabul an oflicial communication signed by Pottinger as “ political,” and by General Elphinstone as chief military officer, dated December 29. It was brought in by three Afghans of consequence, which tended to show that it was written under duress ; and 12 178 ENGLAND IN ASIA AND AFRICA its terms confirmed that impression. This humiliating document set forth that the British authorities at Cabul had found it necessary to conclude an agreement for the evacuation of Afghanistan, in pursuance of which the brigade occupying Jellalabad was ordered to begin an immediate retreat on India, leaving the fortress guns in the hands of a new governor of Jellala- bad appointed by the ruling power in Cabul, and also the stores and baggage for which the brigade might not have transport. “ Everything,” so ran this instruction, “ has been done in good faith ; you will not be molested on your wa}^ ; and to the safe-conduct which Akbar Khan has given I trust for the passage of the troops under my immediate orders through the passes.” Sale summoned his commanding officers to a council of war, which was unanimous in favor of disobeying the humiliating mandate. Broadfoot, with Havelock at his back, contended vigorousl}^ that there was no force in an order by a superior officer who, being no longer a free agent, issued it under duress ; and Sale was outspoken in his repudiation of the abandon- ment of Jellalabad. No doubt he was stiffened in this resolve by recently- received intelligence that Colonel Wild, with reinforcements from India, was already at Jumrood on his march up the passes. But disastrous tidings came thick and fast. The news from Cabul was most ominous. A letter received on January to, reported the British people there to be in the most deplorable condition, completely at the nierc\^ of their enemies ; another reach- ing Jellalabad on the I2th, stated that the cantonments had been abandoned and the march commenced, but that the mass of forlorn wayfarers were de- tained at Bootkhak, hemmed in by the horsemen of Akbar Khan. And finall}^ about 2 P. M. of the following day — Januar}^ 13 — the worst apprehen- sions were more than fulfilled by the arrival of Dr. Brydon, the sole survivor, save a few prisoners and same native stragglers, of the sixteen hundred who had marched from Cabul cantonment on the dreary morning of January 6. Havelock, an eye-witness of Brydon’s arrival, thus describes the scene : “ About 2 o’clock on the 13th of January, some officers were assembled on the roof of the loftiest house in Jellalabad. One of them espied a single horseman riding towards our walls. As he got nearer it was dis- tinctl}^ seen that he wore European clothes, and was mounted on a travel- hacked yahoo, or hill pony, which he was urging on with all speed of which it yet remained master. “ A signal was made to him by some one on the walls, which he answered b}^ waving a private soldier’s forage cap over his head. The Cabul gate was then thrown open, and several officers rushing out received and recognized in the traveler who dismounted the first, and it is to be feared the last, fugitive of imposing cereiuouies, was opened to commerce November 17, 1869. ^■LoUBtr of FRANCE opo?ia.5S ^il.MtKiNLE^;’ IV PRLStOENT OF r»£^ l' Kruger. JoutmArwcah REW^ - ^ JwisifoNFEOF-R^^^ PllKSIDFA’TS OF FIVF GF.FAT RKFl IiLICS. Emile Loubet, born in 1SR8 ; elected 1899. Wm. McKinley, born in 1843 ; elected 1896. Porfirio I>ia/, born in 1830 ; re-electeorn in 1808, and died in 1H79. born in 1881 : died in 1888. Gen. von Bittenfeld was born in 179C), and died in 1884. THE REVOLUTION OF 184S 197 of the people might be excited to the highest pitch. During that sleepless night Marshal Bugeaud, skilfully directing the forces which he com- manded, had taken the barricades and effectively checked the rioters. But in early morning the new ministers ordered him to desist and withdraw his troops. They deemed it useless to resist. Concession was, in their view, the only avenue to tranquillity. The soldiers retired ; the crowds pressed on to the Tuileries. The king had breakfasted and was now in his cabinet, surrounded by his family and great officers, waiting the course of events which he had no longer aii}^ power to direct. From afar the shouts of the ap- proaching multitude were borne to the royal ears. The king took up his pen to write the names of a ministry still more radical than that which he had appointed a few hours before. Suddenly there entered the royal chamber File de Girardin, editor of a Paris newspaper, who, in abrupt and uncourtly terms, informed the helpless monarch that his immediate abdication was necessary. The king hesitated, but the urgency of his advisers and the sounds of strife, which waxed even louder, overcame his reluctance, and he put his name to an abdication in favor of his grandson. The insurgents were now at the palace gates, and the personal safety of the dethroned monarch required to be secured without further delay. Along with the ladies of his family, the king left the Tuileries and reached a cab-stand, where, happily, two vehicles stood waiting to be hired. Availing themselves of the only means of safety left them, the royal family drove away from Paris. A week later they reached the coast and embarked for England, the home of so many expelled French sovereigns, their majesties traveling under the lowly but well-chosen incognito of Mr. and Mrs. Smith. The sudden breaking out of the Revolution in Paris, the flight of Eouis Philippe and his family, and the proclamation of the Republic, acted in Germany like a spark dropped from powder. All the disappointments of thirty years, the smouldering impatience and sense of outrage, the powerful aspiration for political freedom among the people, broke out in sudden flame. There was instantly an outcry for freedom of speech and of the press, the right of suffrage, and a constitutional form of government in every state. Baden, where Struve and Hecker were already prominent as leaders of the opposition, took the lead; then, on the 13th of March the people of Vienna rose, and after a blood}^ flght with the troops compelled Meternich to give up his office as Minister, and seek safety in exile. In Berlin, Frederick William IV 3delded to the pressure on the i8th of March, but, either by accident or rashness, a fight was brought on between the soldiers and the people, and a number of the latter were slain. Their 198 THE REVOLUTION OE 1848 bodies, lifted on planks, with all their bloody wounds exposed, were carried before the royal palace and the king was compelled to come to the window and look upon them. All the demands of the revolutionary partly were thereupon instantly granted. The next day Frederick William rode through the streets, preceded by the ancient Imperial banner of black, red, and gold, swore to grant the rights which were demanded, and, with the concurrence of the other princes, to put himself at the head of a movement for German unity. A proclamation was published which closed with the words : “From this day forward Prussia becomes merged in Germany.” The soldiers were removed froiu Berlin, and the popular excitement gradually subsided. Before these outbreaks occurred, the Diet at Frankfort had caught the alarm, and hastened to take a step which seemed to yield something to the general demand. On the ist of March it invited the separate states to send special delegates to Frankfort, empowered to draw up a new form of union for Germany. Four days afterward a meeting, which included many of the prominent men of southern German}/, was held at Heidelberg, and it was decided to hold a Provisional Assembly at Frankfort, as a movement preliminary to the greater changes which were anticipated. This proposal received a hearty response; on the 31st of March quite a large and “re- spectable” body, from all the German states, gathered in Frankfort. The demand of the party headed by Hecker, that a Republic should be pro- claimed, was rejected ; but the principle of “ the sovereignty of the people’^ was adopted. Schleswig and Holstein, which had risen in revolt against the Danish rule, were declared to be a part of Germany, and a Committee of Fifty was appointed to cooperate with the old Diet in calling a National Parliament. There was great rejoicing in Germany over these measures. The people were full of hope and confidence; the men who were chosen as candidates and elected by suffrage, were almost wdthout exception persons of character and intelligence, and when they came together, six hundred in number, and opened the first National Parliament of Germany, in the church of St. Paul, in Frankfort, on the i8th of May, 1848, there were few patriots who did not believe in a speedy and complete regeneration of their country. In the meantime, however, Hecker and Struve, who had organ- ized a great number of Republican clubs throughout Baden, rose in arms against the government. After maintaining themselves for two weeks in Freiburg and the Black Forest, they were defeated and forced to take refuge in Switzerland. Hecker went to America, and Struve, making a second attempt shortly afterwards, was taken prisoner. The lack of prac- tical political experience among the members soon disturbed the Parliament. THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 199 The most of them were governed by theories, and insisted on carrying out certain principles, instead of trying to adapt them to the existing circum- stances. With all their honesty and genuine patriotism, they relied too much on the sudden enthusiasm of the people, and undervalued the actual strength of the governing classes, because the latter had so easily yielded to the first surprise. The Republican party was in a decided minority ; and the remainder soon became divided between the “ Small-Germans,” who favored the union of all the states except Austria, under a constitutional monarchy^ and the ‘‘ Great-Germans,” who insisted that Austria should be included. After a great deal of discussion, the former Diet was declared abolished, a Provisional Central Government was appointed, and the iVrch- duke John of Austria — an amiable, popular, inoffensive old man — was elected ‘‘Vicar-General of the Empire.” This action was accepted by all the states except iVustria and Prussia, which delayed to commit themselves until they were strong enough to oppose the whole scheme. The history of 1848 is divided into so many detached episodes that it cannot be given in a connected form. The revolt which broke out in Schleswig-Holstein early in March was supported by enthusiastic German volunteers, and then by a Prussian army, which drove the Danes back into Jutland. Great rejoicing was occasioned by the destruction of the Danish frigate “ Christian VIII ” and the capture of the “ Gefion ” at Eckernforde by a battery commanded by Duke Ernest II of Coburg-Gotha. But Eng- land and Russia threatened armed intervention ; Prussia was forced to sus- pend hostilities and make a truce with Denmark on terms which looked very much like an abandonment of the cause of Schleswig-Holstein. This action was accepted by a majority of the Parliament at Frankfort — a course which aroused the deepest indignation of the democratic minorit}^ and their sympathizers everywhere throughout Germany. On the i8th of September barricades were thrown up in the streets of Frankfort, and an armed mob stormed the church where the Parliament was in session, but was driven back by Prussian and Hessian troops. Two members. General Auerswald and Prince Lichnowsky, were barbarously murdered in attempt- ing to escape from the cit}^ This lawless and bloody event was a great damage to the national cause ; the two leading states, Prussia and Austria, instantly adopted a sterner policy, and there were soon signs of a general reaction against the Revolution. The condition of Austria at this time was very critical. The uprising in Vienna had been followed, we have seen, by powerful and successful rebellions in Lombardy, Hungary, and Bohemia, and the Empire of the Hapsburgs was on the point of dissolution. The struggle 200 THE REVOLUTION OE 1848 was confused and made more bitter by the hostility of the different nationali- ties ; the Croatians, at the call of the emperor, rose against the Hungarians, and then the Germans, in the Legislative Assembly held at Vienna, accused the government of being guided by Slavonic influences. Another furious out- break occurred. Count Latour, the former minister of war, was hung to a lamp-post, and the city was again in the hands of the revolutionists. Kos-^ suth, who had become all-powerful in Hungary, had already raised an army, to be employed in conquering the independence of his country, and he now marched rapidly towards Vienna, which was threatened by the Austrian general, Windischgratz. Almost within sight of the city he was defeated by Jellachich, the Ban of Croatia ; the latter joined the Austrians, and after a furious bombardment Vienna was taken by storm. Messenhauser, the commander of the insurgents, and Robert Blum, a member of the National Parliament, were afterwards shot by order of Windischgratz, who crushed out all resistance by the most severe and inhuman measures. Hungary, nevertheless, was already practically independent, and Kossuth stood at the head of the government. The movement was eagerly supported by the people ; an army of one hundred thousand men was raised, including cav- alry which could hardly be equalled in Europe. Kossuth was supported by Gorgey and the Polish generals, Bern and Dembinski ; and although the Hungarians at first fell back before Windischgratz, who marched against them in December, they gained a series of splendid victories in the spring of 1849, and their success seemed assured. Austria was forced to call upon Russia for help, and the Emperor Nicholas responded by sending an army of one hundred and fort}^ thousand men, Kossuth vainly hoped for the intervention of England and France in favor of Hungary ; up to the end of May the patriots were still victorious ; then followed defeats in the field and confusion in the councils. The Hungarian government and a large part of the army fell back to Arad, where, on the iith of August, Kossuth transferred his dictatorship to Gorgey, and the latter, two days afterwards, surrendered at Vilagos, with about twenty-five thousand men, to the Russian general, Rudiger. In the following chapter we will attempt to elucidate certain of these rather complicated political situations. CHAPTER XXII (FIFTH DECADE) THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 (CONTINUED) [Resuini . — Main events in preceding chapter : Outbreak of war in Sicily and Lombardy — Triumph of the Revolution in France — Abdication of Louis Philippe — The Fall of Metternich — Treaty of Milan.] A BONE of contention whicli complicated German foreign relations was the Schleswig-Holstein question. The two duchies were governed by their own estates with the King of Denmark as duke, so that their union with Denmark was merely personal, in the crown. But the population of Holstein was German, as was the case largely in Schleswig. The people of the duchies, therefore, shared in the German national feeling and strongly opposed any closer union with Denmark. But on his acces- sion to the throne. King Frederick VH of Denmark granted a constitution, in which all parts of the kingdom were to be treated alike, thus amalga- mating the German duchies with the Danish nation. Another dispute was vitally connected with this. The Salic law of succession was claimed in Schleswig and Holstein, but did not apply in Denmark. Frederick VII was likely to be the last of the male line, so that on his death the duchies and Denmark would be divided. In 1846 the then King, Christian VIII, issued a declaration that this claim of his German subjects would be disregarded, and the constitution of Frederick VII was the realization of this policy. At this the Holsteiners revolted and the Prussian King, at the request of the German Diet, sent troops to their support. Austria had been paralyzed in the spring of 1848 by insurrections which blazed out in all quarters of the empire. But later in the year the tide turned and the Emperor was able to take a more decided policy in Ger- many. When the question of German federation was before the National Assembly the status of Austria was of critical importance. Should only the German parts of that empire be admitted ? or should the entire empire, 201 202 THE REVOLUTION OF 184.8 with its motley population, including thirty million Slavs and Magyars, be a part of Germany ? or should Austria be excluded altogether ? The first might have happened if the Austrian Empire had become dis- integrated, as seemed probable when the National Assembly met. But when the choice was narrowed to one of the latter alternatives the difficulties seemed insuperable. As the lesser of the two evils, the Assembly voted to form the federation without Austria at all. Thereupon Austria promptly announced that it would neither let itself be expelled from the German Confederation nor let German provinces be separated from the invisible monarchy.” The election of the Prussian King to the imperial headship was the decisive stroke. He was under Austrian influence and reluctant to risk a war. Further, he rejected the offered crown because it did not come from a legitimate authority. And immediately afterward the Austrian delegates withdrew from the Assembly. Others followed. The small gov- ernments had generally accepted the constitution, but the Assembly was powerless without Prussia and Austria. It had reached its conclusions too late. The reaction had come. The Assembly crumbled away. Adjourn- ing its sessions to Stuttgart, the remnant identified itself with futile insur- rections, and finally was turned ignominiously out of doors. The revolution had spent its force. Under constraint from Austria and Russia, the Prus- sian King withdrew his troops from Holstein and abandoned the duchies to the Danes. The constitutions were revoked in nearly all the states. The old Diet was restored and the old Germanic Confederation, under the head- ship of Austria, was declared still in legal existence. German unity was still in the future and constitutional freedom was yet a dream. The attitude of Metternich in the presence of demands made by the other nationalities of the empire for reform, following one another in rapid succession, had been that of a temporizer, who thinks that by skillful manoeuvering he can, in time, defeat, by causing disunion ‘ among his adversaries. In Hungary he did not dare to play the game wdth the hard, repressive measures which he had no hesitation in enforcing in Germany and in Ital3^ The Hungarian constitution was a contract the validity of which had been recognized by the Hapsburgs even when they had infringed its provisions. In that country there was a point beyond which his opposi- tion to peculiar demands, energetically urged, could not go. Although, then, no one better than he understood the underhand means, well known to tyrants, the methods of seduction, of dividing by sowing suspicion in the ranks of one’s adversaries, yet, in his dealings with Hungary, he not only disdained to have recourse to those methods, but, either from over-confidence THE REVOLUTION OE 1848 203 in his own position, or because he had found that yielding always incited fresh demands, he acted in a manner which united against him all the ele- ments of opposition. He even went so far as to infringe the Constitution by directing Count. Apponyi, whom he had made Chancellor of Hungary in succession to the popular Count Mailath — removed for the purpose — to supersede the County Assemblies by administrators appointed by himself. By this action, and by obstinately refusing to concede, even slightly, to the demands of the Diet of 1847, he prepared the way for that outburst of national feeling which obeyed the signal to Europe given by the mob of Paris in February of the following year. But if Metternich made for him- self difficulties in Hungary, others were being prepared for him in Italy, and even in Germany. In the former country, as we have seen, for some years after the expul- sion of Mazzini, the surface had been calm. Only the surface, however. The seeds dispersed all over Europe by Mazzini from his sanctuary in Lon- don were taking root everywhere, and in maii}^ places the hardy stalk was forcing its way upward. In 1844 a rising had been concerted in Calabria. The plans were well considered, and it is possible, even probable, that they might have succeeded had not Sir James Graham, the Postmaster-General of Great Britain, opened Mazzini’s letters and communicated their contents to the Austrians. The executors of the plot then marched into a trap, and paid the penalty with their lives. For a moment the surface became again calm. Two years later, however, the seizure of Cracow by the democratic party in Poland, spread hope anew. But when Metternich replied to this demonstration by boldly annexing Cracow to Austria the under-swell, which had not then in Italy broken the surface, subsided. An event occurred just afterwards in the canton of Ticino which proved the little cloud which was to increase and burst forth into storm. The cause did not seem at the outset to be one of those which bring about convulsions. In the early part of 1846, Ticino, a canton of Switzerland, on the Italian slope of the Alps, had asked Charles-Albert, King of Sardinia, to allow it to transmit the salt it manufactured through Piedmont. It happened that a predecessor of Charles- Albert had made with xA^ustria in 1751 a treat}^ whereby, in consideration of Austria granting to Piedmont the privilege of sending through Lom- bardy the salt it was selling to Venice, the latter agreed to renounce his trade with the Swiss cantons. To grant the request of Ticino would, then, be to infringe, technically, the treaty of 1751. Nevertheless, Charles-Albert did grant it. The information of this action on the part of Charles-Albert roused Metternich to a white heat. Of all the cantons of Switzerland, 204 THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 Ticino was the most hated. It was Ticino which had been the abode of, which had given refuge to, Mazzini and his band. It was from Ticino that they had made their abortive attempt on Italy ; and now Charles-Albert, himself alwa^^s under suspicion, and something more than suspicion, of cherishing designs little compatible with the predominance of Austria in Italy, had conferred a favor on Ticino. Metternich acted with his accustomed decision and vigor. He declared to Charles-Albert that Austria regarded the treaty of 1751 as violated. A few days later, he retaliated by increasing the custom duty on wines sent from Piedmont to Lombardy ; taking special care, at the same time, to inform him that this change would apply only to Piedmont, and to none of the other states of Italy. Charles-Albert retorted by lowering the wine duties between Piedmont and France, and when the Austrian ambassador, alarmed at this act, offered to recall his Government’s action if Charles- Albert would withdraw the concession to Ticino, the latter absolutely refused. Not only did he refuse, but recognizing tacitl}^ the position which had been assigned to him by the truest lovers of Italian unity, he began to take measures to prepare for an event which, in the excited condition of feeling in Italy, might at any moment be precipitated. The feeling that Charles-Albert might be depended upon was gradually making its way through Italy, especially in the Papal states, when Pope Gregory XVI died (June I, 1846). Fifteen dajrs later, mainly through the influence of the reforming party to which he was supposed to belong, Giovanni Mastai Ferretti was elected his successor. The new Pope, who took the name of Pius IX, began his papal career by issuing a general amnesty to those condemned for political offenses. By this act, though it was hedged with conditions, and by the support accorded to him by men who greatly influ- enced the minds of young Italy, Pius IX, a few months after his installa- tion, found himself regarded throughout the peninsula as the national hero. Tliis, too, in spite of one or two attempts he made to restrict the operation of the favors he had granted. Even in Milan, the headquarters of the Austrians, hymns to Pio Nono were sung at the theatre, whilst the Viceroy and his family were received there in silence. Metternich had fairly ta.ken the alarm. Whether he instigated, or was aware of or sympathized with, a conspiracy which was organized by the Austrian party in Rome to get rid of Pio Nono on the occasion of a popular demonstration which took place, and was foiled, on the anniversary of the amnesty of 1816, may, indeed, never be known. But the idea of a revolu- tionary Pope — and to him reform and revolution were synonyms — was an THE REVOLUTION OE 1S4S 205 abomination. His reply to the Papal concessions was the occupation of Ferrara by Austrian troops. This action roused a bitter cry throughout Italy. It quadrupled, and more than quadrupled, the hatred against Austria. The impression spread rapidly that the time had arrived when the Pope and the King of Sardinia must combine to expel the hated foreigner. Before, however, any movement could be inaugurated. Lord Palmerston, who was then wisely directing the foreign policy of England, had sent Lord Minto to Italy to encourage the various princes to stand firm to the cause of reform, whilst he had urged upon Metternich the necessity of evacuating Ferrara. Most unwillingly did the Austrian Minister con- sent, but he did yield to necessity, and in December, 1847, Imperial troops evacuated Ferrara. But this was not the only blow dealt to the anti- revolutionary policy of Metternich at this period. He was to experience the truth of the saying that the worst foes a man can have are those of his own household. If he could have trusted any one it would have been the Austrian Prince who ruled in Tuscany. But not only did Leopold of Haps- burg, who reigned at Florence, refuse the urgent demand of Metternich to dispense with the services of his Liberal counselor, Cosimo Rodolfi, but as time went on, he showed an increasing sympathy with many of the objects of the reformers. Soon a crisis arose which tried to the utmost the patience of the nations. Under pressure, put upon him by his subjects, a pressure which he had provoked by his unwisdom, the Duke of Lucca had taken advantage of a clause in the treaty of Vienna to resign his terri- tories to Leopold of Tuscany. The same clause which enabled Leopold to accept the transfer necessitated the surrender by him of the district of Fivizzano to the Duke of Modena. The people of that district refused to be transferred, whereupon the Duke, summoning to his aid the troops of Marshal Radetzky, marched into the town of Fivizzano and massacred the inhabitants. Troops of the same nation shortly afterwards occupied Parma, and although the Duke of Modena was forced to yield his pretensions to the towns of Pontremoli and Bagnone, the transaction regarding Fivizzano -and the action of the Austrian troops embittered the Italians against the foreigner. Matters, it will be remembered, were not progressing more favorably for Metternich in the south of Italy. The rule of the Bourbon prince who ruled at Naples under the title of Ferdinand H, but who is better known as King Bomba, had been characterized by a tyranny of the worst description. His subjects had shown their sense of its harshness by spasmodic out- breaks. They had risen at Aquila in 1841 ; at Cosenga in 1844; and, as I 206 THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 have previously recorded, at Calabria in July of the same year. In every instance the insurgents had been suppressed, and the scaffold and prisons had restored momentary order. But the spirit which inspired those out- breaks defied the tyranny of the monarch, and as the repression of all that makes life valuable to a man became more severe, the resolution to buy freedom at whatever cost became more fixed. This resolution developed into action at Messina the ist of September, 1847. rising at Messina was repressed, and, as usual, its repression was sealed with blood. But failure had not deprived the Italian and Sicilian wooers of freedom of their courage. Naples rose, Palermo rose. Ferdinand was driven from every place in Sicily except the castle of Messina, and he was forced, January 29, to grant a Constitution to Naples. The granting of this Constitution, poor as it was, produced a marked effect on the spirit and the proceedings of the reformers in Rome and Northern Italy. In the former, the Pope, who had already issued a decree assuring separate and independent respon- sibility to each of his ministers, now promised a secular ministry and an increase of the arm3^ In Lombardy the patriotic feeling it evoked caused the Archduke Rainier and his councilors to invoke the earnest attention of Marshal Radetzky. A little later, and Radetzky established martial law in Milan. In Turin, Charles-Albert was compelled, though with great reluct- ance, to grant a Statuto, which had the form, though at first not the sub- stance, of a Constitution. In Venice, Daniel Manin called upon the Vene- tian congregation to demand a real representation. All this time Metternich had been, as usual, endeavoring to devise schemes whereby the popular feeling might be repressed. At first he had sent a confidential agent to strengthen the hands of Rainier in Lombardy. The agent had succeeded no better than the archduke, and both had agreed to invoke the armed aid of Radetzky. That might suffice for Lombard}^. But Sicily was lost ; Rome, Tuscau}^ Piedmont had accepted the constitutional principle ; Venice had joined in the cry for freedom ; Hungary, we have seen, had wrung from him many concessions. Everywhere, in those regions, except in Lombardy, kept down by force of arms, the cause of absolutism seemed lost. Nor, . whilst it was gliding from his practiced hand in the countries more imme- diately under his own domination, had it prospered elsewhere. In Switzer- land he had supported the reactionary adherents of the Souderbund and had been forced to witness their humiliating defeat. With respect to Denmark, the king of which country had issued a proclamation declaring that all the provinces under his crown formed one sole and the same state, he had been placed in this dilemma : and if he THE REVOLUTION OF 184.S 207 opposed the king and asserted the claims of Holstein, he would serve the national party ; if he were to support him, he would infringe the Treaty of Vienna. Nor, with respect to German}^, were the prospects at all reas- suring. Frederick William III, King of Prussia, his all}^ against Napo- leon, had died in 1840. His successor, Frederick William IV, began by according an amnesty to political offenders, by giving a certain amount of liberty to the press, and by granting extended powers to the Provincial Estates. These acts were accomplished in opposition to the warnings of the Austrian Minister who had guided the policy of his father. The king did not indeed proceed so far as to redeem the promise made by his father in 1813-14, and broken on the morrow of Napoleon’s downfall — the promise to grant his people a Constitution. He excused himself on the ground that a written Constitution indicated want of confidence. He expressed himself clearly on this point when, in Januaiy, 1847, summoned to Berlin the representatives of all the Provincial Estates to discuss affairs. I do not wish,” said he, “ that a piece of parchment should come between me and my subjects.” Even this action, which was not intended to carry much weight, was regarded by Metteriiich as the insertion of the thin end of the wedge, and he regarded it as fraught with evil consequences. But if Metternich looked upon the small concessions of the King of Prussia with apprehension, with far greater indignation did he view the movement in those Germanic states which had been, as he thought, completely brought under his influence by the decrees of Carlsbad and the Conferences of Teplitz and Laybach. Twice had he crushed the national aspirations in Baden; once, very decisively, in Bavaria and Wurtemberg. But in 1845 there had arisen in Baden a movement which, though he imprisoned its author, he could not suppress. In the beginning of 1848 the Liberals of that grand duchy were ready to place themselves at the head of a move- ment for the unity of Germany. In Wurtemberg, the progress had been made more gradual ; but even there it had far passed beyond the limits allowed by Metternich, for in 1847 king had placed a Liberal Minister in power, and that Minister had summoned a representative chamber. In Bavaria, at the same time, the Liberals had forced the king, the lover of Lola Montez, to abdicate. His son, Maximilian, confirmed the decree wrung from his father to summon a parliament. In Hesse Cassel, in Hesse Darmstadt, and in Nassau, Liberal decrees were wrung from half- willing, often unwilling, rulers, and the system of Metternich seemed everywhere tottering to its fall. Contemporaneous with these events came the shock, the electric shock, 208 THE REVOLUTION OF 184S of the revolution in Paris. That revolution decided the Liberals of Saxony, and drastic reforms were conceded by the helpless king. In Vienna, the arrival of the news was speedily followed by the posting of placards an- nouncing the approaching downfall of Metternich. For the first time in the crisis of revolution through which he had been passing the Austrian autocrat was really alarmed. For the first time in his life he began to admit the necessity of making concessions to the spirit of reform. But he did nothing. He still hoped that the crisis might be tided over. Vienna would not move unless the impulsion should come from without, and, taking a survey of Germany, he did not see whence it should come. Like Napo- leon, in 1813, he trusted to time to dissolve the alliance against him. But, though he had scanned Germany, and had even glanced at Italy, he had omitted to take Hungary into his calculations, and it was from Hungary that the blow came which was to strike him down. The most recent action of Metternich toward Hungary, spoken of in a previous page, had convinced Kossuth that there could be no peace with such a man. As Metternich had felt toward Napoleon in 1813-15, so Kossuth felt regarding Metternich in 1848. On the 3d of March the. Hungarian leader made a speech in the Pressburg x\ssembly, pointing out in glowing terms the hindrances which had prevented a constitutional union between the two countries ; declaring the freedom of any part of the empire could only be assured by working for the freedom of the whole, and urging that an address should be sub- mitted to the emperor embodying the reforms actually essential. The cir- culation of this speech in Vienna caused the greatest excitement, and a certain professor. Dr. Lohner, at a meeting of the Reading and Debating Societ}^ of the University of that city, proposed that negotiations on the subject should be opened with the Estates of Lower Austria — then about to sit in Vienna. This proposal was not adopted. In place of it, a petition for moderate reform received the approval of the professors. The students, bolder and more enthusiastic, took their stand on a programme far more advanced, but in itself just and moderate. Still Metternich underrated the danger. Still he showed himself opposed to such concessions as would have calmed the rising feeling. Still he calculated that time was with him. Time was not with him. Every post brought news showing that the desire for the unity of Germany was universal ; that the committees of the several states of Germany had sum- moned a Constituent x\ssembly to meet at Frankfort to insure that unity. This news so greatly encouraged the reformers that even the professors resolved to take the advanced step of adding to their programme a clause THE REVOLUTION OF 184.S 209 demanding the removal of JMetternicli. They presented their petition to the Emperor Ferdinand on the 12th of March. The emperor received them coldly, and curtly replied that he would consider the matter. With this reply the professors returned to the students, whom they had begged to await the results of their action. The students heard the results with a laugh of defiance, and resolved to act for themselves on the morrow. Accordingly, on the 13th, they gathered in great numbers in the large hall of the Uni- versity, and marched thence, in serried ranks, to the Landhaus — the meet- ing place that day of the Estates of Lower Austria. As they marched on their number increased rapidly. The people were evidently with them. At length they arrived in front of the Landhaus. The Estates within its walls were sitting, awaiting the prescribed hour to begin discussion. Whilst many of them were urging their president to waive ceremony and to begin at once, and whilst the president was stating his reasons for refusing, a con- fused murmur of voices was heard outside ; a few minutes later the door was burst open and the students rushed in. After some discussion it was agreed that a deputation of twelve of the students should be present at the debates, which were about to begin, and the crowd withdrew to elect these delegates. In their absence the Estates rapidly agreed upon the petition which they would present to the emperor, and their spokesman went out to read to the crowd. Its demands were so totally inadequate that the crowd rejected it with indignation ; and, further roused by the reading of Kos- suth’s great speech, forced their way once more into the Landhaus, and insisted that the terms of it should be enlarged. Finally the president set off with the petition, and the crowd, now reinforced by many who had come on hearing that the soldiers were marching to attack the students, pressed on and forced their way within the city walls. Meanwhile Metternich was in the castle, bent on resistance. He who had hated revolution, who had spent the best years of his life in reading, in order to overthrow him — the character of the man, who, in his eyes, was the In- carnation of the Revolution — was now face to face with the Revolution itself. Not for an instant did he flinch. His proud face was as proud, as calm, as unruffled as when it had looked, at Dresden in 1813, with the assurance of coming triumph, on the features of Napoleon. Not a single point would he yield. Vainly did the President of the Estates, warning him of the danger outside, entreat him to comply with the request of which he was the bearer. Noticing in the attitude and language of the commandant of the castle. Count Latour, some signs of hesitation, Metternich desired him to make over his command to Prince Windischgratz, a man he knew of iron resolu- 14 210 THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 tion. lu this action the Imperial Council, the members of which were present, concurred. But the majority of them declined, for the moment, to accord their sanction to a further proposal of Metternich’s, that Windisch- gratz should also be appointed military dictator of the city, with power to use cannon against the people. In the meantime the people were asserting themselves with effect against the not too willing soldiers. It soon appeared, too, that the sympathies of the great middle class were with them. As a last resource, one of the archdukes ordered the gunners to fire on the crowd. The master gunner refused either to obey his orders or to allow the gunners to obey them. A few minutes later the deputations of citizens forced their way into the castle. Treated at first somewhat roughly, they maintained their ground firmly, demanding the immediate resignation of Metternich. For a short space of time their demand was not listened to, but the news that the students had obtained arms and were pressing on changed the tone of the courtiers. At last, ]\Ietternich, yielding to the urgent pressure of the Archduke John, and, I am convinced, to the general safety rather than to care for his own, stepped forward and declared that, as they all told him that his resignation would restore peace to Austria, he resigned, and he wished good luck to the new Government. Of all the Council, the onl}^ man who protested against his resignation was Windischgratz. The archdukes and the other members seemed glad to be rid of a master. Thus fell the man before whom Napoleon had fallen. Thus fell with him the edifice of autocratic absolutism which he had constructed. He fell, conscious of no faults, believing himself a martyr, steadfast in his adherence to his own system. “ If,” he wrote four years later, ‘‘ I had to begin my career again, I would follow again the course I took before, and would not deviate from it for an instant.” CHAPTER XXIII (SIXTH DECADE) JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR {^ResumL — Our war with Mexico distinguished the history of the Fifth Decade in the United States.] Z ACHARY TxWLOR died after he had been in office a little more than a year, and he was succeeded by Vice-President Fillmore, who made Daniel Webster Secretary of State. President Taylor had been eager to bring California into the Union before the question of slavery in that territory should be discussed in Congress. He urged the people of Cali- fornia to call a convention and organize a State. They did this ; and since they were almost wholly from the North, they formed a constitution pro- hibiting slaverjq and applied for admission. At the time when California thus applied, Henry Clay had come for- ward with a new compromise, by which he hoped to settle the growing dis- sensions. He tried to satisfy the pro-slavery party by proposing to grant the right to divide Texas into four States, to organize the territories of Utah and New Mexico without prohibiting slavery, and especially to enact a more rigid Fugitive Slave Law. The Constitution expressly gave to slaveholders the right to recover their slaves if they escaped into another State ; but the increasing hostilitj^ of the people in the free States to the system of slavery made it extremely difficult for slaveholders to find and recover runaway slaves when they escaped into the free States. The matter was one of great irritation to slave owners. They claimed that they were deprived of their rights in direct opposition to the Constitution. The new Fugitive Slave Law was therefore so drawn as to require United States commissioners to be more vigilant in hunting for runaway slaves. It also gave the officers the right to call upon any citizen to help them in the search and capture. To satisfy the anti-slavery men, Clay proposed abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. He 211 212 JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR took the ground that if Utah and New Mexico were organized as territories and left to settle the question of slavery themselves, both the pro-slavery and anti-slavery men in those territories would have equal rights. Webster gave his support to the Compromise of 1850. Like others, he viewed with alarm the growing dissension between the two sections of the country. He was a great public leader, and he worked with all his might to preserve the Union against the attacks of the extreme pro-slavery men and the attacks of the abolitionists. California was admitted into the Union, and the Fugitive Slave Law was passed. There were many at the North who declared that the Law interfered with the sacred rights of personal liberty. Some of the States passed personal liberty laws, designed to protect free negroes who were charged with being runaway slaves. Everywhere the hunters for slaves were active, and the people grew more restive at the sight. The administration supported the Compromise of 1850, and was very earnest in its effort to make the Union powerful at home and respected abroad. It was a time when the Union seemed full of prosperity. There were now so many States, and the population had increased so much, that there was not room in the old Capitol at Washington for the Senators and Representatives. President Fillmore laid the corner-stone of the extension of the present capitol. The Fugitive Slave Law steadily defeated the purposes of peace. The same section of the Constitution which commanded the rendering up by the States to each other of fugitives from justice, had provided also that per- sons ‘‘ held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escap- ing into another,” should be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom such service might be due ; and so early as 1793 Congress had passed a law intended to secure the execution of this section with regard to both classes of fugitives. Apparently it had been meant to lay the duty of returning both fugitives from justice and fugitives from service upon the State author- ities ; but while considerations of mutual advantage had made it easy to secure the interstate rendition of criminals, there had been a growing slack- ness in the matter of rendering up fugitive slaves. The Supreme Court of the United States, moreover, liad somewhat complicated the matter by deciding that the Federal government could not impose upon State officials the duty of executing a law of the United States, as it had sought to do in the legislation of 1793. Local magistrates, therefore, might decline to issue warrants for the arrest or removal of fugitive slaves. In view of the EMINENT Dwight L. Moody, evangelist, was born in 1837, and died in 1899. Minot J. Savage, Unitarian clergyman and author, horn in 1841. DIVINES. Henry Ward Reecher, one of the greatest of pulpit orators, was born in 1813, and died in 1887. Chas. H. Spurgeon, the eminent Knglish divine, was born in 1834, and died in 1892. Kr( )(’l I-M A K I X< i PUi;SI i )KXTS. (leorgo Wasliiiigtoii, tli(' I'athcr of liis Country, l)oru ill 17:’>'2 ; dioil in 171)9. .laiiu's Monroe, of the “ I-'.ra of ( iood I'eeling,” horn in 1758 ; ilied in ISlll. Janies K. Folk, of the ISIexican War Period, born in 179-5 ; died in 18-19. Ahrahiini TJneoln, the Saviour of the Cnioii, born in 1809 ; died in 180-". William Mel\inl(>y, of the S])anish-Anierican War Period, born in 184:!. JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 213 increasing nnwillingness of tlie free States to take aii}- part in the process, the Southern members of Congress insisted that the Federal government should itself make more effective provision for the execution of the Constitu- tion in this particular ; and it was part of the compromise accommodation of 1850 that this demand should be complied with. Says Prof. Wilson : “Doubtless it would have been impossible to frame any law which would have been palatable to the people of the free States. But the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 seemed to embrace as many irritating provisions as possi- ble. In order to meet the views of the Supreme Court, the whole duty of enforcing the Act was put upon officers of the United States. Warrant for the arrest or removal of a fugitive slave was to proceed in every case from a judge or commissioner of the United States ; this warrant was to be exe- cuted by a marshal of the United States, who could not decline to execute it under a penalty of one thousand dollars, and who would be held responsible under his official bond for the full value of any slave who should escape from his custod\^ ; all good citizens were required to assist in the execution of the law when called upon ta do so, and a heavy fine besides civil damages to the owner of the slave, was to be added to six months^ imprisonment for any assistance given the fugitive or any attempt to effect his rescue ; the simple affidavit of the person who claimed the negro was to be sufficient evidence of ownership, sufficient basis for the certificate of the court or com- missioner, and this certificate was to be conclusive as against the operation of the writ of habeas corpus The law, moreover, was energetically and immediately put into opera- tion by slave owners. In some cases negroes who had long since escaped into the Northern States, and who had settled and married there, were seized upon the affidavit of their former owners, and by force of the Federal govern- ment carried awa}^ into slavery again. Riots and rescues became frequent in connection with the execution of process under the law. One of the most notable cases occurred in Boston, where, in February, 1851, a negro named Shadrack was rescued from the United States marshal by a mob composed for the most part of negroes, and enabled to escape into Canada. It was impossible to quiet feeling and establish the compromise meas- ures in the esteem of the people while such a law, a part of that compromise, was being pressed to execution in such a way. Neither section, moreover, understood or esteemed the purpose or spirit of the other. “ Many of the slave-holding States,” Clay warned his fellow Whigs in the North, when they showed signs of restlessness under the operation of the Fugitive Slave Law, “ and many public meetings of the people in them, have 214 JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR deliberately declared that their adherence to the Union depends upon the preservation of that law, and that its abandonment would be the signal of the dissolution of the Union.” But most Northern men thought that the South had threatened chiefly for effect, and would not venture to carry out half her professed purpose, should she be defeated. Southern men, on their part, esteemed very slightingly the fighting spirit of the North. They regarded it disdainfully as a section given over to a self-seeking struggle for wealth, and they knew commercial wealth to be pusillanimous to a degree when it came to meeting threats of war and disastrous disturbances of trade. It was under such circumstances that the presidential campaign of 1852 occurred. The Democratic convention met in Baltimore on June i, 1852. The leading candidates for the nomination were Lewis Cass, of Michigan, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, and Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois ; but the rule of Democratic conventions which made a two-thirds vote necessary for the choice of a candidate, rendered it impossible, as it turned out, to nominate any one of these gentlemen. The convention, therefore, turned by a sudden impulse to a younger and comparatively unknown man, and nominated Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire. Mr. Pierce was a handsome and prepossessing man of forty-eight, who had served his State both in her own legislature and in Congress, and who had engaged in the Mexican War,, with the rank of brigadier general ; but in none of these positions had he won distinction for an^^thing so much as for a certain grace and candor of bearing. The Whig delegates, who met in convention in the same city on June 16, put aside the statesmen of their party, as so often before, and nominated General Winfield Scott. The platforms were significant of the critical state of politics. Both Whigs and Democrats added to their usual declaration of principles anxious asseverations of their entire satisfaction with the compromise measures. The Democrats went even further. They declared that they would “ faith- fully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and 1799, and the report of Mr. Madison of the Virginia Legislature in 1799” — adopting those principles “as constitut- ing one of the main foundations of their political creed,” and resolving to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. But the principles of opposition which the two great national parties so much dreaded were spoken with great plainness by the Free Soil Convention, which met at Pittsburg, August ii. This party repeated its utterance of 1848, pro- nounced tlie Fugitive Slave Law repugnant both to the principles of law and the spirit of Christianity, and announced its programme to be : “No JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 215 more slave States, no more slave Territories, no nationalized slavery, and no national legislation for the extradition of slaves.” The Free Soilers did not command the same strength that they had mustered in 1848, for the country was trying to rest ; but scores of Whigs, not yet prepared to vote with this third party, were greatly repelled both by the military candidate of their party and by its slavish acquiescence in the distasteful compromise of 1850. The Democrats, on the other hand, were satisfied both with their party and their candidate, and the election was to bring them an overwhelm- ing triumph. Before the end of the campaign both Mr. Cla}^ and Mr. Webster were dead. Mr. Clay was on his death-bed when the Whig convention met. He died on the 29th of June, 1852. Mr. Webster followed him on the 23d of October. The great leaders of the past were gone ; the future was for new men and new parties. Although his popular niajorit}^ was small in the aggregate vote Mr. Pierce carried every State except four (Vermont, jMassa- chusetts, Tennessee, and Kentucky), and received two hundred and fifty- four electoral votes to General Scott’s forty-two. At the same time the Democratic majority in the House of Representatives was increased by thirty-seven, in the Senate by six. Before another presidential election came around the Whig party had practically been ousted from its place of national importance by the Republicans, the great fusion party of the opponents of the extension of slavery. In the meantime a most singular party pressed forward as a candidate for the vacant place. This was the party which called itself “ American,” but which its opponents dubbed the “ Know-Nothing ” party. Once and again there had been strong efforts made in various parts of the countiy against the influence of foreigners in our politics. As immigration increased these movements naturally became more frequent and more pronounced. They were most pronounced, too, in the cities of the eastern seaboard, into which immigration poured its first streams, and where it left its most unsavory deposits, where, consequently,, municipal misrule was constantly threatening its worst consequences of corruption and disorder. In 1844 “ native ” majorities had carried the cities of New York and Philadelphia, and had sent from those cities several rep- resentatives to Congress. For a short time after that date the feeling dis- appeared again, but about 1852 it was revived for its final run for success. The revolutionary movements of 1848-1850 in Europe caused a sudden in- crease in the immigration of disappointed and turbulent men, apt and ambitious in political agitation. A secret order was formed whose motto was : “ Americans must rule America.” From it emanated counsels which, 21G JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR commanding the votes in many places of active and united minorities, not infrequently determined the results of local elections. The order had its hierarchy ; only those who attained to its highest ranks were inducted into its most sacred mysteries ; and it was the constant profession of entire ignorance of its secrets by members of the order that gave them their pop- ular name of ‘‘ Know-Nothings.” A singular opportunit}^ for political im- portance was presently to come to this party. In the summer of 1852 appeared a new engine of anti-slavery senti- ment, Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe’s powerfully written novel, “ Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” with its moving imaginative portrayal of the pathos, the humor, the tragedy, the terror of the slavery system. While it unquestionably showed what might come out of the system, it was built upon wholly exceptional inci- dents. It was a product of the sympathetic imagination, which the historian must reject as quite misleading, but it nevertheless stirred to their pro- foundest depths thousands of minds in the North which the politician might never have reached with his protests against the extension of slavery. It was a subtle instrument of power, and played no small part in creating the anti- slavery part\q which was presently to show its strength upon so great a scale in national politics. All the while the industrial development of the country went on as if there were no politics. From May to October, 1851, the world attended England’s great international industrial exhibition, which the noble Prince Consort had so humanely planned in the interest of universal peace. The foreign trade of the United States grew in volume, receiving its impulse in part, of course, from the great gold discoveries in California. A transcon- tinental railway was spoken of. The population, while it became more and more dense, grew also more and more heterogeneous. It was at this time that Chinese first appeared in strong numbers upon the Pacific coast, bring- ing with them a new and agitating social problem. The year 1851 saw the first State law prohibiting the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors come into operation in Maine — a provocation to similar experiments else- where. In the autumn of 1851 the country welcomed Louis Kossuth, the exiled Hungarian patriot, heard his engaging eloquence with a novel rap- ture, and accorded him the hearty sympathies of a free people. The Democratic Congress, elected with Pierce, met December 5, 1853, and easily effected an organization. The President’s Message assured the country of Mr. Pierce’s loyal adherence to the compromise of 1850, and of the continued reign throughout the countr}^ of that peace and tranquillity which had marked the quiet close of his predecessor’s term. But imme- JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 217 diately after Christmas, on January 4, 1854, Mr. Stephen A. Douglas intro- duced into the Senate, as chairman of the organization of the Territory of Nebraska, what was destined to destroy at once all hope of tranquillity. The region stretching beyond Missouri to the Rocky Mountains, then called the “ Platte Country,” which this bill proposed to organize as a terri- tory, was crossed by the direct overland route to the Pacific. Mr. Douglas had been trying ever since 1843, when he was a member of the House, to secure the consent of Congress to its erection into a Territor}^ in order to prevent its being closed to settlement and travel by treaties with the Indian tribes, which might otherwise convert it into an Indian reserve. The Senate differed from the Committee on Territories, however, in one radical feature from all former proposals. The Platte Country lay wholly within the Louisiana purchase, and all of it that was to be affected by this legislation lay north of the Missouri compromise line, 36° 30', which had been run across that purchase in 1820. All previous proposals, therefore, for the erection of a Territory there had taken it for granted that slaver}^ had once for all been excluded by the action taken when Missouri was admitted. This latest bill, however, expressly provided that any State or States subsequently made up out of the new Territory should exercise their own choice in the matter. This was simply following the precedent set in the organization of the Ter- ritories of Utah and New Mexico four years before ; and in the opinion of Mr. Douglas a strict adherence to the principles of that precedent was dic- tated by “ a proper sense of patriotic duty.” The measure was at once attacked by amendment, and in order to avoid a tinkering of their bill in open Senate, the Committee secured it recommitment. In January they produced a substitute measure, which proposed the creation, not of a single Territory, but of two Territories, one of which should embrace the lands lying between latitudes 37° and 40°, and be known as Kansas ; the other, those lying between latitudes 40° and 43° 30', and be known as Nebraska. The bill further provided that all laws of the United States should be ex- tended to these Territories, except the eighth section of the Act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820 (the “compromise” section), which, being inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized b}^ the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measure, is hereby deelared inoperative and void.” It was declared to be the “true intent and meaning” of the Act, “ not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom , but to leave the people thereof free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own 218 JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.” Finally, it was provided that the Fugitive Slave Law should extend to the Territories. No bolder or more extraordinary measure had ever been proposed in Con- gress. The act sowed the wind ; the whirlwind was not long in coming. The compromise measures of 1850 had, of course, affected only the Territories acquired from Mexico ; no one till now had dreamed that they reacted to the destruction of the compromise of 1820 — a measure which applied to a region quite distinct, and which was now more than thirty years deep in our politics. To the North, the Kansas-Nebraska Act seemed the very extravagance of aggression on the part of the slave interest, the very re- finement of bad faith, and a violation of the most solemn guarantees of policy. The bill, moreover, contained a fatal ambiguity. When and in what manner were the squatter sovereigns of Kansas and Nebraska to make their choice with regard to slavery ? Now, during the period of settlement, and while the districts were still Territories, or after- ward, when ready for statehood and about to frame their constitutions ? No prohibition was put upon the territorial Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska ; were they at liberty to proceed to make their choice at once ? Whatever may have been the intention of the framers of die law, purpose- ful action in the matter did begin at once and fiercely, hurrying presently to the length of civil war. Both from the North and South an organized move- ment was made to secure the Territory of Kansas by immediate settlement. The settlers who were in the slave interest came first, pouring in from Mis- souri. Then came bands of settlers from the free States, sent or assisted by emigration aid societies. The Missouri men hastened to effect a terri- torial organization ; carried the elections to the territorial Legislature — when necessary by the open use of voters from Missouri at the polls ; and the pro-slavery Legislature which they had chosen met and adopted, in addition to the laws of Missouri in bulk, a stringent penal code directed against all interferences with the institution of slavery. The free settlers attempted to ignore the Government thus organized, on the ground of its fraudulent nature. They met in convention at Topeka, October, 1855, adopted a free constitution for themselves, and ventured, in January, 1856, to set up a Government of their own. But the legal advantage was with the other side ; whether fraudulently established or not, the pro-slaver3^ Govern- ment had at any rate been set up under the forms of law, and the Federal Government interfered in its behalf. As the struggle advanced, free settlers came in greater and greater numbers, and came armed, after the example JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 219 of their Missouri rivals. Actual warfare ensued, and the interposition of Federal troops became necessary. At last, in October, 1857, the free settlers gained control at the polls of the legitimate Legislature of the Territory, and the game was lost for slavery. A constitution was adopted without slavery, and with that constitution the Territories sought admission to the Union as a State. In July, 1856, the House of Representatives had passed a bill for the admission of Kansas as a State, under the constitution adopted by the free settlers at Topeka, but the Senate had rejected it. The majority which put the Kansas-Nebraska bill through the House in 1854 was destroyed in the elections of the same year. All “ Anti-Nebraska ” men drew away from the old parties. Most of these, however, were Whigs, and had no taste for the companionships which would be thrust upon them should they enter the Free Soil party. In this dilemma they took refuge with the “ Know- Nothings,” who volunteered, with reference to the slavery question, to be Do-Nothings. A desperate attempt was made to create a diversion, and by sheer dint of will to forget the slavery question altogether. Southern Whigs for a time retained their party name, and tried to maintain also their party organization ; but even in the South the “ Know-Nothings ” were numerously joined, and for a brief space it looked as if they were about to become in fact a national party. In the elections of 1854 the}^ succeeded in electing, not onl}^ a considerable number of Congressmen, but also their candidates for the Governorship in Massachusetts and Delaware. Before the new House met, in December, 1855, the “ Know-Nothings’’ had carried New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Kentucky, and California, and had polled handsome votes, which fell very little short of being majorities, in six of the Southern States. What with Anti-Nebraska men and Free Soilers, Democrats, Southern pro-slavery Whigs, and ‘‘ Know-Nothings,” the House of Representatives which met December 3, 1855, presented an almost hopeless mixture and confusion of party names and purposes. It spent two months in electing a Speaker. Within a 3^ear, however, the fusion party, temporarily known in Congress as Anti-Nebraska men, drew together in coherent organization under the name of “ Republican.” Groups of its adherents had adopted that name in the spring of 1854, when hrst concerting opposition to the policy of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Within the first year of its existence it obtained popular majorities in fifteen States, elected, or won over to itself, one hundred and seventeen members of the House of Representatives, and secured eleven adherents in the Senate. 220 JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR Only four or five months before the adoption of the Kaiisas-Nebraska Act a new region had been purchased from Mexico. The treaty of Guada- lupe-Hidalgo had not satisfied Mexico with regard to the definition of the southern boundaries of the Territories which she had surrendered to the United States on the Pacific coast. She still claimed a considerable region south of the Gila River, which crosses the southern portion of the present Territory of Arizona. Santa i\nna even led an army into the disputed district, and made threat of a renewal of war. Hostilities were averted, however, by a new purchase. Acting through Mr. Gadsden, the Federal Government agreed, December 30, 1853, to pay Mexico ten million dollars for the something more than forty-five thousand square miles of territory in controversy, and the southwestern boundary was at last finally fixed. This was the addition also of new territory in the region most likely to be occupied by slavery ; and, apparently, annexations in the interest of slavery were not to end there. There seemed to be a growing desire on the part of the South to see Cuba wrested from Spain, and added as new slave territory to the United States. Some of the more indiscreet and daring of the Southern politicians even became involved in attempts to seize Cuba and effect a revolutionary expulsion of the Spanish power. In 1854, under pressure of the Southern party, Mr. Pierce directed the American Ministers to Great Britain, France, and Spain (James Buchanan, John T. Mason, and Pierre Soule) to meet and discuss the Cuban question. The result was the “ Ostend Manifesto ” of October 18, 1854, which gave deep offense to the Free Soil party. Meeting at Ostend, these gentlemen agreed to report to their Government that in their opinion the acquisition of Cuba would be advantageous to the United States ; and that if Spain refused to sell it, the United States would be justified in wresting it from her, rather than see it Africanized, as San Domingo had been. Expeditions, too, were organized by a few Southern men against Central America, and repeated, though futile, attempts made to gain new territory to the south of Texas. The men who engaged in these mad attempts at conquest acted without organized support or responsible recognition by any Southern Government ; but the North regarded their actions, nevertheless, as symptomatic of the most alarming tendencies, the most revolutionary purposes. The South, on its part, presently saw the contest for supremacy in Kansas turn overwhelm- ingly against the slave owners ; saw free Territories rapidly preparing to become free States ; saw fast approaching the destruction of the sectional equilibrium of the Senate. Parties formed and planned accordingly. The Presidential campaign of 1856 was a four-cornered contest. The JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL I VAR 221 first party to prepare a platform and put forward eaiididates was the Ameri- can, or “ Know-Nothings,” whose eonvention assembled Februar}^ 22, 1856, in Philadelphia. It nominated for President j\Ir. P'illmore, and in its platform it repeated those declarations in favor of restricting the privileges of for- eigners, and of respecting the Constitution and the reserved rights of the States, b}^ which it thought to divert attention from slavery and secure peace. But a minority of the members withdrew even from this peace- loving convention, because they could not obtain a satisfactory utterance on the slavery question. The Democratic convention met in Cincinnati on the 2d of June. The party, in spite of some serious breaks in its ranks, still substantially pre- served its integrity. The Southern delegates wished the renomination of Mr. Pierce ; moderate Northern men preferred Mr. Buchanan, wdio, because of his absence on a foreign mission, had not been obliged to take public ground on the territorial question ; some desired the nomination of Mr. Douglas. On the seventeenth ballot Mr. Buchanan was nominated. Mr, John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, who represented the slave-holding Southern element, was named for the Vice-President. The Republican party held its first national convention in Philadelphia on the 17th of June. All the Northern States were represented, but no other except Maryland, Delaware, and Kentucky. The party was as yet too young to have produced tried and accredited leaders. It therefore put forward as its candidate for the Presidency John C. Fremont, a young officer who had aided in the conquest of California. A remnant of the Whig party met in Baltimore on September 17 and accepted Mr. Fillmore, the nominee of the “ Know-Nothings,” as their candidate, declaring that the}^ saw in such a choice the only refuge for those who loved the Constitution as it was, and the compromise by which it had recently been bolstered up. The Democratic candidates were elected. The vote of the Republicans had been 1,341,264, while that for Buchanan was only 1,838,169. The^^ carried every Northern State but Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois, and had gained portentous strength even in those States — a great gain. A widespread financial stringency distressed the country during the first year of Mr. Buchanan’s Administration. Ever since 1846 there had been very great prosperity in almost all branches of trade and manufacture. Great advances had been made in the mechanic arts, and easy channels, both of domestic and of international trade, had been multiplied in every direction by the rapid extension of railways and of steam navigation, so 222 JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR that the stimulus of enterprise, along with the quickening influences of the great gold discoveries, had been transmitted in all directions. But this period of prosperity and expansion, like all others of its kind, brought its own risks and penalties. Sound business methods presently gave way to reckless speculation. There was an excessive expansion of business ; many enterprises were started which did not fulfill their first promise \ there were heavy losses as well as great gains, and at last there came un- easiness, the contraction of loans, failures, and panic. A brief struggle brought the business of the country out of its diffi- culties ; but the strain of politics was not so soon removed, and a decision of the Supreme Court now hurried the country forward toward the infinitely greater crisis of civil war. Dred Scott was the negro slave of an army surgeon. His master had taken him, in the regular course of mili- tary service, from Missouri, his home, first into the State of Illinois, and then, in May, 1836, to Fort Snelling, on the west side of the Mississippi, in what is now Minnesota; after which, in 1838, he had returned with him to Missouri. Slavery was prohibited by State law in Illinois and by the Missouri Compromise Act of 1820 in the territory west of the Mississippi; and after returning to Missouri the negro endeavored to obtain his liberty by an appeal to the courts, on the ground that his residence in a free State had operated to destroy his master’s rights over him. In course of appeal the case reached the Supreme Court of the United States. The chief, if not the only, question at issue was a question of jurisdiction. Was Dred Scott a citizen within the meaning of the Constitution ; had he had any rightful standing in the lower courts ? To this question the court returned a decided negative. The temporary residence of the negro’s master in Illinois and Minnesota, in the course of his official duty and without any intention to change his domicile, could not affect the status of the slave, at aii}^ rate after his return to Missouri. He was not a citizen of Missouri in the con- stitutional sense and could have, therefore, no standing in the Federal courts. But, this question decided, the majority of the judges did not think it obiter diceiis to go further and argue to the merits of the case regarding the status of slaves and the authority of Congress over slavery in the Territories. They were of the opinion that, notwithstanding the fact that the Constitu- tion spoke of slaves as “ persons held to service and labor,” men of the African race, in view of the fact of their bondage from the first in this country, were not regarded as persons, but onl}^ as property, by the Consti- tution of the United vStates ; that as property they were protected from hostile legislation on the part of Congress by the express guarantees of the JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 223 Constitution itself, and that Congress could no more legislate this form of property out of the Territories than it could exclude property of any other kind, but must guarantee to every citizen the right to carry this as he might cany all other forms of property where he would within the territory subject to Congress. The legislation, therefore, known as the Alissouri Compromise was, in their judgment, unconstitutional and void. The opinion of the court sustained the whole Southern claim. Not even the exercise of the squatter sovereignty could have the countenance of law ; Congress must protect every citizen of the countiy in cariying with him into the Terri- tories property of whatever kind, until such time as the Territory in which he settled should become a State and pass beyond the direct jurisdiction of the Federal Government. Those who were seeking to prevent the exten- sion of slavery into the Territories were thus stigmatized as seeking an illegal object and acting in despite of the Constitution. For the Republicans the decision was like a blow in the face. And their uneasiness and alarm were the greater because the new Administration seemed wholly committed to the Southern party. Mr. Buchanan had called into his Cabinet both Northern and Southern men ; the list was headed by Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as Secretary of State, a sturdy Democrat of the old Jacksonian type. But the President was guided for the most part by the counsel of the Southern members — men like Howell Cobb, of Georgia, and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi. It was natural that he should be. Only two Northern States, Pennsylvania and New Jersey, had been carried for Buchanan in 1856, and only two States of the Northwest, Indiana and Illinois. The chief strength of the Democrats was in the South ; and ap- parently it was upon the South that they must depend in the immediate future. The course of the Administration, as an inevitable consequence, was one of constant exasperation to its opponents, particularly in connec- tion with the affairs of Kansas. The free settlers of Kansas gained control of the territorial Legislature, as we have seen, in the October of this first year of Mr. Buchanan’s term ; but before resigning its power, the expiring pro-slavery majority had called a convention, to meet at Lecompton in Sep- tember, to frame a State constitution. The convention met accordingly, and adopted (October 7) a constitution which provided for the establishment and perpetuation of slavery. The convention determined not to submit this constitution as a whole to the popular vote, but only the question of its adoption “ with slaver}^ ” or “ without slavery ” — a process which would not touch any other feature of the instrument nor affect the various safe- guards which it sought to throw around slave property so far as it already 224 JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR existed. The free settlers refrained from voting, and the constitution was, in December, adopted with slavery by a large majority. The new terri- torial Legislature, with its free-state majority, directed the submission of the whole constitutimi to the vote of the people ; and on January 4, 1858, it was defeated by more than ten thousand majority, the pro-slavery voters, in their turn, staying away from the polls. The whole influence of the Ad- ministration was brought to bear upon Congress to secure the admission of Kansas to the Union under the Lecompton constitution ; but although there were Democratic majorities in both Houses, the measure could not be gotten through the House of Representatives. The opposition in the Democratic ranks was led by Senator Douglas, who adhered so consistently to his principle of popular sovereignt}^ that he would not consent to force any constitution upon the people of Kansas. Compromise was tried, but failed. Kansas was obliged to wait upon the fortunes of parties. While she waited the free State of Minnesota entered the Union, May ii, 1858, under an enabling act passed by the previous Congress in February, 1857. The elections of 1858 showed a formidable gain in strength by the Republicans, and bore an ominous warning for the Democrats. Douglas himself was returned with difficulty to his seat in the Senate, and his canvass for re-election had arrested the attention of the whole country. The Republicans of Illinois had formally announced that their candidate for the Senate would be Abraham Lincoln, a man whose extraordinary native sagacity, insight, and capacity for debate had slowly won for him great prominence in the State, first as a Whig, afterward as an Anti-Nebraska man and Republican. Lincoln and Douglas “ took the stump ” together, and the great debates between them which ensued both won for Lincoln a national reputation and defined the issues of the party struggle as perhaps nothing less dramatic could have defined them. In Lincoln’s mind those issues were clear-cut enough. “ A house divided against itself,” he de- clared, “ cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot endure half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to fall, but I expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other.” He forced Douglas upon the dilemma created for him by the Dred Scott decision. What became of the doctrine of popular sovereignty if the people of the Territories could not interfere with slavery until they came to frame a State constitution ? Slavery could not exist, replied Douglas, without local legislation to sustain it ; unfriendly legislation would hamper and kill it almost as effectually as positive prohibition. An inferior legislature certainly cannot do what it is not within the JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR 225 power of Congress to accomplish, was Lincoln’s rejoinder. The State elec- tions went for the Democrats, and Mr. Douglas was returned to the Senate; but Lincoln had made him an impossible presidential candidate for the Southern Democrats in i860 b}^ forcing him to deny to the South the full benefits of the Dred Scott decision. The disclosures of policy made by the Executive to Congress during the next winter still further intensified party issues. Mr. Buchanan’s message of December 6, urged territorial expan- sion in good set terms ; the conntiy ought by some means to obtain pos- session of Cuba; ought to assume a protectorate over those pieces of the dissolving Mexican republic which lay nearest her own borders ; ought to make good her rights upon the Isthmus against Nicaragua and Costa Rica. The impression gained ground that the South was urging the President on towards great acquisitions of slave territory. Again and again, until the very eve of the assembling of the Democratic nominating convention in i860, did the President urge this extraordinaiy policy upon Congress, greatly deepening, the wdiile, the alarm and repugnance of the North. The year 1859 witnessed a perilous incident in the struggle against slavery, \rhich stirred the South with a profound agitation. In 1855 John Brown, a native of Connecticut, moved from Ohio into Kansas, accompanied by his four sons. Brown possessed a nature at once rugged and intense, acknowledging no authority but that of his own obstinate wdll, following no guidance but that of his own conceptions of right, — conceptions fanatical almost to the point of madness. His only intention in entering Kansas was to throw himself and his sons into the struggle going forward there against slaveiy ; and he w^as quick to take a foremost part in the most lawless and bloody enterprises of his party, going even to the length of massacre and the forcible liberation of slaves. It was not long before he had earned outlawry and had had a price set upon his head by the govern- ment. In January, 1859, he left Kansas, and in July settled near Harper’s Ferry, Virginia, with the mad purpose of effecting, if possible, a forcible liberation of the slaves of the South, by provoking a general insurrection. On the night of Sunday, October 17, at the head of less than twenty fol- lowers, he seized the United States arsenal at Harper’s Ferry, and hastened to free as many negroes and arrest as many wdiite men as possible before making good his retreat, with an augmented following, as he hoped, to the mountains. Caught, before he could withdraw, by the arrival of a large force of militia, he was taken, with such of his little band as had survived the attempt to stand siege in the arsenal. A speed}^ trial followed, and the inevitable death penalty on December 2. His plan had been one of the 15 226 JUST BEFORE THE CIVIL JVIR maddest folly, but his end was one of singular dignity. He endured trial and execution with manly, even with Christian fortitude. The South was shaken by the profoundest emotion. A slave insurrec- tion was the most hideous danger that Southern homes had to fear. It meant massacre and arson, and for the women a fate worse than any form of death or desolation. Southerners did not discriminate carefully between the different classes of anti-slavery men in the North ; to the Southern thought they were all practically Abolitionists, and Abolitionists had uttered hot words which could surely have no other purpose than to incite the slaves to insurrection. It was found upon investigation that Brown had obtained arms and money in the North, and although it was proved also that those who had aided him had no intimation of his designs against the South, but sup- posed that he was to use what they gave him in Kansas, the impression was deepened at the South that this worst form of violence had at any rate the virtual moral countenance of the Northern opponents of slavery. It was not eas}^, after this, for the South to judge dispassionately any movement of politics. Already some Southern men had made bold to demand that Con- gress, in obedience to the Dred vScott decision, should afford positive statutory protection to slavery wherever it might have entered the Territories ; there was even talk in some quarters of insisting upon a repeal of the laws for- bidding the slave trade , and proposals of territorial expansion were becoming more and more explicit and persistent. The exasperation of the incident at Harper’s Ferry only rendered the extreme men of the South the more de- termined to achieve their purposes at every point. When the new Congress assembled, in December, 1859, disclosures came which brought the Admin- istration into painful discredit. A committee of the House, constituted to investigate the charge made by two members, that they had been offered bribes by the Administration to vote for the admission of Kansas with the Lecompton Constitution brought to light many things which cast a grave suspicion of corruption upon those highest in authority, and hastened the already evident decline of confidence in the President and his counsellors. CHAPTER XXIV (SIXTH DECADE) ENGLAND AND FRANCE RUSSIA \^RSsiime . — While the contineut of Europe had been torn with the Revolutions of 1830 and 1848, England had been at peace. There had, indeed, been little wars here and there with some of her Asiatic and African neighbors, but from Waterloo on to the Sixth Decade England knew no real war.] T he wars against Napoleon had brought Russia into close alliance with England, Austria, and Prussia. She was recognized as a valuable friend and a formidable enem}^ Sharply defined by Justin McCarthy, the condition of things in the middle of the nineteenth century was this : Russia, by reason of her sympathy of religion or race with Turkey’s Christian populations, was brought into chronic antagonism with her; England, by reason of her Asiatic possessions, was kept in just the same state of antagonism to Russia. A crisis at last arose that threw England into direct hostility with Russia. That crisis came about during the later years of the reign of the Emperor Nicholas. He saw its opening, but not its close. Nicholas was a man of remarkable character. He had many of the ways of an Asiatic despot. He had a strong ambition, a fierce and fitful temper, a daring, but sometimes, too, a vacillating will. He had many magnanimous and noble qualities, and moods of sweetness and gentle- ness. A certain excitability ran through the temperament of all his house, which, in some of its members, broke into actual madness. The Emperor at one time was very popular in England. He had visited the Queen, and had impressed every one by his noble presence, his lofty stature, his singular personal beauty, his blended dignity and familiarity of manner. He talked as if he had no higher ambition than to be in friendly alliance with England. When he wished to convey his impression of highest degree of personal loyalty and honor, he always spoke of the word of an English gentleman. There can, indeed, be little doubt that the Emperor 227 228 /::jVGLAjVn AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA was sincereh^ anxious to keep on terms of cordial friendship with England ; and, what is more, he had no idea until the veiy last that the wa}^ he was walking was one which England could not consent to tread. His brother and predecessor had been in close alliance with England ; his own ideal hero was the Duke of Wellington ; he had made up his mind that when the division of the spoils of Turkey came about, England and he could best consult for their own interests and the peace of the world b}^ making the appropriation a matter of joint arrangement. When he visited England in 1844, for the second time, Nicholas had several conversations with the Duke of Wellington and with Lord Aberdeen, then Foreign Secretary, about Tnrke}' and her prospects, and what would be likel}^ to happen in case of her dissolution, which he believed to be imminent. When he returned to Russia he had a memorandum drawn up by Count Nesselrode, his chan- cellor, embodying the views which, according to Nicholas’s impressions, were entertained alike by him and by the British statesmen with whom he Iiad been conversing. The memorandum spoke of the imperative necessity of Turkey being made to keep her engagements and to treat her Christian subjects with toleration and mildness. Oil such conditions it was laid down that England and Russia must alike desire her preservation; but the document proceeded to sa}^ that never- theless these states could not conceal from themselves the fact that the Ottoman empire contained within itself man}" elements of dissolution, and that unforeseen events might at any time hasten its fall. “In the uncer- tainty which hovers over the future a single fundamental idea seems to admit of a really practical application ; that is, that the danger which may result from a catastrophe in Turkey will be much diminished if, in the event of its occurring, Russia and England have come to an understanding as to the course to be taken by them in common. That understanding will be the more beneficial inasmuch as it will have the full assent of Austria, between whom and Russia there already exists an entire accord.” This document was sent to London and kept in the archives of the Foreign Office. The Emperor of Russia evidently believed that his views were shared by English statesmen. The claims of the Greek Church and those of the Latin Church were in antagonism in Palestine. The Emperor of Russia was protector of the Greek Church ; the Kings of France had long had the Latin Church under their protection. The Holy Places to which the Latins raised a claim were the great Church in Bethlehem, the Sanctuary of the Nativity, the tomb of the Virgin, the Stone of x\nointing, the Seven Arches of the Virgin in the Church of ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSS El 229 the Holy Sepulcher. In the reign of Francis the First of France a treaty was made with the Snltaii by which France was acknowledged the protector of the Hol}^ Places in Palestine, and of the monks of the Latin Church who took on themselves the care of the sacred moiinments and memorials. But the Greek Church afterwards obtained firmans from the Snltan, and the Greeks claimed on the strength of these concessions that they had as good a right as the Latins to take care of the Holy Places. Disputes were always arising, and, of course, these were aggravated by the fact that France was supposed to be concerned in the protection of one set of disputants and Russia in that of another. The claims at length came to be identified with the states which respectively protected them. An advantage of the smallest kind gained by the Latins was viewed as an insult to Russia ; a concession to the Greeks was a snub to France. It was France which first stirred the controversy in the time just before the Crimean War. The French ambas- sador, M. de Lavalette, is said to have threatened that a French fleet should appear off Jaffa, and even hinted at a French occupation of Jerusalem, “ when,” as he significantly put it, “ we should have all the sanctuaries.” The cause of all this energy is not far to seek. The Prince President had only just succeeded in procuring himself to be installed as Emperor; and he was very anxious to distract the attention of Frenchmen from domestic politics to some showy and startling policy abroad. This controversy be- tween the Church of the East and the Church of the West tempted him into activity, as one that seemed likely to give him an opportunity of displaying the power of France and of the new system without any very great danger or responsibility. The dispute about the Holy Places was easily settled. The Porte cared very little about the matter, and was willing enough to come to any fair terms by which the whole controversy could be got rid of. But the demands of Russia went on. Prince Mentschikoff, a fierce, rough man, unable or unwilling to control his temper, was sent with demands to Con- stantinople. Mentschikoff brought his proposals with him cut-and-dried in the form of a convention which he called upon Turkey to accept without more ado. Turkey refused, and Prince Mentschikoff withdrew in real or affected rage, and presently the Emperor Nicholas sent two divisions of his army across the Pruth to take possession of the Danubian principalities. “ From that time all hope of peace was over. English troops were moving towards Malta ; the streets of London, of Liverpool, of Southampton, and other towns were ringing with the cheers of enthusiastic crowds gathered together to watch the marching of troops destined for the East. Turkey had actually declared war against Russia.” 