,THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF ILLINOIS 
 LIBRARY 
 
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J 
 
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 https://archive.org/details/historicalgerman00wrig_0 
 
THE STUDENTS’ SERIES OF 
 HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE 
 GRAMMARS 
 
 EDITED BY JOSEPH WRIGHT 
 
HISTORICAL 
 GERMAN GRAMMAR 
 
 VOL. I 
 
 PHONOLOGY, WORD-FORMATION 
 AND ACCIDENCE 
 
 JOSEPH WRIGHT 
 
 PH.D., D.C.L., LL.D., LITT.D. 
 
 FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY 
 PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN THE 
 UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 HENRY FROWDE 
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 LONDON, NEW YORK AND TORONTO 
 
 \_All rights reserved^ 
 
OXFORD : 
 PRINTER TO 
 
 HORACE HART 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 

 PREFACE 
 
 It is a noteworthy fact that during the last few years 
 there has been a steady increase in the number of people 
 who take a real interest in the scientific study of language. 
 The comparatively small number of such people, and the 
 backward state of knowledge on the subject, are not due to 
 lack of desire to learn, but chiefly to the lack of suitable 
 handbooks written in English. In order therefore to meet 
 this want, it has long been my intention to edit a series of 
 grammars which shall give for each language a concise 
 account of its phonology, morphology, inflexions and syn- 
 tax from an historical point of view. I was unable to 
 develop this scheme whilst working at the English Dialect 
 Dictionary ; but now that I am free from those labours, I 
 am able to devote my whole time and energy to the 
 furtherance of the project. This book then is the first of 
 ^ the series of historical grammars. Although it has been 
 compressed into a comparatively small compass, I venture 
 to think that it is the most complete treatise on historical 
 C German grammar which has hitherto appeared in the 
 English language. A glance at the Index of over 4,000 
 words will show that I have not shirked the drudgery of 
 collecting large numbers of examples to illustrate the 
 sound-laws in the different periods of the language, and 
 more especially those in the modern period. 
 
 A student, who wishes to acquire a thorough knowledge 
 of historical German grammar, should first make himself 
 ^ Tamiliar with the older periods by reading through a certain 
 number of texts such as those given in the Old and Middle 
 oi 
 
vi Preface 
 
 High German Primers. By so doing, he will gain a much 
 firmer grasp of the subject than if he merely works at a 
 grammar. If he already possesses a fair vocabulary of Old 
 and Middle High German, he will most certainly master the 
 grammar in far less time than he would do, were he quite 
 ignorant of the older periods of the language. However, 
 in writing this book I have not presupposed even an 
 elementary knowledge of Old and Middle High German 
 on the part of students ; but on the other hand it will be 
 useless for anyone who has not already a fairly good 
 knowledge of Modern German to attempt to read the book, 
 because, in order to save space, I have omitted the 
 meanings of the Modern German words, except in special 
 cases where this might lead to confusion. 
 
 Although I have endeavoured to include all that the 
 average student will require to know of the subject, I do not 
 pretend that this grammar is in any sense an exhaustive 
 treatise. To have treated the subject in great detail would 
 have lessened the practical value of the book. A list of 
 the chief books used in the writing of the grammar will be 
 found on pp. xiii-xiv, but it is my pleasant duty to mention 
 here my great indebtedness to the works of Behaghel, 
 Braune, Paul, and Wilmanns. 
 
 Volume II, dealing with historical German syntax, will 
 be written by my colleague. Dr. Fiedler, who hopes to 
 have it ready for press early next year. 
 
 In conclusion, my sincere thanks are due to the Controller 
 of the University Press for his great kindness in complying 
 with my wishes in regard to special type, and to my wife for 
 her valuable help in making the Index Verborum. 
 
 JOSEPH WRIGHT. 
 
 Oxford, April, 1907. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGES 
 
 INTRODUCTION 1-9 
 
 General principles (§§ 1-5) ; classification of the 
 Indo-Germanic languages, and a few characteristics of 
 the Germanic languages (§ 6) ; the periods of High 
 German (§ 7) ; characteristics of Old, Middle and 
 New High German (§ 8) ; the High German dialects 
 (§ 9). 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Orthography and Pronunciation 10-22 
 
 (i) The OHG. period : vowels (§§ 10-12) ; con- 
 sonants (§ 13) ; phonetic survey of the OHG. sound- 
 system (§§ 14-17). (2) The MHG. period : vowels 
 (§ 18) ; consonants (§§ 19-20). (3) The NHG. period : 
 vowels (§ 21) ; consonants (§ 22). Accentuation (§§ 23-9). 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 The Prim. Germanic Equivalents of the Indo- 
 
 Germanic Vowel-sounds 23-6 
 
 The Indo-Germanic vowel-system (§ 30). a (§ 31) ; 
 
 e (§ 32) ; i (§ 33) ; o {§ 34) ; « (§ 35) ; » (§ 36) ; a 
 (§37) ; e (§ 38) ; I (§ 39) ; 5 (§ 40) ; u (§ 41) ; ai (§ 42) ; 
 ei (§ 43) ; o» (§ 44) ; au (§ 45) ; eu (§ 46) ; ou (§ 47). 
 
 The Indg. vocalic nasals and liquids : m (§ 48) ; n 
 
 (§ 49) ; r (§ 50) ; 1 (§ 51)- 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The Prim. Germanic Vowel-system .... 27-30 
 Table of the Prim. Germanic vowel-system (§ 52). 
 
 The change of a to a (§ 54) ; the change of e to i and 
 of i to i (§ 55) ; the change of i to e (§ 56) ; the change 
 of u to o, u (§ 57). The vowel-system at the close of 
 the Prim. Germanic period (§ 58). 
 
viii Contents 
 
 PAGES 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The OHG. Development of the General Germanic 
 Vowel-system in Accented Syllables . . . 30-8 
 
 a (§§ 59-60) ; e (§§ 61-5) ; i (§ 66) ; o (§ 67) ; u 
 (§ 68) ; a (§ 69) ; * (§ 70) ; e (§ 71) ; I (§ 72) ; 5 (§ 73) ; 
 u (§ 74) ; ai (§ 75) ; au (§ 76) ; eu (§ 77). Table of the 
 OHG. vowels and diphthongs with their Germanic 
 equivalents (§ 78). 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 The MHG. Development of the OHG. Vowel-system 
 
 IN Accented Syllables 39-47 
 
 Umlaut (§ 79) ; short vowels (§ 80) ; long vowels 
 (§ 81) ; diphthongs : ei (§ 82) ; ie (§ 83) ; io (§ 84) ; iu 
 (§ 85) ; ou (§ 86) ; uo (§ 87). Table of the MHG. 
 vowels and diphthongs with their OHG. equivalents 
 (§ 88). 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 The NHG. Development of the MHG. Vowel-system 
 
 IN Accented Syllables 47-66 
 
 The short vowels (§§ 89-115). (i) Short vowels in 
 closed syllables:— a (§ 91); e (§ 92); a (§ 93); e 
 (§ 94) ; i (§ 95) ; o (§ 96) ; u (§ 97) ; 6 (§ 98) ; ii (§§ 99- 
 102); lengthening of short vowels in closed syllables 
 (§§ i 03 ~ 4 )‘ (2) Short vowels in open syllables:— a 
 (§ 106); e (a) (§ 107); e (§ io8); i (§ 109) ; o (§ no); 
 u (§ in) ; o (§ 112); ii (§ 113) ; short vowels in open 
 syllables followed by sufhxal -el, -en, -er (§ 114) ; short 
 vowels in open syllables followed by t (§ 115). Long 
 vowels (§§ 116-28):— a (§§ 1 17-19) ; ® (§ 120); e 
 (§ 121) ; 5 (§ 122) ; oe (§ 123) ; the diphthongization of 
 I, u, iu (§§ 124-8). Diphthongs (§§ 129-38) : - ei (§ 130) ; 
 ou (§ 131) ; ou (eu) (§§ 132-4) ; the monophthongization 
 of ie, uo, iie (§§ 135-8). The shortening of long vowels 
 (§ I39)' Table of the NHG. vowels and diphthongs 
 
 (§ 140)- 
 
Contents 
 
 IX 
 
 PAGES 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 The MHG. Equivalents of the NHG. Vowel-system 
 IN Accented Syllables 66-9 
 
 Short vowels (§§ 141-8); long vowels (§§ 149-56); 
 diphthongs (§§ 157-60). 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 The High German Development of the Prim. 
 Germanic Vowels of Unaccented Syllables . . 69-86 
 
 (i) The OHG. period (§§ 161-9); (2) the MHG. 
 period (§§ 170-2); (3) the NHG. period (§§ 173-84). 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 Ablaut (§§ 185-8) 87-90 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 The First Sound-shifting, Verner’s Law, and other 
 Consonant Changes which took place in the Prim. 
 Germanic Language 91-106 
 
 Table of the Indo-Germanic consonant-system (§ 190). 
 
 The normal equivalents of the Indg. explosives in 
 Latin, Greek, and the Germanic languages (§ 191). The 
 first sound-shifting .-—the tenues (§ 192); the mediae 
 (§ 193) J the tenues aspiratae (§ 194) ; the mediae 
 aspiratae (§§ 195-6). The chronological order of the 
 first sound-shifting (§ 197). The twofold development 
 of the Indg. velars in the Germanic languages (§ 198). 
 Verner’s Law (§ 199). Other consonant changes 
 (§§ 200-9). Table of Prim. Germanic consonants (§ 210). 
 
Contents 
 
 PAGES 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 Special West Germanic Modifications of the General 
 Germanic Consonant-system. The High German 
 
 Sound-shifting, &c 106-15 
 
 Prim. Germanic z (§ 21 1). Prim. Germanic d (§ 212). 
 
 The doubling of consonants (§§ 213-15). The High 
 German sound-shifting: — Table of the Prim. High 
 German explosives and spirants (§ 216) ; the shifting 
 of the voiceless explosives (§ 217) ; the shifting of the 
 voiced explosives and spirants (§§ 218-19); table giving 
 summary of the High German sound-shifting (§ 220). 
 Verner’s Law in OHG. (§ 221). 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 The High German Consonants .... 115-47 
 
 The simplification of double consonants in OHG. 
 and MHG. (§ 223). Double consonants in MHG. and 
 N H G. (§ 224). N other’s law of initial consonants (§ 225). 
 
 The interchange between the MHG. lenes b, d, g, v, s 
 and the fortes p, t, k (c), f, s ; and between medial 
 intervocalic h and final ch (§ 226). The NHG. voiced 
 explosives (§ 227). The NHG. voiceless explosives 
 (§ 228). 
 
 The semi-vowels w (§§ 229-37) ; j(§§ 238-43). The 
 liquids 1 (§ 244) ; r (§ 245). The nasals : — m (§ 246) ; 
 n (§§ 247-9) ; q (§ 250). The labials p (§§ 251-2) ; 
 b (§§ 253-7) ; f (§§ 258-9). The dentals : — t (§§ 260-4) ! 
 d (§§ 265-73) ; p (§§ 274-5). The gutturals h (§§ 276- 
 84); k (§§ 285-9); g (§§ 290-2). The sibilant s 
 
 (§§ 293-6). 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 Word-Formation 148-64 
 
 Nouns : — Simple nouns (§ 298) ; derivative nouns, 
 and prefixes (§ 299). Noun suffixes : — chen (§ 300) ; 
 
 •ei (§ 301); -er, -ler, -ner (§ 302); -heit, -keit, -igkeit 
 (§ 303) ; -icht (§ 304); -in (§ 305) ; -ing, -ling (§ 306); 
 
 •lain (§ 307) ; -nis (§ 308) ; -sal, -sel (§ 309) ; -schaft 
 (§ 310) ; -tuni (§ 311) ; -ung (§ 312). Compound nouns 
 
 (§§ 313-15). 
 
Contents 
 
 XI 
 
 PAGES 
 
 Adjectives : —Simple and derivative adjectives (§§316- 
 17). Adjectival suffixes : — bar (§ 318) ; -en, -ern (§ 319) ; 
 
 -haft (§ 320) ; -icht (§ 321); -ig (§ 322) ; -isch (§ 323) ; 
 
 •lich (§ 324) ; -los (§ 325) ; -sam (§ 326). Compound 
 adjectives (§ 328). 
 
 Verbs: — The formation of verbs (§§ 329-31). In- 
 separable verbal prefixes be- (§ 332) ; ent- (§ 333) ; 
 er- (§ 334) ; ge- (§ 335) ; miss- (§ 336) ; ver- (§ 337) ; 
 voll- (§ 338) ; zer- (§ 339). Verbal suffixes : — eln, -ern 
 (§ 340) ; -ieren (§ 341) ; -igen (§ 342) ; -zen (§ 343). 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 Nouns 165-90 
 
 Classification and gender of nouns (§§ 344-6). 
 Declension of Nouns: — 
 
 A. The strong declension : — Masculine a-stems 
 (§§ 347-55); neuter a-stems (§§ 356-60); masculine 
 ja-stems (§§ 361-2) ; neuter ja-stems (§§ 363-4) ; wa- 
 stems (§ 365). Feminine o-stems (§§ 366-9) ; feminine 
 jo-stems (§ 370) ; feminine w5-stems (§371). P'eminine 
 abstract nouns in -I (§ 372). Masculine i-stems (§§ 373- 
 4). Feminine i-stems (§§ 375-7). u-stems (§§ 378-81). 
 
 B. The weak declension : — Masculine n-stems 
 (§§382-6). Feminine n-stems (§ 387). Neuter n-stems 
 (§388). 
 
 C. Minor declensions : — Monosyllabic consonant 
 stems (§§ 389-93). Stems in -r (§§ 394-6). Stems in 
 *nt (§ 397). Stems in -cs, -es (§ 3^). 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 Adjectives 190-21 1 
 
 General remarks on the declension of adjectives 
 (§ 399)- The strong declension (§§ 400-3). The weak 
 declension (§ 404). The comparison of adjectives: 
 
 The comparative degree (§§ 405-7); the superlative 
 degree (§§ 408-9) ; irregular comparison (§§ 410-12). 
 Numerals: Cardinal (§§ 413-21); ordinal (§§ 422-3); 
 other numerals (§§ 424-30). 
 
xii Contents 
 
 PAGES 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Pronouns 211-32 
 
 General remarks on the pronouns (§ 431). Personal 
 pronouns (§§ 432-41). Reflexive pronouns (§§ 442-4). 
 Possessive pronouns (§§ 445-7). Demonstrative pro- 
 nouns (§§ 448-63). Relative pronouns (§ 464). Inter- 
 rogative pronouns (§§ 465-8). Indefinite pronouns 
 
 (§§ 469-70)- 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 Verbs 232-78 
 
 The classification of verbs (§§ 471-3). The full con- 
 jugation of a strong verb in OHG., MHG., and NHG. 
 
 (§ 474). The endings of strong verbs (§§ 475-80). 
 General remarks on the strong verbs (§§ 481-9). The 
 classification of strong verbs Class I (§§ 490-2) ; 
 
 Class II (§§ 493-5) ; Class III (§§ 496-502) ; Class IV 
 (§§ 503-6); Class V (§§ 507-10); Class VI (§§ 511-2); 
 
 Class VII (§§ 513-9). The classification of weak verbs 
 (§§ 520-6). The full conjugation of legen^ horen, salben, 
 and leben in OHG., MHG., and NHG. (§ 527). The 
 endings of weak verbs (§§ 528-9). General remarks 
 on the weak verbs (§§ 530-3). Minor groups: — 
 Preterite-presents (§§ 534-40). The verbs in -mi 
 
 (§§ 541-5)- 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 Adverbs (§§ 546-51) • 
 
 INDEX 
 
 279-82 
 
 283-314 
 
SELECT LIST OF BOOKS USED 
 
 von Bahder, Karl, Grundlagen des neuhochdeutschen Laut- 
 systems. Strassburg, 1890. 
 
 Behaghel, Otto, Die deutsche Sprache. Wien und Leipzig, 
 1904. 
 
 Geschichte der deutschen Sprache (PauPs Grundriss der 
 germanischen Philologie, voi. I, pp. 650-780, Strassburg, 
 1897-8). 
 
 Blatz, Friedrich, Neuhochdeutsche Grammatik. Karlsruhe, 
 1900. 
 
 Bojunga, Klaudius Hermann, Die Entwicklung der nhd. 
 Substantivflexion. Leipzig, 1890. 
 
 Braune, Wilhelm, Althochdeutsche Grammatik. Halle, 1891. 
 
 Brenner^ Oskar. Grundzuge der geschichtlichen Grammatik 
 der deutschen Sprache. Munchen, 1896. 
 
 Brugmann^ Karl, Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indo- 
 germanischen Sprachen. Strassburg, 1904. 
 
 Franke, Carl, Grundzuge der Schriftsprache Luthers. Gdrlitz, 
 1888. 
 
 Grimm^ Jacob. Deutsche Grammatik. Gottingen, 1822-37. 
 
 Hemplj George. German Orthography and Phonology. Boston, 
 1897. 
 
 Henry ^ Victor, A short Comparative Grammar of English and 
 German. London, 1894. 
 
 Kauffmann, Friedrich. Deutsche Grammatik. Marburg, 1902. 
 
 Kluge^ Friedrich. Etymologisches Wdrterbuch der deutschen 
 Sprache. Strassburg, 1894. 
 
 Nominale Stammbildungslehre der altgermanischen Dia- 
 lecte. Halle, 1886. 
 
 Lichtenberger, Henri, Histoire de la langue allemande. Paris, 
 1895. 
 
 Michels^ Victor. Mittelhochdeutsches Elementarbuch. Heidel- 
 berg, 1900. 
 
XIV 
 
 Select List of Books used 
 
 Paul, Hermann, Deutsches Worterbuch. Halle, 1897. 
 
 Mittelhochdeutsche Grammatik. Halle, 1904. 
 
 Socin, Adolf, Schriftsprache und Dialekte im Deutschen. 
 Heilbronn, 1888. 
 
 Streitberg, Wilhelm, Urgermanische Grammatik. Heidelberg, 
 1896. 
 
 Sutterlin, Ludwig, Die deutsche Sprache der Gegenwart. 
 Leipzig, 1900. 
 
 Sweet, Henry, A History of English Sounds. Oxford, 1888. 
 Vietor, Wilhelm, Die Aussprache des Schriftdeutschen. Leip- 
 zig, 1905- 
 
 Walde, Alois, Die germanischen Auslautgesetze. Halle, 1900. 
 Weinhold, Karl, Mittelhochdeutsche Grammatik. Paderborn, 
 1883. 
 
 Wilmanns, Wilhelm, Deutsche Grammatik : — Wortbildung 
 (1896), Lautlehre (1897), Verbum (1906). Strassburg. 
 Wright, Joseph, An Old High German Primer. Oxford, 1906. 
 A Middle High German Primer. Oxford, 1899. 
 
 A Primer of the Gothic language. Oxford, 1899. 
 
ABBREVIATIONS, ETC. 
 
 Dor. = Doric 
 
 EFr. = East Franconian 
 
 Fr. = Franconian 
 
 Germ. = Germanic 
 
 Goth. = Gothic 
 
 Gr. = Greek 
 
 H.A1. = High Alemanic 
 
 HG. = High German 
 
 Horn. = Homer 
 
 Indg. = Indo-Germanic 
 
 infl. = inflected 
 
 Lat. = Latin 
 
 loc. = locative 
 
 ME. = Middle English 
 
 MFr. = Middle Franconian 
 
 MHG. 
 
 = Middle High German 
 
 NE. 
 
 = New English 
 
 NHG. 
 
 = New High German 
 
 OE. 
 
 = Old English 
 
 OHG. 
 
 = Old High German 
 
 O.Icel. 
 
 = Old Icelandic 
 
 O.Ir. 
 
 = Old Irish 
 
 O.Lat. 
 
 = Old Latin 
 
 ON. 
 
 = Old Norse 
 
 OS. 
 
 = Old Saxon 
 
 Prim. 
 
 = Primitive 
 
 RFr. 
 
 = Rhenish Franconian 
 
 Skr. 
 
 = Sanskrit 
 
 UFr. 
 
 = Upper Franconian 
 
 UG. 
 
 = Upper German 
 
 The asterisk * prefixed to a word denotes a theoretical form, 
 as OHG. tag, day^ from Prim. Germanic *dagaz. 
 
 In the transcription of Gothic words, ai = the » in OE. 
 sl»pan, to sleepy as Goth, saian, to sow; ai = the ei in NHG. 
 stein = Goth, stdins; ai = the e in NHG. herz = Goth. 
 hairtS. au = the au in English aught, as Goth, bauan, to 
 build ; du = the au in NHG. auge = Goth. dug5 ; ati = the o 
 in NHG. dorf = Goth. f>aurp. 
 
. } 
 
 It’ 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 GENERAL PRINCIPLES 
 
 § 1. In order to study the historical grammar of a lan- 
 guage with any real profit, it is necessary for the student 
 to possess an elementary knowledge of some of the general 
 principles which are applicable to the historical and philo- 
 logical treatment of all languages. It is beyond the plan 
 and scope of this book to do more than indicate a few of 
 the general principles ; for the rest, the student should 
 consult books dealing specially with the subject, such as 
 Paul’s Principien der Sprachgeschichtey Sweet’s Primer of 
 Phonetics, and Passy’s Petite phonetique comparee des prim 
 cipales langues europeennes, which contains an excellent 
 resume of all the student requires to know concerning 
 phonetics. 
 
 § 2. Comparison of sound laws with physical laws. — In 
 applying the term Maw’ to the phenomena of sound-change, 
 it is of great importance to understand that the term is 
 used in a technical sense and must never be confounded 
 with the use of the term ^ law ’ as applied to the physical 
 sciences, such as physics, chemistry, &c. Physical laws 
 lay down what must invariably and always happen under 
 certain given conditions, whereas sound laws merely state 
 the regularity of sound-change observed in any particular 
 group of historic phenomena. At first sight this may seem 
 to be something like a distinction without a difference, 
 but if we examine the matter more closely we shall see 
 that there is a material difference. Physical laws are ab- 
 solute and unchanging. They operate to-day just in the 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 Introduction 
 
 [§ 
 
 same manner as they did in all past ages, and will continue 
 to do so for all time to come. When we say, e. g., that the 
 space traversed by a falling body is represented by the 
 formula S = J ft or that the action of sulphuric acid upon 
 zinc is represented by the formula Zn + Hg SO 4 = Zn SO 4 
 + H 2 , we formulate a law which has held good and will 
 hold good for all time and in all places. But not so with 
 sound laws. In treating of the history and philology of any 
 language or group of languages, two of the most impor- 
 tant points, which the investigator carefully observes, are 
 chronology and geography. Sound laws only operate 
 for a limited period and then cease to operate ; and their 
 operation is often confined to a small area. It also by no 
 means follows that a sound law which operated at one 
 period of a language will operate again at a later period 
 under similar conditions, e. g. in prehistoric English as 
 also in Old Saxon and Old Frisian there operated the law 
 whereby n became absorbed and the preceding vowel 
 lengthened in the combination n + voiceless spirant, as 
 OE. muf>, mouthy gcs, goose^ fif, five = OHG. mund, gans, 
 finf. But when n came to stand in this position at a later 
 period, it has regularly remained, cp. months tenths dense, &c.; 
 Indo-Germanic a became 0 (§ 37) and o became a (§ 34) in 
 prim. Germanic, but the a from older « (§ 70), and the o 
 from older u (§ 57) which arose in prehistoric High German, 
 remained unchanged in Old High German. Or to take 
 another well-known sound law which concerns all the 
 Germanic languages: — The final Indo-Germanic explosives 
 disappeared in the primitive Germanic language, as Gothic 
 hra = Latin quod, Goth, will = Lat. velit, but when the 
 Germanic explosives which arose from the Indg. mediae 
 (§ 193) and mediae aspiratae (§ 195) came to stand finally 
 at a later period, they regularly remained, as OE. deop, 
 deep, hlud, loud, set, he ate, lomb, lamb, &c. 
 
 We will now pass on to the second point which we have 
 
§§ 3 , 4 ] General Principles 3 
 
 already mentioned, viz. geography: the operation of a sound 
 law is often confined to a small area. A good example of 
 this is seen in the treatment of the Indg. ending of the 
 accusative plural of o-stems in the various old Greek 
 dialects. The original ending of this case was -ons = 
 Ionic, Attic and late Doric -ovs, Boeotian and old Doric 
 Lesbian -ots, Elean ‘Otp, Cretan -ovs and -os. Or to 
 come nearer home, where our own dialects furnish abundant 
 instances, let us take for example the development of Old 
 English long u (mus, mouse) in the various modern dialects, 
 where it has assumed eleven distinct forms (ai, au, aa, a, 
 eu, ou, u, ‘BU, au, aii). Other examples of the great 
 diversity of forms arising from a single OE. form are : 
 OE. ham, home and fodder, father, each of which has been 
 developed to over thirty different forms in the modern 
 dialects. Most of the so-called irregularities in the pho- 
 nology of NHG. are due to forms from the different dialects 
 having found their way into the literary language. Many 
 such examples will be found in the paragraphs dealing 
 with the historical development of the NHG. vowels and 
 consonants. 
 
 § 3. Apart from certain cases of metathesis, dissimilation 
 and assimilation of two sounds not standing contiguous in 
 the same word, all sound changes take place gradually and 
 not by sudden leaps. Such a change, for example, as that 
 of MHG. i, u, u (written iu) to NHG. ai (written ei), au, 
 oi (written au, eu) presupposes a rather large number of 
 intermediate stages. 
 
 § 4. What is meant by saying that the laws of sound 
 change admit of no exceptions is : that within the limits of 
 any definite language or dialect at a particular period all 
 sounds, which practically fulfil the same phonetic con- 
 ditions, have had the same fate; that is to say, the same 
 sound must there have changed into the same other sound 
 throughout the language or dialect. And where various 
 
 B 2 
 
4 
 
 Introduction 
 
 [§ 4 
 
 sounds are seen to replace one and the same other sound 
 of the older language, the cause for this difference must be 
 sought in the difference of phonetic conditions, such as 
 accent, contact with or proximity to other sounds ; or in 
 other causes, such as the influences of analogy ; borrowings 
 from another language or dialect, as NHG. sanft beside 
 sacht; NE. hale beside whole. An example of the 
 variation of change caused by difference of accent is the 
 formation of doublets, one being the accented and the 
 other the unaccented form. And what usually takes place 
 when such doublets are called into existence through a 
 difference of accent is that for a time they exist side by side 
 without any difference in meaning ; then one of two things 
 takes place : either they differentiate in meaning or else 
 one of the forms dies out and the remaining form becomes 
 used again, both in an accented and unaccented position, 
 as OHG. zuo beside za would have become NHG. zu 
 beside *ze ; OHG. du beside du would have become *dau 
 beside du, but in NHG. only zu and du have been preserved. 
 Cp. also such pairs as NE. too — to, off — of, one — an, (a), 
 nought— not, NHG. wann— wenn, dann — denn, French 
 moi — me, le mien — mon, &c. Other examples of variation 
 of change caused by difference of accent are VerneFs Law 
 (§ 199) ; the development of o to uo in accented syllables 
 in OHG., but its retention in unaccented syllables, as OHG. 
 suochen (Goth. s5kjan) to seek^ but salbon (Goth. salb5n), 
 to anoint 
 
 Examples of variation of change caused by contact with 
 or proximity to other sounds are : the threefold develop- 
 ment of the Indg. velar gutturals in Greek (§ 191 (7)), the 
 mutation of consonants in the Keltic languages, sandhi in 
 Sanskrit, umlaut in the Germanic languages, vowel breaking 
 in OE., &c. 
 
 From what has been said above, it naturally follows that 
 sound changes are of a twofold nature : isolative and com- 
 
5 
 
 §§5,6] The Indo-Germamc Languages 
 
 binative. And we define isolative changes as being those 
 which affect a sound without any reference to its sur- 
 roundings, and combinative changes those which imply 
 two sounds in juxtaposition, which modify each other in 
 various ways. 
 
 § 5 . The rigid adherence to the general principle that 
 sound laws admit of no exceptions has resulted in showing 
 that many sound changes, which were formerly thought to 
 be impossible, are possible, and that many, which were 
 thought to be possible, are impossible. Many etymologies, 
 which were formerly universally accepted, are now rightly 
 rejected, and many others, which a generation ago would 
 have been regarded as impossible, are now firmly estab- 
 lished. We have only space for a few etymologies of each 
 type. Etymologists used to regard the following pairs of 
 words as being related, but we now know that they are not 
 related : Lat. deus— Gr. ^cos, deer— Gr. 6'qp, whole — Gr. 
 oAo 9, care — Lat. cura, charity — Gr. path — Gr. Traros. 
 
 On the other hand, the following can be shown to be related : 
 Lat. decern— centum, come — Lat. venio — Gr. ^atVo), cow 
 —beef, get — Lat. pre-hendo — Gr. x^^Savo), snow— acc. 
 Lat. nivem — Gr. vi^a. 
 
 CLASSIFICATION OF THE INDO-GERMANIC 
 LANGUAGES 
 
 § 6. The High German language is a member of the 
 West Germanic division of the Germanic (Teutonic) branch 
 of the Indo-Germanic family of languages. This great 
 family of languages is usually divided into eight branches : — 
 I. Aryan, consisting of : (i) The Indian group, including 
 the language of the Vedas, classical Sanskrit, and the 
 Prakrit dialects. (2) The Iranian group, including {a) West 
 Iranian (Old Persian, the language of the Persian cuneiform 
 
6 
 
 Introduction 
 
 [§ 6 
 
 inscriptions, dating from about 520-350 b. c.) ; (b) East 
 Iranian (Avesta — sometimes called Zend-Avesta, Zend, 
 and Old Bactrian— the language of the Avesta, the sacred 
 books of the Zoroastrians). 
 
 II. Armenian, the oldest monuments of which belong 
 to the fifth century a. d. 
 
 III. Greek, with its numerous dialects. 
 
 IV. Albanian, the language of ancient Illyria. The 
 oldest monuments belong to the seventeenth century. 
 
 V. Italic, consisting of Latin and the Umbrian-Samnitic 
 dialects. From the popular form of Latin are descended 
 the Romance languages : Portuguese, Spanish, Catalanian, 
 Provencal, French, Italian, Raetoromanic, Roumanian or 
 Wallachian. 
 
 VI. Keltic, consisting of: (i) Gaulish (known to us 
 by Keltic names and words quoted by Latin and Greek 
 authors, and inscriptions on coins); (2) Brittanic, including 
 Cymric or Welsh, Cornish, and Bas Breton or Armorican 
 (the oldest records of Cymric and Bas Breton date back 
 to the eighth or ninth century); (3) Gaelic, including Irish- 
 Gaelic, Scotch-Gaelic, and Manx. The oldest monuments 
 are the old Gaelic ogam inscriptions which probably date 
 as far back as about 500 a.d. 
 
 VII. Baltic-Slavonic, consisting of: (i) The Baltic 
 division, embracing {a) Old Prussian, which became extinct 
 in the seventeenth century, {b} Lithuanian, (r) Lettic 
 (the oldest records of Lithuanian and Lettic belong to the 
 sixteenth century); (2) the Slavonic division, embracing: 
 (a) the South-Eastern group, including Russian (Great 
 Russian, White Russian, and Little Russian), Bulgarian, 
 and Illyrian (Servian, Croatian, Slovenian); [b) the Western 
 group, including Czech (Bohemian), Sorabian (Wendish), 
 Polish and Polabian. 
 
 VIII. Germanic, consisting of :— 
 
 (i) Gothic. Almost the only source of our knowledge 
 
§ 6 ] The Germanic Languages 7 
 
 of the Gothic language is the fragments of the biblical 
 translation made in the fourth century by Ulfilas, the 
 Bishop of the West Goths. 
 
 (2) Old Norse (Scandinavian), which is sub-divided into 
 two groups: [a) East Norse, including Swedish, Gutnish, 
 and Danish; {b) West Norse, including Norwegian, and 
 Icelandic. 
 
 The oldest records of this branch are the runic inscrip- 
 tions, some of which date as far back as the third or fourth 
 century. 
 
 (3) West Germanic, which is composed of : — 
 
 {a) English, the oldest records of which belong to about 
 the end of the seventh century. English is usually divided 
 into three periods: Old English (OE.) up to about iioo — 
 West Saxon, Kentish, Mercian, and Northumbrian ; 
 Middle English (ME.), 1100-1500; and New English 
 (NE.) from 1500 onwards. 
 
 [b) Frisian, the oldest records of which belong to the 
 fourteenth century. 
 
 {c) Low German, with records dating back to the ninth 
 century. Up to about 1200 it is generally called Old 
 Saxon (OS.); from 1200-1500 Middle Low German; and 
 from 1500 onwards New Low German or Plattdeutsch. 
 
 {d) Low Franconian, called Old Low Franconian or Old 
 Dutch until about 1200 ; Middle Low Franconian or Middle 
 Dutch from 1200 to 1500; from 1500 onwards New Low 
 Franconian, including Dutch, Flemish, Brabantish, and 
 Limburgish. 
 
 {e) High German, the oldest monuments of which belong 
 to about the middle of the eighth century. 
 
 Notes.— (i) A few of the chief characteristics of the Germanic 
 languages as compared with the other branches of the Indo- 
 Germanic languages are : the first sound-shifting or Grimm^s 
 Law (§§ 192 - 8 ) ; Verner’s Law (§ 199 ) ; the development of 
 the so-called weak declension of adjectives (§ 399 ) ; the 
 
8 Introduction [§§ 7 , 8 
 
 development of the preterite of weak verbs (§ 531) ; the use of 
 the old perfect as a preterite (§ 472). 
 
 ( 2 ) The most characteristic differences between Gothic and 
 Old Norse on the one hand, and of West Germanic on the 
 other, are : the West Germanic gemination of consonants 
 (§ 213) ; the loss of final -z which arose from older -s 
 (§§ 199, 211 ) ; the West Germanic development of prim. 
 Germanic ww (§ 232), jj (§ 241) ; the form of the second pers. 
 sing. pret. indicative of strong verbs (§ 479). Gothic and Old 
 Norse preserved the old perfect ending, as Goth. Old Norse namt, 
 thou tookesty but OE. n5me, OS. OHG. nami. In the West 
 Germanic languages the -t was only preserved in the preterite 
 presents, as OE. wast, OS. west, OHG. weist, thou knowest, 
 
 ( 3 ) The most characteristic difference between High German 
 and the other Germanic languages is : the High German sound- 
 shifting (§§ 216-8). 
 
 § 7. The division of a language into fixed periods must 
 of necessity be more or less arbitrary. What are given 
 as the characteristics of one period have generally had 
 their beginnings in the previous period, and it is impossible 
 to say with perfect accuracy when one period begins and 
 another ends. For practical purposes High German may 
 be conveniently divided into three periods: OHG. from 
 about 750 to 1100; MHG. from 1100 to 1500; and NHG. 
 from 1500 onwards. 1500 to about 1650 is often called 
 early NHG. 
 
 § 8. OHG. may be described as the period of full endings. 
 The most characteristic differences between OHG. and 
 MHG. are: the weakening of the OHG. vowels to e in 
 unaccented syllables (§ 170), and the spread of umlaut 
 (§ 79). Some of the chief differences between MHG. and. 
 NHG. are : the spread of umlaut by analogy, especially in 
 the plural of nouns (§§ 360, 357) ; the lengthening of short 
 vowels which were in open syllables in MHG. (§ 105) ; the 
 shortening of long vowels before consonant combinations 
 (§ 139) ; the diphthongization of MHG. i, u, iu (§ 124) and 
 
§9] The High German Dialects 9 
 
 the monophthongization of ie, uo, iie (§ 135) ; the substitu- 
 tion of the voiced explosives b, d, g, for the MHG. lenes 
 (§ 219) ; various levellings and new formations in the indie, 
 pres, singular of strong verbs (§ 483); the loss of the 
 MHG. distinction between the stem vowel of the singular 
 and plural in the pret. indicative of strong verbs by levelling 
 out one or other of the stem forms (§ 484) ; the formation 
 of the preterite and past participle of weak verbs direct 
 from the present {§ 531). 
 
 § 9. The oldest records of HG. exhibit clearly defined 
 dialectal peculiarities which have been treated in some 
 detail in the phonology, so that the student can easily 
 collect together for himself the chief characteristics of 
 each dialect. The dialects are divided into three great 
 groups: Upper German, Franconian, and East Middle 
 German. 
 
 1. Upper German is divided into : {a) Alemanic, em- 
 bracing High Alemanic (Switzerland), and Low Alemanic 
 (South Baden, Swabia, and Alsace), (i) Bavarian, extend- 
 ing over Bavaria and those parts of Austria where German 
 is spoken. 
 
 2. Franconian (West Middle German), which is sub- 
 divided into Upper Franconian and Middle Franconian. 
 Upper Franconian consists of East Franconian (the old 
 duchy of Francia Orientalis) and Rhenish Franconian (the 
 old province of Francia Rhinensis), Middle Franconian 
 extending over the district along the banks of the Moselle 
 and of the Rhine from Coblence to Diisseldorf. 
 
 3. East Middle German, extending over: Thuringia, 
 Upper Saxony, and Silesia. Slavonic was spoken in 
 these parts of Germany in the Middle Ages. 
 
PHONOLOGY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 ORTHOGRAPHY AND PRONUNCIATION 
 
 1. The Old High German Period. 
 
 § 10. The OHG. monuments were written in the Latin 
 alphabet. Vowel length was either entirely omitted in 
 writing, or was represented by doubling the respective 
 vowel ; but sometimes also by using the accents (^, '). 
 The sign ”, placed over vowels, is used in this grammar 
 to mark long vowels. 
 
 A. The Vowels. 
 
 § 11. The OHG. vowel-system was represented by the 
 five elementary letters a, e, i, o, u, and the digraphs ei, ie 
 (ea, ia), io (eo), iu, ou (au), and uo (ua), the latter having 
 the value of diphthongs. See § 78. 
 
 § 12. All the simple vowels had both a short and a long 
 quantity. The short vowels a, i, o, u, and the long vowels 
 a, e, i, 5, and u, had nearly the same pronunciation as the 
 corresponding OE. vowels, e had a twofold pronunciation, 
 which is still kept apart in many NHG. dialects, according 
 as it represented a primitive Germanic e— cp. e. g. OE. 
 OS. OHG. beran, to bear^ beside Latin fer5, Greek 
 I hear— ox an e which arose from the i-umlaut of a (§ 60), 
 as nom. sing, gast, guest^ plural gesti ; nerien, to save^ 
 from *nazjan. In the former case e had an open sound 
 like the e in English bed, and is generally written e in 
 Old and Middle High German grammars, in order to 
 
§ 13 ] Orthography and Pronunciation 1 1 
 
 distinguish it from the umlaut-e, which had a close sound 
 like the e in French ete. 
 
 The following key-words will be of use, as giving an 
 approximate pronunciation of the vowel-sounds to students 
 unacquainted with Old English : — 
 
 a 
 
 as in 
 
 NHG. mann 
 
 man, man 
 
 a 
 
 ;; 
 
 Engl, father 
 
 hahan, to hang 
 
 e 
 
 n 
 
 „ b^d 
 
 helfan, to help 
 
 e 
 
 )} 
 
 Fr. ete 
 
 gesti, guests 
 
 e 
 
 n 
 
 NHG. r^h 
 
 sela, soul 
 
 i 
 
 f) 
 
 Engl, ft 
 
 wi:^^an, to know 
 
 i 
 
 
 NHG. fhn 
 
 min, my 
 
 o 
 
 n 
 
 Engl, not 
 
 got, God 
 
 5 
 
 n 
 
 NHG. sa 
 
 hoh, high 
 
 u 
 
 ft 
 
 Engl, full 
 
 gibuntan, bound 
 
 u 
 
 f) 
 
 NHG. gut 
 
 bus, house 
 
 e-f i 
 
 ft 
 
 Engl, stam 
 
 stein, stone 
 
 i + e 
 
 
 
 riet, advised. 
 
 The remaining diphthongs ea (ia), io (eo), iu, ou (au), 
 uo (ua), will present no difficulties to the learner who has 
 mastered the key-words to the short vowels in the above 
 table. In late OHG. the diphthong iu was contracted into 
 the long vowel u, although the iu was retained in writing 
 (§ 85). 
 
 B. The Consonants. 
 
 § 13. The OHG. consonant-system was represented by 
 the following letters : — b, c, ch, d, f, g, h, *j, (i, e, g), k, 1, 
 m, n, p, q, r, s, t, th (dh), u (v), *w (uu, u, uv, vu, vv), 
 X, z. 
 
 The letters b, d (see § 219) k, 1, m, n, p, and t had nearly 
 the same sound-values as in English. The remaining 
 consonants require special attention. 
 
 c had a twofold pronunciation. It had the sound of 
 English k finally and before the guttural vowels a, o, u, 
 
12 Phonology [§13 
 
 and before consonants, as folc, folk, corn, corn, cund, 
 known, clein, pretty. Before the palatal vowels i, e 
 (except in the combination sc) it had the sound of ts, like 
 NHG. z, as lucil, little, ce, to. But, on the other hand, 
 sceidan, to sever y where sc was pronounced like the sch in 
 the English word school. 
 
 ch mostly represented a single (guttural spirant) sound 
 like the ch in NHG. or in Scotch loch, as sprechan, to 
 speak. In Upper German monuments it was also used to 
 express the affricata kh, i.e. k+ the ch sound in Scotch 
 loch, as khorn (chorn), corn. See § 217, 2 . 
 
 f had a twofold pronunciation according as it represented 
 a Germanic f or p; cp. e. g. OHG. fater, OS. fadar, 
 OE. faeder, father, with OHG. slafan, OS. slapan, OE. 
 sl^pan, Goth, slepan, to sleep. In the former case it was 
 labio-dental, and in the latter bilabial, f = Germanic f 
 was often written u (v) initially, and medially between 
 vowels, as varan, OE. faran, to go ; zwival, Goth, tweifls, 
 doubt. See § 258. 
 
 g, when it represented prim. Germanic g, or rather 
 prim. Germanic g, had the sound of English g in got, as 
 OHG. guot, OE. g5d, good] OHG. tag, OS. dag, OE. 
 daeg, day. See §§ 219, 280. But when it stood for prim. 
 Germanic j, it was a spirant and had nearly the same 
 sound as the y in English yet, as gener (jener), Goth, 
 jains, ille, yon ; herige (herie), Goth, harja, dat. sing, of 
 heri, army, 
 
 h, initially and medially between vowels, had the same 
 sound- value as NHG. h in hand; finally and medially 
 before consonants it was the guttural spirant ch (see ch), 
 as haben, to have, sehan, to see] hoh (=NHG. hoch), 
 naht (= NHG. nacht). 
 
 (that is i in the function of a consonant) did not occur 
 in OHG. manuscripts, but was represented by i (e, g). It 
 had nearly the same sound-value as the y in English yet, 
 
13 
 
 § 13 ] Orthography and Pronunciation 
 
 as nerien from *nazjan, to save; hirteo, Goth, hairdje, 
 gen. pi. of hirti, shepherd) gener (jener), Gothic jdins, 
 ille^ yon. 
 
 q occurred only in combination with u as in English, as 
 OHG. quedan, to say; quena, woman. 
 
 r was a trilled sound in all positions as in Scotch, as 
 reht, rights beran, to beaVy fart, wayy fagar, beautiful. 
 
 s was a voiceless spirant in all positions like the s in 
 English sit, as sunu, soUy kiosan, to choosey k5s, / chose. 
 
 th (dh) seems in the ninth century to have been a voiced 
 interdental spirant like the th in English then, as thenken, 
 to think. See § 217. 
 
 u (v). Single u (v) was often written for Germanic f 
 (see f), as uaran, varan, to go. It was also employed, 
 especially after consonants and before the vowel u, to 
 express u consonant, i. e. English w, as suarz for suuarz, 
 blacky uurdun for uuurdun, they became. 
 
 *w (i.e. u in the function of a consonant) did not occur 
 in OHG. manuscripts, but was generally represented by 
 uu (uv, vu, vv), and had the same sound-value as the w in 
 English wit. It was also sometimes written u(v), see 
 above under u(v). In this grammar we shall generally 
 write w. 
 