230 ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA The principal reason for the separation of the two Western Powers of Europe from the other states was found in the condition of Prussia. The Prussian sovereign was related to the Emperor of Russia, and his kingdom was almost overshadowed by Russian influence. Prussia had come to occupy a lower position in Europe than she had ever before held during her existence as a kingdom. The King of Prussia was a highly cultured, amiable, literary man. He loved letters and art in a sort of dilettante way ; he had good impulses and a weak nature ; be was a dreamer. He went so far with the allies as to lead them for a while to believe that he was going all the way ; but at the last moment he broke off, declared that the interests of Prussia did not require or allow him to engage in a war, and left France and England to walk their own road. Austria could not venture upon such a war without the co-operation of Prussia. Austria and Prussia made an arrangement between themselves for mutual defence in case the progress of the war should directly imperil the interests of either ; and England and France undertook in alliance the task of chastising the presumption and restraining the ambitious design of Russia. It must be remembered that the controversy between Russia and the West really involved several distinct questions, in some of which Prussia had absolutely no direct interest and Austria very little. Foremost among these was the question of the Straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus. Russia and Turkey between them surrounded the whole of the Black Sea with their territory. The only outlet of Russia on the southern side is the Black Sea. The Black Sea is, save for one little outlet at its southwestern extremity, a huge land-locked lake. That little outlet is the narrow channel called the Bosphorus. The Bosphorus is some seventeen miles in length, and in some places it is hardly more than half a mile in breadth. But it is ver}^ deep all through, so that ships of war can float close up to its very shores on either side. It passes between the city of Constantinople and its Asiatic suburb of Scutari, and then opens into the little Sea of Marmora. Out of the Sea of Marmora the way westward is through the channel of the Dardanelles, which forms the passage into the Archipelago, and thence into the IMediterranean. The channel of the Dardanelles is, like the Bosphorus, narrow and very deep, but it pursues its course for some forty miles. Any one who holds a map in his hand will see at once how Turkey and Russia alike are affected by the existence of the Straits on either extremity of the Sea of Marmora. Close up these Straits against vessels of war, and the capital of the Sultan is absolutely unassailable from the sea. Close them, on the other hand, and the Russian fleet in the Black Sea is absolutely cut Thu Crimean War began ill 1853, witli France. England, uiul Sardinia on the side of Tm key and all united against lUissia. Tliere were numerous bloody eonlliets and on October 9. 1854, the regular siege of Sevastojiol (or .Sebastopol) began. It was long and accoinjianied by many desp^'rate battles. 'I'lie linal boiuliardment was opened September 5, 1854, and lasted three days. On September 8, tlie Malakofl' a:id Iledan were stormed and taken by the allies after a furious struggle. The Russians blew u]) tboir e.xtensive fortifications on the southern gfiore of the harbor and retreated to the north side which the allies never seriously attempted to comiuer, It was on the 25th of October, 1854, that tlie 9:>rd or Sutherland Iligldanders, commanded by Sir Colin Campbell, afterward Lord Clyde, were drawn up in line of battle on a little ridge to receive the e of the Russian cavalry, in the Crimea. W. II. Russell, the London Times correspondent, who witnessed the attack and defence, described the Highlanders as “ that thin red streak topped with a line el,” but afterward improved the sentence by substituting “ line ” for “ streak.” It is worth noting that the “ Charge of the Light Brigade ” occurred on the same day. ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA 231 off from the Alediterraiieaii and the Western world. As matters stood the Sultan was not only permitted but was bound to close the Straits in time of peace, and no navy might enter them without his consent even in time of war. By this treaty the Black Sea fleet of Russia became literally a Black Sea fleet, wholly cut off from the Alediterranean and Western Europe. Naturally Russia chafed at this ; but at the same time she was not willing to see the restriction withdrawn in favor of an arrangement that would leave the Straits, and consequently the Black Sea, open to the navies of France and England. Therefore it was natural that the ambition of Russia should tend towards the ultimate possession of Constantinople and the Straits herself ; but as this was an ambition, the fulfilment of which seemed far off and beset with vast dangers, her object, meanwhile, was to gain as mncli influence and ascendancy as possible over the Ottoman Government ; to make it practically her vassal, and in any case to prevent another great Power from obtaining the influence and ascendancy which she coveted for herself Now the tendenc}^ of this ambition and of all the intermediate claims and disputes with regard to the opening or closing of the Straits was of impor- tance to Europe generally as a part of Russian aggrandizement ; but of the great Powers they concerned England most ; France as a Mediterranean and naval power ; Austria only in a third and remoter degree ; and Prussia, at the time of King Frederick William, least of all. England then and France entered the war as allies. Lord Raglan, formerly Lord Fitzroy Somerset, an old pupil of Wellington’s in the Peninsular War, and who had lost his right arm at Waterloo, was appointed to command the English forces. Alarshal St. Armand, a bold, brilliant soldier of fortune, was entrusted b}- the Emperor of the French with the leadership of the soldiers of France. The allied forces went out to the East and assembled at Varna, on the Black Sea shore, from which they were to make their descent on the Crimea. The invasion of the Crimea, however, was not welcomed by the English or the French commander. It was undertaken by Lord Raglan out of deference to the recommendations of the Government ; and by Marshal St. Arnand out of deference to the Emperor of the French. The allied forces were therefore conveyed to the southwestern shore of the Crimea, and effected a landing in Kalamila Bay, a short distance north of the point at which the river Alma runs into the sea. Sebastopol itself lies about thirt}" miles to the south, and then more southward still, divided by the bulk of a jotting promontory from Sebastopol, is the harbor of Balaklava. The disembarka- tion began on the morning of September 14, 1854, and was effected without any opposition from the Russians. On September 19 the allies marched out 232 ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA of their encampments and reached the Alma about noon on September 20. They found that they had to cross the river in the face of the Russian bat- teries, armed with heavy guns, on the highest points of the hills or bluffs, of scattered artillery, and of dense masses of infantry which covered the hills. The Russians were under the command of Prince Meiitschikoff. The soldiers of the Czar fought stoutly and stubbornly as they have always done, but they could not stand up against the blended vehemence and ob- stinancy of the English and French. The river was crossed ; the opposite heights were mounted, Prince Mentschikoff ’s great redoubt was carried; the Russians were driven from the field ; the allies occupied their ground ; the victor}^ was to the Western Powers. The Russians ought to have been pur- sued. But there was no pursuit. Lord Raglan was eager to follow up the \dctory, but the French had as yet hardly any cavalry, and Marshal St. Arnaud would not agree to any further enterprise that day. Lord Raglan believed that he ought not to persist, and nothing was done. Except from the bravery of those who fought, the battle was not much to boast of. But it was the first great battle which for nearly forty years English soldiers had fought with a civilized enemy. The military authorities and the country were well disposed to make the most of it. “The gallant medley on the banks of the Alma, and the fruitless interval of inaction that followed it were told of as if men were speaking of some of the gods.” It is very likely that if a sudden dash had been made at Sebastopol by land and sea, it might have been taken almost at the very opening of the war. But the delay gave the Russians full warning ; and they did not neglect it. On the third day after the battle of the Alma the Russians sank seven vessels of their Black Sea fleet at the entrance of the harbor of Sebastopol, and the entrance was barred as by sunken rocks against any approach of an enemy’s ship. There was an end to every dream of a sudden capture of Sebastopol. The allied armies moved again from their positions on the Alma to Balaklava, which lies south of the city, on the other side of a promontory, and which has a port that might enable them to secure a constant means of communication between the armies and the fleets. Sebastopol was but a few miles off, and preparations were at once made for an attack on it by land and sea. On October 17 the attack began. It was practically a failure. The fleet could not get near enough to the sea-forts of Sebastopol to make their broad- sides of any real effect, because of the shallow water and the sunken ships ; and although the attack from land was vigorous and was fiercely kept up^, yet it could not carry its object. The Russians attacked the allies fiercely on October 25, in the hope of obtaining possession of Balaklava. The ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA 233 attempt was bold and brilliant ; but it was splendidl}' repulsed. Never did a day of battle do more credit to English courage, or less, perhaps, to English generalship. The cavalry particularly distinguished themselves. It was in great measure a cavalry action. It may be memorable in all English history as the battle in which occurred the famous charge of the Light Brigade. Owing to some fatal misconception of the meaning of an order from the Commander-in-chief, the Light Brigade, 607 men in all, charged what has been rightly described as the Russian army in position. Of the 607 men 198 came back. Long, painful, and hopeless were the disputes about this fatal order. The controversy can never be wholly settled. The officer who bore the order was one of the first who fell in the outset. All Europe, all the world rang with wonder and admiration of the futile and splendid charge. The Poet Laureate saug of it in spirited verses. Perhaps its best epitaph was contained in the celebrated comment ascribed to the French General Bosquet, and which has since become proverbial, and been quoted until men are well-nigh tired of it — “ It was magnificent, but it was not war.” Next day, the enemy made another vigorous attack on a much larger scale, moving out of Sebastopol itself, and were again repulsed. On Novem- ber 5, the Russians made another grand attack on the allies, chiefly on the British, and were once more repulsed. The plateau of Inkermaii was the principal scene of the struggle. It was occupied by the Guards and a few British regiments, on whom fell, till General Bosquet with his French Avas able to come to their assistance, the task of resisting a Russian arm3^ This Avas the severest and fiercest engagement of the campaign. Inkerman Avas described at the time as the soldiers’ battle. Strategy, it Avas said eA^ery- Avhere, there Avas none. The attack Avas under cover of a dark and drizzling mist. The battle Avas fought for a Avhile almost absolutely in the dark. There AA^as liardE^ any attempt to direct the allies by any principles of scientific warfare. So the operations in the Crimea dragged on. The English arm}" lost much by the death of its brave Commander-in-Chief, Lord Raglan. He AAns succeeded by General Simpson, AAdiose administration during the short time that he held the command AA"as at least AA^ell qualified to keep Raglan’s memory green and to prevent the regret for his death from losing aii}" of its keenness. The French army had lost its first commander long before — the versatile, reckless, brilliant soldier of fortune, St. Ariiaud. After St. Arnaiid’s death the command was transferred for a AAdiile to General Canro- bert, Avho resigned it in favor of General Pdissier. The Sardinian con- tingent had arrived and had given admirable proof of its courage and 234 ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA discipline. On August i6, 1855, the Russians, under General Liprandi, made an unsuccessful effort to raise the siege of Sebastopol by an attack on the allied forces. The Sardinian contingent bore themselves with stubborn braver}" in the resistance, and all Northern Italy was thrown into wild delight by the news that the flag of Piedmont had been carried to victory over the troops of one great European Power, and side b}" side with those of two others. It was the first great illustration of Cavonr’s habitual polic}^ of blended audacity and cool, far-seeing judgment. The siege had been pro- gressing for some time with considerable activity. The hlalakoff tower and the Mamelon battery in front of it became the scenes and the objects of constant struggle. The Russians made desperate night sorties again and again, and were always repulsed. On June 7, the English assaulted the quarries in front of the Redan, and the French attacked the Mamelon. The attack on both side was successful; but it was followed on the i8th of the same month by a desperate and wholly unsuccessful attack on the Redan and Malakoff batteries. On September 5 the allies made an attack almost simultaneously upon the Malakoff and the Redan. The French soon got possession of the Malakoff, and the English then at once advanced upon the Redan, but the French were near the Malakoff; the English were far awa}^ from the Redan. The distance the English soldiers had to traverse left them almost helplessly exposed to the Russian fire. They stormed the parapets of the Redan despite all the difiiculties of their attack ; but they were not able to hold the place. The attacking party were far too small in numbers, reinforcements did not come in time ; the English held their own for an hour against odds that might have seemed overwhelming; but it was simply impossible for them to establish themselves in the Redan, and the remnant of them that could withdraw had to retreat to the trenches. It was only the old story of the war — superb courage and skill of the officers and men ; outrageously bad generalship. The attack might have been renewed that day, but the English Commander-in-Chief, General Simpson, resolved not to make another attempt until the next morning. Before the morrow came there was nothing to attack. The Russians withdrew during the night from the south side of Sebastopol. A bridge of boats had been constructed across the bay to connect the north and south sides of the city, and across this bridge Prince Gortschakoff quietly with- drew his troops. The Russian general felt that it would be impossible for him to hold the city much longer, and that to remain there w^as only useless w^aste of life. But, as he said in his owm dispatch, “It w^as not Sebastopol wiiich w^e have left to them, but the burning ruins of the towm, wiiich wx ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA 235 ourselves set fire to, having maintained the honor of the defence in such a manner that our great-grandchildren may recall with pride the remembrance of it and send it on to all posterity.” It was some time before the allies could venture to enter the abandoned cit3^ The arsenals and powder mag- azines were exploding, the flames were bursting out of ever^" public building and private house. The Russians had made of vSebastopol another Moscow. With the close of that long siege, which had lasted nearly a 3^ear, the war may be said to have ended. The brilliant episode of Kars, its splendid defence, and its final surrender was brought to its conclusion, indeed, after the fall of Sebastopol ; but the war was virtually over. Austria had been exerting herself throughout its progress in the interest of peace, and after the fall of Sebastopol, she made a new effort, with greater success. France and Russia were, indeed, now anxious to be out of the struggle almost on any terms. If England had held out, it is highly probable that she would have had to do so alone. For this, indeed. Lord Palmerston was fully pre- pared, as a last resource, sooner than submit to terms which he considered unsatisfactory. The Congress of Paris opened on February 26, 1856, and on March 30 the treaty of peace was signed by the plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers. Prussia had been admitted to the Congress, which, therefore, represented England, France, Russia, Austria, Prussia, Turke3^, and Sardinia. By the treaty, Kars was restored to the Sultan, and Sebas- topol and all other places taken by the allies were given back to Russia. The Great Powers engaged to respect the independence and territorial integrity of Turkey. The Sultan issued a firman for ameliorating the condition of his Christian subjects, and no right of interference, it was distinctly specified, was given to the other Powers by this concession on the Sultan’s part. The Black Sea was neutralized : its waters and its ports were thrown open to the mercantile marine of every nation, and formalE^ and in perpetuity interdicted to the flag of war, either of the Powers possess- ing its coasts or of any other Power, with exception of the right of each of the Powers to have the same numbers of small armed vessels in the Black Sea, to act as a sort of maritime police, and to protect the coasts. The Sultan and the Emperor engaged to establish and maintain no niilitar3^ or maritime arsenals in the sea. The navigation of the Danube was thrown open. Moldavia and Wallachia, continuing under the suzerainty of the Sultan, were to 011303^ all the privileges and immunities the3^ alread3^ possessed under the guarantee of the contracting Powers, but with no separate rights of intervention in their affairs. Out of hloldavia and Wallachia united, after various internal changes, there subsequentE^ grew 236 ENGLAND AND FRANCE vs. RUSSIA the kingdom of Roumania. The existing position of Servia was secured by the treaty. During time of peace, the Sultan engaged to admit no foreign ships of war into the Bosphorus or the Dardenelles. England lost some twent3^-four thousand men in the war, of whom hardly a sixth fell in battle or died of wounds. Cholera and other diseases gave grim account of the rest. Forty-one million pounds were added by the campaign to the national debt. There was a feeling of disappointment in England. Our soldiers had done splendidly ; but our generals aiid our system had done poorly indeed. Only one first-class reputation of a military order had come out of the war, and that was by common consent of the world awarded to a Russian — to General Todleben, the defender of Sebastopol. No new name was made on our side or on that of the French ; and some promising or traditional repu- tations were shattered. The political results of the war were to many minds equally unsatisfactory. Lord Aberdeen estimated that it might, perhaps, secure peace in the east of Europe for some twenty-five years. His modest expectations were prophetic. Indeed it a little overshot the mark. Twenty- two years after the close of the Crimean campaign Russia and Turkey were at war again.” Early in 1857, consequence of the high-handed policy pursued by Lord Palmerston towards China in what was known as “ the affair of the lorcha Arrow,” Mr. Cobden moved in parliament what was practically a vote of censure. This was carried by a majority of sixteen votes. Palmerston at once dissolved Parliament, and in the ensuing general election scored a great triumph. In June, 1857, the news of the Sepoy Mutiny reached Eng- land. Sir Colin Campbell instantly started to take chief command, and strong bodies of troops were hurried to that distant part of the world. Into the details of that famous story we have no space to enter. Sufiice it to say, that at Cawnpore, Nana Sahib massacred his English captives, and that Lucknow was the point of foremost interest during the mutin^q because of its obstinate defence against the rebels, its capture and eventual recovery. CHAPTER XXV (SEVENTH DECADE) THE GREAT REBELLION [Resume . — For thirty years slavery had been the absorbing question in American politics. For the most part the Presidents of the Union had been Southern by birth or sentiment. A new President was chosen in i860 — Abraham Lincoln, from his youth, an enemy to slavery.] F rom the very foundation of the American Government there had been a conflict of opinion regarding the rights of the States which com- posed the Union. One party, fearing the evils which spring from the weakness of the governing power, sought protection from those in the close union of States under a strong government. Another party, impressed by the unhappy condition of the over-governed nations of the old world, feared the creation of a government which might grow into a despotism. The aim of the one was to vest the largest possible measure of power in a central government ; the aim of the other was to limit the powers accorded to the central government, and give the widest possible scope to the sovereignty of the individual States. These two sets of opinions continued to exist and to conflict irreconcilably. In the North the belief prevailed that America was a nation formed by the voluntary junction of States, and made indis- soluble by their agreement that it should be so. In the South, on the other hand, it was maintained that each individual State retained her sov- ereign right to withdraw, at pleasure, from the Union. Believing thus, and in their opinion holding that the Northern antipa- thy to slavery created a sufficient occasion for its exercise, the slave-owners entered promptly on the dark and bloody path of secession. South Caro- lina, always the least loyal of the States to the Union, led the wa}^ Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida followed her at once ; Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas joined the revolted sisterhood a few months later. Eleven States, stretching over an 237 238 THE GREAT REBELLION area of a million square miles, and inhabited by six million whites and over three million negroes, thus declared that their connection with the Union had ceased, and formed themselves into a new association. Moreover, they intimated that they were prepared to maintain by arms what they had done. The task which la}^ before the North was to bring these men and their ter- ritory forcibly back into the Union. It was a task the enormous difficulty of which was at first imperfectly appreciated by the North. The Southern rising seemed to her nothing more than a gigantic riot, which she proposed to suppress in a few weeks. Inspired by this ill-founded confidence, her imperfect!}^ disciplined troops were ordered to attack the Southern army, which lay at Manassas Junction in Virginia. The battle was bravely fought, and was approaching a victorious close, when it Avas turned into defeat b}^ the arrival upon the field of Southern reinforcements. V/e must not anticipate, however. The successor to whom President Buchanan very willingly resigned the responsibility of guiding affairs at this critical juncture was one of the most admirable figures in the history of modern times. Abraham Lincoln came of the most unpromising stock on the continent, the pore white trash ” of the South. “ His shiftless father had moved from place to place in the Western country, failing where everybody else was succeeding in making a living; and the boy had spent the most susceptible years of his life under no discipline but that of degrad- ing poverty, and yet a singular genius for getting and using knowledge manifested itself in him from the first, and was the more remarkable because free from morbid quality, and slow, patient, and equable in its development. He was altogether like the rough frontiersmen with whom he lived, in his coarse, neglected dress, his broad and boisterous humor, his careless, unstren- uous ways of life ; but he was vastl}" above them in intellectual and moral stature. He gained an easy masteiy over them, too, by cultivating, as he did, the directer and more potent forms of speech. And his supremacy was the more assured because it was a moral as well as an intellectual suprem- acy. To eveiybody who knew him he was ‘ Honest Abe.’ When at length he undertook to meet Douglas in public debate, he had come into the full maturity of his splendid power to understand and persuade. Having devel- oped among the people, slowly as if in their company, b}^ mastering what they but partiall}^ comprehended, penetrated the Avhile by their sentiments and aspirations, he came into the leadership of his party Avith an aptitude and equipment for affairs Avhich no other man could riA^al.” His task as President AA^as “ more difficult than that of Washington himself had been,” as he had said to his neighbors, Avith solemn solicitude THE GREAT REBELLION 239 fertile future. There was a sentiment to create and a party to compact; and these things were to be done by a man comparativel}' unknown as yet. He meant to respect the Constitution in all things. It was in the oath that he took as President he said that he would to the best of his ability pre- serve, protect, and defend the Constitution ; and he did not feel that he might ^'take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using that power.” Neither did he feel, however, that he could be said even to have tried to pre- serve the Constitution if, “ to save slavery or any minor matter,” he should “permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together.” He sought to follow a course of policy in which firmness and conciliation should be equally prominent, and in which he could carry the plain people of the country with him. Having called for and obtained the militar}^ support demanded b3^ the- imniediate exigency, Mr. Tincoln summoned Congress to convene in special session. A colossal task confrQiited it. The advantage of first preparation was with the South. “ What with the resignation and surrender which fol- lowed the first action of the seceding States, the army of the United States had gone almost to pieces. The treasury was practically empt}^ Even the civil service needed to be reconstructed, because of the number of Southern men who had withdrawn from it More than a year was to elapse before the overwhelming material power of the North could be brought to bear upon the concentrated forces of the South. Congress devoted itself very heartily to the financial and military measures rendered necessary by the situation. It directed a blockade of the Southern ports ; it authorized a loan and voted large appropriations, increasing the tariff duties, August 5, to produce the necessary revenue ; it provided for the calling out of five hundred thousand volunteers ; passed acts defining and punishing conspiracy against the Gov- ernment, and providing for the confiscation of all property emplo3^ed against the United States. During its regular winter session it resumed the same policy of strengthening both the laws and the resources of the Government against hostile attacks. It then took the first steps of that financial polic}^ which was unflinchingly carried out until the close of the war. Industries were to be stimulated to the utmost possible extent b}^ protective duties, and then used by direct taxation for the support of the war. the middle of the summer of 1862 this S3^steni of polic3^ was virtual^^ complete, in Febru- ar3^ a great issue of irredeemable paper mone3^ was voted, and the paper given full legal tender quality. In July a Tariff Act was passed which veiy greatl3^ increased the duties on imports, and an internal revenue lav/ adopted which besides imposing specific taxes on the production of iron, 240 THE GREAT REBELLION steel, paper, coal oil, leather, etc., and required licenses for many callings, established a general income tax, and mulcted railway, steamboat, and express companies in taxes on their gross receipts. The same months saw the charter of the Union Pacific Railway pass Congress with huge grants of land and money from the Federal Government. Public lands were granted also to the various States in aid of the establishment of agricul- tural colleges ; and a ‘ Homestead Bill ’ was adopted which offered portions of the public domain to heads of families at a nominal fee. Wealth and taxes were to be made to grow together, the expansion of population and industr^q and the successful prosecution of the war.” Meantime it was becoming evident that the struggle was to be both fierce and prolonged, taxing to the utmost even the superb resources of the North, whose ports were open, and whose material power had chance of augmentation even in the midst of war itself. The volunteers at first called out had been enlisted for only three months’ service ; it was expected that something would be done at once which should be decisive of the sectional issue. Towards the end of July, i 86 i. General McDowell moved with the Federal forces upon Richmond, the Confederate capital, and on the 21st met, as we noted above, the Confederate forces at Manassas, under Generals Joseph E. Johnston and Beauregard. A stubborn and sanguinary battle ensued, which resulted in the utter rout of McDowell, whose troops fled back to Washington in hopeless confusion. Already there had been several engage- ments upon a small scale in western Virginia, where the S3mipath3^ of the people was with the Union. These had resulted in giving to Federal troops under General McClellan control of the upper sources of both the Potomac and the Ohio rivers. Simila.r side campaigns during the antunin and winter secured also for the Federal power the greater part of Missouri and Kentucky, and fixed sharply enough the geographical area of secession. A significant international incident called attention in the autumn to the possible part that foreign governments had from the first hoped for, and even expected, foreign recognition and assistance. The Southern States were the great cotton fields of the world, and there were hundreds of factories in England which must stand idle, thousands of families who must starve, if the Southern ports should be effectually closed against the expor- tation of the great staple. European power, it was thought, would not be loth to see the great republic in America lose some of its formidable strength in division ; and it was soon known that in England the most influential classes sympathized with the aims of the South. J. M. Mason and John Slidell commissioners from the Confederate States to England THE GREAT REBELLION 241 and France, respectively, ran the Federal blockade at Charleston, and embarked at Havana on the English steamer “ Trent.” On November 8 the steamer was overhauled by a United States man-of war, and the com- missioners were taken from her and carried prisoners to Fort Warren, in Boston Harbor. At once England demanded their surrender, and an apology from the United States for so gross a breach of international right, accompanying her demand with open preparations for war. The inter- national rights for which she contended were such as the United States herself had always insisted upon, and the commissioners were released ; but the ‘‘Trent” affair made a very painful impression upon public opinion in both countries — an impression of active hostility and bitterness of feeling which was slow to wear off. At the very beginning of the struggle, upon receipt of the news of President Lincoln’s proclamation declaring the Southern ports blockaded, and of President Davis’s offer to provide vessels with letters of marque and reprisal against the commerce of the United States, both England and France had issued proclamations of neutrality, which gave to the Confederate States international standing as belligerents. Apparently foreign governments were waiting only for some pronounced success of the Southern armies to recognize the independence of the Con- federacy. Early in 1862 the area and plan of the war began to be defined. On the one hand, the long sectional frontier was broken by the movement of Federal armies down the valley of the Mississippi. On the other hand, the fighting grew thick and fast in Virginia and Maryland, in the region lying round about and between the two capitals, Richmond and Washington. In the West the Federal armies were almost uniformly successful ; in the East almost uniformly unsuccessful. “ On the 6th of March, 1862, a severe engagement at Pea Ridge, which finally secured to them the control of Missouri. A month earlier an actual invasion of the seceding States had been begun. A land force under Ulysses S. Grant moved up the Tennessee River, in co-operation with a fleet of gunboats under Commodore Foote, and on February 6 took Fort Henry. Immediately crossing to the Cumberland, Grant captured Fort Donelson on the river on the i6th. A Federal forc^ under General Pope, also supported by gunboats, then, with the greatest difficulty, cleared the Mississippi of the Confederate blockade at New Madrid and Island Number Ten. Pushing forward, meanwhile, the plan of securing the Mississippi valley and opening the river, Grant advanced up the Tennessee, seeking to reach Corinth, a railway centre of northern Alississippi. On Sunda}^ morning, April 6, he was suddenly checked by 16 242 THE GREAT REBELLION the overwhelming onset of a Confederate force commanded by General Albert Sidney Johnston. The day’s fighting drove Grant back to Pittsburg Landing. Bnt Federal reinforcements arrived under Bnell ; Johnston had been mortally wounded ; and on Monday the Confederates, under Beaure- gard, were forced to retire. Grant followed and took Corinth, after a siege, on the 30th of May. The Mississippi was open as far as Vicksburg. It had been opened below Vicksburg, also, by the surrender of New Orleans ; on April 18 Commodore Farragut had begun the bombardment of the forts below New Orleans ; unable to take them at once, he had daringly run his ships past them on the 24th, and on the 28th had taken the city ; after wFich the forts presently fell into his hands. Early in June Memphis was taken, after desperate fighting, by the river forces operating above.” At the moment when the Confederates evacuated Manassas a strange naval battle occurred in Hampton Roads. The insurgents had raised the “ Merrimac,” one of the vessels that was sunk in the river at Norfolk, and had converted it into an iron-clad warrior, which they named “ Virginia,” com- manded by Captain Buchanan, of our Navy. On the 8th of March this vessel attacked and destroyed the wooden sailing frigates, ‘‘ Congress ” and “ Cumberland,” at the mouth of the James River, and it was expected she would annihilate other transports and w^ar vessels in Hampton Roads the next morning. Anxiously the army and navy officers in that vicinity passed the night of the 8th. There seemed to be no competent human agency near to arrest the impending disaster, when, at a little past mid- night, a strange craft entered the Roads, from the sea, unheralded and unknown. It appeared like a floating platform, sharp at both ends, lying almost level with the surface of the water, and having a round tower made of heavy iron. This tower was pierced for two guns. It was twent}^ feet in diameter, and about ten feet in height above the platform ; and it was made to revolve so as to bring its heavy guns within to bear upon an object, inde- pendently of the position of the vessel. This strange craft had been con- structed at New York under the direction of the eminent civil engineer and scientist. Captain John Ericsson, and took the name, so appropriate after its first display of powder, of “ Alonitor.” The little vessel was in command of Lieutenant John L. Worden, of the nav^y and had been towed to the Roads, after encountering a heavy gale and rolling sea, by a steamship. It was her trial-trip. On his arrival, Worden reported to the flag-officer in the Roads, and learning of the situation of affairs there, he promptly prepared to meet the iron-clad monster from Norfolk the next morning — the Sabbath. That morning dawned brightly, and in the gray twilight (March 9, 1862), the and ended the days of wooden ships. FIRST READING OF THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. THE GREAT REBET J JON 243 Merrimac ” was seen sweeping out of the Elizabeth River on its destructive errand. The “Monitor, ” like a little David, moved to meet the Confederate Goliath, whose commander looked with contempt upon the “ floating cheese- box,” as he called his strange antagonist ; bnt he soon found it to be a citadel, strong, and well filled with destructive energy. Her revolving turret was invulnerable to the heaviest shot and shell thrown by her antag- onist, and they glanced from the tower like pebbles from granite. The conflict that ensued was terrific. The ponderous missiles hurled from the “ Monitor ” soon bruised the “ Merrimac ” so fatally that she fled up to Nor- folk, her wounded commander confounded by the energy of his mysterious little antagonist. The “ Merrimac ” did not venture out again. Let ns bring this chapter to a close with a quotation from General Grant’s account of the great battle of Shiloh : “ At Shiloh the effective strength of the Union forces on the morning of the 6th was thirty-three thousand men. Lew Wallace brought five thousand more after nightfall. Beauregard reported the enemy’s strength at forty thousand three hundred and thirty-five. According to the custom of enumeration in the South, this number probably excluded every man enlisted as musician or detailed as guard or nurse, and all commissioned officers — everybody who did not carry a musket or serve a cannon. With ns everybod}^ in the field receiving pay from the Government is counted. Excluding the troops who fled, panic- stricken, before they had fired a shot, there was not a time during the 6th when we had more than twenty-five thousand men in line. On the 7th Buell brought twenty thousand more. Of his remaining two divisions, Thomas’ did not reach the field dimiig the engagement ; Wood’s arrived before firing had ceased, bnt not in time to be of much service. Our loss in the two days’ fight was 1,754 killed, 8,408 wounded, and 2,885 missing. Of these 2,103 were in the Army of the Ohio. Beauregard reported a total loss of 10,966, of whom 1,728 were killed, 8,012 wounded, and 959 missing. This estimate must be incorrect. We buried, by actual count, more of the enemy’s dead in front of the divisions of McClernand and Sherman alone than here reported, and 4,000 was the estimate of the burial parties for the whole field. Beauregard reports the Confederate force on the 6th at over 40,000, and their total loss during the two days at 10,699 5 same time declares that he could put only 20,000 men in battle on the morning of the 7th. The navy gave a hearty support to the army at Shiloh, as, indeed, it always did both before and subsequently when I was in command. The nature of the ground was such, however, that on this occasion it could do nothing in aid of the troops until sundown on the first da3^ The 244 THE GREAT REBELLION country was broken and heavily timbered, cutting off all views of the battle from the river, so that friends would be as much in danger from fire from the gunboats as the foe. But about sundown, when the National troops were back in their last position, the right of the enemy was near the river and exposed to the fire of the two gunboats, which was delivered with vigor and effect. After nightfall, when firing had entirely ceased on land, the commander of the fleet informed himself, approximately, of the position of our troops, and suggested the idea of dropping a shell within the lines of the enemy every fifteen minutes during the night. This was done with effect, as it proved by the Confederate reports. “ Up to the battle of Shiloh, I, as well as thousands of other citizens, believed that the rebellion against the Government would collapse suddenly and soon if a decisive victory could be gained over any of its armies. Donelson and Henry were such victories. An army of more than twenty- one thousand men was captured or destroyed. Bowling Green, Columbus, and Hickman, Kentucky, fell in consequence, and Clarksville and Nash- ville, Tennessee — the last two with an immense amount of stores — also fell into our hands. The Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers, from their mouths to the head of navigation, were secured. But when Confederate armies were collected which not only attempted to hold a line farther south, from hlemphis to Chattanooga, Knoxville, and on to the Atlantic, but assumed the offensive and made such a gallant effort to regain what had been lost, then, indeed, I give up all idea of saving the Union except by complete conquest. Up to that time it had been the policy of our army — certainl}^ of that portion commanded by me — to protect the -property of the citizens whose territory was invaded without regard to their sentiments, whether Union or Secession. After this, however, I regarded it as humane to both sides to protect the persons of those found at their homes, but to consume everything that could be used to support or supply armies. Protection was still continued over such supplies as were within lines held by us and which we expected to continue to hold ; but such supplies within the reach of Confederate armies I regarded as much contraband as arms or ordnance stores. Their destruction was accomplished without bloodshed and tended to the same result as the destruction of armies. I continued this policy to the close of the war. Promiscuous pillaging, however, was discouraged and punished. Instructions were given to take provisions and forage under the direction of commissioned officers, who should give receipts to owners, if at home, and turned the property over to officers of the quartermaster or com- missary departments, to be issued as if furnished from our Northern depots. Copyrighted 1872, by P. F. Rothennel. Published by J. A. Joel, 84 Nassau Street, New York. From a painting by P. F. Rotherniel. BATTLE OE GETTYSBURG. Gettysburg was the Waterloo of the Southern Confederacy. The cause of secession reached high-water mark on the tlaming days of July 1,2 and 3. 1863, when, at the little town of Gettysburg, Penna., the veteran Confederate army, 80,000 strong, under the lead of its greatest General, fought one of the most momentous battles of modern times, with a slightiy larger Union force under General Meade. The Confederates were defeated, with a loss in killed, wounded, and missing of mor- tlian 20,000, while the Union loss was 23,000. j)-; (]tORQE.DEVY'£iY \ GLH.Vv(i.R.5liAFT£R Gen. Geo. Henry Thom AS '^^RY ^^VidD-VO^ FAMOrs AYfFTlKYW SOLDIERS AND SAILORS. (ieii. r.S. (inuit, born in 1822; died in 188o. Gen. W. T. Slierinan, born in 1820; died in 1801. Gen. (ieo. I’,. MeClellan, liorn in 1820; died in 188.5. Gen. Win. K. .Sbafter, boi n in 18::0. Gen. Geo. II. 'riionias, born in bSlG ; died in 1870. Adniiral l>avid I ». Porter, born in 181;: ; died in 1891. Gen. Zaebary Taylor, born in 1784; died in 1850. Gen. Pbilip II. .Sheridan, born in 1881 ; died in 1.8.88. Adniiral George Dewey, liorn in 18.88. THE GREAT REBELLION 245 But inucli was destroyed without receipts to owners when it could not be brought within our lines and would otherwise have gone to the support of secession and rebellion. This policy, I believe, exercised a material in- fluence in hastening the end. “ The battle of Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, has been, perhaps, less understood, or, to state the case more accurately, more persistently misun- derstood, than any other engagement between National and Confederate troops during the entire rebellion.” CHAPTER XXVI (SEVENTH DECADE) THE GREAT REBELLION (CONTINUED) {^Resume . — The reader will hold in mind these important and successive events in the earlier stages of the Civil War : Fort Sumter — Bull Run — The Mason and Slidell Affair — Fort Donelson — Pea Ridge— the “Monitor” and “ Merrimac ” naval duel — Shiloh.] R eturning to the peninsula of Virginia, we find the Army of the Potomac still without the reinforcements it had so long been expect- ing. Free to seek a new base of operations on Janies River, or to continue resting on York River, McClellan had just chosen the latter alter- native, notwithstanding its dangers, in the vain hope of being able to keep in communication with McDowell’s corps. Before resuming his march he had introduced some changes in the composition of his army corps ; for the experience acquired at the battle of Williamsburg had shaken whatever confidence he might have reposed in the capacity of the three commanders who had been forced upon him by the President at the opening of the cam- paign. The army corps had been reduced to five in number, each with two divisions, and an effective force of from fifteen to nineteen thousand men. This subdivision rendered them more manageable, while the command of the new corps fell, by right of seniority, upon Generals Franklin and Fitz- John Porter, two officers for whom he entertained a particular regard. The Confederate army was encamped around Richmond, where it was receiving reinforcements forwarded in haste from every section of the country. Huger arrived with twelve thousand men from Norfolk ; Branch, whose defeat at Newberne by Burnside, brought nine thousand from North Carolina, and others were yet to follow. The reconnoissance of the Federal army had revealed the fact that the abandonment of Bottom’s Bridge was the last step in Johnston’s retreat. The latter was preparing for the defence of kleadow Bridge and New Bridge. “The nature of the ground,” says Comte de 246 THE GREAT REBELLION 217 Paris, “was perfectly adapted for tins purpose, and the Federal general was the less likely to think of carrying this pass by main force because he could turn it by the lower course of the river, of which he had control. Every- thing, therefore, urged him to push his attacks by following the right bank between Bottom’s Bridge and Richmond. On the 24th of May his left wing, composed of the corps of Keyes and Heintzelnian, was firml}^ posted on the other side of the Chickahominy, and placed en echelon along the road between Richmond and Williamsburg, from Bottom’s Bridge to the clearing of Seven Pines, eleven kilometres from Richmond. The rest of the army remained on the left bank of the river. The centre, consisting of Snmner’s corps, was then encamped in the neighborhood of the railroad bridge ; the two corps commanded by Porter and Franklin, forming the right wing, were posted in the vicinity of Gaines’ Mill and Mechanicsville. The army had occupied these positions without any difficulty, having only met some weak detachments of the enemy at Seven Pines and Mechanicsville, which were easily repulsed.” Johnston, in his turn, threw himself npoii a portion of McClellan’s army at Fair Oaks, before the rest of it had crossed this stream, and the Federal forces were with difficulty saved from rout, after two days’ fighting. Johnston was wounded in the conflict, and General Robert E. Lee succeeded him in the command. McClellan had expected to be joined by reinforce- ments under McDowell, but the brilliant manoeuvres of another Confederate commander had changed the plans of the authorities at Washington. This was Thomas J. Jackson, who had already w^on the soubriquet “ Stonewall,” by his steadfast gallantry in making stand against the charges of the enemy in the first battle of Manassas. By a series of sudden marches and sur- prises characteristic of his genius, he had cleared the Shenandoah valley of Federal troops, and seeming to threaten Washington, had kept IMcDowell there to defend the seat of government. Then he as suddenly turned about and carried his forces down by rail to assist Lee against McClellan. To- gether Lee and Jackson forced McClellan back to the James River, hammer- ing at him irresistibly for seven days. ]\IcClellan was withdrawn from the command, and General Pope called from his exploits at New iMadrid and Island Number Ten, on the Mississippi, to take his place. But Pope fared even worse than McClellan. By a forced march through the mountains, Jackson turned his flank and defeated General Banks, in command of the western end of his line, at Cedar Alonntain, August 9. August 29 and 30 a ''ombined force under Pope and McClellan was routed at Aianassas b}^ Lee and Jackson. After sending out a force which captured Harper’s Ferry, 248 THE. GREAT REBELLION with its arsenal and supplies and eleven thousand Federal troops, Lee • then erossed the upper Potomac with his main body, entered Maryland, and fronted the Federal army again, now once more under McClellan’s command at Antietam Creek. Hereon September 17, a battle was fought, so unde- cisive of victory that Lee recrossed the Potomac and retired towards his base of operations. Still experimenting with commanders, the Federal authorities put General Burnside at the head of the unhappy Arm3^ of the Potomac. December 13, Burnside threw himself upon the Confederate forces occup^dng Fredericksburg heights, and was repulsed with great loss. Then there followed a pause until the spring. For a year and half now Lincoln had maintained, against all radical suggestions, the conservative polic}^ with which he had set out. He knew that the fighting force of the Union must come, not from the leaders of parties, who were thinking fast in these stirring times, but from the mass of unknown men who were thinking more slowly and upon a narrower scale. The rank and file of the nation, when the struggle began, was opposed to an abolition war. Had the war been short and immediately decisive for the Union, the Federal powers would not have touched slavery in the States. But it was not short. It was so long and so stubborn as to provoke the sternest resolutions and test to the utmost the strength and persistence of the purposes that sustained it. And as its strain continued, thought changed and purpose expanded. At first Mr. Lincoln had promptl}^ checked all attempts to set free the negroes in the territory overrun b}^ the Federal armies. But b}^ September, 1862, he had made up his mind that it would stimulate the forces of the North if the war were made a war against slaver}', as well as a war for the Union, and that it would at the same time put the vSonth in the wrong before the opinion of the world, and imperatively prevent that foreign recognition of the Southern Confederacy which he dreaded. He waited only for some victory in the field to furnish a dignified opportunity for the step he contemplated. Antietam served his purpose sufficient!}' well ; and on the 2 2d of September he issued a proclamation which gave formal notice that unless the Southern States yielded allegiance to the Union within a hundred days thereafter, he should declare the slaves within their limits free. On the ist of January, 1863, accordingly he put forth a formal proclamation of emancipation. The act was of course without constitutional warrant ; it carried no other authority than that which the President exercised as commander-in-chief of the military forces of the government. x\s an act of military power he could set free the negroes within territory occupied by the Federal armies, but his proclamation could THE GREAT REBELLION 249 not abolish a legal institution. It served its purpose, nevertheless, as an announceinent of policy. In the spring of 1863 inilitary operations began again upon the fields of the previous 3^ear. After Fredericksburg, General Hooker had taken Burnside’s place in command of the Army of the Potomac. Attempting a movement upon Richmond, Hooker met the forces of Lee and Jackson at Chancellorsville, on the second and third days of Ma^^ and was disastrously defeated. The Confederates, however, suffered the irreparable loss of “Stonewall” Jackson, killed by tragical mistake, by pickets of his own force. Following up his advantage, Lee again ventured upon a forward movement and invaded Pennsylvania. Here, at GetG^sburg, he met General Meade, and was repulsed with heavy losses. The Federal troops were strongly posted and intrenched ; for three days — the first three of Jul}^ — Lee’s army beat upon them, and the second day saw their lines partly driven in, their position partly taken. But on the third day the lost ground was recovered and Lee withdrew, his army almost decimated. Almost at the same time Vicksburg on the Mississippi fell before Grant’s persistent attack. The defense of Vicksburg had been stubborn, prolonged, heroic, and almost successful. Plan after plan of attack had been tried b}^ General Grant and had failed. Finally, occupying the country back of the strong- hold, and taking Jackson, the capital of the State, he succeeded in shutting up the Confederate forces under General Pemberton in the fortress. His assaults upon its works being always repulsed, he sat down to a regular siege, and in that way forced the garrison to surrender to him, half starved, on the 4th of July. July 9, Port Hudson, below, the only remaining Con- federate stronghold on the river, yielded to General Banks and the necessi- ties of the situation, and the Mississippi was commanded throughout its entire length b}^ the Federal powers. Louisiana and Texas were cut off from the rest of the Confederacy. Presentl}^ the Union armies were pushed forward directl}^ towards the heart of the Confederacy. After the evacuation of Corinth, Mississippi, by General Beauregard in the preceding May, General Braxton Bragg had taken some thirty-five thousand of the Confederate force by rail to Mobile and thence northward again to Chattanooga, which he occupied. From Chattanooga as a base he moved upon Louisville, Kentucky ; but an army under General Buell was too quick for him, checking him in a decisive action at Penyville, October 8, 1862, and necessitating his retirement at Chattanooga. General Van Dorn had taken advantage of this diversion to lead a Confederate force against Corinth, and had almost possessed himself of the town when he 250 THE GREAT REBELLION was driven back General Rosecrans, on the second day of desperate fighting, October 4, 1862. Step by step the operations of the two armies were transferred to the central strongholds of Tennessee and Georgia. Rosecrans succeeded Buell in command of the Federal forces in Tennessee, and just as the year 1862 was closing and 1863 opening (December 31 to January 2), he encountered Bragg in three days’ terrible fighting around Murfreesboro. The Federal force held its ground against Bragg’s terrific attacks, or, having lost, regained it, and Bragg withdrew. Forced back b}^ the movements of the Federal armies during the summer and autumn of 1863, Bragg felt obliged to leave even Chattanooga itself to them; but at Chickamanga, Georgia, on the 19th and 20th of September he made a stand against Rosecrans and inflicted upon him a defeat which nothing but the extraordinar}^ coolness and firmness of General Thomas, who commanded the left Federal wing, prevented from becoming the most overwhelming Federal disaster of the war. General Grant now came from his success at Vicksburg to take charge of the army which Bragg had shut up in Chattanooga. Taking advantage of the absence of a portion of Bragg’s besieging force, sent to meet Burn- side in eastern Tennessee, Grant attacked Bragg’s positions upon Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain, November 24 and 25, with such force and success as to compel him to break up the siege and retreat. Bragg fell back to Dalton. General Longstreet, with the force which Bragg had sent into eastern Tennessee, crossed the mountain and joined Lee in Virginia. Then came the winter’s pause of arms. Such is a rapid survey of the field of operations East and West. It is necessary, however, to dwell upon the two decisive events, at Gettysburg and Vicksburg. First as to Gettysburg. The Army of the Potomac was one hundred thousand strong. It had been thrown across the river into Maryland, at and near Edwards’ Ferry. Halleck (the general-in-chief ) and Hooker dif- fered most decidedly in opinions about some important military movements that were proposed, when the latter resigned and was succeeded by General George G. Meade, who held the command of that army until the close of the war. Meade entered his duties at Frederick (June 28), in Maryland, where the Army of the Potomac lay, ready to strike Lee’s communications or to attack him as circumstances might dictate. Lee was preparing to cross the Susquehanna and push on to Philadelphia, when news reached him that the reinforced Army of the Potomac was threatening his flanks and rear. Alarmed by this intelligence and the rapid gathering of the THE GREAT REBELLION 251 yeomanry on liis front, lie ordered tlie concentration of his army near Gettys- burg, with the intention of crushing Meade’s forces by a single blow, and then marching on to Baltimore and Washington ; or, in case of failure, to secure a direct line of retreat into Virginia. In the meantiiiie Meade was pushing towards the Susquehanna with cautious movement ; and on the evening of the 30th of June he discovered Lee’s evident intention to give battle at once. The National cavalry, meanwhile, had been carefulh^ reconnoitering ; and on the previous day Killpatrick’s mounted men had a sharp fight at Hanover, a few miles from Gettysburg, with some of Stuart’s cavalry, and, assisted by General Custer, defeated them. Buford’s division of National cavalry entered Gettysburg the same day, and the next day the left wing of Meade’s army, led b}^ General J. F. Reynolds, arrived near there. At the same time the corps of Hill and Longstreet were approaching from Chani- bersburg, and Elwell was marching from Carlisle in full force. That night Buford’s cavalry, six thousand strong, encamped between Reynolds and Hill. On the morning of the ist of July, Buford met the van of Lee’s army, led by General Heth, between Seminary Ridge, a little out of Get- tysburg, and a parallel ridge a little further west, where a sharp skirmish ensued. Reynolds, who was a few miles distant, hastened to the relief of Buford, and in a severe battle that followed, he was killed, and General Abner Doubleday took command of his troops. In the meantime General O. O. Howard came up with his corps. Lee’s troops were then concentrated there, and the battle soon assumed grander proportions. The Nationals were finally pressed back, and under the general direction of Howard, they took a strong position on a range of rocky hills near Gettysburg, of which Culp’s Hill and Little Round Top were the two extremes of the line, and Cemetery Hill, at the village, was the apex. There the Nationals rested that night, and the Confederates occupied Seminary Ridge. General Meade, with the remainder of the Army of the Potomac, now hastened to Gettysburg, and he and Lee prepared cautiously to renew the battle. It did not begin until the middle of the afternoon of the 2d, when Lee fell, with great weight, upon Meade’s left wing commanded by General Sickles. A most sanguinary battle ensued, extending to the centre on Cemetery Hill, where General Hancock was in command. Heav}^ masses of Confederates were hurled against him, and these were thrown back with fearful losses on both sides. Meanwhile there had been a terrible struggle on the right and centre of the Nationals, where Generals Slocum and Howard were in command, the former on Culp’s Hill, and the latter on Cemetery Hill. Against these a large portion of Ewell’s corps had been 252 THE GREAT REBELLION sent. The latter were pushed back by Howard, but seized and occupied the works of Slocum, ou the extreme right of Culp’s Hill, that night. The battle ended at sunset ou the left, but it was continued until about ten o’clock that night ou the right. Slocum renewed the battle at four o’clock on the morning of the 3d, when he drove the Confederates out of his line after a hard struggle for four hours. There he held Ewell in check, while the contest raged else- where. Lee, perceiving the Little Round Top — a steep, rocky eminence — to be impregnable, proceeded, at a little past noon, to attack the more vulnerable centre. Upon this he opened one hundred and forty-five heavy cannon, chiefly against Cemetery Hill and its vicinity, occupied by Meade’s centre. A hundred National great guns quickly answered ; and for two hours a fearful cannonade that shook the country around was kept up. Then the Confederates, in heavy columns, preceded by a cloud of skir- mishers, swept over the plain and assailed the National line with great fury. It was intended by Lee to give a crushing blow that should ensure victory. A terrible struggle followed that covered the ground with the slain — men and horses. At sunset the Confederates were repulsed at all points ; and the decisive battle of Gettysburg ended in triumph for the Army of the Potomac. In that fearful struggle, the Nationals lost in killed, wounded, and missing, over twenty-three thousand men ; the Confederates lost about thirty thousand, including fourteen thousand prisoners. On the evening of the day of the battle (July 4, 1863), Lee began a retreat toward Virginia, followed the next day by Meade, who pursued as far as the Potomac, which had been filled to the brim by heavy rains ; but the Confederate leader, by skilful management, kept the Nationals at bay until he had made ready to cross that stream by pontoons and fording. This he did with his shattered army, his artillery and trains, on the 14th of July, much to the disappoint- ment of the loyal people. Perceiving the battle to be a decisive one in favor of the Union cause, and believing it to be a turning point in the war, the President of the United States recommended the people to observe the 15th of August next ensuing as a day of public national thanksgiving, praise, and prayer. And the Secretary of State (Mr. Seward), satisfied that the insurrection would soon be ended by the discomfiture of its supporters, sent a cheering circular to the diplomatic agents of the Republic abroad, in which he recited the most important events of the war to that time ; declared that “the country showed no sign of exhaustion of mone^q material, or men; that one loan was purchased at par by our citizens at the rate of one million two hundred thousand dollars daily and that gold was selling in our THE GREAT REBELLION 253 markets at twenty-three to twenty-eight per cent, premium, while in the insurrectionary region it commanded twelve hundred per cent, premium. In his retrospect of the Vicksburg campaign General Grant says : “The capture of Vicksburg, with its garrison, ordnance, and ordnance stores, and the successful battles fought in reaching them, gave new spirit to the loyal people of the North. New hopes for the final success of the cause of the Union were inspired. The victory gained at Gettysburg upon the same day, added to their hopes. Now the Mississippi River was entirely in the possession of the National troops ; for the fall of Vicksburg gave us Port Hudson at once. The army of Northern Virginia was driven out of Penn- sylvania and forced back to about the same ground it occupied in i86i. The Army of the Tennessee united with the Army of the Gulf, dividing the Confederate States completely. At Vicksburg 31,600 prisoners were surrendered, with 172 cannon, about 60,000 muskets, and a large amount of ammunition. The small arms of the enemy were far superior to the bulk of ours. Up to this time our troops at the West had been limited to the old United States fiint-lock muskets changed into percussion, or the Belgian muskets imported early in the war — almost as dangerous to the person firing it as to the one aimed at — and a few new and improved arms. The campaign of Vicksburg was suggested and developed by circumstances. The elections of 1862 had gone against the prosecution of the war. Volun- tary enlistments had nearly ceased and the draft had been resorted to ; this was resisted, and a defeat or backward movement would have made its exe- cution impossible. A forward movement to a decisive victory was necessary. Accordingly I resolved to get below Vicksburg, unite with Banks against Port Hudson, make New Orleans a base, and, with that base and Grand Gulf as a starting point, move our combined forces against Vicksburg. Upon reaching Grand Gulf, after running its batteries and fighting a battle, I received a letter from Banks informing me that he could not be at Port Hudson under ten days, and then with only fifteen thousand men. The time was worth more than the reinforcements ; I therefore determined to push into the interior of the enemy’s country. With a large river behind us, held above and below by the enemy, rapid movements were essential to success. Jackson was captured the day after, a new commander had arrived, and only a few days before large reinforcements were expected. A rapid move- ment west was made ; the garrison of Vicksburg was met in two engagements and badly defeated and driven back into its stronghold and there success- fully besieged. It looks now as though Providence had directed the course of the campaign, while the Army of the Tennessee executed the decree.” I CHAPTER XXVII (SEVENTH DECADE) THE GREAT REBELLION (CONTINUED) \_Resumi . — We followed the progress of the war in our last chapter from McClellan’s campaign in Virginia on to Gettysburg.] D uring the later years of the war the North exerted her giant strength to the utmost, in order to crush the stubborn defence of the revolted States. She had a million men under arms. She had six hundred ships-of-war. Her people supplied freely, although on terms whose severity patriotism did not appear to modify, the means of an enor- mous expenditure. Her own factories worked night and day to provide military stores ; and their efforts were freely supplemented by the dock- yards and foundries of Europe. Peaceful America Avas for the time the greatest military power of the world. Her soldiers had gained the skill of veterans. Among her generals men had been found worthy to direct the vast forces of the republic. Grant, Sherman, Thomas, Sheridan, in especial, had given evidence of their possession of high military capacity. While these enormous powers were called into action for attack, it became obvious that the resources of the South for defence were rapidly approaching exhaustion. Her isolation was almost complete. From time to time an adventurous ship stole in her harbors, and sold, at excessive prices, a welcome supply of arms and clothing. But these precarious sup- plies were wholly inadequate to the need. The South was in destitution of every article required for the prosecution of a great war. Her government was in utter poverty, having no better representative of money than a worthless paper currency, which was forced upon the reluctant acceptance of creditors. Her flag was unseen on the ocean, excepting where it was carried by two or three piratical vessels which preyed upon the commerce of the North. . Her soldiers, forced into the ranks, freed themselves by 254 THE GREAT REBELLION 255 desertion from a service wliicli they knew to be hopeless. And yet the skill with which these failing resources were directed by General Lee sufficed to gain important advantages, and shed lustre over a doomed cause. In the third year of the war Lee repulsed with heavy loss eveiy effort which was made in the direction of Richmond. General Grant, coming victorious from the West, was raised to the chief command of the Union forces, and summoned to direct a campaign which all men expected to be final. Lee, unable now to gather more than sixty thousand men around his standards, held a position in the Wilderness, a desolate region of northern Virginia, where he awaited the attack of his powerful antagonist. Grant, with a magnificent army of one hundred and twenty thousand veterans, crossed the Rapidan. Eight days of continuous fighting ensued. It was Lee’s practice to throw up earthworks, which served to equalize the otherwise unequal strength of the combatants. When Grant found himself unable to force these defences, he passed southward by the flank of his enemy, compelling Lee constantly to retire to a new position. Frightful losses were sustained. In one week Grant lost thirty thousand men. The Southern losses were proportionately heavy. But Grant had ample resources from which to recruit his ranks, while Lee was irreparably weakened. Grant fought his way southward until both armies stood twenty miles beyond Richmond before the little town of Petersburg. In his succinct and admirable narrative of the collapse of the Confed- eracy, Professor Andrews remarks that Grant, as Lee said of him, “was not a retreating man.” If he had not beaten, neither had he been beaten. Advance was the word. On the night of May 7 he began the series of “ movements by the left flank ” which was to force Lee forever from the Rappahannock front. An early morning attack on the 12th carried a salient angle in the centre of the Confederate line, securing four thousand prisoners and twenty guns. All that day and far into the night Lee des- perately strove to dislodge the assailants from this “bloody angle.” Five furious charges were stubbornly repulsed, the belligerents between grimly facing each other from lines of rifle-pits often but a few feet apart. “ Bullets flew thick as hail, a tree eighteen inches through being cut clean off by them.” Great heaps of dead and wounded lay between the lines, and “ at times a lifted arm or a quivering limb told of an agony not quenched by the Lethe of death around.” Lee did not give up this death- grapple until three o’clock in the morning, when he fell back to a new posi- tion. His losses, in killed and wounded were about five thousand ; Grant’s about six thousand. 