 X occurred almost exclusively in loan-words, 
 z had a twofold pronunciation. It had the sound-value 
 ts (= NHG. z), initially, as also medially and finally after 
 consonants, and when it arose from older tt. Examples 
 are : — zan, toothy lenzo, springy holz, woody herza, hearty 
 suarz, blacky scaz, money y cp. OE. sceatt, Goth, skatts; 
 sezzen, OS. settian, to set. In other cases it was a kind 
 of s sound, as ha:^, hatredy hlz^aiiy to bitey e%an, to eat. In 
 this grammar the ts sound is represented by z, and the 
 s sound by 
 
14 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§§ 14-17 
 
 Phonetic Survey of the OHG. Sound-System. 
 § 14. A. Vowels. 
 
 Guttural 
 
 Palatal 
 
 ( Short a, o, u 
 1 Long a, o, u 
 I Short e, e, i 
 1 Long e, i 
 
 §15. 
 
 Explosives | 
 
 Nasals 
 Liquids 
 Semi-vowels 
 
 B. Consonants. 
 
 
 
 Labial. 
 
 Inter- 
 
 dental. 
 
 Dental. 
 
 Gut- 
 
 tural. 
 
 f Voiceless p, pp 
 
 
 t, tt 
 
 k, kk 
 
 (Voiced b, bb 
 
 
 d, dd 
 
 
 j Voiceless f 
 
 th(?) 
 
 fs, ss 
 
 h> ?? 
 
 h, hh(ch) 
 
 (Voiced 
 
 th(dh) 
 
 g 
 
 m, mm 
 
 
 n, nn 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 1,11; r,rr 
 
 w, j (palatal) 
 
 To these must further be added the aspirate h and the 
 three aifricatae (i. e. an explosive + a homorganic spirant) 
 z (i. e. ts), pf (ph), and the Upper German kh(ch), i. e. k-f 
 the ch sound in Scotch loch. 
 
 § 16. A diphthong is the combination of a sonantal with 
 a consonantal vowel. The sonantal vowel is the bearer of 
 the stress (accent) in the syllable in which it occurs. All 
 the OHG. diphthongs, ei, ie (ea, ia), io (eo), iu, ou (au), 
 and uo (ua), were falling diphthongs, that is, the stress fell 
 upon the first of the two elements. 
 
 § 17. The double consonants, nn, tt, &c., must be pro- 
 nounced long as in Italian and Swedish, thus rinnan, to 
 ruHf as rin-nan. They were uniformly shortened (simpli- 
 fied) when they became final or came to stand before other 
 consonants, and also frequently medially when preceded by 
 a long vowel, as rinnan, to run, pret. singular ran ; bren- 
 
15 
 
 § 1 8 ] Orthography and Pronunciation 
 
 nen, to burn^ pret. singular branta ; slafan beside slaffan, 
 to sleep. See § 223. In NHG. double consonants are 
 never long, they merely indicate that the preceding vowel 
 is short, as brennen, bitten, &c. 
 
 2. The Middle High German Period. 
 
 A. The Vowels. 
 
 § 18. MHG. had the following simple vowels and diph- 
 thongs : — 
 
 Short vowels a, a, e, e, i, o, u, o, ii. 
 
 Long vowels a, ae, e, i, 5, u, oe, iu. 
 
 Diphthongs ei, ie, ou, uo, ou (eu), tie. 
 
 Of the above vowels and diphthongs a, e, e, i, o, u ; a, e, 
 i, o, u ; ei, ie, ou, and uo had the same sound-values as in 
 OHG. The remaining vowels and diphthongs : a, o, ii; 
 se, oe ; ou (eu), and tie arose from the i-umlaut of OHG. 
 a (before those consonant combinations which prevented 
 umlaut from taking place in OHG., § 60), o, u; a, 5 ; ou, 
 and uo. See § 79. MHG. iu (= u) partly represented the 
 OHG. diphthong iu (as biutit= MHG. biutet, he offers^ § 85) 
 and partly the umlaut of u (OHG. husir, MHG. hiuser, 
 houses, § 79). The fact that the umlant of u was written iu 
 in MHG. shows that the old diphthong had already become 
 u in late OHG., although the iu was retained in writing. 
 MHG. a and ae were very open e-sounds, the former like 
 the a in standard English man, and the latter like the ai 
 in English air. 
 
 The following key-words will serve to illustrate the 
 MHG. vowel-sounds which did not occur in OHG.: — 
 
 a as in 
 
 Engl, man 
 
 mahte (pL), powers 
 
 ae „ 
 
 „ ak 
 
 laere, empty 
 
 o ,, 
 
 NHG. locher 
 
 locher, holes 
 
 oe ,, 
 
 ,, schon 
 
 schoene, beautiful 
 
 
 ,, fellen 
 
 vullen, to fill 
 
i6 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§ 19 
 
 iu as in NHG. m//de 
 
 ou (eu) = o or e + u 
 iie = ii + e 
 
 hiuser, houses 
 biutet, he offers 
 drouwen, to threaten 
 dreuwen 
 grue:^en, to greet 
 
 To the above list should be added the MHG. e in un- 
 accented syllables, which mostly arose from the weakening 
 of the OHG. full vowels, as OHG. zunga, hirti, namo, 
 fridu = MHG. zunge, hirte, name, fride. The e in this 
 position was pronounced like the -e in NHG. zunge, 
 name, friede, &c. 
 
 B. The Consonants. 
 
 § 19. The MHG. consonant-system was represented by 
 the following letters : — b, c, ch, d, f, g, h, j, k, 1, m, n, p, 
 q, r, s, sch, t, v, w, x, z, 
 
 The letters c, ch, f, h, j, k, 1, m, n, p, pf (ph), q, r, t, w, 
 X, z, had the same sound-values as in OHG. The 
 remaining consonants require special attention. 
 
 The consonants b, d, g were not voiced explosives like 
 English and NHG. b, d, g, but were voiceless lenes and 
 only differed from the fortes p, t, k in being produced with 
 less force (§ 226). A similar difference existed between 
 intervocalic v, s and final f, s (§ 226). In MHG., and 
 probably also in late OHG., the lenes b, d, g, v, s regularly 
 became the fortes p, t, c, v, s at the end of a word, and 
 also medially when followed by a consonant, as gen. libes, 
 t5des, tages, hoves, glases beside nom. lip, life^ t5t, deaths 
 tac, day^ hof, courts glas, glass ; gelouben, to believe^ pret. 
 geloupte, &c. See § 225. 
 
 c and k represented the same sound. The latter was 
 generally used at the beginning, and the former at the end 
 of a syllable, as kunst, art, trinken, to drink, pret. tranc ; 
 senken, to sink, pret. sancte. 
 
§§ 20-s] Orthography and Pronunciation 1 7 
 
 § 20. Double consonants were pronounced long as in 
 OHG., as bit-ter, rin-nen, viiMen, &c. 
 
 3. The New High German Period. 
 
 § 21. A table of the NHG. vowel-system will be found 
 in § 140. It should be noted that the short vowels are 
 open and the long vowels close, a and au are generally 
 used in words which have beside them obviously related 
 forms without umlaut, as gaste^ dltery bdumCy hduser beside 
 gasty alty baunif haus (§§ 90, 132). The historical distinction 
 between MHG. e, a, and e no longer exists in the North 
 German pronunciation of the standard language. All three 
 sounds are pronounced as open e, like the e in English get, 
 men, when they have remained short. When MHG. e, a, 
 and e have been lengthened (§ 90) they have become close 
 e (as in nehmen) in the language of the stage, but when 
 written a, as in vdtery dhnlichj gebdren, many people 
 pronounce it as long open ae (as in English air). This 
 distinction is arbitrary and entirely due to the influence of 
 the orthography. On the use of h in NHG. to indicate 
 long vowels, see § 280. 
 
 § 22. On special points connected with the pronunciation 
 of the consonants, the student should consult § 227 for 
 b, d, g, f, s; § 228 for p, t, k, and § 245 for r. ch is 
 palatal after the palatal vowels e, i, o, ii, as pech^ ichy locheVy 
 biichery but guttural after the guttural vowels a, o, u, as 
 nachy dochy buck. Double consonants are short and merely 
 indicate that the preceding vowel is short (§ 224). 
 
 Stress (Accent). 
 
 § 23. All the Indo-Germanic languages have partly 
 pitch (musical) and partly stress accent, but one or other 
 of the two systems of accentuation always predominates in 
 each language, thus in Sanskrit and Old Greek the accent 
 was predominantly pitch, whereas in the oldest periods of 
 
 c 
 
1 8 Phonology [§ 23 
 
 the Italic dialects, and the Keltic and Germanic languages, 
 the accent was predominantly stress. This difference in 
 the system of accentuation is clearly seen in Old Greek 
 and the old Germanic languages by the preservation of 
 the vowels of unaccented syllables in the former and the 
 weakening or loss of them in the latter. In the early 
 period of the parent Indg. language, the stress accent must 
 have been more predominant than the pitch accent, 
 because it is only upon this assumption that we are able to 
 account for the origin of the vowels i, u, o (§ 30, note i), 
 the liquid and nasal sonants (§§ 48-51), and the loss of 
 vowel often accompanied by a loss of syllable, as in Greek 
 gen. 7ra-T/3-os beside acc. Tra-rcp-a \ Trir^ofiai beside e-TTr-o/x-T/i / ) 
 Gothic gen. pi. aiihs-ne beside acc. *auhsa-ns. It is now 
 a generally accepted theory that at a later period of the 
 parent language the system of accentuation became pre- 
 dominantly pitch, which was preserved in Sanskrit and 
 Old Greek, but which must have become predominantly 
 stress again in prim. Germanic sometime prior to the 
 operation of Verner’s law (§ 199). 
 
 The quality of the accent in the parent language was 
 partly ^ broken ’ (acute) and partly ' slurred " (circumflex). 
 This distinction in the quality of the accent was preserved 
 in prim. Germanic in final syllables containing a long 
 vowel, as is seen by the difference in the development of 
 the final long vowels in historic times according as they 
 originally had the ^ broken ^ or ‘ slurred ’ accent (§ 162, 3). 
 
 In the parent language the chief accent of a word did 
 not always fall upon the same syllable of a word, but was 
 free or movable as in Sanskrit and Greek, cp. e. g. Gr. nom. 
 waryp, father^ VOC. wdrcp, acc. Traripa ; Skr. emi, I go, pi. 
 imds, we go. This free accent was still preserved in prim. 
 Germanic at the time when Verner’s law operated, 
 whereby the voiceless spirants became voiced when the 
 vowel immediately preceding them did not bear the chief 
 
§§ 24 - 3 ] 
 
 A ccentuation 
 
 19 
 
 accent of the word (§ 199). At a later period of the prim. 
 Germanic language the chief accent of a word became 
 confined to the root- or stem-syllable. This confining of 
 the chief accent to the root-syllable was the cause of the 
 great weakening — and eventual loss — which the vowels 
 underwent in unaccented syllables in the prehistoric 
 period of the individual Germanic languages (§ 162). And 
 the extent to which the weakening of unaccented syllables 
 has been carried in some of the Modern Germanic dialects 
 is well illustrated by such sentences as, as et it I 
 
 shall have it in the morning ; ast a dunt if id kud, / should 
 have done it if I had been able (West Yorks.). 
 
 § 24. The rule for the accentuation of uncompounded 
 words is the same in German as in the other Germanic 
 languages, viz. the chief stress falls upon the stem-syllable 
 and always remains there even when suffixes and 
 inflexional endings follow it. This syllable is always the 
 first of the word. The position of the secondary stress in 
 trisyllabic and polysyllabic words fluctuated in OHG. and 
 MHG. just as it does in NHG. In words containing such 
 suffixes as -bar, -in(n), -ing (-ling), -lein, -lich, -nis, -sal, 
 -sam, -ung, &c., the suffix must have had the secondary 
 stress in MHG. as in NHG., which accounts for the 
 preservation of the full vowel. 
 
 Note.— In a few words the chief stress has been shifted from 
 the first to the second syllable in NHG., as forelle (MHG. 
 forhel, forelle), hornisse (MHG. horni^), holunder (MHG. ho- 
 lunder), lebendig {MUG. wacholder (MHG. wdchalter), 
 
 massholder (MHG. md:^olter), schmarofzen older schmarutzen. 
 The change of stress is probably due to their having been 
 mistaken for foreign or compound words. Similarly in hermelin 
 (MHG. hermelin). 
 
 § 25. In compound words it is necessary to distinguish 
 between compounds whose second element is a noun or an 
 adjective, and those whose second element is a verb. In the 
 
 c 2 
 
20 Phonology [§ 26 
 
 former case the first element had the chief accent in the 
 parent Indg. language ; in the latter case the first element 
 had or had not the chief accent according to the position 
 of the verb in the sentence. But already in prim. Germanic 
 the second element of compound verbs nearly always had 
 the chief accent ; a change which was mostly brought about 
 by the compound and simple verb existing side by side. 
 In all periods of the German language it has been the rule 
 for the chief accent to fall upon the second element of 
 compound verbs, when the first element was inseparable, 
 and for the chief accent to fall upon the first element when 
 it was separable. Verbs like antworten^ herbergen^ mass- 
 regelfij urteileUy &c., are no exception to the rule, because all 
 such verbs have been formed direct from nouns, cp. urteil 
 beside erteilen, 
 
 § 26 . As has been stated above, compound words whose 
 second element is a noun or an adjective had originally 
 the chief accent on the first syllable. This simple rule has 
 in a great measure been preserved in German, as antworty 
 beispiely etgenhandigy grossmutigy imbisSy missbrauchy mtss- 
 gestalty ruckkehry urlauby vollmachty vollstandigy schreibtischy 
 &c. Words like entgelty entsprechungy ertragy misshandlungy 
 iibersetzungy unterhaltungy unterhaltsamy verlusty verstandy 
 vollendungy &c., with the chief accent on the second 
 element, are no exception to the rule, because all such 
 words have been formed direct from the corresponding 
 verbs : entgelteny entsprechen, ertrageUy &c. 
 
 Already in OHG. and MHG. many nouns were formed 
 from verbs containing an inseparable particle, and accord- 
 ingly had the chief accent on the second element. The 
 same rule also holds good for similar nouns and adjectives 
 in NHG. In like manner the prefix ge- (OHG. gi-) was 
 already unaccented in the oldest period of the language — 
 probably partly also in prim. Germanic — and therefore 
 nouns compounded with it have the chief accent on the 
 
A ccentuation 
 
 § 26] 
 
 2 1 
 
 second element in NHG., dcs, gebdudey gebirgCy gebot^ geduldy 
 gesichiy getreidcy gewalty &c. 
 
 In compound nouns the first element of which is used 
 attributively, the accent varies according as the first or the 
 second element of the compound is the more important, as 
 grossmutteVy jungfrauy but viertelstiindey nordwesty sudwesty 
 &c. This difference also existed in OHG. 
 
 The chief accent has been shifted in a large number of 
 compound adjectives, and adjectives derived from com- 
 pounds, especially when they end in -ig and -lich, as 
 allmdchtigy alltdglichy ausfuhrlichy barmherzigy eigentumlichy 
 freiwilligy vortrefflichy vorzuglichy wahrhaftigy wahrscheinlichy 
 &c., whence nouns formed from such adjectives also have 
 the chief accent on the second element, as barmherzigkeity 
 wahrhaftigkeity wahrscheinlichkeiL 
 
 Many adjectives have a fluctuating accent according to 
 their position in the sentence, as zweiundzwdnzigy but 
 zweiundzwanzig mann ; er ist blutjiingy but er ist ein 
 blUtjunger mensch ; and similarly with bettelarniy hoch- 
 feiUy stockblindy taubstumniy wildfremdy &c. In a few adjec- 
 tives the meaning varies according as the chief accent is 
 on the first or second element, as blutarnty steinreichy un- 
 haltbar. 
 
 In adjectives compounded with un- the first element 
 generally has the chief accent, when there is a correspond- 
 ing positive adjective in common use, as unechiy unfreund^ 
 Itchy unfruchtbaVy iingehorsaniy ungnadigy unklary unlieby 
 unrechty &c. ; but adjectives, with un-, derived from verbs 
 and generally ending in -bar, -lich, and often in -haft, -ig, 
 -sam, usually have the chief accent on the stem-syllable, 
 as unaufhorlichy unaufkaltsanty unbegreiflichy unberechenbary 
 undenkbaTy unendlichy unentgeltlichy unertrdglichy unmoglichy 
 unsdglichy unstreitigy unzdhligy unzweifelhafty &c. This dis- 
 tinction in the two classes of adjectives compounded with 
 un- existed already in OHG. In the latter class of adjec- 
 
22 Phonology [§§ 27-9 
 
 tives the tendency to shift the chief accent is far more 
 common in North than in South German. 
 
 § 27. In compound adverbs the first element has the 
 chief or secondary accent according as it is the more or 
 less important element of the compound, as duswarts^ 
 ddmalsy diesseitSy innerhalby jenseits, kreuzweisey vdrmalsy 
 but allenthdlbeHy allerdingSy bergdby sofdrty iiberdlL 
 
 § 28, Loan-words, borrowed at an early period, gener- 
 ally have the chief accent on the same syllable as they 
 would have if they were native words, as dichtefiy miinstery 
 miinzey ordentlich (with native suffix), Pfalzy pfropfeUy &c. 
 But Romance words borrowed at a later period generally 
 have the chief accent on the last syllable or on one of the 
 last syllables, as adressey appdity armeCy cousiney disputiereUy 
 kapelky offizieVy originelly nervdSy papier. The same rule 
 holds good with native words having foreign endings, as 
 bdckereiy brauereiy halbiereuy hofiereny &c. 
 
 § 29. In compounds the chief secondary accent usually 
 falls upon that syllable of the second element which would 
 have the chief accent if it were used alone, gutsbesitzery 
 hdusfrdUy strdssenbahnwdgeny zweigltedrigy &c. It should be 
 noted that the secondary accent is generally stronger in 
 compounds than in derivatives. But already in MHG., 
 and probably also in late OHG., there was a tendency, in 
 accordance with the prevailing rhythm of the language, to 
 shift the chief secondary accent so as to have a regular 
 alternation between strong and weak accented syllables, as 
 in NHG. dnmerkungeny unbrauchbdry ilnvorsichtigy vdrur- 
 teily urgrossvdteTy ursprilnglich, &c. 
 
§ 3o] Indo-Germamc Vowel-System 
 
 23 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE PRIMITIVE GERMANIC EQUIVALENTS 
 OF THE INDO-GERMANIC VOWEL-SOUNDS 
 
 § 30. The parent Indo-Germanic language had the 
 following vowel-system : — 
 
 Short vowels a, e, i, o, u, 9 
 
 Long „ a, e, i, 0, u 
 
 Short diphthongs ai, ei, oi, au, eu, ou 
 
 Long „ ai, ei, 5 i, au, eu, ou 
 
 Short vocalic 1, m, n, r 
 
 Note. — i. The short vowels i, it, 9, the long vowels I, ii, and 
 vocalic 1, m, n, r occurred originally only in syllables which did 
 not bear the principal accent of the word. 
 
 The short vowels i, u, and vocalic 1, m, n, r arose from the 
 loss of e in the strong forms ei, eu, el, em, en, er, which was 
 caused by the principal accent having been shifted to some 
 other syllable in the word. 
 
 0, the quality of which cannot be precisely defined, arose 
 from the weakening of an original a, e, or 5, caused by the loss 
 of accent. 
 
 1 and u were contractions of weak diphthongs which arose 
 from the strong forms eia, ai, ei, 5i ; eu9, au, eu, 5u through 
 the loss of accent. The e in eia, eua had disappeared before 
 the contraction took place. See § 23. 
 
 2. The long diphthongs ai, ei, &c., were of rare occurrence 
 in the parent language, and their history in the prehistoric 
 period of the various branches of the Indo-Germanic languages, 
 except when final, is still somewhat obscure. In stem syllables 
 they were generally either shortened to ai, ei, &c., or the second 
 element (i, u) disappeared. In final syllables they were gener- 
 ally shortened to ai, ei, <^c. In this book no further account 
 will be taken of the Indg. long diphthongs in stem syllables. 
 For their treatment in final syllables in Primitive Germanic, 
 see § 162, 3. 
 
24 Phonology [§§ 31-7 
 
 3. Upon theoretical grounds it is generally assumed that 
 the parent language contained long vocalic 1, m, n, r. But 
 their history in the various Indg. languages is still uncertain. 
 In any case they were of very rare occurrence, and are there- 
 fore left out of consideration in this book. 
 
 § 31. a (Lat. a, Gr. a) remained, as Lat. ager, Gr. dypos, 
 Goth, akrs, OS. akkar, OHG. ackar, fields acre; Lat. 
 aqua, Goth, ahra, OHG. aha, water) Lat. dacruma 
 (lacruma), Gr. SaKpv, Goth, tagr, OHG. zahar, tear. 
 
 § 32. e (Lat. e, Gr. e) remained, as Lat. fero, Gr. </>€p(o, 
 I bear, OHG. OS. OE. beran, to bear; Lat. ed5, Gr. 
 eSofxaL, I eat, OHG. e^:^an, OS. OE. etan, O. Icel. eta, 
 to eat) Lat. pellis, Gr. iriWa, OHG. fel, OE. fell, skin, 
 hide. 
 
 § 33. i (Lat. i, Gr. i) remained, as Gr. Horn. fiSfiev, 
 Goth, witum, OE. witon, OS. witun, OHG. wi^:^um, we 
 know; cp. Lat. videre, to see; Lat. piscis, Goth, fisks, OE. 
 fisc, OS. OHG. fisk,y?5A. 
 
 § 34. o (Lat. o, Gr. o) became a in stem syllables, as 
 Lat. oct5, Gr. d/crw, Goth, ahtdu, OS. OHG. ahto, eight; 
 Lat. hostis, stranger, enemy, Goth, gasts, OS. OHG. 
 gast, guest. 
 
 § 35. u (Lat. u, Gr. i;) remained, as Gr. kw6% (gen. sing.), 
 Goth, hunds, OE. hund, OHG. hunt, dog, hound; Gr. 
 Ovpa, OE. duru, OS. duri, OHG. turi, door; Lat. gustus, 
 taste, Goth, ga-kusts, OS. OHG. kust, test, choice. 
 
 § 36. 0 became a in all the Indo-Germanic languages, 
 except in the Aryan branch, where it became i, as Gr. 
 7rar>7p, Lat. pater, OIr. athir, Goth, fadar, OHG. fater, 
 Skr. pitar- (from father ; Gr. o-rard?, Lat. status, 
 
 Skr. sthitas, standing, Goth. sta])S, OHG. place. 
 
 § 37. a (Lat. a, Gr. Doric a, Attic, Ionic yj) became 5, as 
 Lat. mater, Gr. Dor. fxar'qp, OE. modor, OS. modar, 
 mother; Gr. Dor. cjipaTrjp, member of a clan, Lat. frater, 
 Goth. broJ)ar, OE. brotSor, OS. brbthar, brother; Lat. 
 
25 
 
 §§ 38-45] Indo-Gerntamc Vowel-System 
 
 fagus, beechy Gr. Dor. <^dyo 9 , a kind of oaky Goth. b5ka, 
 letter of the alphabety OE. b5c-treow, beechdreey OS. O. Icel. 
 bok, beech. 
 
 § 38. e (Lat. e, Gr. rj) remained, but it is generally 
 written ^ (= Goth, e, OE. OS. OHG. a) in works on 
 Germanic philology, as Lat. edimus, Goth, etum, OE. aton, 
 OHG. a:^um, we ate; Lat. mensis, Gr. ^rjVy mouthy Goth, 
 mena, OS. OHG. mano, moon; Goth. ga-deJ)S, OE. debd, 
 OS. dad, OHG. tat, deedy related to Gr. I shall place. 
 
 § 39. i (Lat. i, Gr. i) remained, as Lat. su-inus (adj.), 
 belonging to a pigy Goth, swein, OE. OS. OHG. swin, 
 swiney pig ; Lat. simus, OHG. sim, we may be. 
 
 § 40. o (Lat. o, Gr. (d) remained, as Gr. ttAwto?, swimmingy 
 Goth, flodus, OE. OS. dbd,floody tidcy cp. Lat. plorare, to 
 weep aloud; Gr. Dor. ttw?, Goth, fotus, OE. OS. ibtffoot. 
 
 § 41. u (Lat. u, Gr. {)) remained, as Lat. mus, Gr. fvsy 
 OE. OHG. mus, mouse; Lat. sus, Gr. 1 ) 9 , OE. OHG. su, 
 soWypig; Goth, fuls, OE. OHG. ivXy fouly related to Gr. 
 TTvOixiy I make to roty Lat. puteo, I smell bad. 
 
 § 42. ai (Lat. ae (e), Gr. at, Goth, ai, OE. a, OS. e, 
 OHG. ei (e)) remained, as Lat. aedes, originally fireflacey 
 hearthy Gr. at^o), I buruy OE. ad, OHG. eit, funeral pile y 
 ignisy rogus; Lat. aevum, Gr. aluiv (older at/^oV), Goth, 
 aiws, OHG. ewa, timey lifedimey eternity. 
 
 § 43. ei (Lat. i (older ei), Gr. ct) became i, as Gr. arux^^y 
 1 gOy Goth, steigan (ei = i), OE. OS. OHG. stigan, to 
 ascend; Gr. AetTro), I leavey Goth, leihran, OHG. lihan, to 
 lend. 
 
 § 44. oi (O. Lat. oi (later u), Gr. ot) became ai (cp. § 34), 
 as Gr. oiSe, Goth, wait, OE. wat, OS. wet, OHG. wei^, 
 he knows; O. Lat. oinos, Goth, ains, OE. an, OS. en, 
 OHG. ein, oney cp. Gr. olvy\y the one on dice. 
 
 § 45. au (Lat. au, Gr. av, Goth, au, OE. ea, OS. o, 
 OHG. ou ( 0 )) remained, as Lat. auris, Goth, auso, OE. 
 eare, OS. OHG. ora, ear; Lat. augere, to increase, Gr. 
 
26 Phonology [§§ 46-51 
 
 av^dvcx), I increase^ Goth, aukan, OHG. ouhhdn, to add^ 
 increase^ OE. eacen (pp.), increased^ large, 
 
 § 46. eu (Lat. ou (u), Gr. cv) remained, as Gr. Tr^vOofxaL, 
 I inquircy prim. Germanic *beudo, I inquirey offer) Gr. 
 y€i;co, I give a taste ofy prim. Germ. *keuso, I testy choose ; 
 Indg. *deuko, Lat. douc5 (duc5), prim. Germ. *teuxo, 
 I lead. See § 77. 
 
 § 47. ou (Lat. ou (u), Gr. ov) became au (cp. § 34), as 
 Indg. *roudhos, Goth. rduj>s, OE. read, OS. r5d, OHG. 
 vo\.yred\ Indg. *bhe-bhoudhe, has wakedy Goth. bauj>, OE. 
 bead, OS. bod, OHG. b5t, has offered, 
 
 § 48. m (Lat. em, Gr. a, afx) became um, as Gr. a/xo- (in 
 dfjioO^Vy from some place or other y § 191 (8)), Goth, sums, 
 OE. OS. OHG. sum, some one) Gr. e/caroV, Lat. centum 
 (with n from m by assimilation, and similarly in the 
 Germanic languages), Goth. OE. OS. bund, OHG. hunt, 
 hundredy all from a prim, form *kmt6m. 
 
 § 49. n (Lat. en, Gr. a, av) became un, as Lat. com- 
 mentus (pp.), inventedy devisedy Gr. avrd-/>taT 09 , acting of one's 
 own willy Goth, ga-munds, OHG. gi-munt, remembrancey 
 prim, form *mntos (pp.) from root men-, think ; OE. 
 wundor, OS. wundar, OHG. wuntar, wonder y cp. Gr. 
 (from *fa6plo))y I gaze at, 
 
 § 50. r (Lat. or, Gr. ap, pa) became ur, ru, as OE. durron, 
 OHG. gi-turrum, we darey cp. Gr. Oapavs {Opaavsjy boldy 
 6ap(T€(j)y I am of good courage ; dat. pi. Gr. Trarpdaiy Goth, 
 fadrum, OE. faed(e)rum, to fathers ; Lat. porca, the ridge 
 between two furrows y OE. furh, OHS. iMvvih., furrow, 
 
 § 51. 1 (Lat. ol, Gr. aA, Aa) became ul, lu, as Goth, fulls, 
 OE. OS. full, OHG. vol, prim, form *pln6s,/^//; Goth, 
 wulfs, OE. OS. wulf, OHG. wolf, prim, form "^wlqos, 
 wolf. 
 
 Note. — The u in um, un, ur, ru, ul, lu had the same further 
 development in the Germanic languages as Indo-Germanic u. 
 See § 57. 
 
§§ 52 - 5 ] Primitive Germanic Vowel-System 27 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE PRIMITIVE GERMANIC VOWEL-SYSTEM 
 
 § 52. From what has been said in §§ 31-51, we arrive 
 at the following vowel-system for the prim. Germanic 
 language : — 
 
 Short vowels a, e, i, u 
 
 Long „ a, e, 1 , 6, u 
 
 Diphthongs ai, au, eu 
 
 Note.— « was an open e-soimd like OE. e had the sound 
 of the e in NHG. reh. The origin of this vowel has not yet 
 been satisfactorily explained. It is important to remember 
 that it is never the equivalent of Indo-Germanic e (§ 38) which 
 appears as » in prim. Germanic. See §§ 70-1. 
 
 § 53. This system underwent several modifications 
 during the prim. Germanic period, i. e. before the parent 
 language became differentiated into the various separate 
 Germanic languages. The most important of these changes 
 were : — 
 
 §54. a + qx became ax, as Goth. OS. OHG. fahan, 
 from *faqx3'ii3'i^> catchy seizCy cp. Lat. pangd, I fasten ; 
 Goth. J>ahta (inf. f>agkjan), OS. thahta (inf. thenkian), 
 OHG. dahta (inf. denken), OE. tSohte, from older *J>aqxta, 
 he thoughty cp. O. Lat. tongeo, I know. Every prim. 
 Germanic a in accented syllables was of this origin. Cp. 
 §37. 
 
 Note.— The a in the above and similar examples was still 
 a nasalized vowel in prim. Germanic, as is seen by its develop- 
 ment to 6 in OE. The I (§ 55) and u (§ 57) were also nasalized 
 vowels in prim. Germanic. 
 
 § 55. e became i under the following circumstances : — 
 
 I. Before a nasal -h consonant, as Goth. OE. OS. bindan, 
 
28 Phonology [§ 55 
 
 OHG. bintan, to bind, cp. Lat. of-fendimentum, chin- 
 cloth, of-fendix, knot, hand, Gr. father dndaw \ Lat. 
 
 ventus, Goth, winds, OE. OS. wind, OHG. wint, 
 
 Gr. 7 tcVt€, Goth, fimf, OHG. fimf, finf, five. This explains 
 why OHG. bintan, to bind, and helfan, to help, belong to 
 the same ablaut-series. See § 186 . 
 
 This i became i under the same conditions as those by 
 which a became a (§ 54 ), as Goth. ])eihan, OS. thihan, 
 OHG. dihan, from *}>igxanan, older to thrive. 
 
 2. When followed by an i, i, or j in the same or the next 
 syllable, as Goth, freis, OE. Sri, OHG. dri from *{>riies, 
 older *treies, Gr. rpct?, three) Goth. OS. OHG. ist from 
 *isti, older *esti, Gr. lo-rt, is) OHG. irdin, earthen, beside 
 erda, earth) OHG. ubir, over, from an original form 
 *uperi; Goth, midjis, OS. middi, OHG. mitti, Lat. 
 medius, from an original form *medhjos, middle) OS. 
 birid, OHG. birit, he bears, from an original form *bhereti, 
 through the intermediate stages *beredi, "'beridi, *biridi, 
 beside inf. beran; OS. sittian, OHG. sizzen, from an 
 original form *sedjonom, to sit. 
 
 This sound-law accounts for the difference in the stem- 
 vowels of such pairs as NHG. berg: gebirge (OHG. 
 gibirgi); erde : irdisch (OHG. irdisc); feld : gefilde 
 (OHG. gifildi); geben: gift; herde (OHG. herta) : hirt 
 (OHG. hirti); recht: richten, gericht (OHG. girihti); 
 wetter: gewitter (OHG. giwitiri); helfen : hilfst, hilft 
 (OHG. hilfis, hilfit); geben; gibst, gibt (OHG. gibis, 
 gibit), and similarly in the second and third person sing, 
 of the present indie, of many other strong verbs. 
 
 3. In unaccented syllables, except in the combination 
 -er when not followed by an i in the next syllable, as OE. 
 fet, older feet, from *f 5 tiz, older "" ibtezyfeet, cp. Lat. pedes, 
 Gr. TToScs. Indg. e remained in unaccented syllables in the 
 combination -er when not followed by an i in the next 
 syllable, as acc. OE. faeder, OS. fader, OHG. fater, Gr. 
 
§§ 56 - 7 ] Primitive Germanic Vowel-System 29 
 
 Tzaripa, father) OE. hwaetfer, OS. hweder, Gr. Trortpos, 
 which of two, 
 
 § 56. i, followed originally by an a, 6, or e in the next 
 syllable, became e when not protected by a nasal + con- 
 sonant or an intervening i or j, as OE. OS. OHG. wer, 
 Lat. vir, from an original form *wiros, man) OE. OHG. 
 nest, Lat. nidus, from *nizdos, nest. In historic times, 
 however, this law has a great number of exceptions owing 
 to the separate languages having levelled out in various 
 directions, cp. e. g. OHG. kleb beside OE. clif, rock^ cliff) 
 OHG. quec beside OE. cwic, quick^ alive^ cp. Lat. vivos 
 (vivus); OHG. lebara beside OE. lifer, liver) OHG. leben 
 beside OE. libban, to live) OHG. leccon beside OE. lie- 
 cian, to lick) OHG. wehha beside OS. wika, week ; OHG. 
 lernen beside lirnen, to learn ; OHG. wessa beside wissa, 
 he knew, 
 
 § 57. u, followed originally by an a, 6, or e in the next 
 syllable, became o when not protected by a nasal + con- 
 sonant or an intervening i or j, as OE. debtor, OS. dohter, 
 OHG. tohter, Gr. OvyaTrjp, daughter) OHG. fol (vol) 
 from an original form *pln6s (§ full, beside OHG. fulli, 
 fullness) OE. OS. god, OHG. got, from an original form 
 *ghut6m, God) OE. geoc, OHG. job, Gr. yoke) 
 
 OHG. bogen beside buggen,OS. buggian, Goth, bugjan, /o 
 think) pp. QE. gebolpen, OS. gibolpan, OHG. gibolfan, 
 helped, beside pp. OE. gebunden, OS. gibundan, OHG. 
 gibuntan, bound) pp. OE. geboden, OHG. gibotan, 
 offered, beside pret. pi. OE. budon, OHG. butum, we 
 offered. 
 
 Every prim. Germanic o in accented syllables was of 
 this origin. Cp. § 34. 
 
 This soupd-law accounts for the difference in the stem 
 vowels of such pairs as NHG. dorren (OHG. dorren): 
 dtirr (OHG. durri); geloben: geltibde (OHG. gilubida); 
 gold: gulden (OHG. guldin); bold: buld (OHG. buldi); 
 
30 Phonology [§§ 58-9 
 
 knopf: kniipfen (OHG. knupfen, older *knupjan); tor 
 beside tiir (OHG. turi); voll: fiille (OHG. fulli); vor: 
 fiir (OHG. furi). 
 
 u became u under the same circumstances as those by 
 which a and i became a and i, as pret. third pers. sing. 
 Goth. ])uhta, OS. thuhta, OE. ))uhte, OHG. duhta, 
 seemed^ beside inf. Goth. )?ugkjan, OHG. dunken, to 
 
 seem, 
 
 § 58. From what has been said in §§ 63-7, it will be 
 seen that the prim. Germanic vowel-system had assumed 
 the following shape before the differentiation into dialects 
 of the Germanic parent language : — 
 
 Short vowels a, e, i, o, u 
 Long a, a, e, i, o, u 
 
 Diphthongs ai, au, eu 
 
 The further development of these sounds in Old High 
 German will be briefly discussed in the following chapter. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE OHG. DEVELOPMENT OF THE GENERAL 
 GERMANIC VOWEL-SYSTEM 
 
 A. The Short Vowels of Accented Syllables. 
 
 a 
 
 § 59. Germanic a generally remained unchanged in 
 OHG., as OHG. ackar, OS. akkar, Goth, akrs, fields 
 acre) OHG. OS. ahto, Goth, ahtdu, eight) OHG. OS. 
 OE. Goth, faran, to gO) OHG. fater, Goth. father ) 
 
 OHG. OS. gast, Goth, gasts, guest) OHG. tag, OS. 
 dag, Goth, dags, day) OHG. bant, OS. OE. Goth, band. 
 
§ 6o] The OHG. Short Vowels 31 
 
 he bound) OHG. OS. Goth, nam, he took) OHG. gab, 
 OS. Goth, gaf, he gave, 
 
 § 60. a became e (umlaut, § 79) when originally followed 
 by an i or j in the next syllable, as ferit, he goes^ inf. 
 faran ; nom. pi. kelbir, calveSy gesti, guestSy beside nom. 
 sing, kalb, gast; inf nerien (Goth, nasjan), to save) 
 brennen (Goth, brannjan), to burn ; heri (Goth, harjis), 
 army) lengi, lengthy beside lang, long. This i-umlaut of 
 a did not take place in the following cases : — 
 
 1. Before ht, hs, or consonant + w, as maht, pi. 
 mahti ; wahsit, he growsy inf wahsan ; bi-scatwen from 
 *scatwjan, to shade, 
 
 2. In Upper German before 1 -f- consonant, before hh, 
 ch (= Germanic k, § 217), and often before r + consonant, 
 and before h (= Germanic h), as UG. haltit beside UFr. 
 heliiUhe holdsy inf haltan; UG. altiro beside UFr. eltiro, 
 older) UG. sachit beside UFr. sehhit, he quarrelSy inf 
 sachan, Goth, sakan; UG. warmen beside wermen, 
 Goth, warmjan, to warm ; slahit beside slehit, he strikesy 
 inf OHG. Goth, slahan. 
 
 3. In words ending in -nissi, -nissa, or -lib, as firstant- 
 nissi, understanding ; infancnissa, assumption ; kraftlih, 
 strong ) tagalih, daily. 
 
 The first traces of the i-umlaut of a are found about the 
 middle of the eighth century. From then onwards umlaut 
 is met with more and more frequently until in the early 
 part of the ninth century the process was practically com- 
 plete except in certain combinations named above. In the 
 oldest monuments the umlaut of a was sometimes written 
 f , ae, ai, or ei, and at that period it was doubtless an open 
 e-sound like the e in Engl, bed, but it probably became a 
 close e-sound like the e in French ete already in the early 
 part of the ninth century. Umlaut e and Germanic e are 
 still kept apart in many NHG. dialects, the former being 
 close and the latter open. 
 
32 Phonology [§§61-7 
 
 e 
 
 § 61. Germanic e (usually written e in order to distin- 
 guish it from the e which arose from the i-umlaut of a) 
 generally remained in OHG., as OHG. OS. OE. weg, way ; 
 OHG. OS. OE. OHG. helfan,OS.OE. helpan, 
 
 to help ; OHG. OS. OE. stelan, to steal ; OHG. e^^an, OS. 
 OE. etan, to eat 
 
 § 62. Germanic e became i in OHG. when followed by 
 a u in the next syllable, as hilfu, I help^ nimu, I take, gibu, 
 I give, beside inf helfan, neman, geban ; OHG. sibun, OS. 
 sebun, Lat. septem, seven ; OHG. fihu, Lat. pecu, cattle) 
 OHG. filu, OE. fela, from an original *pelu, much. This 
 law has many exceptions due to new formations where the 
 e was regular, thus fehu beside fihu is due to levelling out 
 the oblique stem form, as gen. fehes, dat. fehe. 
 
 § 63. On the OHG. change of e to i in the general 
 Germanic combination eww (= Goth, iggw) and in the 
 West Germanic combination eww from ewj, see § 232. 
 
 § 64. On OHG. forms like lirnen, to learn, wissa, I knew, 
 skif, ship, skirm, protection, beside lernen, wessa, skef, 
 skerm, see § 56. 
 
 § 65. In a few words e became o through the influence 
 of a preceding w, as woche (late OHG.), week, wola(adv.), 
 well, worolt, world, beside wecha, wela, weralt. 
 
 i 
 
 § 66. Germanic i remained in OHG., as OHG. fisk, 
 OS. OE. fisc, Goth, fisks, fish) OHG. wituwa, OS. 
 widowa, OE. widewe, Goth, widuwo, widow) OHG. 
 wi:^:^an, OS. OE. Goth, witan, to know) OHG. bi^:^um, 
 OE. biton, Goth, bitum, we bit) pp. OHG. gibi^:^an, OE. 
 biten, Goth, bitans, bitten, 
 
 o 
 
 § 67. Germanic o, which arose from an older u (§ 57), 
 remained in OHG., as OHG. got, OS. OE. god, God) 
 
33 
 
 §§ 68 - 7 o ] The OHG. Long Vowels 
 
 OHG. tohter, OS. dohtar, OE. dohtor, daughter) pp. 
 OHG. gibotan, OS. gibodan, OE. boden, offered) pp. 
 OHG. giholfan, OS. giholpan, OE. holpen, helped) pp. 
 OHG. OS. giboran, OE. boren, borne) pret. OHG. 
 worhta, OE. worhte, he worked ^ beside OHG. inf. 
 wurken from older *wurkjan. 
 
 u 
 
 § 68. Germanic u remained in OHG., as OHG. OS. OE. 
 sunu, Goth, sunus, son ; OHG. OS. wurm, stem wurmi-, 
 worm) OHG. huggen, OS. huggian, Goth, hugjan, to 
 think) OHG. wullin, woollen^ golden^ beside wolla, 
 
 wooly gold, gold ) inf. wurken, from older *wurkjan, to 
 worky beside pret. worhta ; pret. pi. OHG. butum, OS. 
 budun, OE. budon, Goth, budum, we offered ; pret. pi. 
 OHG. buntum, OS. bundun, OE. bundon, Goth, bundum, 
 we bound) pp. OHG. gibuntan, OS. gibundan, OE. 
 bunden, Goth, bundans, bound. 
 
 B. The Long Vowels of Accented Syllables. 
 a 
 
 § 69. Germanic a, which arose from a (according to 
 § 54), remained in OHG., as OHG. OS. Goth, fahan, to 
 catchy seize) OHG. OS. Goth, hahan, to hangy beside 
 OHG. pp. gihangan ; pret. sing. OHG. dahta, OS. thahta, 
 Goth. ]?ahta, I thoughty beside inf. OHG. denken, Goth. 
 J?agkjan; pret. OHG. OS. Goth, brahta, I brought y beside 
 OHG. inf. bringan, to bring, 
 
 § 70. Germanic ^ (= OS. a, OE. Goth, e) became a 
 in OHG., as OHG. tat, OS. dad, OE. d^d, Goth, ga- 
 di^\%ydeed) OHG. sat, OS. sad, OE. s^d, seed) OHG. 
 ratan, OS. radan, OE. r^dan, to advise) OHG. barum, 
 OE. b^ron, Goth, berum, we bore) OHG, sa^um, OS. 
 
 D 
 
34 Phonology [§§ 71-3 
 
 satun, OE. saton, Goth, setum, we sat] OHG. la^an, 
 OS. latan, OE. latan, Goth, letan, to lety allow] OHG. 
 slafan, OS. slapan, OE. sl^pan, Goth, slepan, to sleep, 
 
 e 
 
 § 71. Germanic e, which cannot be traced back phono- 
 logically to Indo-Germanic e (§ 52, note), is of obscure 
 origin. In Gothic the two sounds fell together in e, but in 
 the other Germanic languages they were kept quite apart, 
 thus Indg. e = Goth, e, OE. OHG. OS. O.Icel. a 
 (§ 38), but Germanic e = Goth. OS. OE. O.Icel. e. 
 
 Germanic e remained in the oldest period of High 
 German. In the eighth century ea appears beside e. In 
 the first half of the ninth century this ea became ia, ie. ie 
 is the OHG. normal form from about the middle of the 
 ninth century. Examples are : OHG. hiar, &c., OS. OE. 
 Goth, her, here] OHG. miata, &c., OS. meda, OE. med, 
 payy reward ; pret. sing, of the old reduplicated verbs 
 which have a, a, ei in the present (§ 513), as OHG. hialt, 
 &c., he heldy inf. haltan ; giang, he went, inf. gangan ; riat, 
 &c., OS. OE. red, inf. OHG. ratan, to advise] hia:^, &c., 
 OS. OE. het, inf. OHG. hei:^an, to call] early loan-words 
 from Latin, as OHG. briaf, Lat. breve, letter] fiebar, 
 Lat. fever ] spiagal, Lat. speculum, m/Vror ; ziagal, 
 
 Lat. tegula, tile, 
 
 i 
 
 § 72. Germanic i remained in OHG. as also in the 
 oldest periods of the other Germanic languages, as OHG. 
 bi:^an, OS. OE. bitan, Goth, beitan, to bite] OHG. OS. 
 OE. sin, Goth, seins, his] OHG. OS. OE. swin, Goth, 
 swein, pig, 
 
 o 
 
 § 73. Germanic o had become uo in stem syllables in 
 all the OHG. dialects by about the year 900 . The diph- 
 thongization of 0 to uo did not take place in all the dialects 
 
§§ 74-5] 
 
 35 
 
 The OHG. Diphthongs 
 
 at the same time. In Upper Franconian uo appears beside 
 5 in the middle of the eighth century, and by the end of 
 the century uo is the normal form except in South 
 Rhenish Franconian (the dialect of Otfrid), where the 
 intermediate stage ua occurs during the ninth century. 
 In Alemanic oa appears beside 5 in the second half of the 
 eighth century.* By the end of the century oa (5) had 
 become ua, which remained the characteristic form for this 
 dialect in the ninth century. Bavarian retained 5 longer 
 than the other dialects. In this dialect o became uo 
 through the intermediate stage oa by the end of the ninth 
 century. Examples are OHG. fuo^, OS. OE. f5t, Goth. 
 f5tus,/(9o/; OHG. fluot, OS. OE. fiod, Goth. flodus,y7oo^/, 
 stream) OHG. fuor, OS. OE. Goth, for, I fared) OHG. 
 suohhen, OS. sokian, Goth, sokjan, to seek) OHG. 
 bluoian, OS. bloian, Goth, "‘ bldjan, to blooniy blossom, 
 
 u 
 
 § 74. Germanic u remained in OHG. as also in the 
 oldest periods of the other Germanic languages, as OHG. 
 OS. OE. hus, housey Goth, hus in gudhus, temple) OHG. 
 OS. OE. rum, Goth, rums, room) OHG. dusunt, OS. 
 thusundig, OE. J>usend, Goth. ]>usundi, thousand) OHG. 
 luhhan, OE. lucan, Goth, ga-lukan, to shut^ close) OHG. 
 duhta, OS. thuhta, OE. puhte, Goth. f>uhta, it seemed^ inf. 
 OHG. dunken. 
 
 C. The Diphthongs of Accented Syllables. 
 
 ai 
 
 § 75. Germanic ai (= OS. e, OE. a, Goth, ai) became 
 long close e (through the intermediate stage of long open « 
 often written ae, f in the oldest OHG. monuments) before 
 r, old h (§ 276), w, and when final. The contraction to a 
 monophthong had alread}^ taken place in the early part of 
 the eighth century. At this period it must have been an 
 
 D 2 
 
36 
 
 Phonology [§ 76 
 
 open a sound, otherwise it would have fallen together with 
 Germanic e (§ 52, note). Examples are : OHG. OS. er, 
 beforCy Goth, air, sootiy early) OHG. mero, OS. mera, 
 OE. mara, Goth. m^\z2iy greater \ OHG. leren, OS. lerian, 
 Go\h.\kis^din, to teach ; OHG. eht, Goth. kihtSy possession ) 
 pret. sing. OHG. OS. leh, OE. lah, Goth, laihr, I lent) 
 gen. OHG. OS. snewes, OE. snawes, of snow y Goth, 
 snaiws, ; OHG. sela, older seula, OS. seola, OE, 
 sawol, Goth, saiwala, soul) pret. sing. OHG. speo, from 
 older *spew, OE. spaw^, Goth, spaiw, inf. OHG. spiwan, 
 to spit) OHG. OS. we, OE. wa, Goth, wai, woe!) 
 OHG. se, Goth, sai, lo, behold I 
 
 In all other cases Germanic ai had become ei towards 
 the end of the eighth century, as OHG. heil, OS. hel, 
 OE. hal, Goth, hails, halcy wholcy sound) OHG. stein, 
 OS. sten, OE. stan, Goth, stains, ; pret. sing. OHG. 
 steig, OS. steg, OE. stag, Goth, staig, inf. OHG. stigan, 
 to ascend) OHG. hei^an, OS. hetan, OE. hatan, Goth, 
 haitan, to namcy calL 
 
 au 
 
 § 76. Germanic au (OS. o, OE. ea, Goth, au) became in 
 OHG. long close 5 (through the intermediate stages ao, 9) 
 in the ninth century before the consonants d, t, s, n, r, 1 
 and old h (§ 276). The change from au to 9 through ao 
 took place in the second half of the eighth century. At 
 this period the monophthong must have been open, other- 
 wise it would have fallen together with Germanic 0 (§ 73). 
 Examples are: OHG. tod, OS. dod, OE. deaj>, Goth. 
 dau]?us, death) OHG. rot, OS. rod, OE. read, Goth. 
 rau])s, red) pret. sing. OHG. gbz,, OS. g5t, OE. seat, 
 Goth, gaut, OHG. inf. gioi^an, to pour) pret. sing. OHG. 
 OS. kos, OE. ceas, Goth, kaus, OHG. inf. kiosan, to 
 choose ) OHG. OS. 15n, OE. lean, Goth. laun,/>^rv, reward ; 
 OHG. OS. 5ra, OE. eare, Goth, auso, ear) OHG. k51, 
 from Lat. caulis, stalk) OHG. OS. hoh, OE. heah, Goth. 
 
§ 77 ] The OHG. Diphthongs 37 
 
 hduhs, high ; pret. sing. OHG. z5h, OS. toh, OE. teah, 
 Goth, tduh, OHG. inf. ziohan, to draw, lead. 
 
 Before all other consonants and when final au became 
 ou in OHG. about the middle of the ninth century. 
 Examples are: OHG. ouga, OS. 5ga, OE. eage, Goth, 
 augo, eye ; OHG. houbit, OS. hobid, OE. heafod, Goth, 
 haubi)), head) OHG. goumen, OS. gdmian, Goth, gdum- 
 jan, to pay attention to, heed) pret. sing. OHG. boug, OS. 
 bdg, OE. beag, Goth, baug, OHG. inf. biogan, to bend) 
 pret. sing. OHG. kou, OE. ceaw, OHG. inf. kiuwan, to 
 cheiv. 
 
 eu 
 
 §77. Original eu (§ 46) became iu in Gothic. In OS. 
 it generally became eo (io) and in OE. eo. But it became 
 iu in OS. and ie in OE. when originally followed by 
 an i or j in the next syllable. In OHG. it underwent 
 a two-fold development. 
 
 I. eu bec^^iu a^^^^ eighth^, ceatury ,,wheii< 
 
 originally followed by an i, j> or urn Jh^next syllable, as 
 OHG. OS. niuwi, OE. niewe, Goth, niujis, stem form 
 niuja-, older neujo-, new) OHG. liuhten, OS. liuhtian, 
 OE. liehtan, Goth, liuhtjan, cider *leuhtjan, to light) 
 OHG. kiusit, OS. kiusid, OE. ciesc?, Goth. kiusi|>, he 
 chooses, tests, OHG. inf. kiosan; OHG. diutisk, vulgaris, 
 beside people ) OHG. kiusu, OE. ceose, I choose. 
 
 It also appears as iu in Upper German before labials 
 and gutturals except old h (§ 276) when not originally 
 followed by an i, j, or u in the next syllable, as Upper 
 German liup, dear) tiuf, deep) siuh (OE. seoc), sick) 
 liugan, to lie, beside Franconian liob, tiof, sioh, liogan ; 
 UG. and Fr. lioht, light, beside liuhten, to light. A 
 difference of pronunciation must have existed between this 
 iu and the iu which arose from eu when originally followed 
 by an i, j, or u in the next syllable. In the former case 
 the iu became io in the tenth century, and by the end of 
 
38 Phonology [§ 78 
 
 the century had become ie as in 2. below. Whereas in 
 the latter case the iu remained. 
 
 2. In all other cases original eu became eo, which passed 
 into io during the first half of the ninth century, io remained 
 the regular form until the end of the tenth century and 
 then became ie. Examples are: OHG. OS. lioht, OE. 
 leoht, Goth, liuhaj), a lights cp. Gr. XevKos, light, bright) 
 OHG. OS. kiosan, OE. ceosan, Goth, kiusan, to test, 
 choose, cp. Gr. yevco from older ^yevo-o), I give a taste of, 
 
 § 78. From what has been said in §§ 59-77 it will be 
 seen that the Germanic vowel-system assumed the following 
 shape in the OHG. period : — 
 
 Short vowels a, e, e, i, o, u 
 
 Long „ a, e, i, o, u 
 
 Diphthongs ei, ie (ia), ou, uo 
 
 io 
 iu 
 
 Note. — I n comparing OHG. forms with those of the other 
 Germanic languages, it is important to remember that : 
 a, e, o, u = the corresponding Germanic vowels, 
 e is the umlaut of a (gast, pi. gesti, guests, § 60). 
 i = (i) Germ, i (§ 66), ( 2 ) Germ, e when followed by a u in 
 the next syllable in OHG. (inf. neman, but nimu, I take, § 62). 
 
 a = (i) Germ, a (§ 69), ( 2 ) Germ, ie (slafan, OE. sliepan, io 
 sleep, § 70). 
 
 e = Germ, ai before r, old h, w, and when final (mero, Goth, 
 mdiza, greater, § 75). 
 
 I, u = Germ. I, u. 
 
 5 = Germ, au before d, t, s, n, r, 1, and old h (t5d, Goth, 
 ddupus, death, § 76). 
 
 ei = Germ, ai (wei:^, Goth, wdit, he knoivs, § 75). 
 ie = Germ, e (hier, OE. her, here, §71)- 
 
 io = Germ, eu (lioht, a light, cp. Gr. Xeu/coy, light, bright, § 77). 
 iu = Germ, eu when originally followed by an i, j, or u in the 
 next syllable (diutisk, vulgaris, beside diota, people, § 77). 
 ou = Germ, au (ouga, Goth, dugo, § 76). 
 uo = Germ. 0 (fuo:^, OE. io\,,foot, § 73). 
 
Umlaut 
 
 39 
 
 § 79] 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE MHG. DEVELOPMENT OF THE OHG. 
 VOWEL-SYSTEM IN ACCENTED 
 SYLLABLES 
 
 A. Umlaut, 
 
 § 79. By umlaut is meant the modification (palatalization) 
 of an accented vowel through the influence of an i or j in 
 the following syllable. The only vowel which underwent 
 this change in OHG. was a, which became close e. 
 
 The change is first met with in OHG. monuments about 
 the middle of the eighth century. In the ninth century the 
 process was practically complete except when the a was 
 followed by certain consonant combinations^ see § 60. 
 Umlaut must have taken place earlier in the spoken 
 language than it is expressed in late OHG. and early 
 MHG. manuscripts, because the i which caused the umlaut 
 was weakened to e in MHG. and j had disappeared except 
 between vowels. The vowels and diphthongs which under- 
 went umlaut in MHG. are a, o, u, a, o, u, ou, uo. The 
 umlaut of all these sounds was completed by about the 
 year 1200. 
 
 a>e: Examples for OHG. have already been given in 
 § 60. MHG. examples are : gast, pi. geste (OHG. 
 gesti) ; lamp, lamb^ pi. lember (OHG. lembir); inf. gra- 
 ben, to digy pres. 2nd and 3rd pers. sing, grebest, grebet, 
 (OHG. grebis, grebit); \^.nCy long ^ beside lenge (OHG. 
 lengi), length) brennen, Goth, brannjan, to burn) bette 
 (OHG. betti), bed, 
 
 a>a : From the twelfth century onwards the umlaut of 
 a also occurs — often beside forms without umlaut — in 
 words containing the consonant combinations which pre- 
 vented umlaut from taking place in OHG., see § 60, as 
 
40 Phonology [§ 79 
 
 pl. mahte (OHG. mahti), powers) geslahte (OHG. gi- 
 slahti); raccj generation ; wahset (OHG. wahsit), it groivs ; 
 warmen (OHG. warmen, older *warmjan), to warm ; 
 Upper German alter (OHG. altiro), older) kalte (OHG. 
 kalti), coldness) haltet (OHG. haltit), he holds) aher 
 (OHG. ahir), ear of corn) slahet (OHG. slahit), hestrikes^ 
 &c. It also occurs in derivatives ending in -lich, -lin, as 
 manlich, manly ; schamelich, shameful ; tagelich, daily ; 
 vaterlich, ; vaterlin, dim. of wditer y father. It 
 is likewise met with in MHG. words which originally had 
 an i in the third syllable, the vowel of the second syllable 
 having become! by assimilation, as fravele (OHG. frafali), 
 bold) pl. magede (OHG. magadi), maids) pl. zahere 
 (OHG. zahari), tears. 
 
 This a was a very open sound, nearly like the a in 
 English man. It is generally written a in M HG. grammars 
 to distinguish it from old umlaut e which was a close 
 sound. Good MHG. poets do not rhyme Germanic e 
 with the umlaut e, and the distinction between the two 
 sounds is still preserved in many NHG. dialects. In like 
 manner the modern Bavarian and Austrian dialects still 
 distinguish between a and e. In the MHG. period a, e, 
 and e were kept apart in Bavarian, but in Alemanic and 
 Middle German a and e seem to have fallen together in e 
 or possibly in a, as the two sounds frequently rhyme with 
 each other in good poets. 
 
 o > o : Although o, the umlaut of o, is common in 
 MHG. and still commoner in NHG., yet all words contain- 
 ing this umlaut are really new formations due to levelling 
 or analogy, because prim. Germanic u (§ 57) did not become 
 o in OHG. when followed by an 1 or j in the next syllable. 
 
 Examples are : boc, he-goat^ beside dim. bocklin(OHG. 
 pocchili) ; dorf, village^ beside pl. dorfer ; got, God^ beside 
 gotinne, goddess) hof, courts beside hovesch, courtly) 
 loch (OHG. loh), beside pl. locher (OHG. lohhir), holes) 
 
Umlaut 
 
 41 
 
 § 19] 
 
 tohter, daughter, beside dim. tohterlin; pret. subj. mohte 
 (OHG. mohti), I might-, torste (OHG. torsti), I dared, 
 
 u>ii : diinne (OHG. dunni), thin ; kiinne (OHG. kunni), 
 r ace ^ generation) pi. siine (OHG. suni), sons) tiir (OHG. 
 turi), door) pret. subj. ziige (OHG. zugi), inf. ziehen, (o 
 draw. 
 
 Note. — In Upper German certain consonant combinations 
 often prevented umlaut from taking place where it might be 
 expected. Of these the principal are : — i. Before a liquid + con- 
 sonant, as hulde (OHG. favour ; schuldec (OHG. sculdig), 
 guilty ; gedultec (OHG. gidultig), indulgent) burge (OHG. burgi), 
 dat. of burc, city ; sturbe (OHG. sturbi), pret. subj. of ster en, 
 to die ; wurfe (OHG. wurfi), pret. subj. of werfen, to throw, 
 
 2. u fluctuates with ii w hen followed J)y_ajiasal + consonant, 
 as. di mken , to seem ^ wunne,7^3^^side diinken, wiinne. This 
 fluctuation is especially common in the pret. subj., as bunde, 
 sunge, beside biinde, siinge, inf. binden, to bind, singen, to 
 sing, 
 
 3. In Upper German before gg, ck, pf, tz which arose from 
 the West Germanic gemination of consonants (§§ 213-4), as 
 brugge, bridge, mugge, midge, drucken, to press, stucke, piece, 
 hupfen, to hop, schupfen, to push \ ijutze, useful, nutzen, to use, 
 beside Middle German briicke, miicke, driicken, stucke, 
 hupfen, schupfen, niitze, nutzen. 
 
 a>ae: laere (OHG. lari), empty) maere (OHG. mari), 
 renowned) saejen (OHG. sajan), to sow) pret. subj. naeme 
 (OHG. nami), pi. n^men (OHG. namim), inf. nemen, to 
 take. 
 
 The long vowel ae corresponded in quality to a in Upper 
 German, but in Middle German it was closer and corre- 
 sponded in quality to e. 
 
 o>oe: hoeher (OHG. hohir), higher) hoehest (OHG. 
 hohist), highest) hoeren (OHG. horen, from older *hor- 
 jan), to hear) schoene (OHG. sconi), beautiful. 
 
 u>iu: briute (OHG. bruti), brides) hiuser (OHG. 
 husir), houses. 
 
42 Phonology [§79 
 
 Traces of the umlaut of u, written iu ( = u), occur in 
 late OHG. monuments of the tenth century. It is common 
 in the writings of Notker (t 1022), as hiute older huti, 
 skins, hides) chriuter older chrutir, herbs. In other 
 writings of the tenth to the twelfth century the umlaut 
 of u is seldom found. Umlaut did not take place in Upper 
 German before a following m, as rumen from *rumjan, 
 to make room) sumen from *sumjan, to tarry) schumen 
 from *skumjan, to foam. 
 
 ou>ou, often written eu, rarely oi, 6i : 15 uf el (OHG. 
 loufil), runner) louber (OHG. loubir), leaves. 
 
 Umlaut of ou did not take place before a following w, 
 as frouwe (OHG. frouwa, prim. Germ. *frawjo-), woman ; 
 ouwe (OHG. ouwa, auwia from prim. Germ. *a(g)wjo-), 
 meadow. 
 
 Forms like douwen, to digest, drouwen, to threaten, 
 frouwen, to rejoice, houwe, hay, strouwen, to strew, 
 beside douwen, drouwen, frouwen, houwe, strouwen, 
 were all analogical formations, see § 232 . 
 
 Umlaut did not take place in Upper German before a 
 following labial, as erlouben, to allow, gelouben, to believe, 
 houbet, head, koufen, to buy, troumen, to dream, toufen, 
 to baptize, beside Middle German erlouben, gelouben, 
 houbet, koufen, troumen, toufen. 
 
 uo>iie: griiene (OHG. gruoni), green) giiete (OHG. 
 guoti), goodness) vue:^e (OHG. fnozj), feet ) pret. pi. subj. 
 viieren(OHG. fuorim), inf. varn, to fare, go ) buoch, book, 
 dim. biiechlin ; muoter, mother, dim. mueterlin. 
 
 Traces of the umlaut of uo occur in late OHG. monu- 
 ments, as griiene, green, siie:^e, sweet. 
 
 In Middle German tie became contracted to u in the 
 twelfth century. 
 
 Note. — In Middle German o,ii, ou, iie were not distinguished 
 in writing from o, u, ou, uo. In early MHG. the umlaut of a, 
 o, u was represented in Upper German by a, 6, u and from the 
 
The MHG. Short Vowels 
 
 § 8o] 
 
 43 
 
 fourteenth century onwards by a, o, ii. a, a do not occur in 
 Middle German manuscripts. 
 
 B. The Short Vowels. 
 
 § 80. Apart from the changes caused by umlaut, viz. a 
 to a, o to o, and u to ii (§ 79), and the few changes treated 
 in the notes at the end of this paragraph, the OHG. short 
 vowels remained in MHG., as OHG. ackar, faran, fater, 
 gast, tag, bant, nam, gab = MHG. acker, varn, vater, 
 gast, tac, bant, nam, gap. 
 
 OHG. kelbir, gesti, brennen, lengi, feris(t), ferit = 
 MHG. kelber, geste, brennen, lenge, verst, vert. 
 
 OHG. weg, helfan, e:^^an, gilegan, stelan = MHG. 
 wee, helfen, e:^^en, gelegen, stein. 
 
 OHG. fisk, wituwa, wi^^an, bi^^um, we bit^ gibi:^^an, 
 bitten^ nimu, I take, liggen, to lie down — MHG. visch, 
 witewe, wi:^:^en, bi:^^en, gebi:^^en, nime, ligen, 
 
 OHG, got, tohter, gibotan, giholfan, giboran, wola, 
 (adv.)= MHG.got,tohter, geboten, geholfen,geborn, wol. 
 
 OHG. sunu, wurm, butum, we offered, buntum, we 
 bound, pp. gibuntan = MHG. siin, wurm, buten, bunten, 
 gebunten. 
 
 Note. — i. In Bavarian e and e fell together, except before 
 liquids, in e during the MHG. period. 
 
 2. e became close e and thus fell together with umlaut e 
 before st, sch, and palatal g, as is seen from the rhymes in the 
 writings of the MHG. poets who in other combinations keep 
 the two sounds apart, as gestern, nest, swester ; dreschen, 
 leschen ; degen, imrrior ; and also in a few other words before 
 a following 1, as helm, schelm, vels, rock, welcher. 
 
 3. In Alemanic of the fourteenth century e (but not e, a) 
 became rounded to o especially in the neighbourhood of labials, 
 as fromde, strange ; monsche, man ; opfel, apples. Several such 
 forms have passed into the NHG. literary language, as ergotzen, 
 holle, loffel, loschen, schopfen, schopfer, zwolf, &c. See § 92. 
 
 4. Before nasals u became o and ii became o in Middle 
 
44 Phonology [§ 8i 
 
 German already in the twelfth century, as Middle German 
 from, sonne, gonnen, konic, beside Upper German frum, 
 sunne, giinnen, kiinic. See §§ 97, 101 . 
 
 5 . In Middle German short vowels in open syllables began to 
 be lengthened at the end of the twelfth century, but in Upper 
 German traces of this lengthening are not met with until the 
 end of the thirteenth century. See § 105. 
 
 C. The Long Vowels. 
 
 § 81 . Apart from the changes caused by umlaut, viz. a to 
 ae, 0 to oe, and u to iu (§ 79), and the few changes treated in 
 the notes at the end of this paragraph, the OHG. long 
 vowels remained in MHG., as OHG. fahan, to catchy 
 slafan, to sleeps dahta, I thought^ barum, we bore^ sat, 
 s^^^=MHG. fahen (fan), slafen, dahte, baren, sat. 
 
 OHG. era, honour y leren, to teach, mero, greater, sela, 
 soul, seo, sea = MHG. ere, leren, mere, sele, se. 
 
 OHG. bi^an, to bite, scriban, to write, snidan, /o cut, sin, 
 his, swin, pig, wib, woman bi^en, schriben, 
 
 sniden, sin, swin, wip. 
 
 OHG. b5t, I offered, kos, 1 chose, hoh, high, ora, ear, 
 rot, red, tod, deaths: MHG. bot, k5s, hoch, ore, r5t, tot. 
 
 OHG. duhta, it seemed, sugan, to suck, sufan, to drink, 
 bus, house, rum, room, dusunt, thousand = MHG. duhte, 
 sugen, sufen, bus, rum, tusent. 
 
 Note.— I. In Bavarian, Middle German, and a part of 
 Alemanic a became 5 before a following nasal and after a pre- 
 ceding win the second half of the thirteenth century. See § 118. 
 
 2 . Long vowels before consonant combinations began to be 
 shortened in Middle German about the end of the twelfth 
 century. See § 139. 
 
 3 . The diphthongization of i, u, iu (= 5) to ei, ou, eu took 
 place in Bavarian at the end of the twelfth century, and in 
 Swabian in the fifteenth century. In Alemanic (except Swabian) 
 the monophthongs remained until the early NHG. period. In 
 East Middle German the diphthongization took place in the 
 
§§ 82 - 5 ] The MHG. Diphthongs 45 
 
 early part of the fourteenth century, but in West Middle German 
 not until the beginning of the sixteenth century. See § 124. 
 
 D. The Diphthongs. 
 
 ei 
 
 § 82. OHG. ei generally remained in MHG., as OHG. 
 and MHG. bein, bone\ leiten, to lead; teiU portion; OHG. 
 screib, I wrote, sneid, I cut, hei^an, to call = MHG. schreip, 
 sneit, hei:^en. 
 
 ei became ai in Bavarian and Swabian in the early part 
 of the thirteenth century. See § 130. 
 
 ie 
 
 § 83. OHG. ie (= Germanic e, § 71) remained, as OHG. 
 and MHG. brief, letter; fieng, I caught; gieng, I went; 
 hielt, I held ; hier, here ; riet, I advised ; OHG. mieta, pay, 
 reward, MHG. miete. 
 
 ie became monophthongized to i at an early period 
 in Middle German, and then underwent shortening to i 
 before two consonants, as ging from older ging, gieng ; fing 
 from older fing, fieng. 
 
 io 
 
 § 84. OHG. io (= Germ, eu § 77), and OHG. io which 
 occurs in the preterite of the old reduplicated verbs whose 
 presents have ou, o,uo (§§ 517-9), became ie already at the 
 end of the tenth century, as OHG. liob, dear, lioht, a light, 
 tiof, deep, biogan, to bend, biotan, to offer, kiosan, to 
 choose, liof, I ran, stio^, / pushed, riof, I called = MHG. 
 Hep, lieht, tief, biegen, bieten, kiesen, lief, stie^, rief. 
 
 iu 
 
 § 85. OHG. iu (§ 77) became contracted to long u about 
 the year looo, but the iu was retained in writing and also 
 became used for the umlaut of u (§ 79). u, written iu, 
 remained in MHG. and fell together with iu (= u), the 
 
46 Phonology [§§ 86-8 
 
 i-umlaut of u (§ 79), as OHG. liuhten, to light, biutit, 
 offers, kiusit, he chooses, liuti, people, tiuri, dear^ MHG. 
 liuhten, biutet, kiuset, liute, tiure. 
 
 ou 
 
 § 86. Apart from the umlaut of ou to ou (eu) (§ 79), OHG. 
 ou remained in MHG., as OHG. boug, I bent, houbit, 
 head, kloub, I cleft, loufan, to run, ouga, eye, ouh, also, 
 troum, dream— bouc, houbet, kloup, loufen, 
 ouge, ouch, troum. 
 
 ou became au in Bavarian at the end of the twelfth 
 century. See § 131. 
 
 uo 
 
 § 87. Apart from the umlaut of otf to tie (§ 79), OHG. 
 uo remained in MHG., as OHG. bruoder, brother, fuor, 
 I went, fi\xo\,y flood, iuoi^yfoot, ymother, struck, 
 
 stuont, I stood, truog, I carried = MHG. bruoder, vuor, 
 fluot, fuo:^, muoter, sluoc, stuont, truoc. 
 
 In Middle German uo became contracted to u in the 
 thirteenth century. See § 136. 
 
 § 88. By summing up the results of §§ 79-87 it will be 
 seen that the OHG. vowel-system assumed the following 
 shape in the MHG. period : — 
 
 Short vowels a, e, a, e, i, o, u, o, ii 
 
 Long „ a, e, ae, i, o, u, oe, iu 
 
 Diphthongs ei, ie, ou, uo, ou (eu), iie 
 
 Note.— Of the above system a, e, e, i, o, u = the correspond- 
 
 ing OHG. vowels. 
 
 a is the umlaut of a before certain consonant combinations 
 which prevented umlaut from taking place in OHG., as mahte, 
 OHG. mahti, powers (§§ 60, 79). 
 
 o is the umlaut of OHG. o, as locher, OHG. lohhir, holes (§ 79). 
 
 ii is the umlaut of OHG. u, as dunne, OHG. dunni, thin (§ 79). 
 
 a, e, I, 5, u = the corresponding OHG. vowels. 
 
 ae is the umlaut of OHG. a, as laere, OHG. lari, empty (§ 79). 
 
§89] The NHG. Vowels 47 
 
 oe is the umlaut of OHG. 5, as hoeher, OHG. hohir, higher 
 (§ 79). 
 
 iu = (i) OHG. iu, as liute, OHG. liuti, people (§ 77). 
 
 ( 2 ) the umlaut of OHG. u, as hiuser, OHG. husir, houses 
 
 (§ 79). 
 
 ei, ou, uo = the corresponding OHG. diphthongs, 
 ie = (i) OHG. ie (Germanic e), as OHG. and MHG. hier, here] 
 hielt, I held (§ 71). 
 
 ( 2 ) OHG. io (Germanic eu), as bieten, OHG. biotan, lo 
 offer (§ 77). 
 
 ou (eu) is the umlaut of OHG. ou, as louber, OHG. loubir, 
 leaves (§ 79). 
 
 tie is the umlaut of OHG. uo, as griiene, OHG. gruoni, green 
 (§ 79). 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE NHG. DEVELOPMENT OF THE MHG. 
 VOWEL-SYSTEM IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 
 
 A. The Short Vowels. 
 
 § 89. The MHG. short vowels in closed syllables have 
 generally remained in NHG., whereas the MHG. short 
 vowels in open syllables have mostly been lengthened 
 (§105ff.). When in MHG. a short vowel was now in 
 a closed syllable and now in an open syllable through 
 inflexional endings, NHG. has mostly generalized the 
 form of the open syllable, as weg : wege = MHG. wee: 
 wege ; tag: tage = MHG. tac: tage; and similarly in 
 the pret. of strong verbs the long vowel of the plural has 
 been extended to the singular, as gab: gaben = MHG. 
 gap: gapen; nahm : nahmen = MHG. nam : namen. 
 The old difference between long and short vowels in open 
 and closed syllables has for the most part been preserved 
 in Low German. Monosyllabic forms like had^ grab, glas, 
 graSf rad, stab, tag, weg, steg, grob, hof, &c., are pronounced 
 
48 Phonology [§ 90 
 
 long in South German, but short in North German, but in 
 the inflected forms they are also long in North German. 
 This explains why in the singular they are written with 
 single final consonants. 
 
 § 90. The umlaut of a is now mostly written a in NHG. 
 in words which have beside them obviously related forms 
 without umlaut, as gast: gaste=MHG. gast : geste ; 
 alt: alter = MHG. alt: elter; lamm : lammer = MHG. 
 lamp: lember ; tragen: tragt = MHG. tragen : treget. 
 a is seldom used for the umlaut of a when no related non- 
 umlauted forms exist beside them, but it occurs in a few 
 words, as dhre (MHG. aher, OHG. ahir), dhnlichy mdhney 
 rndhrey trdne pi. in form (MHG. trahene, OHG. trahani), 
 zdhre pi. in form (MHG. zahere, OHG. zahari). In a few 
 words e is used where related non-umlauted forms exist, 
 as adel : edely bass : besseVy fahrt : fertigy fast : festy hahn : 
 henne, hand : behendey mann : mensch. In several words a 
 is used for MHG. e, as bdr (MHG. ber), gebdren (MHG. 
 gebern), see § 108. In a few instances it is used to dis- 
 tinguish pairs of words, as dltern : elterUy fdrse : Jersey 
 Idrche : lerchey stdrke : sterke. 
 
 The writing of a for a was first used in Swabian. It 
 often occurs in early works printed at Augsburg, but still 
 more frequently in those printed at Basle, Zurich, and 
 Bern ; in the former place it was generally used for the 
 MHG. umlaut of a and a (§ 79) and in the latter places it 
 was used for MHG. e as well (§ 80). e was used for all 
 three sounds in early works printed at Nurnberg, Strass- 
 burg, and in Middle Germany. But a came gradually to 
 be used in these parts also. East Middle German was 
 the last to introduce a. It does not occur in the last edition 
 of Luther’s Bible. 
 
 The historical distinction between MHG. a, e, and e no 
 longer exists in the North German pronunciation of the 
 standard language. All three sounds are pronounced as 
 
§§9i-2] 
 
 The NHG. Vowels 
 
 49 
 
 open e when they have remained short. When MHG. a, 
 e, and e have been lengthened they have become close e 
 in the language of the stage, but when written a as in 
 dhnlichj wdhlen (MHG. weln), gebdren^ many people 
 pronounce it as long open This distinction is arbitrary 
 and entirely due to the influence of the orthography. 
 
 Rounded o, ii, and au (eu) were not distinguished in 
 pronunciation from unrounded e, i, ei until far into the 
 eighteenth century ; hence o and e, ii and i, au (eu) and ei 
 often rhyme with each other in the poetry of the eighteenth 
 and early nineteenth centuries. The modern distinction in 
 the pronunciation is due to Low German usage, which has 
 gradually taken root in Modern German. 
 
 I. The Short Vowels in Closed Syllables. 
 
 § 91. MHG. a has remained, as aby achty acker y any argy 
 arnty baldy bandy bekannty daSy fasty fandy gasty halfy handy 
 harty kalty karte, scharfy schlachty stark, tracht, warm, warten, 
 was, 
 
 § 92. MHG. e, the umlaut of a, which was a close 
 sound, has generally become open e, written e, a in 
 NHG., as behende, besser, brennen, denken, ende, eng, engel, 
 ente, erbe, fertig, fest, fremd, geselle, gespenst, hemd, henne, 
 menge, mensch, nennen, schenken, senden, senken, setzen, 
 strengy vetter ; dpfely gdste, gedrdnge, hdngen, krdfte, Idnimer, 
 Idnger, Mdrz, stddte. 
 
 As we have already seen, § 80 , note 3, e (but not e, a) 
 became rounded to o especially in the neighbourhood of 
 labials in Alemanic of the fourteenth century. At a later 
 period it occurs in the neighbourhood of 1, sch, and in one 
 or two other words. The change of e to o does not seem 
 to have spread to East Middle German, because o for e 
 is very rarely if ever found in Luther’s writings. This o 
 for e occurs in NHG. in: ergotzen (MHG. ergetzen), 
 
so Phonology [§§ 93-5 
 
 erloschen (MHG. erleschen), geschopf^ gewolbe (MHG. ge- 
 welbe), holle (MHG. helle), locken (MHG. lecken, to kick\ 
 Iqffel (OHG. leffil), loschen (MHG. leschen), schoffe (MHG. 
 scheffe), schopfen (MHG. schepfen), schopfer (MHG. 
 schepfaere), schropfen (MHG. schrepfen), wolben (MHG. 
 welben), zwolf zwelf). It has been lengthened to 
 
 8 in flotz (MHG. vletze, searUj stratum) j gewohnen (MHG. 
 gewenen), lowe (MHG. lewe and lewe), schworen (MHG. 
 swern). 
 
 § 93. MHG. a (§ 79), which was a very open sound, 
 nearly like the low front wide vowel in Engl, man, has 
 become the mid front wide vowel in Engl, men, and has 
 thus fallen together with NHG. a, e from MHG. e, e. 
 Examples are: alter jfdrben, /m 7/(MHG. haltet, and heltet), 
 kdlberj kdlte^ mdchtey mdchtigy mdnnlich, ndchtCy wdrmeny 
 wdchst wahset); elterUy geschlechty welsch, 
 
 § 94. MHG. e has remained, as bergeUy brecheny esseuy 
 fechteuy feldy Jersey gelby gelteriy helfeny herZy melkeUy scherZy 
 schmelzeUy sprecheUy sterbeuy treffeUy weg (adv.) ; rdchen 
 (MHG. rechen), and in ddmmerung (MHG. demerunge 
 with open syllable). 
 
 § 95. MHG. i has remained, as bildy bindetiy bittefiy 
 finderiy fischy gewichty gifty hifiy hintery hirschy hirt[e)y iriy mildy 
 mity schwimmetiy singeuy sitzeuy irinkefiy wildy windy wirty 
 
 wtssen. 
 
 A few words have ii for older i, as ftinf {OYiG. finf, fimf) ; 
 flustern (older NHG. flistern), borrowed from Low German 
 in the eighteenth century; munze (OHG. minza, Lat. 
 mentha)y minze is the form now prescribed in the latest 
 books on German orthography ; in hiilfe beside hilfey both 
 forms are old and stand in ablaut relation to each other ; 
 wurde (MHG. wirde), wilrdig (MHG. wirdic) with i in 
 Luther and also common in writers of the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries ; in siindjlut (MHG. sin(t)fluot) siind 
 is due to association with silnde. 
 
§§ 96-iooJ 
 
 The NHG. Vowels 
 
 51 
 
 § 96 . MHG. o has remained, as bock, dock, dorf, dorn, 
 gefochten, geholfen, gesprochen^ gestorben, geiroffen, geworden, 
 gold, holdy holz, horn, joch, loch, noch, ob, tochier, voll (MHG. 
 vol, voller), von, woche, wolf, wolke, wolle. 
 
 § 97 . MHG. u has generally remained, as brust, burg, 
 dumm (MHG. tump, lumber), gebunden, geduld, gefunden, 
 gesungen, frucht, hund, jung, krumm (MHG. krump, 
 krumber), kummer {WWOi. kumber), sprung, stumm, trunk, 
 und, unter, wunde, wunsch, zunge. 
 
 In Middle German u became o before nasals already in 
 the twelfth century. In NHG. u has regularly become o 
 before nn, frequently before mm, and occasionally before 
 n + consonant, as begonnen (MHG. begunnen), brunnen 
 (MHG. brunne) beside the poetical form bronnen, geronnen 
 (MHG. gerunnen), gesonnen (MHG. gesunnen), gesponnen 
 (MHG. gespunnen), gewonnen (MHG. gewunnen), nonne 
 (MHG. nunne), sonne (MHG. sunne), tonne (MHG. tunne), 
 wonne (MHG. wunne); sonder (MHG. sunder), sonst 
 (MHG. sunst, sust, sus); sohn (MHG. sun) with long 
 vowel from the gen. and dat. ; geklommen (MHG. geklum- 
 men), geschwommen (MHG. geswummen), trommel (MHG. 
 trummel), sommer (MHG. sumer, see § 114 ), fromm 
 (MHG. vrum, vrumer) with generalization of the unin- 
 flected form. 
 
 § 98 . MHG. o has remained, as pi. dorfer,l6cher, tochter] 
 gottin (MHG. gottine), pret. subj. mochte, 
 
 § 99 . MHG. ti has generally remained, as brucke, 
 biirste, diinken, dunn (MHG. diinne), durftig, durr, fliissig, 
 fulle, fallen, furchten, furst, gultig, gurten, gelubde originally 
 in an open syllable (MHG. geliibede, OHG. gilubida), 
 hulle, kurze, lucke, mucke, murbe (MHG. mtirwe, miir), 
 rucken, schlussel, zurnen ; pret. subj. hulfe, sturbe, wurbe, 
 wurde, wurfe. 
 
 § 100. One of the marked differences between Middle 
 German and Upper German in the MHG. period is that u 
 
 E 2 
 
52 Phonology [§§ioi ~2 
 
 umlaut was carried out far more extensively in the former 
 than in the latter. This is still a characteristic difference 
 between the modern Middle German and Upper German 
 dialects. In § 79, u, note, it has been shown that in Upper 
 German of the MHG. period certa in_cpnsonant combina- 
 tions prevented umlaut from tajcing^ place it might 
 
 be expected, especia lly before gg, ck, pf, tz, and 
 
 occasionally before nasal Tcon^QIiant. Several of these 
 non-umlauted forms have passed into the NHG. literary 
 language from the Upper German dialects, as dulden^ 
 geduldig (OHG. dultig), gulden beside adj. gulden (OHG. 
 guldin), huld (OHG. huldi), kurfurst but willkur (OHG. 
 kuri, choice), schvddig (OHG. sculdig); kunde (MHG. 
 kiinde), kundig (MHG. kiindic), um (MHG. umbe, iimbe, 
 OHG. umbi), nutze beside niltze (MHG. niitze), nutzen 
 beside nutzen ; duckenj spuckeuy schluckeUy drucken^ to print, 
 beside driickeny to press, zuckeUy to jerk, beside zuckeUy to 
 draw (a sword) ; rupfeny schupfeny zupfen ; stutzen. 
 
 § 101. Parallel with the change of u to o (§ 97) was that 
 of ii to o in Middle German of the twelfth century. 
 Several such forms have survived in the NHG. literary 
 language, as gonnen (MHG. giinnen), konnen (MHG. kiin- 
 nen), monch (MHG. miinech), the pret. subj. of strong 
 verbs, begonne (MHG. begiinne), and similarly in gewonney 
 ronney sonney sponney schwomme ; with the vowel lengthened 
 in open syllables (§112), in kbntg (MHG. kiinec), mogen 
 (MHG. miigen), sohne (MHG. siine), stor (MHG. stiire, 
 store) ; with lengthened vowel in borse (MHG. burse, OHG. 
 burissa); with short vowel in rocheln (MHG. riicheln). 
 
 § 102. In Bavarian, Swabian, and Middle German, there 
 was a tendency to unround ii to i already in the fourteenth 
 century, ii has been regularly unrounded to i in many of 
 the modern dialects from which several words containing i 
 for older ii have passed into the literary language, as find- 
 ling (MHG. fiindling), gimpel (MHG. giimpel), kissen 
 
§§ 103-6] 
 
 The NHG. Vowels 
 
 53 
 
 (MHG. kiissen), kitt (MHG. kiite, kiit), pilz (MHG. 
 schlingel beside older NHG. schlungel^ simmer (MHG. 
 summer), spritzen (MHG. spriitzen). 
 
 § 103. Short vowels in closed syllables have regularly 
 been lengthened before simple final r in monosyllables, as 
 ar, clary gary dery ery hery wery diry ihry miry wiry vory but 
 darafty hereiriy vorany Scc.y when the first element is un- 
 stressed ; empory gewahr. 
 
 § 104, a and e (rarely other vowels) have often been 
 lengthened in closed syllables before r-f dental, but this 
 lengthening is not recognized as the standard by all 
 educated speakers. The examples are : arty arzt but 
 
 drztlichy arschy barschy barty fahrty harZy qiiarZy schartCy 
 schwartCy zart ; gefdhrte ; erdcy herdy herdCy pferdy schwerty 
 zverdetty ivert ; begierdCy borsCy geburt, 
 
 2. The Short Vowels in Open Syllables. 
 
 § 105. Short vowels have generally been lengthened in 
 open syllables when followed by a media, liquid, nasal, or 
 f, s (= Germanic f, s). The lengthening took place earliest 
 in Middle German where traces of it are found in monu- 
 ments of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. 
 Traces of the lengthening are not met with in Upper 
 German until about the end of the thirteenth century. 
 
 Note.— Lengthening has not taken place before the spirants 
 ff, ss, ch (= Germanic p, t, k, § 217), nor before ck, as offeUy 
 ireffeUy esseUy vergesseHy macheUy sprecheUy brilckey decken, 
 
 § 106. a : abery adely badeUy basCy fahly fahreriy grabeUy 
 habetiy hadery hafery hasCy jageUy klageriy labetiy ladeUy mahlen 
 (to grind), namey nasCy sageUy trageUy wagen (carriage) ; bady 
 bahfiy glaSy graby gramy graSy hahuy kahly lahmy rady saal, 
 schanty schary schmaly schwaUy staby tagy zahly zahnty zahn. 
 
 See § 89. 
 
54 Phonology [§§ 107-9 
 
 §107. e(a): dehnen^ edelj gehege^ heben^ heer, legeUy meer^ 
 reden, wehren ; dhnlich, dhre, erwdhnen, erzdhlen, grdmen, 
 kdfigj Idhmen, mahre, ndhren, schdmen, trdne, wdhlen (MHG. 
 weln), zdhmen, zdhre, and in the second and third pers. 
 sing, of the present of strong verbs, (MHG. ver(e)st), 
 fdhrt (MHG. ver(e)t), grdbst, grdbt, schldgst, schldgt. On 
 forms like gewohnen^ lowe, schworen, see § 92. 
 
 §108. e: befehlen, bewegen, dem (MHG. dem(e)), eben^ 
 eber, empfehlen, geben, gelegen, genesen, geschehen, gewesen, 
 hehlen, kehle, kleben, leben, leber, leder, lesen, nehmen, pjlegen, 
 regen, scheren, segen, sehen, sehne, stehlen, streben, weben, 
 went (MHG. wem(e)), zehn ; mehl, steg, weg, see § 89. But 
 the vowel has remained short in neffe (MHG. neve). 
 ziemen (MHG. zemen) has been formed from ziemt (MHG. 
 zimet). 
 