256 THE GREAT REBELLION Rains now compelled the armies to rest. Meantime news reached Grant that Butler, who was to have moved up the Janies River with his army of twenty thousand and cooperate with the main army against Richmond, had “ suffered ” himself to be “ bottled up ” at Bermuda Hundred, a narrow spit of land between the Janies and Appomattox Rivers, the Con- federates having “ driven in the cork.” Reinforcements reached Grant, however, which made good all his losses. On the 19th, after an unsuccessful assault the day before, he resumed the flanking movement. But Lee pushed in and forced Grant to the south, and, moving on shorter lines, reached Cold Harbor before Grant. The outer line of Confederate entrenchments in this famous and deadly battle was carried on June i, and at dawn on the 3d there was a charge along the whole front. “ Under cover of a heav}^ artil- lery fire the men advanced to the enemy’s rifle pits and carried them. They then swept on towards the main line. The ground was open and the advancing columns were exposed to a terrible storm of iron and lead. Ar- tiller}^ cross-fire swept through their ranks from right to left. The troops pressed close up to the works but could not carry them. They entrenched, however, and held the position gained, at same points within thirty 3mrds of the hostile ramparts. The Union loss w^as very heavy ; not less than six thousand ; the Confederates, fighting under shelter, lost comparativel}^ few.” During the next ten days the men lay quietly in their trenches. Both forces had moved so far south that Grant’s hope of getting between Lee’s army and Richmond had to be abandoned. He therefore decided to cross the James and take a position south of Richmond, whence he could threaten its lines of communication, while that river would furnish him a secure base of supplies. The two hosts now moved toward Petersburg, an important railway centre south of Richmond. Grant’s advance reached the town first, but dela^^ed earnest attack, and on the morning of the 15th Lee’s veterans, after an all-night’s march, awaited attack in the entrenchments. Grant spent the next four da3^s in vain efforts to dislodge them. On the 19th he gave up the method of assault, and began a regular siege. His losses in killed and wounded thereabouts had been almost nine thousand. Matters remained comparatively quiet till late in Jul}^ Both sides were busy strengthening their entrenchments. Lee held both Richmond and Petersburg in force, besides a continuous line between the two. Attempts to break this line and to cut the railroads around Petersburg led to several engagements which w^ould have been considered great battles earlier in the war. THE GREAT REBELLION 257 Grant’s total losses from the crossing of the Rapidan to the end of June were sixty-one thousand, but reinforcements proniptl}^ filled his ranks. The Confederate loss cannot be accurately determined, but was probably about two- thirds as great. Through July one of Burnside’s regi- ments, composed of Pennsylvanians, used to such business, had been work- ing at a mine under one of the main redoubts in front of Petersburg. A shaft five hundred feet in length ran at the end squarely under the redoubt. This chamber was charged with eight thousand pounds of powder, which was fired July 30. The battery and brigade immediately overhead was blown into the air, and the Confederate soldiers, far to left and right, were stunned and stupefied with terror. For half an hour the way into Petersburg was open. Why did none enter? The answer is sad. Grant had splendidly fulfilled his part by a feint to Deep Bottom across the James, which had drawn thither all but about one division of Lee’s Petersburg force. But Meade, at a late hour on the 29th, changed the entire plan of assault, which Burnside had carefully arranged, and to lead which a fresh division had been specially drilled. Then there was lamentable inefficiency or cowardice on the part of several subordinate ofiicers. The troops charged into the great, cellar-like crater, twenty-five feet deep, where, for lack of orders, they remained huddled together instead of pushing on. The Confederates rallied, and after shelling the crater till more of its occupants were dead than alive, charged and either routed the living or took them prisoners. During the summer and fall of 1864 scene of active operations was shifted to the Shenandoah Valley. The latter part of June Lee sent Earl 34 twenty thousand strong, to make a demonstration against Washington, hoping to scare Grant away from Petersburg. Earl 3^ moved rapid^^ down the valle3q hustling Hunter before him, who escaped only by making a detour to the west, thus leaving Washington open. Thither Early pushed with all speed. General Lew Wallace hastily gathered up the few troops at his disposal and hurried out from Baltimore to meet him. Wallace was defeated at the Monocacy River, July 9, but precious time was gained for the strengthening of Washington. When Early arrived before the cit3^ on the nth. Grant’s reinforcements had not 3^et come and the fate of the capital trembled in the balance. Early happily delayed his attack till the morrow, and that night two of Grant’s veteran corps landed in Washington, President Lincoln, in his anxiety, being on the wharf to meet them. Once more Washington was safe, and Early fell back, pressed by the new-comers. The pursuit was feeble, however, and the last of July Early swooped down the valley again. A detachment pushed into Penns3dvania and burned 258 THE GREAT REBELLION Chambersburg. All tlirougli the war the Confederate operations in the Shenandoah Valley had been an anno\^ance and a menace. Grant now determined to put a definite stop to this, and sent the dashing General Sheridan for the work with thirty thousand troops, including eight thousand cavalry. Sheridan pushed Early up the Shenandoah, defeating him at Opequon Creek, September 19, and at Fisher’s Hill two days later. One-half of Early’s army had been destroyed or captured, and the rest driven southward. Sheridan then, in accordance with Grant’s orders, that the enemy might no longer make it a base of operations against the capital, laid waste the valle}^ so thoroughly that, as the saying went, not a crow could fly up or down it without carr^dng rations. In spite of this. Early, having been reinforced, entered the valley once more. The Union army lay at Cedar Creek. Sheridan had gone to Washington on business, leav- ing General Wright in command. On the night of October 18 the wily Confederate crept around to the rear of the Union left and attacked at day- break. Wright was completely surprised, and his left wing fled precipi- tately, losing one thousand prisoners and eighteen guns. He ordered a retreat to Winchester. The right fell slowly back in good order, interposing a steady front between Early and the demoralized left. Meanwhile Sheridan, who had reached Winchester on his return, snuffed battle, and hurried to the scene. Now came “ Sheridan’s Ride.” Astride the coal-black charger immortalized by Buchanan Read’s verse, he shot ahead and dashed upon the battlefield shortly before noon, his horse dripping with foam. His presence restored confidence, and the army steadily awaited the expected assault. It came, was repulsed, then totally routed, and the army nearly destroyed. It was one of the most signal and telling victories of the war. In a month’s campaign Sheridan had killed and wounded ten thousand of the eiieni}^ and taken thirteen thousand prisoners. All this time the siege of Petersburg was sturdily pressed. In August, Grant got possession of the Weldon Railroad, an important line running south from Petersburg. Dur- iiicf the next month fortifications on the Richmond side of the Janies were carried and held. Through the winter Grant contented himself with grad- ually extending his lines around Petersburg, tiying to cut Lee’s communi- cations, and preventing his sending troops against Sherman. He had a death-grip upon the Confederacy’s throat, and waited with confidence for the contortions which should announce its death. The spring of 1865 the South reduced to the last extremity. The blockade had shut out imports, and it is doubtful if ever before so large and populous a region was so far from being self-sustaining. Even of food THE GREAT REBELLION 259 products, save corn and bacon, the dearth became desperate. Wheat bread and salt were luxuries almost from the first. Home-made shoes, with wooden soles and uppers cut from buggy tops or old pocketbooks, became the fashion. Pins were eagerly picked up in the streets. Thorns, with wax heads, served as hair-pins. Scraps of old metal became precious as gold. The plight of the army was equally distressing. Drastic drafting had long since taken into the army nearly all the able-bodied men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. Boys from fourteen to eighteen, and old men from forty-five to sixty, were also pressed into service as junior and senior reserves, the Confederacy thus, as General Butler wittily said, “ robbing both the cradle and the grave.” Lee’s army had been crumbling away beneath the terrible blows dealt it by Grant. He received some reinforce- ments during 1864, but in nowise enough to make good his losses. When he took the field in the spring of 1865, his total effective force was fifty-seven thousand. Grant’s army, including Butler’s and Sheridan’s troops, numbered one hundred and twenty-five thousand. Lee now perceived that his only hope lay in escaping from the clutches of Grant, and making a junction with Johnston’s army in North Carolina. Grant was on the watch for just such an attack. On March 29, Sheridan worked around into the rear of the Confederate right. Lee descried the movement, and extended his lines that way to avert it. A force was sent, which drove Sheridan back in some confusion. Reinforced, he again advanced and beat the forces opposed to him rearward to Five Forks. Here, April i, he made a success- ful charge, before which the foe broke and ran, leaving forty-five hundred prisoners. Fearing an attack on Sheridan in force which might let Lee out. Grant sent reinforcements, at the same time keeping up a roaring cannonade along the whole line all night. At five on the morning of the 2d, a grand assault was made against the Confederate lieft, which had been weakened to extend the right. The outer intrenchments, with two forts farther in, were taken. Lee at once telegraphed to President Davis that Petersburg and Richmond must be immediately abandoned. It was Sunday, and the message reached Air. Davis in church. He hastened out to meet the crisis. A panic-stricken throng was soon streaming from the doomed city. Vehicles let for one hundred dollars an hour in gold. The State-prison guards fled and the criminals escaped. A drunken mob surged th^'ough the streets, smashing windows and plundering shops. General Ewell blew up the iron-clads in the river and burned bridges 260 THE GREAT REBELLION and storehouses. The fire spread till one-third of Richmond was in flames. The air was filled with a hideous mingling of the discordant sounds of human voices — the crying of children, the lamentations of women, the 3'ells of drunken men — with the roar of the tempest of flames, the explosion of magazines, the bursting of shells.” Early on the morning of the 3d was heard the cry, “The Yankees are coming!” Soon a column of blue-coated troops poured into the city, headed b}^ a regiment of colored cavalry, and the Stars and Stripes presently floated over the Confederate capital. The Confederacy was tottering to its fall. Lee had begun his retreat on the night of the 2d, and was straining every nerve to reach a point on the railroad fifty miles to the west, whence he could move south and join Johnston. Grant was too quick for him. Sending Sheridan in advance to head him off, he himself hurried after the main army. Gray and Blue kept up the race for several days, moving on nearly parallel lines. Sheridan struck the Confederate column at Sailor’s Creek on the 6th, and a heavy engagement ensued, in which the Southern army lost maii}^ wagons and several thousand prisoners. Lee’s band was in a pitiable plight. Its -supplies had been cut off, and many of the soldiers had nothing to eat except the young shoots of trees. They fell out of the ranks by hundreds and deserted to their homes near by. With all hope of escape cut off, and his army crumbling to pieces around him, Lee was at last forced to surrender. To this end he met Grant, on April 9, at a residence near Appomattox Court House. The personal appearance of the two generals at this interview presented a striking, not to say ludicrous, contrast. Lee, who was a tall, handsome man, was attired in a new uniform, showing all the insignia of his rank, with a splendid dress-sword at his side. Grant, wholly unprepared for the interview, wore a private’s uniform, covered with mud and dust from hard riding that day. His shoulder-straps were the only mark of his high rank, and he had no sword. Having served together in the Mexican War, they spent some time in a friendl}^ conversation about those old scenes. Grant then wrote out the terms of surrender, which Lee accepted. The troops were to give their paroles not to take up arms again until properly exchanged, and officers might retain their side-arms, private horses, and baggage. Anxious to heal the wounds of the vSouth, Grant, with rare thoughtfulness, allowed privates also to take home their own horses. “ The}^ will need them for the spring ploughing,” he said. The nineteen thousand prisoners captured during the last ten da3^s, together wdth deserters, left, in Lee’s once magnificent army, but twenty-eight thousand three hundred and fifty-six soldiers to be paroled. AN AUGUST MORNING WITH FARRAGUT IN MOBILE BAY. "I am going into Mol)ile Bay in the morning if ‘ God is my leader,’ as I liope He is,” wrote Admiral D. G. Farragut to his wife ou the night of August 4, 1864. Ihe next morning, stationing himself in the rigging, where he could see every phase of 'he battle, he attacked Mobile, hitherto impregnable during the war. After a furious engagement, he forced his way witli his fleet past the forts and took possession of the harbor, thus completely closing the port of Mobile against the receipt of Confederate supplies fiom abroad. This was one of the greatest exploits of the American Admiral, who has never uaa a superior. THE GREAT REBELLION 261 The surrendering general was compelled to ask twenty-five thousand rations for these famished troops, a request which was cheerfully granted. While all loyal hearts were rejoicing over the news of Lee’s surrender,* recognized as virtually ending the war, a pall suddenly fell upon the land. On the evening of April 14, while President Lincoln was sitting in a box at Ford’s Theatre in Washington, an actor, John Wilkes Booth, crept up behind him, placed a pistol to his head, and fired. Brandishing his weapon, and crying, “ Sic sempej^ tyranjiisP the assassin leaped to the stage, sus- taining a severe injury. Regaining his feet, he shouted, “The South is avenged !” and made his escape. The bullet had pierced the President’s brain and rendered him insensible. He was removed to a house near by, where he died next morning. His body was taken to Springfield, 111 ., for burial, and a nation mourned as no American since Washington had ever been mourned before. The South deplored the foul deed. Well it might, for, had Lincoln lived, much of its sorrow during the next years would have been avoided. Booth was only one of a band of conspirators who had in- tended also to take off General Grant and the whole Cabinet. By a strange good fortune Secretary Seward, sick in bed, was the only victim besides the President. He was stabbed three times with a bowie-knife, but not fatally. After a cunning flight and brave defence Booth was shot near Port Royal. Of the other conspirators some were hanged, some imprisoned. The Confederacy collapsed. Johnston’s army surrendered to Sherman on April 26. President Davis fled south. On May 10 he was captured in Georgia, muffled in a lady’s cloak and shawl, and became a prisoner at Fortress Monroe. The war had called into militar}^ (land) service in the two armies together hardly fewer than four million men ; two and three- fourths millions, in round numbers, on the Union side, and one and a fourth millions on the other. The largest number of Northern soldiers in actual service at any one time was one million five hundred and sixteen on May i, 1865, hundred and fifty thousand of them being fit for duty. The largest number of Confederate land forces in service at aii}^ time was six hundred and ninety thousand, on January i, 1863. The Union armies lost by death three hundred and four thousand three hundred and sixty-nine, forty-four thousand two hundred and thirty-eight of these being killed in battle, forty-nine thousand two hundred and five dying of wounds. Over twenty-six thousand are known to have died in Confederate prisons. The stronghold of the Confederacy on the Gulf was Mobile. Two strong forts, mounting twenty-seven and forty-seven guns, guarded the channel below the city, which was further defended by spiles and torpedoes. 262 THE GREAT REBELLION lu the harbor, August 5, 1864, lay the iron-clad ram, “ Tennessee,” and three gunboats, commanded by Admiral Buchanan, formerly captain of the “ Alerrimac.” Farragut determined to force a passage. Before six o’clock in the morning his fleet of four monitors and fourteen wooden ships, the latter lashed together two and two, got under way, Farragut taking his station in the main rigging of the “ Hartford.” The action opened about seven o’clock. One of the monitors struck a torpedo and sunk. The “ Brooklyn,” which was leading, turned back to go around what seemed to be a nest of torpedoes. The whole line was in danger of being huddled together under the Are of the forts. Farragut boldly took the lead and the fleet followed. The torpedo cases could be heard rasping against the ships’ bottoms, but none exploded. The forts being safely passed, the Confederate gunboats advanced to the attack. One of these was captured, the other two escaped. The powerful iron-clad “ Tennessee ” now moved down upon the Union fleet. It was two hundred and nine feet long, with armor from five to six inches thick. Farragut ordered his wooden vessels to run her down. Three succeeded in ramming her squarely. She reeled under the tremendous blows, and her gunners could not keep their feet. A -monitor sent a fifteen-inch ball through her stern. Her smoke-stack and steering- chains were shot away, and several port shutters jammed. About 10 A. M., after an action of an hour and a quarter, the ram hoisted the white flag. The forts surrendered in a few days. January 15, 1865, Fort Fisher, a strong work near Wilmington, N. C., mounting**seventy-five guns, was cap- tured by a joint land and naval expedition under General Terry and Ad- miral Porter. This was the last great engagement along the coast. The story of the war upon the high seas is quickly told. Swift and powerful cruisers were built in English shipyards, with the connivance of the British Government, whence they sailed to prey upon our commerce. The ‘‘Florida,” “Georgia,” “Shenandoah,” “Chameleon,” and “Talla- hassee,” were some of the most famous in the list of Confederate cruisers. During 1861, fifty-eight prizes were taken by them. American merchant vessels were driven from tlie sea. The “ Shenandoah ” alone destroyed over $6,000,000 worth of vessels and cargoes. The two most celebrated of these sea-rovers were the “ Sumter” and the “ Alabama,” both commanded by Captain vSemmes, formerly of the United States Navy. The “Sumter” was a screw steamer of six hundred tons, a good sailer and seaboat. She was bought by the Confederate Government and armed with heav}^ guns. On June 30, i86r, she ran the blockade of Charleston, and began scouring the seas. All through the fall she prowled about the Atlantic, taking THE GREAT REBELLION 263 seventeen prizes, most of which were burned. Many United States cruisers were sent after her, but she eluded them all. Early in 1862 the “ Sumter ” entered the port of Gibraltar. Here she was blockaded by the Union gun- boats, and Semmes sold her to take command of the “ Alabama.” The Alabama ” was built for the Confederacy at Laird’s shipyard, Liverpool, and although her character was perfectly well known, the British Govern- ment permitted her to go to sea. She was taken to the Azores Islands, where she received her armament and her captain. The officers were Con- federates, the crew British. She began her destructive career in August, 1862. By the last of October she had taken twenty-seven prizes. In January she sunk the gunboat “ Hatteras,” one of the blockading fleet, off Galveston, Texas. After cruising in all seas, the “Alabama,” in 1864, returned to the European coast, having captured sixty-five vessels and destroyed property worth between $6,000,000 and $7,000,000. On June ii, Semmes put into the harbor of Cherbourg, on the coast of France. Captain Winslow, com- manding the United States steamer “ Kearsarge,” cruising in the neighbor- hood, heard of the famous rover’s arrival, and took his station outside the harbor. About ten o’clock on the morning of June 19, 1864, the “Alabama ” was seen coming out of port, attended by a French man-of-war and an Eng- lish steam yacht. Captain Winslow immediately cleared the decks for action. It was a clear, bright day, with a smooth sea. The fight took place about seven miles from shore. The two ships were pretty equally matched, each being of about one thousand tons burden. The “ Kearsarge ” had the heavier smooth-bore guns, but the “ Alabama ” carried a lOO-pound Blakely rifle. The “ Kearsarge ” was protected amidships by chain cables. The “Alabama” opened the engagement. The “Kearsarge” replied with a cool and accurate fire. The action soon grew spirited. Solid shot ricochetted over the smooth water. Shells crashed against the sides or ex- ploded on deck. The two ships sailed round and round a common centre, keeping about a half mile apart. In less than an hour the “Alabama ” was terribly shattered and began to sink. She tried to escape, but water put out her engine fires. Semmes hoisted the white flag. In a few minutes the “Alabama ” went down, her bow rising high in the air. Boats from the “ Kearsarge ” rescued some of the crew. The English yacht picked up others, Semmes among them, thus running off with Winslow’s prisoners. The “ Kearsarge ” had received little damage. The sinking of the “Alabama” ended the career of the Confederate cruisers. American commerce had been nearly driven from the ocean, and, moreover, the days of peace on land and sea alike were near at hand. CHAPTER XXVIII (SEVENTH DECADE) THE MAN OF BLOOD AND IRON \^Rhume . — It was an eventful day for Prussia when Bismarck entered upon his duties at Frankfort, May 14, 1851. When the Austrian Bundestag had convened every opportunity was seized to humil- iate and injure Prussia. King Frederick William IV, remembering Bismarck as a brave fighter, sent for him and despatched him to Frankfort as Prussia’s representative.] O F the new Ambassador to Frankfort, over whose appointment all Europe was astounded, Heinrich von Sybel, in his work. The Estab- lishment of the German Empire by William f says as follows : “ Bismarck was then thirty-six years old, in the full bloom of manly vigor. Of an imposing stature, fully a head taller than the average man ; with an appearance of radiant health ; an intelligent, keen eye ; a mouth and jaw re- vealing the expression of an unbending will ; thus he appeared at that time to contemporaries. His conversation was filled with original thoughts and brilliant repartee. Among comrades he possessed a winning amiability, but in a heated argument he was often severe.,. His method of reasoning was purely his own ; the fresh originality of his nature came neither from mechanical training, from outside influences, nor from the opinions of others. Among the many diplomats who were assembled in Frankfort, Bismarck must have presented a singularly good appearance. His com- panions were well versed in all the arts of chicanery, deception, and intrigue. Bismarck scorned such subterfuges, although readily discerning these wiles in others. In a letter to his wife he said : ‘ The people are wholly occu- pied with trifles, and the members of the legations, consumed with the idea of their own importance, seem laughable to me. I have never doubted but that all used considerable water in their cooking, but such an insipid, thin watery soup in which there is not a trace of seasoning, amazes me.’” The president of the Bundestag, at that time Count Thun, was an Austrian and a well-known man of the world, and therefore naturally a diplomat, whose 264 THE MAN OF BLOOD AND IRON 265 actions were decided, not by right, but by every means that was useful for the accomplishment of his aims. In the distinguished society of Frank- fort, the sympathies were entirely Austrian. The women wore the Austrian colors, black and yellow. It was the fashion to despise everything Prus- sian. This principle of conduct was followed also by Count Thun. In the beginning Bismarck met him with courtesy. As soon, however, as he rec- ognized what the Austrian policy really was, he changed his tactics. He was not the man to allow himself or his government to submit to anything unseemly. Opportunities soon presented themselves to display his firmness. During the recesses of business sittings. Count Thun reserved to himself the right to smoke, while not one of the German princes dared to light a cigar. Bismarck meanwhile was of the opinion that the ambassador of the King of Prussia was as important as the follower of the Emperor of Austria. So, when in the next sitting Count Thun again was seen smok- ing, Bismarck at once took out a cigar from his cigar case, bit off the end, and asked the Austrian for a light. To the horror of the other diplomats, Prussia puffed away as unconcernedly as startled Austria. As soon as the others had recovered from their astonishment, they came to the conclusion that to preserve the dignity of their respective governments, they also should smoke. Soon the entire dignified Bundestag was puffing away. When King William signed the order September 24, 1862, b}’ which Bismarck was called to the most important position in the Prussian cabinet, the general political situation, outwardl}^ serene, was in reality most threaten- ing. The conditions had rapidly changed in Italy since the victories of 1859 had given the first impetus towards the freedom of the Peninsula. In the country between the rivers Po and Tiber, the people had driven out the Hapsburg rulers and annexed themselves to the Kingdom of Sardinia. Gar- ibaldi had raised the Italian colors in Southern Ital}^ and driven out the Bourbon king ; and towards the end of i860, entire Italy with the exception of Rome and Venice was united under Victor Emmanuel as the Kingdom of Italy. In place of many unimportant states there now exists one strong government. The consolidation of Italy had also called out a strong feeling in Germany. National unity now became the great wish of all thinking patriots, and prominent men openly challenged the people to think upon a means of accomplishing the Union of the German States and represen- tation of the masses. A distinguished resident of Hanover, Rodolph von Bennigsen, issued a summons to establish a confederation whose aim 266 THE MAN OF BLOOD AND IRON should be the political regeneration of Germany. This call found a welcome assent from the Alps to the ocean ; hundreds of good men were united in the German National Confederation. They went to Frankfort to direct the furtherance of the great work. But no sooner was the proposi- tion advanced that Prussia should be the common leader of United Germany than South Germany objected violently, and on account of this angry dis- sension the Confederation received a serious set-back. A permanent com- mittee was appointed, however, which was to meet in Frankfort. But the scheme of a German Confederation filled the Bundestag alike with anxiety and anger, and this feeling was so strong that it caused the ejection of the committee of the Confederation from Frankfort. Duke Ernest von Coburg-Gotha, a noble and patriotic prince, took charge of the persecuted representatives of the people and assigned them a safe place in Coburg to pursue their work. “Was it possible, under such conditions to effect peace- fully the regeneration of Germany? Was Bismarck very wrong when he asserted that the existing confederation was merely a collection of dan- gerous and revolutionary individualisms ? Was he not right when he called the existing conditions of the Bundestag wholly antagonistic to all specific exertions for unity ? And did he not hit the nail on the head when he openly declared that the German question could be settled only by ‘ blood and iron ’ ?” It was the absorbing interest in the Schleswig-Holstein question which held the jealousies of Prussia and Austria in abeyance for a time. The two duchies were united with the Kingdom of Denmark. In February, 1864, the allied Prussian and Austrian armies crossed the Eider, and inflicted such losses on Denmark that she consented to part with the three duchies of Schleswig, Holstein and Lauenburg, in favor of the Emperor of Austria or the King of Prussia. And now a wrangle arose as to the disposition of these duchies. Prus- sia wished to annex them to her own territory ; Austria was not particular!}^ anxious for them, but she was determined Prussia should not have them. Finall}^ the dispute was settled amicably, b;it the mutual distrust or jeal- ousy of the rival powers remained and the shrewd Bismarck determined they should remain, for through such a quarrel, he saw the opportunity of increasing the greatness of Prussia. When a nation is anxious to make war, it doesn’t take her long to find the opportunity. Prussia found hers in the still open Schleswig-Holstein question, but in reality the cause was the long-pending issue as to whether Austria or Prussia should control the destinies of the Fatherland. LANDING OF THE PRUSSIAN AR:\rY AT ALSEN. DANISH WAR OF 1864. N O O I— I o p >■ it- o 0) CS = 3 S§ = ^ a ^ a c s ^ o ta ® In c :;3 r ^ iw a . o « ® !» ^ ja _ be 03 3 ^ o <« a o 6 : H The Austrians suffered a decisive and crushing defeat. THE MAN OF BLOOD AND IRON 267 The quarrel, artfully planned by Bismarck, led in the year 1866, to the Austro-Prussian War, one of the briefest on record, for it lasted only seven weeks, its actual operations being confined to one month, from June 22 to July 22. Austria was supported by Bavaria, Wilrtemberg, Saxon}^ Hanover, Baden and the two Hesses. The Austrian leader. General Benedek, com- manded an army of two hundred and fifty thousand men. The Prussian armies were still more numerous, somewhat inferior in artillery and cavalry, but they had the enormous advantage of the directing genius of Von Moltke, one of the most consummate masters of the science of war, and the possessor of the famous and recently invented “needle-gun,” a breech-load- ing rifle which fired several shots for one delivered by the Austrian muzzle- loaders. Prussia being thoroughly prepared moved with amazing rapidity. Hanover and Hessen-Cassel were invaded and conquered at once, and before Saxoii}^ awoke to her danger, she was overrun and her sovereign and army retreating pell mell to Bohemia. Then two powerful bodies of Prussians invaded Bohemia by different routes, gaining several successes on the way through the mountains. Effecting a junction, they won the great battle of Koniggratz, or Sadowa, July 3, hurried southward, won another battle, and then by threatening Vienna itself forced Austria to a truce. “ The world is going to pieces!” Cardinal Antonelli cried out at Rome, when he received news of the Austrian downfall. It was so much the more unex- pected to this bitterest enemy of the evangelical Prussian, because he had considered the victory of the Austrians certain. Italy, Prussia’s ally, suffered heavy losses at Eustozza from the Archduke Albrecht, and in a sea fight at Lissa from Admiral Segethoff. But these victories of the Austrians were of no effect because the Prussians stood victorious before Vienna. In Paris, also, the surprise and confusion was great. • Fast upon the news of the victory at Koniggratz followed events that raised the envy of the French and their emperor into open hostility. The Emperor Francis Joseph, completely dispirited by his downfall, turned to Napoleon, asked for his mediation, and gave up to him Venetia, the bone of contention for which the Italians were struggling. What honor for the third Napoleon 1 He was now the arbitrator and could change the map of Europe by his de- cision. He assumed his great role immediately and issued a proclamation to his beloved Parisians, informing them of his new dignity, adding that he, Napoleon HI, had alread}^ taken steps to bring about a cessation of hostili- 268 THE MAN OF BLOOD AND IRON ties under the conditions demanded by the Kings of Prussia and Italy. The Parisians were charmed with the Louis and put up all their flags and illuminated their city in the evening. But Napoleon also sent a message to the King of Prussia courteously requesting that the victor descend to French interference in order to establish conditions of peace. The king and his advisers received this message with no little indignation. It was positively known at Prussian headquarters that Napoleon was not able to enforce his demands by military strength, and Prussia decided that she would not be forced into a dishonorable peace. Yet the affair had to be handled cautiously, for the attitude of Russia and England in regard to peace was as yet uncertain. In this crisis, the dexterity, prudence, and firmness of Bismarck were invaluable. The Prussian Government re- strained its just indignation and announced itself ready for the decision of the French Emperor. The king sent Prince Reusz to Paris on July 7 to declare to Napoleon that Prussia’s conditions of peace were the union of Germany, without Austria, under Prussia’s leadership, and a corresponding extension of Prussia’s boundaries under German jurisdiction. The French Government objected to these conditions, for a united Germany would be a continual menace to France. It was proposed that in addition to Austria and Prussia, a third state should be formed from the remaining German states, but Prussia, of course, would not listen to such a proposal. The sentiment in Paris was divided. One party demanded that a strong French army be immediately sent to the Rhine, while the emperor and the most prudent among his advisers argued that France was not in the position to successfully fight against Prussia and Ital}^ But every day the Prussians were advancing, and Napoleon, since his mediation was powerless, presented a ridiculous spectacle to the world. He was, therefore, quite content when Prussia declared that she would be satisfied with a division of Germany through the main line, with southern Ger- many forming an independent league, but the northern half united under Prussian leadership. Peace was formally concluded with Austria on August 23, 1866. Austria then separated from the German Confederation and recognized the changes which Prussia desired to make north of the main line. She also paid Prussia a war indemnity of fifteen million dollars, and renounced all claims to Schleswig-Holstein. These duchies, together with the kingdom of Hanover, the electorate of Hesse, the duchy of Nassau, and the free city of Frankfort-on-the-Main were annexed to Prussia. Now, instead of the dismembered boundaries that Austria’s enmity had formerly forced upon. THE MAN OF BLOOD AND IRON 269 Prussia in the Vienna Congress, Prussia found herself greatly increased in power. Shortly before this peace had been concluded with the South German states under very mild conditions. Napoleon asked Prussia’s aid in taking possession of Belgium, but was refused by Bismarck, who, however, kept for later use the written statement of this proposed laud robbery. Germany was gradually growing to comprehend Prussia’s aims, upon whose accomplishment depended the happiness and the future of Germany. King Louis II, of Bavaria, united himself to the Prussian king, and a few days after the conclusion of peace he wrote to King William : “ Since peace is concluded between us, and a firm friendship established between our houses and states, it seems to me that this agreement ought to have an outward symbolical expression. I therefore beg your royal niajest}^ to jointly possess with me the noble castle of your ancestors at Niiniberg. If from the battlements of this, the ancestral home of us both, the banners of the Hohenzollerns and the Wittelsbachs shall wave united, they will be recognized as the symbol that Prussia and Bavaria together watch over the future of Germany^ which Providence, through your royal majesty, has guided into new paths.” Russia was indignant at not having been consulted in regard to the German re-organization, and General von Manteuffel was, therefore, sent to St. Petersburg to re-establish the old friendly relations between Prussia and Russia, a reconciliation of the greatest importance for the future. After the great events of the war the people of Prussia began naturally to wish for internal peace, that is, peace between the Prussian Government and the representative of the people. Count Bismarck first gave expression to this sentiment by proposing that King William place before the Diet a procla- mation agreeing to the acts of the government in recent years. At first the king did not relish the suggestion, not wishing to ask pardon of the Diet, but Count Bismarck would not desist until the royal consent had been given. The proclamation was almost unanimously accepted on September 3. With the same large majorities the acquisition of Prussia and the estab- lishment of the North German League were accepted. The men who but recently had been the bitterest enemies of Bismarck now strongly sup- ported him in his work of unifying the German people. The representa- tives voted to the worthy councilors and generals of the king gifts of ready money, of which Bismarck’s share was three hundred thousand dollars. With this sum he bought the estates of Varzin in lower Pomerania. Nego- tiations for a North German League were soon successfully concluded. 270 THE MAN OF BLOOD AND IRON Caroline, Regent of Reusz-Greiz, alone wished to have nothing to do with the enterprise, whereupon Bismarck sent two whole companies of Prussian infantry into the princess’ territory. After Caroline had endured the presence of the Prussians in the state for four weeks, she gave up and entered the North German League, paying seventy-five thousand dollars into the Prussian treasury. On February 24, 1867, Reichstag of the North German League met in Berlin and was opened by King William. CHAPTER XXIX (SEVENTH DECADE) OTHER EVENTS IN OTHER LANDS {Resume . — Between the war of 1848 and that of 1859 Garibaldi had publicly accepted the substitution of monarchy, such as existed in Piedmont, for the republican form of government, for which he had originally fought, and was therefore free to serve as an irregular auxiliary of the Piedmontese forces. His services in that capacity were both brilliant and effective.] I N the course of tlie year i860 the most triumphant and momentous enterprise of Garibaldi’s remarkable career was accomplished. The chief result of the peace of Villafranca, by which the Italian war of 1859 was brought to an abrupt and unsatisfactory termination, was the imme- diate resumption^ by the Italian people of the revolutionary and progressive responsibilities, which, during the campaign had been vested by the nation in the government of Sardinia. Thus, early in i860, insurrectionary dis- turbances broke out in Palermo, and though speedily quelled in the city by the great numerical strength of the Neapolitan garrison, the}^ were con- stantly repeated throughout the interior of the island, where the insurgents were full of elation and daring, in consequence of Garibaldi having trans- mitted to them the assurance that he would speedily appear himself to head their struggle. In fulfillment of this promise. Garibaldi assembled at Genoa a volunteer force of one thousand and seventy patriots, and set sail May 5 for the island of Sicily. On the iith his two small transport steamers having reached Marsala in safety, the landing of his followers was successfully effected in sight, and partially under fire of the Neapolitan fleet. On the 15th, in the battle of Calatafimi, three thousand six hundred troops were routed by Garibaldi’s small force, and to this opening victory may be largel}" attributed the subsequent success of the entire expedition. It at once cleared the way to Palermo, and inspired Garibaldi’s soldiers with irresistible confidence. On the i8th of the same month. Garibaldi and his little army of heroes occupied the heights which command Palermo, and 271 272 OTHER EVENTS IN OTHER LANDS after a desperate conflict with the royalist troops, fought his way into that unhappy city, which for several subsequent days had to sustain a ruthless bonibardment from the united fire of the Neapolitan garrison and fleet. The intervention of the British fleet, seconded by the isolated and destitute condition of the garrison shut up in the forts, induced the Neapol- itan general to capitulate ; and on his departure with his troops. Garibaldi remained in undisputed possession of the city and strongholds of Palermo. His first public enactment was the universal armament of the citizens. July 20th, at the head of two thousand five hundred men, he gave battle at Alelazzo to seven thousand Neapolitans, who were completely defeated, and compelled to evacuate the fortress. On the 25th the Neapolitans were driven back into Messina, where Garibaldi made his triumphal entry on the 27th, the mutinous garrison, terrified at his approach, having compelled their general to submit. Towards the middle of August, Garibaldi made a descent in Calabria, and was immediately joined by large bodies of volun- teers from all directions, by whom he was accompanied on his memorable and eventful march to Naples. September 5, Garibaldi’s army, which then amounted to twenty-five or thirty thousand men, occupied Salerno on the withdrawal of the royalists, and on the 7th, amid the frenzied enthu- siasm of the inhabitants. Garibaldi entered Naples, with only one or two friends, to prove to Europe that his advent was that of a welcome liberatoiq and not of a terror-inspiring conqueror. On the previous da^q the capital had sullenly wifnessed the withdrawal of King Francis II, to the fortress of Gaeta. Before the close of the month. Garibaldi had enacted several judi- cious public reforms, calculated to increase the popularity of the Sardinian government of which he was the declared representative, though for a brief space he accepted the title and powers of Dictator. On October i, his military duties became again paramount, as the royalist troops, numbering fifteen thousand men, came from Capua, and fiercely attacked the whole line of the Garibaldians. For some hours it seemed as though success was about to desert the patriots, but eventually the royalists were driven back to Capua in disorder, and Garibaldi announced the result in his famous telegram : Complete victory along the entire line.’- This was his last triumph in that struggle. Victor Emmanuel, having again assumed command of his army, crossed the papal frontier, routed the troops under Lamorciere, and passed on into the kingdom of Naples, where lie was met by Garibaldi, who at once placed in his sovereign’s hands the un- conditional disposal of the southern volunteer army, and the absolute sway over the Neapolitan provinces. OTHER EVENTS IN OTHER LANDS 273 In tlie spring of 1864, Garibaldi visited England and was honored with a banquet b}^ the Lord Mayor and the city of London. His sudden departure having occasioned considerable public discussion, the British Government was compelled to explain why it had advised him to go. During the campaign of 1866, Garibaldi took the field and was engaged in operations against the Austrians in the Tyrol, where he sustained a severe repulse (retrieved the next da}^), and he was preparing to advance against the enemy when the war was brought to a close, and he returned to Caprera. Eighteen hundred and sixty-seven was a disastrous year for Garibaldi. He then openl}^ organized an invasion of the States of the Church in order to complete the unification of Italy, but he was made a prisoner, and afterwards allowed to return to Caprera, in the neighborhood of which a man-of-war was stationed to prevent his escape. He did escape, however, only to be speedily defeated by the pontifical troops, reinforced by the French. Again Garibaldi retired to his island home, leaving it in 1870 to fight for the French republic. In 1862, Napoleon HI of France deemed his way open — by reason of the civil war in the United States — to interfere in the affairs of Mexico, and in 1863, he summoned an assembly of notables. This body decided in favor of monarchy, and a deputation was appointed to offer the crown of Mexico to the Archduke Maximilian of Austria. After deliberation he accepted, and in June, 1864, entered Mexico. He was warmly welcomed by the army and clergy, but soon found they expected him to sanction abuses which he felt bound to condemn. He was supported by French troops, and for a time all went well ; but he tried vainly to reconcile the Mexican parties who had no other object in view than that of power and place. A proclamation that he was induced to make in October, 1865, threatening death under the laws of war to all who offered resistance to the government (which was asked for simply as a means of suppressing brigandage), was so employed both b}^ the Imperialist and French commanders that under it many estimable “ liberal ” officers were shot as robbers. At the same time Louis Napoleon was forced to contemplate the necessar}^ with- drawal of his troops, for, our Civil War having ended. Emperor Napoleon received an unmistakable hint from the United States Government that the “ Monroe Doctrine ” was still in force, and the presence of the French troops in Mexico would not be tolerated. In vain Empress Charlotta, daughter of Leopold I of Belgium, went to Europe to enlist support for her husband ; her reason gave way under continued disappointment, grief, and excitement. The French were ver}" anxious that 274 OTHER EVENTS IN OTHER LANDS Maximilian should leave Mexico with their troops, and it had become evi- dent that abdication was the only course open to him, 3^et he felt bound as a man of honor to remain and share the fate of his followers. At the head of ten thousand men he made a brave defence of Queretaro against a Liberal army under Escobedo. On May 15, 1867, he attempted to escape through the enemy’s lines but was captured. The minister of war ordered Maxi- milian and the two generals, Miramon and Mejia, to be tried by court-martial, and it was in vain that the European ministers protested against an alleged breach of the laws of civilized warfare. The course of the trial was deter- mined from the first ; the charges rested chiefly on the proclamation and the executions which had followed it. On July 19 the prisoners were shot. After some delay the body of Maximilian was given to his relatives, was taken to Europe in an Austrian frigate, and interred at Vienna in the im- perial vault. At this time the English Government had discovered that a certain political movement, known as Fenianism, however corrupt in some of its sources, and however wild and extravagant in its aims, was nevertheless a reality with which it was necessary to grapple. Measures were taken with great promptness and determination. The Habeas Corpus Act having been summarily suspended, all the known leaders in Dublin and in the provin- cial districts of Ireland were at once placed under arrest. The chief journal of the conspiracy was suppressed and seized, additional troops were moved into Ireland, and other measures of repression were vigorously instituted. So universally was the Fenian movement condemned by public opinion that most of the prisoners were discharged on condition of their leaving Ireland. But the embers of discontent continued to smoulder. In the early summer of 1866, a raid was attempted into Canada, and, although it proved a failure, an organization was effected, resulting, in the spring of 1867, an abortive attempt at insurrection in Ireland. The plan of the conspira- tors was to seize the castle and military stores at Chester, and, having cut off telegraphic communication, to convey the arms to Dublin and effect a grand uprising. The attempt failed. Considerable alarm, however, was created in England and Scotland by the extent and daring of the organ- ization among Irishmen in the large manufacturing towns. In 1869, the Fenian Brotherhood was formally chartered in the United States under the act for the incorporation of benevolent societies. Shortly afterward this country frustrated another Fenian raid on Canada. The dis-establishment of the Irish Church (1869), the Land Act, in the following year, re- moved most of the grievances for which the Fenian movement stood. OTHER EVENTS IN OTHER LANDS 275 A few words, before we close the chapter, about English politics. The “ budget ” of i860 was distinguished mainly for two things — a commercial treaty with France, and what was known as “ taxes on knowledge.” In the debate 011 the latter subject, years before, Gladstone had intimated that, “ although he should like to see the paper duty repealed when the proper time had come, if books and newspapers were dearer than they ought to be, the blame was not so much with fiscal requirements as with the ‘ trades unionisms,’ which wickedly raised the wages of compositors and others to a level far above their deserts.” If the working classes wanted cheap litera- ture, he thought that they had a sufficient remedy in their own hands, as they themselves could cheapen the labor by which the literature was pro- duced. Ill the following year Gladstone, after the government had been beaten, proposed, as a compromise, to reduce the advertisement duty from one shilling and sixpence to sixpence. He was again defeated, and the tax was abolished. The final stage was reached in 1861, when the paper duty was removed, Gladstone being Chancellor of the Exchequer, after the bill had been defeated in the House of Lords. “ It entailed,” he wrote, “ the severest parliamentary struggle in which I have ever been engaged.” The repeal of paper duty meant the arrival of a new era in literature — of the penny newspaper, of the popular magazine, and of cheap reprints of all standard authors. In February, 1865, that delightful diarist, Greville, wrote: “When I left London a fortnight ago the world was anxiously expecting Gladstone’s speech, in which he was to put the Commercial Treaty and the Budget before the world. His own confidence and that of most of his colleagues in his success was unbounded, but many inveighed bitterly against the treaty. Clarenden shook his head, Overstone pronounced against the treaty, the Times thundered against it, and there is little doubt that it was unpop- ular, and becoming more so every day. Then came Gladstone’s illness. However, at the end of his two days’ delay he came forth and, consensus omnium^ achieved one of the greatest triumphs that the House of Commons ever witnessed.” It appears that “ the only parties not gratified were the temperance reformers, who did not like the cheap Gladstone claret, which was immediately introduced at the dinner tables, or that clause of the bill which gave grocers a license to sell the cheap wines of France.” At this time Gladstone and Disraeli were the recognized leaders of their respective parties. Richard Redgrave gives a lively description of Gladstone’s reply to Disraeli’s attack on the French treaty: “Mr. Glad- 276 OTHER EVENTS IN OTHER LANDS stone was in such a state of excitement that ever}^ one dreaded an attack from him ; his punishment of Mr. Disraeli was most ferocious. He was like a Cherokee Indian fighting ; he first knocked down his adversary, then he stamped on him, then he got excited and danced on him ; he scalped him, and then took him between his finger and thumb like a miserable insect, and looked at him, and held him up to contempt.” Mr. McCarthy’s more judicious criticism may be quoted here. “ It is idle,” he sa3^s, “ to con- tend that between Gladstone and Disraeli any love was lost, and that many people thought it was unhandsome on the part of Mr. Gladstone not to attend his great rival’s obsequies, and to bur}^' his animosities in the grave. In 1862 Disraeli complained to the Bishop of Oxford that he and others kept the church as Mr. Gladstone’s nest-egg when he became a Whig until it was almost addled. At this time Disraeli wrote : ^ I wish 3^011 could have induced Gladstone to have joined Lord Derby’s government when Lord Ellenborough resigned in 1858. It was not my fault that he did not; I almost went on 1113^ knees to him. Had he done so, the church and every- thing else would ha'^-e been in a very different position.’ ” In 1867 the Bishop of Oxford wrote : “ The most wonderful thing is the rise of Disraeli. It is not the mere assertion of talent, as you hear so many sa3^ ; it seems to me quite beside that. He has been able to teach the House of Commons almost to ignore Gladstone, and at present lords it over him, and, I am told, says that he will hold him down for twent3^ years.” Later on Disraeli described Gladstone as “ a sophistical rhetorician, intoxicated with the exuberance of his own verbosity, and gifted with an egotistical imagination that at all times can command an interminable and inconsistent series of arguments to malign his opponents and to glorif3^ himself.” It has been said of Disraeli that he was never happ3^ in statement. When he had to explain a policy, say a financial one, he was regarded as a dull speaker. Gladstone was particularly brilliant in statement. One of his admirers says that “ he could give to an exposition of figures the fasci- nation of a romance or a poem. Yet he was not the equal of Disraeli in the gift of sarcasm, and what Disraeli himself called ‘flouts and jeers.’” As a matter of fact neither one of them, from an American point of view, was an orator, or even an interesting public speaker. On the breaking out of the Civil War, Gladstone sided with the South. Jefferson Davis, he said, had made a new nation. He stated this in a speech which he afterwards repented. The Northern States did not whol^Horgive or forget the statement. In 1865 Bishop Fraser wrote : “ They have just got hold of about a dozen subscribers to the Confederate loan, among whom OTHER EVENTS IN OTHER LANDS 277 is W. E. Gladstone, down, to my surprise, for two thousand pounds. This, as you might expect, is a topic for excited editorials, and the cry is that the American government ought to demand his dismissal from the ministry.” In the course of time this country came to understand Gladstone better, and, perhaps, appreciate him more ; but the Grand Old Man, as he was called, was not at all grand in any of the many critical moments of his long and important life. CHAPTER XXX (EIGHTH DECADE) OUR “ CENTENNIAL ” DECADE \^Risume . — After the great War of the Rebellion came the period of Reconstruction in the re-United States. Until the opening of the Eighth Decade, material progress aside, the story of our country relates little else than political agitation.] T he first wish of those who had been most prominent in putting down the Confederacy was that the Union should be restored as quickly as possible to its former state with the exception of slavery. They desired that the armies should be disbanded and that the men who had been withdrawn from their homes and industry should return to their old life. It was to be many years, however, before a harmonious nation could take the place of the warring Union. The terrible war had laid waste the country in which it had been waged. The people on each side had suffered in the loss of friends, home, and property, and could not at once be recon- ciled. The great change which had taken place in the abolition of slavery reached to the very bottom of Southern society and industry. In February, 1865, Congress had passed the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, forever bidding slavery in the land. The language of the amendment was borrowed from the Ordinance of 1787, which had done so much to preserve the great Northwest to freedom. The amendment was accepted in the course of the year by the necessary number of States. The assassination of President Lincoln checked the movement which had already begun for the restoration of the seceding States. People who had been ready previously to make peace with those who had been leaders in the Confederacy, now were ready to believe that the spirit which had brought on the war was unchanged. There was a demand that the leaders of the Confederacy should be tried as traitors and hanged, but a wiser judgment prevailed. For a long 278 OUR CENTENNIAL" DECADE 27 V time, however, all persons who had previously taken the oath of allegiance to the United States, and then had broken the oath taking up arms against it, were debarred from holding office in the government of the United States. Upon the death of Lincoln, Andrew Johnson, of Ten- nessee, who had been elected Vice-President, became President. He had been elected by the Republican party as representing the Union men of the South. He was not, however, in full sympathy with the Republicans, and it soon became evident that there was a breach between the President and Congress, which constantly widened. The war had been fought to preserve the Union, but it had also necessarily been a war to extinguish the system of slavery. There was, therefore, a strong sentiment at the North against any restoration of the Union which should leave the blacks in the power of their former masters. A State in the Union could pass many laws which would practically prevent the freed men from having voice in the govern- ment. Congress passed a bill creating what was known as the Freedman’s Bureau, a department of the government intended to provide for the needs of the blacks, who, it was said, were the wards of the nation. The Presi- dent returned the bill to Congress without his signature on the ground that it was an interference with the rights of the States in which the freed men lived. The bill was passed over the President’s veto. Congress then passed a Civil Rights Bill, by which freedmen were made citizens of the United States. United States officers were instructed to protect these rights in the courts. The President vetoed this bill also, but Congress passed it over the veto. We can do no better than follow the synopsis of Dr. Andrews, who gives an excellent and impartial narrative of American history under this decade : All through the days of congressional reconstruction the antagonism between President and Congress steadily increased. Every step in the progress encountered the President’s uttermost opposition and spite. The irritation finally culminated when the House entered articles of impeach- ment against Johnson — the only case of the kind in our history involving a President. The charges were tried before the Senate, the Chief Justice presiding, and occupied three weeks. William M. Evarts was Johnson’s counsel, and a glittering array of legal talent appeared on both sides. The main charge was that the President had wilfully violated the Tenure of Office Act in removing Secretary Stanton from the Cabinet after the Senate had once refused to concur in his removal. The House was hasty in bring- ing the prosecution. The President was acquitted by a vote of nineteen for 280 OUR CENTENNIAL'^ DECADE and thirty-five against impeachment — one vote less than the two-thirds necessary to impeach. The Johnson Congressional conflict proved one of the most mortifying episodes in our countr^^’s histor3^” The Presidential election of 1868 was decided at Appomattox. General Grant was borne to the White House on a flood tide of popularity, carrying twenty-six out of the thirty-four voting States. The management of the South was the most serious problem before the new Administration. The whites were striving by every means possible to regain political power. The reconstructed State government depended upon black majorities, which were too strong for successful resistance. The Ku-Klux and similar organizations were practically a masked army. The President was appealed to for military aid, and he responded. Small detachments of United States troops hurried hither and thither. Wherever they appeared resistance ceased, but when fresh outbreaks elsewhere called the soldiers away, the fight against the hated State government was imme- diatel}^ renewed. The negroes soon learned to stay at home on election days, and the whites, once in the saddle, were too skillful riders to be thrown. Congress, meanwhile, still strongly Republican, was taking active measures to protect the blacks. In 1870 it passed an act imposing fines and damages for a conspiracy to deprive negroes of the suffrage. The Force Act of 1871 was a much harsher measure. It empowered the President to employ the ariii}^, navy, and militia to suppress combinations which deprived the negro of the rights guaranteed him by the Fourteenth Amendment. For such combinations to appear in arms was made rebellion against the United States, and the President might suspend habeas corpus in the rebellious districts. President Grant, in the fall of 1871, this was actually done in parts of the Carolinas. State registration and elections were to be supervised by United States marshals, who could command the help of the United States military or naval forces. The Force Act outran popular feeling. It came dangerously near the practical suspension of State government in the South, and many at the North, including Republicans, thought the latter result a greater evil than even the temporar}^ abe3mnce of negro suffrage. The “ Liberal Republi- cans ” bolted. In 1872 they nominated Horace Greeley for the Presidency, and adopted a platform declaring local self-government a better safeguard for the rights of all citizens than centralized power. The platform also protested against the supremacy of the military over the civil powers, and the suspension of habeas corpus, and favored universal amnesty to the late rebels. Charles Sumner, Stanley Matthews, Carl Schurz, David A. Wells, OUR CENTENNIAL'^ DECADE 281 and many other prominent Republicans united in the opposition. Think- ing their opportunity had come, the Democrats endorsed the Liberals’ plat- form and nominees. The Republicans renominated Grant by acclamation, and Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, joined with him on the ticket. As the campaign went on, the Greeley movement developed remarkable strength and remarkable weakness. Speaking for years through the New York Tribune^ Mr. Greeley had won, in an extraordinary degree, the respect and even affection of the country. His offer to give bail for Jefferson Davis in his imprisonment, and his staunch advocacy of mercy to all who had engaged in rebellion so soon as they had grounded arms, made him hosts of friends even in the South. He took the stump himself, making the tour of Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, and crowds of Republicans came to see and hear their former champion. But the Democrats could not heartily unite in the support of such a lifelong and bitter opponent of their party. Some supported a third ticket, while many others did not vote at all. Mr. Greeley, too, an ardent protectionist, was not popular with the influential free- trade element among the Liberals themselves. The election resulted in a sweeping victory for the Republican ticket. The Democrats carried but six States, and those were all in the South. Within a month after the election, Mr. Greeley died, broken down by over-exertion, family bereavement, and disappointed ambition. Troubles in the South continued during Grant’s second term. The turmoil reached its height in Louisiana in 1874. Ever since 1872 the whites in that State had been chafing under Republican rule. The election of Governor Kellogg was disputed and he was accused of having plunged the State into ruinous debt. In August, 1874, a disturbance occurred which ended in the deliberate shooting of six Republican officials. President Grant pre- pared to send military aid to the Kellogg government. Thereupon Penn, the defeated candidate for Lieutenant-governor in 1872, issued an address to the people, claiming to be the lawful executive of Louisiana, and calling upon the State militia to arm and drive the “ usurpers from power.” Barri- cades were thrown up in the streets of New Orleans, and on September 14 a severe fight took place between the insurgents and the State forces, in which a dozen were killed on each side. On the next day the State House was surrendered to the militia, ten thousand of whom had responded to Penn’s call. Governor Kellogg took refuge in the Custom House. Penn was formally inducted into office.* United States troops hurried to the scene. Agreeably to their professions of loyalty toward the Federal Government, the insurgents surrendered the State property to the United States authorities 282 OUR CENTENNIAL^ DECADE without resistance, but under protest. The Kellogg government was re-instated. Troops at the polls secured quiet in the November elections. The return- ing board decided that the Republicans had elected their Governor and fifty- four members of the Legislature. Fifty-two members were Democratic, while the election of five members remained in doubt and was left to the decision of the Legislature. The Democrats vehemently protested against the decision of the returning board, claiming an all-round victory. Fearing trouble at the assembling of the Legislature in January, 1875, President Grant placed General Sheridan in command at New Orleans. The Legislature met on January 4. Our reports of what followed are conflicting. The admitted facts are that the Democratic ‘ members, lawfully or unlawfully, placed a speaker in the chair. Some disorder ensuing, United States soldiers were called in and, at the request of the Democratic speaker, restored quiet. The Republicans meanwhile had left the house. The Democrats then elected members to fill the five seats left vacant by the returning board. Later in the day. United States troops, under orders from Governor Kellogg, to whom the Republican legislators had appealed, ejected the five new members. The Republicans re-entered the house, and the Democrats thereupon withdrew. Subsequently a congressional committee made unsuccessful attempts to settle the dispute. The Democratic members finally returned, and a sullen acqui- escence in the Kellogg government gradually prevailed. By 1876 every Southern State was solidly Democratic except Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida, and in these Republican governments were upheld only by the bayonet. The Presidential election of 1876 was a con- test of general tendencies rather than of definite principles. The opposing parties were more nearly matched than they had been since i860. The Democrats nominated Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana. Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, and William A. Wheeler, of New York, became the Republican standard-bearers. The election passed off quietly, troops being stationed at all the polls in tur- bulent quarters. Mr. Tilden carried New York, New Jersey, Indiana, and Connecticut. With a solid South, he had won the day. But the returning boards of Louisiana, Florida, and vSouth Carolina, throwing out the votes of several Democratic districts on account of alleged fraud or intimidation, de- cided that those States had gone Republican, giving Hayes a majority of one in the electoral college. Suppressed excitement pervaded the country. Threats were even muttered that Hayes would never be inaugurated. President Grant quietly strengthened the military force in and about Washington. possessions in Italy except Venice. CAVALRY ATTA(^K, RATTLE OF SEDAN. Sedan was France’s second Waterloo. The decisive battle was fought Septetnher 1, 1870, and ended in the complete overthrow of the French. Sedan capitulated, the Emperor Napoleon gave up Itis sword, and tlie entire army of 8;),000 men Avere made prisoners of war. It was one of the most stupendous victories on record, and proved the death blow of “ Napoleouism ” in France. OUR ‘‘ CENTENNIAL^' DECADE 283 The countr}^ looked to Congress for a peaceful solution of the problem, and not in vain. The Constitution provides that “the President of the Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the (electoral) certificates, and the votes shall then be counted.” Certain Repub- licans held that the power to count the votes lay with the President of the Senate, the House and Senate being mere spectators. The Democrats naturally objected to this construction, since Mr. Ferry, the Republican Pres- ident of the Senate, could then count the votes of the disputed States for Hayes. The Democrats insisted that Congress should continue the practice followed since 1865, which was that no vote objected to should be counted except by the concurrence of both houses. The House was strongly Demo- cratic ; by throwing out the vote of one State it could elect Tilden. The deadlock could be broken only by a compromise. A joint com- mittee reported the famous Electoral Commission Bill, which passed House and Senate by large majorities; one hundred and eighty-six Democrats voting for the bill and eighteen against it, while the Republican vote stood fifty-two for and seventy-five against. The bill created a commission ot five Senators, five Representatives, and five Justices of the United States Supreme Court, the fifth Justice being chosen by the four appointed in the bill. Previous to this choice the commission contained seven Democrats and seven Republicans. It was expected that the fifth Justice would be Hon. David Davis, of Illinois, a neutral with Democratic leanings ; but his unexpected election as Democratic Senator from his State caused Justice Bradley to be selected to the post of decisive umpire. The votes of all dis- puted States were to be submitted to the commission for decision. It was drawing perilously near to inauguration day. The commission met on the last da}^' of January. The cases of Florida, Louisiana, Oregon, and South Carolina were in succession submitted to it by Congress. Emi- nent counsel appeared for each side. There were double sets of returns from every one of the States named. In the three Southern States the Governor recognized by the United States had signed the Republican cer- tificates. The Democratic certificates from Florida were signed by the State Attorney-General and the new Democratic Governor ; those from Louisiana by the Democratic gubernatorial candidate, who claimed to be the lawful Governor; from South Carolina by no State oificial, the Tilden electors simply claiming to have been chosen by the popular vote and re- jected by the returning board. In Oregon the Democratic Governor declared one of the Hayes electors ineligible because an office-holder, and gave a certificate to Cronin, the highest Tilden elector, instead. The two 284 OUR CENTENNIAL'' DECADE Hayes electors refused to recognize Cronin, and, associating with them the rejected Republican elector, presented a certificate signed by the Secretary of State. Cronin, appointing two new electors to act with him, cast his vote for Tilden, his associates voting for Hayes. This certificate was signed by the Governor and attested by the Secretary of State. After deciding not to go behind any returns which were pr ima facie lawful, the commission, by a strict party vote of eight to seven, gave a decision for the Hayes electors in every case. March 2 it adjourned, and three days later Hayes was inaugurated without disturbance. The whole country heaved a sigh of relief All agreed that provision must be made against such peril in the future, but it was not until late in 1886 that Con- gress could agree upon the necessary measure. The Electoral Count Bill was then passed and signed by the President on February 3, 1887. It aims to throw upon each State, so far as possible, the responsibility of determin- ing how its own Presidential vote has been cast. It provides that the President of the Senate shall open the electoral certificates in the presence of both houses and hand them to the tellers, two from each house, who are to read them aloud and record the votes. If there has been no dispute as to the list of electors from a State, such list, where certified in due form, is to be accepted as a matter of course. In case of dispute the procedure is as follows : If but one set of returns appear and this is authenticated by a State electoral tribunal constituted to settle the dispute, such returns shall be conclusive. If there are two or more sets of returns, the set approved by the State tribunal shall be accepted. If there are two rival tribunals, the vote of the State shall be thrown out, unless both houses, acting sepa- rately, agree upon the lawfulness of one tribunal or the other. If there has been no decision by a tribunal, those votes shall be counted which both houses, acting separately, decide to be lawful. If the houses disagree, the votes certified to by the Governor shall be accepted. President Hayes’ first important action was the withdrawal of troops from Soiith Carolina and Louisiana, where the rival governments existed side by side. The Republican government at once fell to the ground. As the Democrats had already got control of Florida, the “ solid South ” 'was now an accomplished fact. Financial questions were those which chiefly occupied the public mind during Hayes’ administration. Returning from a remarkable tour around the world General Grant became, in 1880, a can- didate for a third-term nomination. The deadlock in the Republican con- vention between him and Mr. Blaine was broken by the nomination of James A. Garfield, of Ohio. Chester A. Arthur, of New York, was the OUR CENTENNTATr DECADE 285 Vice-Presidential candidate. The Democrats nominated the hero of Get- tysburg, the brave and chivalrous General W. S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania, and William H. English, of Indiana. Garfield was elected, receiving 214 electoral votes against 155 for Hancock. Hancock carried every Southern State ; Garfield every Northern State except New Jersey, Nevada, and Cali- fornia. The year 1871 was marked by the conclusion of an important treaty between England and the United States. Besides settling certain questions which threatened the friendly relations of the two countries, the treaty enunciated important principles of international law, and afforded the world a shining instance of peaceful arbitration as a substitute for the horrors of war. Ever since 1863 the United States had been seeking satisfaction from Great Britain for the depredations committed by the “Alabama” and other Confederate cruisers sailing from English ports. Negotiations were broken off in 1865 and again in 1S68. The next year Reverdy Johnson, American Minister to England, negotiated a treaty, but it was rejected by the Senate. In January, 1871, the British Government proposed a joint commission for the settlement of questions with the Canadian fisheries. Mr. Fish, our Secretary of State, replied that the settlement of the “ Ala- bama claims ” would be “ essential to the restoration of cordial and amica- ble relations between the two governments.” England consented to submit this question also to the commission, and it was settled satisfactoril}^ The tribunal at Geneva awarded $15,500,000 damages in gold for the ves- sels and cargoes destroyed. The award naturally gave great satisfaction in the United States. The money compensation was in itself a source of con- siderable gratulation ; but the fact that stiff-backed England had, by a clearly impartial tribunal of the highest character, been declared in the wrong was not the least pleasurable side of the result. Congress authorized a reform of the civil service in 1871, only to abandon it again for the spoils system in 1874. An Act of July 14, 1870, amended the naturalization laws. It admitted to citizenship, besides “ free white persons,” “ aliens of African nativity and persons of African descent.” This was a completion of the policy of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. It also made stringent provisions against the frandnlent natur- alization and registration of aliens, appointing Federal supervision to enforce its regulations in that regard in cities of over twenty thousand inhabitants. January 14. 