 Although the writing of e for old e has generally re- 
 mained in NHG., several words now have a due to the 
 influence of Alemanic orthography, viz. bdr, gebdren, 
 gdhnen, gdhren, gewdhren, hdher (jay), jdten, kdfer, qudlen, 
 rdder (sieve), sdge, schwdher, schwdre, spdhen, stdrke (young 
 cow), strdhne, verbrdmen, wdgen (to weigh), wdhren. 
 
 On the pronunciation of the a, e, e in §§ 107-8, see 
 § 90. 
 
 §109. i: biber, biene, dieser, friede, ihni (MHG. im(e)), 
 liegen, riese, sieben, wiebel, wiese, wiesel \ in the second and 
 third pers. sing, of the present of many strong verbs, as 
 liest (MHG. lisest), liest (MHG. liset), similarly in siehst, 
 stehi ; gebierst, gebiert, &c. ; with late shortening in gibst 
 (MHG. gibest), gibt (MHG. gibet), probably also in 
 nimmst (MHG, nimest), nimmt{y[\lG, nimet); in the pret. 
 plural and pp. of many strong verbs, as blieben (MHG. 
 bliben), geblieben (MHG. gebliben), similarly in liehen, 
 geliehen ; mieden, gemieden ; rieben, gerieben ; schrieben, 
 geschrieben ; stiegen, gestiegen ; trieben, getrieben ; glted, 
 sieb, sieg, spiel, vieh, viel, ziel, see § 89. Short in zinn 
 
The NHG. Vowels 
 
 §§ 1 10-4] 
 
 55 
 
 (MHG. zin), but zien was common in the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries. 
 
 On the writing of ie for 1 , see § 136. 
 
 § 110. o : boderiy bogeUy honigy hosCy kohky lobeUy obeUy 
 odeVy ofetiy vogely wohnen ; in the pp. of many strong verbs, 
 as gebogeUy geboreUy geflogeUy gehoberiy gelogeUy geschoberty 
 geirogeUy gezogen ; groby hofy hohly loby mooSy sohn (§ 97); 
 tor (OHG. tor), wohl (OHG. wola). 
 
 The old uninflected form has been generalized in fromm 
 (§ 97), toll. 
 
 §111. u: judey jugendy hugely muhen (MHG. muhen, 
 muwen, to moo), stubey tugendy truhe (MHG. truhe, trunk) ; 
 
 flugy lugy SpUTy ZUg y soo ^ 89. 
 
 § 112. o : gewohneUy lowCy schworeUy see § 92 ; borsey 
 honigy mo gen y sohney see § 101. 
 
 § 113. ii : buhney fiir (MHG. viir, OHG. furi), ^\. Jlugey 
 flugely gebuhry gebuhreny lugey miihley pfilhl (MHG. pfiilwe), 
 priigel (late MHG. briigel), rude {MHG. rixAQy large hound)y 
 tur {tiire ) ; shortened in hubsch (MHG. hiibesch, hiibsch). 
 
 § 114. Short vowels in open syllables, when followed 
 by a suflfixal -el, -en, -er in the next syllable, have some- 
 times been lengthened, and have sometimes remained 
 short. The vowel was regularly lengthened when 1, n, r 
 were vocalic and remained short when they were conso- 
 nantal. In the uninflected forms 1, n, r (the e was merely 
 graphical) were vocalic, but in the inflected forms they 
 were consonantal. The lengthening regularly took place 
 in the former case, but not in the latter, and then one or 
 other of the forms was generalized. 
 
 Words containing MHG. m or t have for the most part 
 preserved the short vowel. 
 
 el : hammely himmely hummel y sammelny schimmely semmel, 
 tummeluy but schemel ; bettely buttely hniittely hutteluy sattely 
 schiitteln. 
 
 en : genornmeUy hommeny zusammeny but nameUy nehmeuy 
 
$6 Phonology [§§” 5-7 
 
 schdmen^ ziemen] bitten (OHG. bitten), geglitteny gelitteny 
 geritteHj geschnitteny geschritteuy gestatteUy gesotteUy schatteUy 
 schlitteuy schiitteUy but beteUy geboteUy getreteUy kneteUy knoteUy 
 jateUy spateUy treteUy waten. 
 
 er : ammeVy dammerny hammery kammery nummeVy schim- 
 meVy schlummery sommeTy triimmer ; soller ; donner ; widder ; 
 wiedeVy again, beside widery against ; butteVy dottery gatteVy 
 gevatteVy gewitteVy gitteVy lotter-y otteVy schmettern, vetteVy 
 wetteVy witterHy zitheVy zitterny zwitteVy but kateVy vater. 
 
 § 115. Short vowels in open syllables, when followed by 
 t, have generally remained short, as bittey blatty bottichy bretty 
 
 buttCy gattey glatt, gotty kettCy kitty lattichy matty mattCy platty 
 plattCy quitty rettigy rottCy satty schnitty schnittey schritty stadty 
 stattCy sittCy spotty tritty wittiby zotte. See § 89. 
 
 The only exceptions are : beety botCy gebety geboty krotCy 
 mety patey pfotey schotCy zote. 
 
 B. The Long Vowels. 
 
 § 116. Of the eight MHG. long vowels, a, se, e, i, 5, u, 
 oe, in ( = u), five, viz. a, ae, e, 5, oe, have remained mono- 
 phthongs in NHG., and three, viz. i, u, iu, have been 
 diphthongized to ai (always written ei), au, oi (written 
 eu, au). See § 140, note. 
 
 a 
 
 § 117. a has generally remained in NHG., as aaly aaSy 
 abendy adeVy ahky ateniy bahrey brateuy drahty frageUy gabcy 
 gefahry gnadcy grafy haaVy hakcy jahry klaVy masSy nadely 
 plagCy qualy rateUy saaty schafy schlafeHy spaUy sprachcy strassCy 
 taty wahuy wahr. And in the pret. pi. of many strong verbs, 
 diS> gaben (MHG. gaben), similarly in asseuy laseUy nahmeny 
 saheUy sasseuy spracheUy trafeny &c. 
 
 aw, with w mostly taken into the nominative from the 
 inflected forms, has become au, as blau (MHG. bla, gen. 
 
§§ii 8 - 2 o] The NHG. Vowels 57 
 
 blawes), braue (MHG. bra beside brawe), grau^ klaue, 
 lauy pfau. 
 
 § 118. a partly became 5 in Bavarian, Middle German, 
 and a part of Alemanic in the second half of the thirteenth 
 century (§ 81, note i). Several words containing this change 
 have got into the NHG. literary language. This is espe- 
 cially the case when the vowel was followed by a nasal 
 or preceded by w. a and 5 forms often occur side by side 
 in the early writings of Luther, o for older a occurs in : 
 argwohn (MHG. arcwan), dohle (MHG. dahele), brodem 
 (MHG. bradem), kot (MHG. quat, kat), mohn (MHG. 
 mahen, man), monat (MHG. man5t), mond (MHG. mane), 
 montag mantac), odem[^\lG. adem), ohne (MHG. 
 ane), ohnmacht {MUG, amaht), from association with ohne 
 in NHG., schlot (MHG. slat), ton (MHG. tahe), wo (MHG. 
 wa, war), woge (MHG. wac), pret. pi. woben (MHG. 
 waben), wogen (MHG. wagen) ; and with shortening 
 before two consonants in brombeere (OHG. bramberi), 
 docht (MHG. taht), see § 139. 
 
 § 119. Long a has been shortened in acht (prosecution), 
 blatteVy brachtCy gebrachty dachtCy gedachty jammeVy klafteVy 
 krapfeny nachbaVy natter, rachey sachty schachy waffey wappeny 
 see § 139. 
 
 ae 
 
 § 120. MHG. ae, the umlaut of a, was an open sound. 
 In the language of the stage it has now become long close 
 e, whether written e or a. When written a many people 
 pronounce it as long open ». This distinction is arbitrary 
 and is entirely due to the influence of the orthography. It 
 is mostly written a in NHG. irrespective as to whether 
 there are related forms beside them without umlaut. 
 Examples are : bdheny bldheny gebarde (also geberde)y gefdsSy 
 gerdty grdfiny jdhy kdsey krdheny mdheny mdrcheny ndheny 
 sdeny schdfeVy spdty stdtig (also stetig)y trdgey wdhnen ; the pi. 
 
58 Phonology [§§121-4 
 
 of nouns, drahtCy rdtCy spdhney &c., pret. subj. of many strong 
 verbs, as dsse^ bydche, gdbe^ IdsCj ndhmey sdhe^ sprdchcy 
 trdtey &c. It has been shortened in ansdssigy schdcheVy 
 truchsessy pret. subj. brdchtCy ddchtey see § 139. It is not 
 written a in angenehniy bequerUy dreheuy leery seligy schere 
 (shears), schwery stetSy wehen, 
 
 e 
 
 §121. MHG. e has generally remained in NHG., as 
 ehery ehrCy ewigy geVy hehry kehren (to turn), kleey lehretiy 
 mehry schneey seey seek, sehVy speeVy wehy wenigy zehe. It has 
 been shortened in echty herrlichy herrschafty herrscheUy lerchey 
 see §139. 
 
 o 
 
 §122. MHG. 5 has generally remained in NHG., as 
 
 blosSy bohney broty grosSy Jlohy frohy hochy kohly lohuy loSy 
 mooTy noty oliTy osterUy rohy roty trosty tody tot ; in the pret. 
 of some strong verbs, as boty Jlohy froVy verlor. It has 
 been shortened in ambosSy genossey hochzeity hoffari (MHG. 
 h5chvart), lorbeeVy floss (raft), pret. of strong verbs JlosSy 
 genosSy gossy schlossy schossy verdrossy see §139. 
 
 \ 
 
 oe 
 
 § 123. MHG. oe has remained in NHG., written o, as 
 blodey bosey hohey hoheVy hohneUy horefiy loseUy odey rohrey 
 schon. 
 
 The Diphthongization of MHG. i, u, iu. 
 
 § 124. The diphthongization took place earliest in 
 Bavarian, where i, u, iu had become ei, ou, eu (au) by the 
 end of the twelfth century, and then ou became au in 
 the fourteenth century. In Swabian it took place in the 
 fifteenth century. In Alemanic (except Swabian) the 
 monophthongs remained until the early NHG. period. 
 In East Middle German the diphthongization took place in 
 the early part of the fourteenth century, but in West Middle 
 
§§ 125 - 7 ] 
 
 The NHG. Vowels 
 
 59 
 
 German not until the beginning of the sixteenth century. 
 From then onwards the diphthongs became the recognized 
 forms except in Switzerland where the old monophthongs 
 were retained in writing until about 1580 in Basle and 
 between 1650 and 1675 in Zurich, 
 
 The old long vowels have remained to the present day 
 in the Alemanic (except Swabian) and many Middle 
 German dialects. So that in these dialects MHG. i and 
 ei, u and ou, iu and ou (eu) have not fallen together as in 
 the NHG. standard language. 
 
 § 125. MHG. i has become ai in NHG., but it is always 
 written ei, as bei^ beissen, bleiy bleiben^ dein, dreiy eilefty eisy 
 eiseUy eitely feindy freiy gedeiheuy gleichy greiferiy heiraty leib 
 (body), leicht (adj.), leideUy leihetiy leinty meideriy meiky meiriy 
 neidy preiseUy reibeUy reichy reisseUy reiteuy scheineUy schleifeny 
 schmeisseUy schreiberiy schreiefiy schreiteUy schweigeUy schwein^ 
 seidcy seifiy seitCy steigeUy sireity treibcHy weiby weicheUy weitiy 
 weity zeity zweifeL 
 
 § 126. MHG. u has become au in NHG., as aufy auSy 
 
 ausseriy baUy bauchy braucheUy brauHy brauty daumeUy fauly 
 fausty haiifey hauSy hauty kaunty krauty laimey lauty mauSy 
 rauniy sauy saubeVy saufeUy schauniy tausendy taubcy traubey 
 traut. 
 
 brauen and kauen are the Middle German forms corre- 
 sponding to MHG. bruwen and kuwen; beside these 
 there existed in MHG. (Upper German) briuwen and 
 kiuwen which would have become brauen (breuen) and 
 kauen (keuen) in NHG. breuen is often found in early 
 NHG. and is still used in the Upper German dialects, 
 kauen (keuen) was common in eighteenth-century litera- 
 ture, and is still preserved in wiederkauen. 
 
 MHG. uw has become au in bauen (MHG. buwen), 
 trauen (MHG. truwen). 
 
 §127. MHG. iu has become oi (written, au, eu) in 
 NHG. See § 140, note. 
 
6o Phonology [§128 
 
 It has been stated in § 85 that MHG. iu partly repre- 
 sents OHG. iu and partly the umlaut of OHG. u. The 
 two sounds fell together in u (written iu) about the 
 year looo. Although the two sounds fell together so 
 early, they are still partly distinguishable in NHG. ortho- 
 graphy. With one or two doubtful exceptions, the NHG. 
 development of MHG. iu (= OHG. iu) is always written 
 eu ; whereas au is used as the umlaut of MHG. u where 
 umlauted and non-umlauted forms exist side by side, as 
 hauSy hautj kraut y mauSy pi. hdusery hdutCy krdutery mduse. 
 When no non-umlauted forms exist, the umlaut is generally 
 written eu. 
 
 Examples of eu (= OHG. iu) are : deuteuy deutschy 
 euchy freundy heulen, heutCy leuchteuy leumundy leutCy neUy 
 neuHy reuteHy teufely treUy zeugy but blduen (OHG. bliuwan, 
 to strike) and possibly rduspern (to clear the throat). 
 
 Examples of eu (= MHG. umlaut of u) are: beuky 
 beutely euky euteVy feuchty greuel beside grduely heucheltiy 
 keucheuy keuschy kreuZy meuchelmordy reuse, schleunigy 
 schneuzen, seufzen. 
 
 Examples of the umlaut, written au are : dussern, brduti- 
 gam, fdule (filth), hduser, hduslich, hdute, gesirduch, Iduien, 
 mduse, rdude, sdule (with au from the old plural, MHG. 
 sul, pi. siule), strdubeUy sirducher, sich tduschen. rdumen 
 (MHG. rumen), sdumen (MHG. sumen), sdumig (MHG. 
 sumic) are from the old Middle German forms, see § 79. 
 
 spreizen , older NHG. spreutzen (MHG. spriutzen), steiss, 
 older NHG. steuss (MHG. stiu:^), have crept into the 
 literary language from dialects which have unrounded 
 au (eu) to ei. 
 
 § 128. An e has been developed in closed syllables 
 before r after NHG. ei, eu, au from MHG. i, iu, u, as 
 feter (MHG. vire), geter (MHG. gir), leter (MHG. lire); 
 abenteuer ^venimve), feuer (MHG. viur), geheuer 
 
 (MHG. gehiure), heuer (MHG. hiure, OHG. hiu jaru), 
 
§§ 129 - 32 ] 
 
 The NHG. Vowels 
 
 6i 
 
 scheuer (MHG. schiure), tetter (MHG. tiure); bauer 
 (MHG. gebur), mauer (MHG. mure), saner (MHG. sur), 
 schauer {yiWG, schur), trauer trure). 
 
 C. The Diphthongs. 
 
 §129. Of the six MHG. diphthongs, ei, ie, ou, uo, 
 ou(eu), lie, three, viz. ei, ou, ou, have remained diphthongs 
 in NHG. and ie, uo, iie have become monophthongs. 
 
 ei 
 
 §130. MHG. ei has become ai (written ei, rarely ai) 
 in NHG. The change from ei to ai took place in Bavarian 
 and Swabian in the early part of the thirteenth century. 
 Examples are : ameise^ arbeity beide, beiuy bleichy breity eiy 
 eichey eidy eigeUy eiriy eitery fleischy geily getsi, gemeiriy heidey 
 heily heileUy hehfiy heisSy heisseriy keiUy kleidy kleiriy leidy leisteriy 
 leiteUy meineUy neiny scheiden, schweifeUy seifey seily teily teilefiy 
 weichy weineriy weiss (I know), zeicheUy zeigen. 
 
 Written ai in haide beside heidey haiuy kaiser y laib (loaf), 
 laiCy Maiy saite (string), waidey waise (orphan). 
 
 It has been shortened to e in elfy elstery nelkey and to a 
 in zwanzigy see § 139. 
 
 ou 
 
 § 131. MHG. ou has become au in NHG., as auch, auey 
 
 augey baunty fraUy gauy glaubey haueuy lauferiy lauchy lauby 
 laubey rauby rauchy sauniy schauetiy stauby tauby traunty zaum, 
 
 ou (eu) 
 
 § 132. MHG. ou (eu) has become oi (written au, eu) in 
 NHG., and has thus fallen together with NHG. au (eu) 
 from MHG. iu. In the MHG. period the umlaut was 
 often written oi in Middle German and also occasionally 
 in Upper German. It was written eu in Bavarian as early 
 as the twelfth century. 
 
62 Phonology [§§ 133-5 
 
 au is now used as the umlaut of au (= MHG. ou) where 
 umlauted and non-umlauted forms exist side by side, in 
 other cases eu is used. Many of the forms with au given 
 below are late analogical formations based upon older 
 models. 
 
 Examples are : bdumej sich bdumen, betdubefij older 
 NHG. drduen (to threaten), ersdufen, frduleiny gldubigy 
 hdupteVy kdufeTy IdufCy IdufeVy Idufsty Idufty rdubeVy sdugen^ 
 sdumeriy stdubeUy sidubleitiy tduflingy trdufelny trdumefiy 
 trdumerischy zdumen ; and with eu : beugeriy epheUy freudcy 
 heUy leugnen beside Idugnen (= older NHG. laugnen), 
 streUy streuen. 
 
 § 133. In MHG. the umlaut of ou did not take place 
 before labials in Upper German (§ 79, ou), as Upper 
 German gelouben (OHG. gilouben, older *galaubjan), 
 houbet (OHG. houbit) beside Middle German gelouben, 
 houbet which in Luther appear as gleuben, heupt. In 
 early NHG. there was quite a number of words which 
 generally had the Middle German umlauted forms, but 
 many of them have now disappeared from the literary 
 language, their place having been taken by the Upper 
 German forms, such are : erlauberiy glauben, haupty kaufeny 
 raufeuy taufey taufefiy zaubern. 
 
 § 134. ereignis for older erougnis occurs already in 
 the sixteenth century; sich ereignen (MHG. erougen); 
 schleifcy older NHG. schldufe (MHG. sloufe, a slip-knot). 
 These forms have crept into the literary language from 
 dialects which have unrounded au (eu) to ei. 
 
 The Monophthongization of MHG. ie, uo, iie. 
 
 § 135. In Middle German the diphthongs ie, uo, iie 
 became contracted to i (written ie), u, and u in the 
 thirteenth century, but remained diphthongs in Upper 
 German and the greater part of East Franconian, where 
 
§§ 136 - 8 ] The NHG. Vowels 63 
 
 with various modifications, they have been preserved in 
 the dialects down to the present day. 
 
 §136. MHG. ie has become I (written ie) in NHG. 
 This explains why the i, which arose from old short i in 
 open syllables, is written ie (§ 109). 
 
 Examples are : bter^ briefs diebj dieneUy fiebeVy hier, knicy 
 kriegy Hedy lieby mietey priesteVy tiefy tieVy ztegel) in the 
 present of many strong verbs, as biegeUy bieteUy fliegeUy 
 Jliehen.fliessenyfrierenygeniesseny giesseUy kriecheriy riechetiy 
 schiebeUy schiessen, schliesseriy siederiy triefeny verdriesseriy 
 verliereUy ziehen ; in the pret. of the old reduplicated verbs, 
 
 as blieSy briety fiely hieby hielty liefy liesSy riefy riety schltefy 
 
 sHess. 
 
 It has been shortened to i in dtrney fichtey fingy gingy 
 hingy immeVy lichty nimmeVy vierteL See § 139. 
 
 Note. — Lugen (MHG., also Luther liegen) has been formed 
 from the noun lugBy and similarly iriigen (MHG. triegen) has 
 arisen from association with trug, demut (MHG. diemuot) is 
 a Middle Franconian form which has crept into the literary 
 language. In this dialect ie partly became e already in the 
 MHG. period. 
 
 § 137. MHG. uo has become u in NHG., as bubCy buch, 
 
 budey behufy blumCy bluty brudeVy bugy JlucheUy fluty fuder 
 (cart-load), fusSy grubcy grusSy guty huhfty husteuy huty klug, 
 kuchetiy kuhy muty pflugy rufetiy ruhniy schuhy sucheriy stuhly 
 tuchy tuHy wucheTy wut) in the pret. of strong verbs, as 
 gruby ludy schlugy schufy trug. 
 
 It has been shortened to u in fuller y genugy musSy mussky 
 muttery ruchlosy wuchsy wusch. See § 139. 
 
 Note. — Almosen (MHG. almuosen), pret. hohy schwor (MHG. 
 huop, swuor), are Middle Franconian forms, which have crept 
 into the literary language. In this dialect uo partly became 5 
 in the MHG. period. 
 
 § 138. MHG. lie has become ii in NHG., as bluhefty 
 bliitey bruhey bucheVy driisey frtihy fugeUy fuhleny fuhreriy fiisse, 
 
64 Phonology [§ 139 
 
 genugeHy gluhen^ griln^ gutej huhner^ kafeVy kuhly kuhriy 
 mudey mUheny prUfeUy rubey ruhreuy spuleUy sUhney siissy 
 trubey wuhlen. 
 
 It has been shortened in brulleuy geriichty musseny mutter y 
 nuchterriy russel See § 139. 
 
 Note.— In Middle and Upper German dialects u has been 
 unrounded to i. mieder (MHG. miieder, still miider in the 
 seventeenth century) has got into the literary language from 
 these dialects. 
 
 D. The Shortening of Long Vowels. 
 
 § 139, The MHG. long vowels (a, ae, e), which were not 
 diphthongized in NHG., and the NHG. long vowels ie, u, 
 fi which arose from the MHG. diphthongs, have often 
 been shortened before consonant combinations, but in the 
 great majority of words the long vowels have remained 
 before consonant combinations. The shortening took 
 place earliest in Middle German, where traces of it are 
 found in monuments belonging to the early part of the 
 thirteenth century. But as the shortening took place in 
 the various dialects at different periods, it is impossible 
 to lay down any hard-and-fast rules. It occurs most 
 frequently before consonant combinations in compounds 
 and derivatives, before cht, hs, ss (= MHG. Germanic 
 t), in words containing a suffixal -el, -en, -er, before ng, 
 and in a few other words containing consonant combina- 
 tions or ch. In several cases the shortening has been 
 caused by shifting of the stress. Apart from consonant 
 combinations, it will be seen that those factors, which 
 prevented the lengthening of short vowels in open syllables, 
 have often been the cause of the shortening, especially in 
 words containing ss, ch (§ 105, note), and the suffixal 
 elements -el, -en, -er (§ 114). Examples are : 
 
 bar: barfuss, OHG. bramberi (§118): brombeerCy dame: 
 
The NHG. Vowels 
 
 § 139] 
 
 65 
 
 dambreitf dieser: diesseits^ heer \ herberge, herzogy MHG. 
 herlich: herrlichy MHG. herschaft : Iierrschafty hoch\ 
 hochzeity hoffarty jener: jenseitSy MHG. lorber: lorbeeVy 
 MHG. nachgebure: nachbary MHG. ruochlos : ruchloSy 
 uralt : urteily vier : viertely vierzekuy vierzigy vor : vorteiL 
 
 MHG. ahte (prosecution) : achty MHG. brahte : brachtCy 
 gebrachty pret. subj. MHG. braehte : brachtCy MHG. dahte : 
 dachtSy gedachty pret. subj. MHG. daehte: ddchtCy MHG. 
 dihte : dicht irom Low German, MHG. ehaft: echt from 
 Low German, MHG. viehte: fichtCy MHG. geriiefte : 
 geriicht from Low German, MHG. lieht : lichty MHG. 
 niiehtern : nuchterfiy Low German sacht : sachty MHG. 
 taht (§ 118 ) : docht. 
 
 MHG. wuohs: wuchsy MHG. draehsel : drechselfiy 
 
 drechsler. 
 
 MHG. anebo;^ : ambossy MHG. ansae:^e : ansdsstgy 
 MHG. vlo:^ : fldss (raft), MHG. geno:^ : genossCy MHG. 
 la:^en: lasseUy MHG. miie:^en, muo^, muoste : miisseny 
 musSy musstey MHG. ruo:^: rusSy rUssigy MHG. riie^el : 
 riissely MHG. truhsaB:^e : truchsessy pret. MHG. go:^ : 
 gosSy and similarly in floss y genossy schlossy schossy verdross, 
 
 MHG. blater(e) : blatter y MHG. vuoter : flutter y MHG. 
 iemer: immery MHG. jamer: jammer y MHG. muoter, 
 pi. miieter : muttery mutter y OHG. natara : natter y MHG. 
 niemer: nimmery MHG. wapen: wappen, 
 
 Pret. MHG. vienc, gienc, hienc : flmgy gtngy king. This 
 shortening took place in Middle German in the MHG. 
 period. Luther has fieng beside fling. 
 
 MHG. dierne : dirney OHG. herison : herrscheUy OHG. 
 lerahha : lerchey MHG. rache : racluy MHG. schach : 
 schachy MHG. schaechaere : schdchery MHG. genuoc : 
 genugy MHG. klafter, krapfe, wafe: klafltery krapfleny 
 wajfley MHG. stuont : early NHG. stand, MHG. hast, 
 hat, hate : hasty haty hatte. 
 
 ei has been shortened to e in ^^(MHG. eilf, einlif). 
 
 F 
 
66 Phonology [§§ 140-1 
 
 elster (MHG. eilster, older agelster), nelkeiyAWQx, neilkin, 
 older negelkin), and to a in zwanzig (MHG. zweinzic). 
 
 dar : ddra'tij ddrau's^ her : herei'n^ herau's, probe : pro- 
 bie'refif viel : vielleichUyAYiQi, vil lihte), vor\ vora^n^ vorau's, 
 wohl : imhla^n. 
 
 § 140. Summing up the results of Chapter VI, we arrive 
 at the following vowel-system for the NHG. period : — 
 Short Vowels a, e(a), i, o, u, o, ii, a 
 Long „ a, e(a), i, 6, u, 6, u 
 
 ai 
 
 Diphthongs oi 
 
 Note.— Where in the standard language a difference is made 
 in the pronunciation of e and a, the latter is more open than 
 the former (§ 90). o is the e in unstressed syllables, as in gabe^ 
 haite, &c. Where a distinction is made in pronunciation between 
 e and a the former is close and the latter open, i is generally 
 written ie or ih, as in miete^ ihm. With few exceptions (§ 130) 
 ai is always written ei ; and oi is always written eu (au). The 
 diphthongs ai and au are pronounced as ae and ao by many 
 Germans, and the latter are regarded as the standard pronuncia- 
 tion by some of the best phoneticians, oi from MHG. S (through 
 the intermediate stages iiii, oii, oii) varies in pronunciation 
 in the different parts of Germany. Some phoneticians regard 
 oii, or o6 with the first element very open, as the standard 
 pronunciation. 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE MHG. EQUIVALENTS OF THE NHG. 
 VOWEL-SYSTEM IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES 
 
 A. The Short Vowels. 
 
 § 141. a = (i) MHG. a, as band, gast, halt (§ 91). 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. a shortened before consonant com- 
 binations, as blatter, dachte (§ 139). 
 
§§ 142 - 8 ] The NHG. Fowels 67 
 
 § 142. a = (i) MHG. e, as gasle, lammer, Idnger (§ 92), 
 
 = (2) MHG. a, as mdchtCj kdlber% 93). 
 
 = (3) MHG. ae by shortening, as ansdssig, 
 schdcher (§ 139). 
 
 § 143. e = (i) MHG. e, as feld^ herZy helfen (§ 94). 
 
 = (2) MHG. e, as denkeUy henney streng (§ 92). 
 
 = (3) rarely MHG. e by shortening, as echty 
 lerche (§ 139). 
 
 § 144. i = (i) MHG. i as btldy binderiy wissen (§ 95). 
 
 = (2) rarely MHG. ii, as findlingy ktssen (§102). 
 
 = (3) rarely MHG. ie by shortening, as fingy 
 king (§ 139). 
 
 § 145, o = (i) MHG. o, as dorfy holzy geholfen (§ 96). 
 
 = {2) M HG. u before nasals, as sonnCy begonneUy 
 sommer (§ 97). 
 
 = (3) rarely MHG. 5 by shortening, as hochzeity 
 genossCy schoss (§ 139). 
 
 § 146. u = (i) MHG. u, as burg, hundy gebunden (§ 97). 
 
 = (2) MHG. ii before certain consonant com- 
 binations in Upper German, as duldeuy 
 kunde (§ 100 ). 
 
 = (3) rarely MHG. uo by shortening, as futteVy 
 mutter y wuchs (§ 139). 
 
 § 147. o = (i) MHG. o, as in dorfeVy tochter (§ 98). 
 
 = (2) MHG. e in the neighbourhood of labials, 
 1, sch, as holky Idffely Idschen (§ 92). 
 
 = {3) MHG. ii before nasals, as gonneUy konnen 
 
 (§ 101). 
 
 § 148. ii = (i) MHG. ii, as durftigy fillley kurze {§ 99). 
 
 = (2) rarely MHG. i, as funfy munze (§ 95). 
 
 = (3) rarely MHG. iie by shortening, as mutter y 
 mussen (§ 139). 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§§ M9-64 
 
 B. The Long Vowels. 
 
 § 149. a = (i) MHG. a, as abend, nadel, saat (§ 117). 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. a in open syllables, as baden, 
 sagen, zahl (§ 106) ; before final r, as 
 dar, gar (§ 103); before r-f dental, as 
 art, fahrt {^10^), 
 
 § 150. a = (i) MHG. ae, as ndhen, spat, trdge (§ 120 ). 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. e in open syllables, as bdr,gdhren, 
 qudlen (§ 108). 
 
 = ( 3 ) MHG. e (a) in open syllables, as dhre, 
 trdne, wdhlen (§ 107). 
 
 § 161. e = (i) MHG. e, as ehre, lehren, mehr (§ 121 ). 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. ae, as bequem, leer, selig (§ 120 ). 
 
 = ( 3 ) MHG. e in open syllables, as dehnen, edel, 
 heben (§ 107). 
 
 = ( 4 ) MHG. e in open syllables, geben, mehl, 
 nehmen (§ 108) ; before final r, as 
 wer (§ 103) ; before r -f dental, as erde, 
 werden (§ 104). 
 
 § 162. i = (i) MHG. ie, as brief, biegen, hielt (§ 136). 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. i in open syllables, as friede, liegen, 
 sieben, steg (§ 109). 
 
 = ( 3 ) MHG. i before final r, as ihr, mir (§ 103). 
 
 § 163. 5 = (i) MHG. o, as hoch, lohn, rot (§ 122 ). 
 
 = ( 2 ) rarely MHG. a, as ohne, monat, wo 
 (§ 118). 
 
 = ( 3 ) MHG. o in open syllables, as honig, 
 vogel, hof[% 110 ). 
 
 = ( 4 ) MHG. o before final r, as empor, vor 
 (§ 103). 
 
 § 164. u = (i) MHG. uo, as buck, huhn, stuhl (§ 137). 
 
 = ( 2 ) M HG. u in open syllables, as flug, jugend, 
 kugel (§ 111). 
 
69 
 
 §§i55-6i] The NHG. Vowels 
 
 § 166. 6 = (i) MHG. oe, as base, horen^ ode (§ 123), 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. e in open syllables in the neigh- 
 bourhood of certain consonants, as 
 gewohnerij lowcj schworen (§ 92). 
 
 = ( 3 ) rarely MHG. ii in open syllables before 
 n, as konig^ sohne (§ 101). 
 
 § 166. u = (i) MHG. lie, as bliitef fuhlen^ kiihl (§ 138). 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. ii in open syllables, as Jlilgelf luge 
 
 (§ 113 ). 
 
 C. The Diphthongs. 
 
 § 167. ai = MHG. ei, as hain^ kaiser j Mai (§ 130). 
 
 § 158. ei = (i) MHG. ei, as arbeit^ teilj klein (§ 130). 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. 1 , as bleiben^ freiy schreiben (§125). 
 
 § 159. au = (i) MHG. ou, as auge^ laufetiy traum 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. u, as brauHj lautj tausend (§ 126). 
 = ( 3 ) rarely MHG. aw, as blaUy lau (§ 117). 
 
 § 160. eu (au) = (i) MHG. iu, as deutschy leute^ hdusery 
 Iduten (§ 127). 
 
 = ( 2 ) MHG. ou (eu), as bdume^ beugen^ 
 rduber (§ 132). 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE HIGH GERMAN DEVELOPMENT OF 
 THE PRIMITIVE GERMANIC VOWELS 
 OF UNACCENTED SYLLABLES 
 
 I. The Old High German Period. 
 
 § 161 . Before formulating the laws which govern the 
 treatment of the vowels in final syllables, it will be useful 
 to state here the laws relating to the treatment of final 
 consonants in prehistoric High German, 
 
Phonology [§ i6i 
 
 (1) Final -m became -n, and then it, as also Indg. final 
 
 •n, disappeared already in primitive Germanic. When 
 the vowel, which thus became final, was short, it had the 
 same further development as if it had been originally final, 
 as OHG. joh, Goth, juk, Lat. jugum, Gr. yoke) 
 
 acc. sing. OHG. wolf, Goth, wulf, Lat. lupum, Gr. XvW, 
 wolf) acc. OHG. Goth, gast, cp. Lat. turrim, tower) 
 OHG. gen. pi. tago, o/days^ cp. Gr. of gods) OHG. 
 nom. zunga, tongue^ herza, hearty orig. ending -on. 
 
 (2) The final Indg. dental explosives disappeared in 
 prim. Germanic, except after a short accented vowel, as 
 
 pres. subj. OHG. bere, Goth, bairdi from original form 
 ^bheroit, may bear) OHG. barun, Goth, berun, they 
 bore, original ending -nt with vocalic n (§ 49); OHG. 
 mano, Goth, mena from men5t, moon ; but OHG. da;^, 
 Engl, that, from *tod beside OHG. deih = that /; OHG. 
 hwa:^, Engl, what = Lat. quod, beside OHG. weih, what 
 I ) OHG. a:^, Engl, at = Lat. ad. 
 
 (3) The West Germanic treatment of Indg. final -s has 
 
 not yet been satisfactorily explained. In j)re hi storic High 
 German it became z by Verner^s law (S 199). and then 
 later r. This r has been preserved in German in a few 
 unstressed forms of the personal pronouns, as mir, dir, 
 er, wir = Goth, mis, J>us, is, weis. In other cases the 
 final -z disappeared in prehistoric High German, as OHG. 
 tag=Goth. dags, day) pi. nom. OHG. taga=Goth. dagos ; 
 OHG. gast = Goth. guest ) pi. OHG. gesti = Goth. 
 
 gasteis, OHG. sunu = Goth, sunus, son. 
 
 NoTE.—It is difficult to account for the final -s in certain 
 personal endings of verbs, viz. in the first pers. pi. pres, indie. 
 OHG. nemames, we take ; in the second pers. sing, of the pres, 
 and pret. subj., nemes, namis ; and in the second pers. sing, of the 
 
 pret. of weak verbs, as neritos, thou didst save. This -s must 
 not be confused with the s which became final after the loss of 
 a vowel, as in nimis from *nemesi, thou takest \ gen. des, from 
 
§162] OH G . Vowels of Unaccented Syllables 71 
 
 *teso, ofthe \ hwes from *qeso, whose^ and similarly in the gen. 
 of nouns, tages, &c. 
 
 (4) Indg. final -r remained, as OHG. fater, Goth, fadar, 
 Lat. pater, Gr. TraTr^pj father ) OHG. muoter, OE. modor, 
 Lat. mater, Gr. Dor. fiarrjpy mother. 
 
 § 162. I. Final long vowels, inherited from primitive 
 Germanic, became shortened already in primitive High 
 German : 
 
 •5 became u, as OHG. biru from *ber5 = Gr. cfiepo), I 
 bear) instr. sing. OHG. tagu from *da,^b, by day. 
 
 •i became -i, as OHG. pret. subj. i. and 3. pers. sing, 
 nami beside 3. pers. pi. namin, they might take. 
 
 These short vowels then underwent the same further 
 development in OHG. as original final short u and i. 
 See below. 
 
 2. a (= Indg. a and o), which was originally final or 
 became final through the loss of a following consonant, 
 disappeared in dissyllabic and polysyllabic forms already 
 in prim. High German. 
 
 u and i, which were originally final or became final 
 through the loss of a consonant, disappeared in trisyllabic 
 and polysyllabic forms. They, as well as the u and i, 
 which arose from the shortening of 5 and i, disappeared 
 also in dissyllabic forms when the first syllable was long, 
 but remained when the first syllable was short. The 
 regular operation of this law was often disturbed by 
 analogical formations. 
 
 Regular forms were ; OHG. wei^ = Gr. oTSa, I know ; 
 OHG. weist = Gr. o?o-0a, thou knowest) OHG. nom. wolf 
 from *wulfaz = Gr. Xvko?, wolf) OHG. acc. wolf from 
 *wulfan = Gr. Xvkov ; OHG. beran from *beranan, pre- 
 Germanic *bheronom, to bear) OHG. wei:^ = Gr. oTSe, he 
 knows) OHG. fimf, finf = Gr. TreVre, five) OHG. voc. 
 wolf = Lat. lupe, Gr. Xvk€) OHG. pret. 3. pers. sing, 
 kos, he chose^ bant, he bounds from *kausi, *bandi, pre- 
 
72 Phonology [§162 
 
 Germanic *gouse, *bhondhe. Final -er remained in OHG. 
 when not followed by a palatal vowel, as OHG. acc. 
 fater = Gr. iraTipay father \ OHG. acc. muoter = Gr. Attic 
 fjLrjripa. OHG. ist = Gr. CO-T6, ts ; nom. OHG. gast, from 
 *gastiz, guest = Lat. hostis, stranger, enemy ; OHG. nimis, 
 thou takest, nimit, he takes, from *nemesi, *nemeti; OHG. 
 meri, sea, from older *mari, cp. Lat. pi. maria; OHG. 
 wini from older *v^iniz, friend. OHG. t5d = Goth, dau- 
 ]>us, death) OHG. fluot = Goth. flood) pi. OHG. 
 
 wort = Goth, waiirda, Lat. verba, words) OHG. fihu = 
 Goth, faihu, cattle) OHG. sunu = Goth, sunus, son) 
 OHG. situ = Goth, sidus, custom ; OHG. biru = Gr. ^€pa>, 
 I bear. Then after the analogy of these and similar forms 
 were made stat for *steti, place ; sun beside sunu, son ; 
 nim for nimi = Gr. ve/xc, take thou ; hilfu for *hilf, I help ; 
 joh for yokes ) fa:^ for *fa^u = OS. faivi,vats. 
 
 3. The Indg. long diphthongs -oi, -ou became shortened 
 to -ai, -au in prim. Germanic, and then underwent the 
 same further changes as old -ai, -au, that is, they became 
 •e, -o in West Germanic. 
 
 Later than the shortening mentioned under i, occurred 
 the shortening which was experienced in dissyllabic and 
 polysyllabic words by the long vowel, after which an -n 
 or -z had disappeared, and by the -e and -5 from older 
 •ai and -au, which were either already final in prim. Ger- 
 manic, or had become so after the loss of -z, as well as 
 by the -i which had arisen from older -iji. In this case 
 a distinction must be made according as the long vowel 
 originally had the 'slurred’ (circumflex) or 'broken’ 
 (acute) accent (§ 23). -o with the circumflex accent became 
 •a after the loss of -z, in other cases it became -o. -5 with 
 the acute accent became -a after the loss of -n, or -z. The 
 •e and -5 from older -ai and -au became -e, -o, and -i 
 became -i. All these shortenings took place in prehistoric 
 High German. Examples are : — pi. OHG. geba = Goth. 
 
§163] OHG. Vowels of Unaccented Syllables 73 
 
 gibos, giftSy (-8s); OHG. gen. pi. tago, of daySj (-8n), cp. 
 Gr. of gods; OHG. zungono = Goth, tuggono, of 
 tongues, (-8n); OHG. hano, cock, (-8n); OHG. gilihho = 
 Goth, galeikd, like, (-od) ; OHG. taga = Goth, dagos, days, 
 (•5z) ; OHG. herza = Goth, hairtd, heart, (-on) ; OHG. acc. 
 geba, (-on), cp. Gr. acc. land; OHG. nom. pi. 
 
 masc. blinte = Goth, blindai, blind; OHG. pres. subj. 
 here = Goth, bairai, he may bear; OHG. dat. tage, to a 
 day, cp. Gr. loc. oIkoi, at home, dat. to a wolf; OHG. 
 ahto= Goth, ahtdu, eight; gen. sing. OHG. suno = Goth. 
 sunaus, of a son; nom. pi. OHG. gesti = Goth, gasteis, 
 from *gastiz older *gastijis, guests, cp. Gr. TrdXcts from 
 *7rdXejcs, cities, imp. OHG. neri = Goth, nasei, from *nazi 
 older *naziji, Indg. *noseje, save thou. 
 
 § 163. OHG. short and long vowels remained in final 
 syllables when followed by a consonant, as neut. sing, 
 blinta:^, blind; acc. inan, him; inf. helfan, to help; gen. 
 tages, of a day; gen. dat. hanen, herzen beside nom. 
 hano, cock, herza, heart; nom. acc. pi. lembir, lambs; dat. 
 pi. enstim, to favours; nimit, he. takes; ubil, evil; acc. 
 hanon, cock; sibun, seven ; dat. pi. tagum, to days; haben, 
 to have; nemes, thou mayest take; dat. pi. blintem, beside 
 nom. pi. blinte, blind ; mahtig, mighty ; tiurlih, dear ; dat. 
 pi. hohim, to heights ; namis, thou mightest take ; salbon, 
 to anoint; suohtos, thou soughtest; dat. pi. geb5m, zung5m 
 beside nom. sing, geba, gift, zimga, tongue; acc. gen. dat. 
 sing, zungun. 
 
 Note.— I. Indg. o remained longer in unaccented than in 
 accented syllables in prim. Germanic. It became a during the 
 prim. Germanic period except (i) when followed by an m which 
 remained in historic times, and (2) when the following syllable 
 originally contained u. In these positions the o became u in 
 OHG., as dat. pi. tagum, prim. Germanic *dagom-, to days; 
 acc. sing, hanun from prim. Germanic *xanon*un, cock; acc. pi. 
 hanun from prim. Germanic *xanon-unz. 
 
74 Phonology [§§ 164-7 
 
 2 . Prim. Germanic e, I, 5, u when protected by a consonant 
 in historic times remained in OHG., except that final -er became 
 •er, and -5 when originally followed by u in the next syllable 
 became ii. Examples are: OHG. haben, to have^ dagen, to be 
 silent, cp. Lat. habere, silere, but OHG. fater = Gr. Tiarrip, father \ 
 OHG. pret. subj. namlm, we might take, cp. Lat. velTmus ; OHG. 
 salbon from *salb5n-an, to anoint, but OHG. acc. zungun from 
 *tugg5n-un, tongue, acc. pi. zungun from *tugg5n unz. The u 
 was then carried into the gen. and dat. sing, and nom. plural. 
 
 3. Final -jan became -en, but -jen when preceded by r, as 
 OHG. heffen = Goth, hafjan, to raise ; OHG. nerien = Goth, 
 nasjan, to save. 
 
 § 164. The i in the preterite and past participle of 
 weak verbs, Class I, was regularly syncopated after long 
 stem syllables in prehistoric High German, as pret. OHG. 
 horta, suohta, branta = Goth, hausida, / heard, s5kida, 
 I sought, ga-brannida, beside OHG. nerita = Goth, 
 
 nasida, / saved) pp. OHG. gihort-er, gisuoht-er, gi- 
 brant-er = Goth, h^usi^s, sokiJ>s, ga-branniJ)S, beside 
 ginerit-er = Goth. nasij>s. 
 