1875, an Act became law which provided for the resumption of specie pa3unents by the government on the ist of January, 1879. Congress had very narrowly escaped being deprived by the Supreme Court of the 286 OUR ‘‘CENTENNIAL'^ DECADE power of making its irredeemable paper issues legal tender for all debts, as it bad done in 1862. A decision of that court, rendered in December, 1869, pronounced such legislation unconstitutional. But tbe decision was agreed to by only a small majority of tbe justices ; by tbe following spring tbe personnel of tbe court bad been materially altered by tbe appointment of two new justices; and in March, 1870, tbe court, thus re-organized, reversed' the decision of December, and affirmed tbe constitutionality of tbe legisla- tion of 1862. Tbe resumption of specie payments, however, was none tbe less imperatively demanded by tbe business sense of tbe country. VON MOLTKE BEFORE PARIS. The city of Paris was invested t)y the Prussians, Septeuiber I'J, 1870. The armies of the Crown Princes of Prussia and Saxony numbered over 200,000 nien, all under the cotuma'id of GeoeraJ Moltke, Head of tde Prussian General Staff. After a trying siege and brave defeupc, Paris was comj>elled to capitulate January 28, 1871. CHAPTER XXXI (EIGHTH DECADE) THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR \^Resume . — We have seen Bismarck advanced to the head of affairs in Prussia, and have witnessed the second Schleswig-Holstein war, and the consequential war between Prussia and Austria. Also the forming of the North German Confederation.] I N 1868 Spain had dismissed its Bourbon queen regent, and since then had been trying to form a settled government. Finally it was sug- gested that the crown be offered to Prince Leopold, of Hohenzollern- Sigmaringen, a very distant relative of the Prussian royal house. The news of his acceptance of the candidature aroused a storm of indignation in Paris. The King of Prussia was called on by the French government to order Leopold to withdraw. This course was declined ; but nevertheless in a few days the prince withdrew. It would seem that this should have ended the matter. But the French government, carried away by popular clamor, now insisted that King William should give a guarantee against a renewal of the candidacy. This was promptly refused, and France imme- diately declared war. Napoleon expected to form an alliance with Austria and Italy. As a preliminary, his troops must first penetrate south Germany and insure the neutrality of those states. But here came the collapse. The French military administration was rotten and inefficient. The troops could not be mobilized in time, and so nothing was done by way of invasion. Meanwhile the Prussian armies were gathered with tremendous energy, and by August the tables were turned. The magnificent military machine which had been manufactured by Bismarck and Moltke, and which had been tried in two wars, was now hurled against France. The impact was irresistible. In battle after battle the French armies were broken and driven back. Outgeneraled, outfought, cut to pieces, the French armies were crushed and scattered. Bazaine was shut up in Metz. Napoleon 287 288 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR himself, with MacMahon’s army was defeated and surrounded at Sedan, near the Belgian frontier, and on the 2d of September was compelled to surrender. When news of Sedan reached Paris, the imperial government was at once overturned, and replaced by a “ Government of National Defence.” The most desperate and heroic exertions were made to roll back the tide of invasion, but the odds were too heavy. Before the end of October Bazaine surrendered Metz with the last great army of France, and three months later Paris yielded to its besiegers. A National Assembly was elected in February, and peace was made with heavy loss. Alsace and Lorraine were annexed to Germany, and a war indemnity of five milliards of francs ($1,000,000,000) were paid by the conquered nation. In the meantime, German unity had been made complete. The enthu- siasm of national spirit brought all Germany, south as well as north, shoulder to shoulder to resist invasion. And in the joy of victory the jealousies which had sufficed to keep Germany asunder were broken down. Treaties were made successively with the south German states by which the north German union was enlarged to include all. And then the imperial dignity was tendered to the Prussian king. The German federal empire was established, and on the i8th of January, 1871, in the stately hall of mirrors of the old palace of Versailles, King William was formally proclaimed German Emperor. The policy of “blood and iron” was justified by its fruits. Austria had been expelled from Germany ; Prussia had been extended and had overmastering power ; and now the very attack which had been intended to undo the work of 1866 had, in fact, made that work complete. It was the fire of French battle and the blood of French defeat which cemented the German imperial federation in solid union. We have given above a rapid statement of a very dramatic situation. Let us regard it in detail. The events of Sedan settled the fate of Paris. The government, at whose head stood the Empress Eugenie as regent, and Count Palikas as prime minister, sought to conceal the bad news. “ But already,” says Sonnenberg, “ on the afternoon of September 3, dark rumors of the great defeat were circulated in Paris, and the excitement of the people was intense. During the following night the Empress Eugenie fled through Belgium to England, and on September 4, the republic was pro- claimed. At the head of the new government appeared the two advocates, Leon Gambetta and Jules Favre. They immediately made the pompous proc- lamation : “The G'ermans shall obtain no tribute except as we desire ; they shall gain not a stone of our fortresses !” They sent the celebrated author, THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 289 Thiers, to the courts of Europe to beg for help ; but no one showed any desire to meddle in behalf of France, with the victories of Koniggratz and Sedan. To the Prussian ambassadors in foreign countries. Count Bismarck directed a circular, in which he elucidated upon the situation from a German standpoint. “ Let us not deceive ourselves. We must not look for an en- during peace, but must be prepared for a new attack from France no matter what conditions we impose. The French nation will never forgive us their defeat, and our victorious repulse of their wanton attack. If now we do not reap such advantages as the jurisdiction of surrender awards, still France will cherish toward us the same hatred and desire for revenge springing from her wounded vanity and lust for power. She will only wait for the day when she can change these bitter feelings into hostile action. Such an effort as the German people have made to-day cannot be repeated, and we are therefore forced to demand material security for our safety against the future attacks of France, and security for the peace of Europe, which need fear no disturbance from German}^ We do not demand these securities from a transitory French Government, but from the French nation, which has shown itself read}^ to follow any leadership in the war against us, as is unquestionably proved by the aggressive wars which France has carried on for centuries against Germany. We can, therefore, regulate our demands for peace, with the object of making more difficult the next attack of France upon German}^ and especially upon the hitherto defenceless South German boundaries. To do this we must extend these boundaries and thus remove further away the point of departure of French attacks. We must seek to bring under the power of Germany, as defen- sive bulwarks, these fortifications with which France now threatens us. We will demand future security as the price of our present efforts. No one can reproach us with lack of moderation, if we hold fast to these righteous and reasonable demands.” The new government in Paris had manifested a feverish activity, but there was entirely lacking the tranquil firmness of the German military government, and especially its experience. As soon as it was known that the Germans had commenced their march to Paris, the French Government ordered all villages and forests in a large circle about the capital to be burned down. This occasioned immense losses to themselves and but little disad- vantage to the German troops. The French were indebted to the arrival of the German army for an arrest of this senseless destruction. Imme- diately after the fall of Sedan the third and fourth armies marched toward Paris. On September 19 the Bavarians, who approached from the north- 290 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR east, caught first glimpse of the spires and towers of the great city. Paris is situated at the confluence of the Marne and the Oise with the Seine, which here flows in a half circle from east to west and divides the city into two parts, of which the northern is the greater. In the year 1870 more than twenty bridges united the northern and southern divisions. The area which the city then covered was seven and one-half square miles, its circumference being twenty-two and one-half miles. The nearest environ- ments of the gigantic city, in a distance of only two and one-half miles, contained forty districts ; among them, in the northeast, St. Denis, with at that time twenty-six thousand inhabitants. At a distance of only seven and a half miles lay Germain with seventeen thousand, and Versailles with forty-four thousand inhabitants. Since 1841 Paris had been made into a fortress, at the instigation of the prime minister of that time, Thiers, under the government of Louis Philippe. The city was surrounded by a strong military wall, military roads, ramparts, ditches, and glacis. Eighty- five projecting works stretched over the outlying lands ; there were ditches thirty-five paces wide, and the ramparts of the fortification were pierced by sixty-six gates. Outside the wall, at a distance of two and one-half miles, lay fifteen little outposts, partially connected with one another by intrenchments. The strongest of these outposts was St. Denis, which could be covered by an artificial inundation. The west side was especially strong by nature, for here the Seine formed a broad line of protection from north to south. On the western side was but a single fort, but most important of all was the one on the mountain St. Valerien, which, from its position, one hundred and forty meters high, controlled the whole neighborhood. A line of inclosure thirty-seven and one-half miles long, connected all the outworks with one another. All works had telegraphic communication. The German block- ading troops had to be placed beyond range of these Parisian outworks, so their circle of camps stretched out for more than fifty miles. Southwest of the capital lies Versailles, the celebrated residence of Louis XIV. On Sep- tember 19, 1870, Paris was invested by German troops. On October 5 the great German headquarters were removed to Versailles. Count Bismarck was assigned a residence of only two rooms in the Rue de Provence, belong- ing to Madame Jesse. While Moltke was working at the siege of Paris and directing the undertaking at Metz and Strasburg and other parts of the French territory, no less important work was being done by Bismarck. He had to make a favorable peace with France by keeping at a distance all armed interference of foreign countries, and he was also trying to complete the work of German unity, so often attempted and so often unsuccessful. THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 291 The solution of this problem was urgent, for Austria had already joined with the South German states, seeking to draw them into a federation. Some intelligent Frenchmen, Thiers among them, sought to aid the work of peace. During his diplomatic circuit Thiers had become convinced that France could expect no aid from foreign powers. England had urgently advised him to make peace as soon as possible. He therefore went to solicit favorable terms from Bismarck, who had known him years before, and who received him kindly. Negotiations were begun on November i. The Ger- mans made great concessions. They consented to a truce of four weeks, so that during that time elections might be held for a national assembly, which Bismarck permitted even in Alsace. The Germans also intimated that they would not hinder Paris from being supplied with provisions, on condition of the concession of two Parisian outworks. Thiers was willing to these con- ditions, but the government at Paris, not yet comprehending the gravity of the French situation, rejected the negotiations at Versailles before a conclu- sion could be reached. General Trochu said bitterly in Paris : “ We are not yet so defeated as to lose our reason.” Thus the war advanced. The iron circle drawn about Paris became every day narrower, and every attack weakened the garrison more and more. The German troops were the best in the world in their improvements and equipments, and in order to drive this matchless army from “ holy France,” the government at Paris ordered the arming of the whole people, while newspapers advocated murder by poison, treachery, and every conceivable means. They said every French- man should keep his rifle ready at home so as to be able to shoot down the Germans like wild beasts from an ambush at night. Now appeared the societies called Franc-tireurs or Free-shots. In every city of France that was not yet occupied by the Germans there were established so-called Mobile Guards. An Englishman, himself an officer, gives the following picture of the Mobile Guard from his own observation : “ The appearance of these people inspires in me a sad regret that France should trust to such creatures to drive the enemy from her soil. To imagine these people, take the worst vagabond in London, let him thoroughly sweat and roll him through the dust. Then put a little red epaulet on his sleeve, give him a gun, which he does not know how to carry, and a bayonet of whose use he has not the slightest suspicion, let him parade up and down once or twice a day, and disturb him as little as possible. They have superior officers who have never served, who cannot command, and whom the soldier thoroughly despises. When they have nothing to do, which is eleven-twelfths of their time, they listen to talk about the elevation of the masses, and the restoration of 292 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR the war glory of France. And when the agitators have taken from these men the small amount of industry which they possessed, and made them indolent city loafers, they become good models of the French Mobile Guards of to-day.” The illusion and vanity of the French people renewed the terrors of war and negatived all attempts at peace. All this time Count Bismarck was engaged in the difficult work of bringing all the governments and people of Germany under one protection. In his wisdom, he had hitherto avoided anything that would appear like pressure on the confederation of the remote South German states. He wished that the union should first be requested by the people, and he did not have to wait long for this. From all the large cities in Bavaria, many addresses to the king were circulated, covered with numerous signatures and demand- ing an entrance into the North German League. The Bavarian Government now turned to the Bundesprasidium, and Bismarck sent the Minister Del- brlick to Miineheu for further negotiations, and here also came the Wlirtem- burg Minister, von Millwacht. It was soon evident that these two South German kingdoms demanded no small number of special rights, but yet their attitude was encouraging to the vigorous federation of states. Baden and Flesse entered the North German League without reservation, negotiations with them being completed at Versailles, on November 15, with Bavaria on the 23d, and Wtirtemburg on the 25th. The independent management of their railroads, posts, and telegraphs was conceded to the two latter states, while Bavaria was granted supreme military command over her troops in times of peace under the condition that her interior arrangements should agree in its main points with those of Prussia. After this treaty had been signed late in the evening at Versailles, Bismarck said to one of his companions in his house : ‘‘The newspapers will not be pleased, and the ordinary historian can blame our agreement. He can say that the stupid fellow should have demanded more, that he should have compelled them to accede to his demands. He would be right with his ‘ should.’ But I consider it more important that the people shall be heartily pleased with the action. What do treaties under compulsion amount to ? Now I know that they (the Bavarian authorities) have gone away satisfied. I will not press the point too far. The treaty has its defects, but they made it stronger. I consider it the most important that we have made this year.” But the work of German unity was not yet finished. Austria could raise objections on the grounds of the peace of Prague, which provided for the South German states. Foreign countries, also, could offer impediments, and not the least to be feared was the political incapacity of many members THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 293 of the North Geniian Reichstag, who wished greater unity than was necessary. Bismarck worked with anxious care to prevent all tliese dis- turbances from affecting the completion of the union. He found a powerful support ill this work in tlie noble princes whose memoiy Germany will always gratefnll}^ cherish — the Grand Duke Frederick of Baden, Ernest, Duke of Saxe Cobnrg-Gotha, and the Crown Prince Frederick William. The latter, especiall}^, a generous prince, anxious for peace, devoted himself to the completion of this work. And the efforts of these men were crowned with the desired results. * In December the treaty was accepted by the North German Reichstag and by the representatives of the South German states. Austria not only refrained from opposition, but expressed the wish to be united in eternal friendship with the new German Empire. This was due largely to the wise moderation that Bismarck had shown in 1866, which thus silenced the enemies of the iiewE^-erected empire. Had the work been hampered at this time, the dearest wish of the Germans would have been once more disappointed. But now the work was finished. The 3mnng King of Bavaria, Louis H, in a letter to King William of Prussia, requested him now to assume the title of German Emperor. Soon afterwards there appeared at Versailles a delegation from the Reichstag to the North German Confederation, thirty delegates, at their head President Simson, the same man who in 1849 went to Berlin at the head of the delegation from the German Parliament of Frankfort, to offer the emperor’s crown to King Frederick William IV. How the times have changed! At that time only a fraction of a weak assembly of Germans had desired the formation of the empire, while now the demand was enthnsiasticall}^ made by the princes and people of Germany. King William replied to the representatives of the North German Reichstag: “The request of his majest}q the King of Bavaria, that I assume the sovereignty of the German Empire, has filled me with deep emotion. Yon, my lords, now request me in the name of the North German Reichstag not to evade this call. But I could not recognize the call as providential unless it was by the nnanimons voice of the Ger- man princes and free states, thus signifying that it was the universal desire of the German nation. In that case I would dare to accept, trusting in God’s help. Therefore it will give 3^11 as well as me satisfaction to know that I have been informed by his majesty, the King of Bavaria, that the agreement of all German princes and free states is secured, and the official announcement of the same is imminent.” Now came the great day of January 18, 1871. On the same day, one hundred and seventy 3^ears before. King William’s ancestors had exchanged 294 THE ERANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR the electoral hat of Brandenburg for the Royal crown in the church of the Deutsch Orden-Schloss at Konigsberg. To-day a much greater scene was enacted in the mirror-room of the palace at Versailles. Louis XIV, in his pride had caused to be carved on the ceiling of this room the words : Le roi gouverne par lui-meme,” that is, ‘‘ The king is sovereign through his own absolute power.” But a greater sovereign than the pompous Frenchman now entered this hall, humbly bowing his victorious head before God. On one side of the long hall an altar had been erected, on both sides of which stood bodies of picked men from all the German troops. The banners that had fluttered in so many noble victories were borne unfurled by corporals. Six hundred officers from all the regiments were drawn up in line. King William, surrounded by princes and generals, walked to the altar, accom- panied by the Crown Prince, Bismarck and Moltke. A solemn religious service now began. The court chaplain declared that France had fallen through the arrogance of her sovereign and her people, and that God had plainl}^ been on the side of the Germans, as they fought for their lofty and greatly desired object. After the service was ended. King William pro- claimed the restoration of the German Empire. He then requested the chancellor to read the first edict of the emperor to the German people. The emperor was crowned with new wreaths of victory. On September 28, Strasburg was retaken and on October 27 Metz, which had never before been conquered, surrendered to Prince Frederick Charles, while the entire French arm}^ the proud emperor’s guard and one hundred and seventy-three thousand men with six thousand officers, five hundred generals and three marshals of France were taken in captivity to Germany. Victories had been won also at Orleans and Amiens. Sixteen French fortresses had sur- rendered, and on January 18, the emperor’s birthday. General von Werder had, with a few troops and after a three days’ struggle, defeated Bourbaki in spite of the enemy’s overwhelming superiority. But the strong garrison at Paris repulsed all attacks, and the great attack of January 19, against Ver- sailles, undertaken by the best ready forces, was not successful. But the situation in Paris was growing desperate. All provisions were consumed, and the people were reduced to eating the animals in the zoological gardens and the rats in the sewers. Infectious diseases broke out among the wounded and the citizens, and an attempted insurrection was put down by the Government with the greatest difficiilt^u Affliction at last humbled the arrogance of the French. On January 23, 1871, Jules Favre went to the German head- quarters at Versailles, accompanied by a French officer, Count d’Herisson. Bismarck was ready to begin negotiations. D’Herisson thus relates the con- THE STORMIXG OF SPirilERP^NBFIlG, AUGUST 6, 1870. The lieights of Spicherenberg, near Saarhrucken, were stormed, on the Gth of August, 1870, by divisions of tiie First and Second German armies, and tlie corps of General Frossard were repulsed with heavy losses. THE FRANCO HR USS/AN WAR 295 versation : “ The Chancellor presented his demands with astonishing candor and cogent reasoning, without aii}^ embellishments of speech. He directly announced his object, often interrupting Favre, who clung to his old tricks of the advocate and could not comprehend the Chancellor’s sincerit3^ Bismarck spoke French fluently, expressing himself not only skilfully but forcibly. He had no difficulty in finding the right word to express his thoughts. The negotiations were continued the next day, Bismarck eveiy where obtaining the advantage through his firmness. Jules Favre vehementl}^ opposed the entry of the German troops into Paris, but the Chancellor insisted. “ This,” he said, “ is the reward of our arm3\ If I should not grant them this, after my return home any poor devil with a wooden leg that I might meet could say to me, ‘ the leg which I lost before the walls of Paris gave me the right to complete my conquest. This diplomat with both legs pre- vented me from doing so.’ We cannot afford to violate public sentiment on this point. We will enter Paris, but will not go beyond the Champs Elysee.” The negotiations were concluded on the evening of January 26. It was agreed that at midnight, after Jules Favre had returned to Paris, the firing should cease on both sides. The vain Frenchman requested that the last shot might be fired by the French. A truce of twenty-one days was con- cluded at Versailles on January 28, on the basis of these negotiations. The entire garrison at Paris remained in the capital as prisoners of war deliver- ing up their weapons to the victors, and all the Parisian outworks were sur- rendered to the Germans. The victory was complete at every point. The French government now issued orders for elections to a national assembly which met in Bordeaux. Thiers, Favre, and fifteen delegates were given full authority to negotiate concerning the peace at Versailles. The truce being lengthened, they met at Versailles. On February 21 Bismarck im- posed the following conditions : The surrender of Alsace-Lorraine with Metz and Belfont, and the payment of six milliard francs war expenses. The [only concession which he could be prevailed upon to grant was the reduction of this sum to five milliard francs. Thiers strained every nerve and sum- moned all his eloquence to save Alsace-Lorraine, and when his words had no effect upon the inflexible Chancellor, he started up in a violent passion and cried, “Ah, it is a veritable spoliation, it is an outrage I” These bold words provoked Bismarck’s indignation. He had hitherto treated the French ambassadors courteously, using the French language, but now his manner became cold and he spoke in German. The French were frightened and begged that he would again use their 296 THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR language, but Bismarck replied tliat as tlie}^ did not seem to understand bis French, he would be obliged to use German. Then they adopted another tone. Thiers seized a pen, and writing on a sheet of paper concessions which came ver}^ near to Bismarck’s demands, handed the paper to tlie Count. When the Chancellor had read it through he smiled and said, “ On these conditions, I am again ready to carry on the negotiations in French.” The strongest efforts were made to retain Belfort for France, and Emperor William finally consented to renounce this city, as it was a pnrel}" French town and had never belonged to German}^, and as Strasbnrg gave sufiicient protection to southern German}^ Then the question came up as to the extreme frontier. The French had urgently requested England to aid them in attaining better terms, and the Ambassador, Lord Russell, was com- missioned by his government to try to influence Bismarck. But the Chan- cellor refused to receive the x-fimbassador during the negotiations, and thus the conditions of peace were arranged without foreign intervention. The treaty was signed on February 28, 1871. Bismarck used a gold pen which the manufacturer, Bessinger, sent him, with the request to use it in signing the third Paris treaty.” In his letter of thanks the Chancellor said : “ I promise that b}^ the help of God this pen in 1113^ hand shall sign nothing unworthy of German sentiment and the German sword.” Bismarck’s whole life is a proof of the sincerity of these words. The Versailles treat}^ was ratified by the National Assembl}^ at Bordeaux on March i. The troops selected for the entrance into Paris met at the race- course of Longchamps, north of Mount Valerien, on the morning of March i. There Emperor William reviewed his brave arm}^ thirty thousand in number. An English ofiicer who was present speaking of the emperor’s reception by the troops, said : “ The enthusiasm was indescribable. It was not the ‘ vive rempereur ’ of the French troops with their waving of swords, and unstead}^ march-step. The ‘ Hurrah !’ of the Germans had a powerful ring, and rolled out like thunder, but not a single bayonet in the ranks trembled. The picture was grand and dignified.” Count Bismarck accom- panied the emperor to Longchamps. The gaze of the Parisians who had come to look on was directed toward his powerful form more than to any other. Ever3uvhere was heard the cr}^ “ voila Bismarck 1 ” In the countless multitude the Chancellor noticed a man who followed him with malignant gaze, as if he had evil designs. Bismarck rode np to him and asked him for a light for his cigar. The man’s deportment changed, and he quickl}^ granted the qnieth^ spoken request. The troops entered Paris by" three different streets, uniting before THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR 297 the Arc de Triomphe, the triumphal arch whose boastful carvings blazon the victories of the revolution and the empire. The French had placed a carriage in front of the arch to obstruct the entrance, but the Germans put it aside, and with waving colors, martial music, and huzzas, the emperor’s troops marched under the arch and down to the Tuileries. A great multi- tude awaited the approaching regiments in the Champs Elysee. The Ger- mans halted at the Place de la Concorde, and separated, to go to their several headquarters. They remained in Paris until March 3. At the moment when peace was concluded Germany had more than six hundred thousand armed soldiers in France, while at home two hundred and fifty thousand men stood ready to follow the commands of the emperor, thus removing all fear of foreign interference. The outworks south and east of Paris were returned to the French, but those on the north and east, as well as the northeastern district of France, remained in the hands of the Germans as pledges for the payment of the war indemnity. Formal peace was concluded at Frank fort-on-th e-Main, May 10, 1871. By its conditions, Alsace and German Lorraine, with the battlefields of Metz, were conceded to Germany, and France was obliged to pay within four years a war tax of five milliard francs, or a billion dollars, but tremendous as was the burden imposed upon her, she paid the last franc a considerable time before it was due, and thus secured the removal of the German invaders. CHAPTER XXXII (EIGHTH DECADE) ENGLAND AND RUSSIA \Rhiinie . — When in February, 1868, the English Parliament met, it was announced that Lord Derby, owing to failing health, had resigned, and that Mr. Disraeli was to be Premier. Then Mr. Gladstone came into power and he held the condition of the Irish Church to be unsatisfactory.] F or many years , the subject of the Irish Church had been before the British public. A Royal Commission had been appointed to deal with the question, and it had given rise to more than one debate in the House of Commons. Mr. Gladstone’s own adoption of the policy of Disestablishment had been made evident in a speech delivered July, 1867, although he abstained from voting. His relation to the question had, how- ever, as he indicated, been practically declared for more than twenty years. A year later, on a motion by Mr. Maguire, “ that this House resolves itself into a Committee with the view of taking into consideration the condition and circumstances of Ireland,” Mr. Gladstone spoke more decidedly, de- claring that, in order to the settlement of the condition of the Irish, the Church as a State Church must cease to exist, and in consequence of this declaration Mr. Maguire withdrew his motion. On the first division on Mr. Gladstone’s resolution he obtained a majority of sixty against the gov- ernment. Subsequent divisions having confirmed and increased this majority, Mr. Disraeli announced on May 4, that he had advised Her Majesty to dis- solve Parliament in the coming autumn, in order that the opinion of the country might be taken on the great issue put before it. Great was the excitement everywhere, and many public meetings were held on the subject in all parts of England. At a meeting of Church supporters held in St. James’s Hall in May, Archbishop Longley in the chair, there were twenty- five bishops on the platform, besides an array of peers and M. P.’s. Arch- bishop Tait, who moved the first resolution, referring to a speech of his own 298 ENGLAND AND RUSSIA 299 on the Church Rate Bill, writes to his son : “ Gladstone fell foul of it some- what roughly on moving his Irish Church resolutions, but last Sunday your mother and I went to the little church in Windmill Street, which Mr. Kempe has built for the poor of St. James’s, and there found Mr. and Mrs. Glad- stone taking refuge from the glare of London for a quiet Sunday morning ; and as we all walked home together, I had some most agreeable conversa- tion with him. I wish he were not so strangely impetuous, for he is certainly a good Christian. ... I almost hope that something may be done to bring him to reason about reforming, not destroying, the Irish Church. This, no doubt, is what the Old Whigs really desire, if only they could get Disraeli out.” Mr. Disraeli soon gratified — at any rate, to a certain extent — the Old Whigs. In November the constituencies replied to the appeal made to them by Mr. Disraeli by an almost unprecedented majority for his opponent. Mr. Disraeli himself recognized the fact by re- signing office without waiting for the meeting of Parliament. When Par- liament met in February, Mr. Gladstone was Premier. Defeated in Lan- cashire, he had been elected for Greenwich. There were, of course, party cavilings when the member for Greenwich was gazetted in August, 1873, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, without vacating his seat for the Metro- politan borough ; but the polemics in the press gradually ceased upon the subject. This is the place, it seems to us, to speak of Disraeli. We will attempt to tell the stor}^ of his life as briefly as possible. He was admitted a student at Lincoln’s Inn, 1824, ^.nd kept nine terms, but had his name re- moved from the books 1831. Abandoning the study of law, he developed an ambition to shine in political and fashionable life. In 1826 he published his novel, “ Vivian Grey,” succeeded at intervals by other brilliant works of fiction, including “ The Young Duke,” “ Contarini Fleming,” “ The Won- drous Tale of Alroy,” and “ Henrietta Temple.” He also wrote “ The Rise of Iskander,” “ A Vindication of the British Constitution,” and “ The Revo- lutionary Epic.” After visiting Italy, Greece, Turkey, and Syria, he re- turned to England to find the country involved in the reform bill agitation. His sympathies appear to have then inclined to radicalism in politics, and having recommendations from Mr. Hume and Mr. O’Connell, he presented himself in 1832 to the electors of Wycombe, but was defeated. At the gen- eral election in 1835, he had no better success. In April of the same year he contested Taunton on Conservative prin- ciples, again without success. In 1837 his desire for a political career being unabated, he contested Maidstone in the conservative interest with 300 ENGLAND AND RUSSIA Wyndliam Lewis. He was elected, and at the age of thirty-two took his seat in the House of Commons. His maiden speech, which was in a high- flown style, and delivered with extravagant gestures, excited the laughter of the House of Commons. He was so much disconcerted that he stopped abruptly, but not without uttering the remarkable prophecy : “ I will sit down now, but the time shall come when you will hear me.” In 1838 Mr. W. Lewis died, and in the following year Disraeli married the widow of his late colleague. He then carefully studied the .style of successful parlia- mentary orators, making few speeches. It was not until 1840 that he began to attract notice, and not long afterwards he gained the ear of the House as the leader of the Young English Party. After entering Parliament he wrote several novels — “ Coningsby ” (1844), “Sybil” (1845), “ Tancred ” (1847), which the principles of young England are most ingeniously blended with theories about the intellectual supremacy of the Jews, inac- curate scientific notions, and misconceptions of English social life. At the general election, 1841, he obtained a seat for Shrewsbury. He then became the organ of the dissatisfaction with which the landed aristocracy and country gentry regarded Sir Robert Peel’s relaxations of the system of pro- tection to native industry. His brilliant invective and polished sarcasm inspired the protectionist party with fallacious hope and confidence. On the death of Lord George Bentinick, 1848, Disraeli succeeded to the leadership of the Protectionist party in the Commons. He bore generous testimony to the political consistency and primal worth of his predecessor in his “ Lord George Bentinck, a Biography.” In 1852 the Earl of Derby, having undertaken the construction of a cabinet, offered him the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was the first time a brilliant novelist had ever figured as the finance minister of a great commercial state, and it shows the versatility of his genius that he emerged with honor and credit from the ordeal. His second budget, 1853, failed, however, to find acceptance with the House of Commons, and the government being outvoted upon it, the Derby cabinet ceased to exist. Disraeli resumed the leadership of the oppo- sition, from which he was again summoned in 1858, to the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer in the second administration of Lord Derby. In 1859 he introduced a measure of parliamentary reform, which, being thrown out, was followed by the resignation of the government. For seven years the Liberals remained in power, and Disraeli, in opposition, displayed talents as a debater and a spirit and persistency under defeat which won the admira- tion of his opponents. When Lord Derby returned to power in Ju^q 1866, Disraeli again returned to the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was ENGLAND AND RUSSIA 301 he chiefly who induced the Conservative Party to pass the reform bill of 1867, his argument being that the working-class house-holders are more conservative than those of whom the franchise had been previously extended. In February, 1868, he succeeded Lord Derby as premier, but, in the face of a hostile majority, he resigned in December following. On this occasion Mrs. Disraeli, in acknowledgment of her husband’s services, was raised to the peerage as Viscount Beaconsfield (died in 1872), Disraeli then declining the honor in his own case. In 1872 he published another novel, “ Lothair,” marked by most of the merits and defects of those which preceded it. In 1873 the popularity of Mr. Gladstone sub- sided, and the election of 1874, giving the conservatives a large majority, Disraeli returned to power as Prime Minister. In 1877 he took his seat in the upper house as Earl of Beaconsfield. Still premier, the earl was the guiding spirit of his cabinet during the critical years 1877-78, seeking by energetic action in eastern affairs to give an “ imperial ” character to Eng- lish policy ; and he returned from the congress of Berlin bringing, as he said, peace with honor.” He was shortly afterward decorated with the Garter. After a keen contest, in which the Liberal leaders, headed by Gladstone, vigorously denounced government measures, especially in regard to the affairs of Eastern Europe, Afghanistan, and South Africa, the gen- eral election returned a large Liberal majority, and the government resigned ere parliament assembled. The ex-premier, who held several honorary de- grees as D. C. L. and LL. D., employed his leisure in publishing his last novel, “ Endymion,” the hero of which is a successful English politician. The Earl of Beaconsfield took his share in public affairs as a member of the upper house till his final illness in the spring of 1881. The terms of his will alone precluded the honor of a public funeral and burial in West- minster Abbey, proposed by the government. It was hoped, after the Crimean war, that the influence of the allies, to whom it owed so much, would lead the Turkish government into the path of reform, and make its continued existence tolerable by its neighbors. England demanded complete religious equality of Mohammedans and Christians, and the Turks, with grave courtesy, yielded immediate com- pliance. It was discovered afterwards that they did not construe the agree- ment as England did. But this difference need not concern us, as no attempt whatever was made to give effect to either construction. V arious important reforms were promised, and large reduction in the profligate expenditure of the administration. No single promise then made was ever fulfilled. English alliance with the Turks in the dangers and 302 ENGLAND AND RUSSIA sacrifices of a great war was naturally the origin of a friendly regard, and an unreasoning expectation that a better future was in store for them. These favorable impressions created an opportunity of which the Turks were not slow to avail themselves. Their government attempted to borrow money of the English government. Unexpected success induced frequent renewal of such applications. The honest earnings of credulous English- men were squandered on the filthy pleasures of Turkish savages. The tempting interest promised to the earlier dupes was paid from sums yielded by the later. Not until a debt of one hundred and forty millions had been incurred did the simple Christians discover that they were being plundered by the cunning misbelievers. So soon as it ceased to be possible for them to borrow, the Turks began to apply to the enormous debt which they had contracted the easy and comfortable process of repudiation. While the English people were realizing the hopeless loss inflicted upon them, the Turkish difficulty once more became acute. The Christians in Bosnia, and the Herzegovina were driven, in 1875, to take up arms against their oppressors, and the Turks were unable to suppress the insurrection. The great Powers, anxious always to postpone the inevitable settlement, re- quired that the Turks should pledge themselves to such reforms as might be expected to satisfy the insurgents. Religious equality was again demanded, and again promised. Taxes levied in the revolted provinces were to be expended there. A commission, composed of Mohammedans and Christians, were charged with the execution of these reforms — the announcement of which, it was vainly hoped, would disarm the revolted provinces, and restore tranquillit3^ The desired postponement was not gained. The overtures of the embarrassed and faithless Porte were unheeded b}^ the insurgents. And soon the disturbance was intensified by a declaration of war by Servia, which professed to be moved by a sympathy with the revolted provinces to a course which threatened to procure her own ruin. During the spring a rising of trivial importance occurred in Bulgaria. The Turks were urged by the English Government to be prompt in restoring order throughout the disturbed territories. Bulgaria was chosen for the premeditated exhibition of Turkish vigor and justice. A force sufficient to overcome all resistance occupied the unhappy state, which was now the victim of atrocities scarcely paralleled in modern Europe. Christian villages were plundered and burned, their inhabitants slaughtered by thousands, and women, little chil- dren, and unoffending old men perished under nameless torture. The dead lay in heaps in the churches, to which they had vainly fled for shelter, and the dogs tore their unburied flesh as they rotted by the wayside. ENGLAND AND RUSSIA 303 Through the efforts of an English newspaper, details of these infamies reached London and were revealed to the world. Unworthy attempts were made by the friends of the Turks — for even in England they had friends — to deny and then to soften the appalling facts. But these were frustrated without difficult}". The British people read in the Bulgarian atrocities the true character of the savage Power which, they had so long upheld. Their indignant horror made a sudden breack in the “ hereditary policy ” of the Government, and for the time saved the nation from the shame of saving the Turks from the vengeance which their iniquities had provoked. The Emperor of Russia availed himself of the opportunity created by the revul- sion of English sentiment. He proposed that Turkish misrule should be forcibly terminated, and intimated that if Europe failed to join him in this urgent work he was prepared to act independently. A vain attempt was made by a conference of the great Powers to bring the disturber of the public peace to reason. The stubborn Porte would not yield to the counsel and entreaty of Europe, The great Powers desisted from their efforts, and ceased to interpose between Turkey and the measureless calamities which impended. In due time Russia declared war, and moved her armies to the frontier. Two great natural lines of defense — the Danube and the Balkan Mountains — lie between Turkey and her assailant. Efficiently held, these would have long delayed the Russian advance, and could not have been forced without a large expenditure of life. But the supreme commander of the Turks allowed the river to be crossed without firing a shot. The passes of the Balkans were so weakly held that Shipka was seized almost without fighting, and Russian troops in force occupied the northern parts of Roumelia. Then it was that the Turks roused themselves from this fatal lethargy. The weak old man who had led their armies to so little pnrpose was dis- placed, and successors were appointed, with orders to give immediate battle. The Russians, scorning an enemy who seemed incapable of effective resist- ance, had ventured too far, and lay exposed to the blows that an enterprising commander might strike. General Gourko was driven back into the Balkans by a rapid concentration of Turkish forces, and for a time it looked as if he would be compelled to surrender. Osman Pasha led an army to Plevna, a Roumelian town lying in a valley commanded by a series of ridges on which were hastily constructed intrenchments and redoubts. For five months the interest of the war centred in this little town. The Turkish general was resolute, full of resources, and utterly regardless of life. His soldiers, splen- didly armed, were brave, obedient, and enduring. The Russians, impatient with the obstacle, dashed themselves against Osman’s earthworks, and were 304 ENGLAND AND RUSSIA bloodily repulsed by tbe terrible musketry fire of bis soldiers. Wlien at length the unexpected difficulty of the enterprise was understood, General Todleben, who held Sebastopol against the English, was placed in command. Heavy masses of troops were drawn around Plevna, and communication with the outer world was completely shut off. Hunger would, in time, quell the defense of the Turks. Osman held out until Plevna became a charnel- house, filled with wounded and unburied dead. Then he made a desperate attempt to break through the encircling lines. But his strength was gone. Surrounded and powerless, he laid down his arms, after his long and hard fighting. The flower of the Turkish army had perished or been made captive at Plevna, and it was evident that the Mohammedan power to resist was near exhaustion. During all these months a Russian force held a position in the Shipka Pass in spite of desperate efforts made by the Turks to dislodge it. A few weeks after the fall of Plevna three Russian armies were led across the Balkans. The difficulties of the march were extreme. The roads were slip- pery with ice and often almost impassable from deep snow. Many men per- ished from the intense cold. But the Russians were animated by a spirit before which all obstacles vanished. They forced their way into Roumelia, and furiously striking the rear of the Turkish army guarding the outlet from the Shipka Pass, compelled its surrender. Twent}- thousand men laid down their arms. When the victorious Russians hurried to Adrianople, the terrified Turks begged for terms. Throughout the war they abated nothing of the atrocious cruelties in which their race has always taken delight. They took no prisoners ; all the Russians who fell into their hands were massacred, often with horrible torture. When the fortune of war left them in possession of a battle-ground they habitually murdered the wounded. The forbearance shown by the Russians under the provoca^ tion of these atrocities is worthy of all admiration. The Turkish wounded were cared for by the Russians as tenderly as their own, and the courage, endurance, and humanity of the victors were be3^ond praise. It was a work of extreme difficulty to frame the new political adjust- ments which the overthrow of Turkey rendered necessary. The Government of Lord Beaconsfield avowed its design of upholding so far as possible the integrity and independence of Turkey. Happily for the subject populations of the Turk, the ruin was too complete to permit full success in this questionable purpose. The terms to which Turkey was compelled to submit left her still in nominal possession of considerable ter- ritory, but involved her final extinction as a European Power at no distant ENGLAND AND RUSSIA 305 day. To the north of the Balkans, Bulgaria was erected into a principality, required to pa}^ a tribute, but wholly exempt from Turkish control. To the south of the great mountain range was the province of Eastern Roumelia, nominally under the political authorit}^ of the Sultan, but ruled b}^ a Christian Governor-General, and effectively protected against Turkish interference with her newly conferred privilege of self-administration. The independence which the Alontenegrins had maintained by arms for four hundred 3^ears was now recognized, and some addition of territor}^ given. Roumania and Servia received also a formal acknowledgment of their independence. Bosnia and Herzegovina were made over to Austria. Russia took back Bessarabia, of which she had been deprived in the time of her adversity twent^^-three years before, and Roumania was indemnified for her loss out of Turkish territor^n Russia also received Batoum, Kars, and Ardahan in Asia. England accepted C\^prus in requital of her friendly offices, and guaranteed the safet}^ of certain Turkish possessions in Asia — securing for herself certain rights to promote good government in these regions. When war began, in April, 1877, the Sultan ruled a European popula- tion of eight and a half millions, or if the tributary states are included, over thirteen millions. When the war closed, in Ju^q 1878, the tributary states Avere finally broken off from the empire. Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herze- govina, and Cyprus had passed from under Turkish dominion. Roumelia took the first step in a progress which must ultimately result in her eman- cipation. Of the vast European populations upon whom there fell, four or five centuries ago, the calamity of Turkish conquest, all excepting four millions have at last obtained deliverance. Had not England forbidden, these too would have been rescued, and the chapter of European history which is so dark with the miseries of Turkish rule would have been finally closed. The British Government of India had recognized Shere Ali upon his accession, and when in 1868, after his long struggle with his brothers, he obtained possession of Cabul, and became de facto ruler of the greater part of Afghanistan, direct assistance was given him in securing the position for Avhich he had fought. Sir John Lawrence, then Indian ViceroAq sent him first two, afterward four lacs of rupees, with 3,500 stands of arms. The next Viceroy of India, Lord Mavo, met the Ameer in state at Umballe, in March, 1869. was then explained to him that Her Majes^’s Government had no desire to interfere with the affairs of Afghanistan except to check civil Avar, and by so doing, to secure the peace and prosperity of the countr}^ This intimation Avas accompanied by another \Muable present. In the same year 306 ENGLAND AND RUSSIA the Ameer decided to invade Bokhara and attack the Russians, but was restrained by Englisli remonstrance. After 1869, Shere x\li endeavored to secure tranquillity in Afghanistan. He did not forget the strife that had been occasioned by intrusting power to relatives, and he endeavored to replace the members of his family as much as possible with strangers. He also indicated very clearly that he did not intend to select as his heir his son Yakoob — who, at an early age, showed great ability as Governor of Herat, and on many occasions gave his father valuable assistance — but a younger son, Abdullah. The claims of Yakoob to the Government of Afghanistan were ignored, and the result was a rebellion in 1870, headed by him, against his lather. In the following year, however, a reconciliation was effected through the intervention of England. In 1869, was agreed by England and Russia that all the provinces between the Oxus and the Hindu Kush should be treated as part of Afghanistan. In 1878, in consequence of Russia’s new diplomatic relations wdth Afghan- istan,. Shere Ali w^as invited to receive a British mission. The refusal of the Afghans to admit the mission, which had advanced to the mouth of the Khyber Pass, led, after some fruitless negotiations, to war. Hostilities began with the forcing of entrance to the Khyber toward the end of Novem- ber. There was severe fighting, but the invaders Avere everywhere success- ful. Before the end of December, Jelalabad Avas occupied Avithout resistance, and Candahar a little later. Shere Ali, avIio had fled, died early in 1879; and Yakoob Khan, proclaimed Ameer, made peace in May folloAving. The terms provided there should be a British Resident at Cabul ; and that Great Britain should defend Afghanistan against foreign aggression, the Ameer receiving a subsidy. The Kuram, Pishin, and Sibi Valleys became British territory, and the Khyber and Mishni Passes came under British control. But in September of the same year the revolted troops of the Ameer sur- rounded and attacked the British Residenc3^ The Resident, Sir Louis Cavagnari, and his staff, Avith almost the Avhole of their Indian guard, Avere slain after a desperate and sanguinary struggle. Measures Avere immedi- ately taken by the Indian Government to punish the authors of the outrage. The Ameer placed himself under British protection, and abdicated his sov- ereignt3^ After some fighting Cabul Avas occupied by English troops in the beginning of October. The AA^ar Avas maintained in a desultory Ava3^ ; and it Avas not till the middle of 1880 that peace negotiations Avere again fairly undertaken. Progress seemed to have been made Avhen Abdurrahman, son of Dost Mohammed’s eldest son, and long under Russian protection, vA^as proclaimed BEFORE THE BATTLE OF PLEVNA. AFTER THE BATTLE OF PLEVNA. The horrible atrocities committed by Turkish irregular troops after the revolt in Bulgaria was such that Russia was comi)elled to invade Turkey in April, 1877, when the last Russo-Turkish War began. At first the Rus.sian troops were miserably handled and suffered severe losses and defeats. One of the worst repulses was at the Battle of Plevna, which was vainly assaulted several times. Peace was restored by the Congress of Berlin, sitting in .Tune and .July, 1878. H O O H H P 3 W W h-5 O g S Ph Iz; o P 5 o 3 O TZ >• ^ 3 — a; oT O ^ -= =3 a ^ o « M O S OJ 2 ^ O r" aj « S-< ^ 2 § ^ a; - cs Jr o 5^0 S S •s « M ^ ^11 ENGLAND AND RUSSIA 307 Ameer of Cabiil. A few days later England was startled by the intelligence that an English force had met with a very severe defeat near Candahar at the hands of Ayoob Khan, Yakoob’s brother. The disaster was avenged on September i, when General Roberts, the hero of the South African war^ marching from Cabul, routed and dispersed A3^oob’s army ; and shortly afterward the English troops began to withdraw from Afghanistan. In 1877, Sir Bartle Frere became Governor of Cape Colony and High Com- missioner for South Africa. “ No man had a kinder heart or a more earnest desire to promote the welfare of the people of the country, white and black, the Zulus as well as British subjects. But war with Cetewayo had become a necessity, and he could not avoid it without betra^dng his trust. It w^as his duty to protect the Queen’s subjects, and unquestionably maii}^ of them were in imminent peril, and would so remain until the Zulu military system was destroyed. Unfortunately the Commissioner did not know the real strength of the Zulu army, and none of those upon whom he depended for information was able to tell him.” Cetewayo gave him more than one cause for offense. A powerful Zulu force paraded along the British border, and the chief spoke of it as a mere hunting party. English officials who were sent into Zululand as envo^^s were contemptuously used by the Indunas. Zulu subjects crossed the boundary, seized two women on Natal soil and carried them away to death, while Cetewa3"0, when called upon for redress, treated the matter as of trifling importance. In several serious disturbances by Bantu tribes, in different parts of South Africa, the agency of the Zulu chief was clearly established, and in many other respects he showed him- self an enemy to the civilized Governments of the country. In December, 1878, Sir Bartle Frere, having collected a military force in Natal which every one believed to be strong enough for his purpose, sent an ultimatum to Cetewayo, in which he demanded redress for the injuries sustained, and called upon the chief to disband his army. As no notice was taken of the message, on the loth of January, 1879, an English army entered Zululand in three divisions, consisting partly of British soldiers, partly of colonists, and partly of blacks. Ten days after crossing the Buffalo the central column formed a camp at the foot of the hill Isandlana — that is. The Little Hand — within sight of the Natal border. The country was so rough that it needed all that time to construct a road along which, provisions could be conveyed. On the following morning, part of the column, wdth Lord Chelmsford, the com- mander-in-chief, left the camp and moved off to attack a kraal several miles distant. Some Dutch farmers had advised the English of&cers to take 308 ENGLAND AND RUSSIA precautions against surprise, and had told them of the encounters with Dingaan, but their warnings were disregarded. Nothing was done for protection at Isandlana, though there were wagons enough to form a laager. Not a trench was dug, nor a spadeful of earth thrown up in a bank. No one even dreamed of danger until a little before noon on the 22d of January, 1879, when the horns of a Zulu army, about twenty thou- sand strong, were closing around the camp. The fight for life was fierce and desperate, but the odds on the enemy’s side were too great, and the dreadful disaster was soon over. A few, principally mounted irregulars, managed to make their way through the circle of Zulu spears, before it was quite closed, but the ground was full of boulders and dry beds of occasional torrents, so that many of these were overtaken and killed. With them were Lieutenants Melvill and Coghill, who were trying to save the colors of the first battalion of the Twenty-fourth regiment, and who reached the Natal bank of the Buffalo before they were struck down. The colors were found in the river some days afterward. At Isandlana nearly seven hundred British soldiers and thirty colonists were slain, for the Zulus gave no quarter. The victors lost about three thousand men. Information of the disaster reached Lord Chelmsford in the afternoon. An officer had ridden toward camp, and seen it in possession of the Zulus. The party with the general, though weary from marching in the hot sun, at once commenced to retreat, for all its stores of every kind were lost. Isandlana was reached shortly after nightfall, and there among the corpses of their slain comrades, officers and men alike, lay down and tried to rest. The Zulus, after plundering the camp, had retired. At early dawn the retreating band resumed its march, and reached Natal without being molested. At Rorke’s Drift, where the column had crossed the Buffalo, there was a small depot of provisions and a hospital, and there a hundred and thirty soldiers, under Lieutenants Bromhead and Chard, had been left to keep open communication with Natal. About five o’clock in the after- noon this post was attacked by between three and four thousand of the ver}^ best of the Zulu soldiers, commanded by Dabulamanzi, a brother of Cetewayo. Fortunately the garrison were warned in time to make a laager of sacks of maize and boxes of biscuits, behind which they maintained such a gallant defense until four o’clock in the morning of the 23d that Dabulamanzi abandoned the attack. Over three hundred of his men were lying dead around the laager. Of the garrison, seventeen were dead and ten wounded. This splendid defense saved Natal from invasion, for if the post had fallen, the colony would have been open to the Zulus. ENGLAND AND RUSSIA 309 The other columns fared better than the one whose fate lias been told. Colonel Pearson, with about two thousand European combatants and the same number of blacks, crossed the Tugela near the sea, and marched toward Ulundi, the Zulu capital, where tlie whole of the invading forces intended to unite. At Inyesane he was attacked by a Zulu army, between four and five thousand strong, but beat it back with heavy loss, and on the 23d of January reached the Norwegian mission station, Elshowe. There learning of the disaster at Isandlana, he sent his cavalry and blacks back to Natal, and fortified the station, where he remained until reinforcements arrived from England. The third column consisted of about seventeen hundred British soldiers, fifty farmers under Commandant Pieter Uys, and three or four hundred blacks, and was commanded by Colonel Evelyn Wood. This column was not attacked on its march, and after Isandlana fortified a post at Kambula, where it remained. Colonel Wood managed to inflict much injury upon the Zulus in his neighborhood by frequent sallies, but on one occasion, at a mountain named Holobane, his patrol was nearly sur- rounded and ninety-six of the party were killed. Among them were Com- mandant Uys, Colonel Weatherley, and the son of the latter, a mere youth, who died at his father’s side, just as Uys’s brother had died b}^ his father’s side forty-one years before. On the day after this event the laager at Kambula was attacked by a niimerous Zulu army, which suffered tremen- dous loss before it retired discomfited. In the beginning of April, Lord Chelmsford, with a strong force of sol- diers and sailors, marched from Natal to the relief of Colonel Pearson at Elshowe. On the way he was attacked at Ginginhloon, but repulsed his assailants, and succeeded in reaching the station. As soon as intelligence of the disaster at Isandlana reached England, strong reinforcements ^vere sent out, and before June, nine thousand soldiers, cavalry and infantry, with an immense quantit}^ of munitions of w'ar and provisions, reached Natal. With them came the young Prince Imperial of France, only son of Empress Eugenie. Some time later he rode out from camp with a small reconnoitring party, which was surprised, while resting in the bush, by a band of Zulus. The Prince, being unable to mount his horse, was stabbed to death by the assagais, or spears, of the savages, his companions having cow- ardly abandoned him and ridden away. Dispatches soon reached South Africa announcing that Sir Garnet Wolseley had been appointed com- mander-in-chief of the force. High Commissioner for Southeastern Africa, and administrator of the territories bordering on the seat of war. Lord Chelmsford was at that time completing his arrangements for an advance 310 ENGLAND AND RUSSIA upon Ulundi. It looked as if lie was to be deprived of the satisfaction of bringing the war to an end. Sir Garnet Wolseley arrived before the 4th of July, when Ulundi was reached and the final battle fought; but Lord Chelmsford was still in command of the column. It is estimated that about ten thousand Zulu soldiers were killed before the end of June. Some twenty thousand more had lost heart, because of their failure to capture a single laager during the war, and consequently they had deserted and dispersed. With from fifteen to twenty thousand who remained true to him, Cetewayo awaited the British army at Ulundi. Lord Chelmsford formed his troops in a hollow square, against which the Zulus dashed in vain. Beaten back by a terrible storm of bullets, and hav- ing no hope of breaking the British square by even the heaviest sacrifice, they turned to retire, when the cavalry was let loose upon them. They dis- persed, never again to rally. CHAPTER XXXIII (NINTH DECADK) PROGRESS AT HOME [^Resume . — The annals of our country during the eighth and ninth decades of the century make agree- able reading. There was peace and there was progress. ] O UR record of the Ninth Decade sets out tragically. President Garfield was shot to death by the assassin Guiteau. Of Garfield, one of his most intimate friends has said : “ The world likes to hear of the per- sonality of its heroes — their habits, tastes, peculiarities, likes and dislikes. I may be pardoned, therefore, for speaking of things in connection with the dead President which would be of trifling interest, if not an impertinence, if said of one not widely loved and honored. General Garfield had a warm, affec- tionate nature. The people he liked were very dear to him. He took them to his heart and gave them his full confidence. He would often sit down beside a friend and throw his arm over his neck, or put his hand on his shoulder or knee, as the natural expression of his liking, or in walking would place his arm through that of the friend. He had a wa}^ of calling an intimate friend ©r comrade ^ old boy ’ or ‘ old fellow,’ and once, when Colonel Rockwell thanked him for some kindness, he said, putting his hand on his friend’s shoulder, ‘ Oldbo}^, the ties of friendship are sometimes stronger than those of blood !’ General Garfield’s tastes were all simple. He had no longings for luxury. His home life was that of the plain New England farmer element from which he sprang, broadened and beautified by culture, but taking little note of the fancies and extravagances of fashion. He liked substantial furniture, good engravings, a big cane-seat chair, an open fire, a simple meal, a wide-brimmed felt hat, and easy-fitting clothes. His table was bountifully supplied with plain, well-cooked food, but he made his meals such feasts of reason that his guests scarcely noticed what they ate. He regarded formal dinners as a bore, and avoided them as much as a 311 312 PROGRESS AT HOME famous man well could whose company was much sought by the dinner- giving people in Washington ; but he enjoyed lingering at his own table with his wife, his children, his old mother, and two or three friends, and unbending his mind from the strain of the day’s work with chat and anecdotes. His memory for anecdotes was almost as good as Lincoln’s, but he remembered best such as he got in his reading of biography and histor}^, and were applicable to some intellectual theme he w^as discussing, rather than the merely quaint and humorous. There was not, as there was in Lincoln’s, an under-current of melancholy in Garfield’s nature. Until he was nominated for President I never saw in him anything like soinbreness, foreboding, or a disposition to find a sad side in human life. His nature was sound, buoyant, aspiring, and undisturbed by morbid sensibility. He loved men and women, thought the world a good place to live and work in, and believed that when we get through with the affairs of earth we go to a better country. After he was nominated for the presidency a more serious and at times solemn mood came upon him. He began to like to be alone, which was quite a new thing for him, for he used to want companionship at all times, even when reading or writing, and he got a sad and weary earnest- ness of expression which he never had before.” The presidential elections of 1876, 1880, and 1884 had shown a singu- larly nice balance between the two national parties in the aggregate popular vote. That vote, which was about eight million three hundred thousand in 1876, had swelled to nine million two hundred thousand in 1880, and to more than ten millions in 1884 5 relative strength of parties had changed scarcely at all while it grew. In 1876 the Democrats had had a majority of a little more than two hundred and fifty thousand in the aggre- gate vote; in 1880 the Republicans had a plurality of nine hundred and fifteen, more than three hundred thousand votes having gone to the “ Green- back ” party, and in 1884 the Democrats had a plurality of less than sixty- three thousand, some three hundred thousand votes having again been diverted to other parties. While parties were thus held in equilibrium, most of the men who had guided the legislation of the war and of reconstruction passed out of politics and their places were taken by new men. Old questions, now practically settled, fell into the background ; new questions, bred of the new times, thrust themselves imperatively forward. By an act passed in 1880 the use of Federal troops at the polls had been forbidden, and with the abandon- ment of Federal interference with elections the “ Southern question ” fortu- natel}" lost its prominence in party programmes. Financial, economic, and PROGRESS AT HOME 313 administrative interests produced the problems of the day. The most prominent of these questions were the coinage of silver, the reform of the civil service, the reduction of tariff duties, the control of corporations, par- ticularly the great interstate railways, and the purification of the ballot. Divisions of opinion concerning these matters b\' no means coincided with party lines. The platforms of the two parties became singularly alike, and upon many points alike ambiguous. Neither party could feel sure before- hand of its votes upon particular questions. Upon the most familiar of the subjects of debate — the tariff — there existed, of course, traditional views. The Democratic party had always been in the past a low-tariff party ; its utterances upon this head were more consistent, and more unbroken in their consistency, than its expressions upon aii}^ other point of polic3\ The Re- publicans, on their part, inherited not only the principles of the Whigs, but had also put them into practice to an extent hitherto unprecedented in the financial legislation of the war times. But nothing showed more extraordi- nary growth since the war than manufacturing industry, and there w^as now an influential section of the Democrats also, led by Mr. Samuel J. Randall, of the great mining and manufacturing State of Pennsylvania, which was opposed to a reduction of the tariff duties. While repeated efforts were made, therefore, by the advocates of tariff reform to secure legislation upon this subject during the period we have now under consideration, nothing of any consequence was accomplished. In 1882 a Tariff Commission, constituted by act of Congress, traveled through the country, taking testimony as to the state of industr}^ and the effect upon it of the existing tariff laws ; and in the session of 1882-1883, acting upon the report of this commission. Congress provided for a slight reduction of duties. But be^’^ond this nothing was done. The tariff ques- tion can hardly be said to have become definitively a part}^ question until Mr. Randall’s death broke the influence of the protectionist minorit}" among the Democrats, and President Cleveland’s message of December, 1887, finally committed his party to the old doctrines by its explicit and out- spoken advocacy of tariff reform. The question of silver coinage confused part}^ lines more than any other. By an act of July 14, 1870, it was provided that the bonds of the United States should be paid “in coin;” and an act of Februar}^ 12, 1873, suspended the coinage of silver, except for subsidiary coins ; the value of silver, therefore, as compared with gold, had very greatly depreciated, to the detriment, of course, of the silver-mining interests of the West. Gold was regarded, therefore, by that large class of persons who cannot comprehend 314 PROGRESS AT HOME monetary questions as “ dear ” money, and the coinage of silver was de- manded, ill order that the country might have an abundant supply of cheap ” money. This demand came, not from the commercial portions of the country, of course, where the true value of money was understood, but from the agricultural and mining regions of the South and West. The earnest opposition of the “ moneyed interest ” of the East to the legislation proposed only confirmed its advocates in their conviction that it was neces- sary for their protection against financial tyranny — against a government of the country from Wall Street. In February, 1878, a Republican Senate and a Democratic House united in passing the “ Bland Silver Bill ” (pro- posed by Mr. Bland of Missouri) by heavy majorities over the President’s veto. The act provided for the coinage of a silver dollar of 412)^ grains, which was made legal tender both for the debts of the Government and for the debts of private persons, and directed that the mints should coin such dollars at the rate of not less than two, or more than four, millions a month. Since the passage of that act, legislation upon the subject of the coinage has been always impending, but never accomplished — both parties having wished, for the sake of keeping in favor with the South and West, to please those who desire the unlimited coinage of silver ; but neither party has ven- tured to force the necessary legislation through in face of influential oppo- sition from quarters equally important. It remains one of the questions around which elements in both parties tremble, but do not cr3^stallize. In the matter of the reform of civil service, there had been equally con- fusing party division, but none made satisfactory progress in legislation. Congress withdrew its support from the reform, as we have seen, in 1874, and the members of both houses had too keen a relish for their share in dispensing the patronage of the Government to wish to see legislation upon the subject revived. But after the scandalous and tragical events of the spring and summer of 1881, it was impossible to resist any longer the press- ure of opinion. Almost immediately after Mr. Garfield became President, in j\Iarch, 1881, both of the Senators from New York resigned their seats because he would not allow them to dictate his choice of a collector for the port of New York. The country soon received tragical proof of what clamor for olfice means. On January 9, 1883, therefore, the “ Pendleton Civil Service Act ” passed Congress, with the support of both parties. It was proposed by a Democratic Senator, Mr. Pendleton of Ohio, in a Republican Senate; passed the Senate and the Democratic House b}" good majorities; and was promptl}^ signed by the Republican President, who had previously declared his willingness to support such an act. It authorized the President PROGRESS AT HOME 315 to order appointments to the civil service to be made by competitive exam- ination, and to constitute a Civil Service Commission for the management and development of the system. President Arthur put it immediately into force. The multiplication of railways facilitated the acquaintance of Southern with Northern people far beyond what was possible before the war. Trav- eling salesmen from the North penetrated the remotest hamlets of the South, impelled by every consideration to produce the most favorable im- pression possible. The selection of Southerners for important national offices by Presidents Grant, Hayes, Arthur, and Cleveland, the election of the last-named, a Democrat, as President in 1884 and 1892, and the exist- ence of a Democratic inajority in the House of Representatives almost constantly from 1874 — all felicitously combined to beget in the people of the South a conviction that they were really and truly citizens of the Union again. The rise in several Southern States of a strong Republican organi- zation among the whites wrought in the same direction. Nor must we over- look, as another cementing influence, the fraternizing of Northern and South- ern soldiers in great reunions, such as occurred at Gettysburg, Richmond, and other places. The South’s material prosperity kept pace with her political peace. It had always been said that cotton was to be produced only by slave labor, but this assertion was now disproved. The largest cot- ton crop under slavery, that of i860, reached 4,669,770 bales. In 1871, 1876, and 1877, each, notwithstanding the economic chaos and the measure- less destruction of capital occasioned by the war, those figures were almost equalled; in 1878 they were surpassed; in 1879 and 1880, each, over 5,000,000 bales were raised; in 1881, 1883, and 1886, each, over 6,000,000, the exact figure for the year last named being 6,550,215. In 1890, 7,472,511 bales were produced. Says Professor Andrews : “ This cotton exhibit is sufficiently gratif}^- ing, yet the post-bellum crops might have been far larger had not much energy at the South been happily diverted into manufacturing channels. This is one of the most hopeful features of the New South. Nearly ever}^ department of industry in this kind is now pushed there at many points. Nashville has become a great manufacturing and commercial city. It boasts one of the largest foundries in the countr^q and several flourish- ing cotton factories. Chattanooga, Birmingham, and Anniston are all thrifty with iron and steel industries, which rival the most prosperous ones at the North ; nor are there wanting those who predict that the region of those cities, viz.. Southern Tennessee with Northern Georgia and Alabama, 316 PROGRESS AT HOME is speedily to become the centre of iron and steel production for tlie world.” The lumber trade of Chattanooga, particularly in the white woods, is said to be second onl}^ to Chicago’s. The city also has a tannery, believed to be the largest in the world, and more than one fully appointed Bessemer steel manufactory. These steel works and the tannery employ colored operatives almost exclusively, many of them exceedingl}^ skillful. Birmingham is entirely a creation of the days since the war, 3^et it has already more than twenty-six thousand inhabitants, against three thousand in 1880, and enjoys marvelous prosperit}^, hindered only by speculation in land. Much of the marble in the mountains of Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia is finer than aii}^ found elsewhere in this country. The block of marble forwarded from Alabama for the Washington Monument experts condemned for the purpose as certainly Italian, nor was it permitted a place in that structure till the Governor of the State and the Members of Congress therefrom certified upon honor, and the quarry-masters made affidavit, that it came out of the Alabama hills. Atlanta has risen from the ashes in which the war left it, to be a city of over sixt^^-five thousand people, with every promise of great industrial life and progress. Between 1870 and 1880, although the population of Mobile decreased, that of Charleston rose about one and one-fifth per cent., that of Savannah about five and one-quarter per cent., that of New Orleans about thirteen per cent., of Richmond about twenty-six per cent. Between 1880 and 1890, Mobile advanced about six and one-half per cent., Charleston almost ten per cent.. Savannah over forty per cent., New Orleans over twelve per cent., and Richmond exactly twenty-eight per cent. It would be mislead- ing, however, to suppose the progress in material welfare indicated by these and the foregoing statements is true of every district in the South. The merely agricultural regions are still far behind. Methods of tilling the soil are much the same as prevailed fort}^ years ago, and it is not unlikely that the colored people, who largely have immediate charge of this work, prose- cute it, as 3"et, with less skill than did overseers and planters before slavery was abolished. Yet in 1890 the farm valuation of the South was found to exceed its highest ante-bellum figures and almost to equal one-fifth of the entire valuation of the countr3^ To the general backwardness of Southern agriculture there is one striking exception. The State of Florida has undergone, of late 3^ears, a most astounding change for the better. Her total railway mileage of 416 miles when the w^ar ended had grown to 2,470 miles by 1890. The farm valuation was in 1880 twenty and one-half million dollars. The population in 1890 exceeded that of 1880 by almost PROGRESS AT HOME 317 fifty per cent. Steamboats are upon every coast and river. This is due not alone to the State’s popularity as a winter sanitarium for Northern people. It is also the early market-garden for the North. Its oranges largel}^ supply the trade, and are much sought for because of their excel- lent qualit}^ The State is excessively rich in the finest ornamental woods, which are rapidly finding their way into the market. Nearly all the crops of the temperate zone and the fruits of the torrid flourish there with the utmost luxuriance, many of them being natives, others taking to the soil with a greater friendliness than they displa3^ed for that whence they were transplanted. Fully fifty varieties of sub-tropical trees that grow nowhere else in the Union adorn Florida’s ke^^s and coasts. The State promises to rival Louisiana in the production of sugar, and South Carolina in that of rice, and it is not impossible that at no distant day it will supply the entire American demand for cocoanuts. The mulberr}^ is indigenous to every part of this new Eden, which may, therefore, at no late date become an im- mense producer of raw silk. Cattle feed and fatten everywhere without shelter, in winter as in summer. No one can predict with certainty the future of the colored race. After the census of 1870, which reduced the percentage of our African population from 14. 1 (the figure of i860) to 12.7, many rushed to the conclusion that these people might, ere long, vanish from our land. The census of 1880, however, dispelled this fanc}^ for the percentage rose to 13. i, while that of 1890 increased it to 13.5. Previously to 1870, the race had been steadily decreasing in fecundity, but the more favorable conditions afforded by free- dom may have changed this. Even should the decrease continue, the colored people ought to have been at least eight or ten per cent, of our total population in 1900. As the climatic area where they have an^^ advantages over whites in the battle of life is less than the per cent, named, their success in the struggle will depend upon their ability to compete with the rival blood in higher callings. Their promise so to improve is, on the whole, good, and as educational appliances on their behalf multiply must improve. Aside from West Virginia, made during the war from the lo3"al part of Virginia, the new States admitted into the Union since i860 are: Kansas, 1861; Nevada, 1864; Nebraska, 1867; Colorado, 1876; North Dakota, 1889; South Dakota, 1889; Montana, 1889 ; Washington, 1889 ; Idaho, 1890, and Wyoming, 1890. The wdiole number of States thus became forty- four. We had also, in the year 1894, four organized Territories, Arizona, New Mexico, Utah, and Oklahoma, carved out of the Indian Territor3^ in the year 1890. Alaska is as yet a partially organized Territor3q having no 318 PROGRESS AT HOME territorial Legislature, and being under tlie laws of the United States and the State of Oregon. It was purchased by the United States from Russia, in 1867, for the sum of $7,200,000. It remained without any organization until the act of May 17, 1884, which gave it a governor, a district court, an attorney, a marshal, and commissioners. The value to our Union of this new acquisition, with its 531,409 square miles and a coast line longer than that upon our Atlantic and Gulf coasts together, was at first doubtful, and may be pronounced to some extent so even now. Yet the mone}^ was evi- dently not thrown awa}^ Governor Swineford, appointed over the Terri- tor}^ in 1885, declares that throughout Southern Alaska and the Aleutian Islands the climate is moderate, even in winter, and he gave records of ther- mometrical observations which seem to prove this statement. He further maintains that, in the parts named, all our hardier plants grow to maturity in summer, and attain an extraordinary luxuriance. In 1890’ 4,298 white people had homes in Alaska, besides 1,823 inixed, 23,531 Indians, and 2,288 klongolians, a total population of 32,052. The Alaska Commercial Company pays the United States $55,000 3^early for its monopoly of the Alaska seal-fur trade. The product of this business is about $2,500,000 each year. An official report made to our Gov- ernment states that in the year 1880, $2,181,832 worth of Alaska furs found sale ill London alone. Coal has been discovered in various places. So has white marble. Gold-bearing ledges are numerous, and the only one of these 3^et broached, that on Douglas Island, has certainly yielded well. The mill connected with it, working only the equivalent of two-thirds time, turned out during its first twelve months a little over $750,000 worth of gold bull- ion. For the year 1889, from somewhat imperfect returns, the product frojii this remote patch of our national domain was as follows : Seal fisher- ies, $314,925, a falling off of over eighty per cent, in nine years ; other fish- eries, $1,059,365, an increase of about one hundred per cent, for the same period; 43,762 troy ounces of gold and 9,219 troy ounces of silver. In 1890 there were ten manufacturing establishments, whose product amounted to $58,440. Since i860 there has been a steady filling up of the Pacific coast, ’ and an equally continual extension of population to the west on this side the Rockies. All Iowa is reclaimed, and all Minnesota but the extreme northwest corner. The rate of interest has in fifteen years gone down in Iowa from ten to seven or eight per cent., in Michigan from ten to six or seven per cent. Chicago, from being only a borrower of money, has grown to be an immense lender for enterprises in the West. Settlements in Kan- sas, Nebraska, and Texas have moved westward with strength and rapidit}^ PROGRESS AT HOME 319 Some of Nebraska’s finest new towns, like Hastings, are well toward tlie State’s extreme western border. The construction of the five great Pacific railway lines, the Northern, the Union, the Atlantic and Pacific, the Southern, and tlie Great Northern, with their various branches, has brought into valuable employ immense areas of fertile land previously no better than a desert. Texas has made most remarkable advance, both in square miles occupied and in density of population, brought about by great extension of railway mileage and the increase of sheep, cattle, and the area of wheat culture. Large portions of the Dakotas and Montana are filled with settlers. Colorado is a giant in produc- tion, the rush of population thither, in consequence of the extensive and rich mineral discoveries about Leadville, having caused a stampede almost like that of 1849-50 to California. Every hill was black with miners. The growth of New Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada, considering their natural wealth, has been slow, owing in part to Indian hostilities. Thus New Mexico has fallen from rank thirty-seven in 1870 to rank forty-three in 1890. Tucson, Arizona, according to the best figures, also fell off between 1880 and 1887 from ten thousand to seventy-five hundred inhabitants. In material things, Utah prospers greatly under thrift, economy, and hard work of the Mormons. There mining and speculation are less rigidly pressed, and more energy is devoted to agricultural pursuits. In California, a smaller proportion than formerly is now applied to mining, and a larger to agriculture and cattle-raising. Its southern part is becoming the competitor of Florida as a winter residence. Oregon and Washington vie with Minnesota for the world-medal in wheat culture. Over the vast pasture lands at both feet of the Rocky Mountains roam herds of bullocks, destined to feed distant cities in America and Europe. Many of these lands will in the course of time be ploughed, and through the aid of irrigation turned into corn fields, wheat fields, and market gardens, a proc- ess which in New Mexico is already well advanced. Not all, of course, can be utilized. There is a tract, enclosed by the parallels 31° and 45° and the meridians 100° and 120°, which seems destined to perpetual sterility, although many enterprises have been conceived and some, like the scheme of the Colorado River Irrigation Company, initiated for redeeming it. Crops grow there only under constant irrigation, and permanent w^ater supplies are painfully scarce. Next to no woodland exists, save near to the few streams, and of the scanty trees which grow, scarcely a single variety of hard wood is found. Texas and Wyoming have also each a small precious-metal product. The region comprised in the States and 320 PROGRESS AT HOME Territories above named is not only our richest precious-metal field, but one of the richest on the globe. The picture presented is not so glowing for the years 1893-94, during which great depression afflicted the entire West; but the prospect is that this check is only temporary. The city of San Francisco had 500 inhabitants in 1840, 34,776 in 1850, 56,802 in i860, 149,473 in 1870, 233,959 1880, 298,997 in 1890. This progress may be taken as in some sense an index of that of the West as a whole, far more so than the apparently spasmodic increase of some of California’s smaller centres. Los Angeles has mounted from a popula- tion of 5,728 in 1870, and of 11,183 in 1880, to one of 50,395 in 1890. Oakland had but 10,500 in 1870. Ten years later the figure was 34,555, and in 1890 it was 48,682. Stockton leaped from 10,287 in 1880 to 14,424 in 1890. In 1858, Denver was uninhabited. In 1870, it numbered 4,759 souls; in 1880, 35,629; in 1890, 106,713. Portland, far up in Oregon, numbered 46,000 inhabitants. In the decade 1880-90, Wyoming grew from 20,789 to 60,705. CHAPTER XXXIV (NINTH DECADE) ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD \_Rhume . — The Eighth Decade was an extraordinarily active one for England. During it, Queen Victoria was made Empress of India, and there occurred the Conference and Treaty of Berlin, the Turko- Russian War, and the troubles between Afghanistan and South Africa.] W HEN Gladstone returned to power, Mr. Forster was appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, with Eord Cowper as Viceroy. There was great distress in Ireland, and exceptional efforts had been made, both by the Government and the people of the country, to meet it. A benevolent fund had been raised, chiefly through the influence of the Duchess of Marl- borough, wife of the Lord-Lieutenant, and a Distress Relief Act had been carried by Parliament to empower the application of three-quarters of a million of the Irish Church Fund, and some good had unquestionably been done by the public and private eflbrt thus made to relieve distress ; but it was clear, from the results of the elections and from the speeches of the Irish leaders, that it was not to measures of this kind that the people looked for permanent relief. The unusual distress of 1879 had intensified and aggra- vated the chronic disaffection, and sixty members had been returned to Par- liament who were pledged to do their utmost to put an end to English rule in Ireland by securing Home Rule. Flushed with the brilliant success they had achieved, the Liberal party entered upon office confident that a career of prosperity lay before them. Lord Beaconsfield’s defeat had been brought about by the national repudiation of his foreign policy ; and, in the first instance, it was of foreign rather than domestic affairs that the new House of Commons was thinking. But Ireland at once came to the front. The existing Coercion Act would expire in a few weeks, and it was necessar}^ to secure its renewal before it lapsed ; but the Cabinet resolved to try the experiment of governing by 321 322 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD means of the ordinary law. The Lords threw out Mr. Forster’s measures intended to relieve Ireland. He did not scruple to avow his vexation and resentment at their summary rejection, and the dangerous effect it would have in the disturbed districts during the coming winter, which might lead to the adoption of much stronger measures, both of concession and coercion, than the Government had hitherto attempted. In response, Mr. Parnell, in addressing a great audience at Ennis, enunciated the plan already known as boycotting, whereby every man who took an evicted farm, and everyone who aided or abetted eviction, should be shunned as a leper in the fair, refused custom in the market, and treated as an intruder at the altar. Before the year was out the courts established by the Land League publicly heard and determined the merits of each case as it arose. The signal for acts of sum- mary violence was set by the fate of Lord Mountmorres, who had incurred popular dislike by his conduct as a rigorous magistrate, and was put to death on the highwa}^ near his own house in open daylight. Mr. Forster early proposed to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, and to prosecute the prominent movers of the agitation. Mr. Gladstone clung to the hope that the friends of law and order would combine to suppress the tendencies to outrage. The year i88i witnessed the passage of two important Irish measures. The first of these was a Protection of Life and Property Bill brought in in January by Mr. Forster, then Chief Secretary of Ireland. As was to be expected, this was vehemently opposed by the Nationalist members, who retarded it by every means in their power, one famous sitting of the House on this occasion lasting for forty-two hours, from five o’clock on Monday afternoon to nine o’clock the Wednesday following, and then only being brought to an end by the authority of the Speaker. By March, however, the bill passed, and in the following month, April 7, a new Irish Land Act was brought forward by Mr. Gladstone, and was passed after much opposi- tion the following autumn. The full scope and p^irport of this act it is far beyond the limits of these few pages to enter upon. Although, to some extent an outcome of the Act of 1870, it cannot in strictness be called a mere development or completion of it, being in many respects based upon entirely new principles. The most salient of these are what are known as the “ three F’s,” namely — Fixity of Tenure, Fair Rent, to be decided by a Land Court, and Free Sale. As regards the last two, it has been pointed out with some force that the one practically does away with the other, the only person benefited being the immediate occupier, at whose departure that fierce competitive desire for the land, which is the real root of the whole difficulty, being allowed freer play than ever. With regard to the first, its effect may ENGLISH TROUBLES AT EIOME AND ABROAD 323 be briefly stated as that of reducing the owner to the position of a rent- cliarger or annuitant upon what had before been his own estate, thereby depriving him — even where want of means did not effectually do so — of all desire to expend capital upon what had henceforth ceased to be his property, and over the management of which he had almost wholly lost control. That this is a change of a very sweeping character it is needless to say. Henceforward ownership of land in Ireland is no longer ownership in the ordinary sense of the word. It is an ownership of two persons instead of one ; and a divided ownership, even where two people work together har- moniously, is, as most of us are aw^are, a very trying relationship to main- tain, and is apt to be followed, sooner or later, by the effacement of the rights of one or the other. Kow these diverging rights are finally to be adjusted is at this moment the problem of problems in Ireland, and still imperatively awaits solution. In October of i88i, Mr. Parnell, Mr. Davitt, and other principal mem- bers of the Land League were arrested by order of the Government and lodged in Kilmainham jail, an event announced the same evening by Mr. Gladstone at the Guildhall banquet. The following May, the Liberal Government resolved, however, rather suddenly, to reverse their previous policy, and the Irish leaders w^ere set at liberty. About the same time Lord Cowper and Mr. Forster, the Lord Lieutenant and Chief Secretary, resigned, and were replaced by Lord Spencer and Lord Frederic^k Cavendish, who arrived in Ireland avowedly upon a mission of conciliation. The day of their arrival — May 6, 1882 — has been made only too mem- orable to the world by the appalling tragedy which took place the same evening in Phoenix Park, where Lord Frederick and Mr. Burke, the Lender Secretary, while walking together in the early dusk, were murdered b}^ a party of miscreants, who escaped before any suspicion of the crime was aroused, even in the minds of those who had actually witnessed the struggle from a distance. For many months no clue to the perpetrators of the deed was discoverable, and it seemed to be only too likely to be added to the long list of crimes for which no retribution has ever been exacted. Happily for Irish honor, this proved not the case, and six months later, in the month of January, 1883, a series of inquiries carried on in Dublin Castle led to the arrest of no less than seventeen men, all of whom were lodged in prison and bail for them refused. ' Among these was a man of somewhat higher social standing than the others — a tradesman, and member of the Dublin Council — the notorious James Carey, who not long afterward turned Queen’s evidence, and it was mainly through his testimony, supplemented by that 324 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD of two others, that the rest of the gang were convicted. At the trial it was proven that the murder of Lord PVederick Cavendish had formed no part of the original scheme, and had arisen accidentally out of the circumstance of his having joined Mr. Burke, who upon the resignation of Mr. Forster, the Chief Secretary, was selected by the Invincibles as their next victim. Con- viction was obtained without difficulty against all the prisoners, and five were shortly afterward hanged, the remainder receiving sentence of penal servitude, either for life or long periods. Carey’s own end was sufficiently dramatic. He was kept in prison, as the only way of insuring his safety until means could be found to get him out of the country. He w^as finally shipped, some months later, to the Cape. On his way thither he was shot dead by a man called O’Don- nell, who appears to have gone out with him for the purpose. His fate could certainly awaken no pity in the most merciful breast. By his own confession, not only had he to a great degree planned the murder and helped to draw the others into it, but had actually selected the ver}^ weapon by wffiich it was accomplished, so that of all the miscreants en- gaged in the perpetration of the crime, he was perhaps the deepest dA^ed and the most guilty. In December, iSSo, an insurrection broke out in South Africa. The insurgents were few in number, but the British troops in the country were still fewer and wholly unprepared, so they were obliged to surrender or were shut up and besieged in a few fortified posts. N Boer force seized the chief pass leading from the Transvaal into Natal, because this was the route which an English army coming to reconquer the country would be sure to take. Here they repelled a small English force, for the English had as very few soldiers in Natal, and shortl}^ afterward (Februar}^ 26, 1881) defeated and killed the English commander. General Colle}^ who, with a want of prudence that has never been accounted for, led a detach- ment to the top of a mountain (Majuba Hill) commanding the pass, without taking proper steps to guard the position or to secure support from the rest of his force. There were loud cries in England that vengeance should be taken for this defeat, which could easily have been avenged, for in a few weeks reinforcements arrived far too strong for the Boers to resist. But the British Government, much to its credit, gave no heed to these cries. It was to blame for having failed sooner to discover the real state of things in the Transvaal, and for not having done its best, by a prompt removal of grievances, to appease the discontent of the people. But, now that it knew the facts ; knew that the hasty annexation had been a blunder ; knew how many distinguished visitors present. Herder, 5 r/uozi\ Lessing ^CHiLLt^ 6CHLE'^^'' (iUEAT (JEU^IAN AT^THORS. (loctlic, one of I Ilf gr<‘:itf>1 of < if riiiaii writers, was horn ill 1749, and died in !.s;!2. Herder, jiliilosoplicr, jioft, a .d llieidogiaii, wa> liorn in 1744, ami died in I HO:'). Lessing, critic and dramatist, was Imh-ii in 1729, and difil in 17sl. Mommsen, historian, born in 1817. Schiller, poet, was born in 1759, and died in 1805. Pestalozzi, Swiss educator, born in 1746; died in 1827. Sfhlegel, critic and jioet, was born in 1767, and died in 1845. Heine, poet, was born in bsoo, and died in H56. ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD 325 much the Boers valued their independence ; knew how strong was the sym- pathy felt for them by the Dutch element all over South Africa — a sym- pathy which might have ended in a war with the Free State and a civil war ■in Cape Colony — they determined to undo the annexation of 1877. ^ ventioii was accordingly concluded in August, 1881, with the Provisional Government which the Transvaal had set up. By this instrument Britain recognized the Transvaal State as autonomous, reserving to herself, how- ever, the control of all foreign relations, and declaring the suzerainty of the Queen. The Cabinet of Mr. Gladstone was warmly attacked in England for its action in thus, as its opponents said, weakly surrendering to rebels, while others held that it had acted not only magnanimously, but also wisel}^, since the evil of a race conflict between English and Dutch in South Africa far outweighed the objections to sitting down under a defeat, espe- cially when all the world knew that the defeat could have been easil}^ avenged, were mere vengeance a proper object of war. Says Professor Bryce : “ Men still wrangle over the question in England, and may long continue to do so, for it is to some extent a moral as well as a political question, and different minds view moral problems differently. Regarded as a pure matter of politics, it may be pronounced to have been right, upon the data which the British Government then possessed, for there was nothing to be gained by reconquering a large country of slender value, and by undertaking to rule over a mass of disaffected subjects, while the danger of a race war in South Africa was to be at all hazards avoided. Nevertheless, as things have in fact turned out, much of the good which was then reasonably expected has failed to be secured. The Boers who deemed, and were indeed justified in deeming, the annexation of 1877 have been an act of pure force, which gave the British Crown no de jure title to their allegiance, thought that when the insurrection had succeeded, their republic ought to have been replaced in its old position under the Sand River Convention, a position of perfect independence. They, therefore, showed little gratitude for the concession of practical autonomy, and did not resign the hope of ultimately regaining complete independence. Besides, though they could not but see that the British Ministry had refrained from using their superior power to take vengeance which might have been easil}^ taken, the}" knew that the danger of alienating the Cape Dutch had been one of the motives which determined its conduct. However, the whole question might, and probably soon would, have lost its importance but for an event which happened four years after — the discovery in the Transvaal of a gold field unique in the world.” 326 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD When the Transvaal Boers had recovered their rights of internal self- government, they immediately began to work for two things — the concession of complete independence, such as they had enjo3’ed under the Sand River Convention, and the extension of their influence over the native territories that lay around them. Their War of Independence had stimulated in an amazing degree their national feeling, and had revived in them that bold and venturesome spirit which marked the first years after the Great Trek. To the east the Boers succeeded, after a long diplomatic controversy with Britain, in getting hold of Swaziland, a small native territory inhabited by a branch of the Zulu race. They would have liked to go still further and reach the coast of the Indian Ocean, but Britain anticipated them by step- ping in to proclaim a protectorate over the Kafir chiefs who held the un- healthy little strip of land that lies between Swaziland and the sea. This was in 1894. On the north the British Government, who had again begun to doubt the wisdom of annexing huge slices of Africa — though the tide of English sentiment was now setting strongly for expansion — refused to occupy the country which lay between the Limpopo River and the Zambesi. But it did not refuse to allow one of its enterprising subjects to obtain a charter from the Crown founding a company intended to acquire land and work mines in that country. Mr. Cecil Rhodes, an Oxford graduate, and son of an English country clergyman, who had made a fortune in the Kim- berley diamond mines, was the person who conceived this plan, and by whom the charter creating the British South Africa Compan}^ was procured. Under his auspices, a band of English settlers entered the unappropriated and little-known regions of Manicaland and Mashonaland, and in 1890 set up a government there. They were just too quick for the Boers, who had meditated a trek into the same region, where there is plenty of good pasture. Three years afterward the company established its power over the wide area of Matabeleland, west of Mashonaland, by a war with the martial tribe of Matabele, whose king, Lo Bengula, fled away and died. With these events the long rivalry for the possession of the interior between Dutch and English came to an end, and the Transvaal found itself sur- rounded on all sides by British territory, except on the northeast, where it abuts upon the dominion of Portugal. Those dominions, however, it could not acquire from Portugal even if Portugal were willing to sell them, because Britain has by treaty a right of pre-emption of the district around Delagoa Bay, the harbor which both the Boers and the English would be so glad to obtain. On the whole, therefore, the English came oif winners ; for, whereas the Boers got only Swaziland and part of Zululand, their rivals ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD 327 secured the vast areas of Bechuanaland on the west, of Mashoiialaiid and Matabeleland on the north. In its other aim, the recovery of independence, the Transvaal Govern- ment had a nearly complete success. In 1884 they persuaded the late Lord Derby, then Colonial Secretary in the British Cabinet, to agree to a new convention, whose articles supersede those of the convention of 1881. This later instrument sensibly enlarges the rights and raises the international status of the ‘‘ South African Republic ” (a title now conceded to what had been called in 1881 the “Transvaal State”). Under the convention of 1884, the British Crown retains the power of vetoing any treaties which the republic may make, except with the Orange Free State. But the republic is entitled to accredit diplomatic representatives to foreign courts ; the pro- tection of the natives is no longer placed under the care of a British Resi- dent ; the internal administration of the State is left entirely free from any sort of British control. The republic is, in fact, with the important ex- ception of the treaty-making power, to all intents and purposes independ- ent. Most people in England now blame Lord Derby, who was certainly an unlucky Colonial Minister, for making this convention. But his error — and it was an error — would have signified comparatively little but for the event which occurred immediately after it was committed. The convention was signed in 1884. In 1885 the auriferous conglomerate beds of the Wit- watersrand were discovered in the southern part of the Transvaal. They form not only the richest gold field in the world, but a gold field unlike any other in giving a fairly uniform and certain yield cf so much gold, rather greater in some beds, rather less in others, to the ton of ore. Until this discovery, the Transvaal had been, though a few gold reefs were being worked in the mountains on its eastern border, really a vast pastoral wilder- ness, very poor, and with only about one and a half white inhabitants to the square mile, most of them semi-nomad ranchmen. It was a country somewhat like New Mexico, though the population was smaller and the pasture thinner. Now a stream of immigrants from the rest of South Africa, from Europe, from Australia, and from North America, began to rush in, so that within a few years the white population more than trebled. The first result of this great and sudden change was to enrich those few of the Boer farmers who had owned and who now promptly sold the land where the gold beds were worked, and also to benefit a somewhat larger number by creating a market for agricultural produce. The revenue of the State, which had been trifling, began to rise rapidly. This was so far good. But the Government soon bethought themselves that the new- 328 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD comers (most of whom were British), when they had become citizens and began to cast their votes, would constitute a large section, and before long a majority, of the voters. They would then be able, by electing persons like themselves to the Assembly and to the executive offices of the State, to revolutionize it completely, swamping the old citizens, getting rid of the old-fashioned Boer ways — in fact, making the country an English instead of a Dutch country. From this prospect they recoiled in horror. It was not in order to be overrun at last by a crowd of English, Australian, and Ameri- can miners, employed by capitalists mostly of Jewish extraction, that they or their fathers had trekked out of Cape Colony, fought and vanquished the hosts of heathen Kafirs, founded their own republic, and thrown off b}^ their valor the yoke which England had for four years laid upon them. To keep out the immigrants and forbid the working of the mines might be difficult, and this course would, moreover, sacrifice the growing revenue that was' raised from the mines. The^q therefore, resolved to keep the immigrants, but to exclude them, at least for a good while to come, from exerting political power. This was done by lengthening the period of resi- dence and other formalities prescribed for the acquisition of burgher rights and therewith of the electoral franchise. The histoiy of modern Egypt began with the foundation of the semi- feudal dynasty of the reigning house by Mehemet Ali in i 8 ii. For three centuries Egypt had been under the rule of the Sultans of Turkey, and had received its governors from Constantinople. Yet even before the rise of Mehemet Ali, the authority of the Sultans in the land of the Nile was not absolute. It had always been more or less modified by the great Egyptian military caste, which, while conceding the feudal dependence of Egypt on Turkey, maintained the government of the Manilonk chiefs. The virtual ruler of Egypt was a native Be^q chosen by Be3^s. It was he who levied taxes, kept up a military force, coined money, and performed other acts of local sovereignty. The principal visible sign of Turkish ascendancy appeared in the annual tribute which was paid by Egypt into the coffers of the Sultan. Revolts to throw off the Turkish yoke altogether took place before that which, under Mehemet Ali, conferred upon Eg3qDt a virtual though not as yet an acknowledged independence. These former revolts had not prevailed ; but the hold of the Sultans had always been too weak to enable them to punish or degrade the revolting Beys. The invasion of Egypt by Napoleon well-nigh destroyed all semblance of Turkish authority on the Nile, which was only restored by the subsequent naval triumphs of Eng- ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD 329 land — always, for her own reasons, the prop and protector of the Turk. Yet even after Nelson had turned the tide of war in the IMediterranean at Trafalgar, the Beys were strong enough to depose, and even on one occa- sion to execute, the viceroys sent by the Sultan to rule over his restless dependency. Meheinet Ali, who in the history of Eastern politics holds a rank of the first magnitude as a warrior and a statesman, and to whose genius Egypt owes at least a far higher position among the nations than at any time since the time of her ancient splendor and power, was by birth a Macedonian, and by profession a soldier in the armies of the Sultan. He was as much a for- eigner in Egypt as any Turkish vicero}^ At the age of thirty-seven he had alread}^ won high military rank by reason of his extraordinary capacity, and found himself holding an important command in Egypt. Although he had fought vigorously against the disloyal Beys, he contrived to win the respect and even the affection of the Egyptians. Suddenly he was pro- claimed Viceroy by the native chiefs at Cairo ; and so feeble at this time was the Sultan’s grasp on Egypt that he actually withdrew his own Vice- ro}^ and acknowledged Meheinet Ali in his stead. No sooner did Meheinet Ali find himself in power than he set about building up a strong nationality. He suppressed the military aristocracy of the Mamlouks, which struggled against his promotion ; he reorganized the Egyptian forces; he conquered Syria; and he compelled Turkey to acknowledge by treaty his sovereignty, subject to feudal tribute, over Egypt and its recent acquisitions. So aggressive, indeed, became Mehemet Ali’s military aspirations that he is believed to have cherished an ambition to conquer European Turkey itself. Mehemet Ali gained an important advantage from international interference. By a treaty, of which the signatories were Turke^q England, Russia, and Austria, concluded in 1840, his right to Egyptian sovereignty was acknowledged, and this was declared hereditary" in his family. The principal restrictions imposed by this treaty on the Vice- roy were, that he should pay a large annual tribute to the Porte ; that his army should not be increased beyond a certain stated limit ; and that he should hold no direct diplomatic relations with other Powers. Mehemet Ali was wise and shrewd enough to accept this settlement in good faith. He had won the sanction of the great Powers to his viceregal powers ; he had shown the Sultan that his military prowess was not to be despised ; and he had long held in check all serious opposition to his rule among the Egyp- tians themselves. 330 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD He now directed his great abilities exclusively to the reorganization of Egypt as a State, and here his remarkable administrative genius found abundant scope. The system of Egyptian government which exists to-day was in the main Mehemet Ali’s creation and handiwork ; and, debased as Egypt is beneath the autocratic control of the foreigner, there are many traces through its present administrative constitution of a master hand in statecraft. It is declared, on high authority, to be “ incomparably the most civilized and efficient of existing Mussulman governments.” Maii}^ abuses of centuries’ growth and standing were abolished ; order was imparted to the official services ; education was somewhat promoted ; the finances were placed on a sounder basis, and the industries of Egypt were diligently fostered by this able sovereign. The successful construction of the Suez Canal materially modified the politics of Europe, changed both the internal and the external status of Egypt, and gave a new channel of transit to the commerce between Europe and Asia. It substituted for the long water-way around the Cape of Good Hope one which reduced the distance between Europe and Asia by about one-half. That such a communication should be actually established was a matter of very grave political moment to several of the European Powers. It lessened the military as well as the commercial route to India, and this was a matter of high importance to England. The same fact caused Russia to look with jealous eye upon its completion. Having been constructed, moreover, by a French company, and to a large extent by French capital, it was an enterprise in which France had an immediate concern. The project of M. Ferdinand de Lesseps to pierce the Isthmus of Suez with a canal, thus joining the waters of the Mediterranean to those of the Red Sea, was b}^ no means the first which had been conceived with that end in view. Far back in the time of the Pharaohs (about 1400 B. C.) a canal fifty-seven miles long is said to have been built on the isthmus. Darius made a similar attempt to unite the two seas, and it seems to be proved that a complete canal actually existed and was used some three centuries before Christ. The first Napoleon caused a survey of the isthmus to be made while he was in possession of Egypt ; and later Mehemet Ali seriousl}^ contem- plated the construction of a canal. But all these projects proved abortive until M. de Lesseps matured the scheme which, amid many formidable obstacles and much ridicule, he at last carried to successful completion. Ferdinand de Lesseps, when quite a ^^oung man, was a clerk in the French consulate at Cairo. As far back as 1830 he had begun to brood over ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD 331 the idea that a canal might be made, and to picture to himself the vast in- fluence that such a canal could not fail to have on the relations and destiny of nations. This dream occupied his mind and his studies for a quarter of a century. It was not until 1854, however, that Lesseps had matured his plan, and was ready to broach it to the Egyptian ruler. Said Pasha was then reigning, and from the first looked with a certain degree of favor on Lesseps’ project. He gave him a preliminaiy concession for a canal across the isthmus, and two years later made this concession a final one. Lesseps, knowing how deeply interested England must be in such a water-way if completed, applied to Lord Palmerston, then Prime Minister, for pecuniary aid in prosecuting the scheme. Palmerston onl}^ laughed him to scorn, declared the project impossible, and vigorously opposed Lesseps’ operations. The enthusiastic engineer was not to be dismayed by such a rebuff. Turning to his own country, Lesseps received prompt and substantial en- couragement. A company to construct the canal was formed with a capital of $40,000,000, in shares of $100, more than half of which was speedily taken up, for the most part in France. In i860, Said Pasha, convinced that the canal would be a great thing for Egypt, assumed all the shares yet unsold, which amounted to $17,500,000. Turkey, as the suzerain of Egypt, forbade the undertaking; but it is a striking evidence of how feeble Turkish power had become in the land of the Nile, that no attention was paid to the Sultan’s prohibition, and that Lesseps pursued his undertaking just as if no such potentate as the Sultan existed. Ground was broken on the Suez Canal on the 25th of April, 1859, near the site where the busy town of Port Said (named in honor of Said Pasha) has since grown up. A large part of the workmen were Egyptian fellahs, who had been subject to a forced conscription, called the corvee^ and were paid cheap wages by the company. Owing to the interference of the Eng- lish Government this supply of native vrorkmen was withdrawn just as the canal was getting fairly under way. The English also persuaded Ismail that the company, under the concessions made to it, would be too powerful from a political point of view. The issue of the differences which thus arose between the company and the Egyptian Government was that all mat- ters of disagreement were referred to the Emperor Napoleon III. The Emperor awarded the company an indemnity of $17,500,000, to be paid by Egypt for the loss of the corvee^ for the withdrawal of certain con- cessions of land, and for the resumption of the fresh-water canal. This added capital enabled the company to steadily pursue its great project. In 332 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD 1864, however, Lesseps was obliged to negotiate a loan founded on lottery drawings, to the amount of $33,330,000. A still further loan was contracted five years later of $6,000,000, and Egypt paid the company $6,000,000 more for the giving up of all rights on the fresh-water canal. The total capital of the company had now grown to $85,000,000 ; and this sum was increased later to $95,000,000. The construction of the canal occupied a little more than ten years ; and its completion w^as celebrated in November, 1869, by imposing fetes and ceremonies, at which the Empress of the French and many European notabilities assisted. The principal industry of Egypt is and has been for many years the cultivation of the land in what is called the Delta, and along the banks of the Nile. The Delta is an irregular triangle, enclosed between the two branches of the Nile which flow into the Mediterranean. Its base is about eighty miles in length, and its area about two thousand square miles. The Delta is fertile and almost wholly arable. The cultivable land above it, from Cairo as far as Assouan, has an average width, including both banks of the river Nile, of six miles, being wider at some points and narrower at others. Of course the limit of this arable land on either side is the line up to which the Nile overflows its banks in the spring. On either side the valley is shut in from the desert regions beyond by ranges of hills and mountains. For many years after Mehemet Ali’s death no effort was made b}^ the Egyptian rulers to extend their dominions in the Soudan. Ismail Pasha, however, formed a vast scheme of aggrandizement, in which he was encour- aged by the English in the hope that thereby the hideous slave trade of the upper Nile might be restricted, if not altogether crushed out. Ismail made the conquest of Darfour in 1875, and thereby added a large and, for the most part, fruitful province to his kingdom. Darfour produces wheat, rice, maize, and tobacco in abundance, and some cotton. It has mines of copper 'and iron, and is a prosperous cattle-raising country. It has a thriving trade with Egypt and Arabia in ivory, ostrich feathers, hides, and, it is unpleasant to add, in slaves. But the control of the Egyptian Khedives over the Soudan was never complete. It could only be maintained in the settled towns and at the isolated garrison posts. It could not reach out over the deserts and reduce the vast, wandering, barbarous, swarming Arabs and negroes to submission. Neither Baker nor Gordon could suppress, or more than temporarily limit, the slave trade. The principal fortress towns of the Soudan which have been garrisoned by Egyptian troops, and from which Eg3q3tian governors have tried to ENGLISH TROGBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD as: impose the decrees of Cairo, are Kliartoiiiii, Doiigola, Berber, Sheiidy, Seii- iiaar, all of which are on the upper Nile, and all except Sennaar below the junction of the two branches ; Kassala, which stands not far from the Abys- sinian frontier, near the Akbara — the largest affluent of the Nile, which empties into it below Khartoum ; and Suakin, a seaport on the Red Sea^ which is two hundred and forty miles from Berber, the nearest point to Suakin on the Nile. An abortive attempt was made by Ismail to construct a railway up the valle}^ of the Nile from Cairo to Khartoum ; but this rail- wa}^ up to the present time has only been completed for about two hundred miles to Siout, the distance from Cairo to Khartoum being about twelve hundred miles. Let us take up the narration of the events which have followed the overthrow of Arabi Pasha by the English and the consequent strengthening of the English hold on Egypt. Arabi’s defeat and capture left Egypt, indeed, completely at the mercy of England. With him the flower of the Egyptian army had been overthrown and dispersed ; and it had become necessary that the Khedive’s dominions should be protected by English troops. Early in the ninth' decade a startling rumor crept through the Moham- medan populations of Africa and Arabia that a man claiming to be the later Messiah of Islam, the successor of Mohammed, the chief of a new crusade, had made his appearance south of the Nubian desert. What gave greater importance to the rumor was, that for generations there has floated in the East a saying that in the latter part of this centur}^ a new prophet would arise ; would gather to him the scattered forces of the faithful ; and would restore the Moslem faith and power to their ancient height. The appear- ance of the new self-styled ‘‘ Mahdi ” was at first discredited. At Constan- tinople and at Mecca the news was received with indifference and contempt. Many an impostor has thus attempted to foist himself with prophetic authority on Islam, only to be overwhelmed with disaster and to be driven into obscurity and disgrace. But the stories of the latest Mahdi kept com- ing from the barbarous regions of the upper Soudan. It was said that a large though savage army had flocked to his standard ; that the tribes on the banks of the Blue and the White Nile were giving in their allegiance to him ; and that the disaffection which he had stirred up was spreading even among the warlike Bedouin between the Nile and the Red Sea. Let Mr. Towle tell the story : ‘‘ The undoubted existence and the increasing strength of the Mahdi could at last no longer be ignored at the centres of Mohammedan authorit\'. A serious alarm seized the court of the Sultan-Caliph, and grave councils 334 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD were held in the great temple at Mecca. Then the Grand Cherif of Mecca, the highest of the high-priests of Islam, issued his proclamation declaring the new claimant to be an impostor, and warning the faithful to avoid his standard and to resist his pretensions. It was supposed that this decree would at once act on the superstitious minds of the African Mohammedans, and that the self-claimed Mahdi would be deserted and, like previous im- postors, disappear. But this result did not follow. The Cherif’s fulmina- tion did not serve in the least to check the growth of the Mahdi’s cause. Gradually his following increased ; and now, assuming the militant role of Mohammed, he began an aggressive campaign. He set himself to the task first of wresting the Soudan from the rule of Egypt ; and did not hesitate to proclaim that he intended to pursue the conquest of all the African Moham- medan States. “The Mahdi’s career seems to have been attended from the first with almost unvarying good-fortune. More than one Egyptian stronghold fell into the hands of his rabble and fanatic horde. At last the Egyptian Khedive, miserable as his situation was, had no alternative but to attempt the suppression of this fresh revolt against his authority. The defeat of Arabi Pasha at Tel-el-Kebir had deprived the Khedive of his best troops, and he was forced to send an inferior armament against the rebellious prophet. A force of ten thousand Egyptians and Nubians, under command of Hicks Pasha, an Englishman, marched against the Mahdi, who was already threatening the fortresses of the upper Nile. The hostile armies met at El Obeid, west of the White Nile. The encounter was short and savage. Its appalling result was, that Hicks Pasha and his force were not only overwhelmingly defeated, but were almost to a man destroyed on the field of battle by the enraged legions of the prophet. “All Europe and the East shuddered at this frightful disaster, which was a terrific blow at the rule of the Khedive. It also shook the Sultan’s throne, and carried disma}^ to the holy places of Mecca. The prestige of the Mahdi was immensely increased by his success. It fell with telling effect upon the ears and imagination of the Mohammedan races. Victory seemed to give sanction to the Mahdi’s claim. It was said that his army at El Obeid num- bered at least two hundred thousand men, composed of Dervishes, Bedouin, mulattoes, and some regular troops supplied with fire-arms. Of course his followers rapidly increased after the overthrow of Hicks Pasha’s army ; and now the Mahdi seriously threatened Khartoum and the Egyptian fortresses protecting the Soudan at Dongola, Berber, Sennaar, and other places be- tween the upper Nile and the Red Sea. EXGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD S35 The Malidi’s name was Moliainmed Achmet. He was a native of the province of Dongola, a fortified town on the Nile between the third and fourth cataracts, and bordering upon the great Nubian desert. He was said to be of pure Arab blood ; and this was fortiinate for him, since none but an Arab could ever hope to impose a prophetic authority upon Islam. His grandfather was a Moslem priest. His father, Abdullah, was a carpenter. Early in the Mahdi’s boyhood the family moved to vShendy, not far from Berber. Here the young Achmet was apprenticed to his uncle, a boatman. This uncle having one day beaten him, the boy ran away to Khartoum, where he entered a free school kept by a fakir (learned man, head of a sect of Dervishes). Achmet studied hard, and especially absorbed himself in learning the doctrines of Mohammedanism as taught by the sheik of the shrine of Hoggiali. He then removed to a similar school near Berber, attached to another shrine much reverenced by the natives. After passing some time at this and other schools, Achmet was himself ordained as a sheik, at a village called Aradup, in the year 1870, and he at once took up his abode in this sacred capacity on the island of Abba, in the White Nile. ‘‘ It was at Abba that Achmet entered upon those practices and began, no doubt, to prepare himself for that mission which have since attracted to him the allegiance of such formidable numbers of Mohammedans. He dug a deep cave on the island, and made it a habit to retire fo^ prayer and con- templation into its darkest recesses. There he would repeat for hours to- gether one of the names of the Deity, which exercise was accompanied b}" fasting, the burning of incense, and attitudes of abject humility. His re- nown as a man of saintly character spread far and wide. He grew rich on the offerings of the pious, and married several wives, being ?^lways careful to choose them from influential and wealthy Arab families. ‘‘At last, in 1881, he openly announced himself to be the Mahdi fore- told by Mohammed, whose advent had been predicted for that very year. He sent messages to the sheiks and fakirs round about, declaring that he had a divine mission to reform Islam ; to establish a universal equalit}^, a universal law, a universal religion, and a community of goods ; and to destroy all — whether Mohammedan or Christian — who refused to believe him and to accept him as a true prophet. Just as in Christianity, Christ superseded the Mosaic dispensation, so the Mahdi claims to have been sent by Allah to renew the old covenant of God with man. By these bold asser- tions the Mahdi soon secured a hearing, then a following. Man}^ of the sheiks who had long observed his austere piet}^ were easily persuaded to be- lieve him inspired, and adopted his cause with Oriental ardor and enthusiasm. 336 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD H e soon found himself accepted, not only by large numbers of the popula- tion in the regions of the Blue and the White Nile, but even among the wan- dering tribes of the Nubian and Soudan deserts. “ The Mahdi was fortunate in being able to work upon the imagination of the races whom he sought to win, by certain circumstances and coinci- dences which seemed to give him a resemblance to the prophet Mohammed. These the ignorant and credulous Arabs were not slow to magnify into- striking proofs of the Mahdi’s divine mission. When they heard that he bore upon his face certain peculiar marks s^mibolical of a true prophetic character ; that there was a difference in the length of his arms and also in the color of his eyes — defects which appertained to the great Mohammed himself; that not only was his name, but that of his parents, Mohammed, their enthusiasm was aroused and their faith became fixed. He could assert that, like the great prophet, he had been forced to fly for his life when he put forth his startling claim ; and that, again, like the founder of Islam, he had been able, in spite of repeated obstacles, to explain the causes of his ill- fortune, and to keep his followers with him in adversit}^ as well as in victory. “ These things he said he had accomplished by timely revelations from Allah. Thus it was that he carried his cause through the Soudan, and made himself reverenced as one who was in constant communion with heaven, and who had acquired the exalted power of working miracles. The Mahdi’s example was followed by other fakirs in the Soudan, who rose to rival his pretensions and to claim the divine office of prophet for themselves. No sooner, however, did such rivalry rear its head than the Mahdi assailed his foe, and with all the savage and pitiless ferocity of Mohammed himself overcame him and crushed him and his followers to the earth. Those who have seen this remarkable man describe him as tall, slim, straight, with the true Arab creamy complexion, black hair cut close to the skull, and a black beard descending to a point after the iVrab fashion. His eyes were dark and piercing, one eye being black and the other brown. His manner was stern, serious, and often absent and distraught, as if in deep contemplation. He was very reticent, giving his orders in few words, and was active and alert in all his proceedings. The Mahdi proved himselt a man of extraordinary ability. He was a warrior of the fierce, impetuous, obstinate Arab type. He kindled to fiery ardor on the battle-field. He was yet cautious and adroit as a strategist. His career showed him to be cun- ning and far-seeing. He seems to have maintained a wonderful efficiency of military organization among the barbarians who so eagerly followed his ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD 337 standard, and to have had the abilit}’ to create an arni}^ out of the most un- promising materials. In the midst of warlike conflict he maintained his religious pretensions and practices. He spent much time in solitude, prayer, fasting, and silent contemplation. He professed to seek daily the counsels and commands of Allah. He claimed to communicate with the spirit of Mohammed, and to receive from the great prophet the inspiration •of his warlike movements. Of imposing personal appearance, he sustained the faith and loyalty of liis followers wherever he himself was present and in their sight. He made no secret of his design to reconquer Islam, to sweep the Christians from Egypt, Turkey, Tunis, Algiers, and even from India and Turkistan. He aimed to refound Islam and to reform it. His methods, like those of the great prophet, were not only militant but relentless. Massacre and desola- tion marked the places across which the tornado of his barbaric hordes had swept. By fire and sword the old foundations of Islam were to be renewed. His exploits made him, for the time at least, well-nigh the absolute master of the Soudan. The sudden and mysterious death of the Mahdi, a few months after his many triumphs had culminated in the capture of Khartoum and the immolation of Gordon, abruptly cut short a career the conquests and conversions of which could not have easily been forecast. “ While the revolt of the Mahdi wore from the beginning a religious aspect, while his first claim to attention and support was derived from his assumption of prophecy, the movement of which he took the lead soon became political in its objects. It was the long misrule of Egypt in the Soudan, a misrule marked by cruelty, robbery, and oppression, which rallied to him his rude armies of Arab and negro barbarians. The dominion of Egypt had become simply intolerable. The rebellion of Arabi Pasha, though unsuccessful, aroused a kindred spirit of resistance among the war- like tribes of the deserts and the upper Nile ; and the Mahdi, with his pro- phetic pretensions, came in the nick of time to lend superstitious zeal and military ability to the movement. “ Of the numbers who flocked to the Mahdi’s standard, and who after- ward followed him in his remarkable career, no estimate can be made. It is certain that his forces varied greatly with the changing phases of the war. One tribe deserted him, while another promptl}^ filled the gap after having opposed his progress. A decisive success probably always had the effect of swelling his ranks. It is very likely that the conjecture of a re- cent writer that in all the IMahdi’s forces there had been two hundred thou- sand warriors at one time is approximate!}" accurate. The Mahdi succeeded 338 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD in capturing several of the Egyptian garrisons before the English came to oppose his further advance ; and, as fast as a garrison was taken, it was massacred by the Mahdi’s ruthless followers. “ The first step taken by England, when it had become apparent that the revolt of the Soudan was assuming dangerous proportions, was to advise the Khedive, in a tone which was virtually a command, to abandon the Soudan altogether, to withdraw his garrisons, if possible, and leave the destinies of the country to* its own people. To this the Khedive assented. But it soon became apparent that the Egyptian Government was too weak to attempt the withdrawal of the garrisons, and England was forced, very much against her will, to follow up the advice given to the Khedive by undertaking the relief of the garrisons herself. ‘‘ This decision was hastened by an event which took place near Suakin. An Egyptian force under Valentine Baker was overwhelming!}^ defeated in its attempt to relieve the garrison of Sinkat, a few miles inland, by Osman Digna, one of the Mahdi’s generals. Osman Digna, who afterward played a notable part in the war, was said to be a Frenchman by birth, to have been educated in the military schools at Cairo, and to have become a Mus- sulman in early youth. After the defeat of Baker, Osman Digna threatened Suakin itself with an Arab force estimated at not less than thirty thousand men. An English expedition, together with a naval force, was at once dispatched to the Red Sea. But before it could act effectively the Egyptian garrisons at Sinkat and Tokar had yielded to the enemy, and were for the most part massacred. “ The English, under General Graham, now entered upon a vigorous campaign against Osman Digna. It was recognized that in his destruction only lay the safety of Suakin, if not that of all the garrisons in the northern Soudan.. Osman’s Arabs swarmed in the hills westward of Suakin ; and the English advanced to confront him on the Suakin-Berber road. Graham inflicted two crushing defeats on the rebel chief at Teb and Tamai, and it seemed for a while as if Osman’s military power was completely broken. Public opinion in England urged at this juncture that a part, at least, of Graham’s force should continue its march across the desert to Berber, and thus relieve not only Berber but Khartoum. But, to the general astonish- ment, Graham, with his troops, withdrew by order of the English Cabinet, and, after two fruitless victories, the campaign near the Red Sea came to an end. “ The problem which now presented itself was how to relieve Khartoum, still held by a faithful Egyptian garrison, and the most important military BNGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD 339 position in the Soudan. The relief of Khartonin was a iiincli more formida- ble task than the defeat of Osman, since Khartoum was far awa}^ amid the interior deserts, and conld only be reached by any route with infinite diffi- cnlty and danger. The councils of the English Cabinet were greatly per- plexed how to accomplish it. The fear of becoming deeply involved in a distant and expensive war with Arab fanatics vied with the responsibilities which England had assumed in Egypt and the necessity of protecting Eg3^pt from an invasion by the False Prophet. England had virtually pledged herself to rescue the garrisons in the Soudan, and could not with honor retreat from her engagement. “A strange, striking, but, as the result proved, futile policy was adopted by Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues. Yet this policy had this merit, that if it succeeded it would have cost little in men or money. General Charles Gordon had long been famous for his military genius, his adventurous and fearless spirit, his wonderful skill in dealing with barbarous races, and his high capacity for administration in Mohammedan communities. He had fought with gallantry and brilliant success in the Chinese rebellion. He had done excellent service as Governor of the Soudan, where he appar- ently won the respect and allegiance of the nomad tribes. He had waged a vigorous warfare against the slave trade. He was full of ardor, daring, and self-confidence. The English Cabinet resolved to send General Gor- don to the Soudan, unattended by any military force, but empowered to procure the withdrawal of the Egyptian garrisons and to establish a settled government by an}^ means which he might find it best to adopt. “ Gordon set out for Khartoum in February, 1884. He went almost alone, his companions being two or three officers and an Arab convoy. His only weapon was an ordinary walking-stick. He went up the Nile from Cairo to Korosko, and thence struck across the Nubian desert, in constant peril of his life, surrounded by hostile or suspicious tribes, and exposed to the many dangers of the desert. But he passed it safely, rejoined the Nile at Abu Hamed, and thence proceeded up the river to Khartoum. “At the Soudanese capital he was received with a welcome which seemed to give bright promise of the success of his mission. With his unresting zeal he at once began the task committed to him. He found the garrison stanch and many of the surrounding tribes not unfriendly. He strength- ened the fortifications of Khartoum and other places in the vicinity, estab- lished order so far as his authority extended, and was even able tc send dowui the river to Berber a number of the Egyptians and Europeans whc had been living in Khartoum. At first all seemed to gc well with Gordon and his 340 ENGLISH TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD purposes, and liis reports were clieerfiil and sanguine. But as the spring and then the suinmer came on, untoward events took place, and the prospect of his success became constantly more doubtful. Berber fell into the hands of the Mahdi’s adherents, and so Khartoiim was cut off from communication with Cairo by the Nubian desert ; and gradually but steadily the swarming legions of the Mahdi closed around Khartoum itself. Gordon appealed to England for help, and when help did not come he loudly denounced the English Cabinet for their dilatoriness and vacillation. Ere long the fact became clear that not only was Gordon unable to with- draw the Khartoum or any other garrison, but that he himself could not get away from the beleaguered town at the junction of the two Niles. A long period of hesitation and unsettled policy on the part of the Gladstone Cabinet ensued. A desperate hope was held that something might yet happen to avoid the necessity of sending out a rescuing force. The Cabinet drifted among daily changing counsels. Meanwhile Gordon’s situation became constantly more precarious, and at last the pressure of overwhelm- ing public opinion and the obligation of national honor compelled the Cab- inet to take decisive action. Late in the autumn of 1884 a British army under General Lord Wolse- ley (who had won his peerage at Tel-el-Kebir) was dispatched to the Soudan for the avowed purpose of rescuing Gordon and relieving Khartoum. Two routes were open by which the army might reach the scene of action — one by way of the Red Sea to Suakin, and thence by the desert route of two hundred and forty miles to Berber on the Nile, and by the Nile to Khar- toum ; the other directly up the Nile to the great bend or loop made b}" the river at Dongola, thence by the Ba3mda desert across to Shendy, and so by river to the Soudanese capital. The latter route was at last chosen ; and after a difficult and wearisome passage np the Nile, Lord Wolseley with his troops established headquarters at Korti, a short distance south of Dongola. “ The plan of Lord Wolseley ’s campaign was quickly developed. While remaining himself at Korti, he decided to send two forces on separate lines of advance. Not only Khartoum, but Berber, was in the hands of the Mahdi’s adherents, and it seemed necessary that Berber as well as Khar- toum should be rescued by the English. Accordingly, General Earle was dispatched with a force of about two thousand five hundred men up the great bend of the Nile, with a view of attacking and reducing Berber; while General Stewart with a force of about the same numerical strength took up his march eastward across the Bayuda desert, with the intent to strike A M K 11 !('' A X .1 ( ) I J 1 1 N A L I SI'S . Horaoe fireeley, born in New Hainpshirr i7i 1811 ; died in 1X72. James ( iordon bennett, born in Scotland in 1795; of that majority would consist of Royalists and Boiiapartists who in no way owed their seats to the general, and who would not consider themselves his tools and creatures. ‘‘ Nobody knew that better than the general himself, and that undoubt- edly is the reason why, as is now a matter of public record, he was so ready to sell himself to any pretender willing to pay his price ; why he first offered himself to Prince Jerome^ Napoleon, who did not think the goods valuable enough for the price put upon them ; then to the Comte de PariSy who, having neither his father’s loft}^ patriotism nor his grandfather’s shrewdness, paid his money and asked no questions.” While, in the first quarter of the present century, every continental portion of Spanish America established its independence, Cuba, remainingy like Porto Rico, faithful to the mother-country, largely profited by the intes- tine broils of the revolted provinces, for, when the Old Spaniards were ex- pelled in mass from the mainland, many of them naturally took refuge in the still loyal islands, enriching them with their capital and energy and skill. Cuba has long been coveted by other nations. In 1762, Havana was captured by a British armament, but was restored to Spain in the following year. The island for many years has been an object of cupidity to certain politicians and adventurers of the United States — a cupidity checked more by jealousy on the part of France and England than by Spain’s own re- sources. In fact, the island has been twice attacked — 1850 and 1851 — by individual Americans, in small marauding bands, without success. They were commanded by a Spaniard named Lopez, who, being taken prisoner, was put to death as a traitor. The termination of the war of secession pro- duced an unexpected effect on the status of Cuba. Among those who had coveted the island was the pro-slavery party in the United States, for the reason that it was the only market from which slaves could be imported into the Southern States ; and this trade was ended by the abolition of slavery. This was not, however, the only effect of the war. It destroyed the production of sugar in the Southern States, and Cuba supplied the want. Great interests were created in New York — which has long been and remains largely Southern in sentiment and sympathy. The Spanish revolution of 1868, when Queen Isabella was driven from the throne, effected another change in Cuban politics. The Madrid Ministry, 1870, passed a measure known as the Morlet law, which declared that every slave at the age of sixty should become free, and emancipated all the unborn offspring of slaves. This law never was enforced, its publication even having been prohibited by 350 A LOOK AROUND THE WORLD the “ peninsularer and the Madrid Government have never been in a posi- tion to enforce it or any other measure which meets the disapproval of the “ loyal party ” in Cuba. Instead of doing so, it accepted their allinnce, and aided them by sending troops to crush the creole and negro insurrection which broke out in 1868. The struggle was carried on with varying suc- cess, and often with unexampled ferocity, for ten years. It was not until the beginning of this decade that the authorities, partly through military energy and partly by terms of compromise, succeeded in quelling the rebellion. CHAPTER XXXVI (TENTH DECADE) UP TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN [Resume . — The United States attained to the supreme point of its successful history in the preceding decade of our story. Its troubles were domestic, internal, and not of grave importance.] B ecause of the difficulties we had with them during the decade, this seems to us the fitting place to speak of the American Indians. “ Civilization, as an external contact merely, has proved the ruin of the Indians morally and physically. Thirst for revenge, unquenchable hate, loss of self-respect, and whisky have been the constant heritage (especially in the United States) entailed on the reds by the approach of the whites. The result of the English settlement and the policy of the United States have all along been to thrust the Indians ever farther into the West, till now there are no wild tribes east of the Mississippi. The Cherokees and Creeks were bodily removed from Georgia to the Indian Territory, 1838. Virginia had three Indian wars or massacres, 1622, 1629, 1637 ; New England two — the Pequot war, 1637, King Philip’s war, 1675. The United States policy with the Indians has not been satisfactor}^ or successful, and difficulties and small wars have been frequent. Christian missions have been largely prosecuted among them b}^ individuals and societies. The French and the Spaniards had missions ; and of Protestant missionaries the names of Ma^diew, John Eliot, and the Brainerds are con- spicuous. The five civilized tribes of the Indian Territory raised (1880) over 3,000,000 bushels of grain, and had 100 schools and 8,500 pupils, industries being taught there and on the other reservations. Despite the general belief that the American race is dying out, it is a fact that there are as many, if not more, Indians than ever before. In Canada, in the spring of 1885, the half-breeds and Indians of the Northwest Territory rebelled under Louis Riel, who, after their defeat b}- General 351 352 UP TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN Middleton, was hanged. Three towns of Canada are exclusively Indian. The great mass of Spanish Americans are of Indian origin. In Canada there were in i88i nearly 104,000. In North America altogether, the Indians were calculated at considerably less than four millions ; and in South America, including pure and mixed, about seven millions. In the United States and territories, excluding Alaska, there were reported (1880) 256,127 Indians, population of Alaska, full-bloods and half-breeds, was estimated at 30,000. Of the 256,127, 138,046 wore citizens’ dress and were classed as civilized and semi-civilized. The Five Nations in the Indian Territory numbered : Cherokees, 20,000 ; Choctaws, 16,500; Creeks, 14,500; Chickasaws, 7,000, and Seminoles, 2,500; total, 60,500. These were regarded as the most civilized in the country ; had 13,177 children of school age; occupied 16,250 houses; had 33,650 wearing citizens’ dress; and maintained from tribal funds and government appropriations 12 boarding and 183 day schools, which accommodated 6,250 pupils. Of the other and less advanced Indians, 77,546 wore citizens’ dress and 11,081 could read, and they occupied 11,634 houses and maintained 52 boarding and 107 day schools, which accommodated 9,431 pupils. The Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition, to celebrate Columbus and the discovery of this continent, opened May i and closed October 31, 1893. The expenditures for it to November 12, 1893, w^ere $28,151,168.75, and the receipts $1,114,336.08 in excess of this. The total attendance at the fair was 27,539,041 persons, half a million less than that at the Paris Exposition in 1889. The admissions to the Centennial in 1876 were only 10,164,489. But though the Columbian Fair outshone its American pre- decessor, it did not by any means eclipse that. Speaking very generall}^, the Chicago event was but a repetition of the event at Philadelphia, only on a much vaster scale. There were, however, some noteworthy new features. The buildings were not only grander and more numerous, but in better architectural taste. A larger number of highly distinguished guests attended. The great congresses, especially the Congress of Religions, were an adaptation from similar concourses held in connection with the Paris Exposition of 1889. These, to be sure, were no integral part of the Chicago Fair ; nor were the various exhibitions of the Midway Plaisance, some of them blemishes to the Exposition rather than ornaments. The colossal Ferris wheel, costing $392,000, its top 265 feet from the ground, was another innovation. The enormous strides with which the United States paid off its war debt amazed the world. The debt had reached its highest point in August, UP TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN 353 1865. At that date the figure was $2,844,649,626, or, for the interest- bearing part alone, $2,381,530,294. The total interest-bearing debt on April 30, 1888, was only $1,638,199,762. At the end of the fiscal year, June 30, 1888, the debt, less cash in the treasury, amounted to $1,165,- 584,656. Its items at this time were, $222,207,050 in bonds at 4j^ per cent., payable in 1891 ; $714,315,456 in 4 per cent, bonds, payable in 1907 ; 4 per cent, refunding certificates amounting to $141,300; the 3 per cent, navy pension fund of $14,000,000, and the Pacific Railway 6 per cent, bonds, $64,623,512. Thus on June 30, 1888, more than half of the largest total had been paid off, and the net debt, aside from the Pacific Railway bonds, which that corporation is to pay, having fallen below a billion. The re- duction proceeded for the entire twenty-three years between the first and last dates named, at an average rate of $62,906,975 yearl}^, or $5,225,581 each month, $174,186 each day, $7,258 each hour, and $126.47 each minute. The interest-bearing legal tender notes were first paid off. The green- backs, or non-interest-bearing legal tenders, were still, in 1894, outstanding to the amount of $346,681,000; yet this division of the debt, too, has been vastly reduced, having stood at $433,160,569 on August 31, 1865. bonded obligations of the country the policy of refunding was early applied, bonds of high rates being called in so soon as possible and replaced by others bearing lower rates. The income of the Government was so immense that it proved unfortunate to have set so late a date as 1891 for the time at which the 4/^s could be paid. To fix the date of maturit}^ for the 4s in 1907 was, of course, worse still. The 3 per cents, of 1882, which sup- planted earlier issues, were fortunately made payable at the Government’s option, and on May 20, 1887, the Secretary of the Treasury issued a call for the last of them, amounting to $19,717,500, interest to cease with the I St of the following July. Thereafter there were no bonds subject to par payment at the discretion of the Government, and as revenues were vast the surplus began to pile up in the treasury. December i, 1887, after every possible obligation of the Government had been provided for, $55,258,701 remained, a sum increased by the end of that fiscal year, namel}^, June 30, 1888, in spite of considerable amounts in long bonds purchased at high rates, to $163,220,464. There was no method at once legal and economical for paying this out. The Secretary could, of course, buy 4s and 4J2S in the open market, and during 1888 this was done to some extent. Obviously, if entered upon in a large way, it must have greatly increased the price of those bonds. The question how to limit the surplus, how to keep the money of the country from becoming locked up in the treasury and sub-treasuries 354 UP TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN of the United States, was thus a grave one, and entered prominently into the political campaign of the last-named year. On June 30, 1890, $109,615,750 in the per cent, bonds, redeemable September i, 1891, were still outstanding. By April i, 1891, they had, by redemption or purchase, been reduced to $53,854,250, of which one-half in value was held by national banks, to sustain their circulation. To avoid contracting this circulation, the Secretary of the Treasury permitted holders of these bonds to retain them and receive interest at two per cent. About $25,364,500 was so continued. Interest on the remainder ceased at their maturity, and nearly all were soon paid off. The bonds continued at two per cent, were all along quoted at par, though payable at the will of the Government, revealing a national credit never excelled in history. The national debt, less cash in the treasury, stood on July i, 1894, after an in- crease during the previous fiscal year of $60,000,000, at $899,313,381. The material progress of the United States during the past two decades has been enormous. We have no room for details. Our total population b}^ 1880 had swollen to 50,155,783 ; by 1890 to 62,622,250. The census val- uation of our national wealth, which had been for i860, $16,159,616,068, was for 1870, $30,668,518,507; for 1880, $43,642,000,000; and for 1890, $65,037,691,197. The per capita wealth was, according to the census of i860, $514; by that of 1870, $780; by that of 1880, $870; by that of 1890, $1,636. In 1870 the United States was in wealth the third nation on the globe ; in 1880 it had distanced France, and stood second. Perhaps by to- day it is first. “ The country whose population has been developed within two hundred and eighty years does already one-third of the world’s mining, one-fourth of its manufacturing, and one-fifth of its agriculture ; and at least one-sixth of the world’s wealth is concentrated in the strip of territor}^ in Central North America which is the home of the United States.” The foregoing words were written after the census of 1880. CHAPTER XXXVII (TENTH DECADE) THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR \^Rhume . — The United States confronted a large and difficult problem early in 1898. It championed the cause of the rebellious Cubans as against Spain. With the sinking of our warship “ Maine,” a war began, a war which was as successful as it was rapid,] O NLY a few years ago the greatest of geographers, Onesime Reclus, had ■ his account of the Spanish Antilles revised and brought down to date by impartial English writers. Here, in compact form, is what they say : ' The Spanish Antilles, embracing Cuba and Porto Rico, comprise 49,479 square miles, a little more than one-half the area of the entire archi- pelago ; their inhabitants number 2,276,000 (of whom 1,300,000 are whites, or are rated as such), somewhat less than half the population of all these islands. Cuba has no rival in wealth and size among the other Antilles. It is about equally distant between Florida and Yucatan. It is separated from the first by the Florida Channel, 125 to 140 miles wide, and from the Mexi- can main land by the Channel of Yucatan. When Columbus set foot on Cuban shores, in the month of October, 1492, he found 200,000 Indians, or, according to other estimates, 500,000, or even a million. These inoffensive savages yielded tamely to the conqueror, stretched out their necks to the rope, and perished all the sooner for their pliancy. It was in 1512 that the Spaniards established themselves permanently in the island of Fernandina, as they then designated the land which Columbus had called Juana, and which, afterwards, received the names of Santiago and Ave Maria, before adopting that of Cuba. Twelve years later the enslaved race had been reduced to 20,000 men. In 1560 it was apparentl}^ extinct, but this half century had not wholly effaced their names from the book of life ; already many half-breeds had sprung from the union of the conquerors with Indian women, and it is now thought that a portion of tlie mountaineers of the 355 THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR eastern department are of genuine Cuban and American descent. Long years passed before the destroying nation began to restore life to the desert it had created. The marvelous land, which afterwards became the ‘ Pearl of the Antilles,’ could not retain its hold on the gloomy sons of the steppes of Castille, La Mancha, and Estremadura, any more than on the joyous Andalusians. How could it when there were countries of magic renown on the continent — Mexico, Peru, and that never-attained El Dorado — in com- parison with whose treasures all the wealth of the empire of the Incas was poverty itself? The Spanish settlement acquired no stability until towards the end of the seventeenth century. At that period, Jamaica, one of the Greater Antilles belonging to Spain, fell into the hands of the heretical English, and anywhere from 2,000 to 8,000 Spaniards abandoned the island for Cuba, where they found once more their own language, their own religion, and their native government, under the shelter of the thick wall of Havana. At the end of the eighteenth century and in the early years of the nineteenth, Cuba received thousands of French from San Domingo, who came as volun- tary exiles from the vengeance of the blacks.” On February 15, 1898, the United States battleship “Maine,” anchored in the harbor of Havana, was blown to pieces, when two officers and more than two hundred and fifty members of the crew were killed ; one hundred and four survived, most of whom were injured, some of them fatally. The ship and all her contents were totally destroyed. The next day the United States Senate adopted a resolution of sorrow for the loss, and a naval court of inquiry appointed to investigate, debated a resolution providing for a Con- gressional investigation of the disaster, and the House passed a resolution appropriating $ 200,000 to recover the bodies and save the property. The Spanish official request for a joint investigation was declined, however. Moreover, the Senate instructed the Committee on Naval Affairs to investi- gate the disaster, and passed the House resolution of $ 200,000 for the work on the wreck. By a vote of fifty-two to four, the Senate passed a bill pro- viding two additional regiments of artilleiy. On February 25, the Spanish cruiser “ Vizcaya,” after a brief visit, departed from the harbor of New York. Within twenty- four hours the Spanish Cortes was dissolved, having voted one million pesetas for the navy, during its session. From that day on important events followed rapidly, culminating in President McKinley’s decisive action April ii, 1898. On that day he asked Congress to authorize him to intervene in Cuba with force. Congress assented on the 19th, and an ultimatum was sent to Spain demanding the evacuation of Cuba. In the declaration of war it was THE SPAXISHAMERICAN WAR 357 affirmed that it should be waged in the interest of hninanit}^ and not for the acquisition of territory. Hostilities were precipitated, as we have seen, by the sinking of the battleship Alaine ” in the harbor of Havana in Feb- ruary. Months before the declaration of war our warships were assembled in large numbers at Key West, near Havana, and on iVpril 22, the day after war opened. Admiral Sampson began the blockade of Cuban ports. The Buena Venture ” was the first prize, taken by the “ Nashville ” on the 2 2d, and iiiaii}^ other Spanish merchantmen were captured within the next few weeks. In anticipation of hostilities Congress had voted $50,000,000 to be expended at the President’s discretion. A large army was authorized, and one hundred and twenty-five thousand volunteers were called out. Later seventy-five thousand more were summoned. With the regulars, and other troops authorized, an army of over a quarter of a million was finally provided. Patriotism and popular enthusiasm caused many of the militia regiments, maintained for local purposes in the various States, to volunteer en masse for service in the Federal Army. In the South much gratification was felt at the appointment of ex-Confederates to important commands. Never throughout her long, eventful history did the kingdom of Spain make a more woful mistake than when she measured swords with the young Giant of the West, who entered the fight, not for territorj^ or gain, but solely in the interests of humanity. When such an appeal is made to the American heart, the response is always prompt, energetic, and resistless. In the order of events, our record carries us to the other side of the world, where the Philippines, more than a thousand in number, and extend- ing north and south through fifteen degrees of latitude, with an area about the size of the State of Ohio, constitute the most valuable colonial posses- sion of Spain. On May i, Commodore George Dewey, in command of the Asiatic squadron, consisting of four cruisers and two gunboats, steamed up from Hong Kong and straight into the harbor of Alanila, in the face of submarine mines, torpedoes, and the forts. Without the slightest hesitation he engaged the entire Spanish fleet, numbering eleven warships, and in one of the most terrific and remarkable fights in naval annals destroyed them all, inflicting severe losses and without the death of a single American, only six of whom received trifling wounds. The victory was one of the most decisive and wonderful in the histor}^ of the world. Commodore Dewey, who was made full admiral February 13, 1899, did not capture the city of Manila, the capital of the Philippines, for, while it was easy to do so, his force was not strong enough to hold it. He destroyed 358 THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR the fortifications at the head of Manila Bay and took possession of the naval station of Cavite, near the city. General Wesle}^ jNIerritt was sent thither as military governor. Being furnished with a strong body of soldiers, he captured the city with slight loss, and, coming into the possession of the Americans, it has been retained ever since. Aguinaldo, leader of the Fili- pinos, who had been twice bribed by Spain to cease rebelling against her, now turned against the Americans, who had been waging the war for the benefit of him and his countiyunen, and started what he termed a struggle for independence. He proved a very elusive enemy, and for a time his re- sistance was troublesome and caused considerable loss of life among the troops whose work it was to pacify the island. Generals Otis, MacArthur, and Lawton (the last of whom, sad to say, lost his life) and the brave soldiers under them did their duty gallantly. The warfare of the Filipinos grad- ually degenerated into guerrilla tactics, audit was not until the centur}^ was well toward its close that anything resembling tranquillity and peace came to the harried islands. Aleanwhile our own side of the world has been the scene of stirring events. A great deal of uneasiness was felt throughout the country con- cerning the Spanish fleet under the command of Admiral Cervera, but when hundreds were wondering where the blow was going to fall, it was found that the enemy’s squadron was in the harbor of Santiago, where it remained, closely blockaded, until July 3. Then, in the bright sunlight of the sum- mer morning, the}^ made a dash out of the land-locked bay, in a desperate effort to get to sea and escape. The “ Brooklyn ” (Commodore W. S. Schley), the “ Oregon ” (Captain Charles E. Clark), the Iowa ” (Captain Robley D. Evans), and the “ Texas ” (Captain John W. Philip) were on the alert and attacked the ships the moment they came within range. The marksmanship of the American gunners was marvelously accurate, and from the first the Spanish vessels were doomed. The “ Infanta Maria Teresa,” the ‘‘ Almirante Oquendo,” and the “ Vizcaya ” were driven ashore in a sinking condition and surrendered ; the “ Cristobal,” the swiftest of the enemy’s fleet, was chased for fifty miles, when the Brooklyn ” and the “ Oregon ” drove her, too, ashore, and pounded her into submission. Two torpedo-boats, which were held in great fear, were furiously assaulted b}^ the converted yacht “Gloucester” and wrecked within four miles of Santiago harbor. Admiral Cervera and thirteen hundred officers and men were made prisoners, the loss on the American side being only one killed and two wounded. Admiral Sampson, in command of the American fleet, happened to be absent consulting with General Shafter, in charge of the land forces, THE SPANISHAMERICAN WAR 359 at the opening of the battle, but arrived in time to take part in the closing scenes. As has been stated, General Shafter was in command of the military operations in Cuba. His troops to the number of fifteen thousand began landing at Baiquiri on the 2 2d of June, the landing being completed the next day. The advance was immediatel}^ begun against Santiago. General Young’s brigade of cavalry and the famous “ Rough Riders,” who were dismounted and under the command of Colonel Leonard Wood and Lieu- tenant-Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, encountered a superior force of the enemy, June 24, near Sevilla. The fight was a desperate one in the heavy undergrowth, where the Spaniards were hidden and used smokeless powder. But the impetuous dash of the Americans swept everything before them, and after the loss of sixteen killed and forty-one wounded the}^ drove the enemy from their intrenchments and so far back that the iVmerican out- posts were established within four miles of the city. The general attack opened on July i. After nine hours of hard fighting the heights of El Caney and San Juan, overlooking Santiago, were secured, the losses on both sides being heavy. A determined attempt was made hy the Spaniards, July 2, to retake San Juan, but they were repulsed. On the following day, as already narrated, the Spanish fleet in the harbor made its attempt to escape and was destroyed. On the same day General Shafter demanded the surrender of the city. It was refused and the truce was ex- tended several times. Finally, on the 17th of the month, the cit}" of Santi- ago and the eastern province of the same name were formally surrendered to General Shafter, and the Stars and Stripes was hoisted over the palace. The American campaign included the conquest of Porto Rico, where General Miles landed with a strong force on the 21st of Jul3^ He met with little opposition, most of the inhabitants receiving the Americans as liber- ators. The campaign itself might be well compared to a pic-nic, so little ‘of real war did it contain. Before this, Spain had awakened to the folly of further resistance, and through M. Cambon, the French Ambassador, she asked President IMcKinley, on Jul}^ 26, to name the terms upon which our Government would grant peace. The reply was that Spain must relinquish all claim to sovereignty in Cuba ; cede Porto Rico, but not Cuba, to the United States, which would hold Manila city and ba^q pending the settlement b}' commis- sioners of the future disposition and government of the Philippines, and the cession of an island in the Ladrones. 