 § 165. If a nasal or a liquid, preceded by a mute con- 
 sonant, came to stand finally after the loss of a (§ 162, 2 ), 
 it became vocalic and then generated a new a before it in 
 prehistoric High German, as nom. acc. eban, even, from 
 *ebn, older *ebnaz, *ebnan, cp. Goth, ibns, ibnana ; nom. 
 acc. fogal, bird, from *fogl, older *foglaz, *foglan, cp. 
 Goth, fugls, fugl ; nom. acc. Vickdir, field, acre, from *akr, 
 older *akraz, *akran, cp. Goth, akrs, akr, &c. 
 
 The a, thus generated, became transferred to the oblique 
 cases also, at first after short syllables, and then later 
 after long syllables as well, as fogales, wuntares, &c. 
 
 § 166. Medial vowels were often assimilated to final 
 vowels, as keisar, emperor, gen. keiseres ; wuntoron, to 
 wonder, beside wuntar ; sibun, seven, beside inflected form 
 sibini, &c. 
 
 § 167. In all OHG. dialects a vowel was developed be- 
 
§§ i 68 - 7 o ] MHG. Vowels of Unacc. Syllables 75 
 
 tween medial rh,lh,as also before w in the combinations rw, 
 Iw, and sw. The vowel thus developed appeared mostly 
 as a or o, but it not unfrequently regulated itself after the 
 quality of a neighbouring vowel. Examples are : — beraht 
 = Goth, bairhts, clear ; furhten, to be afraid^ beside pret. 
 forhta, forahta ; wurken, to work^ beside pret. worhta, 
 worahta; bifelhan beside bifelahan, to hidey bifiluhu, 
 I hide y bifilihit, he hides) garo, ready y inflected form garwer 
 beside garawer ; m^o, mealy floury gen. melwes beside 
 melawes, dat. melewe; zeswa, right handy beside zesawa. 
 
 But the vowel thus developed disappeared again in 
 MHG., and the above forms regularly became : berht, 
 forhte, worhte, befelhen, garwer, melwes, zeswe. 
 
 § 168. Final -u and -i became -o and -e in the ninth 
 century, as sunu, filu, fridu, tagu, blintemu, iru, meri, wini 
 became suno, filo, frido, tago, blintemo, iro, mere, wine. 
 
 § 169. The prim. Germanic vowels of unaccented syl- 
 lables underw^ent few further changes beyond those de- 
 scribed in §§ 162-8 until towards the end of the OHG. 
 period, by which time the vowels had already begun to be 
 weakened to e. 
 
 2. The Middle High German Period. 
 
 § 170. One of the most characteristic differences between 
 OHG. and MHG. is the weakening of the long and short 
 vowels in inflexional syllables to 0 (written e). The 
 weakening had already begun by the beginning of the 
 tenth century, and spread considerably during this and 
 the early part of the following century. It took place 
 earlier when the vowels were followed by a consonant 
 than when they were absolutely final. In the former case 
 the short vowels had been weakened to e by the end of 
 the OHG. period, but in the latter case a and o remained 
 until the beginning of the MHG. period. 
 
 The weakening took place earlier in Middle German 
 
;6 Phonology [§ 170 
 
 than in Upper German. The long vowels, followed by 
 a consonant, were only shortened (not weakened to e) in 
 Alemanic of the twelfth century. The weakened vowel 
 
 0 was generally written e in MHG., but it is often written 
 
 1 in Alemanic (occasionally also a) and Middle German. 
 This writing of the indistinct vowel as i was especially 
 common in Middle German down to the early part of the 
 sixteenth century. It still occurs frequently in the early 
 works of Luther. 
 
 Only a few examples are given here to illustrate what 
 has been stated above, as the history of the vowels in 
 inflexional syllables will have to be treated more fully in 
 the Accidence : — 
 
 OHG. nom. pi. taga, days^ nom. gen. acc. sing, geba, 
 gifty nom. sing, zunga, tonguCy acc. sing. masc. blintan, 
 blindy neut. nom. blinta^, blindy inf. neman, pp. ginoman, 
 became in MHG. tage, gebe, zunge, blinden, blinde?, 
 nemen, genomen. 
 
 Nom. sing, hirti, herdsmany kunni, racCy nom. pi. gesti, 
 guestSy gen. pi. lembiro, dat. pi. gestin, nimis(t), thou iakesty 
 nimit, he takes y nami, thou tookesty became in MHG. hirte, 
 kiinne, geste, lember(e), gesten, nimest, nimet, naeme. 
 
 Gen. pi. tago, gesto, dat. pi. tagon, lembiron, nom. sing, 
 boto, messenger y nom. acc. pi. fern, blinto, became MHG. 
 tage, geste, tagen, lember(e)n, bote, blinte. 
 
 Acc. sing, nom., acc. pi. botun, nimu, / takey pret. pi. 
 namum, namut, namun, became MHG. boten, nime, 
 namen, namet, namen. 
 
 Nom. pi. geba, became MHG. gebe. 
 
 Nom. sing. masc. Winter, blindy dat. pi. blintem, unser, 
 ouTy iuwer, yoiiVy nemes(t), thou mayest takey pi. nemen, 
 haben, to havey became MHG. blinder, blinden, unser, 
 iuwer, nemest, nemen, haben. 
 
 sconi, beautyy namis(t), thou mightest take, namim, ive 
 might takey became MHG. schoene, naemest, naemen. 
 
§i7i] MHG. Vowels of Unaccented Syllables 77 
 
 Gen. pi. gebono, bot5no, herz5no, zungdno, dat. pi. 
 gebon, salb5n, to anoint^ suoht5s(t), thou soughtesh became 
 in MHG. geben,boten, herzen,zungen, salben, suohtest. 
 
 Gen. dat. acc. sing., nom. acc. pi. zungun became MHG. 
 zungen. 
 
 § 171. The weakened e regularly disappeared in MHG. 
 
 1. After 1 and r in dissyllables with short stems, as ar 
 (older are = OHG. aro, eagle\ acc. gen. dat. arn, beside 
 name, namen ; wol, older wole = OHG. wola, well (adv.) ; 
 and similarly in gar, schar, milch (OHG. milih), zal, val, 
 vil, kil, quill gen. kil(e)s, dat. kil, nom. acc. pi. kil, dat. pi. 
 kil(e)n ; bern, to bear^ stein, to steal swern, to swear ^ varn, 
 to gOj var, verst, vert, beside hoere, hoerest, hoeret, &c. 
 
 2 . After 1 and r in trisyllabic and polysyllabic forms 
 with long stems, as gen. pi. blinder(e), gen. sing. engel(e)s, 
 nom.pl. engel(e), greener (OHG. gr5:^iro), gen. pi. lember(e), 
 gen. sing. luter(e)s, tiufel(e)s, dat. pi. venster(e)n, wan- 
 delte (OHG. wandeldta), I wandered ^ wundern (OHG. 
 wuntardn), zwifeln (OHG. zwifal5n). After the analogy 
 of forms with long stems it was dropped in forms with 
 short stems, as pi. nagel, vogel beside nagele, vogele ; 
 wider beside widere (OHG. widaro); grober beside 
 grobere. 
 
 3. After nasals in the final syllable of trisyllabic forms 
 with long stems, as dat. sing, blindem(e), guotem(e), 
 liebem(e) ; gevangen(e), prisoner^ pi. gevangen from ge- 
 vangen-en through the intermediate stage *gevangenn ; 
 gen. heiden(e)s, pi. heiden(e). After the analogy of forms 
 with long stems, it was dropped in forms with short stems, 
 as dat. disem(e), grobem(e), vadem(e), gen. vadem(e)s. 
 
 4. After a nasal before a following t in forms with a short 
 stem, as 3 . sing. man(e)t, won(e)t, scham(e)t, nim(e)t; 
 pi. nem(e)t,jr^ take) pret. won(e)te, scham(e)te. 
 
 Note. — The e,when not preceded by a nasal, was sometimes 
 dropped in verbal forms ending in t. This was especially the 
 
78 Phonology [§172 
 
 case in wirst, wirt older wirdest, wirdet ; siht, he sees, seht,ye 
 see, older sihet, sehet ; and often in forms like gilt, vint, spricht, 
 sticht beside giltet, vindet, sprichet, stichet. 
 
 5. In the unstressed forms of dissyllables, as adv. ane, 
 abe, mite, obe beside the prepositions an, ab, mit, ob ; 
 dat. sing, deme, weme, ime beside dem, wem, im ; unde, 
 and, wande,/or, because, beside und (unt), wan(d); herre, 
 frouwe beside her, frou before proper names and titles. 
 
 § 172. The vowel in suffixal and derivative syllables was 
 generally weakened to e just as in the inflexional syllables, 
 but in some suffixal and derivative syllables which had 
 a secondary accent the vowel was not weakened to e. 
 This was especially the case with derivatives in -aere 
 (denoting nomina agentis), -inne, -inc (-ing), -line (-ling), 
 diminutives in -in and -lin, abstract nouns in -nisse (-nusse, 
 •niisse), -unge. In others the vowel fluctuated between 
 the full vowel and e, as in -isch beside -esch; -ic (=OHG. 
 •ag, and -ig) beside -ec ; superlative of adjectives -ist 
 (=OHG. -ist) beside -est (=OHG. -5st); -sal beside -sel. 
 Beside the full forms -lich, -rich occurred the shortened 
 forms -lich, -rich. The OHG. endings of the present 
 participle -anti, -enti, -onti, -enti regularly became -ende, 
 but -ant occurs in a few old participles which had become 
 nouns, as heilant, wigant, viant beside vient (vint). 
 Examples are : gartenaere, schepfaere, schribaere; kiine» 
 ginne, vriundinne, wirtinne ; edelinc, mtiedinc, unhappy 
 man ; hendelinc, glove, vingerlinc, ring ; magedin, vin- 
 gerin, kindelin, vogelin; hindernisse, vaneniisse, 
 captivity, vinsternisse ; be^:^erunge, handelunge, mel- 
 dunge ; himelisch, irdisch, kindisch, beside -esch ; heilic 
 (OHG. heilag), honic (OHG. honag, honig), ktinic (OHG, 
 cuning, cunig), manic (OHG. manag), saelic (OHG. salig) 
 beside -ec ; oberist beside oberest ; kumbersal, triie- 
 besal, wehsal beside wehsel; bitterlich, sicherlich, 
 wislich beside -lich; Dietrich, Heinrich, beside -rich. 
 
§ 173 ] NHG, Vowels of Unaccented Syllables 79 
 
 The suffixal syllables -al, -am, -an, -ar (§ 166) regularly 
 became -el, -em, -en, -er, as nagel, vogel, bodem, eben, 
 zeichen, acker, bitter, wunter. 
 
 3. The New High German Period. 
 
 § 173. From what has been said in §§ 170-2 it will be 
 seen that, with few exceptions, the OHG. long and short 
 vowels were weakened to e in unaccented syllables in 
 MHG. Although the weakening took place in Middle 
 earlier than in Upper German, it is a remarkable fact that 
 the e remained more fully intact in Middle than in Upper 
 German during the MHG. and early NHG. period. In 
 this respect, as in many others, Middle German has played 
 an important part in the retention of the e in NHG. In 
 Upper German it was dropped in final syllables from 
 about the end of the fourteenth century. A considerable 
 number of these Upper German forms occur in the early 
 writings of Luther, but most of them were doubtless due 
 to the printer. They occur rarely in his later works. 
 The rule, as to the retention or dropping of the final e, as 
 it appears in the last edition of Luther’s Bible (1542), 
 agrees in general with NHG. usage. The final e, when 
 immediately following the principal accent, has disappeared 
 in the modern dialects of Upper Germany and the greater 
 part of Middle Germany. 
 
 In late MHG. and early NHG. scholars, especially in 
 Upper Germany, began to introduce a final e into forms 
 which had formerly dropped it and into forms which pre- 
 viously had never had it. This was a kind of reaction 
 against dialect usage, and at the same time an attempt to 
 imitate the written language of Middle German. Examples 
 of the introduction of final e into forms which did not 
 previously have it are : acc. sing, bourne, vriunde, jare, 
 burge ; nom. acc. neut. pi. pferde, kindere ; imperative 
 
8o Phonology [§ 174 
 
 and pret. of strong verbs, as bite {wait\ vande, schuofe, 
 stuonde, &c. This partly explains why the plural of many 
 neuter nouns ends in e in NHG., as felkyjahre^ pferde^ &c., 
 and why the imperative sing, of many strong verbs ends 
 in e, as schreibe^ singe, rate. Pret. forms like Jande, schufe 
 have now disappeared from the literary language, but they 
 were common in early NHG. 
 
 § 174. The retention or rejection of the weakened e in 
 medial and final syllables has been brought about by 
 several important factors, the chief of which are : 
 
 I. Behaghel’s Law (Germania, vol. xxiii, 264 ff.) whereby 
 in trisyllabic and polysyllabic forms the weakened e was 
 regularly dropped in the syllable which preceded or 
 followed the one having the secondary accent. That is in 
 forms of the type of — e — or — — e. Traces of this law 
 occur already in MHG., as boumgart beside boumgarte, 
 mensche (OHG. mennisco), vischaer beside vischaere 
 (OHG. fiscari), gen. abents beside abendes, pret. wundert 
 beside wunderte. There are numerous examples in medial 
 syllables, as beste (OHG. bei^^isto), gebaerde (OHG. 
 gibarida), superl. groeste (OHG. gr5:^isto), hersen (OHG. 
 herison, to rule), schoenste (OHG. scdnisto), saelde(OHG. 
 salida, blessedness), zierde (OHG. ziarida, adornment). 
 In early NHG. the law became general, and all forms 
 which are not in harmony with it are analogical formations. 
 Examples are : a//^rA^j;w^f(MHG.allerhande), armut{}hY{Qi. 
 armuote), atmung (MHG. atemunge), elend (MHG. el- 
 lende), forderung (MHG. vorderunge), gdrtner (MHG. 
 gartenaere), herzog (MHG. herzoge), konigin (MHG. kiine- 
 ginne), krebs (MHG. krebe:^e), lebend (MHG. lebende), 
 leichnam (MHG. llchname), am Montag beside tage, 
 fremd (MHG. fremiA^), friedlich (MHG. fridelich), hemd 
 (OHG. hem\6i), jungltng (MHG. jungelinc), ye/w^^r(MHG. 
 juncherre), kebse (OHG. kebisa), konigs (MHG. kiiniges), 
 miinze (OHG. muni:^a), stucklein (MHG. stuckelin); the 
 
§174] NHG. Vowels of Unaccented Syllables 8 i 
 
 pret. of weak verbs, as lebtey legte^ sagte = MHG. lebete, 
 legete, sagete ; kirchhofs beside hofes ; regular forms are 
 wirtshausy amtsdienery gluckskindy landsmanUy &c,y forms like 
 tageszeity landesherVy gotteshauSy &c., have been influenced 
 by the simplex tageSy landeSy gottes. 
 
 Note. — T he i in brautigam and nachtigall is due to the 
 palatal g. 
 
 In some words the NHG. uninflected forms have been 
 remodelled on analogy with the inflected forms, as amty 
 gen. MHG.ambetes), hauptyg^u, Aa^/>/^5(=MHG. 
 
 houbetes), magd (MHG. maget, pi. magede), and similarly 
 in diensty felSy heldy herbsty hirschy nackty obsty papst, and in 
 the pp. of verbs, gelebty gelegty gesagty &c. 
 
 2 . In adjectives and nouns : The nature of the consonant 
 preceding the final e was also an important factor. 
 
 (a) If the consonant was a voiced explosive or voiced 
 spirant, the final e generally remained, so as to preserve 
 the voiced sound of tlie consonant in all forms ; had the 
 e been dropped the consonant would have become voiceless 
 (§ 226), as ode (MHG. cede), trdge (MHG. traege), trube 
 (M HG. triiebe), weise{MHG, wise), and similarly in behendey 
 blodcy bosCy gelindcy geradcy herbey leisCy mudey schnodey &c., 
 but gescheity mildy schrdgy wild= MHG. geschide, milte, 
 schraege, wilde. 
 
 ende (MHG. ende), erbe (MHG. erbe), gebilde (MHG. 
 gebilde), and similarly vogebaudcy gebindey gebirgCy gedrangey 
 gefildcy gefolgCy gelandcy geleisey gehdngey gemiisey geprdgCy 
 gesindcy getreidCy gewebcy gewerbcy gewolbcy &c., but bild 
 (OHG. bilidi) which passed into the -er plurals (§ 398). 
 
 (Z>) If the consonant was a voiceless explosive or voiceless 
 spirant, a liquid or nasal, or if the preceding sound was 
 a vowel, the final e was generally dropped, as spat (MHG. 
 spaete), kiihl (MHG. kiiele), leer (MHG. laere), neu (MHG. 
 niuwe), and similarly in bequeniy bereity dichty dunUy diirry 
 
 G 
 
82 Phonology [§174 
 
 engyfestyfeuchtj fruh, gemdsSj gemein, genehm^ gering^ griiUy 
 ]dhf keuschj kleiuy kiiliny neUy reiuy schon, schweVy stilly strengy 
 SHSSy teuer, zdhy &c., but irre, and niitzey kirre beside niliZy 
 kirVy with e retained because of their being chiefly used 
 predicatively. 
 
 erz (MHG. erze), gebetn (MHG. gebeine), gemut{M.}\G, 
 gemiiete), kinn (MHG. kinne), and similarly in antlitZybetty 
 
 flotZy gebiety gebiischy gedichty gefdhrty gefechty gehirUy gehofty 
 geholzy geleiiy gelusty gepdcky gerdty gerduschy gerusty geschdfty 
 geschenky geschirVy geschlechty geschreiy gesetZy gespamiy 
 gespensty gestirtty gewdchsy gewichty glucky heeVy hefty heUy 
 liirHy kreuZy netZy ohry oly pfuhly reichy &c.^ but gerippe which 
 has been influenced by rippe, 
 
 3. Gender, sex, and the declension to which a noun 
 originally belonged have also played an important factor. 
 
 {a) The final e has generally remained in the nom. of 
 weak nouns denoting living objects, as affcy ahney botCy 
 brackcy bubcy bultky bUrge, drachcy erbey falkcy jarrCy fergey 
 finkcy gattey gefdhrtey geselky haseyjudey knabey knappey laffCy 
 laky lowCy neffCy ochsey pathey pfaffcy rabCy rappCy reckcy riescy 
 riidey schergCy schulzey schurkey sennCy sklavCy zeugCy beside 
 the shortened forms in farry finky ochSy pfaff. The loss of 
 the e in fiirsty grafy herry prinz is due to the proclitic use 
 of these words before proper names. 
 
 Feminine nouns have generally preserved the final e, as 
 gnadey haubey klagCy liebey nascy redey reisCy iviegCy &c., see 
 {b) below. It has been added in buhney ehe (MHG. e), 
 granne (MHG. gran), kehle (MHG. kel), krdhey mdhne 
 (MHG. man, see § 377), muhky schale (MHG. schal), sohky 
 waarey and a few others. 
 
 The final e has been added to form the neut. pi. of many 
 old a-stems, except those ending in -el, -em, -en, -er, -chen, 
 and -lein, as in broty haaVy jahvy pferdy rosSy schafy spiely tieVy 
 toVy werky 8zc,y see § 356. 
 
 (b) The old weak masculine nouns denoting inanimate 
 
§ i7 5] NHG. Vowels of Unaccented Syllables 83 
 
 objects have nearly all either dropped the final e and then 
 passed into the vocalic or mixed declension ; or have taken 
 the -n from the oblique cases and then gone over into the 
 vocalic declension, cp. on the one hand April (MHG. 
 aprille), blitz^ breij gemahl, keim^ kerUy lenzy Maiy Mdrz, 
 schmerzy sterriy and on the other hand balken (MHG. 
 balke), bogetiy brunneuy galgeUy garteUy husteUy knocheny 
 niageUy rahmeUy schinkeUy tropfeUy see § 383. 
 
 The final e has been dropped in several feminine nouns, 
 especially after t, as achty furchty hut (heed), mauty vasty 
 rosty schlachty ivacht] feieryfornty huldy marky maueVy peiuy 
 scheueVy schmachy zier, 
 
 § 175. Final -el, -em, -en, -er have become vocalic 1, m, 
 n, r, although the e is retained in writing, as handel 
 (= handl), ateniy degeUy denkeUy lebeUy eben When the 
 consonant preceding vocalic n is a labial or guttural, 
 educated people often assimilate the two sounds, as denkq, 
 lebm, but this is not considered * fine The e is omitted 
 in writing when the vocalic n is preceded by a liquid, as 
 handehiy edeluy wanderny vciterUy heiterUy but retained when 
 preceded by n, as vechneHy trocknen. 
 
 The normal development of -ele, -erne, -ene, -ere is 
 vocalic 1, m, n, r (§ 171) which have remained vocalic before 
 consonants, as gen. deckelSy ebers] handelsty handelty wan- 
 dersty imndert ; edelstey trockenstCy heiterste. They have also 
 remained vocalic when final, as fern. sing, nadely feder ; 
 dat. sing, and nom. pi. of masc. and neuter nouns, deckely 
 engely segely degeUy ebeVy messer. But in verbs and adjectives 
 the second e has been restored after the analogy of forms 
 where it was regular, as in ich bindcy rufey sage] gen. 
 blindeSy guteSy pi. blindey gutey &c. Vocalic 1, m, n, r have 
 then become consonantal, as ich handlcy atmCy segue, 
 wandre ; edleSy edky trocknes, trockney heitres, heitrey &c. 
 
 The regular forms have often been disturbed by ana- 
 logical formations, as ich handeky wandere after the analogy 
 
 G 2 
 
84 Phonology [§§ 176-80 
 
 of handeltf wandert) similarly edleUf heiiren after edles, 
 heitres ; edeler^ heiterer^ edeles, heiteres, edelen, heiteren^ edele, 
 heitere after edclste^ heiterste and blindeVy blindes^ blindefiy 
 blinde, 
 
 § 176 . The following paragraphs merely contain an out- 
 line of the history of the vowels of unaccented syllables, 
 the rest will be found in the Accidence. 
 
 § 177. Dative: The ending e of the dat. singular of nouns 
 and adjectives was dropped after el, em, en, er already in 
 MHG. {§ 171). It has been dropped in NHG. (partly also 
 in MHG.) in diminutives in -chen and -lein. It is generally 
 dropped in nouns ending in a vowel {dem Schneey &c.), and 
 in those ending in -and, -at, -end, -icht, -ing, -ling, -rich, 
 •sal, -turn (§ 174), likewise in combinations without the 
 article, as von tag zu tagy zu fusSy mit dank erhalieny &c. 
 
 In dissyllabic forms NHG. fluctuates between the rejec- 
 tion and retention of e. When the one and when the 
 other form is used depends chiefly upon sentence rhythm. 
 In the colloquial language it is dropped more frequently 
 than in the written language. 
 
 § 178. Genitive : The presence or absence of the e in 
 the gen. singular follows the same rule as for the dat. sing., 
 except that the e is retained after sibilants {tischesy &c.). 
 It is always retained in adjectives, but is omitted in adverbial 
 genitives, as bereitSj IdngSy linksy rechtSy &c. 
 
 § 179. Nom. plural : Nouns and adjectives ending in -el, 
 •em, •en, -er dropped the e already in MHG. (§ 171). 
 NHG. has preserved this rule in the nouns, but e has 
 been restored in the adjectives after the analogy of those 
 adjectives whose uninflected forms did not end in a liquid 
 or nasal, as pi. andere (MHG. ander), edle (MHG. edel) 
 after the analogy of blinde. Masculine and feminine nouns, 
 and the adjectives have retained the e. And many old 
 neuter a^stems have added it (§ 173). 
 
 § 180. Dative plural : The ending -en has become vocalic 
 
§ i8il NHG. Vowels of Unaccented Syllables 85 
 
 n, written en (but written n after liquids). When the 
 sing, ends in -en the dat. pi. ending had disappeared in 
 MHG. (§ 171, 3), but in adjectives it has been restored in 
 NHG. (§ 182). 
 
 § 181. Verbs : e has disappeared in the second and 
 third pers. sing, of the present of strong verbs, as schreibst 
 (MHG. schribest), schreibt (MHG. schribet), nimmst 
 (MHG. nimest), nimmt (MHG. nimet), but it is often 
 retained in the second pers. after a voiceless sibilant, as 
 issesty drtschest When the stem ends in d or t, the e is 
 regularly dropped in those verbs which have umlaut or 
 have preserved the old interchange between i and e in the 
 present, as trittsty tritt : treteUy wirsty wird : werdeUy giltsty 
 gilt : gelteUy hdltsty halt : halteriy &c., but bittesty bittet ; leidesty 
 leidet) bindesty bindet. 
 
 In the weak verbs the e has regularly been dropped in 
 the second and third pers. of the present, except when the 
 stem ends in d or t, as lebsty lebt\ sagsty sagty &c., but 
 redesty redet; betesty betet. In the pp. and the whole of the 
 pret. of weak verbs the e has been dropped before the t 
 except in those verbs whose stems end in d or t, as lebte 
 (MHG. lebete), lebtest (MHG. lebetest), gelebt (MHG. 
 gelebet), &c., but redetCy redetesty geredet. 
 
 With the exception of sein and tuHy verbal forms ending 
 in n, which were monosyllabic in early NHG. (partly also 
 in M H G.), have now become dissyllabic after the analogy of 
 the other verbs, as freuetiy geheHy muhen, sdeny steheUy wehen. 
 
 After the analogy of the other verbs, a final e has been 
 added in the first pers. sing. pres, indie, of those verbs 
 which regularly dropped the e in MHG. (§ 171), as fahre 
 (MHG. var), mahle (MHG. mal), &c. After the analogy 
 of the weak verbs, a final e has been added in the imperative 
 second sing, of strong verbs, except kommeUy lassen, and in 
 those strong verbs which still preserve the old interchange 
 between i and e in the present {nimm : nehmen)y as bleibey 
 
86 Phonology [§§ 182-4 
 
 bietej hinde^ rate. The same thing occurred occasionally 
 also in MHG. (§ 173). 
 
 § 182. e has been dropped before t in the superlative of 
 adjectives (except after dentals and sibilants), as kleinste^ 
 jiingste, hochstey but dlteste, susseste. In beste (MHG. beste, 
 OHG. be^:^isto) and ^n>V?5/^(MHG. groeste) it was dropped 
 in MHG. 
 
 Usage varies after vowels, as genaustej frohste beside 
 genauestej froheste. The e is always dropped in derivative 
 adjectives, as hdrteste beside verhdrtetste. 
 
 e has been added in those adjectives which regularly 
 dropped it in the inflected forms in MHG. (§ 175), as MHG. 
 nom. sing, and pi. masc. ander, NHG. sing, andrer, pi. 
 anderc) gen. MHG. anders, NHG. anderes. The MHG. 
 shorter forms exist beside the NHG. longer forms with 
 differentiated meanings in anders beside anderes^ einzeln 
 beside einzelneUy eltern beside dlteren. 
 
 § 183. The sufifixal and derivative syllables which pre- 
 served the full vowel in MHG. also have it in NHG., as 
 koniginj jilnglmg^ finsternis.forderungyfreiindlichy Friedrich j 
 frdulein. 
 
 Where e and i fluctuated in MHG. (§ 172), NHG. has i 
 before palatal g, ch, sch, as seltg^ krdftig^ rettig^ toricht^ 
 kindisch, &c. 
 
 § 184. The weakened vowel was sometimes written a 
 in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (§ 170). This 
 accounts for the a in NHG. balsam (MHG. balsam, 
 balsem), bisam (MHG. bisem), brdutigam (MHG. briute- 
 gome), hrosarn^ brosame(cp. MHG. brdsem, brdsme), etdam 
 (MHG. eidem), heimat (MHG. heimot, *1101), monat (MHG. 
 manot), nachbar (MHG. nachgebure), wetland (MHG. 
 villenig)), fruchtbar (MHG. vruhtbaere), and similarly in 
 other adjectives ending in -bar. weigand (MHG. wigant) 
 was introduced into NHG. from MHG. in the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
87 
 
 § 185] Ablaut {Fowel Gradation) 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 ABLAUT (VOWEL GRADATION) 
 
 § 185, By ablaut is meant the gradation of vowels both 
 in stem and suffix, which was caused by the primitive Indo- 
 Germanic system of accentuation. See § 23. 
 
 The vowels vary within certain series of related vowels, 
 called ablaut-series. In OHG., to which this chapter will 
 chiefly be limited, there are six such series, which appear 
 most clearly in the stem forms of strong verbs. For the 
 changes, which the vowels constituting the six series 
 underwent in MHG. and NHG., the student should 
 consult the various classes of strong verbs (§§ 490-519). 
 Four stem-forms are to be distinguished in an OHG. 
 strong verb which has vowel gradation as the characteristic 
 mark of its different stems :—(i) the present stem, to which 
 belong all the forms of the present, (2) the stem of the first 
 or third pers. pret. singular, (3) the stem of the pret. plural, 
 to which belong the second pers. pret. singular and the 
 whole of the pret. subjunctive, (4) the stem of the past 
 participle. 
 
 By arranging the vowels according to these four stems 
 
 we arrive at the following system 
 i. ii. 
 
 iii. 
 
 iv. 
 
 I. 
 
 I 
 
 ei, e 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 II. 
 
 eo(io) 
 
 ou, 0 
 
 u 
 
 0 
 
 III. 
 
 i, e 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 u, 0 
 
 IV. 
 
 e 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 0 
 
 V. 
 
 e 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 VI. 
 
 a 
 
 uo 
 
 uo 
 
 a 
 
 Note.— I. On the difference between ei and e, see § 75 ; ou 
 and 5, § 76 ; and in Series III i and e, § 55 ; u and o, § 57. 
 
 2. Strong verbs belonging to Series II have iu in the indica- 
 tive pres, singular (§ 77) ; and strong verbs belonging to Series 
 
88 Phonology [§ i86 
 
 III-V with e in the infinitive have i in the indicative pres, 
 singular (§§ 55, 62). 
 
 But although the series of vowels is seen most clearly in 
 the stem forms of strong verbs, the learner must not assume 
 that ablaut occurs in strong verbs only. Every syllable of 
 every word of whatever part of speech contains some form of 
 ablaut. As for example, the sonantal elements in the follow- 
 ing stem-syllables stand in ablaut relation to each other 
 hei:^, heiss : hizza, hitze ; leren, lehren : lirnen (lernen), 
 lernefiy list ; wi:^ago, weissager : wei:^, weiss : wizzi, witZy 
 giwis, gewiss. 
 
 biotan, bieten: boto, bote^ gibot, geboty butil, biittel) 
 fliessen \ floss \ ^ui^yfluss) liohy lieb: gilouben, 
 glauben : lobon, lobeUy gilubida, gelubde ; ziohan, ziehen : 
 zoum, zaum : herizogo, herzogy zug, 
 bintan, binden : bant, band : MHG. bunt, bund ; trinkan, 
 trinken : trank, t7'ank : MHG. trunc, trunk. 
 
 beran, gebdren : barn (child) : bara, bahrCy gibarida, 
 gebarde : giburt, geburt ; neman, nehmen : ginami, 
 
 angenehm: firnunft, vernunft) sprechan, sprechen: 
 
 spracha, sprache : MHG. spruch, spruch. 
 geba (gift): MHG. gabe: gift, mit-gift. 
 faran, fahreny fart, fahrt: furt, fuhrt] hano, halm: 
 huon, Ituhn. 
 
 vt". § 186. In this paragraph will be given the prim. 
 Germanic and Gothic equivalents of the above six ablaut- 
 series, with one or two illustrations from OHG. For 
 further examples see the various classes of strong verbs, 
 §§ 490-519. 
 
 I. 
 
 Prim. Germ. i ai i i 
 
 Gothic ei di i i 
 
 OHG. ^tigdiViy to ascend steig stigum gistigan 
 dihan, to thrive deh digum gidigan 
 
 Note. — Cp. the parallel Greek series mlOoi : TriiroiOa : (mOov. 
 
§ i86] Ablaut {Vowel 
 
 Gradation) 
 
 89 
 
 II. 
 
 Prim. Germ. eu 
 
 au 
 
 u 
 
 0 
 
 Gothic iu 
 
 au 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 OHG. liogan, to lie 
 
 long 
 
 lugum 
 
 gilogan 
 
 biotan, to offer 
 
 bot 
 
 butum 
 
 gibotan 
 
 Cp. the parallel Greek series 
 
 €\€i[0)(ropaL (fut.): 
 
 : flXrjXovOa : 
 
 ^v0oi>. 
 
 III. 
 
 Prim. Germ. e, i 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 u, 0 
 
 Gothic i 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 OHG. h^fan, to help 
 
 half 
 
 hulfum 
 
 giholfan 
 
 bintan, to bind 
 
 bant 
 
 buntum gibuntan 
 
 Note. — i. To this series belong all strong verbs having a 
 medial nasal or liquid f consonant, and a few others in which 
 the vowel is followed by two consonants other than a nasal or 
 liquid + consonant. 
 
 2. Cp. the parallel Greek series bipKoixai : dcbopKa : edpaKov ; 
 
 TTf/iTTO) : 7r€7TOp(j)a. 
 
 IV. 
 
 
 
 Prim. Germ. e 
 
 a 
 
 
 0 
 
 Gothic i 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 u 
 
 OHG. neman, to take 
 
 nam 
 
 namum 
 
 ginoman 
 
 sprechan, to speak sprah sprachum gisprochan 
 
 Note. — i. To this series belong all strong verbs whose stems 
 end in a single liquid or nasal, and a few others. 
 
 2. Cp. the parallel Greek series ptvod : povlj : pi-pvco ; ^epoa : bopd : 
 
 b€-bap~p€vos. 
 
 V. 
 
 
 
 
 Prim. Germ. 
 
 e 
 
 a 
 
 ae 
 
 e 
 
 Gothic 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 i 
 
 OHG. 
 
 geban, to give 
 
 gab 
 
 gabum 
 
 gigeban 
 
 Note.— I. To this series belong all strong verbs having e in 
 the present, and ending in other consonants than those in 
 Classes III and IV. 
 
 2. Cp. the parallel Greek series Tviropai : Trorpo? : e-rrr-o/LiT/i/ ; 
 
 Tp€7T(o : T€"Tpo(f)a I Tpantadui. 
 
90 
 
 Phonology 
 
 VI. 
 
 
 f§§ 187-8 
 
 Prim. Germ. 
 
 a 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 a 
 
 Gothic 
 
 a 
 
 0 
 
 5 
 
 a 
 
 OHG. 
 
 faran, to go 
 
 fuor 
 
 fuorum 
 
 gifaran 
 
 §187. Class VII of strong verbs embracing the old 
 reduplicated verbs (§§ 513-9) has been omitted from the 
 ablaut-series, because the exact relation in which the vowel 
 of the present stands to that of the preterite has not yet 
 been satisfactorily explained. The old phases of ablaut 
 have been preserved in the present and preterite of a few 
 Gothic verbs, as letan, to let^ lailot, lailotum, letans ; 
 saian, to soWy sais5, sai-s5-um, saians. 
 
 § 188. The ablaut-series as given in § 186 have for 
 practical reasons been limited to the phases of ablaut as 
 they appear in the various classes of strong verbs. From 
 an Indo-Germanic point of view, the series I-V belong to 
 one and the same series, generally called the e-series, 
 which underwent in primitive Germanic various modifica- 
 tions upon clearly defined lines. What is called the sixth 
 ablaut-series in the Germanic languages is really a mixture 
 of several original series, owing to several Indg. vowel- 
 sounds having fallen together in prim. Germanic, thus the 
 a, which occurs in the present and past participle, corre- 
 sponds to three Indg. vowels, viz. a (§ 31), o (§ 34), and a 
 (§ 36); and the 5 in the preterite corresponds to Indg. a 
 (§ 37) and Indg. o (§ 40). For the phases of ablaut which 
 do not occur in the various parts of strong verbs ; and for 
 traces of ablaut-series other than those given above, the 
 student should consult Brugmann’s Kurze vergleichende 
 Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachefiy pp. 138-50. 
 
§§ 189-90] The First Sound-shifting 
 
 91 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE FIRST SOUND -SHIFTING, VERNER’S 
 LAW, AND OTHER CONSONANT CHANGES 
 WHICH TOOK PLACE IN THE PRIMITIVE 
 GERMANIC LANGUAGE 
 
 § 189 . The first sound-shifting, popularly called Grimm’s 
 Law, refers to the changes which the Indo-Germanic 
 explosives underwent in the period of the Germanic primi- 
 tive community, i. e. before the Germanic parent language 
 became differentiated into the separate Germanic lan- 
 guages: — Gothic, O. Norse, O. English, O. Frisian, O. 
 Saxon (= O. Low German), O. Low Franconian (O. Dutch), 
 and O. High German. 
 
 § 190 , The Indo-Germanic parent language had the 
 following system of consonants : — 
 
 Labial. Dental. Palatal, Velar. 
 
 t k q 
 
 d & g 
 
 th kh qh 
 
 dh gh gh 
 
 s 
 
 z j 
 
 n n q 
 
 l,r 
 
 j(i) 
 
 Note.— I. Explosives are consonants which are formed 
 with complete closure of the mouth passage, and may be 
 pronounced with or without voice, i. e. with or without the 
 vocal cords being set in action; in the former case they are 
 said to be voiced (e. g. the mediae), and in the latter voiceless 
 
 
 tenues 
 
 mediae 
 
 tenues aspiratae 
 mediae aspiratae 
 voiceless 
 voiced 
 
 Spirants | 
 
 Nasals 
 
 Liquids 
 
 Semivowels 
 
 P 
 
 b 
 
 ph 
 
 bh 
 
 m 
 
 w(u) 
 
92 Phonology [§190 
 
 (e. g. the tenues). The aspirates are pronounced like the 
 simple tenues and mediae followed by an h, like the Anglo- 
 Irish pronunciation of t in tell. 
 
 The palatal explosives are formed by the front or middle of 
 the tongue and the roof of the mouth (hard palate), like g, k (c) 
 in English get, good, kid, could ; whereas the velars are 
 formed by the root of the tongue and the soft palate (velum). 
 The latter do not occur in English, but are common in Hebrew, 
 and are often heard in the Swiss pronunciation of literary 
 German. In the parent Indo-Germanic language there were 
 two kinds of velars, viz. pure velars and velars with lip round- 
 ing. The pure velars fell together with the Indg. palatals in 
 Germanic, Latin, Greek, and Keltic, but were kept apart in the 
 Aryan and Baltic-Slavonic languages. The velars with lip 
 rounding appear in the Germanic languages partly with and 
 partly without labialization, see § 198. The palatal and velar 
 nasals only occurred before their corresponding explosives, 
 rik, ng ; qq, qg, &c. 
 
 2. Spirants are consonants formed by the mouth passage 
 being narrowed at one spot in such a manner that the outgoing 
 breath gives rise to a frictional sound at the narrowed part. 
 
 z only occurred before voiced explosives, e. g. *nizdos = Lat. 
 nidus. Germ, nest ; *ozdos = Gr. ofo?. Germ. ast. 
 
 j was like the widely spread North German pronunciation of 
 j in ja, not exactly like the yin English yes, which is generally 
 pronounced without distinct friction, j occurred very rarely in 
 the prim. Indo-Germanic language. In the Germanic, as in 
 most other Indo-Germanic languages, the frictional element in 
 this sound became reduced, which caused it to pass into the 
 so-called semivowel. 
 
 3. The nasals and liquids had the functions both of vowels 
 and consonants (§ 30). 
 
 4. The essential difference between the so-called semivowels 
 and full vowels is that the latter always bear the stress (accent) 
 of the syllable in which they occur, e. g. in English cow, stdin 
 the first element of the diphthong is a vowel, the second a con- 
 sonant ; but in words like French rwd (written roi), bjer 
 (written biere), the first element of the diphthong is a con- 
 sonant, the second a vowel. In consequence of this twofold 
 
93 
 
 § i9i] The First Sound-shifting 
 
 function, a diphthong may be defined as the combination of 
 a sonantal with a consonantal vowel. And it is called a falling 
 or rising diphthong according as the stress is upon the first or 
 second element. In this book the second element of diphthongs 
 is written i, u when the first element is the bearer of the stress, 
 thus di, du, &c., but when the second element has the stress 
 the first element is written j, w, thus jd, wa, &c. 
 
 5. In the writing down of prim. Germanic forms the signs 
 
 (= th in Engl, thin), d (= th in Engl, then), h ( = a bilabial 
 spirant, which may be pronounced like the v in Engl, vine), 
 g (= g often heard in German sagen), x (= NHG. ch). 
 
 § 191 . In the following tables of the normal equivalents 
 of the Indg. explosives in Latin, Greek, and the Germanic 
 languages. Table I contains the Indg. tenues p, t, k, the 
 mediae b, d, g, and the pure velars q, g. Table II contains 
 the Indg. mediae aspiratae and the velars q, g with 
 labialization. The equivalents in the Germanic languages 
 do not contain the changes caused by Verner’s law, &c. 
 The East Franconian dialect is taken as the normal for 
 OHG. 
 
 The following points should be noticed ; — 
 
 (1) The Indg. tenues p, t, k and the mediae b, d, g 
 generally remained unchanged in Latin and Greek. 
 
 (2) The pure velars (q, g) fell together with the palatals 
 k, g in Latin and Greek. They became X; k in prim. 
 Germanic, and thus fell together with the X; k from 
 Indg. k, g. 
 
 (3) The pure velar gh fell together with the original 
 palatal gh in Latin and Greek. 
 
 (4) The Indg. mediae aspiratae became in prehistoric 
 Latin and Greek tenues aspiratae, and thus fell together 
 with the original tenues aspiratae. 
 
 (5) The Indg. tenues aspiratae became voiceless spirants 
 in prim. Germanic, and thus fell together with the voice- 
 less spirants from the Indg. tenues. 
 
94 Phonology [§191 
 
 ( 6 ) In Latin, Indg. q with labialization became qu, 
 
 rarely c. g with labialization became v (but gu after n, 
 and g when the labialized element had been lost, as 
 gravis = Gr. heavy), 
 
 Indg. ph, bh became f initially and b medially. 
 
 Indg. th, dh became f initially, b medially before and 
 after r, before 1 and after u (w), in other cases d. 
 
 Indg. kh, gh became h initially before and medially 
 between vowels; g before and after consonants, and f 
 before u (w). 
 
 Indg. qh, gh with labialization became f initially and v 
 medially except that after n it became gu. 
 
 ( 7 ) In Greek, Indg. q, g with labialization became tt, P 
 before non-palatal vowels (except u) and before consonants 
 (except Indg. j) ; t, S before palatal vowels ; and k, y before 
 and after u. 
 
 Indg. ph, bh became ; th, dh became 6 ; and kh, gh 
 became x* 
 
 Indg. qh, gh with labialization became <j> before non- 
 palatal vowels (except u) and before consonants (except 
 Indg. j) ; 0 before palatal vowels; and x before and 
 after u. 
 
 ( 8 ) When two consecutive syllables would begin with 
 aspirates, the first was de-aspirated in prehistoric times in 
 Sanskrit and Greek, as Skr. bandhanam, a binding y Goth. 
 OE. bindan, OHG. bintan, to bind) Skr. bodhati, he 
 learnSy is awakey Gr. Trevberaiy he asks, inquiresy Goth, ana- 
 biudan, to bidy OHG. biotan, to offeVy root bheudh- ; Gr. 
 KavOvXrjy a swellingy OE. OHG. gund, mattery pus ; Gr. Opi^y 
 hairy gen. rpt^os ; I havey fut. I^o). 
 
§ i9i] The First Sound-shifhng 
 
 95 
 
 TABLE I. 
 
 Indg. 
 
 Latin 
 
 Greek 
 
 P. Ger- 
 manic 
 
 Gothic 
 
 OE. 
 
 1 
 
 I OHG. 
 
 C£> 
 
 p 
 
 TT 
 
 
 f 
 
 f 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 
 " t 
 
 T 
 
 
 : V 
 
 P 
 
 d 
 
 k, q 
 
 c 
 
 K 
 
 X 
 
 h. X 
 
 h> X 
 
 h, X 
 
 
 b 
 
 P 
 
 p 
 
 p 
 
 P 
 
 pf,If 
 
 d 
 
 d 
 
 8 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 
 s> g 
 
 g 
 
 Y 
 
 k 
 
 k 
 
 c 
 
 k, hh 
 
 
 
 TABLE 
 
 II. 
 
 
 
 1 Indg. 
 
 Latin 
 
 Greek 
 
 P. Ger- 
 manic 
 
 Gothic 
 
 OE. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 V.. ^ 
 
 qu, c 
 
 TT, T, K 
 
 xw, X 
 
 hr, h 
 
 hw, h 
 
 (h)w, h 
 
 g«/ 
 
 V, gu, g 
 
 P. S, Y 
 
 kw, k 
 
 q, k 
 
 cw, c 
 
 qu; k, hh 
 
 bh 
 
 f,b 
 
 <!> 
 
 b, b 
 
 b, b 
 
 b,f 
 
 b 
 
 dh 
 
 f, b, d 
 
 0 
 
 d, d 
 
 d,d 
 
 d 
 
 t 
 
 gh^f, 
 
 ,h. g, f 
 
 X 
 
 g> s 
 
 g. 5 
 
 S,§ 
 
 g 
 
 9h 
 
 L V, gu 
 
 <l>> X 
 
 5w,5,w 
 
 3> w 
 
 g. S» w 
 
 g. w 
 
g6 Phonology [§192 
 
 § 192. The Indg. tenues p, t, k, q became in prim. 
 Germanic the voiceless spirants f, J>, x> X (x^). 
 
 p>f. Lat. pes, Gr. ttovs, Goth, fotus, OE. f5t, OHG. 
 fuo^, foot; Lat. piscis, Goth, fisks, OE. fisc, OHG. fisk, 
 fsh; Lat. nepos, OE. nefa, OHG. nefo, nephew, 
 
 t>f>. Lat. tu, Gr. Doric rv, Goth. ])U, OE. J?u, OHG. 
 du, thou; Lat. tres, Gr. rpcis, OE. |?ri, OHG. dri, three; 
 Lat. verto, I turn, Goth. wair]>an, OE. weor?5an, OHG. 
 werdan, to become ; Lat. frater, Goth. broJ)ar, OE. brdtSor, 
 OHG. bruoder, brother, 
 
 k>x. Lat. canis, Gr. Goth, hunds, OE. hund, 
 OHG. hunt, houndj dog; Lat. cor (gen. cordis), Gr. 
 KapUa, Goth, hairto, OE. heorte, OHG. herza, heart; 
 Lat. decern, Gr. ScKa, Goth, taihun, OHG. zehan, ten; Lat. 
 duco, I lead, Goth, tiuhan, OHG. ziohan, to draw, lead, 
 q>X (xw). Lat. capio, / take, Goth, hafjan, OE. 
 hebban, OHG. heffen, to raise; Lat. vinc5, I conquer, 
 Goth, weihan, OHG. wihan, to fight, 
 
 Lat. quis, Gr. w, Goth, hras, OE. hwa, OHG. hwer, 
 wer, who ? ; Lat. linquo, Gr. XeiTro), I leave, Goth, leih/an, 
 OHG. lihan, to lend. 
 
 Note.— I. The Indg. tenues remained unshifted in the com- 
 binations s + tenuis. 
 
 sp. Lat. spuere, Goth, speiwan, OE. OHG. splwan, to vomit ; 
 Lat. con-spici5, 1 look at, OHG. spehSn, to spy. 
 
 st. Lat. est, Gr. eort, Goth. OHG. ist, is ; Gr. ardxto, I go, 
 Lat. vestigium, footstep, Goth, steigan, OE. OHG. stigan, to 
 
 ascend. 
 
 sk. Gr. (TKik, shadow, Goth, skeinan, OE. OHG. scinan, to 
 shine; Lat. piscis, Goth, fisks, OE. fisc, OHG. fisk, ^ 5 ^. 
 
 sq. Gr. 6vo~(tk6os, sacrificing priest, OE. sceawian, OHG. 
 scouwSn, to look, vietv, 
 
 2 . The t also remained unshifted in the Indg. combinations 
 
 pt, kt, qt. 
 
 pt>ft. Gr. K\€7rTTj9, Goth, hliftus, thief; Lat. neptis, grand- 
 daughter, niece, OE. OHG. nift, niece. 
 
97 
 
 §§ 193 - 4 ] The First Sound-shifting 
 
 kt > Xt. Lat. oct5, Gr. o/cra>, Goth, ahtdu, OE. eahta, OHG. 
 ahto, eighty Gr. o-pcKToy, stretched out, Lat. rectus, Goth, ralhts, 
 OE. riht, OHG. reht, right, straight, 
 qt > xt. Gen. sing. Lat. noctis, Gr. wktos, nom. Goth, nahts, 
 OE. neaht, OHG. naht, night. 
 
 § 193. The Indg. mediae b, d, g, g became the tenues 
 p, t, k, k (kw). 
 
 b>p. O. Bulgarian slabu, slack, weak, Goth, slepan, 
 OE. slepan, OHG. slafan, to sleep) Lithuanian dubhs, 
 Goth, diups, OE. deop, OHG. tiof, deep, b was a rare 
 sound in the parent language. 
 
 d>t. Lat. decern, Gr. ScVa, Goth, taihun, OHG. zehan, 
 ten) Lat. duc5, I lead, Goth, tiuhan, OHG. ziohan, to 
 draw, lead) Lat. videre, to see, Goth. OE. witan, OHG. 
 wi%an, to know ; Lat. edere, Goth, itan, OE. etan, 
 OHG. e:^:^an, to eat, 
 
 g>k. Lat. genu, Gr. yoVv, Goth, kniu, OE. cneo, 
 OHG. knio, knee) Lat. gustd, 1 taste, Gr. ycvw, I let taste, 
 Goth, kiusan, OE. ceosan, OHG. kiosan, to choose) 
 Lat. eg5, Gr. cyci, Goth, ik, OE. ic, OHG. ih, /; Lat. 
 ager, Gr. aypos, Goth. field, acre, 
 
 g>k (kw). Lat. gelu, frost, Goth, kalds, OE. ceald, 
 OHG. kalt, cold) Lat. augere, Goth, dukan, OHG. 
 ouhhon, to add, increase) Lat. jugum, Gr. l^vyov, Goth, 
 juk, OHG. \o\\,yoke, 
 
 Gr. /?to9 from *giwos, life, Lat. vivos from *gwiwos, 
 Goth, qius, OE. cwicu, OHG. quec, quick, alive) Lat. 
 venio from *gwemj5, I come, Gr. /?atVo> from */3avjo) older 
 */3apj(o = Indg. *gmjo, I go, Goth, qiman, OHG. queman, 
 to come, 
 
 § 194. The Indg. tenues aspiratae became voiceless 
 spirants in prim. Germanic, and thus fell together with 
 and underwent all further changes in common with the 
 voiceless spirants which arose from the Indg. tenues 
 (§ 192), the latter having also passed through the inter- 
 
 H 
 
98 Phonology [§§ 195-6 
 
 mediate stage of tenues aspiratae before they became 
 spirants. The tenues aspiratae were, however, of so rare 
 occurrence in the prim. Indg. Germanic language that two 
 or three examples must suffice for the purposes of this 
 book : — Skr. root sphal-, run violently against^ OE. feallan, 
 OHG. fallan, to fall ; Gr. unhurt^ Goth. ska]?jan, 
 
 OHG. skadon, to hurt^ injure ; Gr. / splits Goth, 
 
 skdidan, OHG. sceidan, to separate ; Gr. OE. 
 
 hwael, OHG. (h)wal, whale, 
 
 § 195. The Indg. mediae aspiratae probably became 
 first of all the voiced spirants b, d, g, g(w). These sounds 
 underwent the following changes during the prim. Ger- 
 manic period : — 1>, d initially, and b, d, g medially after 
 their corresponding nasals, became the voiced explosives 
 b, d, g, as 
 
 b. Goth, bairan, OE. OHG. beran, to bear, Skr. bhd- 
 rami, Gr. <^€pa>, Lat. fero, I bear; Goth, brofar, OE. 
 brdSor, OHG. bruoder, Skr. bhratar-, Lat. frater, 
 
 brother, 
 
 OE. comb, OHG. camb, comb, Skr. jambhas, tooth, 
 Gr. yofjLcjios, bolt, nail, prim, form *gombhos. 
 
 d. Goth, dags, OE. daeg, OHG. tag, day, Skr. ni- 
 daghds, older *ni-dhaghas, hot season, summer, Indg. form 
 *dhoghos ; OE. dad, OHG. tat, deed, related to Gr. 
 
 I shall place, Skr. dhama, law, dwelling-place, root dhe-, 
 put, place, 
 
 Goth. OE. bindan, OHG. bintan, to bind, Skr. bdndh- 
 anam, a binding, cp. Gr. TrevOepos, father-in-law, Lat. of- 
 fendimentum, chin-cloth, root bhendh-. 
 
 g. Goth, aggwus, OHG. engi, narrow, cp. Lat. ang5, 
 Gr. ayx<D, I press tight, root angh-; Goth, laggs, OE. long, 
 OHG. lang, Lat. longus, long. 
 
 § 196. b, d, g remained in other positions, and their 
 further development belongs to the history of the separate 
 languages. See §§ 212, 217-8. 
 
§§ 197 - 8 ] The First Sound-shifting 
 
 99 
 
 § 197, Various theories have been propounded as to 
 the chronological order in which the Indg. tenues, tenues 
 aspiratae, mediae, and mediae aspiratae, were changed by 
 the first sound-shifting in prim. Germanic. But not one 
 of these theories is satisfactory. Only so much is certain 
 that at the time when the Indg. mediae became tenues the 
 Indg. tenues must have been on the way to becoming 
 voiceless spirants, otherwise the two sets of sounds would 
 have fallen together. 
 
 § 198. We have already seen (§ 191) that the parent 
 Indg. language contained two series of velars : (i) pure 
 velars which never had labialization. These velars fell 
 together with the palatals in the Germanic, Latin, Greek, 
 and Keltic languages, but were kept apart in the Aryan 
 and Baltic-Slavonic languages. ( 2 ) Velars with labializa- 
 tion. These velars appear in the Germanic languages 
 partly with and partly without labialization ; in the latter 
 case they fell together with prim. Germanic x> g which 
 arose from Indg. k, g, gh. The most commonly accepted 
 theory is that the Indg. labialized velars q, g, gh regularly 
 became x> k, § in prim. Germanic before Indg. u, 0 , o 
 (= Germanic a, § 34), and xw, kw, gw before Indg. e, 1 , 
 9 , a, a (= Germanic 0 , § 37) ; and that then the law became 
 greatly obscured during the prim. Germanic period through 
 form-transference and levelling out in various directions, as 
 Goth, qam, OHG. quam, prim, form *goma, I came, for 
 Goth. OHG. *kam after the analogy of Goth, qima, OHG. 
 quimu, original form *gemo, I come) Goth, hras, who?, 
 Indg. *qos, for *has after the analogy of the gen. hjis = 
 Indg. *qeso, &c. 
 
 Note.— In several words the Indg. velars, when preceded or 
 followed by a w or another labial in the same word, appear in 
 the Germanic languages as labials by assimilation. The most 
 important examples are : — Goth, wulfs, OHG. wolf = Gr. Xltco? 
 for *f\vKos, prim, form ’*‘wlqos, cp. Skr. vfkas, wolf; Goth. 
 
 H 2 
 
loo Phonology [§ 199 
 
 fidwSr, OE. feower (but fy)?er-fete, four-footed)^ OHG. fior, 
 prim, form *qetw6res, cp. Lithuanian keturi, Lat. quattuor, 
 Gr. T€(T(Tap€ 5 j Skr. catvaras,/owr; Goth, fimf, OHG. fimf, finf, 
 prim, form *peqqe,y?z;^, cp. Skr. pdnca, Gr. nevre, Lat. qulnque 
 (for *plnque) ; OHG. wulpa, she~wolf from *wulbi, prim, form 
 *wlqi, cp. Skr. vrki ; Goth, walrpan, OHG. werfan, to throw, 
 cp. O. Bulgarian vriga, 1 throw ; OE. swapan, OHG. sweifan, 
 to swing, cp. Lithuanian swaikstti, I become dizzy. 
 
 Verner’s Law. 
 
 § 199. After the completion of the first sound-shifting, 
 and while the principal accent was not yet confined to the 
 root-syllable, a uniform interchange took place between the 
 voiceless and voiced spirants, which may be thus stated : — 
 
 The medial or final spirants f, J>, x> xw, s regularly 
 became t>, d, g, gw, z when the vowel next preceding 
 them did not, according to the origiiial Indg. system of 
 accentuation, bear the principal accent of the word. 
 
 The b, d, g, gw which thus arose from Indg. p, t, k, q 
 underwent in the Germanic languages all further changes 
 in common with the b, d, g, gw from Indg. bh, dh, gh, gh. 
 
 Verner’s law manifests itself most clearly in the various 
 parts of strong verbs, where the infinitive, present parti- 
 ciple, present tense, and preterite (properly perfect) singular 
 had the principal accent on the root-syllable, but the indi- 
 cative pret. plural, the pret. subjunctive (properly optative), 
 and past participle had the principal accent on the ending, 
 as prim. Germanic *wer))5 > OE. weorSe, I become = 
 Skr. varta-mi, I turn) pret. indie. 3. sing. *w4rj)i > OE. 
 wearb, he became = Skr. va-vdrta, has turned) pret. 
 I. pers. pi. *wurdumi > OE. *wurdum (wurdon is the 
 3. pers. pi. used for all persons) = Skr. va-vrtimd, we have 
 turned) past participle *wurdana- > OE. worden = Skr. 
 va-vrtand-; OS. birid, OHG. birit = Skr. bhdrati, he 
 
Verners Lazv 
 
 § 200] 
 
 bears ; Goth. 2 . sing, indie, passive bairaza = Skr. bhd- 
 rase ; Goth, bairand, OHG. berant = Skr. bharanti, 
 they bear. Or to take examples from noun-forms, &c., we 
 have e.g. Skr. pitar-, Gr. irarip- = prim. Germanic "fader-, 
 Goth, fadar, OE. faeder, OHG. father) Skr. catdm, 
 Gr. k-KaroVf Lat. centum = prim. Germanic older 
 
 *xumd6m, Goth. OE. hund, OHG. hunt, hundred) Gr. 
 €Kvpa, OE. sweger, OHG. swiger, motherdndaw) Gr. Sokols, 
 Goth. pi. tigjus, OE. -tig, OHG. -zug, decade. 
 
 The combinations sp, st, sk, ss, ft, fs, hs, and ht were 
 not subject to this law. 
 
 Note. —The prim. Germanic system of accentuation was like 
 that of Sanskrit, Greek, &c., i. e. the principal accent could fall 
 on any syllable ; it was not until a later period of the prim. 
 Germanic language that the principal accent was confined to the 
 root-syllable. See § 23. 
 
 From what has been said above it follows that the inter- 
 changing pairs of consonants due to Verner’s law are ; 
 f — b, ])— d, s — z, X — xw — gw. I n the West Germanic 
 languages z became X-medially and was dropped finally. It 
 is best to defer giving many examples of Verner s law in 
 OHG. until after the HG. sound-shifting has been treated. 
 See § 221. 
 
 Other Consonant Changes. 
 
 § 200. Most of the sound-changes comprised under this 
 paragraph might have been disposed of in the paragraphs 
 dealing with the shifting of the Indg. mediae and mediae 
 aspiratae, but to prevent any possible misunderstanding or 
 confusion it was thought advisable to reserve them for 
 a special paragraph. 
 
 The Indg. mediae and mediae aspiratae became tenues 
 
102 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§ 200 
 
 before a sufRxal t or s already in the pre- Germanic 
 period : — 
 
 Examples are : Lat. nuptum, nupsi, beside nubere, to 
 marry ; Skr. loc. pi. patsu, beside loc. sing, padi, on foot ; 
 Lat. rexi, rectum, beside regere, to rule] Lat. vexi, 
 vectum, beside vehere, to carry y root wegh- ; Lat. lectus, 
 Gr. Xe'^os, bedy Goth, ligan, to lie down ; Skr. yukta-, Gr. 
 
 Lat. junctus, yokedy root jeug-, cp. Skr. yugdm, 
 Gr. t^vyovy Lat. jugum, Goth. juk,jvo^^; &c. 
 
 Then pt, kt, qt ; ps, ks, qs were shifted to ft, xt ; fs, 
 at the same time as the original I ndg. tenues became voice- 
 less spirants (§ 192). And tt, ts became ss through the 
 intermediate stage of ]>t, J>s respectively, ss then became 
 simplified to s after long syllables and before r, and then 
 between the s and r there was developed a t. 
 
 This explains the frequent interchange between p, b (b), 
 and f ; between k, 5 (g), and h (i. e. x) ; and between t, J>, 
 d (d), and ss, s in forms which are etymologically related. 
 
 p, b(b)— f. Goth, skapjan, OE. scieppan, OHG. ske- 
 phen, to createy beside Goth, ga-skafts, creatioUy OE. ge- 
 sceaft, OHG. giscaft, creature] Goth, giban, OHG. 
 geban, to givey beside OE. OHG. gift, gift ; OHG. weban, 
 to weavey beside English weft. 
 
 k, g (g) — h. Goth, waurkjan, OE. wyrcan, OHG. wur- 
 ken, to worky beside pret. and pp. Goth, watirhta, waurhts, 
 OE. worhte, worht, OHG. worhta, giworht ; OE. OHG. 
 
103 
 
 § 20 1 ] Other Consonant Changes 
 
 magan, to be abky beside pret. sing. Goth, mahta, OE. 
 meahte, OHG. mahta; OE. OHG. bringan, to brings 
 beside pret. and pp. OE. br5hte, broht, OHG. brahta, 
 braht. 
 
 t, }>, d(d)— ss, s. Goth. OE. witan, to knoWj beside pret. 
 Goth, wissa, OE. wisse, OHG. wissa (wessa); Goth. 
 qi]>an> to say^ beside ga-qiss, consent ; Goth, ana-biudan, 
 to commandy beside ana-busns, commandment y pre-Germanic 
 *bhutsni-, root bheudh-. 
 
 ss became s after long syllables and before r: Goth, 
 haitan, OE. hatan, to cally beside OE. has from *haissi-, 
 command) Goth. OE. witan, to knoWy beside Goth, un- 
 weis, unknowingy OE. OHG. wis, wise] Goth, itan, OE. 
 etan, to eaty beside OE. as, OHG. as, carrion ; OHG. pret. 
 muosa, beside pres, muo^, I must Goth. guJ)-blostreis, 
 worshipper oj Gody OHG. bluoster, sacrifice y cp. Goth. 
 bl5tan, to worship] OE. fdstor, sustenance y cp. Goth. f5d- 
 jan, to feed. 
 
 Instead of ss (s) we often meet with st. In such cases 
 the st is due to the analogy of forms where t was quite 
 regular, e.g. regular forms were Goth, last, thou didst 
 gather y inf. lisan; Goth, sloht, thou didst strikCy inf. slahan; 
 OE. meaht, OHG. maht, thou cansty inf. magan ; then after 
 the analogy of such forms were made 2. pers. sing. Goth, 
 wdist for *wais, OE. wast for *was, OHG. weist for 
 *weis, thou knowest] regular forms were pret. sing. Goth, 
 waiirhta, OE. worhte, OHG. worhta, Goth. inf. waurk- 
 jan, to work ; then after the analogy of such forms were 
 made OE. wiste, beside wisse, OHG. westa, beside wissa 
 (wessa), I knew. 
 
 For purely practical purposes the above laws may be 
 thus formulated: — every labial + t became ft; every gut- 
 tural +t became ht; and every dental -ft became ss, s (st). 
 
 § 201. Prim. Germanic gw, which arose from Indg. gh, 
 and from Indg. q by Verner’s law, became 5 before u, in 
 
104 Phonology [§§ 202-3 
 
 other cases it became w, as Goth, magus, hoy, beside mawi 
 from *ma(g)wi, ; OE. pret. pi. siegon, they saw, beside 
 pp. sewen; Goth, siuns, OE. seon (sion), from *se(g)wnis, 
 a seeing, face ; Goth, snaiws, OE. snaw (with -w from 
 the oblique cases), from *snai( 5 )was, prim, form *snoigh6s, 
 snow. 
 
 § 202. Assimilation : — -nw- > -nn-, as Goth. OHG. rin- 
 nan, to run, from * rin wan ; Goth, kinnus, OHG. kinni 
 from *genw-, Gr. yeVu-s, chin, cheek) Goth, minniza, OHG. 
 minniro from *minwiz6, less, cp. Lat. minu5, Gr. juvihia, 
 I lessen) OHG. dunni, thin, cp. Skr. fern, tanvi, thin, 
 
 •md- > -nd-, as Goth. OE. hund, OHG. hunt, prim, 
 form *kmt6m, hundred) Goth, skaman, OHG. seamen, 
 to be ashamed, beside Goth, skanda, OHG. scanta, shame. 
 
 •In* > •lb, as Goth, fulls, OHG. (gen. folles), Lithuanian 
 pUnas,/^//; Goth, wulla, OE. wull, OHG. wolla, Lithua- 
 nian wilna, wool. 
 
 Prim. Germanic bn, dn, gn = Indg. pn-, tn-, kn-, qn^ 
 (by Verner’s law), and bhn-, dhn-, ghn-, ghn-, became 
 bb, dd, gg before the principal accent, then later bb, dd, 
 gg ; and in like manner Indg. bn-, dn-, gn-, gn- became 
 bb, dd, gg. And these mediae were shifted to pp, tt, kk 
 at the same time as the original Indg. mediae became 
 tenues (§ 193). These geminated consonants were simpli- 
 fied to p, t, k after long syllables. Examples are OE. 
 hnsep (gen. hnaeppes), OHG. napf, from or 
 
 xnabn-, basin, bowl) OE. hoppian, MHG. hopfen, from 
 *Xobn-, to hop ) OE. heap, OHG. houf, from *x3^'^t)n-, 
 heap) OE. cnotta, from *knodn-, beside OHG. chnodo, 
 chnoto, knot) Goth, hreits, OE. hwit, OHG. (h)wi?,from 
 *xwidn-, white ; OE. smocc, OHG. smoccho, from 
 *smogn-, smock) OE. bucca, OHG. boc (gen. bockes), 
 from Indg. *bhugno-, buck. 
 
 § 203. Indg. z + media became s + tenuis, as Goth, asts, 
 OHG. ast = Gr. o^os, from *ozdos, branch, twig) OE, 
 
§§ 204 - 8 ] Other Consonant Changes 105 
 
 OHG. nest, Lat. nidus, from *ni-zdos, nest, related to 
 root sed-, sit, 
 
 Indg. z + media aspirata became z + voiced spirant, as 
 Goth, mizdo, OE. meord, pay^ reward^ cp. O. Bulgarian 
 mizda, Gr. /xto-^o's, pay) OE. mearg, OHG. marg, O. 
 Bulgarian mozgii, marrow^ root mezgh- ; Goth, huzd, 
 OE. hord, OHG. hort, hoardy treasure^ root kuzdh-, 
 
 § 204. Guttural n (q) disappeared before x> Goth. 
 OHG. fahan, from to seizej catch ; OHG. pret. 
 
 dahta, beside inf. denken, to think. See § 64. 
 
 § 205. X became an aspirate (written h) initially before 
 vowels, and probably also medially between vowels, as 
 Goth. OE. hund, OHG. hunt, hundred) Goth, taihun, 
 OHG. zehan, ten. 
 
 Intervocalic yyN became x Old Norse and the West 
 Germanic languages, as OHG. sehan, OE. seon, O. Icel. 
 sja, from *sehan, beside Goth, saihran, to see) OHG. 
 aha, beside Goth, ahra, Lat. aqua, water, 
 
 § 206. The consonants, which arose from the Indg. 
 final explosives (t, d), were dropped in prim. Germanic, as 
 Goth, bairdi, OHG. here, from an original form *bheroit, 
 he may bear. See § 161. 
 
 §207. Original final -m became -n in prim. Germanic. 
 This -n, as also Indg. -n, disappeared in dissyllabic and 
 polysyllabic words. For examples, see § 161. 
 
 § 208. w disappeared before u, as Goth, kaiirus, from 
 ^kwuruz, heavy ; OE. sund, a swimmingy from *swumda-, 
 beside inf. OE. OHG. swimman; OHG. pp. gidungan, 
 beside inf. dwingan, to force. In verbal forms the w was 
 mostly reintroduced in the pret. pi. and pp. after the 
 analogy of forms which regularly had w, e. g. OHG. 
 swummum, giswumman, swungum, giswungan, swul- 
 lum, giswollan, beside inf. swimman, to swinty swingan, 
 to swingy swellan, to swell. For levelling out in the 
 opposite direction, cp. OE. OHG. singan, beside Goth. 
 
io6 
 
 Phonology [§§ 209-1 1 
 
 siggwan (regular form), to sing) OE. sincan, OHG. 
 sinkan, beside Goth, sigqan, to sink, 
 
 § 200. Initial and medial sr became str, as OE. stream, 
 OHG. strom, stream^ cp. Skr. srdvati, it flows) OHG. 
 dinstar, from *)>instra«, dark, cp. Skr. tamisram, darkness ; 
 pi. OE. eastron, OHG. ostarun, Easter^ cp. Skr. usra, 
 dawn ) Goth. swistar,OE. sweostor, OHG. s wester, 
 with t from the weak stem form, as in the locative sing. 
 Goth. swistr=prim. Germanic *swesri=Skr. dat. svdsre. 
 
 § 210. The remaining Indg. consonants suffered no 
 further material changes which need be mentioned here. 
 Summing up the results of §§ 192-209, we arrive at the 
 following system of consonants for the close of the prim. 
 Germanic period : — 
 
 Labial. 
 
 Inter- 
 
 dental. 
 
 Dental. 
 
 Explosives^ 
 Spirants | 
 
 Voiceless p 
 Voiced b 
 Voiceless f 
 Voiced b 
 
 Nasals m 
 
 Liquids 
 
 Semivoivels w 
 
 ]> 
 
 d 
 
 t 
 
 d 
 
 s 
 
 z 
 
 n 
 
 l,r 
 
 Palatal and 
 Guttural. 
 
 k 
 
 g 
 
 X 
 
 S 
 
 g 
 
 j (palatal) 
 
 To these must be added the aspirate h. 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 SPECIAL WEST GERMANIC MODIFICATIONS 
 OF THE GENERAL GERMANIC CONSO- 
 NANT- SYSTEM. THE HIGH GERMAN 
 SOUND-SHIFTING, ETC. 
 
 §211. Prim. Germanic z, whjch arose from s (§199), 
 became r mediallyTafid was dropped finally, as OE. mara, 
 OHG. mero = Goth, mdiza, greater) pp. OE. coren, 
 
§§ 212 - 14 ] The Doubling of Consonants 107 
 
 OHG. gikoran, beside inf. OE. ceosan, OHG. kiosan, /o 
 choose) OE. daeg, OHG. tag = Goth, dags, from *dagaz, 
 day) OE. OHG. sunu = Goth, sunus, from *sunuz, 50^/; 
 OHG. gast = Goth, gasts, from *gastiz, stranger. 
 
 § 212. Prim. Germanic d (§§ 195-6) became d, as OE. 
 ceald, OHG. kalt, cold ; OE. healdan, OHG. haltan, to 
 hold) OE. ladan, OHG. leiten, to lead) OE. read, OHG. 
 rot, red. 
 
 § 213. In West Germanic all single consonants, except 
 r, were doubled after a short vowel before a following j. 
 This j was mostly retained in Old Saxon, but was generally 
 dropped in OE. and OHG., as OS. sellian, OE. sellan, 
 OHG. sellen, Goth, saljan, to give up ; OE. fremman, 
 OHG. fremmen, Goth. *framjan, to perform ; OHG. gen, 
 kunnes, Goth, kunjis, of a race) OHG. frauwa, frouwa, 
 from *frawjo-, woman (§ 232); OE. lecg(e)an, Goth, 
 lagjan, to lay) OE. settan, Goth, satjan, to set) OE. 
 scieppan, Goth, skapjan, to create. But OE. nerian, 
 OHG. nerien = Goth, nasjan, to save. 
 
 dj, and gj became bb, dd, and gg, as OE. sib(b) 
 (gen. sibbe), Goth, sibja (b), relationship ; OE. biddan, 
 Goth, bidjan (d), to beg^ pray) OE. hycg(e)an, Goth, 
 hugjan, to think. 
 
 For the OHG. treatment of West Germanic bb, dd, gg, 
 and pp, tt, kk, see §§ 217-18. 
 
 Note. — The j in the combination ji was dropped before the 
 West Germanic doubling of consonants took place, as e. g. in 
 the 2. and 3. pers. sing, of the pres, indie., as OHG. hevis, hevit 
 = Goth, hafjis, hafjip, beside inf. heffen = Goth, hafjan, to 
 raise ; OHG. fremis, fremit, beside inf. fremmen, to perform. 
 
 § 214. p, t, and k were also doubled in W est Germanic 
 before a following r or 1. The doubling regularly took 
 place in the inflected forms (as OHG. gen. ackres, bittres, 
 hluttres, pi. epfli), and was then transferred to the un- 
 inflected forms by levelling, as OHG. kupfar, from Lat. 
 
io8 Phonology [§§215-7 
 
 cuprum, copper) OE. snottor, OHG. snottar, Goth, 
 snutrs, wise) OHG. hluttar, Goth, hlutrs, clear) 
 OHG. bittar, OE. bittor, bitter) OHG. ackar, Goth, 
 akrs, fields acre ; OE. aeppel, OHG. aphul, O. Icel. epli, 
 apple) OS. luttil, OHG. lutzil, little. See § 165. 
 
 § 215. Doubling of consonants also regularly took place 
 before a following n in the weak declension of nouns, as 
 sing. nom. *knabo, boy^ acc. *knabonun, beside pi. gen. 
 *knabbn5(n), dat. *knabbnum-. This interchange between 
 the single and double consonants gave rise to levelling in 
 a twofold direction, so that one or other of the forms was 
 transferred to all cases. This explains, e. g., NHG. knabe, 
 rabe, beside knappe, squire^ rappe, black horse : OHG. 
 knabo, rabo, beside knappo, rappo; OHG. roggo, rye) 
 OHG. troffo, drop, trahho (from Lat. draco), dragon, 
 beside tropfo, traccho. 
 
 The High German Sound-Shifting. 
 
 § 216. The most striking feature in which High German 
 differs from the other West Germanic languages is the 
 general shifting which certain consonants underwent. This 
 process had its beginning before the period of the oldest 
 HG. monuments, and was practically completed by the 
 end of the eighth century. The prim. HG. language 
 had the following explosives and spirants : — 
 
 Labial. Dental. Guttural. 
 
 DENTAL. 
 
 _ , . f Voiceless p t k 
 
 Explosives Voiced b d g 
 
 Spimnls [ ’’ “ ’‘f 
 
 Note. — b occurred initially, medially after m, and in the com- 
 bination bb (§ 213). d occurred in all positions, g occurred 
 medially after g, as also in the combination gg. 
 
 § 217. The only consonants, which were shifted through- 
 
§ 217 ] The HG. Sound-shifting 109 
 
 out the whole of the HG. dialects, were the voiceless 
 explosives p, t, k. The shifting of the voiced spirants 
 and explosives did not extend over all the HG. dialects. 
 The shifting of }> to d through the intermediate stage of d 
 took place in historic times ; beginning first in Upper 
 German about 750 a. d., it had gradually extended over 
 all the HG. dialects by the end of the eleventh century. 
 
 p, t, k remained unshifted in the combinations sp, st, 
 sk as also in the combinations tr, ht, ft. See § 192, note. 
 
 The voiceless explosives p, t, k underwent a twofold 
 treatment according to their position in the word : (i) 
 medially or finally after vowels; (2) initially, medially 
 and finally after consonants ( 1 , m, n, r) and when doubled. 
 
 1. Prim. HG. single p, t, k were shifted in OHG. to 
 the voiceless double spirants ff, hh (also written ch, h). 
 
 p>ff. OE. open, OHG. ofFan, open) OE. scip, OHG. 
 skif, ship ) OE. slapan, OHG. slaffan, to sleep ; OE. up, 
 OHG. uf, up ; OE. w^pen, OHG. wafFan, weapon. 
 
 OE. etan, OHG. e:^^an, to eat) OE. hatan, 
 OHG. hei^i^an, to call) OE. hwaet, OHG. hwa^, what? ) 
 OE. waster, OHG. wa:^:^ar, water. 
 
 k>hh. OE. ic, OHG. ih, /; OE. macian, OHG. 
 mahhon, to make ; OE. sprecan (specan), OHG. spreh- 
 han, to speak) OE. tacen, OHG. zeihhan, token^ sign) 
 OE. wacian, OHG. wahhon, to be awake. 
 
 The double consonants were simplified according to 
 § 223. 
 
 2 . p, t, k, initially, medially and finally after consonants 
 ( 1 , m, n, r), and when doubled, were shifted to the affricatae 
 pf (also written ph), tz (generally written zz and z), and 
 kh (= k + x> also written ch). Here a distinction must 
 be made between the various dialects, t became z in all 
 HG. dialects, p became pf in Upper German and East 
 Franconian, but remained unshifted in Rhenish Franco- 
 nian except after 1 and r ; it also remained unshifted in 
 
no Phonology [§218 
 
 Middle Franconian, k became kh (written ch, cell = 
 k + x) in High Alemanic (Swiss), but remained unshifted 
 in the other dialects. 
 
 p>pf. OE. pae}>, UG. and EFr. pfad, RFr. and MFr. 
 pad, path-, OE. pund, UG. and EFr. pfunt, RFr. and 
 MFr. punt, pound-, OE. weorpan, UG. EFr. and RFr. 
 werpfan, MFr. werpan, to throw-, UG. EFr. and RFr. 
 helpfan, MFr. helpan, to help-, OE. gelimpan, UG. and 
 EFr. gilimpfan, RFr. and MFr. gilimpan, to be meet-, 
 OE. scieppan, UG. and EFr. skepfen, RFr. and MFr. 
 skeppen, to create. 
 
 t > z. OE. taegl, tunge, OHG. zagal, tail, zunga, 
 tongue-, OE. sittan, settan, OHG. sitzen, to sit, setzen, 
 to set-, OE. sealt = OHG. salz, OE. sceatt = OHG. 
 scaz, money. 
 
 k>kh. OE. cneo, cealf = OHG. knio, kalb, but 
 High AI. chneo, knee, chalp, calf-, OE. weccan, OHG. 
 weeken, but H.Al. weehan, to awake ; OE. drincan, 
 OHG. trinkan, but H.Al. trinchan, to drink ; OHG. 
 kind, child, folk,/o/,^, werk, work, but H.Al. chind, folch, 
 werch. 
 
 Note. — Instead of pf we mostly find f initially and frequently 
 f (ff) medially in H.Al. This is probably merely an inexact 
 attempt to represent the affricata pf. This is supported by the 
 fact that the modern H.Al. dialects have pf initially. 
 
 § 218. The voiced explosives and voiced spirants did 
 not undergo the same universal shifting as the voiceless 
 explosives. The following are the chief points to be 
 noticed here concerning these consonants : — 
 
 I. Upper and Middle Franconian retained b initially 
 and medially, as also bb. In Upper German bb became pp, 
 and b appears as p beside b. p and b fluctuated initially 
 in Upper German throughout the Middle Ages : beran, to 
 bear, bintan, to bind, lamb, lamb, sihho., peace, beside Upper 
 German peran, pintan, lamp, sippa. See § 219. 
 
1 1 1 
 
 §218] The HG. Sound-shifting 
 
 b remained medially and became f finally in Middle 
 Franconian and in some Middle German dialects, as 
 geven, to give^ pret. gaf ; gen. wives, beside nom. wif, 
 woman. It was shifted to b in Upper Franconian, whereas 
 it appears as p (rarely b) in the oldest Upper German 
 monuments, b came to be used generally in Alemanic in 
 the ninth and in Bavarian in the eleventh century: UFr. 
 leben, to live, sibun, seven, ubil, evil, geban, to give, pret. 
 gab = UG. lepen, sipun, upil, gepan, gap. See § 219. 
 
 2. All HG. dialects shifted dd to tt, as OE. biddan, 
 OHG. bitten, to request) OE. midd, OHG. mitti, middle, 
 
 d remained initially and medially in Middle and Rhenish 
 Franconian (but South RFr. t medially). It became t in 
 all positions in Upper German and East Franconian, and 
 finally also in Middle and Rhenish Franconian, thus OE. 
 debtor, daughter, bindan, to bind, beodan, to offer, appear 
 in MFr. and RFr. as dohter, bindan, biodan, and in UG. 
 and EFr. as tohter, bintan, biotan; OE. dead, dead, 
 word, word = t5t, wort in all dialects. 
 
 3. gg (§ 195) remained in OHG. ; it is rarely written nk 
 in Upper German, as OE. OHG. singan, to sing ; swingan, 
 to swing. 
 
 gg remained in Franconian, but was shifted to kk in 
 Upper German, as OS. liggian, Franconian liggen, to lie 
 down, OS. hruggi, Franconian ruggi, back, beside UG. 
 likken, rucki. 
 
 Initial g became g in Franconian (except North Middle 
 Franconian where it remained). It became k (also written 
 c before guttural vowels) in Upper German, as OE. giest, 
 Franconian gast. Upper German guest) OE. giefan, 
 Fr. geban, UG. keban, kepan, to give. 
 
 Medial 5 remained in Franconian (written g), but became 
 a voiceless lenis (written g, rarely k, c) in Upper German. 
 The writing of k, c medially disappeared in UG. during 
 the tenth century. From then onwards g only was used. 
 
1 1 2 Phonology [§219 
 
 Thus OE. stigan, to rise^ eage, eye^ appear in Fr. and 
 UG. as stigan, ouga, more rarely in UG. as stican, ouca. 
 
 Final g became a voiceless lenis (generally written c, 
 but also often g) in High and Low Alemanic. It became 
 X (generally written g) in Bavarian, Swabian, Alsatian, and 
 Franconian, thus OE. daeg, day^ maeg, I may^ appear in 
 High and Low Alemanic as tac, mac, and in Fr., &c., as 
 tag, mag. 
 
 § 219. The description, given above of the changes 
 which the primitive HG. voiced explosives and voiced 
 spirants underwent in OHG., is more or less based upon 
 letter-change rather than upon sound-change. The real diffi- 
 culty lies with the development of primitive HG. b and 5 
 in OHG. From OHG. alone it is impossible to decide to 
 what extent they remained spirants or became explosives, 
 especially in the Franconian dialects. From the Modern 
 Franconian dialects it is clear that ft remained medially 
 and became f finally over an extensive area. In like 
 manner, the modern dialects show that medial g must have 
 remained in Franconian, and that final g became x (written 
 g) in Bavarian, Swabian, Alsatian, and Franconian. 
 
 In Upper German, where p, pp and k, ck interchange 
 with ft, bb and g, gg, it is certain that the original spirants 
 had become explosives. In this case, it is not a question 
 of voiced explosives having been shifted to voiceless 
 explosives. The fluctuation in the orthography was merely 
 due to the uncertainty existing in the writer’s mind as to 
 how he should represent the lenes b, g. What are written 
 b, d, g in OHG. were not voiced explosives at all, but 
 voiceless lenes. These only differed from the voiceless 
 explosives (fortes) in the intensity or force of articulation. 
 Both sets of consonants were voiceless, just as they are 
 now in most modern HG. dialects. In some modern HG. 
 dialects the lenes and fortes have fallen together in fortes, 
 but most dialects still preserve the distinction. 
 
§ 2 2o] The High German Sound-shifting 113 
 
 The voiced sounds b, d, g of the NHG. standard 
 language are of North German origin, where Low German 
 was originally spoken. 
 
 The rules for the pronunciation of the above sounds as 
 prescribed for the language of the stage are : b, d are 
 voiced explosives initially, and medially between voiced 
 sounds, but voiceless explosives before voiceless con- 
 sonants, and finally, g is a voiced explosive initially. It 
 is also recommended medially between vowels, but most 
 North Germans pronounce it as g (tage) in this position. 
 Finally it is k (tak) except in the suffix -ig where x Is pre- 
 scribed (but ew'ge = ewige). Most North Germans, how- 
 ever, pronounce the sound as x when final (tax). The rules 
 as laid down for the pronunciation of the language of the 
 stage are now generally recognized as the standard among 
 the educated people of Middle and South Germany. 
 
 § 220. The table below gives a summary of the HG. 
 sound-shifting, so far as the changes are indicated in 
 OHG. orthography. The shifted sounds are printed in 
 
 italics. 
 
 Prim. Germ. p 
 
 t 
 
 
 k 
 
 Goth. p 
 
 t 
 
 
 k 
 
 OE. p 
 
 t 
 
 1 
 
 
 c 
 
 M. Franc. p ff 
 
 « ^1; (t) 
 
 
 k hit 
 
 R. Franc. p (//) ff 
 
 
 
 k hh 
 
 E. Franc. pf ff 
 
 
 
 k hh 
 
 U. German pj ff 
 
 s ^ 
 
 
 ch hh 
 
 Prim. Germ. t> 
 
 d 
 
 
 S 
 
 Goth. b, b (f) 
 
 d,d(» 
 
 
 s>s 
 
 OE. b, f 
 
 d, d 
 
 
 5>,S 
 
 M. Franc. b v(/) 
 
 df d^O 
 
 g 
 
 g(s) 
 
 R. Franc. b b 
 
 d d(if) 
 
 g 
 
 g(5) 
 
 E. Franc. b b 
 
 t t 
 
 g 
 
 g(s) 
 
 U. German /(b) b (p) 
 
 t t 
 
 k(,g) g{k) 
 
 I 
 
114 Phonology [§221 
 
 Note.— I. In Middle Franconian t only remained unshifted 
 in the pronominal neuter forms dat, wat, dit, it, allet = MHG. 
 da:^, wa:^, di:^, e;^, alle;^ ; in the pret. and pp. of weak verbs 
 which have tz (z), 2^ in the present, as pret. satte, latte, groete, 
 pp. gesat, gelat, gegroet, beside inf. setzen, to set, letzen, to 
 hinder, griie^en, to greet ; and in a few other words. 
 
 2. The East Franconian consonants are usually taken as the 
 normal in this book, because they mostly agree with those of 
 Middle and New High German. 
 
 § 221. Few OHG. forms were given in the paragraph 
 relating to Verner’s law (§ 199) in order that they might 
 be left until after the discussion of the HG. sound-shifting. 
 From what has been said in §§ 217-8, it will be seen that 
 the interchanging pairs of consonants in OHG. are : — 
 
 f— b (UG. also p) ; d (older th, dh) — t ; 
 h (= prim. Germ, x) — g (UG. also k, c) ; 
 h (= prim. Germ, xw)— w (prim. Germ, gw) ; 
 h (= prim. Germ, gx) — ; s— r. 
 
 f— b. hefifen, Goth, hafjan, to raise, pret. pi. huobun, 
 pp. gihaban ; urhab, reason ; wolf : wulpa, she-wolf. 
 
 d — t. findan, to find, snidan, to cut, werdan, to become, 
 pret. pi. funtun, snitun, wurtun, pp. funtan, gisnitan, 
 wortan ; tod, death : tot, dead, 
 
 h — g. slahan, to strike, ziohan, to draw, pret. pi. 
 sluogun, zugun, pp. gislagan, gizogan ; heri-zogo, leader 
 of an army ; swehur, father-indaw : swigar, mother-in- 
 law ; zehan, ten : zwein-zug, twenty, 
 
 h — w. lihan, to lend, sihan, to strain, pret. pi. liwun, 
 siwun, pp. giliwan, gisiwan ; aha, water : ouwa (from 
 *a( 5 )wjo-), marshy land, 
 
 h — ng. fahan, to seize, hahan, to hang, pret. pi. fiangun, 
 hiangun, pp. gifangan, gihangan. 
 
 s— r. friosan, to freeze, kiosan, to choose, pret. pi. 
 frurun, kurun, pp. gifroran, gikoran ; haso, hare, beside 
 OE. hara. 
 