300 THE S PA AVSH- AMERICAN WAR These terms were accepted and tlie protocol providing for peace between Spain and the United States was signed in Washington August 12. Fight- ing ceased eveiywliere, though before orders could reach Admiral Dewe}^ he and General hlerritt had occupied the city of Manila. The war had lasted one hundred and fourteen days and the defeat of Spain was over- whelming and complete. She was driven from her last foothold in the Western Hemisphere and she deserved the punishment, for her rule had been iniquitous, bloody, and without the first gleam of justice or right. The conflict between the Latin and the Saxon proved that the former must go to the wall and that the hope of civilization, humanity, and Christianity has been placed by Heaven in the hands of the Saxon. The United States has more than fulfilled its early promise, during the last decade of the nineteenth century, and received the admiring attention of the entire civilized world. Benjamin Harrison, Republican, was Presi- dent from 18S9 to 1893, and his administration was as dignified and as worthy as those of his predecessors. The principal events were a threat- ened war with Chile in the autumn of 1891, when a party of American sailors from the war steamer “ Baltimore ” were mobbed in Valparaiso, two hilled and a number severel}^ wounded. When called to account, Chile at first was defiant, but when she was given the choice of an apolog}^ for her out- rage against our flag and the paying of an indemnity to the families of the sufferers, or going to war, she wisely chose the former and the incident was amicably closed. During 1890 and 1891 there was a formidable uprising of the Indians in the West, those superstitious people being wildty excited by the “ghost dancers,” who promised that their hlessiah was about to come to the earth, kill all the white men, and restore the hunting grounds to the red men. The famous Sitting Bull was at the bottom of this dangerous outbreak, and while he was resisting arrest, was shot dead. In a battle with his warriors near Wounded Knee Creek, December 28, 1890, twenty-eight soldiers were killed and thirty wounded. Several skirmishes followed, in which men were killed on both sides, but by tact and excellent judgment the hostiles were induced to come in and make submission, and the grave peril was averted. During the administration of President Harrison several new States were admitted to the Union. North and South Dakota came in in Novem- ber, 1889; Montana, in November, 1889, and Idaho and Wyoming, in July, 1890, making ^he full number forty-four. Grover Cleveland became President for the second time on March 4, 1893, which year will alwa3^s be memorable because of the World’s Colum- THE SPA NISH- A ME RICAN I VAR 3G1 bian Exposition, held in Chicago, in coniinemoration of the discover}^ of America by Colnmbns. Congress appropriated $10,000,000, and the different States set apart liberal sums to insure the success of the exposition. It was open from May i to November i, during which the magnificent displays drew delighted visitors from every part of the world. The paid admissions were 21,530,854; the daily expenses, $22,405; the average daily receipts, $89,501, and the total receipts, $33,290,065.58, yielding a net profit of more than half a million dollars. Utah was admitted to the Union in January, 1896. This made the fotal number of States fort^^-five, with a population estimated in 1900 to be about 76,000,000. William McKinley was President from 1897 to 1901. An incident of national importance belonging to his administration was the creation of Greater New York,” as it is termed. By this act, there were united under one government the former metropolis, Brooklyn, Long Island City, Jamaica, all Staten Island, the western end of Long Island, Coney Island, Rockaway, Valley Stream, Flushing, Whitestone, College Point, Willets’ Point, Fort Schuyler, Throgg’s Neck, Westchester, Bay Chester, Pelham Manor, Van Cortlandt, Riverdale, and Spuyten Duyvil. The area of this vast city is about three hundred and twenty square miles, and its population when it began its official existence, on January i, 1898, was about three and a half millions. Judge Robert A. Van Wyck, in the autumn of 1897, elected the first mayor of “ Greater New York.” The great and memorable feature of President McKinley’s first admin- istration was the war with Spain, the particulars of which have alread}^ been given. During his rule the country enjoyed marked prosperit}^ and its progress in all that tends to make a nation truly great has continued with- out break or hindrance. The acquisition of Porto Rico and the Philippines signaled the entrance of the United States among the colonizing Powers of the world, and opened what may be termed the era of expansion, which formed one of the principal issues in the campaign of 1900. This was further shown during the riotous outbreak of the “ Boxers ” in China, who were treacherously encouraged and aided by the imperial government in their frightful outrages against civilization. To save so far as possible the lives of their representatives, their missionaries and citizens. Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, Japan, and the United States were obliged to put forth most active exertions against the barbarians, who respect no law, hate “ foreign devils,” care nothing for human life, and seize every opportunity to loot, destroy, and murder. All the nations except our own were incited by 362 THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR the eagernevSS to share in the advantages to be gained by the overthrow of China and the possible partition of the vast empire among other Powers. The United States, however, as in the war with Spain, sought no personal gain, but was impelled solely by her resolve to protect her own citizens and our national interests. Now let ns glance at the noteworthy events that occurred across the sea during the last decade. It will be recalled that in 1886 Mr. Gladstone’s Irish Home Rule Bill was defeated by a majority of thirty, after causing a rupture in the Liberal party and the secession of some of its most prominent members. The whole matter was then laid aside until 1892, when occurred the Richard Pigott forgeries in the Times^ the particulars of which have already been given. The proof of Mr. Parnell’s personal immorality greatly injured his cause. In 1893, Mr. Gladstone’s bill for the creation of a separate Irish parliament ■was carried through the Commons by a majority on the third reading of thirty-six, but in the House of Lords the matter was rejected by the enormous vote of four hundred and nineteen to forty-one. The general election of July, 1895, gave a large “Unionist” majority to Lord ‘Salisbury as Prime Minister, and the cause of “ repeal of the Union ” was placed on the shelf for an indefinite period to come. The next important event in which Great Britain became involved was the wmr in South Africa, which has been fully treated in a previous chapter. France has been the land of revolution and war, with its government embracing every possible form, and with a display of vitalit}^ that is amaz- ing. It is now^ and has been for a number of years an alleged republic, though a large number of the citizens favor a monarchical rule, and plotting is always active, with the possibility of an outbreak at any time. On June 24, 1894, President Carnot was assassinated at Lyon. The present President is Emile Loubet, elected in February, 1899. The rehearing and acquittal of Captain Dre3Tus, condemned for treason in Januar}^ 1895, brought out startling proof of the rottenness of French “ militarism,” which permeates not onl}" civilians and officers, but has smirched judicial dignit}" and impar- tialit^q and filled many of the most ardent friends of the republic with pro- found misgiving of its no-distant fate. A stream cannot rise higher than its source, and the fact that corruption honeycombs the French Government, almost from its head to the lowest office in the country, may well make one tremble when he thinks of the future of a country which for centuries has held a foremost rank among the leading nations and powers of the world. It was on Januar}^ 18, 1871, that the King of Prussia, in the halls of ■RATTLK OF DUNDEE, OrTODEE 20, 1S90. The battle of was the first battle of the war in South Africa. The Hritish captured the position, but j)ai(l dearly for the siicces.'^. (leueral Sir William Penn Symons was mortally wounded, and the Hritish losses numbered 43 killed and nearly 200 wounded. a is < 3 g a a = ^ 3 ^ rt 2 « 1 “ E I sa a. "S =« « .a ^ I « I S ^ H I i: © o ^ ^ a 2 II “ a , 2 3 'g I T 3 ® <1 ±^ «« a © © THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 363 Versailles, was hailed as the “ Emperor of Germany,” and the nation now is among the leading European Powers. The present emperor, William II, who came to the throne in 1888, is the son of Frederick III, and is impulsive, but possessed of extraordinary energy, versatilit}^, and restlessness. He had the courage to dismiss grand old Bismarck from his counsels in 1890, but he has displa^^ed a liberality of spirit, tact, and vast natural ability, which have compelled the admiration of enemies as well as friends. Ger- many, like France, has become a colonial power, and has planted numerous important colonies in different parts of the world, notably in Africa, in the development of which she has acted, and doubtless will continue to act, a leading part. One of the most noteworthy features of the nineteenth century is the great advance of the Russian empire in European and Asiatic influence, a result due to the natural increase of the people, the molding of the enormous population into an immense military power, and the exercise of a diplo- macy noted for its persistency, craft, and audacity. The present emperor or czar is Nicholas II, who was crowned November 2, 1894. So powerful has become the empire that all other continental nations seek the friendship of the czar and are continually suspicious of his intentions and plans. In Asia, Russia has been continually edging closer to the territory of Great Britain, and many believe that at no distant day a tremendons conflict be- tween the two Powers will open at that point, and before it closes draw the other leading nations of Europe into the awful maelstrom of war. Russia was strong enough at the close of the struggle between Japan and China to interpose her mailed hand and stop Japan from reaping the legitimate fruits of her remarkable triumph. For this Japan has never for- given and will never forgive her. Knowing the jealousy between England and Russia, the island empire has steadily cultivated the friendship of Great Britain and will be found on her side when the thunderous shock of arms takes place. As we have intimated, the belief among intelligent observers is that the next war of importance will be between Japan and Russia, and it will be a colossal one, for the history of no people is more remarkable than that of Japan, which, emerging from the gloom of ages, has made strides in power, civilization, and material advancement that have roused the wonder- ing admiration of the world. In 1894, Japan went to war against China, whose population is ten times greater than her own, and in a series of crushing victories on sea and land she shook that musty old empire to its foundation, and would have tumbled it to fragments but for the interven- tion of Russia. 364 THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR We have said that Japan is a warm friend of England, but it must be added that she has displayed an equally ardent liking for the United States. When Admiral Dewey was pounding the Spanish fleet to atoms in Manila Bay, the English and Japanese ships made no secret of their sympathy" for the great American commander, and had the strained relations between the admiral and the German warships resulted in rupture, as was threatened more than once, it may be set down as a certainty that the roar of the English and Japanese guns would have been heard on the side of the American. Indeed, there are so many similarities between the Japanese and our- selves that they have been aptly called the “Yankees of the East.” They are brave, intellectual, progressive, ingenious, chivalrous, far-seeing, and masters in the difficult art of diplomacy, which qualities are peculiarly characteristics of the universal Yankee nation itself. As the nineteenth century moves to its place among the years that have sunk into the abysm of the ages we see much that should fill onr hearts with gratitude to Him who holds the nations of the earth in the hol- low of his hand. The blood of England is poured out like water on the plains of South Africa and of Ashantee, and the empire itself is darkened by the shadows of war more gigantic, more stupendous, and more momentons in its conse- quences and results than any through which she has been compelled to fight her way in the crimson past. France is restless, uneasy, suspicious, with the consciousness that some- thing of vital moment to her is brooding in the air; for, no matter what form the terrific struggle may take, her traditions, her history, her geo- graphical position, and her national temperament make it certain that she will be involved, Russia, vast, towering, and mighty, is reaching out her colossal paw to grasp forbidden possessions and to seize that which belongs to others. She has gathered her prodigious energies to make the leap which, after all, may carry her into the bottomless abyss of destruction and ruin. Germany, Japan, Italy, Austria, and, to some extent, decrepid Spain are alert, watchful, vigilant, and ready to bound into the fray the instant their interests are threatened or imperiled, with the probability that the whole continent will break into a conflagration whose appalling horror will be like that which shall overwhelm the world when the heavens shall roll together THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 365 as a scroll and the elements shall melt with fervent heat and time shall be no more. But with onr beloved country all is substantially peace, for the flicker- ing fires in the Philippines have sunk to their last expiring embers, and the future is radiant with hope, with the promise of prosperity, advancing civil- ization, and Christianity and in all that makes a nation truly great and happy. CHAPTER XXXVIII (TENTH DECADE) AFRICA — AND THE BOER WAR [INTRODUCTION By PAUL B. Du CHAIDDU] I N 1857, when but a lad, I left New York on my first visit to Equatorial Africa, and the “Unknown and Dark Continent” w^as then worthy of its name. It was, in fact, the great, irresistible Pandora’s box of the world for all men stirred by the fires of unrest that must ever animate the true explorer and drive him from his home. I was one of several men at that time lost in the pathless new lands of an unknown continent, and the first white man who had ever set foot in those vast dark seas of ever- lasting foliage known as the Great Forest of Equatorial Africa. Mediterranean Africa had been known at the beginning of authentic history and farther back in the realm of myth. The Nile had been a cradle for man, feeding him with its semi-yearl}^ crop before he knew how to feed himself, but not until the fifteenth century was any attempt made to scale the black walls of difficulty and mystery that had bound in the Greater Africa from all time. The Portuguese, eager to reach the Indies, circum- navigated Africa. In 1497, Vasco da Gama discovered the Cape of Good Hope, but he passed on, content roughly to outline the coast and seek his goal. His charts and discoveries were noted, however, b}^ the Dutch, and after nearly two hundred years of continued effort, they, seeing the great advantage of holding the Cape, the key to the new continent, settled the southern extremity of Africa in 1652. At the beginning of the century now closing. Central and Southern Africa remained a sealed country. Perhaps the wonders of the Americas (discovered b}^ Columbus but five years before Vasco da Gama doubled the African Cape) had held the world’s attention to the West rather than to the East. The Dutch at the Cape were almost undisturbed until the wars of the French Revolution and the Empire. In 1815 the Netherlands ceded all 366 PAUL B. DU CHAILLU, Noted Geographer and Explorer, Contributes the introductory article in this volume on “ Africa and the British-Boer War.” BATTLE OF MODDEB BIVEB, NOVEMBER 28, 1899. On November 28,1899, Oeneral Methuen’s third battle was fought with about 11,000 Boers of General Cronje, at Modder River, twenty-five miles from Kimberley. It wa.s a ten-hours’ fight, without Muiter or food, under a burning sun. The Boers, had a strong ])Osition well protected in rifle pits, which they held against the English, who fought withoiu cover and with great gallantry. The British had 76 killed, 388 wounded, and 7 -missing, and did not advance one rod nearer their objective point. AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 337 claim to this possession to the British Crown, and the now famous Transvaal was the result of Boer discontent with English rule. The Boers migrated north in 1836. They drove out the natives from the valle}^ across the Vaal River, and settled in this land — the Trans-Vaal. Pretorius, with whose name all are now familiar, became the first Presi- dent of the republic, officially known as the South African Republic, now in alliance with the other Dutch republic, the Orange Free State. Politically a great centre of interest has been reached in Africa, but is the world awake to the broad importance of the issue ? America was dis- covered, then won inch by inch from savagery and primeval wastes. It is spanned now from coast to coast by rail, and belted with .wires. What of Africa ? Its skirts are fringed with the colonial possessions of several nations, and upon some of its large rivers settlements of the white man are fast multiplying, and the sight of steamers descending or ascending their waters is not uncommon. Through its central region are great forests, high mountains and plateaus, and large lakes. There are numerous tribes of cannibals with whom I came in contact, and from whom I was probably saved through their belief that I was a spirit, and the dwarf race of Homer were found and seen again by me. Living in the depths of the forest, wild as deer, nomadic in the extreme, these tiny people do exist. They make leafy, tiny huts ; they live chiefly as monkeys, apes, and squirrels do, on nuts, berries, and fruits ; they trap game when they are fortunate ; they make fires ; they are men, though they seem more like the apes of the country in their habits. They fear the bigger man as well as the gorilla. The beast of burden is absent. Man does his work with his own hands. The only true domestic creatures there are the goat, sheep, and fowl. As I penetrated the interior deeper and deeper the fowls disappeared and the goats increased in number. It is a land where there are great plateaus and huge mountain ranges. I myself, near the Ogobay River, discovered a mountain nearl}^ ten thousand feet high. Through its forest and jungle I traveled alone, always on foot, for there are no animals to ride. With scientific instruments and goods to buy my way, I depended on the friendliness of the people that I met, living now with this tribe, now with that, sharing their huts, their food, adopting their habits and customs, and learning their languages as best I could. No roads traverse those interior lands. The villages and settlements of the various tribes, often separated by wide, desolate tracts of uninhabited country, are connected by narrow and tortuous paths. These are the only avenues of communication. Branching from them are occasional hunting 368 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR paths, which frequently lose themselves after a score of miles, or come to an abrupt termination. Woe betide the man who, without guide or knowledge of the paths, should lose himself in this inextricable labyrinth ! The large leopard roams here and there through the dark forest, and is the dread of the natives when he becomes a man-eater. The elephants also traverse the country in large herds, but they are growing less every year, because of the large numbers killed, and the disappearance of the huge beast seems to be only a matter of time. Rarely or never are large droves of wild animals found, for this immense primitive forest is not suited to their mode of living. The gorilla has his home in the great equatorial forest, and he is king of his domain, where only can he live. I have faced many and many of them, and in the male have never seen the slightest sign of fear. He ex- pects to crush, to win by right of force, wherever his opponent is less for- midable than another of his own race. The roar of the gorilla is the most singular and awful noise ever heard in the African forest. Like the sharp bark of a furious dog it begins, and ends in a deep bass roll, which literally and closely resembles the roll of distant thunder along the sky, for which I have sometimes mistaken it. So deep is it that it seems to proceed less from the mouth and throat than from the deep chest and vast pouch of this African jungle king. These are but a few of the strange things that one may see and experi- ence within the mystic silence of the forest and jungle land of unknown Africa, toward the borders of which the eyes of civilized men are turned to- day. But what of its promise as a good land, waiting for the occupation of the white man ? In this unknown region vast mineral and metallic deposits are hidden under a very rich soil. The natives, possessed of but crude methods and implements, have learned to take iron from the ore, with which to fashion weapons. Of the diamond mines of Kimberley I need make no mention. Gold is found in many districts. There are few unproductive belts in the whole continent. The two great deserts, the Sahara to the north and the Kalahari to the south of the great equatorial Africa, are the largest. There are vast quantities of nutri- tious and commercially valuable trees, plants, shrubs, and roots. After the explorer must come the true settler, who shall force nature to yield to man. Alexander should have no cause to cry as the world stands to-day, for let this lamentable war in the Transvaal terminate as it may, Africa has yet to be conquered, yet to be gained. Alen of daring and men of hope have AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 369 yet a field there that promises almost measureless advantages and rewards to the human race. He who reaches out to the North Pole seeks a finality, a confirmation, blit he who plunges into the African vastnesses strives to bring a mighty land to usefulness, seeks to bring about the beginning of a career that has a future beyond estimate. The latest to develop, who knows but that parts of Africa shall be the longest to reign and flourish ? The nature of the prize is apparent. Nations must and will wrestle with one another over the right to control this great promised land. Africa ranks next to Asm in size, contains the hottest regions on the globe, lying mainl}^ in the Torrid Zone, has a coast line with few indenta- tions, and is noted for its deserts and barbarous races. Its area is 11,733,834 square miles, and its estimated population 200,000,000. It is a vast plateau from a quarter of a mile to a mile high, and is surrounded by a belt of marshy, nnhealthfnl land whose width varies from a few miles to two hundred. The sickl}^ climate has caused the death of maii}^ thousands of unacclimated persons. Africa is the driest of all the continents, but it contains a number of large rivers, such as the Nile, the Niger, the Congo, and the Zambesi, while Lakes Victoria Nyanza and Albert Nyanza (both drained b}" the Nile) are among the largest in the world. The equatorial regions are fertile and display an abundance of exu- berant tropical vegetation. North and south of them are prairies and grass lands, and north and south again are the dry regions of the Sahara and Kalahari, while beyond these, in the extreme north and south, a degree of fertility exists which is surpassed nowhere else in the world. Africa has been called the hunter’s paradise, for among the numerous fauna are the elephant, the rhinoceros, the lion, the leopard, the crocodile, the hippopotamus, the chimpanzee, with its startling resemblance to our- selves, and the gorilla, whose habitat is under the equator and whose as- tounding strength and ferocity make him the most terrible inhabitant of the suffocating woods. Besides, the stupid ostrich, the striped zebra, the long- necked giraffe, and the swift-footed antelope and gnu wander over the plains. The greatest plague of Central and South Africa is the tsetse fly, which resembles our ordinary housefl^q but its bite is fatal to horses and often to cattle, though harmless to man. In man}^ regions, therefore, the natives alone can serve as bearers of burdens. It is worth noting that the tiger, the most dreaded denizen of the Asiatic jungle, does not exist in Africa. 370 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR Northern Africa is inhabited by Berbers, Arabs or Moors, and Egyp- tians, and Soudan and the region south by negroes, whose real home is the Dark Continent. A few of them have attained a considerable degree of civ- ilization, but nearly all are ignorant and degraded. The Hottentots, whose language resembles the clucking of hens, seem to have descended to the lowest degrees of barbarism, and are the dirtiest and among the feeblest, intellectually, of any people in the world. Our attention is to be directed to South Africa, .whose aborigines were yellowish-brown pygmies, who made no attempt to cultivate the soil and whose only domestic animal was the dog. They lived by the chase and upon plants, hone}^, and locusts, with a preference for carrion. Of course among such people the only pretense of government was of the parental form, and that scarcely deserved the name. What made them foes to be dreaded was the fact that the arrows of their feeble bows were tipped with deadly poison, which rendered the slightest wound speedily fatal. These people were called Bushmen, and were more degraded, if pos- sible, than the Hottentots, who also lived in South Africa. Many supposed they were branches of the same stock, but it is now believed that such is not the fact, though no one as yet has been able to tell where the}^ came from and how they succeeded in reaching South Africa. The number of Hottentots was always few, and they lived upon the strip of land near the coast and along the banks of the Orange River and some of its tributaries. They were eternally fighting the Bushmen, but something of an amalgamation, due to conquest, took place between the two peoples in the region of the lower Vaal. As has been stated, the filthi- ness of the people was almost incredible ; and yet, degraded as they were, they have been found capable of improvement. It is said that while down to the present time no real Bushman has permanently adopted civilized habits, a good many Hottentots have done so, and the missionary labors among them have met with encouraging results. The most interesting people, before the arrival of white men, were the Bantus, who were stalwart and well formed, cultivated the ground, and had a surprising knowledge of metallurgy and an excellent system of govern- ment. The home of this family was Central Africa, extending from the Indian Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean. Thousands of them worked their way southward, and a short time after the settlement of our Virginia colon}^ a large number of Bantus made their home on the upper waters of the Orange River and at the mouth of the Kei River. AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 371 They were continually at war, but pol3'gamy was encouraged, and as no people in the world were more prolific, iiieu were born faster than they were killed. They soon became the dominant people of South Africa. Thus it will be seen that the region claiming our attention was peopled by three distinct tribes — the Hottentots, the Bushmen, and the Bantus. All were content with their lot, enjoyed life in their own way, and but for the never-ending wars would have been perfectly happy, though even those wars were welcome excitement to multitudes of young men, who, like their civilized brothers, thirsted for adventure and glor^". Such was South Africa when, one da}^ in i486, Bartholomew Diaz sailed away from Portugal to hunt for a water route to India. Following the western coast of Africa to the south, he finally dropped anchor in an inlet, to which he gave the name of Angra Pequena, or Little Bay, by which it is still known. All that could be seen of the countiy was a sandy waste, with no sign of a living person. Diaz set up a cross, as a sign of possession, in the name of his king, and resumed his voyage. He aimed, as he had done from the first, to keep in sight of land, but he was caught in a violent tempest and driven southward for nearly a fort- night, with no knowledge of his whereabouts. Unable to sight land by sailing eastward, he believed he had passed around the end of the continent, or entered the immense Gulf of Guinea. If either were the fact, the only Way by which he could reach shore was to change his course to the north, which he did. When he once more caught sight of land, he observed that its trend was to the eastward. Natives were seen, but at sight of the ships the}" made all haste to drive their large droves of cattle inland, and would have nothing to do with the white men, who tried to open communication with them. Still coasting eastward, Diaz set up a cross on an islet in Algoa Bay, be- cause of which the islet was named Santa Cruz. Two days more the navi- gator sailed, when his men refused to go further, and he turned the prow of his ship howeward. On this voyage a high, rocky headland was discovered, to which Diaz gave the name Cape of Storms, which, however. King John of Portugal renamed the Cape of Good Hope, one of the most famous headlands in the world. Some five years after Christopher Columbus sailed from Palos, Spain, with his three caravels, on the wonderful voyage which resulted in the dis- covery of a New World, the famous navigator, Vasco da Gama, in command of four small vessels, started to follow up the discovery made by Diaz. The 372 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR vessels were manned with one hundred and sixty marines, and the date of their departure was July 9, 1497. It was this expedition that discovered the route to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope. Reaching the eastern coast of Africa, in the beginning of the following year. Da Gama held his course straight toward the coast of Malabar, and in May arrived at Calient, a city inhabited by Hindoos, where the king had his residence. He returned to Lisbon two years and two months after leaving that city. The report of his expedition promised such splendid results that the King of Portugal sent him out in 1502 in charge of twenty ships. The king at Calicut attacked him with his fleet, but was defeated, and Da Gama took back thirteen valuable captures. But the new route to India was open, and fleets passed back and forth every year. In time the Indian seas fell wholly under the dominion of Portugal, and a vast and lucrative trade was established. Now and then an attempt was made to land somewhere on the South African coast, or it happened that a vessel would be driven upon land by stress of weather. At such times there was generally a sanguinary fight, so that during the early years of the sixteenth century the Portuguese had as little to do as possible with the hostile people near the southern end of the continent. They preferred to put in at St. Helena (discovered in 1502), and rarel}^ stopped at any port south of Sofala, while no attempt was made to form a station south of Delagoa Bay. Consequently, the interior of the country south of the tropic was wholly unknown. The reader of American history will recall that Portugal took no part in the general scramble that followed the discovery of the New World. Her interest was centred in India and South Africa, and she was quite content to leave Spain, France, England, and Holland to fight it out among them- selves, so long as she remained free to fill her lap with the treasures from the Indies. Now, nothing could be more inevitable than that other European nations should soon turn their attention to India. Before long, English, French, and Dutch ships trailed after those of Portugal in the new route to that country. The Cape of Good Hope was passed by Drake and Candish when returning from their famous voyages around the world, but they did not land on the African coast. In July, 1591, three English ships put into Table Bay on their voyage to India, and that was the first time the British flag was seen in what was distinctly African waters. The natives were treated kindly and considerable barter was had with them. One of the three ships was lost at sea, another passed on to India, while the third returned to England. In 1601 the first fleet of the East India Company called on its outward THE BATTLE OF ELANDSLAAGTE. AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 373 passage at Table Bay, and thereafter it became a common practice for other British ships to do the same, for they had no difficulty in procuring all the cattle they needed from the natives. It must be remembered that at that time Holland was one of the leading commercial nations of Europe. She was engaged in a struggle for freedom against the powerful and tyrannical Spanish monarchy. The Northern Netherlands became a free republic, but Poitugal coming under Spanish dominion, the Dutch were excluded from Lisbon, which fact caused their enterprising merchants to turn their attention to India. In 1595, four of their ships passed the Cape of Good Hope and halted at Mossel Bay, where considerable trade was had with the natives. Upon the return of this expedition several towns of the Netherlands formed companies for trading with the Indies. They met with much success, and gave the names to Fish, Flesh, and Mossel Bays, but the Dutchmen made no new discoveries. All of these small companies acted independently, and therefore accomplished far less than if united under one general corporation. Because of this state of affairs, the States-General of Holland took a wise and important step by joining all of the weak companies into one great corporation, with extended powers and numerous privileges. On the 2otli of March, 1602, the Dutch East India Company was chartered at The Hague, with almost sovereign functions, about the only limitation being the provision that its actions could be reviewed by the States-General. It could enlist troops, build fortifications, make treaties with Indian governments, and appoint civil and military officers. Its chambers were established at Amster- dam, Middleburg, Rotterdam, Enkhuizen, and Hoorn, and the subscribed capital amounted to a sum almost equal to three million dollars. Seventeen directors had general control, and its affairs were conducted with such prudence and skill that its profits assumed enormous proportions. There was a continual procession of Dutch ships passing Cape of Good Hope both ways, and they lost little time in seizing as legitimate spoils of war the Portuguese factories, ships, and possessions of every kind. The Dutch Company in 1619 received a proposal from the English corporation to unite with them in building a fort and establishing a station in South Africa. The proposition was declined, whereupon each company decided to build such a station for itself In the following year two English captains, acting under orders, fixed upon Table Bay for the location of the station, and proclaimed the adjoining country under the sovereignty of their king. The English directors, however, gave up the enterprise and continued to use St. Helena as their stopping place for supplies. 374 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR The Dutch directors also allowed their plan of forming a station to fall through, although they kept up the practice of stopping at Table Bay, and it may be said retained nominal possession. An apparently insignificant incident occurred in the early part of 1648, but it was fraught with important consequences. A Dutch ship that had put into Table Bay was driven ashore at Blueberg Beach. The crew not only succeeded in landing safely, but saved their effects. Liking the ap- pearance of Table Valley, they removed thither and put up a number of huts upon the present site of Cape Town. Seeds were planted and thrived vigorously, and such an acceptable barter was had with the natives that the Dutchmen came to look upon their seeming misfortune as the best thing that could have befallen them. They sta^^ed half a year, when, feeling homesick, they went on board one of their ships that had stopped there and returned to Holland. The men upon reaching home made a glowing report of their experi- ence, and two of the officers urged upon the directors of the Dutch East India Company to establish a station in Table Valley. The directors were favorably impressed, and it was decided to carry out the proposal, for which purpose three vessels were loaded with proper material and sent to South Africa. One of the wisest things done by the company was the appointment of Surgeon Jan van Riebeck as commander of the station. He was honest, prudent, and industrious, and had previously visited Table Bay, so that he was well acquainted with the promising prospects of a sta- tion in that region. The Dutchman is always deliberate, and, as usual, the company moved slowly. It was not the intention to plant a colony at Table Bay, but simply a refreshment station for the fleets passing to and from India, and it was not until the latter part of 1651 that the three vessels sailed from Texel for South Africa, where they arrived in April of the following year. The progress of the Dutch colony at the Cape was slow because of the t^wannical rule of the company, but the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1688, by Louis XIV, brought a most excellent accession of emigrants in some three hundred Huguenot refugees, the ancestors of most of the present South African Dutch, or “i\fricanders.” In the course of the follow- ing century they began occupying large tracts of land in the interior, most of them being laid out as “ cattle-runs.” The palmy days of the Dutch supremacy ended in 1771, when the admirable Governor Tulbagh died. The slaves were treated with great harshness, the Bushmen and Hottentots were hunted down and made to act as servants, and prosperity and freedom AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR (O came to an end. A capitulation was forced by a British expedition in 1795, but the treaty of Amiens restored the property in 1802. A census made a short time afterward showed that the colonists of European descent, exclud- ing several thousand Dutch troops, was about twent3^-six thousand, in ad- dition to thirty thousand slaves and twent}^ thousand Bushmen, Hottentots, and half-breeds, who were in a state of servitude. Some improvement took place during the seven years of British occupation, from 1795 to 1802. In January, 1806, a British expedition defeated the Dutch troops, whose pos- session of the colony was confirmed in 1815 by the congress of Vienna. Thenceforward the colony made steady progress. Graham’s Town was founded in 1812, and in 1820 and 1821 four thousand settlers landed in Algoa Bay and founded Port Elizabeth. In 1833 the act abolishing slavery throughout the British colonial dominions, with compensation, went into effect, to the intense indignation of the Dutch boers,” or farmers, who complained of the small amount awarded. In 1835 a series of Kafir wars ” broke out, and were accompanied by an invasion of the colony on the southeastern frontier. The invaders were forced to submit and pay compensation for the losses of the settlers, the indemnity consisting of a thousand horses and many thousand cattle. Hostilities continued at inter- vals, and Sir Harry Smith, as Governor and High Commissioner, in 1847 proclaimed British rule over the region between the Kei and the Keiskama Rivers as British Kafraria.” The long and costly contest opened a new era for Cape Colony. In Jul}^, 1854, the first Parliament met at Cape Town, and Sir George Gre}^, one of the ablest of British colonial governors, was installed. His eight years’ administration was of incalculable benefit to the country. In 1875 the pop- lation was more than 720,000, of whom about 237,000 were of European descent. In 1877, Sir Bartle Frere arrived as High Commissioner, and his per- emptor}^ demand for the disbanding of Cetewayo’s large native arm}" caused the Zulu w^ar, which was marked by a number of British defeats and massa- .cres, in the course of which the ^"oung Prince Imperial of France, who was serving in the British army, lost his life. The principal incidents were the disastrous British defeat at Isandula ; the desperate defense of Rorke’s Drift, on the Tugela River; the British victory in July, 1879, at Ulundi, and the capture of the brave Zulu chieftain Cetewayo. In the following year Kafir territory, including Fingoland, was annexed and Griqualand West was made a part of the colony. In 1836 the Dutch Boers made their “ great trek,” or removal, from 376 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR Cape Colony to the Transvaal, where they formed a republic. Matters were anything but prosperous when in 1878 the British Government, against the Avishes of the people, annexed the territory. The Dutch rebelled at the close of 1880 and astonished, not only England, but the world, by their exhi- bition of bravery and skill. Having made their homes in a region where they had to be continually on the alert against savages and the fiercest of wild animals, the}^ developed an amazing skill in marksmanship. Moreover, the}^ had among them men of great military ability, and all were passion- ately devoted to their homes. Those plodding, sturdy Dutch farmers read little besides their Bibles, believed in “ Oom Paul ” Kruger, their President, and were ready at any hour or moment to give up their lives for their re- ligion and principles. The British regulars got more than one taste of Boer mettle, for they suffered defeats of the most decisive nature, and in some instances, as at Majuba Hill, these were administered by inferior forces of the enemy. England concluded that the contract was too extensive and withdrew from the contest. The Transvaal Republic was re-established, about the only condition affecting England being the agreement of the Boers that they would not make a treaty with any foreign nation without the approval of the same by Great Britain. More territory was annexed in 1885, and in 1890 the indomitable and ambitious Cecil J. Rhodes became Premier. His great aim is to extend British dominion, and he shrinks from no means to accomplish that end. All our readers will recall the disastrous raid of which he Avas the instigator in 1895, when Dr. Jameson made his attempt to turn the country over to British rule, but with most disastrous consequences to himself and the band, v/ho Avere defeated and made prisoners. By this time there were a good many British residents in the Trans- vaal, and their demagogic leaders and aspiring members began plotting to gain control of the Government. Since these Uitlanders, as they Avere termed, had to live a number of years in the Transvaal in order to acquire the right to vote, the Boers had little trouble in retaining power in their own hands. It is impossible to think there Avould have been any serious quarrel had not gold been discovered in the Rand. It Avas not long before the astounding truth came to light that the region is the richest gold-bearing district that has been discovered since creation. It is said that within an area of fifty miles of the public square in Johannesburg $800,000,000 has been taken from the ground, and it is estimated that at least the incredible amouiit of $4,000,000,000 aAvaits extraction. Such being the situation, all AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 377 acquainted with England’s colonial policy foresaw an inevitable war, in which these iniinense treasures would form the real prize. In 1894 and 1895 territoiy of Cape Colony had expanded into a region eight times the area of England. Growing dissatisfaction with the rigid rule of President Kruger led to the preparing of a petition which was sent to England. This petition was signed by 21,000 British sub- jects living at or near Johannesburg, and complained of the broken prom- ises of President Kruo^er to gfrant reform and the concentration of the political power in the hands of 1,000 burghers, while the Uitlanders num- bered 23,000. At that time it required a fourteen years’ residence for the Uitlander to acquire the franchise. Against the protests of most of his friends. President Kruger proposed to reduce this term to five years, with the pledge to make a still further reduction at the end of ten years. The conditions on which this compromise or concession was offered were not acceptable to the British authorities. Negotiations were continued, but agreement could not be attained and the gathering clouds grew darker every day. The sincerity of British purposes was doubted from the first, audit was this distrust which greatly hindered negotiations between President Kruger and the English officials. Since war soon became inevitable, it is necessary, in order that the reader should have a clear understanding of the situation and the events that followed, that we should recapitulate somewhat and take a bird’s-eye view of the field, toward which the eyes of the world have been so lately turned. The reader will bear in mind that two Boer republics were arra3^ed against England, and that , they lie wholly in the interior, having no port on the ocean, although the distance from their eastern boundary to the Indian Ocean is less than two hundred miles. The older republic is the Orange Free State, and, as we have already stated, it was founded by Boers who made their “ trek ” from Cape Colony in 1836. The area of the Orange Free State is about the same as that of the State of Penns^dvania. In 1890 the population was 77,716 whites and 129,787 natives. The famous Kimberley gold mines are located just out- side and west of the territory of the Orange Free State, whose capital is Bloemfontein. The South African Republic, or the Transvaal, as it often called, lies directly north of the Orange Free State and has an area two and one-half times that of the Orange Free State. The white population is about 350,000 and the native population more than double that. Pretoria is the 378 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR capital, with a population of 10,000. The largest town is Johannesburg, the mining centre of the Witwaterstraiid gold fields, with a population within a radius of three miles of a little more than 100,000, half of whom are whites. To the northeast of Cape Colony lies the British colony of Natal, set- tled by the Dutch, but Great Britain took military possession of it in 1843. The province of Znlnlaiid is now a part of Natal and comprises two-thirds of the country formerly held by the Zulus. On May 31, 1889, a conference between Sir Alfred Milner, Governor of Cape Colony, and the Presidents of the Dutch republics was held at Bloemfontein, at which the grievances of the Uitlanders were discussed, but although an agreement seemed near, it was not reached. England was insistent in her demands, and the Boer Presidents, still distrustful of her motives, were equally obstinate. From June i to October 10 negotiations continued between Great Britain and the republics, but the point of agreement was still elusive, and both countries pushed their preparations for war. The Orange Free State announced its intention of supporting the Transvaal in the event of hostilities. B}^ this time it was clear be3^ond all possibility of doubt that England meant to insist upon demands to which the Boers could never agree. Further- more, President Kruger and his friends believed that Great Britain was delaying the negotiations for no other purpose than to gain time in which to complete her military preparations. Since the Boers were already prepared, it followed that delay only strengthened their enemy, who, with their overwhelming population and resources, would secure a fatal disadvan- tage. Inasmuch as war must come, the sooner it came the better would it be for the South African republics. Therefore, on October 10, 1899, the Transvaal sent an ultimatum to the British Government, in which demands were made that fairly took awa}^ the breath of the rulers of the most powerful empire in the world. Those insignificant republics had the temerity to insist of Great Britain that their differences should be submitted to arbitration ; that all British troops on the Transvaal border should be immediately withdrawn ; that reinforcements arriving since June i should be recalled ; that the British troops on the high seas should not be landed in any part of South Africa, and, finally, that an answer to these demands should be made not later than 5 o’clock P. M. of the next da}^ October ii, with warning that if such answer was not made, or it should prove unsatisfactor}^ the Transvaal would accept such fact as a declaration of war. AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 379 The British repl}^, of course, was unsatisfactory, and the Boers proved their earnestness by invading Natal on October 12, and advancing toward Newcastle, where the British troops, under Generals White and S3nnons, were on the defensive. Finding their position untenable, the British, the next day, evacuated Newcastle to Ladysmith, where a strong force was sta- tioned. The siege of Kimberley began on the 20th of October. On the same day a furious fight* took place at Dundee, in Natal, wliere the British, with a loss of two hundred and fifteen in killed and wounded, repulsed the Boers. The battle of Elandslaagte was fought October 21, and General French, after a bard struggle, captured the Boer position, but with a loss in killed and wounded of two hundred and fift^^-seven. The siege of Ladysmith began October 29, and soon awakened the gravest anxiety throughout England. There were frequent reports of its relief, but the weeks and months passed, and when the closing year of the century opened the garrison and inhabitants were still on scant rations, daily growing scantier, but strong, brave, and hopeful, though there was no prospect of relief in sight. A sortie was made on October 30, near Lad}- smith, in which the British were entrapped and defeated, and the Boers cap- tured eight hundred and seventy prisoners. Three da^^s later the Boers cut off communication with Ladysmith. When news reached the outside world it was by means of daring runners who succeeded in stealing out of the beleaguered town and worming their way through the investing lines. Later, heliograph signals passed back and forth between the British troops, lying beyond the Boers, and the garrison of Ladysmith. For the first few months of the war the advantage was clearly with the Boers. They were on their own ground, they were well armed, both with small arms and artillery, some of the latter of the heaviest pattern, and their leaders displayed great skill. Among them were a considerable percentage of foreign educated officers, while the general sympathy felt throughout the world for the gallant Boers caused many volunteers to join them. England was distant one-fourth of the circumference of the world, and it took consid- erable time to transport troops, supplies, and material to South Africa. As a consequence, she suffered more than one humiliating defeat, and was obliged to order out four or five times the number of men at first believed to be amply sufficient to crush all resistance. AnxieW *^vas roused more than once by ominous signs of foreign intervention, but the pride of Eng- land was touched, and she gave fair notice to all other nations that they must keep hands off, for she meant to fight this dispute to a finish, and would tolerate no interference from any one. AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR SSO So she called out more men, expended vast sums of money in their equipment, and shipped them to South Africa, where they found plenty of the hottest kind of work awaiting them. The Boers made efforts through their representatives in foreign countries to secure help, but no nation showed a disposition to involve itself in a war with Great Britain, though Holland went to the verge of its limitations and Germany could not repress its sympathy. Japan was openly the friend of England from the first, but there is reason for believing that that shrewd “ Yankee ” empire was not wholly forgetful of her own interests. One of the certainties of the not distant future is a war between Russia and Japan, in which it is all- important for the latter to have the support of Great Britain against Russia, who has been edging for the last few years close to the danger- point in the Asiatic possessions of Queen Victoria’s empire. The sentiment in the United States has been divided. The struggle of the Boers for independence bears so close a resemblance in many respects to tliat of our own in 1776 against England that thousands of Americans deeply sympathize with them, and hundreds of those who fought in the Boer ranks were of our own race and blood. Still, it is impossible to forget that when we needed a friend, during our late war with Spain, we found a true one in England, and common gratitude forbids our doing any- thing that could cripple or offend her. Our Government steadily refused to take any step to which our cousins across the water could object, and as England took charge of our interests in 1898, so our Consuls have looked after those of Great Britain in the Transvaal during the pendency of the war in South Africa. On November 2 the British evacuated Colenso in Natal, and three days later the Boers shelled Mafeking, but were repulsed in an attack on the British posse position. On the 9th of the same month the first British transport carrying reinforcements reached Cape Town and proceeded to Durban. The alert and active Boers a few days later wrecked an armored train near Eastcourt, Natal, and captured fifty-six prisoners. At Gras Pan, Lord Methuen attacked the Boers and drove them from their position, and shortly after gained a sanguinaiy and dearly bought victory at Modder River. An exasperating disaster befell British arms on December 10, when General Gatacre was led into a Boer ambuscade, near Stormberg Junction, and lost a thousand men, including six hundred and seventy-two prisoners. On the same and following day. Lord Methuen made a desperate attempt to carry the Boer position at Sp3Tontein, but was repulsed with heavy loss, General Wauchope being among those who were killed. AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 381 While England was cast into gloom by news of this disaster, tidings arrived of a still greater one. On December 15, General Biiller attempted to force the Tugela River near Colenso, but was defeated, with a loss of a thousand men and eleven of his heavy guns. Down to that date the British losses in killed, wounded, and missing amounted to nearly eight thousand men. These repeated disasters caused a profound depression throughout the British kingdom. There were loud complaints of the inefiicienc}^ of the officers, and a demand that the}^ should be replaced by others. Great, there- fore, was the relief when, 011 the i8th of December, the War Office announced that Lord Roberts, “ Bobs,” as he was affectionatel}" called, who had proven himself one of the best officers in the service of England, was to go to South Africa as commander-in-cliief, with Lord Kitchener, the hero of Khartoum, second in command, and that one hundred thousand additional men would be sent to the seat of war. The officers named sailed on the 27th in the “ Dunnottar Castle.” Meanwhile, the Boers maintained their siege of Ladysmith and Mafe- king. ' At the latter place. Colonel Baden-Powell made a desperate sortie the day after Christmas, the result of which was that he had twenty-one officers and men killed, twenty-four wounded, and three taken prisoners. The Boers assumed the offensive at Modder River and shelled the British camp, and continued it at intervals, while another shelling at Ladysmith caused the death of Lieutenant Dalziel and the wounding of seven other officers. On the first day of the new year. General French captured the town of Colesburg, with wagons and stores, and Colonel Pilcher defeated a Boer force at Sunnyside Laager, near Belmont, taking forty prisoners. Well aware of the preparations for the relief of Lad^^smith, the Boers attacked it in force on the 6th of January and were repulsed with heavy losses on both sides. The list on the British side included fifteen officers and one hundred and thirty-five men killed, and twenty-six officers and two hundred and forty-four men wounded. Other attacks on Ladysmith followed, but none was successful. Oil the iith of January, Lord Dundonald, with the mountain brigade of General Buller’s troops, pushed westward and seized Springfield Bridge and Swartz Kop, which commanded Potgieter’s Drift. The}^ were attacked by the Boers near Acton Holmes, but successfully defended themselves. Sir Charles Warren moved to the attack of Spion Kop, and the severe fighting continued, all of General Warren’s forces being brought into action. Finally the position was stormed and captured, but the Boers converged 382 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR sucli a terrific fire upon the place that the captors found it impossible to remain, and were driven out with a loss of two hundred and nine killed, wounded, and missing, that of the Boers being about half as many. Two da^^s afterward all of General Buller’s forces were withdrawn to the south side of the Tugela River. About a week later the stream was recrossed at two points, but the Boer position at Vaalkrantz w’as too powerful to be carried, and once more General Buller had to pass the stream, and the third attempt to relieve Lad37'smith ended in a blood}" failure. By this time Lord Roberts was moving, and his invasion of the Orange Free State began at a drift on the Riet River. General French with a cavalry brigade advanced to Modder River and captured five laagers, and the next day, February 14, General Buller began his fourth attempt to re- lieve Ladysmith. General French with his cavalry reached Kimberley, and the Boer troops under Cronje abandoned the trenches at Magersfontein and retreated eastward toward Bloemfontein, the British falling back from Rens- berg to Arundel, while Lord Roberts occupied Jacobsdal. Unimportant skir- mishing and fighting followed, but the relief of Kimberley having been effected, the Boer retreating army, through the fine maneuvering of General IMacdonald of the Highland Brigade and General French commanding the cavalry division, w"as surrounded. This occurred on the 19th of February, four days after the relief of Kimberley, and the unconditional surrender of General Cronje took place on the 27th. Lord Roberts’ dispatch announced the number of prisoners at eight thousand, but it was afterward ascertained that the number was about half that. Cronje’s troops had intrenched them- selves in the bed of the Modder River at Koodoos Rand Drift. Their losses of men w"ere not great, but most of their horses were killed by the heavy artillery fire, and further resistance was hopeless. It is noteworthy that the surrender of Cronje took place on the anniversary of the British disaster of Majuba Hill. But England was not justified in exulting over the capture of four thousand Boer farmers by a force of troops which numbered at least forty thousand. Wisdom now demanded that the Boers should withdraw from the front' of Ladysmith. They did this with admirable skill, taking their guns with them and keeping up a show of resistance against Buller’s last attempt to relieve the place. The siege had lasted for one hundred and eighteen days, during which there was much suffering from disease and the lack of food. Ladysmith was entered March i, where, as may be supposed, the friends were received with great rejoicing and the news was hailed with delight throughout England. AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 383 Particulars of the entry of General Buller and his troops into Lad}^- siiiith stated that the streets were lined with the garrison, and all the civil- ians who had strength enough to keep their feet gathered to cheer their de- liverers. General White and his staff were waiting on horseback in front of the Town Hall, and the mangled walls and shattered tower formed an appropriate background to the striking picture. The troops were headed b}^ General Buller and his staff, escorted b}" the Irregular Horse and the Dublin Fnsileers, who, because of their gallantr}^ and severe losses, led the van. General Warren followed at the head of the fiftli division. Every branch of the service was enthusiastically cheered. The scene was stirring and thrilling. The twent^^-two thousand troops of all arms, grimy, dust-stained, ragged, tanned, but in rollicking spirits, as shown by their laughter, shouts, and flinging their helmets in air, occupied three hours in passing by General White, and were in impressive contrast to the gaunt, yellow-faced garrison, who, for so long a time, had been close upon the pangs of starvation. Every one felt like dancing to the lively tunes of the pipers of the Gordon Highlanders, and the women and children waved their handkerchiefs and joined in the glad acclaim. General Buller was cheered to the echo, and two battalions of the Devonshire Regiment, who had parted five years before in India, broke ranks and rushed like long-lost brothers into one another’s arms. The losses among General Buller’s non-commissioned officers were one hundred and twenty-three killed, five hundred and sevent3^-five wounded, and fifty-four missing. The Inniskilling Fnsileers had fift3^-four killed in their famous charge at Pieter’s Hill. The considerable force near Bloemfontein withdrew upon the approach of the superior British army, and the peace part3^ came out for two miles with the official ke3^s and words of welcome for Lord Roberts, who quietE^ took possession and made his headquarters in the residence of the fugitive President Ste3m. Cronje and a large number of prisoners were conve3^ed to St. Helena, the island home of the once mighty Napoleon Bonaparte, where they arrived on the 14th of April. President Ste3ai had removed the seat of government to Kroonstadt, a hundred and sixt3^ miles northeast of Kimberley, which was made a rallying point of the Boers from the surrounding country, and where several weeks were spent in recovering from the demoralization caused b3^ the surrender of Cronje and his arm3^ General Roberts had found the wear and tear upon his horses so severe that he, too, was obliged to rest his cavaliy until • new horses could be sent from England. On the 9th of April the British 384 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR garrison at Wepener was isolated and their siege began. It was subjected to a heavy bombardment, but the defenders plnckil}^ held out. General Roberts made a determined attempt to throw a cordon to the east around the Boers during the brave defense of Wepener, and it looked as if he would succeed, but the Boers, almost at the last moment, succeeded in extricating themselves from the British forces, which w^ere fully five times as numerous as theirs. Roberts, having equipped and rested his men, began his move- ment against Pretoria. His army was deployed along a front forty miles in length, and sweeping northward past Brantford and Winbnrg, he crossed the Vet and Zand Rivers and pressed toward Kroonstadt, from which the Boers fled on his approach. President Steyn announcing the removal of the capital to Lindley, fifty miles to the east. The British army advanced with astonishing swiftness, their numbers so much superior to the Boers that they could no more than harass the in- vaders. General Planter had begun at the same time a movement with his forces north of Kimberley, in keeping with the advance of his chief. He had some brisk fighting, but he occupied Christina, when, for the first time since the beginning of the war, the British flag was hoisted in the Trans- vaal. General Buller also began a march into Natal, meeting with no serious opposition to his occupanc}^ of Glencoe, Dundee, and the Biggars- burg passes. All London was thrown into a delirium of joy on the receipt of news that, on May i6, Mafeking had been relieved by Lord Roberts. This place, it will be remembered, was besieged on October 14, 1899, when the town was invested by General Cronje with about three thousand Boers and three guns. It contained several hundred English soldiers and twelve hundred irregular troops. It was not very long before the garrison was reduced to living on horse meat. As the weeks passed, the friends of the besieged began to abandon hope, but though they underwent many privations, doubt- less they could have held out several weeks longer had not help reached them. We must not forget to state that the severest blov/ received by the Boers during the spring months of 1900 fell on the night of March 27, when Piet Joubert, Slim Piet,” Vice-President of the Transvaal, and com- mandant-general of the republic’s military forces, died at Pretoria, in his sixty-ninth year, after a brief illness. The whole country was thrown into the deepest gloom, and his loss was looked upon as irreparable. General Joubert was a remarkable man, and it was of him that General White said : ‘‘ He is a soldier and a gentleman, a brave and honorable op- AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 385 ponent.” The greatest tribute that can be paid to his bravery and skill is ill the statement that he was the hero of Majuba Hill, where, in i88i, two hundred and eighty British were killed and Joubert lost but five men. When questioned about that remarkable victory, he always replied that neither he nor his men deserved any credit therefor, but that it belonged wholly to God. The subject was strangely distasteful to him and he rarely consented to speak about it. He was a deeply religious man, like almost all the Boers. As evidence of his stern, puritanical principles, it is stated that in 1884 he refused to join the Boer raid in British Bechuanaland, and declared further that he would hold no office under a Government which broke its promises, even when those promises were made to their greatest enemy — Great Britain. Lord Roberts, thorough soldier that he is, continued pushing his advance with vigor and yet with proper caution. In a dispatch, dated May 23, he reported his arrival at the south bank of the Rhenoster River, whence the enemy fled during the night from their strong position on the north bank of the stream. This retreat, with other numerous rumors, pointed to a demoralization among the Boers, and the willingness of many of the leaders to discuss the question of peace. Indeed, a short time before, they had felt the ground between them and the British authorities, who distinctly notified them that no terms would be considered except unconditional sur- render, whereupon the sturdy Boers “ buckled on their armor ” and resolved to fight it out to the end. Having evacuated their position north of the Rhenoster River, the Boers followed the only course left to them, while General Roberts pursued, always carefully and cautiously, with his cavalry and mounted infantry. He crossed the Vaal on the 27th and established his headquarters at Vereeniging, the opposition of the Boers being insignificant. The advance guard, which crossed the day before, found the coal mines intact, but the railway bridge had been destroyed. Great Britain had poured her overwhelming forces into South Africa, and being commanded by her ablest leader, the final conclusion of the whole matter was as certain as the following of day by night. The earlier defeats of the invaders, costly as they were, taught them more than one needed lesson. Throughout the preceding forty years England had fought only black, brown, and yellow men. Her soldiers had displayed unsurpassable heroism, but, all the same, the task of meeting civilized men in battle is tenfold more difficult than that of fighting fierce, untamable savages. In the Boers she found foemen worthy of her steel, and because she underes- timated them at first she paid the penalty in defeat and disaster. 386 AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR But the lesson was learned, and nothing is truer than the remark of the great Napoleon that Providence generally fights on the side of the heaviest battalions. Henceforward the crushing of the gallant republic, sad as it is, was one of the absolute certainties of the near future. On the last day of May Johannesburg was occupied, with virtually no opposition. The commandant met General Roberts at the entrance to the city and rode by his side to the Government offices, where he introduced him to the heads of the several departments, who were asked to continue their duties until relieved. Many of the citizens had fled upon the approach of the invaders, but a large crowd assembled in the main square and cheered the flag when it was hoisted and added cheers for the Queen. But Pretoria, the capital, was the objective point of the campaign. Something like a panic seized the city. Guards were placed in front of the banks, members of the fighting commandos and foreign residents fled from the city, while chaos and confusion reigned everywhere. It was said that ten thousand burghers were in position to defend the approaches to the city, but cooler-headed men gave it as their opinion that when Roberts’ army appeared surrender would speedily follow, since there could be but one end to the most desperate defense. And so news of repeated and decisive British victories was continually flashed to the outside world. President Kruger himself caught the general fever of panic, and in his flight from Lydenburg took with him the gold bullion intended for coinage, thereby leaving a majority of the officials unpaid and engendering a deep feeling of anger among the burghers. Because of this indignation, the President at midnight on the ist of June sent word to have the new treasury notes redeemed in gold. These were the notes that had been issued for the payment of salaries. On the afternoon of June 5, the London War Office received and posted the news which everybody was expecting, in the following dispatch from General Lord Roberts: ‘‘Pretoria, June 5, 1900.— We are now in pos- session of Pretoria. The official entry will be made at two o’clock this afternoon.” Later General Roberts sent the following details : “ Pretoria, June 5, 11:55 T- — ^Just before dark ^^esterday evening the enemy w^ere beaten back from nearly all the positions they had been holding, and Hamilton’s mounted infantry followed them up to within two thousand 37ards of Pretoria, through which they retreated hastily. Delisle then sent an officer with a flag of truce into the town, demanding its surrender. Shortly before midnight I was awakened by two officials of the South African AFRICA— AND THE BOER WAR 387 Republic, Sandburg, military secretary to Commandant General Botlia, and a general officer of the Boer army, who brought me a letter from Botha proposing an armistice for the purpose of settling the terms of sur- render. I replied that I would gladly meet the commandant general the next morning, but that I was not prepared to discuss any terms, as the sur- render of the town must be unconditional. In reply Botha told me he had decided to defend Pretoria. At i A. M. to-day, while on the line of march, I was met by three of the principal civil officials with a flag of truce, who stated their wash to surrender the town. It was arranged that Pretoria should be taken possession of by her majesty’s troops at two o’clock this afternoon.” At the hour appointed the occupation of the capital was com- pleted by the trained forces of the Queen of England, and the British flag was hoisted to the top of the Government buildings with impressive cere- monies. With the fall of Pretoria, and the continued apathy of the influential burghers of that city, the Boer army seemed to take on new activity. On July II they surprised the British garrison at Netral Nek and captured two guns and 300 men. The success of this enterprise aroused the Britons to greater care, and from this time they pursued the Boers rapidly and relent- lessly. The capture of Barberton and. Nelspruit quickly followed, and the advantages so gained were vigorously pursued, so that the Boer forces were being rapidly depleted by such determined activity. Notwithstanding the overwhelming strength of the British, estimated at two hundred thousand men, the Boers, particularly those under General De Wet, succeeded in inflicting many serious losses upon the invaders. The most recent estimate of the fatal casualties to the British show that they sustained a loss of 72.1 per cent, per thousand of the officers, and 50.8 per cent, per thousand of the enlisted men. Notwithstanding this deplorable loss of life. Great Britain pursued the war with unrelenting vigor until the Boers were scattered far to the north and east in small roving bands, unable to concentrate their little remaining strength. Early in September President Kruger effected his escape to Lorenzo Marquez, where he was closely watched b}^ the Por- tuguese officials, with whom Great Britain had lodged a protest against his using their territory as a base for conducting the war. With the flight of ex-President Kruger, the capture of Pretoria and the principal cities of the Orange Free State, came the virtual fall of the thriving Dutch republics, and the Union Jack of Great Britain waved over another immense area of the earth’s surface. CHAPTER XXXIX NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE [With Introduction by Jueian Hawthorne.] T he literature (properly so called) of the passing century has found many new ways of saying things ; but the number of new things said is not remarkable. The more we study the books of the past, the less we find in the books of to-day that is really original. This does not, of course, apply to scientific works ; but it is, on the other hand, only by accident that any of these can be included in the definition of literature. Much of the historical writing of the century is excellent from the literary point of view ; but here the personal equation enters in far more than in any other species of scientific work ; deduct the apostrophes, the comment, the moralizing, and the warnings, and you deduct, as a rule, the literature of the thing along with them. The bare record of events may be useful, but has no charm. There remain essays on social, moral and religious, philosophical, and a few other topics ; and works of the imagination — poetry, romance, and novels. These are the books that last, because they appeal to that in the human mind which has little or no relation to time. And it is such books of these kinds as have been written during the last hundred years that are here especially to be considered. When we say that they last, we mean that the worthiest among them may do so ; but how many out of the innumerable aggregation can be qualified as worthy ? During the forepart of the century, it was from England and France that the largest number of readable books were put forth. Later, Germany began to loom larger upon the horizon ; and what Goethe, Schiller, Heine, and a few others wrote bids fair to be read long after this generation shall have passed awa}^ They bear comparison easily with anything produced by the French Hugo, Dumas, Sand, Gautier, De Tocqueville, and Flaubert ; or by the English Tenn3^son, Thackeray, Carlyle, Dickens, and Browning. 388 JULIAN HAWTHORNE, Author — Journalist, Contributes the chapter iu this volume on “Nineteenth Century Literature.” (niorP OF GRFAT John audet, bom 1810. Alexander Itunias, born 1808; died 1870. Hoiiore de b>a)/ac, Alfred de Musset, born 1810 ; died 1857. Emile Zola, born 1840. Joseph Erneste Kenan, born 1823; died 18J2, 1799; died 1850. NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE 303 By dint of his extraordinary exertions Scott had paid, up to the time of his death, upward of five hundred thousand dollars of his debts. The liberal advances of his publisher satisfied all the remaining claims of his creditors. Scott's popularity as a novelist is still imdiminished. The historical tendency which he gave to imaginative literature has led to important results in other fields of literary labor. Goethe. — Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, the most illustrious German writer of the nineteenth century, was born at Frankfort-on-the-Maiii in 1749. His earl 3^ studies were conducted at home under his father’s super- intendence. Goethe was a precocious child. Before he was ten years old he wrote several languages, including French, Latin, and Greek, invented, stories, and was moderate!