§§ 2 2 2 - 3 ] The High German Consonants 115 
 
 Notk.— I. In OHG., and still more in MHG. and NHG., 
 this law was frequently disturbed through the effect of analogy 
 and levelling. See §§ 490-512. 
 
 2 . Causative verbs had originally suffix accentuation, and 
 therefore also exhibit the change of consonants given above, as 
 gi-nesan, io be saved : nerien, to save ; hahan, to hang : hengen, 
 to hang ; werdan, to become : ir-werten, to injure ; lldan, to go : 
 leiten, to lead ; &c. 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE HIGH GERMAN CONSONANTS 
 
 § 222 . Before entering upon the history of the individual 
 consonants, it will be well to treat here several points 
 concerning the HG. consonants in general. 
 
 § 223. In OHG. and MHG. the double consonants 11, 
 mm, nn, gg, kk, tt, ss, &c., were really long, and were 
 pronounced long as in Italian and Swedish, thus OHG. 
 bit-ten, to beg ; rin-nan, to run ; wis-sa, I knew. Whereas 
 double consonants in NHG. are short and merely indicate 
 that the preceding vowel is . short, as wolle^ schwimmeUf 
 schwamm^ nennen^ bruckey bitten^ wissen^ &c. 
 
 OHG. and MHG. consonants were simplified in the 
 following cases: — 
 
 1. When they became final, as fel, hidef gen. felles ; 
 far, bullf pi. farri ; uninflected form grim, fierce^ inflected 
 form grimmer ; swimman, to swim^ pret. sing, swam ; 
 rinnan, to run^ pret. sing, ran ; man, man, gen. mannes ; 
 e:^^an, to eat, pret. sing, a? ; kus, kiss, gen. kusses ; 
 sprehhan, sprechan, to speak, pret. sing, sprah ; &c. 
 
 2 . Before other consonants, askunnan, to know, kussen, 
 to kiss, brennen, to burn, pret. sing, konda, kusta, 
 branta; &c. 
 
 3 . Medially after long vowels and consonants, as la:^an, 
 
 I 2 
 
1 1 6 Phonology [§§ 224-5 
 
 to let, leave, lutar, pure, slafan, to sleep, beside older la:^^an, 
 luttar, slaffan ; ahten, to persecute, pret. sing, ahta (from 
 *ahtta); leiten, to lead, pret. sing, leita (older leitta), MHG. 
 leite ; wenten, to turn, pret. sing, wanta (from *wantta). 
 
 § 224. We have already seen (§ 105) that short vowels 
 in open syllables began to be lengthened in Middle 
 German at the beginning and in Upper German at the 
 end of the thirteenth century, and that short vowels 
 remained when followed by consonant combinations in- 
 cluding double consonants, thus the vowels in MHG. alle, 
 bitten, knappe, swimmen, treffen, have remained short 
 in NHG. In late MHG., double consonants became 
 shortened, although they were generally retained in writing. 
 Then, after the analogy of the double consonants already 
 existing, they became used in other words to indicate that 
 a preceding vowel was short ; at first medially only and 
 then at a later period also finally. This principle has been 
 generalized in NHG. except in the case of s (= MHG. z,) 
 where no related forms with medial ss (= MHG. exist 
 beside them. Thus MHG. bleter, buter, doner, gegrifen, 
 gekomen, genomen, gepfifen, gesoten, himel, komen, 
 spoten, sumer, veter = NHG. blatter, butter, donner, 
 gegriffen, gekommen, genommen, gepfvffen, gesotten, himmel, 
 kommen, spotten, sommer, vetter. MHG. blat, bret, got, 
 ha:^, muo?, quec, pret. san, span, swam ; schif, va^, vel, 
 vol, vrum, wei:^ = NHG. blatt, brett, gott, hass, muss, queck-, 
 pret. sann, spann, schwamm ; schiff, fass, fell, voll, fromm, 
 weiss) but MHG. alle?, da?, e?, u?, wa?, &c. = NHG. alles, 
 das, es, aus, was, &c. 
 
 Note. — It is sometimes stated that in passing from MHG. to 
 NHG. all stem syllables became long either by lengthening the 
 vowel or by doubling the consonant. This statement is in- 
 accurate. The double consonants in NHG. are short and are 
 merely used to indicate that the preceding vowel is short. 
 
 § 225. Notker’s law of initial consonants, generally 
 
§ 2 26 ] The High German Consonants 117 
 
 called Notker’s Anlautsgesetz in German, is of great 
 importance for determining the pronunciation of what was 
 written b, d, g in his dialect (Alemanic) at the end of the 
 tenth century. Briefly stated, the law is : the voiceless 
 lenes b, d, g were only used when the preceding word 
 ended in a vowel or in one of the voiced sounds 1, m, n, r, 
 in all other cases p, t, k were used. That is, there existed 
 in Notker’s dialect the interchange between the voiceless 
 lenes b, d, g and the fortes p, t, k. He always wrote t 
 for Germanic d (§ 218), as tes tages— temo tage (never 
 dage). His interchanged d and t go back to Germanic p. 
 His rule for the use of initial v and f was : f after voiceless 
 sounds, V and often f in other cases. The law must have 
 existed generally in Upper German of the MHG. period, 
 but initial b, d, g, v were generalized in MHG. ortho- 
 graphy, except that p was common in Bavarian. Examples 
 are: ter bruoder — unde des pruoder; tes koldes — unde 
 demo golde ; in dih— unde da^ tih ; ta:^ urlub kab ; mag 
 pe:^era sin. The two last examples prove that b and g 
 were voiceless. 
 
 §226. In MHG. the lenes b, d, g became the fortes 
 p, t, c (k) when they ended a syllable, that is when they 
 came to stand finally, or medially before voiceless con- 
 sonants. Traces of the law existed already in late OHG. 
 The interchange between the lenes and fortes includes 
 two independent processes, viz. the change of the medial 
 lenes b, d, g to the final fortes p, t, k, and the change of 
 the final fortes f, s to the medial intervocalic lenes v, and 
 to what is written s (cp. also NHG. lesen, las). It must 
 be noted that in MHG. the interchanging pairs of con- 
 sonants were all voiceless and that the difference merely 
 consisted in the intensity or force with which the sounds 
 were produced. This is quite different from NHG. where 
 the interchange is between voiced and voiceless sounds 
 except in the case of f which is voiceless in all positions in 
 
ii 8 Phonology [§§227-8 
 
 native words. Examples are : geben, to givCf gelouben, 
 to believe^ pret. gap, geloupte ; gen. lambes, libes, beside 
 nom. lamp, lamb^ lip, life\ binden, to bindf werden, to 
 become^ pret. bant, wart ; gen. kindes, todes, beside nom. 
 kint, child y tot, death ; gen. berges, tages, beside nom. 
 berc, mountairiy tac, day ; biegen, to bendy zeigen, to shoWy 
 pret. bouc, zeicte; langer, beside lane, long; manege, 
 many^ beside manec ; gen. brieves, hoves, beside nom. 
 brief, letter y hof, yard ; kiesen, to choosey lesen, to ready 
 loesen, to loose y pret. kos, las, loste ; hiuser, houseSy beside 
 bus. 
 
 Intervocalic h was no longer a spirant in OHG. (§ 206), 
 but it remained a spirant when final and was written ch in 
 late OHG., so that in MHG. we have the interchange 
 between medial intervocalic h and final ch, as lihen, to 
 lendy sehen, to seey pret. lech, sach ; gen. h5hes, beside 
 nom. hoch, high ; nahe, nearness y beside nach, near. 
 
 Note. — The above rule is not so rigid in the orthography of 
 MHG. manuscripts, as it is generally made to appear in MHG. 
 grammars and in the printed editions of MHG. authors. From 
 our knowledge of the later history of the language, it is certain 
 that the rule existed in pronunciation. In the orthography, 
 however, the medial intervocalic forms of the consonants occur 
 very frequently finally by levelling out the medial forms, just as 
 has almost uniformly been done in NHG. orthography. The 
 levelling out of the medial forms was especially common in 
 Middle German, as kind, lamb, lieb, tag, &c. 
 
 § 227. In NHG. the voiced explosives b, d, g have 
 become voiceless when final or when followed by a voice- 
 less consonant, but b, d, g are retained in writing, as gaby 
 glaubte, lobte ; band, kindy ward ; bergy bogy tag, sagsty sagte. 
 Final s has remained voiceless, but has become voiced 
 between vowels, as lesen, losen, beside las, loste, 
 
 §228. In NHG. the voiceless explosives p, t, k have 
 become aspirated initially and medially before accented 
 
§§229-31] The High German Consonants 119 
 
 vowels, and also finally after accented vowels. In the 
 last position are, of course, included what are written 
 b, d, and also g in those parts of Germany where final g is 
 pronounced as k (§ 219). Examples are : paar^ teil^ keiUj 
 
 natuTy knappy matty noty dicky ahyfeldy handy tag. 
 
 The Semi vowels. 
 w 
 
 § 229. Germanic w = Engl, w in wet (generally written 
 uu, uv, vu, vv in OHG. manuscripts) remained initially 
 before vowels in OHG. and MHG., as OHG. wahsan, 
 to groWy weg, wayy wesan, to be. It became the labio- 
 dental spirant v (written w) = Engl, v in vat, in late 
 MHG., and this has remained in NHG., as wachseUy wegy 
 &c. w must have become a spirant in Bavarian before 
 the end of the thirteenth century, because in this dialect b 
 (= Germanic b) and w had the same value, that is, w was 
 written for Germanic w and b and vice versa. Initial w 
 had disappeared before 1, r in prehistoric OHG., as OHG. 
 ant-luzzi, Goth, wlits, countenance) OHG. rehhan, 
 Goth, wrikan, to persecute. 
 
 § 230. w had disappeared before u in prehistoric OHG. 
 (§ 208), as pp. gidungan beside inf. dwingan, to force ; 
 it also regularly disappeared before OHG. uo = Germanic 
 5, as OHG. suo:^i, OE. swete, sweet) huosto, OE. 
 hwdsta, cough ; pret. suor, OE. sw5r, he swore. The 
 w was often restored by analogy from forms where w was 
 regular, as OHG. swuor beside suor, inf. swerien, pp. 
 gisworan. 
 
 § 231. In the NHG. combinations schw-, zw-, qu-, we 
 have the bilabial instead of the labiodental spirant, which 
 by many people is pronounced voiceless, as schwestery 
 schwarZy zwei, zwingeUy quelky query &c. In other cases 
 
120 Phonology [§232 
 
 NHG. w is labiodental, as ewig (MHG. ewic), lowe 
 (MHG. lewe), witwe (MHG. witewe). 
 
 § 232. ww was treated differently according as it was 
 general Germanic ww (= Gothic ggw) or West Germanic 
 ww from wj (§ 213). 
 
 1. General Germanic aww > auw > ouw which became 
 ou when final, as OHG. inflected form glauwer, glouwer, 
 clear^ exacts uninflected form glau, glou, beside Goth. 
 
 exactly j diligently) OHG. hauwan, houwan, to 
 hew = Goth. *haggwan. 
 
 General Germanic eww > iuw which became iu when 
 final, as OHG. bliuwan = Goth, bliggwan, to strike, 
 triuwi = Goth, triggws, true, faithful ; spriu, chaff, pi. 
 spriuwir ; iu dat. pi. to ir, 
 
 General Germanic uww > uw, as OHG. scuwo = 
 Goth, skuggwa, shade, shadow. 
 
 2 . West Germanic ww from wj. In this case aww > 
 auw > ouw, as frauwa, frouwa, woman, from *frawJ 6 - ; 
 frouwen, to rejoice, from *frawjan, beside pret. sing, 
 frewita from *frawita (§ 60). The interchange between 
 West Germanic ww (from wj) and wi gave rise to many 
 new formations in OHG. and MHG., as OHG. frewen, 
 MHG. frouwen (beside the regular form frouwen), which 
 were formed after the analogy of the pres, second and third 
 pers. sing, frewis, frewit (§ 213), and the pret. frewita. 
 Similarly in MHG. douwen, to digest, drouwen, to threaten, 
 strouwen, to streiv, beside the regular forms douwen, 
 drouwen, strouwen. Also in nouns : regular forms were 
 MHG. nom. heu, hou (= Goth, hawi, OHG. hewi), hay, 
 gen. houwes, dat. houwe, from which a new nom. houwe 
 was formed. Similarly in MHG. nom. gouwe, NHG.^a//, 
 beside the regular MHG. forms geu, gou = OHG. gewi. 
 
 iww from original ewj became iuw, as OHG. siuwen 
 from *sewjan, to sew, cp. OE. seowian, Goth, siujan ; 
 niuwi from ’^newja-, cp. Goth, niujis, new. 
 
I2I 
 
 §§ 2 33 -^] The High German Consonants 
 
 § 233. OHG. and MHG. aw has become au in NHG., 
 as OHG. and MHG. gen. blawes, grawes = NHG. 
 blaueSf graues) OHG. brawa, klawa, pfawa, MHG. 
 bra we, klawe, pfawe = NHG. braue, klaue^ pfau, 
 
 § 234. MHG. intervocalic w has disappeared in NHG. 
 when the first vowel was u, u or one of the diphthongs ou, 
 ou in MHG., as MHG. buwen, truwen, NHG. baue7i, 
 irauefif see § 128. MHG. iuwer, niuwe, riuwe, pL siuwe, 
 triuwe, NHG. euer^ neu, reuCy sduCy treue. MHG. frouwe, 
 houwen, ouwe, schouwen, NHG. fraUy haueuy auCy 
 schauen, MHG. frouwen, strouwen, NHG. fretmiy 
 streuen. 
 
 § 235. MHG. w has become b after 1 and r in NHG. 
 This change had taken place in the Swabian dialect by 
 the end of the thirteenth century. Examples are : albern 
 (MHG. alwsere), falb (MHG. val, gen. valwes, NHG. 
 fahl is the old nom.), gelb (MHG. gel, gen. gelwes), milbe 
 (MHG. milwe), schwalbe (MHG. swalwe), erbse (MHG. 
 arwi:^), farbe (MHG. varwe), gerben (MHG. gerwen, to 
 prepare)y miirbe (MHG. miirwe), narbe (MHG. narwe), 
 sperber [MUG. sparwaere, sperwaere). 
 
 § 236. In OHG. single w became vocalized to o if it 
 came to stand at the end of a word or syllable, as balo 
 (gen. bal(a)wes), wickedness ; falo (infl. falwer), fallow ; 
 garo (inflected form gar(a)wer), ready ; garwen (pret. 
 garota), to prepare) gelo (infl. gelwer), yellozu ; kneo (gen. 
 knewes), knee) melo (gen. melwes), meal) smero (gen. 
 smerwes),/^/; scato (gen. scat(a)wes), sliadey shadow. 
 
 blao (infl. blawer), blue) fao (infl. fawer), little) frao 
 (infl. fv2iWQT)y joyful ; grao (infl. grawer), grey ; kleo (gen. 
 klewes), clover ) rao (infl. rawer), 7 -aw) sela from *seola 
 = Goth, sdiwala, soul) seo (gen. sewes), sea) sneo 
 (gen. snewes), snow) pret. spec, inf. spiwan, to vomit) 
 strao (gen. *strawes), straw. 
 
 The final o was dropped after long vowels in the ninth 
 
122 Phonology [§§ 237-8 
 
 century, hence OHG. and MHG. bla, gra, kle, se, sne, 
 beside gen. blawes, grawes, klewes, sewes, snewes. 
 In passing from MHG. to NHG. the inflected forms with 
 w have been generalized in blau^ grau; in kle, se, sne, the 
 nom. forms have been generalized, as see{e)Sf &c. 
 
 The final ao became 5 in OHG., whence OHG. and 
 MHG. fro, ro, stro. In passing from MHG. to NHG. 
 the nom. has been generalized, as froh^ gtn, froheSy &c. 
 
 The final o was weakened to e in late OHG. and was 
 then dropped after liquids in MHG., as gel, mel, val, gar, 
 smer (§ 171). gar has remained in NHG. as an uninflected 
 particle ; in fahly mehly schatten the nom. has been general- 
 ized, but in falb and gelb the inflected forms have been 
 generalized. 
 
 Final eo became ie in late OHG., whence MHG. 
 knie, gen. knewes; in NHG. the nom. form has been 
 generalized. 
 
 § 237. When w was introduced by analogy or levelling 
 into a final position, it has become b in NHG., as MHG. 
 houwen, to heWy pret. sing, hie (OHG. hio), pi. hiewen, 
 from which a new pret. sing, hiew was formed = NHG. 
 hieby cp. also the noun hieby and wittib beside witwe. 
 This sound-change is also common in the modern South 
 and Middle Franconian dialects, as leb = literary German 
 lowCy and in some Alemanic dialects, as blab = literary 
 German blau. 
 
 j 
 
 § 238. The Indg. palatal spirant j and i consonant, 
 written j in this book, fell together in i consonant in prim. 
 Germanic, i consonant was written i (rarely e, g) in OHG. 
 manuscripts. 
 
 Initial Germanic j has, with few exceptions, remained 
 through all periods of HG., as OHG. jamar, jar, joh, 
 jugund, jung = jammer y jahry jochy jugendy jung. 
 
§§ 239 - 40 ] The High German Consonants 123 
 
 j became a spirant (written g) before e, i in OHG., as 
 gehan, to confess^ pres. sing, gihu, gihis, gihit, beside pret. 
 sing, iah, pi. iahun. This g became an explosive in those 
 dialects which had the old spirant g (§ 218) in OHG. ; 
 hence NHG. gdren (OHG. jerian, gerian), (MHG. 
 jest, gest), and gdten beside jdten (MHG. jeten, geten). 
 Initial j has become an explosive before other vowels in 
 some modern Middle German dialects, as gahr, gung = 
 literary German jahr^ Jung, 
 
 § 239. j disappeared medially before i already in West 
 Germanic; hence verbs which had double consonants in 
 the inf. by the West Germanic doubling of consonants 
 (§ 213) have only a single consonant in the second and 
 third pers. of the present indie., as OHG. inf. bitten, to 
 begf liggen, to lie down, leggen, to lay, zellen, to say, beside 
 bitis, bitit; ligis, ligit; legis, legit; zelis, zelit. In 
 MHG. this distinction was partly given up through general- 
 izing one or other of the forms, as biten, legen, ligen, 
 zeln, beside bitten, leggen, liggen, zellen. In NHG. the 
 distinction has entirely disappeared, so that in some verbs 
 the forms with double consonants, and in other verbs the 
 forms with single consonants, have been generalized, as 
 brennen, bitten, kussen, stellen ; dehnen, legen, liegen, zdhlen. 
 
 After consonants (except r) medial j became reduced to 
 a mere vocalic glide, written e, i, in the oldest HG. This 
 glide disappeared in the ninth century, as heffiu = Goth, 
 hafja, I raise, dat. kunnie=Goth. kunja, to a race, sippia, 
 sippea = Goth, sibja, peace, relationship, willio = Goth, 
 wilja, imll, became heffu, kunne, sippa, willo. 
 
 § 240. j in the combination rj regularly became aspirant, 
 in OHG. or early MHG., which would have become g in 
 NHG. (§238). A few such forms have remained in NHG., 
 as/^r^^(OHG. ferio), latwerge{y[};lG, latwerge, latwerje), 
 scherge (OHG. scerio, MHG. scherge, scherje). In 
 other words, where we should expect rg in NHG., those 
 
124 Phonology [§§241-3 
 
 forms have been generalized where the j had become i 
 (finally) or had disappeared already in prehistoric HG., 
 thus the regular form is heer {= OHG. heri), on the model 
 of which the gen. heer(e)Sy dat. heer{e\ have been formed for 
 *herges, *herge ; ndhren (OHG. nerien) for *nargen, 
 after the analogy of the second and third pers. sing. pres, 
 indie. (OHG. neris, nerit) and the pret. (OHG. nerita). 
 
 § 241. Prim. Germanic jj became ddj in Gothic and 
 SEh SS in O.Icel. In OHG. ajj became eij, and ijj became 
 ij, as gen. Goth, twaddje, O.Icel. tveggja, OHG. zweiio, 
 later zweio, of two; O.Icel. egg, OHG. ei from *aijaz, 
 egg; proper name O.Icel. Frigg, OHG. Fri(i)a. 
 
 § 242. In the verba pura, forms with and without a de- 
 veloped glide (written j) existed side by side in OHG. and 
 MHG. In NHG. the glide has disappeared (cp. § 280). 
 Examples are: OHG. bluojen, drajen, muojen, sajen = 
 MHG. bliiejen, draejen, miiejen, saejen, beside OHG. 
 bluoen, draen, muoen, saen = MHG. bliien, draen, miien, 
 saen, NHG. bluheuy drehen^ muhen^ sden. 
 
 § 243. Final -jan became -en, but -jen when preceded 
 by r, as OHG. heffen = Goth, hafjan, to raise; OHG. 
 nerien = Goth, nasjan, to save. 
 
 Final j became i in prehistoric HG., as betti (Goth, badi, 
 gen. badjis), bed; kunni (Goth, kuni, gen. kunjis), 7^ace, 
 generation; nezzi (Goth, nati, gen. natjis), net; and similarly 
 in hirti, shepherd^ festi, fast^ sconi, beautiful^ &c. The 
 regularly developed forms of the nom. of betti, kunni, 
 nezzi, and similar forms with double consonants in the 
 nom., would be *beti, *kuni, ' ne:^i. The double conso- 
 nants have been introduced into the nom. by levelling out 
 the inflected stem forms. 
 
 When j came to stand finally in historic times it became 
 a spirant, as NHG. eppich (MHG. epfich, epfe, from Lat. 
 apium); kdfig (MHG. kevje, from late Lat. cavia, cavea); 
 niennig menig, from Lat. minium). 
 
§§ 244-6] The High German Consonants 125 
 
 The Liquids. 
 
 1 
 
 § 244, Germanic 1 remained unchanged in HG., as 
 OHG. alt, blint, kalb, feld, haltan, lamb, leben, melo, 
 stellen, waltaii, wollen = NHG. alt, blind, kalb, feld, halten, 
 lamm, leben, meld, stellen, walten, wollen. On vocalic 1 in 
 NHG. edel, vogel, himmel, nagel, &c., see § 176. 
 
 r 
 
 § 246. Germanic r has generally remained in HG., as 
 OHG. arm, berg, brennen, dorf, dringan, faran, friunt, 
 grab, meri, ratan, werdan = NHG. arm, berg, brennen, 
 dorf, dringen, fahren,freund, grab, meer, raten, werden. On 
 the vocalic r in NHG. bitter, vater, &c., see § 176. 
 
 Final r disappeared in monosyllables after long vowels 
 in late OHG. of the eleventh century, as da, wa, e, hie, 
 older dar, war, er, hiar; whence NHG. da, ivo, beside 
 darin, worm ; hierunter beside hienieden ; ehe beside eher. 
 
 Note. — OHG., MHG., and early NHG. r was the front or 
 point trill r as in modern Scotch. This r began to give way to 
 the back or uvular r in the eighteenth century. In modern 
 times it has spread extensively in towns and North Germany. 
 Its origin in Germany was probably due to the imitation of 
 French pronunciation. It arose in France about the middle of 
 the seventeenth century and rapidly became common in the 
 language of refined society. 
 
 The Nasals. 
 
 m 
 
 § 246. Germanic m has generally remained unchanged 
 in HG. initially, medially, and also finally in monosyllables, 
 as OHG. machon, meri ; fremidi, himil, namo, neman, 
 
126 Phonology [§247 
 
 swimman; arm, heim, nim = NHG. macherij meer\ fremd, 
 himmelf name^ nehmen^ schwimmen ; arniy heinij nimm. 
 
 Germanic medial -mj)- became -mfl- through the inter- 
 mediate stage of in prehistoric HG. -mft- then 
 
 became -nft- during the OHG. period, asOHG. and NHG. 
 brunft ; OHG. breman, to roar, bellow ; OHG. kunft, 
 NHG. zukunft, kunftig: OHG. queman, NHG. kommen\ 
 OHG. nunft, a taking, NHG. vernunft, vernunftig: OHG. 
 neman, NHG. nehmen ; OHG. and NHG. zunft : OHG. 
 zeman, NHG. ziemen. And mf became nf, as OHG. finf, 
 older fimf, NHG./^V* 
 
 Final -m, when an element of inflexion, became -n in 
 the course of the ninth century, as dat. pi. tagum, gestim, 
 blintem, dem; bim, I am, habem, I have, mahhom, I 
 make, namum, we took, became tagun, gestin, blinten, 
 den ; bin, haben, mahhon, namun. The final -n in the 
 first pers. sing. pres, indie, of weak verbs, Class II and HI, 
 mahhon, haben, was dropped in the MHG. period after 
 the analogy of the strong verbs and weak verbs. Class I. 
 In other cases final -n when an element of inflexion has 
 generally remained in NHG., as tagen, blinden, nahmen, &c. 
 
 In late MHG. and early NHG. final -m, when not an 
 element of inflexion, became -n in words of more than one 
 syllable, as MHG. besem(e), bodem, buosem, vadem, 
 gadem = NHG. besen, boden, biisen, faden, gaden beside 
 gadem. Forms like atem, eidam, gadem, odem, oheim 
 have their -m from the inflected forms ; thus regular 
 forms were MHG. aten, gen. atem(e)s, dat. atem(e). In 
 Alemanic final -m became -n in monosyllables also, as 
 heim, ruom became hein, ruon. 
 
 n 
 
 § 247. Germanic n has generally remained unchanged 
 in all periods of the HG. language, as OHG. nagal, neman, 
 niun ; bintan, findan, senten, uns ; brennen, biginnan ; 
 
§§248-50] The High German Consonants 127 
 
 regan, sibun, stein, din ; pi. zungun, acc. sing, blintan, 
 in, den, wen = NHG. nagel^ nehmen^ neun\ binden^ finden^ 
 sendefiy uns ; brennen, beginnen ; regen ^ sieben, steiuj dein ; 
 zimgeny blindeny ihny deny wen. See § 175. Forms in which 
 final inflexional -n has disappeared in NHG. will be treated 
 in the Accidence, as gen. dat. acc. sing. OHG. zungun, 
 MHG. zungen, NHG. zunge. In MHG. n became m 
 before labials by assimilation, as MHG. an(e)bo^, enbor, 
 einber, hin(t)ber (cp. Engl. dial, hindberry), inbi:^, win(t)- 
 bra(we), became ambo^, embor, eimber, himber (himper), 
 imbi;^, wimbra ; whence NHG. amboss, empoVy eimer, 
 himbeerey imbisSy wimper. 
 
 Similarly in the NHG. prefix ent-, the t became p before 
 a following labial, and then enp- became emp-, as in 
 empfangen, empfehleny empfinden. Forms like entbehren 
 (MHG. embern), entf alien y entfremdeny are new formations. 
 
 § 248. n has disappeared by assimilation in eilandy older 
 einland, elf (MHG. eilf, einlif), siebzehny -ztgy beside 
 sieben, 
 
 n has disappeared in an unstressed syllable when pre- 
 ceded by n in a stressed syllable, as MHG. minenthalben, 
 •wegen, NHG. meinethalbeny -wegen) similarly in deineUy 
 seinet’ ; then after the analogy of these also eureUy ihreb, 
 MHG. swinin-fleisch = NHG. schweinefleisch, 
 
 § 249. The n in MHG. sunst (NHG. sonst) beside sus, 
 sust is probably of Alemanic origin, where stem vowels, 
 especially when long, were nasalized before s, as funst, 
 linse, NHG./aws/, leise. 
 
 § 250. The Germanic guttural nasal q (written n) only 
 occurred medially before g and k. 
 
 It has remained before k in all periods of the HG. 
 language, as OHG. dankon, denken, sinkan, trinkan ; 
 
128 Phonology [§251 
 
 bank, dank = NHG. danken^ denken^ sinkeUy trinken] bank, 
 dank. 
 
 Intervocalic qg (as in Engl, finger, not as in NHG. 
 finger) remained in OHG. and MHG., but has become g 
 (written ng) in NHG., as OHG. bringan, fingar, hungar, 
 singan, zunga = NHG. bringen (= hrir^^n), finger ^ hunger y 
 singeny zunge. 
 
 In final stressed syllables gg became gk in MHG., as 
 MHG. dine, June, lane, beside gen. dinges, junges,langes; 
 pret. sing, sane beside pret. pi. sangen. This final gk 
 sound has been retained in NHG. in the dialects — often 
 also amongst educated people — of a great part of North 
 and North Middle Germany, On the other hand the 
 intervocalic form g has been generalized in the recognized 
 standard language and in the dialects of South and South 
 Middle Germany. 
 
 The guttural g disappeared in an unstressed syllable 
 when preceded by n in a stressed syllable in the course of 
 the OHG. and MHG. period, as OHG. honag beside 
 honang, NHG. honig) OHG. kunig, MHG. kiinic, beside 
 OHG. kuning, NHG. konig] OHG. pfennig, MHG. 
 pfennic, beside OHG. pfenning, MHG. pfenninc, NHG. 
 pfennig. 
 
 The g has disappeared in the secondary stressed syl- 
 lable of NHG. verteidigen = MHG. verteidingen, older 
 vertagedingen. 
 
 The Labials. 
 
 P 
 
 § 261. The history of Germanic p in OHG, has already 
 been given in § 217. Germanic p only remained unshifted 
 in the combination sp, as OHG. spinnan, spizza, sprechan 
 = NHG. spinneny spitzey sprechen. 
 
 The pf, which arose from Germanic p, pp, has generally 
 
§ 252 ] The High German Consonants 129 
 
 remained in all periods of HG., as OHG. pfad, pfefifar, 
 pflegan ; charpfo, kuphar, opfar, skephen, tropfo ; 
 kamph, knopf = NHG. pfad, pfeffer, pflegen ; karpfen, 
 kupfer, opfer, schdpfen, tropfen ; kampf, knopf. 
 
 pf. from Germ, single p, became f after 1 and r in the 
 ninth century, as helfan, dorf, werfan, beside older 
 helpfan, dorpf, werpfan, NHG. heljen^ dorf^ werfen. In 
 OHG. harfa, MHG. harfe, beside OHG. harpfa, MHG. 
 harpfe; OHG. scarf, MHG. scharf, beside OHG. 
 scarpf, MHG. scharpf there existed in prehistoric times 
 forms with single and forms with double p. The forms 
 which originally had single p have survived in NHG. 
 
 § 252. From what has been said in § 251 it follows that 
 all words beginning with p and not pf in NHG. must be 
 either from Middle and Low German, Latin, the Romance 
 languages, or from words which began with p beside b in 
 OHG. (§ 218). The interchange between p and b initially 
 and medially disappeared in Upper German in the twelfth 
 century except that p frequently occurred initially through- 
 out the Middle Ages in Bavarian. 
 
 Early loan-words with initial p were written p and b in 
 MHG. and early NHG., as pabes(t, pate, pech, beside 
 babes(t (Lat. papa), bate (Lat. pater), bech (Lat. acc. 
 picem); and similarly in palme, pedell, pin, pelz (older 
 bein:^. Low Lat. pellicia), perle, pilger, plage, predigen, 
 pris (O. French pris), prisen, priester, priieven, puppe, 
 &c. Such words now have p in NHG., due to the in- 
 fluence of Middle German where initial p and b were kept 
 apart in sound. 
 
 Romance words borrowed in late MHG. and early 
 NHG. were generally written with p, but also sometimes 
 with b, they too always have p now, as paar^ palast, pan- 
 papier^ partei^ passen^ pausCj pest^ pille^ plan^ prinz^ 
 pulvcTy &c. 
 
 Examples of Middle and Low German words, some of 
 
 K 
 
1 30 Phonology [§§ 353-6 
 
 which had p beside b in early NHG., but which now have 
 always p, are: packj pacht (the MHG. form is pfaht), 
 papageif pegel, piepen, pinsel, platt^ plumps plunder^ pochen^ 
 pocke^ prahletiy &c. 
 
 b 
 
 § 253. The chief points concerning the history of Ger- 
 manic b, b, bb have already been given in § 218. Further 
 examples of b in OHG. and NHG. are: OHG. bein, 
 bintan, bitten ; blat, brief, bruoder ; eban, geban, 
 gilouben, haben, sibun, triban, ubil, erbi ; diob, grab, 
 halb, kalb, liob = NHG. beiriy bindeny bitten) blatty brief y 
 bruder ) eben, gebeUy glaubeUy haben y siebeny treibeny iibely 
 erbe ; dieby graby halby kalby lieb, b has become p before t 
 in haupt^ MHG. houbet. NHG. has generalized the 
 uninflected form in alpy gen. alpes (MHG. alp, gen. 
 albes). 
 
 § 254. A small number of words, chiefly loan-words, 
 which originally had initial b, were written p or b in 
 MHG. and early NHG. These now have p, as panier 
 (MHG. panier, banier, French banni^re) ; pilz (MHG. 
 biilz, biile?, OHG. buli;^, Lat. bbletus) ; (OHG. and 
 
 MHG. praht, braht); prdgen (MHG. praechen, braechen, 
 OHG. brahhen); prasseln (MHG. prasteln, brasteln, 
 OHG. *brastalon); polster (MHG. polster, bolster, 
 OHG. bolstar). 
 
 § 255. By about the middle of the fifteenth century, 
 initial b had become a lenis in some East Middle German 
 dialects. This gave rise to p being written for b, just as it 
 had done at a much earlier period in Upper German 
 (§ 219). In Luther’s early writings about forty words have 
 p, which in his later works have b, as peycht, prauchen, 
 gepeet, peste, prechen, fruchtpar = beichtey braucheny 
 gebety best€y brecheny fruchtbar. 
 
 § 256. Medial mb became mm in late MHG. and early 
 
§§ 257 - 8 ] The High German Consonants 131 
 
 NHG. mm then came to be used finally by levelling out 
 the medial form, as amt (MHG. ammet, ambet); dumm 
 (MHG. tump, gen. tumbes, tummes); lamm (MHG. 
 lamp, gen. lambes, lammes); etmer (MHG. eimber, § 247); 
 and similarly in hummel^ imme^ kamm^ klimmeUy krumm^ 
 kummeTf schlimm^ stumm, stummely trommel ^ um (MHG. 
 umbe), wamme, zimmer. 
 
 Note. — In early NHG. a b(p) was often written after m, as 
 eigentumb, kaumb, allesampt, frembdling, verdampten, but 
 all such forms have now disappeared. 
 
 § 257. West Germanic bj became bb in Franconian and 
 pp in Upper German (§ 218). This bb became pp in 
 Upper Franconian during the OHG. period. NHG. has 
 pp in all such words, e.g. krippey rippe, sippCy iippig, 
 
 f 
 
 § 258. Germanic f from Indg. p (§ 192) occurred initially, 
 medially, and finally. In the oldest HG. it was bilabial 
 like Gothic f, but during the OHG. period it became labio- » 
 dental, as is shown by the change of m to n before f (§ 240). 
 
 It was often written v initially, and generally medially 
 between vowels, but always f finally. Already in OHG. 
 it became a lenis initially, and medially between voiced 
 sounds, but remained a fortis when final. 
 
 OHG. f from Germanic p (§ 217) only occurred medially 
 between vowels and finally after vowels, later after 1 and r 
 also (§251). It was a labiodental fortis and always written 
 f (flf) in all periods of the language. 
 
 The two f sounds fell together at an early period when 
 final. The distinction between the two sounds was still 
 preserved in MHG. in the intervocalic position, as hof, 
 schif, but gen. hoves, schiflfes. In NHG. they have also 
 fallen together when medial, as MHG. neve, zwivel = 
 NHG. neffcy zwetfel] MHG. loufen, treffen = NHG. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 Phonology [§§ 259-61 
 
 laufeUf treffen, frevel (MHG. vrevel) is now the only word 
 in which Germanic f is written v medially. Initially f and 
 V are used in NHG. without any definite rule. Examples 
 of Germanic f in N HG. are : vater^ fallen^fahreHi viel^ feuer^ 
 Jleischf vogely volky von, freundy volly fulky voVy filVy furchten ; 
 neffcy teufely zweifel) krafty luft) brief y elf, hof wolf 
 Examples of OHG. f from older p are: greiferty kaufeUy 
 lauferiy ruferiy schlafeUy sauferiy iauferiy treffeny haufe] tiefy 
 schijf, 
 
 § 259. In Middle and Low Franconian ft became ht = 
 cht in the MHG. period, as haht, kraht, luht = NHG, 
 hafty krafty luft. Several such words have got into the 
 NHG. literary language at various times, as beriichtigt 
 (related to NHG. ruferi ) ; beschwichtigen (related to MHG. 
 swiften, to silence)) echt (MHG. ehaft, according to law)) 
 gerilcht (MHG. geriiefte); nichte (MHG. niftel); sacht 
 (MHG. sanfte, NHG. sanft)) schacht beside NHG. 
 schaft) schlucht htsiAt early NHG. schluft) sichten (MHG. 
 siften). 
 
 The Dentals. 
 
 t 
 
 § 280. In the combinations tr, ht, ft, st Germanic t has 
 remained in all periods of the HG. language, as OE. 
 tredan, OHG. tretan, NHG. treten) Goth, baitrs, OHG. 
 bittar, NHG. bitter (§214); Goth, wintrus, OHG. wintar, 
 NHG. winter) OE. niht, OHG. naht, NHG. nacht) OE. 
 debtor, OHG. tohter, NHG. tochter) OE. craeft, HG. 
 kraft ; OE. gast, stan, NHG. geisty stein, 
 
 § 261. Apart from the t in the above combinations, 
 Germanic t was shifted in prehistoric OHG. to the 
 affricata tz, initially, medially and finally after consonants 
 (1, m, n, r), and when doubled (§ 217). In OHG. and early 
 MHG. the affricata was really which] became ts in late 
 
§§262-3] The High German Consonants 133 
 
 MHG., although the writing tz has been retained in NHG. 
 medially between and finally after short vowels. The 
 affricata has remained in all periods of the HG. language. 
 In OHG. it was written z initially, as OHG. zit = NHG. 
 zeit\ medially and finally after long vowels, diphthongs, 
 and consonants, as OHG. kruzi, reizen, herza, holz = 
 NHG. kreuZy reizen^ herz, holz) medially after vowels when 
 it ended a syllable, as sazta, pret. of setzen ; and finally 
 after vowels when it corresponded to Germanic tt, as OE. 
 sceatt, OHG. scaz, treasure (§ 217). 
 
 Medially between short vowels, where it corresponded 
 to Germanic tt or West Germanic tt from tj (§ 213), it was 
 generally written zz in early OHG. and tz in late OHG., 
 as OE. sittan, OHG. sizzen, sitzen; scaz but gen. 
 scazzes, scatzes ; OE. settan, OHG. sezzen, setzen. 
 
 § 262. In MHG. tz was regularly used medially between 
 short vowels, but z in all other positions. In NHG. z is 
 used initially, medially and finally after diphthongs and 
 consonants ; and tz is used medially between and finally 
 after short vowels. 
 
 Examples are; OHG. zehan, zit, zwelif, zwifal = NHG. 
 zehn^ zeity zwolfy zweifel) OHG. beizen (from *baitjan), 
 kruzi, heizen, (MHG. kuze, kuz), reizen, weizi = NHG. 
 beizeUy kreuZy heizeUy kauZy reizen y weizen) OHG. herza, 
 holz, kurz, ganz, lenzo, merzo, salz, smerza, smerzan, 
 wurzala, sturzen, swarz = NHG. herZy holzy kurzy ganz, 
 lenZy MdrZy salzy schmerZy schmerzeUy wurzely sturzeuy 
 Schwarz ] OHG. hitza, katza, nutzi, setzen, sitzen, 
 spitza = NHG. hitzCy katzCy niitzCy setzeUy sitzeUy spitze ) 
 OHG. antlutzi, netzi, scaz, witzi=NHG. antlitZy netZy 
 schatZy witz. 
 
 § 263. Germanic single t was shifted to the double 
 voiceless spirant medially between and finally after 
 vowels (§ 217). The was simplified in OHG. to ^ 
 medially after long vowels, and finally (§ 223). The double 
 
1 34 Phonology [§ 264 
 
 spirant and the single spirant were generally written zz, z 
 in OHG. manuscripts, but zss in Isidor, written in the 
 Rhenish Franconian dialect of the end of the eighth 
 century. In OHG. and MHG. grammars the spirants, 
 which were a kind of lisped s, are generally written ^ 
 in order to distinguish them from the affricatae, zz, z. 
 In the fourteenth century the spirant began to be written 
 sz, whence the NHG. writing In NHG. it is written 
 0 after long vowels, diphthongs, and finally, but ff after 
 short vowels. In Latin characters it is written ss (formerly 
 also sz) medially, and also finally when related inflected 
 forms exist side by side, as hass, gen. basses, but when 
 no related inflected forms exist it is written s, as aus^ biSy 
 daSy waSy eSy gutes (neut. nom.), &c. 
 
 The spirant 2 , has generally remained voiceless in 
 all periods of the HG. language. The early MHG. good 
 poets did not rhyme la^, wi%en with las, missen. 
 
 Final ^ became s and fell together with Germanic final 
 s in the thirteenth century. The NHG. orthographical 
 distinction between ss (= :^) and s = Germanic s is due 
 to Middle and Low German influence, as hass but las 
 {he read). 
 
 Medial intervocalic became a voiceless fortis s 
 
 during the fourteenth century, but it did not fall together 
 with Germanic medial intervocalic s, which was a voiceless 
 lenis (§ 293). Examples are : OHG. be^:^iro, bi:^(:^)an, 
 dri:^(:^)ug, e^^an, ga:^:^a, gruo^(:^)en (MHG. griie:^en), 
 gino?, ha^:^en, la^(^)an, me^^an, ri;^(:^)an, wa:^:^ar, wi:^^an 
 = NHG. besseVy beisseUy dretssigy esseUy gassCy griisseUy 
 genossey hasseUy lasseUy messerty reisseUy wasseVy wissen ; 
 OHG. a;^, bi?, fa:^, fii?, fuo:^, ha:^, heiz,, nu?, suo^(^)i 
 (MHG. siie:^e), u^, wi:^ = NHG. asSy bissy fasSy fletsSy fusSy 
 hasSy heiss, nusSy suss, auSy weiss. 
 
 §264. MHG. ^ is written with voiceless s in NHG. 
 /6 Vs/(MHG. vei:^et), kiirbis (MHG. kiirbi:^), gen. kiirbissesy 
 
§§ 265 - 7 ] The High German Consonants 135 
 
 obst (MHG. obe:^), Samstag (MHG. sam:^tag, OHG. 
 samba^^tag). 
 
 It has fallen together with Germanic s and has therefore 
 become voiced medially between voiced sounds in NHG. 
 ameise (MHG. amei^e), binse (MHG. bine:^), and similarly 
 in emsigy gemsey kreiseUy verweisen] erbse) gesims (MHG. 
 sime:^), and similarly in krebsy kreisy los (Engl, lot), stms. 
 
 It has become sch after r (cp. § 294) in hirsch (MHG. 
 hir?, OHG. hiru:^). 
 
 d 
 
 § 265. Germanic d remained in OHG. initially and 
 medially in Middle and Rhenish Franconian (but South 
 RFr. t medially). It became t in all positions in Upper 
 German and East Franconian. And it became t finally 
 in all dialects, dd was also shifted to tt in all dialects 
 (§ 218, 2 ). 
 
 § 266. Upper German and East Franconian t has 
 remained in NHG. initially, as E.Fr. tag, tat, teilen, 
 tiufal, tohter, tragan, trinkan = NHG. tagy taty teileUy 
 teufely tochteVy tragen, trinken. But initial tw became zw 
 in the fourteenth century, as OHG. twerg, late MHG. 
 zwerc, NHG. zwerg. 
 
 Note.— In NHG. a certain number of words have initial d, 
 which in MHG. had t or d beside t. Some of the words are of 
 Latin or French origin, as dauern (Lat. durare), dichten (Lat. 
 dictare), drache (Lat. draco), dutzend (MHG. totzen, Fr. dou- 
 zaine), &c. The initial d in such cases is due to association 
 with the original forms of the words. In the other words the 
 d is due to the influence of Middle or Low German. The follow- 
 ing is a fairly complete list : damniy dampfy dauerHy to grieve, 
 daueruy to last, dichteUy dilly docke, dohky doldey dotteVy drache, 
 ducken, duft, dumm, dunkel, dung, dunsf, dutzend ; and in older 
 NHG. dinte beside tinte. 
 