}^ familiar with works of art. At sixteen he went to Leipsic to commence his collegiate course. Here he mastered with an easy grace law, medicine, logic, philosoph}^, and all the manifold sciences and arts of a German universit}^ iVfter an interval of sickness at home, during which he commenced the study of chemistiy, the efiect of which is seen in Faust,” he went to the University of Strasburgto complete his law studies at the wish of his father. In one year Goethe earned his degree of Doctor of Laws and left the university, but it was evident that law was not to be Goethe’s vocation. In 1774 he published ‘‘ The Sorrows of Young Werther.” The most distinguished literary men praised it as a profoundly philosophical romance, while the masses were carried away b}^ its eloquence and pathos. The fame acquired by “ Werther ” brought Goethe under the notice of Charles Augustus, the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar, and in 1775 Goethe was invited to spend a few weeks at his court. A strong friendship sprang up between the prince and the poet, and Goethe thereafter made Weimar his home. In the circle of literary notables at the duke’s court Goethe at once became the presiding deity. In 1786 Goethe went to Italy, where he spent two years in the study of its antiquities and arts. On his return he published “ Egmont,” a romantic drama, founded upon the revolution in the Netherlands in the sixteenth century. Goethe first became acquainted with Schiller in 1794. Schiller’s influence upon Goethe was both stimulating and ennobling, and from this time forth Goethe produced his grandest works. “ Faust,” the great work of his life, was published in 1805. This most profound, touching, and 394 NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE wonderful drama raised Goethe to the highest pinnacle of fame, and he was universally acknowledged to be the first poet of his age. In 1831 a second part to “ Faust ” appeared, but it was vastly inferior to the first. Goethe died in 1832, at the advanced age of eighty-two. His works embrace almost every department of literature. They have exercised an immense influence, not only in Germany, but over the entire civilized world. Tennyson. — Alfred Tennyson was born in Lincolnshire, England, in 1809. His father. Dr. George Tennyson, was a clergyman. Alfred was educated in Cambridge, where, in 1829, he ^'^ceived a medal for a prize poem in blank verse, entitled Timbuctoo.” He was still an undergraduate at college when he published, in 1830, a volume called Poems, Chiefly Lyrical.” It made little impression upon the public. His second vol- ume, in 1833, containing, besides several poems from the first, a number of new ones, The May Queen,” “ The Palace of Art,” “ A Dream of Fair Women,” ‘‘The Lotos Eaters,” and others, extended the yet small circle of his admirers. In the main, his second collection was severely noticed by the critics, and for nine years he remained silent. He then published some of the most admirable illustrations of his power, among them “ Morte d’Arthur,” “ Locksley Hall,” “ Dora,” and “ Ulysses.” In 1850 appeared the poems of “ In Menioriam,” designed to express the feelings caused b}^ the death of his most intimate friend, Arthur Henry Hallam. The volume contains one liundred and twenty-nine short poems replete with wisdom and beauty. In 1851, Tennyson was appointed poet-laureate after the death of Words- worth, his gifted predecessor. The custom of crowning with laurel the poets successful in a musical contest originated with the Greeks, and from them the practice was adopted by the Romans. It was revived in the twelfth century by the emperors of Germany, by whom the title of poet-laureate — i. a poet officially crowned with laurel — was invented. The early histoiy of the laureateship in England is traditional. The common story is that Edward HI in 1367 granted the office to Geoffrey Chaucer, with a yearly pension of one hundred marks and a tierce of Malvoisie wine. The laureatship was not regularly established until the reign of James I. At first the poet-laureate was expected to write a poem on all public events connected with the court, such as a birth or a marriage in the royal family. Since Southey’s time, however, they have written at their own discretion. Wordsworth wrote nothing in return for the distinc- tion, and Tennyson wrote but little. NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE 395 LKADTNG KNGUvSlI POETS Byron, ShkleHY, and Keats. — These three poets, separated as they were in many ways, have one point in common. To each death came early — finding Keats and Shelley, at least, with unsung songs upon their lips. When we consider the greatness of their place in English poetry, and the role that Byron played in the intellectual movement of his time, we wonder to find that neither Keats nor Shelley reached thirt}", and that at thirty-six Byron’s stormy and passionate career was ended. And their achievement seems the more remarkable when we reflect, further, that the work of Wordsworth, the greatest figure in the trio of poets immediately preceding, covered nearly half a century, while that of Keats and Shelley, and all the important work of Lord Byron, was crowded into the twelve years following the appearance of “ Childe Harold.” Of these three poets, Byron and Shelley stand together as poets of the Age of Revolution, while Keats, ignoring human interests and shunning those social questions which were still convulsing Europe, luxuriated in tke beautiful, if enervating, world which, his imagination had created. The advance of modern democracy, and those hopes for the future of humanity which came with it, are vital elements in English literature from the latter part of the last century down to our own day. In the lives of Byron and Shelley, as in those of Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Southey, these elements played an important part. But to the older group of poets, whose young eyes saw the fall of the Bastile, the revolution seemed to promise everything ; to the younger, who grew up to witness the downfall of the republic and the establishment of the Napoleonic despotism, it seemed to have performed nothing. The older group outlived their first disappointment, and settled down with advancing years into a quiet conser- vatism. The younger, thus early set face to face with a world of dis- illusions and of blasted hopes, were moved to bitter denunciations or to gloomy forebodings. prominent ENGLISH NOVELISTS Charles Dickens. — Dickens was the second of eight children. • His earliest associations were with the humbler and harsher side of life in a metropolis, as his father, John Dickens, a clerk in the navy pay-office, was transferred from Portsmouth to London in 1814. The knowledge thus hardly gained through early struggles and privations became a storehouse from which Dickens drew freely in his later work. The Marshalsea prison, where John Dickens was confined for debt, is described in “ Little Dorrit”; in '‘David Copperfield,” the most autobiographical of the novels, 396 NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE David’s experience as a wine merchant’s apprentice may have been sug- gested by Warren’s blacking factory, where Dickens worked as a boy, while his youthful struggles with shorthand and reporting are reflected in Cop- perfield’s later history. Remembering the great novelist’s early experience^ it seems but natural that he should have chosen to let in the sun and air on some of the shabbier and darker phases of existence, depicting many social gradations, from obscure respectability, through the vagrants and ad- venturers in the outer circles of society, down, as in “ Oliver Twist ” (1837- 1838), to the very dens and devices of open crime. There is Jo, the London street waif of “Bleak House” (1852-1853), “ allers a movin’ on”; Jingle, the gay and voluble impostor of “Pickwick” (1836-1837); and that ques, tionable fraternity, the Birds of Prey, that flit about the Thames in “ Our Mutual Friend ” (1864-1865). Yet through this portrayal of the under strata of society there runs a strong, perhaps a sometimes too apparent, moral pur- pose. Take us where he will, Dickens’ art is always pure, sound, and whole- some. : ' It is as a humorist that Dickens is at his best. There is a whimsical and ludicrous extravagance in his humor, an irresistible ingenuity in the ridiculous, peculiar to him alone. From the time when a delighted people waited in rapturous impatience for the forthcoming number of “ Pickwick,” to the publication of the unfinished “ Edwin Drood ” (1870), nineteenth cen- tury England laid aside her weariness and her problems to join in Dickens’ overflowing, infectious laughter. When we are ungrateful enough to be critical of one who has rested so many by his genial and kindly fun, we must admit that Dickens was neither a profound or truthful interpreter of life and character. His is for the most part a world of caricature, peopled, not with real living persons, but with eccentricities and oddities, skillfully made to seem like flesh and blood. We know them from some peculiarity of speech or manner, some oft-repeated phrase ; they are painted from without ; we are rarely enabled to get inside of their lives, and look out at the world through their eyes. The result is often but a clever and amusing burlesque of life, not life itself It may also be admitted that we feel at times in Dickens the absence of that atmosphere of refinement and cultiva- tion which is an unobtrusive but inseparable part of the art of Thackeray, Without detracting from some famous and beautiful scenes, Dickens’ pathos is often forced and premeditated, his sentiment shallow, while there are heights from which he is manifestl}^ shut out. When he attempts to draw a gentleman, or an average mortal distinguished by no special absurdities, the result is apt to be singularly insipid and lifeless. Notwithstanding these NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE 397 shortcomings, Dickens has won notable successes outside the field of pure humor. His “Tale of Two Cities” (1859) is a powerful story, quite different from his usual manner, and many scenes throughout his other books, as the famous description of the storm in “ David Copperfield,” are triumphs of tragic power. WiLiyiAM Makepeace Thackeray is the keen but kindly satirist of that surface world of frivolity and fashion into which the art of Dickens so seldom penetrates. Thackeray was born at Calcutta, but was early sent to England for his education. He had something of that regular training which Dickens lacked, going to Cambridge from the Charterhouse vSchool in London. He left college, however, shortly after entering, to study art on the Continent, and finally, losing his money, he returned to England, and about 1837 drifted into literature. After writing much for periodicals, he made his first great success in “ Vanity Fair ” (1847-1848). In this book^ under its satiric and humorous delineation of a world of hollowness and pretense, runs the strong current of a deep and serious purpose. “ Such people there are,” Thackeray writes, stepping “ down from the platform,” like his master. Fielding, to speak in his own person — “ such people there are, living and flourishing in the world — Faithless, Hopeless, Charityless ; let us have at them, dear friends, with might and main. Some there are, and very successful, too, mere quacks and fools; and it was to combat and expose such as these, no doubt, that laughter was made.” The passage is better than any outside comment on the spirit of Thack- eray’s work ; only the shallow and nndiscriminating reader fails to see that Thackeray’s seriousness is deeper and more vital than his cynicism ; that though the smile of the man of the world be on his lips, few hearts are more gentle, more compassionate, more tender ; that though he is quick to scorn, few eyes have looked out on this unintelligible world through more kindly or more honest tears. Satirist that he is, he kneels with the genuine and whole-souled devotion of Chaucer, of Shakespeare, of Milton, before the simple might of innocence and of goodness. In the midst of this world of “ Vanity Fair,” with its pettiness, its knavery, and its foolishness, he places the unspoilt Amelia and the honest and faithful Major Dobbin. If in “ Pendennis ” we have the world as it looks to the idlers in the major’s club windows, we have also Laura, and “ Pen’s ” confiding mother, apart from it, and unspotted by its taint. But more beautiful than all other creations of Thackeray’s reverent and loving nature is the immortal presence of Colonel Newcome, the man whose memory we hold sacred as 398 NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE that of one we have loved — the strong, hninhle, simple-minded gentleman, the grizzled soldier with the heart of a little child. In addition to his work as painter of contemporary manners, Tliackera}^ has enriched the literatnre two remarkable historical novels, ‘‘ Henry Esmond” (1852) audits sequel, “The Virginians” (1857-1859). In the first of these we have the fruits of Thackeray’s carefnl and loving study of eighteenth century England, a period with which he was especially identified, and which he had treated criticalh^ with extraordinary charm and sympath}^ in his “ Lectures on English Humorists ” (pub. 1853). “Esmond” is one of the greatest, possibl}^ the greatest historical novel in English fiction. The story is supposed to be told b}^ Esmond himself, and the book seems less that of a modern writing about the. past than the contemporar}^ record of the past itself. Nothing is more wonderful in it than the art with which Thackeray abandons his usual manner to identify himself with the narrator he has created. Yet in this, perhaps, we should rather see the real tender-hearted Thackeray, his thin veil of cynicism thrown aside. George Eliot. — Among the many women who have gained distinction as writers of fiction since the appearance of Miss Burney’s “ Evelina,” one at least cannot be passed over in the briefest survey. George Eliot (Mary Ann Evans, 1820-1881) stands easily in the front rank of English novelists, and must, moreover, be recognized as one of the most representative and influential writers of the latter half of the century. She was born at Chilvers Coton Parish, in Warwickshire, the county of intermingled Celt and English that has given so much to literature. Her father, like the elder Car^de, was a plain, capable, practical man ; one of those who do the world’s work faithfully and silently. His daughter has preserved for ns some traits of his strong, simple nature in the character of Caleb Garth, in “ Middlemarch.” Much of George Eliot’s best work deals with those phases of English provincial life among which many of her early years were passed. With a broader scope, a freer and more masculine handling than that of any writer who had preceded her in the field, by such novels as “Adam Bede” (1859), “The Mill on the Floss” (i860), and “Middle- march” (1871-1872), she is as emphatically the great painter of English country life as Dickens is of the slums and of the poor, or Thackeray of club life and of fashion. “ Romola,” an historical novel of the Florence of Savonarola, is her one notable departure from her chosen sphere. George Eliot’s work fills ns with an intense sense of reality. Her characters are substantial, living people, drawn with a Shakesperean truth and insight. NINETEENTH CENTURY LITERATURE 399 111 order to interest us in them she is not forced, as Dickens was, to rel}^ on outward eccentricities. In Tom and Maggie TulHver, in Dorothea Brooke, in Tito Melema, or in Gwendolen Harleth, we enter into and identify our- selves with the inner experiences of a human soul. These and the other great creations of George Eliot’s genius are not set characters ; like ourselves, they are subject to change, acted upon others, acting on others in their turn ; molded by the daily pressure of things within and things without. We are made to understand the growth or the degeneration of their souls; how Tito slips half-consciously down the easy slopes of self-indulgence, or Romola learns through suffering to ascend the heights of self-renunciation. The novels of George Eliot move under a heavy weight of tragic earnestness ; admirable as is their art, graphic and telling as is their humor, they are weighed down with a burden of philosophic teaching, which in the later books, especiall}" “ Daniel Deronda,” grows too heavy for the story, and injures the purely literary value. CHAPTER XL THE SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY — OUR NAVY j [With Introduction by Rear-Admiral Melville] T aking the nineteentli centur}^ as a whole, I think its greatest achieve- ment has been the marvelous development and progess in the application of mechanics, of physics, to the comforts, needs, and aspirations of man. From the rudest stage of society there has existed no more potent influence for civilizing, humanizing, ennobling mankind than the practical cultivation of the mechanic arts. In worthy progress and success there are three principal elements — character, intellect, and physical health. Aside from physical health (which the sanitary engineer, co-operating with the physician, promotes by provid- ing properly ventilated buildings, light, heat, S3^stems of drainage and water supply), which must be premised as generall}^ existing, as it is the basis of all normal activity, what does engineering do toward cultivating the two essential elements of success ? Practical morality has always been associated with the industrial arts ; man employed is a proper being. In the mechanical world, difficulties are met which have to be overcome in no equivocal manner. The artisan’s life is strenuous and decisive ; this develops his character. The engineer deals directly with the laws of the universe — he has to be exact. His work trains the mind and develops sound judgment ; error means failure. His whole life is conducive to sound morality, clear thinking, and a superior form or culture. Franklin’s maxim, “ God helps those who help themselves,” is especially exemplified in the career of an engineer. Success and progress in engineering, therefore, demand and foster the essential elements to worth}^ success and progress of luimanity in general. In the application of physical science — a science whose scope is so vast 400 GEOllGK W. MELVILLE, Rear-Admiral United States Navy, Contributes the cliapter in tliis volume on “ The Scientitie Achievements of the Nineteenth Century (JREAT INVENTORS. Kli Whitney, horn in ITfiS; died in 182"). •lohn Ericsson, horn in Sweden in 1803; died in 1889. Robert Fulton, horn in 1765; died in 1815. Filias Howe, horn in 1819 ; died in 1867. Cyrus H, McCormick, liorn in 1809 ; died in 1884. Samuel F. R. Morse, horn in 1791 ; died in 1872. Rol)ert Stephenson, liorn in England in 180.3; died in 1859. Edward Marconi is a young Italian, made famous hy his successes with wireless telegraphy. SCIENTIFIC ACHIECEMENTS OE THE CENTURY 401 — the engineer takes no insignificant part. He has contributed largely to the progress of the nineteenth centuiy. When speaking of the engineer, I mean, in the broad sense, the master mind and hand that studies and makes use of the physics of the earth, the air, the ocean, and converts it to the use of man for his health, progress, and happiness. His genius is felt and seen in every great work of the da3^ In agricultural implements, mining, sani- tation, electrical and other application, architecture and bridge building, manufacture of textile fabrics, transportation — in the whole industrial world, at every turn are met evidences of his skill, ingenuity, and science. Mark the milestones of his triumphal march ! Witness, as instances, the introduction of steam, apart from other uses, revolutionizing travel by land and sea. The suspension bridge, the lightning express, the ocean greyhound, are monuments to engineering skill and science. The advance in manufacture of steel and application of electricity are marvels of the decade. From the cambric needle to the ponderous battleship, with its thirteen-inch guns — all, all is the work of the engineer! Generali}^ speaking, the past determines the future, and it is 1113^ opinion that just as the advancement of the mechanic arts has contributed most to the welfare and happiness of mankind during the nineteenth century, so will its further advancement carr3^ forward the glorious progress of the twentieth century. Since writing the foregoing — a brief expression of my opinion as to the part played by the engineer in the progress of the nineteenth century — I have been asked to add something on the progress of engineering in the American navy and our growth as a sea power during that century. It is an exceeding pleasure to comply with this request, since, aside from the vast importance of a nav3^ to a nation, in no other field has the engineer such an opportunit3^ to displa3" his skill, science, and ingenuity, and to prove his devotion to his country. His zeal, ability, and stout heart have stood him in good stead during the struggle of steam for supremacy, and at the dawn of the twentieth cen- tury the naval engineer can look back upon his many achievements and victories with a feeling of pride and satisfaction. When we read the glorious deeds of our naval heroes — from John Paul Jones to George Dewey — and see how naval power has been the mainstay and preserver of the nation, we are naturall3^ curious to know what, besides unerring judgment, indomitable pluck, and sublime courage, were the mate- rials they had at their command to work, each in his age, the wonders they have wrought. Man’s inherent nature remains fixed — the fire of heroism 402 SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY burns steadily in all ages — but tbe means lie has employed and the weapons he has used in warfare have undergone most sweeping changes and mar- velous development. In tracing rapidly the principal achievements of American engineers in our navy, I can only give the barest outline of the work that has been accomplished, the strenuous toil to solve the man 3^ problems presented, and the grave responsibilities assumed. It need not be noted that the develop- ment in naval engineering has been possible only by the general advance- ment in science and manufacturing industries. The engineers of England, France, and America have been the leaders in the development of steam machinery in navies, and in this rivalry for supremacy America has more than once forged ahead. Though full credit must be given these two countries, American inven- tive genius may be truly said to have left an indelible impress upon naval development. It must be remembered that to Watt, the inventor of the steam engine, the re-creation of the navies of the world is due. The first steam war vessel in the world was built for the American navy, and designed by an American engineer, Robert Fulton, the father of steam navigation. This vessel was called the “ Demologos,” or Fulton the First.” Each succeeding steam vessel added to our nav}^ since the first one was built showed a steady and marked improvement, till, at the time of the civil war, our frigates were, in machinery, ordnance, and hull, second to none. The stimulus derived from the necessities of that great conflict gave birth to a steam navy, and the work done at that period by naval engineers stood the test of time, and remained for man}^ years models of the best naval engineering skill and science. The marvelous engineering genius of Ericsson, the inventor of the first monitor, designed for his adopted country ; the consummate skill and scien- tific attainments of Engineer-in-Chief Isherwood, the designer of the “ Wampanoag,” a vessel years ahead of her time, which exceeded by from three to four knots any vessel of her da}^, holding the record for eleven years ; the ability of Dahlgren, whose experiments and discoveries in ord- nance gave our guns a world-wide reputation for efficiency and power — all vastly contributed to the development and evolution of the modern ship of war. After the close of the war, interest in the navy lagged, and nothing of great importance marks the history of our naval shipbuilding till 1883, when the foundation of the ‘‘ new navy ” was laid. SCII:XTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY 403 From the building of the White Squadron ” to the present day our growth as a naval power has been a source of national pride ; and well may the people be proud of tlie growth of a navy whose glorious deeds shine on the page of histoiy with undiminished lustre, an inspiration for the genera- tions to come ! Its brilliant achievements and thrilling heroism have saved the countiy in iiiaii}^ a dark hour of peril. What American’s heart does not quicken at the mention of the Constitution ” or the Oregon ” ? In 1882 our naval force comprised but thirteen monitors of obsolete type, armed with muzzle-loading smooth-bores, and thirty-seven unprotected wooden cruisers. To-day we have, not including a large number of auxiliaiy vessels, forty battleships, armored cruisers, and monitors, twenty-four protected cruisers, forty gunboats, fifty-two torpedo-boats, besides fifty-nine other craft, including training and receiving ships, tugs, etc., making a grand total in the regular navy of two hundred and fifteen vessels. Singly, our ships, in hull, machinery, and armament, equal any in the world. Apart from a love for my profession, I consider it my greatest good- fortune and honor to have been associated with the development of what has been so aptly termed the “ new navy,” and to watch, as it were, the growth of our young sea giant — a growth to something near adequate for the needs and protection of our country. In the development of the modern warship progress has seemingly out- stripped itself, and hardly has one ship been completed and seen actual serv- ice than much of her structural details, machinery, and armament become comparatively obsolete. A warship must be seagoing, be able to give and take heavy blows, and, as well, have ample speed to chase or elude the enemy. The preponderance of one element over another in the design of the vessel has given different types or classes, as in the battleship speed is sac- rificed, in the armored cruiser guns and armor give way to greater speed, while with the torpedo-boat the aim of the design is the extraordinarily high speed to successfully launch the fatal bolt. A warship cannot be the creation of one man’s intellect. Its principal designers, the naval architect, the marine engineer, and the ordnance expert — all engineers — aim for a perfect combination, while endeavoring to secure the maximum results of their specialty. Besides his principal work to mold, to power, and to arm the ship, it is needless to recount the many evidences of the skill and science of the en- gineer. He makes the vessel habitable and comfortable by providing light, 404 SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OE THE CENTURY heat, and pure air by artificial means, distils water for the crew’s health, devises drainage systems, builds and equips workshops on board for routine repairs, employs steam, hydraulic, electric, or pneumatic power to raise anchor, steer ship, revolve turrets, to load, elevate, and train the guns, and in the driving of a hundred and one appliances that are the fruits of his busy brain. The close of the nineteenth centuiy witnesses the building of battle- ships with displacements over three times greater than the most ponderous of their predecessors that carried sail. A single fact gives some idea of the growth of the gun. From the Oregon’s ” main battery can be hurled a projectile weighing twenty-six times that of the heaviest shot used one hundred years ago. Upon speed hinges the result of many a naval conflict which may de- cide the fate of nations. At the crucial moment at Santiago, when it seemed that the Vizcaya ” and “ Colon ” would escape, the “ Oregon’s ” speed increased to sixteen knots, and soon drove the Vizcaya ” to the shore in flames, the ‘‘ Colon ” on the beach, her colors struck, literally run down to death. Taking the Oregon” as an embodiment of the American warship, we have in her unapproachable record during the war with Spain undying tes- timony to the ability and zeal of the engineer, beside which all eulogy were useless, all words were weak. With the many changes in the structure, armament, and machinery of ships the naval officer has kept pace, until to-day he is a man well versed in many arts and sciences. In his hands rests the honor of the navy, as in the days of the sailing vessel ; upon his intelligence to direct the compli- cated mechanism governing the movements and operations of his ship in peace and war, and his ability to carr}^ her safely over the seas, depend \vhether the new navy sustains the glorious record won b}^ the old. It is but simple truth and justice to say that the engineer dominates naval warfare ; and nothing is belittled or denied by telling this truth. To put it briefly — all military warfare is but organized force, and what is the function of the engineer but to understand, guide, and control force? The captain of to-da}^ is an engineer, and just so far as he understands the mechanism of his vessel will his executive power be illumined b}^ wisdom, and the handling of his ship and trained men be productive of good results. Engineering knowledge is imperative for the sagacious planning of a battle, for carrying out in practice the principles of strategy ; and it is the neces- sary foundation for an efficient sea fighter of the hour. SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY 405 Above all it must be appreciated that only the perfect combination of the cool head and the trained hand will win the day of battle ; that no mere machine can ever take the place of judgment, pluck, and courage, while all the human qualities but enable man to fight well and die bravely in the face of overwhelming force. There have been times when, owing to lack of interest, our naval development has lagged, and to-day our navy in size is not what it should be (though ship against ship, gun against gun, we dread no foe) ; but the late exceedingly favorable and spirited action of Congress — expressing the universal wish of the people — following favorable action of immediately preceding years, shows that the day of economy and retrenchment is over. To the question so often raised. Why counsel the building of a huge naval force ? it may be answered that so long as wars exist navies must be. If history is philosophy teaching by example,’’ it certainly points to the woful fate of the nation that is deficient in naval power. The greatest consolation that our better and higher natures may feel lies in the fact that “eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,” and hence peace ; and that in the possession of a thoroughly equipped and efficient navy America will rest secure in the friendship of the civilized powers, and command the respect of restless and belligerent ones ; and, being so well prepared for both defensive and offensive warfare, will avert actual conflict and all the more quietly pursue the loftiest vocations of peace. Let us not rear a huge navy with the idea of possessing a concentrated military force, to conquer by might, but to have that which will ever guide and direct, as well as secure, the right. Let us ever have in mind, when we see the flag floating proudl}^ over our ponderous battleships, that that flag does not represent military despotism, but this nation, the sweet land of liberty. DISCOVERIES AND INVENTIONS The century has seen science in every branch of its stupendous tree of knowledge put forth new shoots and blossom quickly into fruition. Let us take a look at some of the most marvelous of modern discoveries and inventions : Besseimer Steel. — Sir Henry Bessemer, the inventor of the modern process of making steel from iron, was born in 1813. At twenty he invented a mode of taking copies from antique and modern basso-relievos in such a way that they might be stamped on card-board, thousands being produced at a small cost. His inventive faculty also devised a read}^ method whereby those who were defrauding the government by detaching old stamps from. 406 SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY leases, money-bills, and agreements, and by using them over again, could be defeated in their purpose. His first pecuniary success was obtained by his invention of machinery for the manufacture of Bessemer gold and bronze powders, which was not patented, but the nature of which was long kept.- secret. Another successful invention was a machine for making Utrecht velvet. He also interested himself in the manufacture of paints, oils, and varnishes, sugar, railway carriages, ordnance, projectiles, and the ventilation of mines. In the exhibition of 1851 he exhibited an ingenious machine for grinding and polishing plate glass. Like Lord Armstrong, Bessemer turned his attention to the subject of the improvement of projectiles when there was a prospect of an European war in 1853. He invented a mode of firing elongated projectiles from smooth-bore guns, but received no counte-' nance from the officials at Woolwich. In August, 1856, he read his famous paper before the British Associa- tion “ On the Manufacture of Malleable Iron and Steel without Fuel,’^ which startled the iron trade of the world. Several leading men in the iron trade took licenses for the new manufacture, • which brought Bessemer $135,000 within thirty days of the time of reading his paper. These licenses he aftenvard bought back for $155,000, giving fresh ones in their stead. Some of the early experiments failed, and it was feared the new method would prove impracticable. These experiments failed because of the presence of phosphorus in the iron. But Bessemer worked steadily in order to remove the difficulties which had arisen, and a chemical laboratory was added to his establishment, with a professor of chemistry attached. Success awaited him. The new method of steel-making spread into France and Sweden, and in 1879 the works for making Bessemer steel were eighty- four in number, and represented a capital of more than three millions. liis process for the manufacture of steel raised the annual production of steel in England from 50,000 tons by the older processes to as many as 2,000,000 tons in some years. It was next used for boiler plates ; shipbuilding with Bessemer steel was begun in 1862, and now it is employed for most of the purposes for which malleable iron was formerly used. The production of Europe and America in 1892 was over 10,000,000 tons, of a probable value of $420,000,000, sufficient, as has been remarked, to make a solid steel wall round London forty feet high and five feet thick. It would take, according to the inventor, two or three years’ production of all the gold mines in the world to pay in gold for the output of Bessemer steel for one year. The price of steel previous to Huntsman’s process was about $50,000 per ton ; after him, from $250 to $500. Now Bessemer leaves it at $25 to $30 per NEW Y(^RK IN 1790. NEW 'YORK IN 1900. The population of New York City in 1790 was 33,131 ; in 1900 (estimated), 3,595,936. It would require a volume to set forth the amazing growth of the metropolis of our country during the last century, for it would of necessity include a history of the jirogress and development of science, art, literature and every de])artnient <>f human thought and industry as shown in this country. But scenes like the above suggest in a partial way some j)hases of this marveioua growth. THK I’AST AXI) THK PRESENT. "I'lie “ .“'avail nah ” was the first steamship to cross the Atlaiilie Ocean, .“^he was liuilt in New York and launched early in HIQ. . put, and then hi 1887 the “ Randt ” began to yield of its riches. The fol- lowing are the estimates of a mining expert of the world’s gold production : During 1890, $118,500,000; 1891, $130,650,000 ; 1892, $146,300,000 ; 1893, $155,550,000; 1894, $180,000,000; 1895, $200,000,000. As to the future of the South African sources of supply, it is estimated by Messrs. Hatch & Chalmers, mining engineers, who have published an exhaustive work on the subject, that before the end of the present century the Witwatersrandt mines alone will be yielding gold to the value of $100,- 000,000 annually; that early next century they will turn out $130,000,000 annually, and that the known resources of the district are equal to a total production within the next half century of three and one-half billion dollars, of which, probably, one billion dollars will be clear profit over the cost of mining. These estimates are considered excessive by some authorities ; never- theless, it is to be remembered that the productivity of deep-level mining has not yet been properly tested, that even the Transvaal itself has not yet been thoroughly exploited, and that there is every reason to believe that Matabeleland and Mashonaland are also rich in gold. But we have not to look to Africa alone. In Australia, besides the regular sources of supply^ which are being industriously^ developed, new deposits are being opened up in Western Australia at such a rate that some people predict that the “ Cinderella of the Colonies ” will soon become the richest, or one of the richest, members of the family. The following shows the contributions toward the world’s gold supply on the basis of 1894: United States, $39,750,000; Australasia, $41,760,000; South Africa, $40,270,000 ; British Columbia and South America, $10,000,- 000 ; Russia, $24,135,000 ; other countries, $24,035,000 ; total, $179,950,000. Johannesburg the Golden. — India was formerly the only country which yielded diamonds in quantity, and thence were obtained all the great historical stones of antiquity. The chief diamond-producing districts are those in the Madras Presidency, on the Kistna and Godavari Rivers, com- monly though improperly termed the Golconda region ; in the central prov- inces, including the mines of Sumbulpur ; and in Bundelkhand, where the Panna mines are situated. At present the diamond production of India is insignificant. It is nota- ble, however, that in 1881 a fine diamond, weighing 67^3 carats, was found near Wajra Karur, in the Bellary district, Madras. The stone was cut into a brilliant weighing 24^3 carats, and is known as the ‘‘ Gor-do-Norr.” 410 SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY Brazil was not regarded as a diamond-yielding country until 1727, when the true nature of certain crystals found in the gold washings of the province of Minas Geraes was first detected. Diamonds occur not only in this province, but in Bahia, Goyaz, Matto Grosso, and Parana. The geolog- ical conditions under which the mineral occurs have of late years been care- fully studied by Professors Derb}", Gorceix, and Chatrian. The diamonds are found in the sands and gravels of river beds, associated with alluvial gold, specular iron ore, rutile, anatase, topaz, and tourmaline. In 1853 an extraordinary diamond was found by a negress in the River Bogagem, in Minas Geraes. It weighed 254^ carats, and was cut into a brilliant of per- fect water, weighing 125 carats. This brilliant, known as the ‘‘ Star of the South,” was sold to the Gaikwar of Baroda for $400,000. Both the Indian and the Brazilian diamond fields have of late years been eclipsed by the remarkable discoveries of South Africa. Although it was known in the last century that diamonds occurred in certain parts of South Africa, the fact was forgotten, and when, in 1867, they were found near Hopetown, the discovery came upon the world as a surprise. A trav- eler named O’Reill}^ had rested himself at a farm in the Hopetown dis- trict, when his host, a man named Niekirk, brought him some nice-looking stones which he had got from the river. O’Reilly, when examining the pebbles, saw a diamond, which afterward realized $2,500. Niekirk after- ward bought a diamond from a native for $2,000 which realized $50,000. The principal mines are situated in Griqualand West, but diamonds are also worked in the Orange River Free State, as at Jagersfontein. The stones were first procured from the ‘‘river diggings” in the Vaal and Orange Rivers. These sources have occasionally 3delded large stones ; one found in 1872 at Waldeck’s Plant, on the Vaal, weighed 2 SSj 4 > carats, and yielded a fine pale-yellow brilliant, known as the “ Stewart.” It was soon found that the diamonds of South Africa were not con- fined to the river gravels, and “ dry diggings ” came to be established in the so-called “ pans.” The principal mines are those of Kimberley, De Beer’s, Du Toit’s Pan, and Bultfontein. The land here, previously worth only a few pence per acre, soon rose to a fabulous price. At these localities the diamonds occur in a serpentinous breccia, filling pipes or “ chimneys,” generally regarded as volcanic ducts, which rise from unknown depths and burst through the surrounding shales. The “blue ground,” or volcanic breccia, containing fragments of various rocks cemented by a serpentinous paste, becomes altered by meteoric agents as it approaches the surface, and is converted into “ yellow earth.” At Kimberley the neighboring schists, SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY 4U or reefs,” are associated with sheets of a basaltic rock, which are pierced by the pipes. About 2,000 white men are employed in the industry, and about 4,000 blacks, who earn, on an average, about $15.00 a week. In the year 1887 the production of the principal mines was over $20,000,000. The produc- tion for 1894 was somewhat less, while the total value of diamonds exported from 1867 to 1894 was about $350,000,000. The great number of large stones found in the mines of South Africa, as compared with those of India and Brazil, is a striking peculiarity. In the earliest days of African mining a diamond of about 83 carats was obtained from a Boer. This stone, when cut, yielded a splendid colorless brilliant of 46^ carats, known as the “ Star of South Africa,” or as the Dudley,” since it afterward became the property of the Countess of Dudley, at a cost of $125,000. Some of the African stones are “off-colored” — that is, of pale yellow or brown tints ; but a large gem of singular purity was found at Kimberley in 1880. This is the famous “ blue-white ” diamond of 150 carats, known from the name of its possessor as the “ Porter Rhodes.” At the De Beers mine was found, in 1889, the famous stone whieh was shown at the Paris Exposition. It weighed 428^ carats in the rough, and 228^ carats when eut. It measured one inch and seven-eighths in greatest length, and was about an inch and a half square. Even larger than this remarkable stone is a diamond found in the Jagersfonteiii mine in 1893, and named the “ Jagersfontein Excelsior.” This is one of the largest and most valuable diamonds in the world. It is of blue- white color, very fine quality, and measures three inches at the thickest part. The gross weight of this unique stone was no less than 969^ carats (or about 6^ oz.), and the following are its recorded dimensions : Length, 2^ inches ; greatest width, 2 inches ; smallest width, inch ; extreme girth ill width, 5^ inches ; extreme girth in length, 6^ inches. It is impossible to say what is the value of so phenomenal a gem. We do not know that an estimate has been even attempted ; but it may easily be two and one-half millions, if the cutting is successful. The diamond has, however, a blaek flaw in the centre. It is the property of a syndicate of London diamond merehants. The native who found it evaded the overseer and ran to head- quarters to secure the reward, which took the form of $500 in gold and a horse and cart. Previous to this discovery, the most famous of the African diamonds was, perhaps, the “Pam” or “Jagersfonteiii” stone, not so much from its size as because the queen had ordered it to be sent to Osborne for her inspection with a view to purchase, when the untimely death of the Duke of 412 SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY Clarence put an end to the negotiations. The “ Pam ” is only of 55 carats now ; but it weighed 112 carats before being cut, and is a stone of remarkable purity and beauty. Its present value is computed at about $125,000. The most valuable diamond in the world is the famous “ Braganza gem belonging to Portugal. It weighed in the rough state 1,680 carats, and was valued at upward of $25,500,000. Cycling. — The pastime of cycling, at first only patronized by athletic youth, has now spread to every class of the community. The vast improve- ment in machines and the health and exhilaration to be gained by the exercise have had much to do with its popularity alike with aristocracy and democracy. Like golf, it has come to stay, although many who take cycling up for amusement will drop it again, as they would do anything else. But there will always remain a strong and increasing contingent, fully aware, by practical experience, of its health and pleasure giving powers, who will place it second to no existing recreation. And so the cyclist gets gleams and glances of beauty from many a nook and corner of the land, where railway, coach, or his unaided pedestrian powers would never carry him. It has widened a twent3^-mile radius to a forty-mile radius, and increased man’s locomotive powers threefold. Let no one imagine that there is not a considerable amount of exertion and fatigue, and sometimes hardship. But it is of a wholesome kind, when kept within limits, and physicall}^, morally, and socially, the benefits that cycling con- fers on the men of the present day are almost unbounded. Steamers and Sailing Ships. — In considering the development of maritime commerce, it is always to be remembered that the design of Columbus and the early navigators in sailing westward was not to find America, but to find a new way to India and Far Cathay. Mighty as America has become in the world’s economy, its first occupation was only an incident in the struggle for the trade of the Far East. But with the occupation of America came two new developments in this carrying trade — namely, one across the Atlantic, and one upon and across the Pacific. To the eventful year in which so many great enterprises were founded — namely, 1840 — we trace the beginning of steam carrying on the Pacific, for in that year William Wheelwright took or sent the first steamer round Cape Horn, as the pioneer of the great Pacific Steam Navigation Company. Within about a dozen years thereafter x\mericans had some fifty steamers constantly engaged on the Pacific coast of the two continents, besides those of an English company. Out of one of those Pacific lines grew Commo- SCIENTIPIC ACHIEVEMENTS OE THE CENTURY 413 dore Vaiiderbilt^s Nicaragua Transit Company, a double service of two lines of steamers, one on each side of the continent, with an overland con- nection through Nicaragua. Out of another grew the New York and San Francisco line, connecting overland across the isthmus of Panama — where M. de Lesseps did not succeed in cutting a canal. And out of yet another of those Pacific enterprises, all stimulated b}^ Wheelwright’s success, grew in the course of years a line between San Francisco and Hawaii, and another between San Francisco and Australia. Some forty years ago the boats of this last-named line used to run down to Panama to pick up pas- sengers and traffic from Europe, and it is interesting to recall that at that period the design was greatly favored of a regular steam service between England and Australia via Panama. A company was projected for the purpose ; but it came to nothing, for various reasons not necessary to enter upon here. But as long ago as the early fifties, when the Panama Railway was in course of construction, there were eight separate lines of steamers on the Atlantic meeting at Aspinwall, and five on the Pacific meeting at Panama. Later on, when the Americans had completed their iron roads from ocean to ocean across their own dominions, they started lines of steamers from San Francisco to China and Japan. And later still, when the Canadian Pacific Railway was completed across Canada, a British line of ships was started across the Pacific to Far Cathay, and afterward to Australia and New Zealand. So that the dream of the old navigators has, after all, been practically realized. It is computed that on the great ocean highways there are not fewer than ten thousand large and highly powered steamers constantly employed. If it be wondered how sailing vessels can maintain a place at all in the race of competition in the world’s carrying trade, a word of explanation may be offered. Do not suppose that only rough and low-valued cargo is left for the sailers. They still have the bulk of the cotton and wheat and other valuable products, not only because they can carry more cheaply, but be- cause transport by sailing vessels gives the merchant a wider choice of market. Cargoes of staple products can always be sold ‘‘ to arrive ” at some given port, and it is cheaper to put them afloat than to warehouse them ashore and wait for an order. What, then, are the proportions borne by the several maritime nations in this great international carr3dng trade ? The question is not one which can be answered with absolute precision, but the tables of the marine department of the Liverpool Board of Trade enable one to find an approximate answer. In 1893 the tonnage of steam and sailing vessels of all nationalities in the 414 SCIENTIFIC ACHIFJ^EMENTS OF THE CENTURY foreign trade entering and clearing at ports in the United Kingdom was 74,632,847, of which 54,148,664 tons were British, and 20,484,183 tons were foreign. In the foreign total, the largest proportions were Norwegian, German, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, and French. The Teutonic races have thus the most of the ocean carrying ; the United States’ proportion of the above total was small. The First Steamer to Cross the Atlantic. — The earliest steam- ers the world ever saw, not reckoning the experimental craft constructed by such men as Fulton, Symington, and Watt, were those employed in the transatlantic trade. As far back as the year 1819 the American paddle- steamer “ Savannah,” of three hundred tons burden, crossed from the port of that name, in Georgia, to Liverpool. She occupied twenty-five days upon the passage ; but as she was fully rigged, and under all sail during at least two-thirds of the voyage, the merit of her performance, as an illustration of the superiority of the engine over canvas, is somewhat doubtful. Yet she was beyond dispute the first steamer to accomplish a long sea voyage, and to America belongs the credit of her exploit. The Telegraph. — It was in 1832, during a voyage from Havre to New York in the packet “ Sully,” that Mr. S. F. B. Morse, then an artist, conceived the idea of the electro-magnetic marking telegraph, and drew a design for it in his sketch-book. But it was not until the beginning of 1838 that he and his colleague, Mr. Alfred Vail, succeeded in getting the appa- ratus to work. Judge Vail, the father of Alfred, had found the money for the experiments ; but as time went on and no result was achieved, he became disheartened, and perhaps annoyed at the sarcasms of his neighbors, so that the inventors were afraid to meet him. “ I recall vividly,” sa3^s Mr. Baxter, even after the lapse of so many years, the proud moment when Alfred said to me, ‘ William, go up to the house and invite father to come down and see the telegraph machine work.’ I did not stop to don my coat, although it was the 6th of January, but ran in my shop clothes as fast as I possibly could. It was just after dinner when I knocked at the door of the house, and was ushered into the sitting-room. The judge had on his broad-brimmed hat and surtout, as if prepared to go out ; but he sat before the fireplace, leaning his head on his cane, apparently in deep meditation. As I entered his room he looked up and said, ‘ Well, William ?’ and I answered, ‘ Mr. Alfred and Mr. Morse sent me to invite you to come down to the room and see the telegraph machine work.’ He started up, as if the importance of the message impressed him deepl}^ ; and in a few minutes we were standing SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY 415 in the experimental room. After a short explanation, he called for a piece of paper, and writing upon it the words, ‘ A patient waiter is no loser,’ he handed it to Alfred, saying, ‘ If 3^011 can send this and Mr. Morse can read it at the other end, I shall be convinced.’ The message was received by Morse at the other end, and handed to the j udge, who, at this unexpected triumph, was overcome by his emotions.” The practical value of the inven- tion was soon realized; by 1840 telegraph lines were being made in civilized countries, and ere long extended into the network of lines which now en- circle the globe and bring the remotest ends of the earth into direct and immediate communication. Atlantic Cables. — A year or two before the first attempt to lay an Atlantic cable there were only eighty-seven nautical miles of submarine cables laid ; now the total length of these wonderful message-carriers under the waves is over one'^hundred and sixty thousand five hundred English statute miles. There are now fourteen cables crossing the Atlantic, which are owned by six different companies. The charter which Mr. Cyrus W. Field obtained for the New York, Newfoundland, and London Telegraph Company was granted in the year 1854. It constructed the land-line telegraph in Newfoundland, and laid a cable across the Gulf of St. Lawrence ; but this was only the commence- ment of the work. Soundings of the sea were needed ; electricians had to devise forms of cable most suitable ; engineers to consider the methods of carrying and of laying the cable ; and capitalists had to be convinced that the scheme was practicable, and likely to be remunerative ; while govern- ments were appealed to for aid. Great Britain readily promised aid ; but the United States Senate passed the needful bill by a majority of one. But when the first Atlantic cable expedition left the coast, of Kerry, it was a stately squadron of British and American ships of war, such as the “ Niagara ” and the “Agamemnon,” and of merchant steamships.* The Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland, directors of the Atlantic Telegraph Compan}^ and of British railways, were there, with representatives of several nations ; and when the shore end had been landed at Valentia, the expedition left the Irish coast in August, 1857. When three hundred and thirty-five miles of the cable had been laid, it parted, and high hopes were buried many fathoms below the surface. The first expedition of 1858 also failed ; the second one was successful ; and on the i6th of August in that year Queen Victoria congratulated the President of the United States “ upon the successful completion of this 416 SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY great international work ” ; and President Buchanan replied, trusting that the telegraph might “ prove to be a bond of perpetual peace and friendship between the kindred nations.” But after a few weeks’ work, the cable gave its last throb and was silent. Not until 1865 was another attempt made, and then the cable was broken after twelve hundred miles had been successfully laid. Then, at the sugges- tion of Mr. (afterward Sir) Daniel Gooch, the Anglo-American Telegraph Company was formed ; and on July 13, 1866, another expedition left Ireland, and toward the end of the month the “ Great Eastern ” glided calmly into Heart’s Content, “ dropping her anchor in front of the telegraph house, having trailed behind her a chain of two thousand miles to bind the Old World to the New.” But the success of the year was more than the mere laying of a cable — the “ Great Eastern ” was able, in the words of the late Lord Iddesleigh, to complete the laying of the cable of 1866, and the recovering that of 1865.” The Telephone. — So much have times altered in the last fifty years that the electric telegraph itself is threatened in its turn with serious rivalry at the hands of a youthful but vigorous competitor, the telephone. Great inventions are often conceived a long time before they are realized in practice. Sometimes the original idea occurs to the man who subsequently works it out ; and sometimes it comes as a happy thought to one who is either in ad- vance of his age, or who is prevented by adverse circumstances from follow- ing it up, and who yet lives to see the day when some more fortunate indi- vidual gives it a material shape, and so achieves the fame which was denied to him. Such is the case of M. Charles Bourselle, who in 1854 proposed a form of speaking telephone, which, though not practicable in its first crude condition, might have led its originator to a more successful instrument if he had pursued the subject further. The telephone is an instrument designed to reproduce sounds at a dis- tance by means of electricity. It was believed by most people, and even by eminent electricians, that the speaking telephone had never been dreamed of by any one before Professor Graham Bell introduced his marvelous little apparatus to the scientific world. But that was a mistake. More than one person had thought of such a thing, Bourselle among the number. Philip Reis, a German electrician, had even constructed an electric telephone in 1864, which transmitted words with some degree of perfection ; and the assistant of Reis asserts that it was designed to carry music as well as words. Professor Bell, in devising his telephone, copied the human ear with SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY 417 its vibrating drum. The first iron plate he used as a vibrator was a little piece of clock-spring glued to a parchment diaphragm, and on saying to the spring on the telephone at one end of the line, Do yon understand what I say ?” the answer from his assistant at the other end came back immedi- ately, “ Yes ; I understand you perfectly.” The sounds were feeble, and he had to hold his ear close to the little piece of iron on the parchment, but they were distinct ; and though Reis had transmitted certain single words some ten years before. Bell was the first to make a piece of matter utter sentences. Reis gave the electric wire a tongue, so that it could mumble like an infant ; but Bell taught it to speak. The next step is attributed to Mr. Elisha Gray, of Chicago, who sent successions of electrical current of varying strength as well as of varying frequency into the circuit, and thus enabled the relative loudness as well as the pitch of sounds to be transmitted ; and who afterward took the import- ant step of using the variations of a steady current. These variations, positive and negative, are capable of representing all back-and-fore varia- tions of position of a particle of air, however irregular these may be, and he secured them by making the sound-waves set a diaphragm in vibration. This diaphragm carried a metallic point which dipped in dilute sulphuric acid ; the deeper it dipped the less was the resistance to a current passing through the acid, and vice versa, so that every variation in the position of the diaphragm produced a corresponding variation in the intensity of the current, and the varying current acted upon a distant electro-magnet, which accordingly fluctuated in strength, and in its attraction for a piece of soft iron suspended on a flexible diaphragm ; this piece of soft iron accordingly oscil- lated, pulling the flexible diaphragm with it ; and the variations of pressure in the air acted upon by the diaphragm produced waves, reproducing the characteristics of the original sound-waves, and perceived by the ear as re- producing the original sound or voice. Mr. Gray lodged a caveat for this contrivance in the United States Patent Office on February 14, 1876; but on the same day Professor Alexander Graham Bell filed a specification and drawings of the original Bell telephone. Bell’s telephone was first exhibited in America at the Centennial Exhi- bition in Philadelphia in 1876 ; and in England, at the Glasgow meeting of the British Association in September of that 3^ear. On that occasion Sir William Thomson (Lord Kelvin) pronounced it, with enthusiasm, to be the greatest of all the marvels of the electric telegraph.” Since then, its in- troduction as a valuable aid to social life has been very rapid, and the tele- phone is now to be found in use from China to Peru. 418 SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY The Phonograph is an instrument for mechanically recording and re- producing articulate human speech, song, etc. It was invented by Mr. T, A. Edison, in the spring of 1877, at his Menlo Park Laboratory, New Jersey, and came into existence as the result of one of the many lines of experiment he was then engaged upon. Thomas Alva Edison was born at Milan, Ohio, February ii, 1847, but his early years were spent at Port Huron, Mich, His father was of Dutch, and his mother of Scotch descent ; the latter, having been a teacher, gave him what schooling he received. Edison was a great reader in his youth, and at the age of twelve he became a newsboy on the Grand Trunk Line running into Detroit, and began to experiment in chemistry. Gaining the exclusive right of selling news- papers on this line, and purchasing some old type, with the aid of four assistants he printed and issued the Grand Trunk Herald^ the first news- paper printed in a railway train. A station-master, in gratitude for his having saved his child from the front of an advancing train, taught him telegraphy, in which he had previously been greatly interested ; and thenceforward he concentrated the energies of a very versatile mind chiefly upon electrical studies. Edison invented an automatic repeater, by means of which messages could be sent from one wire to another without the intervention of the operator. His system of duplex telegraphy was perfected while a tele- graph operator in Boston, but was not entirely successful until 1872. In 1871 he became superintendent of the New York Gold and Stock Com- pany, and here invented the printing telegraph for gold and stock quotations, for the manufacture of which he established a workshop at Newark, N. J., continuing there till his removal to Menlo Park, N. J., in 1876. Ten years later he settled at Orange, at the foot of the Orange Mountains, his large premises at Menlo Park having grown too small for him. His inventive faculties now getting full play, he took out over fifty patents in connection with improvements in telegraphy, including the duplex, quadruplex, and sextuplex systems ; the carbon telephone trans- mitter ; microtasimeter ; aerophone, for amplifying sound ; the megaphone, for magnifying sound. Thence also emanated his phonograph, a form of telephone, and various practical adaptations of the electric light. His kinetoscope (1894) is a development of the zoetrope, in which the con- tinuous picture is obtained from a swift succession of instantaneous photo- graphs (taken forty-six or more in a second), and printed on a strip of cellu- loid. Of late he has devoted himself to improving metallurgic methods. SCENE 1838 THE^f^Dvvbop CofiiCfi fe^'l'cYCt^ TH E A 1 lE7 f?AiLNOAD .5C£N£> 1900 KVOLI TION OF LAND TRANSPORTATION. A hundred years ago it reiiuired a week to go from Hoston to New York, and when the stages made the journey from New York to Philadelphia in two days, they were called “ tiying machines.” To-day, the same trip is accomplished in two hours. With the automobile traveling thirty or more miles an hour on the highway and our express trains speeding at a rate greater than a mile a minute, one may well wonder what further imiirovements will be made. SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OE THE CENTURY 419 He has taken out some five hundred patents, and founded many companies at home and in Europe. Railroads. — Here is a fact to astound one — even the reader who may be old enough to vouch for its authenticity : In 1845 little more than a half-centur}^ ago), when only two or three thousand miles of railroad line had been opened in our mother country, a slender pamphlet of thirty-four pages, bearing, even at that time, the now familiar name of “ Bradshaw,” was more than sufficient to contain the time-tables of all the trains of Great Britain. In 1842, Queen Victoria refused to travel by railway, and it is recorded of Prince Albert that, in going to Windsor, he was wont to say, “Not quite so fast, next time, Mr. Conductor, if you please.” In our own country many are still living who have watched the development of the greatest railway system in the world, who have seen the steady and amaz- ing advance from Peter Cooper’s locomotive, weighing less than a ton, which, with difficulty, outstripped in speed a gray horse, to locomotives weighing more than seventy-five tons, which easily run sixt}^, and can ex- ceed seventy, miles an hour. Moreover, in the life of the present genera- tion the railroads in the United States have been quadrupled in mileage ; they have attained to the enormous proportions of two hundred thousand miles ; they have cost close upon ten billion dollars ; they employ more than a million men, and they run more than a million cars, which is to say that, stretched out in a straight line, with locomotives and tenders, the}^ would form a train more than seven thousand miles long. We have before us an advertisement of the “ Pioneer Fast Line,” dated April, 1837, which holds out to tourists the alluring prospect of rapid transit from Philadelphia to Pittsburg (“ in large and splendid eight-wheel cars ” and canal packets) in “ three and one-half days.” In another ad- vertisement, so late as 1849, the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore line plumes itself on running twice a day to Baltimore, “ through in six hours.” This was twenty years after Peter Cooper had built the first loco- motive in this country, the boiler of his wonderful engine being the size of a flour barrel, and its flues made of gun-barrels. In a half-centur}" there have been very many modifications in the design of locomotives. The modern standard express trains and the heavy freight trains, the light trains on elevated roads and the trains for suburban traffic, require different kinds of locomotives. In size and weight these locomotives have steadily grown, until now the “ decapod ” class weigh, in working order, one hundred and forty-eight thousand pounds. 420 SCIENTIFIC ACHIEJ^EMENTS OF THE CENTURY Evolution. — The revolution of opinion upon the subject of evolution is certainly the great feature of the history of the last quarter-century. The fingers of one hand will now more than suffice to count all anti-evolutionists who are competent to have an opinion on the subject. The principle of natural selection is universally acknowledged to be a most important dis- covery ; though naturalists of the neo-Laniarckiaii school think its import- ance has been somewhat overrated, while the ultra-Darwinian school claim more for natural selection than Darwin claimed himself. Not a few of us, indeed, believe that the departure in both directions from Darwin’s positions have been for the worse; that, in maintaining the adequacy of natural selection to evolve new species by means of fortuitous variation, while con- ceding, nevertheless, the possibility of a more direct influence of environ- ment through inheritance of the effects of use and disuse and of other acquired variations, the views of Darwin himself still remain the most accordant with all known facts. But, whatever differences of opinion there may be in regard to the relative efficiency of natural selection and other evolutionary forces, all naturalists of the present day would unite in recog- nizing Darwin as the one great epoch-making name in the history of science since Sir Isaac Newton. Together lie the mortal remains of these two great men in Westminster Abbey; and together their names will stand in the history of science — Newton, whose conception of universal gravitation gave unity to inorganic nature ; Darwin, whose conception of natural selection gave unity to organic nature. It is no extravagant praise of Darwin’s work to predict that future historians of the intellectual progress of our race will recognize the publication of the “ Origin of Species ” as the great event in the intellectual history of the nineteenth century. The importance of the intellectual movement which began with the publication of the “ Origin of Species ” depends not alone nor chiefly upon the fact that a single great truth in biological science has been established, but upon the fact that the effect of that truth has been to revolutionize sci- entific thought in general. The whole character of biological science has been changed. From the condition of a merely classificatory science, it has passed into that of a dynamical science. In 1857, O^rwin, writing to Wal- lace, lamented that “ very few naturalists care for anything beyond the mere description of species.” So completely has the spirit of biological investi- gation been changed that at present, fascinated by the countless questions which the evolutionary view of nature is presenting to our attention on every hand, naturalists are in danger even of despising and neglecting the humble but necessary labors of systematic botany and zoology. SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE CENTURY 421 Nor is it alone in the realm of biological science that the influence of Darwin’s great discovery has been felt. There is no department of thought, however remote from the technical study of biology, which has not felt the profound influence of the new idea. The thought which inspires and char- acterizes the whole intellectual life of the closing quarter of the nineteenth century finds its expression in the word evolution. The automobile, or horseless carriage, is one of the more recent of the many remarkable inventions called into life by the imperative demand for rapid transit. Naturally it has been desired to produce a motor to attach to the axles of an ordinar}^ vehicle which would have sufficient power to propel it at a fair rate of speed over any sort of road. This has been obtained with vary- ing degrees of success, so that now there is an unlimited number of horse- less vehicles, from the big cumbersome truck to the luxurious landau, fitted with motors, the propelling forces of which are steam, burning coal, coke, kerosene, naphtha, and electricity. The latter affords the ideal power, and is free from any of the objections attached to the other motive forces. Trolley. — With the exception of the steam locomotive, of course, there has not been any single invention during recent years which has so largely increased the wealth of the country as the application of electricity as a motive power to street and suburban railway traffic. Not onl}^ has it been the means of connecting outlying hamlets, but it has permitted the growth of large cities toward the pure air of the country ; relieved the congestion of the central portions, and given life and strength to thousands who otherwise would have died in the fetid atmosphere of densely populated tenement houses. Power to propel the swift-moving “ trolley ” is conve3^ed to the car from a conveniently situated power-house, where the electricity is generated in great quantities. From this point it is carried to the car b}^ means of wires strung overhead, or underground in conduits, according to the S3^steni in use. Man3^ experiments have been made with storage batteries and under- ground wires, with more or less success, but the most satisfactor3^ S3^stem from ever3^ point of view, including that ot minimum cost, is that of the overhead wire. CHAPTER XLI HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION [By CHARLES EMORY SMITH, Postmaster-General U. S.] T he great, overmastering fact in the material development of the world during the past quarter of a century is the marvelous industrial ex- pansion of the United States. Our country had long been foremost among nations in agricultural products. Whether cotton or wheat or corn was king, in any case we held the sceptre. Our great domain, our fertile soil, and our varied climate gave us the unrivaled mastery. But in everything outside of the earth’s rich bounty the young Re- public had yet its commanding place to make. Thirty years ago we were only at the threshold of our wonderful material growth. We had just emerged from the struggle and sacrifices and burdens of a long civil war, and had just entered upon the promise and the fruits of a regenerated Union and a peaceful development. We had achieved our political independence, but our economic independence was yet to be secured. Our manufactures were to be built up, our mines to be opened, our railroads to be constructed. We applied a true American policy, directed to the defense and advancement of American interests, and under its banner we. proceeded to the great work of internal upbuilding. The result is the mightiest industrial expansion the world has ever seen. This is the miracle-working age of steam and electricity. Under the potent application of these magic forces the whole civilized world has been bounding forward with astonishing strides. The great nations of the Old World had a long start in the race. They possessed accumulated capital and established industries and fixed markets. And 3^et, notwith- standing these advantages, they have been far outstripped by the puissant young Republic of the New World. 422 CHARLES EMORY SMITH, Postmaster-General of the United States, Contributes the chapter in this volume on “ Our Home Development.” Copyright 1899, by Kurz & Allison, Chicago, 711. HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION m Among the industrial powers of the earth we now stand pre-eminent and unrivaled. We have gained a manufacturing supremacy which is alto- gether unapproached. We first aimed at the full control of our home market, which is the best of all markets, and when we had made ourselves its uncontested masters, when we produced enough and more than enough to supply its requirements, we were compelled to take the outward look. The moment our manufactured exports exceeded our manufactured imports that moment we passed beyond the possession of our domestic field to the demand for foreign markets. It showed that at length we had a surplus which must find its outlet. The pregnant hour when our exports of manu- factures passed our imports came in 1898, and in the striking inarch of events that are not ruled by any mere chance, that very year witnessed the war with Spain which, as its unexpected and unavoidable result, brought us the great opportunity of commercial outlet for which the princes of busi- ness had already begun to look, but which the keenest vision had never foreseen. The first and paramount obligation connected with the war is the moral duty growing out of it. Above all other considerations are the moral re- sponsibilities of our new position. We owe a duty to our American char- acter and honor. We owe a duty to the new peoples who have come under our flag. We must, above all things, be true to the principles of liberty and justice and right. These obligations have been and will be thoroughly considered, but it does not fall within my present purpose to discuss them. Recognizing the moral dut}^ as supreme, I do not hesitate to say that President McKinle}^ has made it his guiding rule in dealing with all the transcendent questions which have grown out of our new pos- sessions. But when we have met the highest requirement of the moral standard there is no code of ethics and no rule of statesmanship which excludes con- sideration of the commercial interests involved in our public polic3\ It is the obligation of the Government first of all to be right ; it is also its obli- gation to promote the advantage and welfare of its own people ; and when the two fully coincide and harmonize, when the moral mandate and the material interests completel}^ blend, the polic}^ is doubly wise and the duty doubly commanding. Such is our present position. We should be recreant to our American manhood if we did not bravel}^ fulfill the mission of hu- manity and civilization which the war has bequeathed to us. We should be strangely blind to our American interests if we did not recognize the re- quirements of our phenomenal industrial expansion and see the marvelous 424 HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION opportunit}" of commercial expansion thus made necessar}^ which is opened before us. Let me ask 3^onr attention to our remarkable position of economic superiority and to the imperative demands which grow out of it. Familiar as we are with the legend of our national growth, we do not realize its stu- pendous proportions until we anal^^ze and measure it by comparison. In 1870 the annual value of our manufactures was $3,700,000,000 ; now it is about $12,000,000,000. For half a century England had been the workshop of the world, and we had only just begun. Still we had got such a start that in 1870 the manufactures of the United States just about equaled those of Great Britain. But since then onr growth has been so prodigious that now our manufactures amount to two and a half times the total volume of British manufactures, and equal those of Great Britain, Germany, and France put together. The increase in the annual x\merican product within thirt}^ years has been double the combined increase of those three great nations of Europe. In other words, if you match the United States against Great Britain, Germany, and France to- gether, our manufactures are equal to all theirs and are growing twice as fast. We are manufacturing nearly two-thirds as much as all Europe with its 380,000,000 people, and more than one-third of all that is manufactured in the world. If you take the whole range of industries, including agriculture, min- ing, transportation, and even commerce, wherein alone we are behind, the proportions stand about the same. The aggregate value of all American industries is more than double that of Great Britain, three times that of France, and two and a half times that of German3\ It is one-half that of all Europe combined. With this enormous industrial expansion the national Avealth of the United States grows proportionately. In i860 our aggregate wealth was but little more than half that of Great Britain, less than half that of France, and onh^ about half that of the nations that made up the German Empire. Now it is a third greater than Great Britain’s, double Germany’s, and nearly double that of France. Within forty years the United States has gained over $67,000,000,000 in Avealth, Avhile Great Britain, France, and German}^ together have gained less than $60,000,- 000,000. The figures of our national earnings dazzle the imagination. Last year we earned about $14,500,000,000, of Avhich more than one-half Avas the wages of labor. The earnings of labor in the United States to-day are greater than the combined earnings of capital and labor together in Great Britain. Labor HOME DErELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 425 was never as well rewarded as in this prosperous year. As compared with the years 1893, 1894, and 1895, ^he average earnings of labor now are in the ratio of 127 to 81 . That is, they are nearly sixty per cent, greater than they were five years ago. The whole country is striding forward by leaps and bounds. The $20,000,000 granted to Spain in connection with the Philippines was paid b}^ what the country earns in half a day. The nation’s earnings in a single year like the present are equivalent to more than one-half its entire accu- mulated wealth in 1870; that is, to more than one-half of all that it had saved and put into all forms of property during the first eighty 3^ears of its existence as a nation. If we did not spend more freely than other peoples, if we did not main- tain a higher general standard of comfort, education, and good living, our savings would be stupendous. But, on the other hand, under such limita- tions we should not have such power of earning. As it is, our annual gain is $2,000,000,000, and every succeeding working day sees the United States over $6,000,000 better off than it was the day before. We have multiplied our capital more than threefold since 1870, and to its present vast propor- tions we shall in the next ten years add as much as the entire capital of the nation was in 1870. With this rapid and tremendous expansion of capital and of the product of labor, is there to be no expansion of its opportunity and its outlets ? When we pass from these broad outlines to the particular factors, the astonishing growth and the superior position of the United States are em- phasized. Iron and steel are everywhere recognized as the basic fabrics and the surest index of industrial power. Fifteen years ago the United States made only half as much pig iron as Great Britain, and only a little more than Germany. Within that short period our gain has been equal to the combined gain of the two great iron nations of Europe ; we now make fifty per cent, more than either, and we have leaped so far to the front that we make more than one-third of all the iron that is made in the world. The same thing is true of steel. Last year we produced twice as much steel as Great Britain, though fifteen years ago our product was less than hers ; and while Germany has outstripped Great Britain, we are sixty per cent, ahead of Germany. We make half as much steel as all other nations put to- gether. Not only do we hold the present master}^ but we command the future, because we possess the elements of continued industrial supremac3^ Our unused resources are even more remarkable and significant than our present achievements. Coal and iron ore are the raw material and the foundation 426 HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION of iron and steel production. The coal fields of Great Britain embrace 9,300 square miles and those of Germany 3,000 square miles. But how mighty seem the potentialities of the United States when we remember that our total coal area covers 200,000 square miles, and that even when we limit it to the cpiantity of coal which enters into the manufacture of iron, it still reaches the stupendous figures of more than 70,000 square miles, or 20,000 square miles more than the entire area of England ! Our coal pro- duction has rapidly advanced until we now mine as much as Great Britain and nearl}^ one-third of all that is mined in the world. Great Britain ex- ports 40,000,000 tons, or one-fifth of her entire product, while we consume practically all of ours and export only 4,000,000 tons. As our illimitable fields are opened and foreign fields are reduced, our capability of supp^fing the world will become more and more marked. Even now we are reading in the public press of the coal famine in Europe and of the great demand for American coal. The facts as to iron ore are much the same. Great Britain used about 18.000. 000 tons in 1898, but she had to import one-third of it, or 6,000,000 tons. On the other hand, the United States produced 19,000,000 tons, and used. all of it within her own borders. In the lake regions we have a wealth of ore beds which are practically inexhaustible, and which, with our bound- less coal fields, assure our increasing and enduring supremacy as an indus- trial power. We have not yet gained the same lead in textiles. But, though we began fifty years ago with a valued product only one-seventh of Great Britain’s, only one-fifth of France’s, and only one-half of Germany’s, we have now caught up to Great Britain and nearly equal France and Germany combined. Our predominance will become as signal in this field as in metals. English authorities point out the fact that there is a serious depre- ciation in cotton mills at Manchester, that no new capital enters the trade, and that eniplo3nnent is decreasing. But in South Carolina alone twent}^- six new cotton mills have been established within the past year, many more being doubled in capacity, while in the whole South 5,000,000 spindles have been set up, standing for an investment of $125,000,000. Much of this new development springs from the new opportunity in the East, for which alone 1.000. 000 spindles have been added. Nor does American superiority end here. When England was rising to her industrial leadership she had the advantage of new mechanical forces. The continent was paralyzed and prostrated for a quarter of a century under the blight of the Napoleonic wars. While thus free from all com- petitive rivalry, England, through the skill of her Watts and Arkwrights tlOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 427 and Stephensons, applied new mechanical power to the productive processes and became the unchallenged workshop of the world. It was estimated at that time that one pair of hands in England, with these efficient agencies, had the productive energy and value of ten pairs of hands on the conti- nent. The United States has a similar, though less signal, advantage now. American genius and invention and adaptability have given our industries a completeness and perfection of mechanical equipment which greatly mul- tiply their productive power. A single broad fact demonstrates the supe- riority. In Europe 45,000,000 operatives and artisans were employed in 1895 in producing the annual aggregate of manufactured articles valued at $17,000,000,000, or $380 apiece. In the United States at the same time 6,000,000 operatives produced goods worth $10,000,000,000, or about $1,666 apiece, or more than four times as much as an operative in Europe. This superior equipment and producing power, man for man, explains why we can pay higher wages and still compete with the nations of the Old World on their own ground and in their own markets. It is the secret of the comfort of American labor, the key of American enterprise, and the talisman of American expansion. It explains why, within a few months, American shops have placed a goodly number of locomotives on English railways. It explains why we are sending American machinery to Shef- field and Birmingham, and why our rails are found in Manchuria and Siberia, in India and Africa. The antiquity which enshrines the Pyramids looks down through forty centuries on the American electric road that car- ries the troops of visitors to their base, and the mystery of the silent Sphinx must now well-nigh yield its secret in wonder at the new riddle of the youngest civilization and people peacefully invading and conquering the oldest. The British Government needed a great steel bridge, nearly a quarter of a mile long, across the Abbarra for Kitchener, and needed it at once ; the British manufacturers required seven months to build it ; Amer- ican constructors asked seven weeks, and Philadelphia sent the bridge. This superior alertness, adaptability, and equipment distinguish general Amer- ican enterprise. It has a plant which beats the world, and it must find the market for its product. And even all these striking facts do not tell the whole story of American advantage. England is dependent on the outside world for her food supply and her raw material. In less degree the same thing is true of France and Germany. The United States, on the other hand, is the one country that supplies its own food and raw material, the one great nation that sells more than it buys, the one world power that is completely independent and 428 HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION wholly self-sustaining. We are great both in land and in industry. Our agriculture and manufactures work together for the common welfare. A century ago IMalthus pointed out the irresistible strength of such a combi- nation. He said : “ According to general principles it will finally answer to most landed nations both to manufacture for themselves and to conduct their own commerce. That raw cotton should be shipped in America, car- ried some thousands of miles to another country, there to be manufactured and shipped again for the American market, is a state of things that cannot be permanent. A purely commercial state must always be undersold and driven out of the market by those who possess the advantage of land.’^ That prediction, so far as it relates to American manufacturing growth has been splendidly verified. It remains to be seen whether the prophecy shall not also be realized that this great landed and manufacturing nation shall “ conduct its own commerce.” That is a vital question for American states- manship and the American people ; the time and the opportunity have come, and if we are true to ourselves we shall gain the triple crown of agricultural, industrial, and commercial supremacy. But if we are to gain that prize, if we are even to hold our present ascendancy, we must fully understand the conditions which confront us. We have seen that the growth of the United States in manufactures has been phenomenal ; that its industrial product is now equal to that of the three great industrial nations of Europe combined ; that it is one-half the product of all the rest of the world put together, and is growing twice as fast ; that we are immeasurably ahead of all rivals in raw materials and resources for future development ; and that, with our superior appliances, we far excel them in producing power, man for man. Since 1870, while our population has doubled, our manufactures have quadrupled. Our pro- ducing capaciW is up to and beyond the measure of our consuming ability and is increasing faster. Though we are foremost in industrial growth, yet all the great nations have been advancing rapidly, and it is estimated that, under the application of modern forces and of improved machinery, the producing capacity of the world is such that, if operated to its full extent ten hours a day, enough would be produced in six months to supply the world’s demand for a year. Just now, with the great revival of busi- ness following the depression and the depletion which went on from 1893 to 1897, the production may not outrun the demand. But it is the part of prudence to deal with broad and lasting conditions, and to prepare to-day for the requirements of to-morrow. What, then, are we to do? Are we to restrict production? Are we to HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 429 run mill and factory on reduced time, with the necessary sequence of lower wages, smaller profits, and wide discontent ? Or are we to provide for this enormous and expanding output by supplementing our own vast, but un- equal measure of consumption with new outlets and new markets ? Under this stress and in this rivalry the other great nations are struggling for empire and making opportunities for trade. They are eagerly extending their colonial dependencies in order to make new regions tributary to their commerce. England has raised her flag over 16,000,000 square miles of domain, with more than 300,000,000 people; France holds 2,500,000 square miles, with a population of nearl}^ 50,000,000, and Germany has secured 1,600,000 square miles, with more than 7,000,000 inhabitants. The United States has no need to engage in this territorial rivalry wdth the object of commercial opportunity. We. have made an opportunity larger than all these in securing the open door in China. There we find the greatest potential new market in the world. There we find a population of three to four hundred millions who are just breaking away from their old barriers and coming into the sphere of the world’s trade. The annual imports of China are less than fifty cents a head. When Japan entered upon her new career her imports did not exceed that small ratio, but within a few years, and under her new impulse, they have increased to six dollars a head. Let China advance in the same proportion and her imports will rise to $1,500,000,000 a year — more than the United States now sends to all the nations of the world. Give us an equal chance and a merchant marine, and we shall secure a large share of that coming traffic. The open door gives us an equal chance ; the merchant marine should become a great feature of our public policy, and every other advantage we already have. We are nearest China; we hold the other coast of the Pacific; we have se- cured the natural stations on the way across, and that great ocean is our legitimate highway of commerce. Our exports to China and Japan have increased 256 per cent, in the last ten years. The largest part of that increase has come within the last three years. The movement thus inaugurated can, with care and wise direction, be multiplied tenfold. China wants our wheat and flour; she wants our cotton goods ; she wants our oil ; she wants our fabrics of iron and steel ; she wants our rails and locomotives and equipment for the thousands of miles of railroads she will construct within the coming period. The vSouth- ern States have a special interest in the acquisition of this market. It offers the most important outlet for their growing cotton industries. In nine months of last year China imported from the United States 182,875,000 yards 430 HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION of plain American cotton goods, against 112,480,000 yards for the same period of 1898. The imports from England for the same time showed an actual decline. In 1898 the cotton imports into China from the United States were 37 per cent, of those from England. In 1899 the}^ were 61 per cent. At that rate of increase how long, if we rightl}^ use our opportunity, will it take the United States to become foremost in the Chinese market ? The possibilities of that market are incalculable. In 1886, Japan pur- chased foreign goods to the value of only $16,000,000. East 3^ear her purchases rose to $137,000,000. What boundless fields lie before us in China and all the Orient, if we are not so weak and blind as to throw them awa}^ ! The open door in China is the open sesame of this vast possible trade, and the American accomplishment of the open door, wfith the consent and pledge of all the great nations, and without the necessW ^f entering into any territorial division, is the greatest of all recent achievements of diplomacy. It secures for the United States a commercial opportunit}' wEich is immeas- urable. It provides one of the great outlets which our industrial supremacy and our enormous producing capacity require. And that achievement is the great and magnificent fruit of our triumph at Manila and our posses- sion of the Philippines. It comes because we have established our footing in the Orient, because w^e have planted ourselves fora thousand miles along the front of China, and because we have taken a new position as a world power. Such a demand on our part two years ago would have been impo- tent and fruitless. Three 3^ears ago England proposed the policy of the open door in China and failed, and wms compelled, in protection of her in- terests, to declare that she would join in the scheme of division and claim her sphere of influence. But when the United States unfurled her flag in the Philippines and made the world resound with the echoes of her swift success and her brilliant triumphs on the sea, and then put forward the same demand of an open door, it met wdth a prompt and full acceptance. Nay, more, it is not too much to say that our possession of the Philippines has stayed the threatened dismemberment of China, and has perhaps alto- gether averted that danger. But whether China is to be divided and par- celed among the struggling and competing nations, or whether she is to remain intact with the possibilities of a great development, the guarantee of the open door which has been given to us secures our rights and our interests in the coming time. No fancy can overestimate the value of that achievement in its relations to our future commercial advancement. The potency of that commercial opportunity is worth immeasurabl}" more than HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 431 all the cost of the Spanish war and all the cost of the subsequent conflict in the Philippines. I might dwell upon the value of the Philippines themselves. I might speak of the enlarged trade which is offered in their own fertility and their own richness when once brought under the peaceful sway of good govern- ment and of civilizing development. But valuable as they are, their high- est significance lies in the fact that they give us a foothold in the Orient and constitute a commercial and naval base, at the ver}^ vestibule of China, for a commercial opportunity and expansion which were far beyond our wildest dreams two 3'ears ago. If we were to falter in the polic}^ we have undertaken, if we were to shrink from the responsibilit}^ which, without our seeking, has come upon us, we should lose all the prestige of that splendid triumph and should sacrifice all that we have gained as its precious fruit. We should find that the door which has been opened to us would soon be closed, for a nation which does not respect itself, and which does not appreciate its own destiny, will not be respected b}^ others. We should find ourselves with the almost unbounded producing capacity which I have imperfectly described, a capacity already be^^ond.our consuming abilit}^ and growing much faster, and at the same time cut off in large measure from the new outlets and new markets which it requires and without which it must be curtailed and crippled. The great farming interests of the country have a vital concern in this question. We outstrip the world in industrial equipment, but other nations have land as fertile and productive. As recently as 1885, Argentina pro- duced only 14,000,000 bushels of wheat a year ; now she grows 60,000,000. Our wheat fields find export rivals in Argentina, Russia, and India. Our farmers thus have need, as well as our manufacturers, of the new outlet of China. Every bushel of wheat and every barrel of flour shipped from the Pacific coast across the western ocean relieves the competition at Liverpool, which fixes the price. Above all, the farmers are supremely interested that our industrial power shall be maintained at its highest capacity. The}" are prosperous when our manufacturers are prosperous ; the}" find the best de- mand when our mills and factories are busiest, and any failure of our indus- trial production to find full consumption would be a disastrous blow to their welfare. In the same way the interests of the workingmen are bound up with this great national movement to secure new outlets. Make new mar- kets and keep your productive power fully employed, and labor gets its highest reward ; but restrict your production because you will not seek or accept new channels of consumption, and labor suffers with the rest. 432 HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION Our pathway is determined by our requirements. The country has grown up to this step, and its growth cannot be stopped. Commercial devel- opinent is the inevitable necessity of our agricultural and manufacturing supremacy. The demands of our industrial position compel us to enter upon commercial expansion. We are the greatest producers and the greatest consumers in the world ; yet, unparalleled as is our consuming ability, our wonderful and unrivaled producing capacity has outstripped and outrun even our amazing powder of absorption. Do you want the proof? In the mighty business impulse of last year we employed and consumed in our own use more than ever before, yet at the same time we exported more manufactured products than ever before. We imported $100,000,000 less of manufactured goods than in 1890, and exported nearly $200,000,000 more. If we had not found more outlets, what would have become of our surplus ? With our surpassing power of production, with our farms and forges and factories turning out more than we can consume, with our matchless in- ventive and mechanical genius steadily increasing our productive energy, ■with our wealth of yet untouched resources which must in the future put us still further in the lead of all nations, we have only one of two courses before us. Either we must halt our growth, limit our production, bank our fires and stop our spindles, reduce our labor and restrict our capital, with all the hardship that this involves, or else we must find broader markets and ex- panded consumption. Do you tell me there is cost and possible difficulty in this extension abroad ? But is there not greater cost and loss in a paralyzing restriction at home ? Do you tell me there are risks and perplexities in this policy of commercial expansion? But are there not greater and graver per- plexities and dangers, which may only be suggested, in a policy of indus- trial contraction ? Let us fully realize the mighty facts of our national situation. Had there been no war with Spain, had the new and glorious May morn of American liberty never shed its lustre over the bay of Manila, had no vic- tory of Santiago brought a brilliant triumph of peace charged wdth great responsibilities, we should still have been compelled to look beyond our con- tinental bounds. It w^as inevitable that we should advance out of our isola- tion and turn our faces outward to the world. Our transcendent industrial growth and its imperative need of outlets demanded it. If the immortal history of the past two ^^ears were blotted out, we should make that commercial effort with no such advantages and no such resplendent possibilities as now beckon us onward. There would be no HOME DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 433 prestige and impress of an ever- floating flag in the Orient. There would be no key to Asia in onr hands. There would be no open door in China. Events have ruled us, and it is for ns only to rule their results. Territorial expansion has not been and is not now the object of Ameri- can ambition. What we have done has been the inescapable, overmastering logic of events, and not the deliberate aim of any policy. It has been enough to give us such a position and opportunity in the East as a hundred years of ordinary history would not have brought, and there is no need of more. But even had there been no such glittering chapter, onr continued material advancement would have required us to extend the arms of our commerce across the seas, and commerce means a navy and outposts and defense. It means a part in the world’s affairs, and the future historian, in portra3dng the magnificent progress of the Republic, will dwell upon the manifest guidance of a power higher than any chance, in the great and pregnant fact that, just as it reached the stage of its development where its industrial upbuilding needed to be crowned with commercial extension, the unforeseen and mighty events of the Spanish war suddenly lifted the curtain and unveiled the new prospect, the wider horizon, and the unexpected and immeasurable opportunity. CHAPTER XEII THE AMERICAN ARMY (By LIEUTENANT-GENERAE NELSON A. MILES, Commanding U. S. Army) J DO not think I have much to add to the several articles I have already written concerning the American army and its achievements. Here is a synopsis, however, of my views and experiences as previously ex- pressed. A year ago I wrote about the United States army and its commanders in a popular magazine (Frank Leslie’s), and can do no better now than quote certain passages from that paper : “ Our service is quite different from that of other nations. For in- stance, in the British service it is not difficult for a well-bred, intelligent, ambitious young man to enter the military service and, in fact, obtain a commission. A course at Sandhurst is two years instead of four, as in our military establishment at West Point. The course, while not so rigid in abstruse mathematics, appears to develop the splendid manly qualities of the young men ; and their physical training in the military exercises and outdoor sports and in the gymnasium tend to develop to the highest degree those soldierly traits. I was very favorably impressed with the appearance of the corps on a visit to that place with Lord Wolseley, commanding the British army. In this way those men were taught those qualifications they required to make officers and true representatives of the British empire, and that enabled them to maintain its honor in any service they might be called on to perform in any part of the globe. The enlistments in the British army are purely voluntary, and the men are certainly imbued with great pride and spirit, from the drummer boys to the field marshals, all proud to wear the uniform of the British army and to march to the music of the grenadiers. In the German Government it is entirely different. There the armv is a military machine, where every boy of eighteen is required to serve 434 xp:lson a. aiiles, Lieutenant-General United States Army, Contributes the chapter in tliis volume on “ The American Army. THE AMERICAN ARMY 435 a number of 3'ears of Ins life in the army, with no prospect of promotion above the grade of sergeant. The maximum of strength and efficiency is what should be secured in an army organization. If the strength and efficienc}^ corresponding to the actual numbers of the army are such as to endanger the supremac}^ of the civil government, that strength and efficiency should be reduced b}^ simply reducing the numbers of the army, not b}^ distributing and paralyzing the power of the actual numbers ; that is to say, if we have an army, it should be so organized that the highest possible power and efficienc}^ will be secured. It may be limited in numbers, but in organization and efficiency it should be perfect. Among the names of officers who have illustrated the glory of our countr}^ through their service in the arni}^, the first that occur to ever}^ American will be those of Washington, Greene, Wa\me, Knox, Jackson, Harrison, Brown, McComb, Scott, Taylor, McClellan, Halleck, Grant, Sherman, Meade, Hancock, Sheridan, Thomas, McPherson, Sedg- wick, Sumner, Kearney, Fremont, Lyon, Canb}^, and others. It is note- worthy that the reputation of these great soldiers was in ever}^ case built up of long as well as brilliant service. In no case has it been the result of any single deed, however heroic. As to the work of the American army as a whole, I have expressed ni}"- self in a recent contribution to the volume, “ The American-Spanish War.” In it I said that our war with Spain had many exceptional features. Some preceded, some occurred during the progress, and some appeared after the close of hostilities. In the first place, there was a formal declaration of war before the opening of hostilities. This is not onl}^ far from being the rule in the experience of warring nations, but is a rare occurrence. For many months the nation had been expecting war. Fift}^ millions of dollars had been appropriated for the national defense, and for each and every purpose connected therewith, to be expended at the discretion of the President. Pre- sumably that immense sum was used in the purchase of ships, arms, and the munitions of war for the army and navy, that new levies might be promptly armed and equipped. That the war was inevitable was apparent to every thoughtful reader of history. As early as the middle of April, 1898, steps were taken for the mobi- lization of the regular troops, various regiments of infantry being ordered to Mobile, New Orleans, and Tampa, the understanding then being that these orders were preparatory to an immediate movement to Cuba upon a declaration of war, which then seemed imminent. On further consideration the authorities modified this order, and part of the regular infantry, with 436 THE AMERICAN ARMY artillery and cavalry, was diverted to Chattanooga and placed in camp at Chickainauga Park. On May lo the regular artillery and cavalry were ordered from Chickainauga to Tampa, preparatory to a movement on Cuba. Subsequently 70,000 men were ordered to move on Cuba, and com- missary stores for ninety days for the men and thirty days for the animals were ordered to be concentrated at Tampa, but the want of proper equip- ment and ammunition rendered such movement impracticable, and it never reached the stage of an actual attempt at departure from our shores. The President’s proclamation declaring a state of war appeared on the 25th of April, and the next day it became my duty to advise giving prompt attention to the equipment, organization, and discipline of the troops for held service, and that, after being assembled, organized, and sworn into the service of the United States, they would require uniforms, tentage, complete camp equipage, arms, and ammunition, and a full supply of stationery, in- cluding blank books for reports of the quartermaster’s commissary, medical and ordnance departments ; that they would also require complete equip- ment of supplies and munitions of war, hospital appliances, and transporta- tion, including ambulances and stretchers ; that the officers and non-com- missioned officers would have to be appointed and promptly instructed in their duties and responsibilities, and that they should have some instruction in tactical exercises and other duties of the highest importance to the effi- ciency and health of troops in the held ; that the importance of this prelim- inary work was urgent, as also that it should be completed in advance of the troops leaving their States ; and it was furthermore strongly represented that this might be done while the general and staff officers were being selected, appointed, and properly instructed, and the large camps were being secured and stores collected therefor. It was a matter of very great con- cern to me that unequipped, unnniformed men, b}^ the thousands, should not be collected in great camps away from their States, where it would be difficult for them to be properly supplied with food, camp equipage, blankets, tentage, medical supplies, and transportation facilities ; for the absence of these supplies could not but cause debilitating results upon the health and strength of the men who were thus gathered together. While the railways of the United States were engaged in transporting troops, munitions of war, and supplies to Tampa and other points of depart- ure on the Gulf and South Atlantic, the military authorities at Washington took steps to obtain accurate and detailed information within the limits of the prospective seat of war. Two ^^oiing, energetic, and intelligent officers of the Bureau of Military Information were assigned, the one to Cuba, the THE AMERICAN ARMY 437 other to Porto Rico, to attempt the daring and difficult dut}" of ascertaining and reporting conditions as they might be found to exist in the territories respectively assigned to them. Both, in the results of their efforts, gave an abundant proof of the wisdom of their selection. The reports of conditions at Tampa became such that at this time I determined to take the field in person, with headquarters temporarily at Tampa. I issued an order to the arm}^ designed to increase and promote the esprit de corps on the part of officers and men, to bring the military forces to the highest state of efficiency. Definite information having been received that Cervera’s fleet had been inclosed in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba by our navy, orders were given to General Shafter, May 30, to embark his troops and proceed to that harbor, for the purpose of assisting our naval forces in capturing that fleet, and on the same evening I left Washington. Reaching Tampa on the ist of June, I found that place crowded with an indiscriminate accumulation of supplies and war material. The con- fusion, owing partly to the want of terminal railway facilities, and partly to the want of system in loading and billing materials, appeared for the time to be utterly inextricable. The sidings from the port of Tampa for perhaps fifty miles into the interior were blocked with cars, and the resulting diffi- culties of the situation prevented proper embarkation of the troops earlier than June 8, on which date the flotilla was in the act of moving to sea. This movement, however, was suspended by orders from Washington, and the expedition did not sail until the 14th. My request for permission to accompany the expedition had not been granted, and on the day following its departure I received, and immediately complied with, the following : ‘‘Washington, D. C., June 15, 1898. “ Major-General Miles, Tampa, Fla. : “ Important business requires your presence here ; report at once. Answer. R. A. Alger, Secretary of War.” It is impossible to enter into the details of this expedition, nor is it necessary, and I will content myself with merely repeating the belief which I entertained from the first and stated officially to the department, that we could secure the surrender of the Spanish army in the island of Cuba with- out any great loss of life. I know of no reason at present to revise that opinion. There is, however, a duty which I owe to the Cuban patriots be- fore leaving this part of my subject, and that is to make clear the fact of the co-operation received from their governmental and military authorities. 438 THE AMERICAN ARMY While at Tampa, on the 9th, and again on the 12th of June, I received cheering news by cable from the Cuban patriots in response to 1113^ commu- nications to General Garcia on the 2d. These were in the form of sugges- tions and requests, but they were heartily accepted as commands. Nothing could have been more convincing of the hearty good-will of the Cubans to- ward the American people and American government at that time than the alacrity with which this response was made and the instructions followed out. So anxious was General Garcia to assure us of the readiness of the patriot armies and people to co-operate that this response was hurried for- ward through different channels, in order that in case one should miscarr}^ another might reach its destination. In that response it was careful to add that he would take measures at once to carry out my recommendations, re- garding them as orders, and that he would immediately proceed to concen- trate forces at the points indicated ; that he would march without dela}" ; that already he had put forces in motion to intercept aid going from Hol- guin and other points to Santiago ; repeating every assurance of good-will, he desired to second our plans. It was on the 6th of June that Colonel Hernandez, on board the steamer “ Gloucester,” had arrived in the harbor of Banes. Proceeding ashore at once, he delivered my communication to General Garcia, who had recently come into possession of that port. It conveyed to General Garcia the first information regarding the proposed expedition to Santiago, and he immediately gave orders for the concentration suggested in the vicinity of Santiago de Cuba. The difficulties in his way were very great, but were overcome, one after another, until on the 19th, at 7.30 A.M., he had placed himself in communication with Admiral Sampson. Invited b}^ the latter on board his flagship, the two proceeded to concert a plan of attack preparatory to the expected arrival of General Shaffer’s expedition. It should not be forgotten that in his attitude toward the military authorities of our Government General Garcia was not acting simply on his owm authority, but in obedience to orders that he had previously received from the Council of the Cuban Government, to obey and respect the orders and instructions of the commanders of the American army whenever they should commence operations in the territory under his command. General Shaffer, on arrival of his expedition off Santiago Bay, with Admiral Samp- son, visited General Garcia at his headquarters at Aserradero to confer with him in regard to the attack by land. The result of this conference was that it was determined to make the landing of the American forces east instead of west of the bay of Santiago, and Cuban troops were placed on FAMOrS AMFRK’AX J Gen.Junu-s l.oiiu.strt^et, C. S. A., born in Soutli ('arolina in 1821. (ien. Wintield Scott, II. S. A., born in Virginia in 1786; died 1866. (ien.T. .1 .Tack.son (“Stonewall”), C. S. A., born in Vir- ginia in 1824; kilkal at ('hancellorsville, 1868. C'oin. Stephen Decatur, V. S. N., born in Maryland in 1779; killed in a duel in 1820. (Ien. .Toseph K. .Johnston, C. S. A., 1)1 FRS AND SAILORS. (ren. Andrew .Jackson, born in North Carolina in 1767 ; died in 1845. Admiral Karragnt, N., horn in Tennessee in 1801; died in 1870. Gen.Ivobeit Iv I.ee, C. S. A., born in Virginia in 1807) dien, C. S. A., born in Kentucky in 1808; kibeilat I’ittsburg I^anding. 1862. I in Virginia in 1807 ; died in 1891. P.It<).\ZI-: ('AXXOX, PARLY PART OP TUP XIXPTPPXTH rpXTPRAA T\VPLVP-IX('H I)ISAPPPAItIX(; (JPX, LATTPJJ ILART OP TUP NlNPTEPXTIl CPXTURY. It i:^ a long step from tlie old-fashioned muzzle-loading hronz(‘ cannon of hardly a century ago, to the twelve-inchi hicech-loader which disap])ears within a few seconds ; ftci' d ischarg'c, not to reappear until r» ady for action again. A sixteen-inch giin, one of tlie most tei’rific (nigines of destruction conceivahle, is at j)resent under construction, and. ju rnaps will lx; littetl to a raries of the world. WEALTH AND WELFARE 459 treated in no sense or degree as slaves, but as men having rights which make them the equal of their employers, and which give them the control of themselves and of their labor. The wonderful material progress of modern times is largely due to the invention and general use of machinery. The cheapening of production, together with its great increase, produced by the use of machinery, has brought about a general augmentation of material comfort, and in this, la- borers, as a class, have shared. But here emerges a question : The im- mense economic force introduced by machinery is held and controlled by capitalists in their own interest, for the increase of their wealth and power. The laborers are still laborers, while their masters have grown greatly in power. Is the inequality, then, between these classes rather increased than lessened ? On the other hand, are the good effects of the use of machinery, as already intimated, universal, reaching all classes — so that, as some have claimed, it is in its influence democratic, in that it is gradually lifting the lower classes upward toward the higher ? CHAPTER XLIV THE PHILIPPINES [By HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, U. S. Senator] W E are in the Philippines ; we are there to stay by conquest and by treaty rights. All which preceded the ratification of the treaty by the Senate of the United States was an academic question. Still the presentation of this ancient history, for the rapid progress of events makes history speedily ancient, occupied so much of the time of the Senate that it is well briefly to review the situation, I have heard no one dispute the righteousness of our war with Spain. The contention is that, it having been undertaken with the avowed purpose, and that only, of freeing Cuba from intolerable oppression, the forces of the United States should have been concentrated in and about the island, and when the Spaniards were expelled our country should have confined its efforts to the establishment of Cuban independence. The most merciful way to prosecute war, the surest method of speedily enforcing peace, is to strike the enemy wherever he may be weak and vulnerable. To have per. mitted Spain ports for her fleet and freedom of the seas and the ability to concentrate all her efforts in Cuba would have been the madness of senti- ment and criminal folly. By capturing Puerto Rico we closed the harbors where fleets of Spain could go, outside of Cuba, and cut off her sources of supply. By threatening with a fl^dng squadron the coasts of Spain we kept troops within her home fortifications and ships within her own harbors. The wisest of the many wise orders issued during the war was that to Admiral Dewey when at Hong Kong: “ Find the Spanish fleet and destroy it.” The destruction of that fleet ended the power of Spain in the Pacific Ocean. By the destruction of that fleet and the landing of our troops and the surrender of Alanila the United vStates stood as a conqueror upon the enemy’s soil. When the vSpanish flag Avent doAvn from the citadel and the 460 THE PHILIPPINES American flag flew from its flagstafl*, tlie three hundred years of Spanish dominion ended and tlie American occupation began. At this point we hear of the alleged Filipino republic and the alleged assault upon it by the United States. That Dewey, that Merritt, that Anderson used the natives for the purpose of fighting Spain no one denies. It was within the dis- cretion of the commanding generals to utilize the enemies of Spain in such manner as in their judgment would best cripple the enemy. When Dewey^ before sailing from Hongkong, sent the commander of the “ Petrel to Aguinaldo to secure his services, Aguinaldo refused, saying that he had sold out, had taken Spain’s money, and was under obligation not to fight her an}^ more ; and it was not until after the battle of Manila that he concluded to go back on his bargain. I think it will be admitted that there was in the far East no one who could bind our Government to treaty obligations. There has been read here a mass of serenade speeches and banquet addresses, and letters from consu- lar agents of this country in China and the Philippines. A consul has no diplomatic authority. His commission covers only commercial questions in the port where he resides. In the imperfections, which are still many, in our consular service these positions are held in many places by foreigners who do not understand our institutions, who receive no salary that would tempt an American to take the place, and yet who occupy and administer important functions as the commercial agents of the republic. Treaties involving recognition of governments and cessions of territories are not made by unauthorized persons in the enthusiasm of moonlight serenades or in the fervor of banquet addresses. Only the President of the United States could bind the countr}^, and he only with the subsequent assent of the Senate. Only when war is progress- ing can the Commander-in-Chief of the Army or the Admiral of the Navy make a committal which the President would be bound in aii}^ form to con- sider or respect. Admiral Dewey alone had that power, and he most em- phatically denied any committal whatever to Aguinaldo for the independence of his so-called government. President Schurnian also emphaticall}' denied any committal on the subject on the part of the Philippine Commission. The various generals of the army made no committals on their part. All the consuls concerned positively denied having made any such suggestions. The instant that there was brought to the notice of the President and the State Department a statement that unauthorized persons, holding commis- sions from the United States for another purpose, had made aii}^ such sug- gestions, they were immediately and authoritatively repudiated. THE PHILIPPINES 4G2 The alleged government called here the de facto government of Agui- naldo rested upon an equally flimsy basis. Spain had held these islands, with a slight interruption, when seized by Great Britain, for three hundred years. Her sovereignty over them had been recognized by all the Powers of Europe. Her bad government produced frequent insurrections, which were always suppressed and always local to one island or to a part of an island. Sometimes these insurrections were stirred up and promoted by the Captain-General and Spanish officials for the purpose of securing the larger appropriations and the greater expenditures which war would permit, and in order to exercise the powers of martial law for robbery and the con- fiscation of rebel property. Aguinaldo headed one of these insurrections and formed a reyolution- ary government, which, however, existed only on paper and governed noth- ing but the camp which he had in the mountains at Biac Na Bato. After continuing a desultory and mainly guerrilla warfare for months, he finally opened negotiations with the Spanish authorities, and sold his government to Spain for $800,000, of which $400,000 was paid down. So that at the time that Spain ceded the Philippine Islands to the United States b}^ treaty she had as her title the sovereignty of three hundred years, and had re- moved the cloud upon her title by buying the claims of Aguinaldo’s govern- ment. The transaction stands unique in the histor}" of governments, if Aguinaldo’s authority constituted a government. It is the first time in an- cient or modern days when a Power claiming sovereignty, asking for recog- nition from foreign states, for a valuable consideration, which was agreed to, gave a quit-claim of all its rights, its properties, and its powers. When Dewey was leaving Hongkong, Prince Henry of Prussia, in com- mand of the German fleet in the East, said, “ Good-by, Commodore, I fear I shall never see you again. You are going on a desperate undertaking.” This sentiment was the opinion of the admirals of the various European squadrons, and, through them, of the Orientals. The Asiatics had heard of the great republic the other side of the world, but had seen no evidence of its power. The destruction of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Ma- nila, the silencing of the guns of the forts, and the landing of an Amer- can army ended the prestige and power of Spain in the archipelago. The Filipinos, released from fear of punishment and smarting under wrongs present and hereditary, would have flocked to the standard of General Mer- rett as readily as they did to that of Aguinaldo, had such a course seemed best. The victorious fleet and conquering army of the United States created Aguinaldo’s forces HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, Pnited States Senator, Contributes tlie chapter in this volume on “ The Philippines. Coityright, 1898, M. F. Tobin. BATTLE OF MANILA RAY. The battle of Manila Bay, fought May 1, 1898, was one of the most wonderful in all history. On tliat day, Commodore Oeorge Dewey, in eommand of four eruisers and two gunnoats, steamed into the harbor of Manila and attacked tne Spanish fleet, consisting of eleven warships, destroyed them all, with a heavy loss of life, and without the death of a single man on the Anaericau squadron. Even the marvelous skill of our gunners and their matchless bravery are hardly suffjcieot to explain fully this unparalleled victory. THE PHILIPPINES 463 But for our demonstrated power appealing so dramatically to the Eastern imagination, Aguinaldo would have remained reveling in Hong- kong and his followers humbly subservient to the rule of Spain. The signing of the terms of peace and the surrender of Manila to our naval and laud forces occurred at the same moment of time. Dewey and Merritt refused to permit the troops of Aguinaldo to enter and loot the city, and forced them to withdraw to a safe distance. The peace treaty, guaran- teeing the rights of property in the island by the United States, dissipated the hopes and dreams of the Filipino leaders of division and enjoyment of the confiscated property of the religious societies, the wealth of the church, and the riches of the Spanish residents. Then, and not until then, did Aguinaldo and his party become insur- rectionists against the authority of the United States; then, inflaming an ignorant population with lies about the Government and purposes of this country, he received the support which has required a large army to sup- press. This people had been cheated and robbed of their rights for cen- turies. They had never known the blessings of liberty and law, nor what they mean. It was easy for the rebel chiefs to make them believe that we came to plunder and oppress. We now understand why they said : “ Better the Spaniard than the American.” It is only when peace and order are es- tablished in the islands that we will gain both their confidence and their gratitude by a government which will guarantee law and liberty, civil and religious, and promote their progress and prosperity. Territorially, constitutionall}^ and by the decisions of the Supreme Court the United States have been expanding for nearly a century. At the close of the administration of Washington our country was bounded by the Atlantic Ocean and the Ohio River. England on the north, and Spain and France south and west, blocked the possibilities of development and commercial power. Jefferson was the author of the Declaration of Inde- pendence, of the strict-construction theory of the Constitution, and of the extreme doctrine of State rights. He is claimed by the anti-expansion party to-day as their example and guide. He saw that the West must have an outlet or the fairest portion of our countr}^ remain a wilderness. He opened negotiations with Napoleon for a harbor at the mouth of the Mississippi and transit over its waters. Bonaparte had received the vast territory called Louisiana from Spain fora gift to a Bourbon prince of the right to rule a petty principality. He saw he could not hold his acquisition against the power of Great Britain on the ocean, and astonished the American envoys by offering to sell the entire 464 THE PHILIPPINES territory. It extended from the Gulf to the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific, and is the seat to-day of a large part of the wealth, population, and political strength of the republic. Jefferson saw immediately a mean- ing and a sovereignty in the Constitution which opened his mind almost as was that of Paul on his journey to Damascus. He eagerly said, We will,’’ to the remark of Talleyrand, Napoleon’s famous minister, ‘‘ Why not take it all ?” and for $15,000,000 the inhabitants, French, Spanish, and Indian, and the territory became ours. Monroe followed Jefferson’s example, and in 1819 bought Florida from Spain for $5,000,000, and Pierce Arizona from Mexico for $10,000,000,. while Seward secured Alaska from Russia for $7,000,000. Texas came in by annexation, and we claimed and Great Britain yielded Oregon to be ours by right of discovery, because an adventurous Yankee skipper had explored the Columbia River. Mexico lay at our feet, crushed and bleed- ing, after the war, but by the treaty of peace we gave her $15,000,000 for California and New Mexico, and assumed the debt of $3,500,000 which she owed to xAinerican citizens. Under the same broad, generous, and wise policy of dealing with defeated enemies, in confirming the title we had by conquest to the Philippines, we have conceded to Spain for her rights and sovereignty $20,000,000. Constitutional objection and indiscriminate abuse preceded, attended, and followed each of these acquisitions. The grim specter of the ruined republic was each time dragged out from the stage properties of the spec- tacular drama of despair, only to be laughed back into its crypt by pros- perity, population, thriving industries, mutual benefits to the old and new States, and the blessings of American law and liberty impressing the people with the wisdom of the expansion. There have been tyrants and usurpers, if President McKinley is one, doing these same things in the past as he has done, and they are Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe, James K. Polk, and Franklin Pierce. Our country on this continent, and without including the Spanish islands, numbers 3,692,125 square miles. Washington governed a republic of 1,378,981 square miles, and 2,313,144 have been added from the close of his administration to the beginning of President McKinley’s. The United States has a domain with nearh^ three times greater area than it possessed when it became a nation, and stands original and alone in the beneficent processes of its growth. Its authority has been extended over new lands covering an area as large as two-thirds of the continent of Europe, at a mere trifle of the cost to Frederick the Great of the province of THE PHILIPPINES 465 Silesia or to France of tlie narrow limits of Savoy. For ninety-seven years we have, in the exercise of that sovereign pow’er which is inherent in na- tions, gained property by all the processes known to government, but ■‘we have waged no war for conquest or subjugation. We have treated our defeated enemies wdth unusual merc}^ and consideration. Whether our territories have come b}^ conquest and treaty, by purchase, annexation, or discovery, the people. Congress, and the country are unanimous in the affirmation of our title. The time will be brief until by similar unanimity Porto Rico and Hawaii, Guam and the Philippines, are held to be equally and sacredly territory of the United States. Maii}^ honest minds have been confused by the supposed application of the consent of the governed to the government which Congress provides for new^ territories or colonies, and that it is impossible to rule them except by the usual territorial process until by right they are admitted into the Union as States. Here again a study of the past removes these difficulties. Jefferson was the author of the Declaration of Independence, and that is the one act which he directed should be engraved upon his tomb. He certainly knew the breadth and limitations of its axioms. The government which he organized for the Territory of Louisiana had every element which has been denounced as despotism in the Philippines. The act of October 31, 1803, passed b}^ Congress and signed by Jeffer- son, vested — “ All military, civil, and judicial powers in such person or per- sons and to be exercised in such manner as the President of the United States should direct. ” There was no consultation with the inhabitants, no participation in their government accorded them, and no rights assured to them except The free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion.” It is no answer to this precedent to say that because there were only 30,000 wdiite people in the Territoiy, it was unnecessary to gain their consent. The constitutional rights of 30,000 are as precious and as sacred as the rights of 30,000,000. From 1803, when this colonial and imperial government was imposed upon Louisiana, until 1819, when Florida was conquered, purchased, and ceded by Spain, was ample time in which to discover a vital blow at the Declaration of Independence and a deadly assault upon the Constitution of the United States. Sixteen years of legislative action, judicial examination and decision, and popular discussion had intervened since Jefferson’s arbitrary govern- ment had been imposed on Louisiana ; but again, and in the same terms, did Congress, March 3, 1819, pass and President Monroe approve an act for 466 THE PHILIPPINES the government of Florida, vesting — ‘‘ All civil, military, and judicial powers in such person or persons and to be exercised in such manner as the Presi- dent of the United States shall direct.” When this pure colonial and unrepresentative government was ex- tended over Florida that territory was not a wilderness. It had been settled for two hundred and nine years, and, in addition to its Spanish, French, and English inhabitants, had several flourishing American settlements. From 1798 down to 1849 statesmen and jurists whose names and fame are our most precious heritage framed governments for Mississippi, In- diana, Louisiana, Michigan, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Wisconsin, Iowa, Oregon, and Minnesota. Some of these Territories were within the limits of the original thirteen colonies and States, and some in our after-acquired possessions, and to all of them were extended certain spe- cific laws of the United States, but, as if to emphasize the power of Con- gress in their government, the Constitution and laws ” of the United States were not extended over any of them. In still further emphasizing the power to govern, to grant, and to withhold, the acts of 1850 and after- ward, establishing territorial governments for New Mexico and Utah, de- parted from this unbroken line of legislation and specifically made the Con- stitution and laws of the United States of the same force and effect as in the United States, the language of the laws indicating that without therr legisla- tion the}^ did not operate. Citizen is a broad generalization. In one sense it includes all the in- habitants of every age and sex under the jurisdiction of the United States, and to all of them are guaranteed protection for life, liberty, property, and religion. In another and larger way it means those who, in addition to these rights, are entitled to the suffrage, to trial by jury, and to every priv- ilege and protection under the Constitution and laws of the United States. The right to vote and participate in the government has been treated with singular freedom. Property qualification, or tax, or both, as a prerequi- site to vote were common in all the States until 1821, and in Rhode Island until 1888. By uniform legislation from the formation of the republic and by repeated and clear decisions of the Supreme Court these principles are established : First, that the Constitution thus was meant for the States in the Union as they severally adopted it. Second, that it becomes operative upon every State subsequently admitted into the Union. Third, that it does not extend by its own force over territory acquired after the adoption THE PHILIPPINES 407 of the Constitution, but that Congress has the power to grant so much of its provisions as it deems wise. The third section of Article IV of the Constitution says : “ The Con- gress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regu- lations respecting the territory and other property belonging to the United States.” Tlie sixth article of the Constitution says : All treaties made tinder the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of the land.” Here is the charter for the government, and the duty to hold and govern the Philippines. By the treaty with France for Louisiana, with Spain for Florida, and with Mexico for territories acquired, the ceding nations reserved specific rights for their inhabitants and a pledge of future statehood. The treaty of Paris with Spain stands alone in the baldness of the cession. Spain reserved nothing by treaty rights for her subjects in the Pacific islands and the archipelago. The treaty simply says : “ That the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress.” The ratification of this treaty by the Senate made it, in the language of the Constitution, “ the supreme law of the land.” The President and Congress have no discretion. They must obey this law. They must hold these territories as they must hold New Mexico. They must provide government for them as they must also for Alaska. They must suppress insurrection by the same right and duty as. they did when Geronimo and his tribe rebelled in Arizona. It has been repeatedly said that government by the United States in these islands will be a despotism. Such a belief shows a singular ignorance or misapprehension of the constitutional limitations upon our powers and the spirit of our institutions. While the Constitution does not extend over the Territories of its own force, and without legislation,, its prohibitions are bind- ing on Congress. In those prohibitions, which are also privileges enjoyed by the people wherever our jurisdiction extends, is a complete charter of rights which Congress can neither limit nor impair. All personal privileges and immunities, such as religious freedom, property rights, freedom of speech and the press, and equality before the law must prevail wherever our flag floats. But outside of the Constitution and laws is an unwritten law, created by the genius of the institutions, of the paramount power and con- trolling its acts and officials in all colonial governments. We know from Cicero’s oration that even a. Roman proconsul was sub- ject to this idea. England received her Tessom in the danger of violating. 468 THE PHILIPPINES this spirit when she lost her iVmerican colonies by our successful revolution, and she has to-day the greatest and most loyal colonial empire the world has ever known by granting such measures of self-government as each colony demonstrates its ability to maintain. Electricity and steam have annihilated time and distance. The Philippines are nearer Washington by months than New Orleans was in Jefferson’s administration. The flag carries with it everywhere the genius and spirit of American liberty and law. All other nations have been familiar through the ages with the power of sovereignt3^ Their people have gradually won individual rights from the throne, but without impairing in its national relations this power. We have developed the other way. Slowly and reluctantly we have surrendered individual rights that we might be a nation. We have been a hundred years trying to understand that a government of the people has all the strength, perpetuity, and powers of sovereignt}^, but with an ever-present responsi- bility to the people. The great debate between those who aflirmed and those who denied that we are a nation continued long after Webster’s un- answerable argument in the Senate and Chief Justice Marshall’s imposing decision from the bench. When submitted to the arbitrament of the sword, the sacrifice of a million noble lives on one side and the other opened the mind of friends and foes to a broader and more elevated understanding of the indissoluble unity, the vast and expansive possibilities, the creative and beneficent spirit, and the mighty and glorious power of the United States. The fears daily expressed of disastrous consequences to ourselves from the productions and industries of these islands have no justification in the long experience of other nations. Great Britain has found her best mar- kets in her colonies and no invasion of her industries from them. The same is true of the crowded, highly organized, and sensitive industrial interests of Holland. The people of the temperate zones govern all tropical countries outside the Americas. The northern races are the migrators, the colonizers, the rulers, and the organizers of the productive energies of the world. There is a closeness and contact between all parts of the lands and peoples which are under one general government. Though Great Britain has no greater commercial advantages wdth her colonies than other and competing countries, yet she furnishes forty-five per cent, of their imports, and if analyzed so as to select onl}^ the articles she produces the proportion would be greater. The rapid development of wants and ability to gratify them created by civilization and stable government will enormously in- crease the consumption and purchasing power of the inhabitants of our island possessions. TtSLft jojEP/1 Henry f^AUKuu NOTED SCIENTISTS OF THE ENITED STATES. Nicdla Tesla is a Servian, whose electrical discoveries place him among the foremost scientists of the age. Alexander Winchell, born in 1824, died in 1891, was a noted geologist and naturalist. Benjamin Silliman, born ir. 1779, died in 1864, was called “The Nestor of American Science.” Joseph Henry, horn in New York in 1797, died in 1878, is believed by many to have been the real in- ventor of the electro-magnetic telegraph. Benjamin franklin, born in ^Massachusetts in 1706, died in 1790, was one of the most famous of Ameri- cans. NOTED EXPLORERS. THE PHILIPPINES" 469 America and Europe are tlie beneficiaries and the victims of the mar^ velous development of the nineteenth century. Electricity, steam, and invention have stimulated production beyond living limits, unless new mar- kets can be discovered. The great migrations of ancient and modern times appear insignificant when compared with the exodus from Europe in the last seventy-five years. The figures reach the enormous volume of 17,000,000 of human beings whose exile from home and country has been mainly enforced by congestion from over-production and revolution in employments by inventions and development in the arts and industries. Our fertile lands have attracted most of them, but they are practically exhausted, and now the world’s problem of markets for the surplus of farms and factories, or low wages, want of employment, idleness, and want, is near our own doors. The markets for the products of our farms and factories accessible by the x\tlantic Ocean will soon be filled. But across the Pacific are limitless opportunities. Within a distance from Manila not much greater than Havana from New York live 900,000,000 of people, purchasing now an- nually from all nations, of the things which we produce, to the sum of a thousand millions of dollars, of which we furnish five per cent. And yet, with our Pacific coast and its enterprising people, the opening of the canal across the isthmus, and an American merchant marine, that five per cent, should be fifty. With railroads opening up these countries and civilization stimulating their people, the possible increase in their trade dazzles the imaginatiom To relieve home congestion, starvation, and revolution, Eng- land, Germany, and France are increasing their armies, enlarging their fleets, and either waging war or on the eve of great conflicts while partition- ing Africa, threatening China, seizing Asiatic principalities, and madly building railroads across the continents of Asia and Africa. By victorious war and triumphant diplomac}^ we are in our own territory within easy reach, at Manila, of China, Siam, Korea, Annam, the East Indies, and Japan. Without war or entangling alliances we will have equal rights with other nations to the ports of the Orient, with all that it means for the demon- strated superiority of our manufactures and the surplus harvests of our farms. CHAPTER XLV EVOI.UTION AND HISTORY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES FROM l8oo TO 19OO I T is in the United States that the evolution of politics is working itself out freely, untrammelled by traditions or customs, and it is here that the final ideal of politics will first be reached, however remote that time will be. A narrative of the various stages leading up to the formation of the different parties, from the time when Washington organized his administra- tion to the division in each of the two great parties on the question of bimetallism, would be an epitome of all American history, and intrude itself upon every important event in the period covered by this book. Nothing in this country appears to the stranger more intricate than our politics. The different parties, the various machines, county. State, and national ; the “ bosses,” “ heelers,” and workmen, all present such a con- fusion of ideas so varied that it is only after many years that the foreigner begins to comprehend our systems of government, and the principles under- lying our political movements. As a matter of fact the great majorit}^ of Americans themselves are no better off, and have no clear perception of the part they are playing in the administration of affairs. A vast majority of the white people in the Southern states are Demo- crats, through opposition to the Republican party, which fought the war and deprived them of their slaves. Opposite to them are the negroes with allegiance to the Republicans, because it is to that party they owe their freedom, and to whom they still look for protection of themselves and their political rights. The political question there has become a race question regardless of the principles which the two great parties represent. Change the platforms, the result would be the same, and the whites be found on that side opposed to the negro. At times the race question has entered very largely into American poli- tics, with feeling against foreigners, more especially Irish Italian, and 470 EVOLUTION AND HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES 471 Germans. Throiigli them there has, at times, been danger of a clash of religious denominations, as many believed the Roman Catholic Church was hostile to the spirit of Democracy and the majorit}^ of the foreigners were of that religious body. Happily, prejudices of race and religion are dying out, and neither party can claim a monopoly of the foreign vote. Issues of the great Presidential contests of recent years have been so varied and complicated that the leaders of the parties advised breaking away from old campaign methods, which had latterly been directed to villifying the character of the candidates, x^fter the bitter campaign of 1891, when Grover Cleveland defeated James G. Blaine, the trend of the party leaders was toward appealing to the intellect of the voters, rather than to their passions, and from this beginning there has sprung up the “ campaign of education.” From 1789 to 1801, the Federal party, represented b}^ George Wash- ington and John Adams, was in control of the National Government, but in the early dawn of the nineteenth century was forced to succumb to the growing strength of the Republicans, who inaugurated Thomas Jefferson as President in 1801. The troublous times in France had excited the interest and sympath}^ of a large number of people in this country who, in imitation of the French, organized secret societies, patterned after the famous Jacobite clubs of Paris. Many of the most brilliant men of the times were gradually attracted to the gatherings of these societies, where the subject of ‘‘good government ” was the almost constant theme of debate. It was from this material, augmented by numbers of anti-Federalists, and dissatisfied adherents of Washington and Adams (principally civilians opposed to favoritism of the army), that Thomas Jefferson formed the Republican party which, in 1801, finally seated him at the head of the Government. It is rather singular that a party having so eminent a man as George Washington as its head, should not have had the vitality to recover from the shock of defeat. In explanation it is said that the position of the Federalist party was weak and precarious from the first. The com- bination of interests which produced it lacked party unison, and the deep antagonisms aroused by events in the Revolutionary war divided it beyond any hope of united action after the removal of Washington’s influence. For twenty-eight years the new party held the reins of government, though the Federalists maintained considerable strength in some of the States and fought the opposition at times to the verge of secession. During this period, various questions of national import w'ere constantl}^ arising, 472 EVOLUTION AND HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES but the people were apparently well satisfied to allow the issues to be fought out in the Halls of Congress, where Clay, Webster, and Calhoun gave dignity and strength to the debates. Since the beginning of the century the extension of suffrage had been constant. Alabama, Indiana, Illinois Maine, Missouri, Mississippi, and Ohio had entered the Union with manhood suffrage specifically provided by law, or established by practice. This example created a demand on the part of the citizens of older States, which could not be restricted, and during a period of twelve years (1810-1822) Maryland, Connecticut, New York, and Massachusetts abolished the obnoxious property qualification as a condition of suffrage. Statesmen of the old school who were adverse to the new order of things, combined with the so-called Aristocrats to make a last stand to resist the clamor of the non-property holders. The result was so disastrous to the old Republican party that it was shattered to fragments. Andrew Jackson, whose wonderful victory over the pride of the British army at New Orleans had endeared him to the hearts of the Americrn people, fully represented the ideas of the new Western States, and his election by the Democrats was assured from the first. The movement which secured Jackson’s magnificent triumph was so strong that it set up the claim of being the direct lineal successor of the Republican party founded by Jefferson, and for a time, at least, retained the title of Republican, but later came to be known simply as the Democratic party. The opposition to Jackson claimed to be the true Jeffersonian Re- publican party, but changed its name several times. As it broadened out, however, and embraced all elements antagonistic to the Democrats, it adopted the old revolutionary party name of Whig. The new Whig party was a coalition of the National Republicans with the Anti-Masons, Conservatives, and Nullifiers. They contended that they alone represented the true Jeffersonian principle, but the newly-born Demo- crats managed to secure possession of the Jeffersonian tradition, and have retained it to the present day. From 1829 Whigs and Democrats battled for supremacy in the nation with about equal success. During this time, however, there was forming an issue more serious in its nature and more disastrous in its con- sequences than any that had yet confronted the nation since its birth. The bitterness aroused between the parties could not be allayed by the peaceful ballot, and its culmination was reached in the great revolution of the nine- teenth century — the American civil war. The question of slavery became Ef^OLUriON AND HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES 473 one of vital importance. It aroused the personal interests of the slave- owners, in that it threatened to deprive individuals of the greater portion of their property, and increase the cost of production of those staples which formed the basis of their wealth. The result of this was an affiliation of the Democrats with the Whig slave-owners and other anti- Abolitionists, which grew in strength so rapidly as to excite the fears of the opposition in the free labor States. This oppo- sition, composed of Abolitionists and the remnants of the old Whig party, effected an organization immediately preceding the darkest hours in the life of the American nation, and it is this organization which is known as the K epublican party of to-day. In 1 860 the new party elected Abraham Lin- f^oln as President of the United States, and for nearly a quarter of a century following retained control of the administration of affairs. In the early days of the last decade another party, inspired wholly by philanthropic motives, came into life. It advocated but one principle ; its platform had but one plank. Recognizing the futility of independent action without the support of the tw'o great parties, it endeavored to secure the adoption of their principle by either one of these in return for the support of their organization and that of “ the better element.” This was the Pro- hibition party. They favored the legal prohibition by State and National legislation of the manufacture, importation, exportation, and inter-state trans- portation and sale of alcoholic beverages. This was the one principle for which they were battling, and in their platform they declared that “ it was their purpose to unite all friends of prohibition into one party to achieve this end, and leave them the right to freedom of individual conviction upon all other political questions.” The liquor interestsVere of such magnitude, however, that neither of the two great parties cared to risk the opposition of a power so formidable by the adoption of a measure aimed at their existence. Probably discouraged, but still determined, the Prohibitionists have held conventions and nominated their candidates regularly every four years since, and in 1896 polled over one hundred and thirty-two thousand votes for their nominee, Hon. Joshua Levering. A long period of depression among the agricultural and laboring classes followed the civil war. Crops were poor and money scarce. Labor was in abundance, and therefore cheap. As a temporary relief, much money was borrowed by individuals upon mortgage, but the conditions did not improve, and it became a serious matter to even pay the interest on the loans. The so-called money question became one of vital importance. It was discussed in every walk of life, and to a large class it appeared that the 474 EVOLUTION AND HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES only solution of the difficulties of the laborers was in the unlimited circula tion of paper money. This idea became a very popular one among the un- thinking, so that in a short while the movement gained such a rapid head- way that it reached the dignity of a national party, and adopted the name of the Greenback Labor party. It was not only successful in securing the election of several members of Congress, but polled a heavy vote for its Presidential candidate. As conditions did not improve, however, and there seemed but little hope of the Greenbackers achieving the results for which the}^ were fighting, many of its strongest members dropped out, and the organization weakened almost as rapidly as it first gained in strength. Dissatisfaction was still rife. Bitter animosities against the “ monopo- list ” and “ bloated bond-holder ” were still being generated, and amidst it all there was no sign of even temporary relief of the stress of the times. Districts formed local organizations, having for their object the relief of the laboring classes by legislation, and these were eventually combined under the name of The Farmers’ Alliance. In 1890, the National Farmers’ Alliance and Industrial Union sprang into existence as a political organization, as a re- sult of this combination, but after the action of the National Convention of 1892, it was christened the People’s Party of America, and during the cam- paign which followed, the opposition applied the title of “ Populists,” in de- rision, and it is by this name it is now most frequently referred to. In some States, notably in Nebraska and North Carolina, they devel- oped great strength, and in 1896 polled over a quarter of a million votes for the straight Populist ticket, Bryan and Watson, while, it is claimed, fully as many more votes of the party were cast for Bryan and Sewell and “ Free Silver.” It was entirely due to the successful fusion of the Populists with the Republicans in North Carolina, that the control of that State and the election of a United States Senator was secured by the Republicans. The success of this movement was the undoubted cause of the recent heroic measures resorted to by the Democrats of that State to perpetuate the dom- inanc}" of the “ White Man’s Party,” by depriving the negroes of North Carolina of the right of franchise. In 1884 the Democrats rallied under the strong leadership of Grover Cleveland, and elected him President. He was again nominated in 1888, to suffer defeat at the hands of Benjamin Harrison (Republican), who in turn was defeated by Mr. Cleveland in 1892. William AIcKinley, a statesman of more than ordinary ability, was put forward by the Republicans as the champion of their party in 1896, and EVOLUTION AND HISTORY OF POLITICAL PARTIES Alh successfully defeated the young but brilliant lawyer from the West, William J. Bryan. Mr. McKinley’s administration was destined to call forth all those qualities of statesmanship for which he had become famous. His prompt action in all matters affecting the foreign interests of the United States commended him to the people of the country so that his renomina- tion was inevitable. The advanced policies fonliulated during his adminis- tration afforded new issues upon which to fight the last campaign of the century, and gave rise to Anti-Imperialism ” as the slogan of Democracy. Lack of facilities, especially those for transportation, prevented a gen- eral adoption of the plan of National conventions during the early days of the century, though many of the States held meetings spasmodically, where they either placed their choice in nomination or ratified the candidates already in the field. It was not until 1832, however, that what may be regarded as a regu- larly constituted National party convention was held by the New National Republicans in the city of Baltimore. During the same year the first formal platform ever framed by a National convention was adopted in Washington. During the eight years following the convention system grew into popular favor, and since the convention of 1840 when the Demo- cratic party adopted their first National platform, the system has become an inseparable part of the political machinery of the United States. Since then no party has failed to submit to the public some statement of its purpose. The adoption of a platform in those days was accepted as a party obligation, but unfortunately, in later years, they have become so vague and ambiguous that very little importance is attached to them after their adoption. Now the position of the candidate, as defined by himself, is of far more weight with the voters, and the letter of acceptance ” is considered the legitimate creed of the party. CHAPTER XLVI EXPLORATIONS AND DISCOVERIES OF THE XIX CENTURY Du Chaiuuu—Livingstonk— Stanley— Peary— Nansen, Etc. T here has not been any lack of enterprise, courage, men, or means to advance the cause of knowledge and plant the banner of civiliza- tion in unknown lands during the nineteenth century. With the advantages of greater facilities, expeditions fitted out in the interests of science have been more ingeniously prepared, better equipped, more intelligently planned, and as courageously led as any in other periods. That the results are not of the same character which distinguished the suc- cess of the earlier explorers is due entirel}^ to the fact that there are no great areas of land or sea unknown to us. During the sixty years comprising the decade of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth century, the greater part of the earth’s surface was made known to mankind. It was during these years that Sebastian d’Elasco first circumnavigated the globe ; that Vasco da Gama first doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and that the two Americas were added to the rest of the world by the voyage of Columbus, the two Cabots, and Magellan. Australia, under the name of “Java La Grand,” also appeared on European maps. Since the middle of the sixteenth century, every sea except those within the Arctic and Antarctic Circles have been traversed in all direc- tions, and very many islands, both large and small, have been discovered. It is perfectly safe to assume that all the land areas of the world are known, in position and extent, with the exception of what may be hidden behind the Northern and Southern ice. But although the position and extent of practically all the land areas of the globe are known, regions of vast extent still remain unexplored, and an immense aggregate area, though generally known and mapped, has not yet been explored in detail, much less accurately surveyed. Moreover, there are extensive regions which 476 EXPLORATIONS AND DISCOVERIES OE THE XI X CENTURY 477 although they have been mapped in considerable detail, still require mud) more careful exploration than they have yet received. Of the altogether unexplored regions of continental land, undoubtedl}^ the largest area is still in Africa, notwithstanding the gigantic strides ex- ploration there has made during the present century and especially during its latter half. African explorers from Bruce and Mungo Park down to Livingstone and Stanley and those still in the field have gradually changed the map of that country from what was little more than the outline of a great continent to an area very largely dotted with detail. Despite this great progress, there still remains an unexplored area of about six million square miles, more than one-half of the whole continent. The progress of exploration in the United States has naturally been westward, following in the footsteps of the sturdy pioneers, who forced their way through impenetrable forests ; over rushing rivers and stupendous mountain peaks came the mighty army of Americans planting cities where it stopped, and gradually extending itself throughout the whole territor}^ west of the Mississippi River. The many deeds of intrepid daring, the marvelous feats of heroism displayed, the energy expended, lives lost, treasure spent, and the detailed results of all this would fill many volumes. It would be a hopeless task to even briefly outline, within the compass of a single chapter of this book, the grand achievements of the nineteenth century explorers. At the same time, the subject could not be left without a reference to the more important discoveries of Dr. Livingstone, and Stanley and Franklin, Greel}^ Peary, and Nansen. In 1798 the whole body of the African continent north of the limited Cape Colony to the Mediterranean countries was absolutely unknown, except for a narrow fringe of the coast. Bruce had been to the head of the Blue Nile, and Mungo Park had visited Timbuktu, bringing back strange stories of the wealth and myster}^ surrounding the natives of that barbarian city. Their line of travel, with Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, Egypt, Abyssinia, and Senegal, comprised our knowledge of Africa. What is known of Africa to-day is mainly due to the explorations which commenced with Livingstone’s first journey to the Zambesi in 1854- 1857, followed by his later researches, and those of Du Chaillu, Cameron, and the three trips of Stanley. Now the basin of the Nile, Kongo, Niger, Zambesi, and Limpopo, together with all the great lakes, are fairl}^ well known. 478 EXPLORATIONS AND DISCOVERIES OE THE XIX CENTURY Dr. Livingstone’s discoveries were by far the most valuable to science, and the immense amount of data, including detailed maps of the country he traversed, was of the utmost assistance to those who followed later. While his first journe}^ was fruitful in that, among other results, he discovered and explored Lake Ngami at this time, it was the second trip which made his name famous in the civilized world. It was during 1853- 1856 he made the remarkable journe}^ from Zambesi to Loanda on the west coast, and then retraced his steps to again cross the continent to the mouth of the Zambesi. In 1859 he made another trip up the Zambesi and Shire Rivers, making valuable discoveries, the most important being the location of Lakes Nyassa and Shriva. At the conclusion of this trip he returned to London for a well-earned rest, but the fascinations of the Dark Continent were too many for the indomitable missionary, and in 1866 he once more ventured into the wilds of that inhospitable land to discover the ultimate source of the Nile. Little was heard from him during the seven 3^ears remaining of his life, which were fraught with great discoveries in the interest of the world, and with great sufferings and privations on the part of the explorer. The long silence and lack of aii}^ positive information concerning the fate of this brave traveler determined Mr. James Gordon Bennett to send an expe- dition under Henry M. Stanley to find Livingstone, dead or alive. Stanley’s trip was a successful one, for in 1871 he discovered the Doctor at Lake Tanganyika, but could not induce him to return to civilization until he had finished his labors, which were unfortunately ended by death a few years later, among the scenes and savage people he had done so much to improve. In 1874-77 Stanley again ventured into the interior and succeeded in defining the source of the Nile and showing that the upper Kongo was to be found in the Luapula, which connects the lakes Bangweola and Moero. In 1865 B. dll Chaillu, who contributes a very important chapter in this book on South x\frica, discovered the pigmy tribe of the Obongas, along the Garboon coast, between the Ogowe and Kongo Rivers. This re- markable race of people, aside from the peculiarity of their stature, and the heavy growth of hair with which they are covered, have one marked charac- teristic which distinguishes them from all other African tribes, in that they lived in a state of absolute peace among themselves and their neighbors. M. du Chaillu’s account of the strange race was verified later by Pere des Avanches, a Jesuit missionar}^, and again in 1871 by Dr. Schweinfurth. The Mahdist rebellion in Upper Egypt, culminating in the fall of Khartum in 1884, disorganized the government of the region of the Kongo EXPLORATIONS AND DISCOVERIES OE THE XIX CENTURY 479 basin. The more southern equatorial province, together with its gov- ernor, an Austrian scientist. Dr. Edward Schnitzler, but known in Africa as Emin Pasha, was completely cut off from the civilized world, and its fate remained in doubt for several years. The attention of Europe was event- ually directed toward the supposed danger of Emin, and Stanley was again asked to head an expedition for the relief of a white man lost in Africa. After an adventurous journey from the west coast and through the Kongo basin, Stanley succeeded in finding Emin Pasha on the shores of the Albert Nyanza, but, singularly enough, it required the utmost persuasion to induce the Doctor to return to the haunts of civilization. Up to the early part of the nineteenth century little was known of the Antarctic region, and even after the lapse of nearly one hundred years much of our information is the result of deductions of known conditions at the opposite pole. It was about this time that the Messrs. Enderbys, of London, a firm of English ship-owners, instructed the captains of their vessels to cruise as far to the southward as possible, with a view to discovery and exploration of unknown lands. It was their Captain Briscoe, who in 1831 discovered Enderb}^ Land, about one-third of a circle eastward from South Shetland, and forming the second angle of the triangular southern continent. In the 3^ear following Captain Briscoe , .V< t'A .v» tfA f. QF C. WOMAm 5 ATTACKED BY MIDWAY GUNMAN Miss Blanche Hardiman, 40 years Id, 6325 Kenwood avenue an employe the University of Chicago library, #as criminally assaulted last night by gunman who attacked her as she t^as crossing the Midway at Kenwood venue on her way home. Miss Hardiman was walking along a arrow board walk near the skating ink, when the man confronted her, locking her way and threatening her jdth a pistol. In a low voice he corn- handed her to turn around and forced ier to walk to a group of shelter ■ lOUses on the skating rink, where he attacked her, she said. ,|After the attack Miss Hardiman fled to a drug store at 61st street and Ken- wood avenue, where she fainted. After she had been revived she told her story to the Woodlawn police, who started a search for the rapist. She iescribed him as a man about 25 years 3ld. ■■ '''• V O CV\ ^