 § 267. Upper German and East Franconian intervocalic 
 
136 Phonology [§§268-9 
 
 t, tt have remained in NHG., as OHG. beton, biotan, 
 boto, fater, knetan, muoter, ritan, watan ; betti, bitten, 
 mitti = NHG. beten^ bieten^ bote, vater, kneten, mutter, reiten, 
 waten ; bett, bitten, mitte. 
 
 § 268. Medial nt from Germanic nd became nd again 
 in late OHG. and early MHG., and has remained as nd 
 in NHG., as early OHG. bintan, senten, gen. lantes = 
 late OHG., MHG., and NHG. binden, senden, landes) 
 similarly in MHG. and NHG. hundert, schande, sonder 
 (MHG. sunder), standen, stunde, wenden,winden, wunder,^c. 
 MHG. bant, gen. bandes ; hant, pi. hende = NHG. band, 
 bandes ; hand, hande with final d from the inflected forms ; 
 similarly in blind, feind, freund, hund, land, rand, wind, &c. 
 But nt occurs in hinten, hinter, beside hindern, munter, 
 unten, unter, probably due to the influence of the Bavarian 
 dialect. 
 
 In NHG. the pret. of weak verbs whose stem ends in 
 a nasal or nd are all new formations, as rdumte (MHG. 
 rumde), diente (MHG. diende), nannte (MHG. nande), 
 sandte (MHG. sande), with -te after the analogy of preterites 
 like horte, lebte, sagte, where -te is regular. Similarly in 
 trdumte, brannte, kannte, rannte, &c. In like manner we 
 have NHG. siebente, neunte, zehnte{M\{Qx. sibende, niunde, 
 zehende) after the analogy of funfte, sechste, &c. 
 
 § 269. OHG. medial and final It, rt from Germanic 
 Id, rd have remained in all periods of the HG. language, 
 as OHG. alt, eltiron, haltan = NHG. alt, eltern, halten ) 
 and similarly in alter, gelten, gewalt, halt, schelten, schulter, 
 seltsam, spalten, walten, &c. 
 
 Id remained unshifted in East Middle German, and a few 
 words with Id have got into the literary language from 
 this dialect, as OHG. dulten, gelt, gen. geltes, milti = 
 NHG. dulden, geld, geldes, mild) and similarly in geduld, 
 geduldig, mulde, schild, 
 
 OHG. bart, fart, garto = NHG. bart, fahrt, garten) 
 
§§ 270 - 72 ] The High German Consonants 137 
 
 and similarly in hart, geburt, gurten, schwert, wort. NHG. 
 herde (MHG. herte) is from Low German herde. 
 
 § 270 . Final d was shifted to t in all the HG, dialects. 
 The t has remained in all periods of the language, as 
 OHG. blat, bluot, got = NHG. blatt, blut, gott) and 
 similarly in brot (older NHG. also brod), haupt, tot, &c. 
 On forms like blind, feind, &c., see above. NHG. kleinod 
 (MHG. kleinot), Tied (MHG. riet), waid (MHG. weit) 
 are from Middle German, with d from the inflected forms. 
 
 niedlich (MHG. adv. nietliche) is probably also from 
 the same source. 
 
 § 271 . Final dt was often written for t in early NHG., 
 which was sometimes transferred to the medial position, as 
 stadt : stadte ; todt : todten ; bundt : bundles. This dt 
 is still used in stadt. In the preterites and past participles, 
 sandtey wandte^ gesandty bewandty gewandt, verimndty and 
 in derivatives from them, as bewandtnisy gesandtschafty 
 gewandtheity verwandtschafty &c., the d is due to the influence 
 of the inf. sendeuy wenden. 
 
 § 272 . In NHG. an excrescent t has often been developed 
 after n, and spirants, rarely after other consonants. It is 
 often written d after n. Traces of the development of an 
 excrescent t began to occur in thirteenth-century MHG., 
 as iergent, niergent, wilent, obe^t, sust, saft, beside 
 iergen, niergen, wilen, obe^, sus, saf. Examples in 
 NHG. are : allenthalbeUy dechanty eigentlichy flehentlichy 
 
 freventlichy gelegentlichy gejlissentlichy hoffentlichy namentlichy 
 offentlichy ordentlichy wesentlichy wissentlichy wochentlich ; 
 dutzendy irgendy jemandy niemandy nirgendy wetland] and in 
 the pronominal forms meine(n)t-y deine[n)by seine[n)t-y un- 
 sere{n)t-y eure(n)t-y ihre[n)t-halbeny -wegeny see § 248 ; in 
 entgegen (MHG. en-gegen), entzwei (MHG. en-zwei) the 
 t maybe due to the prefix ent-; and in gewohnt 
 gewon) to the influence of past participles ; axty damasty 
 einsty jetzt (MHG. ieze), morasty obsty palasty papst (pabst)y 
 
138 Phonology [§§273-4 
 
 sonst'y dickichty dornichty habichty predigt, hufte (MHG. huf, 
 pi. hiiife); saft ; anderthalby sekt ; in doppelt the t is due to 
 the influence of verdoppelL 
 
 § 273. A d has been developed between n— 1, n— r in 
 quendel (MHG. quendel beside quenel), spindel (MHG. 
 ^^m^\)y fahndrichy minder (MHG. minre), cp. the same 
 development in English spindle, thunder. 
 
 P 
 
 § 274. Germanic ]> became d in Upper German about 
 the middle of the eighth century, in Upper Franconian 
 during the ninth century, in Middle Franconian and the 
 North Middle German dialects in the tenth and eleventh 
 centuries. So that by the end of the eleventh century ]> 
 had become d through the intermediate stage of d in all 
 the HG. dialects. This d has generally remained initially 
 and medially in the NHG. literary language (see § 226). 
 Examples are : OHG.dah, decken,diutisc(MHG. generally 
 tiutsch), diob = NHG. dachy deckeUy deutschy dieb) and 
 similarly in duldeUy docht (Luther tocht), dorUy dorfy dreiy 
 dreschen. 
 
 In a small number of words NHG. has initial t for 
 OHG. d. This is due to the influence of the Upper 
 German dialects, in some of which Germanic J> and d 
 (older d) fell together at an early date in the fortis t. The 
 examples are : tauen (OHG. douwen), tausend (OHG. 
 dusunt), and similarly in tolpely toUy toseUy trabeUy triimmer. 
 
 Initial dw became tw in late OHG. In the fourteenth 
 century tw became zw in Upper German and kw (qu) in 
 Middle German, as OHG. dwerh, twerh, late MHG. 
 zwerh, querh, NHG. zwerch- in compounds, as zwerch- 
 felly 'pfeifey -sack] related to NHG. quer (OHG. twer); 
 OHG. dwingan, twingan, late MHG., NHG. zwingen. 
 
 In MHG. the def. art. da:^ was often weakened to ^ and 
 then became attached enclitically to the preceding word. 
 
§§ 275 - 7 ] The High German Consonants 139 
 
 especially to prepositions ; and similarly with the dat. 
 deme, as an?, in?, iiber?, uf?, anme (ame, am), inme 
 (ime, im) = NHG. ms, ins, iibers, aufs, am, im-, also in 
 NHG. vorsj durchsy beinty vonty zuniy zur. 
 
 Examples of the medial position are : OHG. bruoder, 
 bilidon (bilddn), findan, werdan=NHG. brudeVy bildeny 
 findeyiy werden ; and similarly in betdcy gestadcy odeniy rudeVy 
 schneiden ; waldeVy burdcy erdcy forderny nordeUy vordeVy 
 wiirde ; andeVy kiinden. vierte (OHG. fiordo=OE. feor?5a) 
 has -te from the analogy of drittey fiinfte, 
 
 § 275. In MHG. the medial lenis (d) became a fortis t, 
 when it became final (§ 226), as gen. todes, veldes, mundes, 
 werdes, beside the nom. t5t, death) field) munt, 
 mouth) wert, worth. NHG. has preserved this law in 
 pronunciation, but has generalized the inflected stem form 
 in the orthography except in voert which has generalized 
 the nom. form. Other examples are : rad ; baldy bildy 
 goldy heldy schuldy ivaldy wild ; geschwindy vormund ; mord. 
 
 The Gutturals. 
 h 
 
 § 276. The prim. Germanic spirant x from Indg. k 
 (§ 192) became an aspirate (writt^ h) initially, and medially 
 between vowels in prehistoric HG. (§ 205). xw became 
 an aspirate medially between vowels in prehistoric HG., 
 as OHG. sehan = Goth, saihran, to see) and became x 
 finally, as pret. sah = Goth, sahr; nah = Goth, nehr, near. 
 But the spir ant remained in OHG . medially before con- 
 sonan ts (s ,J^ and after consonants (1, r), when doubled (as 
 OHG. hlahhen = Goth, hlahjan, to laugh) j and when final. 
 
 § 277. T he ^pirat e h has remained initially before 
 vowels in all periods of the HG. language, as OHG. 
 haben, bant, helfan, heim, herza, horen, horn = NHG. 
 
140 Phonology [§§ 278-80 
 
 haben^ handy helfeny heim, herZy horeUy horn. An inorganic 
 h has been added by association with heissen in heischen 
 (OHG. eiskon = OE. ascian), which occasionally occurs 
 with h in OHG. and MHG. 
 
 § 278. Initial h disappeared before consonants (1, n, r, w) 
 in the ninth century. Traces of the loss of h in this 
 position occur so early as the second half of the eighth 
 century, as hlut (OE. hlud), hnu? (OE. hnutu), bring 
 (OE. bring), bwa? (OE. bwaet), later lut, nu?, ring, wa^ 
 = NHG. lauty nusSy ringy was] and similarly in labben, 
 louffan, neigen, reini, ros, rucki, war, wedar, wila, 
 wer = NHG. lachen, laufen, neigeny reiny ross, rficken, wo, 
 wedevy weile, wer. 
 
 § 279. Intervocalic b generally remained in OHG. The 
 loss of b in this position, especially after short vowels, is 
 common in eleventh-century Alemanic, as tran, zen = 
 traben, tears, zeben, ten. The loss of b and contraction 
 of the two vowels regularly took place in the twelfth and 
 thirteenth centuries in Middle German, especially in the 
 West and North Middle German dialects, as host, mal, 
 man, stal, sen, &c. = hdhest, mahel, mahen, stahel, 
 sehen. It became silent in all the dialects some time 
 during the fourteenth century, although it has generally 
 been retained in writing down to the present day. Examples 
 are : dhre (MHG. aher, OHG. abir), nahe (MHG. nahe, 
 OHG. naho), sehen (MHG. sehen, OHG. sehan), gedeihen 
 (MHG. dihen, OHG. dihan), and similarly in erwdhnen, 
 fehdey vieh (OHG. fihu), gemahl, hohe, hoher, leihen, mohn, 
 stahly zdhrey zehn, zieheny weihnachten (MHG. ze wihen 
 nahten), &c. The h has sometimes disappeared in writing, 
 as beil (OHG. bihal),/^//^ (OHG. fihala), ton (MHG.tahe), 
 trdne (MHG. pi. trahene). 
 
 § 280. The retention of the h in the orthography in 
 words to which it etymologically belonged served a useful 
 purpose in late MHG. and early NHG., viz. as a sign 
 
§§ 28 i - 2 ] The High German Consonants 141 
 
 of vowel-length. After short vowels had been lengthened 
 in open syllables, as in MHG. sehen, vihe, stahel = 
 NHG. seheUf viehy stahl (§105), then on the analogy of 
 such words the h began to be used in fourteenth-century 
 Middle German as a sign of vowel-length in words which 
 did not originally have it, irrespectively as to whether the 
 vowel was originally long or short. This is the origin of 
 the h after long vowels in the great majority of the cases 
 in which it occurs. It is very common in Luther’s works, 
 and chiefly through the influence of his writings it has 
 become extensively used in the NHG. literary language. 
 Inorganic h, as a sign of vowel-length, is now used finally 
 after long vowels ; between a long vowel and a following 
 liquid or nasal ; in verbs which were monosyllabic in 
 MHG. or became so in early NHG., and which are now 
 dissyllabic (§181), as/roA (MHG. vvb), Jruh, kuh\ balm 
 (MHG. fahren (MHG. varn), and similarly in hehlen^ 
 
 lahnty muhky nehmeny sohfiy stehlefiy wahleUy wohly zahly zahriy 
 &c. ; huhn (MHG. huon), jahr (MHG. jar), kuhl (MHG. 
 kiiele), and similarly in lehreriy mehry ohVy sehVy wahry Sec, ; 
 bldhen (MHG. blaejen, blaen), bluhen (MHG. bliiejen, 
 bltien), and similarly in drehetiy mahefty muhefty ndhen ; 
 gehen (MHG. gen), stehen (MHG. sten). The only excep- 
 tions to this rule are draht (MHG. drat), mahd (MHG. 
 mat, gen. mades), and nahU}HY{G, nat), which have been 
 influenced by the verbs dreheUy mahefty ndhen, 
 
 § 281. In the combination xt the spirant has remained 
 in all periods of the HG. language (written h in OHG. 
 and early MHG. ; from the fourteenth century onwards it 
 is written ch), as acht (OHG. ahto, MHG. ahte), brachte 
 (OHG. brahta, MHG. brahte), and similarly in dachtey 
 
 fechteny fiirchteny gesicht, lichty machty nachty rechty tochteVy Sec, 
 
 § 282. The combination written hs in OHG. and 
 early MHG., has become ks (written chs from the 
 fourteenth century onwards) in NHG. It is difficult to 
 
142 Phonology [§§283-4 
 
 say at what period became ks. But the fact that it is 
 written hs in OHG. and MHG. and chs in NHG. indicates 
 that the change from the spirant to the explosive did not 
 take place so early as in the other Germanic languages. 
 Examples are: achse (OHG. ahsa, MHG. ahse), achsel 
 (OHG. ahsala, MHG. ahsel), dachs (OHG. and MHG. 
 dahs), and similarly in Jlachs, fuchs^ lachs^ ochse, seeks, 
 wachs, wachsen, wechsel, &c. 
 
 X disappeared before s + consonant in prehistoric HG., 
 as OHG. fust, NHG. faust, from ^fuijxstiz (§ 204) ; HG. 
 mist = Goth, maihstus ; OHG. zeswa = Goth, taihswo, 
 right hand) OHG. wahst, wahsmo, beside wast (Goth, 
 wahstus), wasmo, growth, were new formations after the 
 analogy of wahsan ; similarly OHG. sehsto for *sesto, 
 sixth after the analogy of sehs. 
 
 § 283. The medial spirant disappeared after liquids in 
 early NHG. It disappeared in Middle German during 
 the twelfth century and then later in Upper German. 
 Examples are: befehlen (MHG. befelhen), fohre (MHG. 
 vorhe), forelle (MHG. vorhele), mdhre (MHG. merhe), 
 mohre (MHG. morhe), scheel (MHG. schelch, gen. 
 schahes), schielen (MHG. schilhen), welsch (MHG. 
 welhisch). 
 
 § 284. When final, the spirant x (written h in early 
 OHG. and ch in late OHG. and MHG.) remained in 
 OHG. and MHG., and thus fell together with the ch from 
 Germanic k (§ 288). In MHG. intervocalic h (§ 226) 
 interchanged with final ch, as sehen, pret. sach ; gen. 
 schuohes, vlohes, h5hes, beside nom. schuoch, vl5ch, 
 hoch. In NHG. the words which formerly had inflected 
 forms with h beside uninflected forms with ch generally 
 have the h finally by levelling out the inflected stem forms. 
 Examples are pret. befahl (MHG. bevalch), sah (MHG. 
 sach), schuh (MHG. schuoch), (MHG. vloch), and 
 similarly in nah, reh, rauh, but rauch-werk (MHG. ruch- 
 
§§ 285 - 6 ] The High German Consonants 143 
 
 were). We still have hoch beside hoher^ schmach beside 
 schmahetif furche (MHG. vurch, pi. viirhe). Whereas the 
 ch has remained in words which have no inflected forms, 
 as dock, durchj nach^ noch^ &c. 
 
 k 
 
 § 285. We have already seen (§ 217) that Germanic k 
 underwent a twofold development in OHG. according to 
 its position in the word. Initially, medially and finally 
 after consonants (1, n, r), and when doubled, it remained 
 except in High Alemanic where it became the affricata kx 
 (written ch, cch). The further development of High 
 Alemanic kx does not concern the history of literary 
 NHG. and is therefore omitted. Medially and finally 
 after vowels single k was shifted to the double spirant 
 XX (written hh, ch, h) in all the OHG. dialects. 
 
 § 286. In OHG. k was generally written c except before 
 e, i, where it was always written k. In MHG. it was 
 generally written k at the beginning and c at the end 
 of a syllable, as korn ; dankes, senken, beside danc, 
 pret. sancte. Double kk was generally written ck (often 
 also cc) in OHG. In MHG. and NHG. it is written ck. 
 In OHG. and MHG. the ck was simplified to c, when 
 final (§ 223), but in NHG. it is always written ck. 
 
 OHG. k has generally remained in all periods of the 
 language, as OHG. cunig, kalb, korn, kuo, kleben, 
 kleini, knetan, knio, kraen, kruog, quellan=NHG. 
 
 konigy kalby korUy kuhy klebefty kleifty kneteriy kniCy krahefty 
 
 krugy quellen, 
 
 OHG. melkan, scale, denken, sinkan, trinkan, stare, 
 were, wirken = NHG. melkeuy schalky denken y sinkeny 
 trinken, starky werk, wirken. 
 
 Examples of general Germanic and West Germanic kk 
 (§§ 202, 213-4) in HG. are : OHG. hoc, lecc5n, loc, 
 lockon, stoc ; ackar, blicken, decken, drucken, weeken 
 
144 Phonology [§§287-8 
 
 = NHG. bockj lecken, locke^ lockefiy stock) acker y blickeUy 
 deckefiy druckefiy wecken. 
 
 § 287. Germanic sk became sx (written sc, sk, rarely 
 sg) in late OHG. sx then became sch (= English sh) in 
 the twelfth century. It is generally written sch in MHG. 
 (often also sh in manuscripts), but the spelling sc, sk 
 existed beside it down to the sixteenth century. Examples 
 are : OHG. skad5n, seamen, skeidan, skepfen, sconi, 
 skioban, scriban, sculdig=NHG. schaderty schameUy 
 scheidetty schopfeUy schotiy schiebetty schreibeUy schuldig, 
 OHG. skal, skolan became sol (sal), solan = NHG. solly 
 sollen, in the eleventh century, cp. Northern Middle English 
 sal for schal. OHG. aska, dreskan, misken, waskan, 
 wunsken = NHG. aschcy drescheUy mischeUy wascheUy 
 wiinschen. OHG. diutisk, fisc, fleisk, irdisc, mennisco 
 = NHG. deutschy fischy fleischy irdtschy mensch, 
 
 § 288. The primitive HG. double spirant XX was written 
 hh in the oldest period of the language, but in the ninth 
 century it began to be written ch and in the tenth century 
 the ch became general, and has remained down to the 
 present day, except that it is no longer a double consonant. 
 The double spirant hh was simplified to h finally (§ 223) ; 
 it was written ch in late OHG. and early MHG. as in 
 NHG. In the final position it thus fell together with 
 OHG. ch from prim. Germanic final x = I^idg. k (§ 284). 
 Examples are : early OHG. brehhan, mahhdn, suohhen = 
 MHG. brechen, machen, suochen, NHG. brechen, machen, 
 suchen) and similarly in NHG. gebrauchefiy reich (OHG. 
 rihhi), sprechetty stechen, wacheriy wochCy weichetty zeichetty 
 &c. It has become g in NHG. prdgen (MHG. praechen, 
 beside braechen, OHG. brahhen). NHG. geruhen (MHG. 
 geruochen) is a new formation from ruhe. 
 
 OHG. bleh, buh, buoh, ih, gilih, miluh, ouh, rouh, 
 soHh, storah, welih, pret. brah, sprah, stah = NHG. 
 
 blechy bauchy buchy ichy gletchy milchy auchy rauchy solchy 
 
§§ 289-90] The High German Consonants 1 45 
 
 storchj welchy brachy sprach^ stack, ch has disappeared in 
 allmdhlich (older NHG. allmachlich, MHG. almechlich). 
 
 § 289. NHG. sarg (OHG. saruh, MHG. sarch) and 
 werg (OHG. werah, MHG. werch) are new formations 
 made on analogy with words like berg (pronounced berch), 
 tag (= tach). sarch and werch first became written sarg 
 and werg, and then the g was taken over into the inflected 
 stem forms and pronounced like the g in bergeSy tageSy &c. 
 In the same manner some words containing the suffixes 
 -ich, -lich, now have -ig, dig; as essig (MHG. e%ich), 
 fittich (MHG. vittich), rettich (MHG. retich), beside fittigy 
 rettig) ad{e)lig (Luther adelich), billtg (Luther billich), 
 ek[e)ligy hdk{e)lig^ volligy untadeligy unzdhlig. 
 
 g 
 
 § 290. The chief points concerning the history of 
 Germanic g, gg have already been given in § 218. For 
 the history of Germanic gg in HG. see § 250. Further 
 examples of single g in OHG. and NHG. are: OHG. 
 gast, geban, glas, glat, got, grabaii, gras, guot = NHG. 
 
 gasty gebeUy glas, glatty gotty grabeUy graSy gut 
 
 OHG. biogan, fiiogan, fogal, fragen, gidigan, gizogan, 
 hagai, klagon, nagal, neigen, sagen, swigen, tragan, 
 zeig5n=NHG. biegeUy fliegeUy vogely frageUy gediegeUy 
 gezogefty hagely klageuy nagely neigeUy sageUy schweigeUy 
 trageuy zeigen, 
 
 OHG. bergan, bisorgen, firlougnen, folgen, morgan = 
 NHG. bergeUy besorgeUy verldugneuy folgeuy morgen, OHG. 
 menigi, NHG. menge (§ 250). 
 
 In MHG. the medial combinations igi, ege (age) were 
 contracted to i, ei. Several of the contracted forms have 
 survived in NHG., as beichte (MHG. bihte, older bigihte), 
 eidechse (MHG. egedehsa), elster (MHG. eilster, older 
 agelster), getreide (MHG. getregede), maid gen. 
 
 dat. sing, meide, older magede), nelke (MHG. neilkin, 
 
 L 
 
146 Phonology [§§291-3 
 
 older negelkin), verteidigen^dXo: MHG. verteidingen, older 
 vertagedingen). 
 
 § 291. West Germanic gj became ggin Franconian and 
 kk (also written cc, ck) in Upper German (§ 218), as 
 OHG. mugga, mucca, MHG. mtigge, miicke, midge, 
 NHG. has ck in all such words, as brUckCf ecke, hecke, 
 lucke^ miicke^ riicken, week, flilgge is due to Low German 
 influence. Words like dogge, flagge^ roggen (early NHG. 
 rocken) are of Low German origin. Here the gg does 
 not go back to gj. 
 
 § 292. Examples of final g are : OHG. lag, mag, tag; 
 einag, ewig, ginadig, heilag, honag, salig, sculdig = 
 
 NHG. lagy magt tag; einigy ewigy gnadigy heiligy honigy 
 seligy schuldig. OHG. and NHG. balgy argy bergy burgy &c. 
 
 NHG. marky gen. markes (MHG. marc, gen. marges), 
 has levelled out the uninflected form. In NHG. manchy 
 older NHG. manech (OHG. manag, manig), beside 
 mannigfach, -faltigy the -ig (pronounced -ich) became 
 written (i)ch, (e)ch, and was then extended to the inflected 
 forms. Cp. the opposite kind of levelling in § 284. 
 
 The Sibilant s. 
 
 § 293. Germanic s was in OHG. a voiceless spirant in 
 all positions like the s in English sit. On the history of 
 Germanic sk in HG. see § 287. 
 
 In MHG. s became a lenis medially between vowels 
 and probably also initially before vowels. In NHG. it 
 became a voiced spirant initially before vowels and medially 
 between voiced sounds at the same time the lenes b, d, g 
 became voiced explosives (§ 226). In these positions the 
 s became voiced at an early period in Low German. 
 
 Examples are : sageUy segen, seheUy singeriy sohn ; amsel 
 (OHG. amsala), beseUy leseUy linsey losen, riesey &c. Beside 
 erbosen (MHG. erbosen), there formerly existed erbossen 
 
§§ 294 - 6 ] The High German Consonants 147 
 
 on the false assumption that the word originally contained 
 ^ (cp. § 263). 
 
 § 294. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries s became 
 sh medially after r and initially before p, t (written s), 
 1, m, n, w (written sch). Traces of this sound-change 
 occur so early as the end of the thirteenth century, as 
 bar sch (MHG. bars), birschen (MHG. birsen), and similarly 
 in burschCy dorschcy herrschen, kirschcj knirscheUy &c. 
 Through the influence of the orthography, the s sound 
 has been restored before a following t, as borstCy bUrstCy 
 dursty garstigy gerstCy horsty karsty wurst. All these words 
 were formerly pronounced with sch just as they still are in 
 many NHG. dialects. The s sound has also been restored 
 in borse (the same word as bursche)y fersCy hirse, 
 
 OHG. slafan, sm^zan, snecke, sprehhan, stein, 
 swester = NHG. schlafeuy schmeketiy schneckcy sprecheUy 
 stetHy schwester ; and similarly in schlingeny schmerZy schnelly 
 schneideUy spieleUy springeUy stehleUy sterbeUy stecheUy schwarzy 
 schweigeuy &c. 
 
 § 295. It has remained voiceless in all periods of the 
 language, when doubled ; when preceded or followed by 
 a voiceless consonant; and when final, as kilssen (OHG. 
 kussen), missen\ a;^^s/(OHG. angust), ^< 25 /, 
 wachsen ; ganSy grasy halsy hausy ich lasy mausy &c. When 
 final s came to stand between voiced sounds it became 
 voiced, as gdnsCy hdusery &c. 
 
 § 296. s has become sch in gischty older NHG. gascht 
 (MHG. gest, jest), gischeuy older NHG. gaschen (MHG. 
 geschen, jesen), groschen (MHG. grosse, gros), harnisch 
 (MHG. harnesch, beside harnas). s has disappeared 
 by assimilation in sechzehn (OHG. sehszehan), sechzig 
 (OHG. sehszug). 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§§ 297-9 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 WORD-FORMATION 
 
 § 297. By far the greater part of the word-forming 
 elements, used in the parent language, were no longer felt 
 as such in the oldest period of the German language, and 
 still less in MHG. and NHG. In this chapter we shall 
 chiefly confine ourselves to those elements which play an 
 important part in the modern language, such as prefixes 
 and suffixes. 
 
 Nouns. 
 
 § 298. Nouns may be divided into simple, derivative, 
 and compound. Examples of simple nouns are : — aaly 
 
 baiiniy buchy burgy dachSy dorfy eichcy felly fischy fuchsy fusSy 
 graSy liahuy hauSy hundy jochy kalby kindy korUy lanmiy land, 
 loliHy liifty meeVy nachty namey ochSy ohvy seCy sittey sohuy tagy 
 volky wahly wegy weiby wolfy zeit. Many simple nouns are 
 related to the various classes of strong verbs (§§ 490-519), 
 as steigy streit] griff y kniffy riss, ritty schlichy schmissy schnitty 
 trieb, 
 
 fliege) botCy flugy /luss, liigey nutZy schuby schuss, slossy 
 irugy her-zogy zug. 
 
 bindey hilfey spinne ; bandy drangy schwangy tranky zwang ; 
 bundy fundy hillfey schwundy sprungy trunky wurf 
 
 brechey scheerey stick] dieb-stahl] sprache] bruchy spruch. 
 
 sitz ] gabey mass, 
 
 graby schlagy stand ; fukrCy grubcy wuchs, 
 
 fally fangy gangy hangy laufy raty rufy schlaf 
 
 § 299. Derivative nouns are formed in a great variety of 
 ways : — 
 
 I. From adjectives, as breitey dickcyf alley gUtey hitzey hohey 
 kdltey IdngCy mengey ndhey richtey i'otey schdrfey schnelky 
 schwdche, schwerey starkCy tiefey weite. See § 372. 
 
Word-Formation 
 
 149 
 
 § 299] 
 
 2. By means of various suffixes which are no longer felt 
 as such, as achsel^ armel^ hagely handely nagely sessely vogely 
 ziigel ; regeUy segeUy wagen ; donneVy f utter y lager ; wassery 
 winter) brudery mutter y schwestery tochtery vater. On the 
 ending of the infinitive of verbs, see § 486. 
 
 3. From verbs by means of a dental suffix, as andachty 
 ankunfty buchty fahrty fluchty geburty klufty kunsty last, niachty 
 pflichty saaty schlachty schrifty taty trachty trifty zucht 
 
 4. From verbs with inseparable particles, as bedarfy 
 befehly beginUy begriffy behelf, belegy bescheidy beschlag, besitZy 
 bestandy besuchy beweisy bezug ; empfangy entgelt ; erlasSy 
 ertragy erwerb) gebiss, gebrauchy gefechty gejlechty gehalty 
 genusSy geruchy gesangy geschreiy gesichty gewalty gewinn) 
 verbandy verbleiby verboty verdrussy verkaufy verlusty vermogeUy 
 versandy vertragy verweis. 
 
 5. By means of various prefixes : aber- (the same as 
 NHG. aber), as aberglaubey abernamey aber saaty aberwandely 
 aberwitz, after- (the same as English after), as afterblatty 
 afterkiely afterkindy afterkritiky afterlehrey aftermietCy after- 
 musey afterpachty afterrede, ant* (OHG. ant-, see ent- 
 § 333), as antlitZy antwort. bei- (same as the preposition 
 bei, OHG. bi), as beifally beilagey beispiely beistandy beitrag. 
 erz- (OHG. erzi-, MHG. erze-, Gr. dpx^-, Engl, arch-), as 
 erzamty erzbischof erzdieby erzdummkopfy erzfeindy erzherzogy 
 erzkdmmerery erzschelm, fiir- (OHG. furi, see ver- § 337), 
 as furbittey ftlrsorge, ge- (OHG. gi-, used in forming 
 collective nouns, see § 363), as gebirgey gebuschy gedrangey 
 gefdsSy gefildey geflugely geholzy geldchtery geldndey gelduty 
 gemischy gepdcky geprdgey geriisty geschirry geschwistery 
 gesprdchy gesteiuy gewdssery geivurm, miss- (OHG. missi-, 
 MHG. misse-), as missbehageny missbrauchy misserntey 
 rnissetaty missgunsty missklangy misslauty misswachs, un- 
 (same as Eng. un-), as unarty unehrey unfally unfug y unglucky 
 unkosteUy unmassey unrechty unruhey unschuldy untaty unzahL 
 ur- (OHG. ur, Goth, us, outy see er- § 334), as urahiy 
 
1 50 Phonology [§§ 300-2 
 
 urbildf urfreudcy urkrafty urlaub^ ursache, urschriftj ursprungy 
 urteily urvatevy urzeit. 
 
 Noun Suffixes. 
 
 § 300. -chen (Middle Low German -kin = k + in where 
 each element is a dim. suffix, MHG. (Middle German 
 dialect) -chin, -chen), as bisschetiy kastchen, madchen, mdnn- 
 chen, sohnchefty vdgelchen, -chen is not used when the 
 simplex ends in a guttural spirant, as bdchleitiy not *bach- 
 chen. Forms like buchelchefty madelchefty wdgelchen have 
 double dim. suffixes. 
 
 § 301. -ei (MHG. -ie, of Old French origin. It was 
 originally confined to French loan-words and then spread 
 to native words, especially to nomina agentis ending in 
 -er, whence the new suffix, MHG. -erie, NHG. -erei which 
 is often added to verbs. In like manner from forms like 
 betteleif heuchelety the -elei has sometimes been extended to 
 words which did not originally contain el, as liebelei)^ as 
 abteiy parteiy wustenei) bdckereiyfischereiyjdgerei) betriigereiy 
 fahrereiy laufereiy rufereiy schreiberei, spielerei ; gaukeleiy 
 schmeichelei. In abgottereiy kinderei the -ei has been added 
 to the plural. 
 
 § 302. -er (OHG. -ari, MHG. -sere, -er, Goth, -areis, 
 OE. -ere, Lat. -arius, originally used to form nomina 
 agentis from other nouns, and then later from verbs also, 
 as OHG. fischer ; rihtari, richter)y as eigentumeTy 
 
 fleischeTy forsteVy handwerkeVy schafeVy schuler) backer y 
 erzieheVy findeVy fuhrery haushaltery IdufeVy lehreVy leseVy malevy 
 nachfolgeVy nehmeVy predigery rdubery sdngery schneideVy 
 spinner y vorstehery weber. After the analogy of the nomina 
 agentis a large number of nomina instrument! have been 
 formed from verbs in NHG., as brenner{oi a Idivccp), drucker 
 (of a latch), eisbrechery fernsprechery klopfery leuchtery schiebery 
 uberziehery weckery &c. 
 
 The -er attached to the names of places and countries is 
 
Word- Formation 
 
 § 303] 
 
 151 
 
 of the same origin as the -er in the nomina agentis, as 
 Berliner^ Kolner^ Leipziger^ Munchenery Schweizer. When 
 used before other nouns, as Berliner tageblatty Munchener 
 biery they are old gen. plurals used adjectively. 
 
 From nomina agentis, formed from nouns ending in -el, 
 •en, have been extracted the NHG. suffixes -ler and -nen 
 Regular forms are : bettler [OWG. betalari), fiedlery handler y 
 saltier y stammler (OHG. stamalari), vogler (OHG. foga- 
 lari); gdrtner (OHG. gartinari, beside gartari), hafner 
 (OHG. hafanari), wagner (OHG. waganari). Then after 
 the analogy of such words, have been formed gegenfussler, 
 kunstlery nachzuglery tischlery volksparteilery zunftler) bildner 
 (MHG. bildenaere, beside bildaere), flaschnery glocknery 
 kellnery kirchnery pfortneTy rednery schuldner (already in 
 OHG. sculdinari), soldnery &c. 
 
 § 303. -heit (OHG. and MHG. -heit, OE. -had, NE. 
 -hood. Also used as an independent noun : Goth, haidus, 
 manner y wayy OE. had, OHG. heit, grade y ranky MHG. 
 heit, kindy mannery quality)y used to form abstract nouns 
 from adjectives, past participles, and occasionally from 
 nouns, as dreiheity dummheity ebenheity einheity flachheity 
 freiheity gesundheity grossheity hoheity krankheity leerheity 
 schlauheity schonheity schwachheity sicherheity trockenheity 
 wahrheity weisheit ; beruhmtheity betroffenheity ergebenheity 
 gebundenheity gelehrtheity gewandtheity verlegenheity versch- 
 wiegenheit'y christenheity gottheity kindheit. 
 
 From abstract nouns formed from adjectives ending in 
 OHG. -ag, -ig, MHG. -ec, -ic (as OHG. heilagheit, MHG. 
 heilecheit, heilekeit ; OHG. saligheit, MHG. saelecheit, 
 saelekeit), was . extracted in MHG. the new suffix -keit, 
 which is now used especially in forming nouns from adjec- 
 tives ending in -bar, -er, -lich, -sam, and -ig, as brauchbar- 
 keity dankbarkeity fruchtbarkeity furchtbarkeity lesbarkeity 
 trinkbarkeit ; bitterkeity heiterkeity sauberkeity tapferkeit ; 
 dngstlichkeity ehrlichkeity herzlichkeity sterblichkeity Wunderlich- 
 
152 Phonology [§§304-7 
 
 keit\ arbeitsamkeity aufmerksamkeity biegsamkeify duldsam- 
 keity grausamkeity sparsamkeit ; durftigkeity einigkeity ewigkeity 
 fdhigkeity fertigkeity mdssigkeity nachldssigkeity seUgkeit, 
 iippigkeit. 
 
 From nouns formed from adjectives ending in -ig there 
 has been extracted a new suffix -igkeit in NHG., which is 
 now used in forming nouns from adjectives, especially 
 those ending in -los, as achtlosigkeity gottlosigkeity lieblosig- 
 keity treulosigkeity &c. ; dichtigkeity feuchtigkeity hdrtigkeity 
 kleinigkeity neuigkeity sussigkeity zaghaftigkeit. 
 
 § 304. -icht (OHG. -ahi, MHG. -ehe, -ihe, also -ech, 
 -ich with loss of final -e, NHG. -icht with excrescent -t), 
 
 as binsichty dickichty dornichty kehrichty rohrichty spulichty 
 tannicht. 
 
 § 305. -in (OHG. -in, acc. -inna, MHG. -in, (-in), -inne. 
 West Germanic -innjo, used to form the feminine from 
 nouns denoting male beings, see § 370), as Berlineriny 
 EngJanderifiy erbuty feindifiy freunditty furstiny gattiriy gefdhr- 
 tiny gemahliny grdfxny heldwy herriny herzoginy hundiny konigWy 
 lowiny ndherhiy sdngeriny schwdgeriny wirtiny wolftn, 
 
 § 306. -ing (OHG. -ing, English -ing), as OHG. haring, 
 MHG. haerinc, hering) OHG. arming, /oor many formed 
 from arm; ediling, edelingy formed from edili, edeL From 
 nouns like edeling there has been extracted the suffix 
 -ling, which is very common especially in forming nouns 
 denoting persons, as ankdmmlingy blendlingy dummlingy 
 feiglingy fluchtlingy fremdlingy frommlingy griindlingy hdupb 
 lingy lehrlingy lieblingy neulingy sduglingy sonderlingy tduflingy 
 zogling ; ddumlingy frtihlingy sduerlingy sprdssling. 
 
 § 307. -lein (OHG., Franconian -ilin. Upper German -ill. 
 -ilin = il-f in where each element is a dim. suffix. MHG. -ili 
 beside -ilin, later -(e)lin. -li is still used in the Modern 
 Upper German dialects to form diminutives), as frduleiny 
 hdusleiity kindleWy kndbleiny Idmmleiny mdgdleiny schiffleiny 
 sOhnleWy voglein (older vogellein). 
 
§§ 3oS-I2j 
 
 Word-Formation 
 
 153 
 
 § 308. -nis (OHG. -nissi, MHG. -nisse, OE. -nes, NE. 
 -ness), as drgerniSj bedrangms, bediirfniSy begrdbmSy bekennU 
 niSy besorgnisy betrubniSy bewandtniSy bundnisy empfdngnisy 
 ereigniSy erkenntnisy erlaubniSy ersparnisy ertrdgnisy finsternisy 
 geddchtnisy gefdngniSy geheimniSy gleichniSy hemmniSy hinder- 
 niSy verderbnisy verhdltniSy vermdchtniSy versdumnisy verstdnd- 
 niSy verzeichniSy wagniSy wildniSy zeugnis, 
 
 §309. -sal, -sel (OHG. -isal, MHG. -sel beside -sal 
 with secondary accent), as drangsaly irrsaly labsaly muhsaly 
 rinnsaly schicksaly trUbsaly wirrsal ; anhdngsely fullsely 
 einschiebsely geschreibsely gemengsel, hecksely rdtsely fiber- 
 bletbseL 
 
 § 310. -schaft (OHG. -scaf, late OHG. -scaft, MHG. 
 -schaft, related to Goth, ga-skapjan, to createy shape), as 
 bekanntschafty botschafty bruderschafty dienerschafty eigen- 
 schaffy feindschafty freundschafty herrschafty gemeinschafty 
 gesellschafty kundschafty landschaft, meisterschafty nachbar- 
 schafty verwandtschafty wirtschafty wissenschaft, 
 
 §311. -turn (OHG. and MHG. -tuom, OE. -d5m, NE. 
 -dom, also used as an independent word, Goth. d5ms, OE. 
 Abm, judgmenty OHG. tuom, state y condition)y as altertuniy 
 besitziunty christentuniy eigentunty heiligtumy herzogtumy irr- 
 Uinty kaisertunty konigtumy monchtuniy priestertum, reichtumy 
 rittertumy volkstum. 
 
 § 312. -ung (OHG. -unga, MHG. -unge, used especially 
 to form abstract nouns from verbs), as achtungy bekehrungy 
 bemerkungy beschddigungy beschirmungy besinnungy besorg- 
 ungy besserungy betrachtung, bildungy brandungy ddmmerungy 
 einbildungy einleitungy festungy geltungy genesung, handhmgy 
 heilungy hoffnungy ladungy mundungy nahrung, regierungy 
 reinigungy richtungy scheidungy sendungy sitzungy stallungy 
 verfolgungy versammlungy verstdndigungy versuchung, vor- 
 stellnngy wanderung, warnungy wirkung, zeichnung, zeit- 
 
154 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§§ 313-14 
 
 Compound Nouns. 
 
 § 313. In compound nouns formed by composition the 
 second element is always a noun, but the first element may 
 be a noun, adjective, verb, or a particle. When the first 
 element of the compound was a noun, it was not so often 
 inflected in the older period of the language as it is now. 
 Examples are: buchbinder, dienstmann. hauptmann^ haus- 
 haltungj herberge (OHG. heri-berga, lit. army shelter\ 
 jammerschadey milchmadchetiy seemann, wassertrdger, zahn- 
 schmerz) feinschmecker, grossvater, halbbrudeVy hochmuty 
 hochschuley letchtsinfiy mehrzaly wehmut ; bindfaderiyfuhrmanny 
 giesskannCy raubvogely schlafzimmeVy schreib/edeVy sterbe- 
 zimmevy zugtier) ivohitat] ablass, abteily aufwandy einnahmey 
 nebenzimmeVy oberlippCy uberzieheVy umfangy untergangy 
 unterrocky vorderarmy vorteily vonmrf, 
 
 § 314. After the analogy of compounds in which the first 
 element is a masculine or neuter noun with the gen. 
 singular ending in -(e)s, the s has been extended to a large 
 number of compounds in which the first element is a 
 feminine noun. Analogical formations of this kind do not 
 occur in MHG., but from the sixteenth century onwards 
 they became more and more common. Regular forms 
 are : bundesraty feuersnoty friedensbrechery gerichtsamty 
 
 kdnigssohfiy lebensarty sormtagskleid, volksrechty &c. Then 
 after the analogy of such nouns, there have been formed : 
 auskunftsmittely frauenspersofiy freiheitsliebey geburtstagy 
 heiratsgeschenky hochzeitsfesty Uebesbriefy mietsleutey regier- 
 ungsraty zeitungsjungCy &c. 
 
 Other examples of compound nouns in which the first 
 element is inflected are : augenliedy erdensohny frauenfussy 
 fiirstenschlossy gerstenmehly hahnenfedeVy knabenzeity lowenfelly 
 Mdrzenveilchefiy mondenscheifty riesengeduldy schwanenliedy 
 sonnenschirnty tintenfass] eierhandleVy gdnsebrateny kinder- 
 erziehung. 
 
§§ 315-19] 
 
 Word- Formation 
 
 155 
 
 § 316. The second element of compounds is sometimes 
 an old dat. plural, especially in proper names, which is no 
 longer felt as such, as Konigshofen, Schaffhausen, Unter- 
 walden; weihnachten. 
 
 Adjectives. 
 
 § 316. Adjectives, like nouns, may be conveniently 
 divided into three classes : simple, derivative, and com- 
 pound. Examples of simple adjectives are : alty blind^ dreij 
 
 fest, frei^ froh^ grau, guty hart, klugy kiihly lahnty langy leery 
 lieby nasSy neUy roty sanfty scharfy schwachy schweVy stark, tief, 
 volly wahr, warm, zahm, zehn, 
 
 § 317. Derivative adjectives often have the same in- 
 separable prefixes as nouns (§ 299, 5 ), as erzdummy erzfaul ; 
 unfreundlichy unhoflichy unschon ; uralt, urdeutsch ; bedenklichy 
 begreif Itchy behiilflichy bekanntlichy beliebig, bequem, betriebsant, 
 beweglich ; erfindsaniy erfreulichy ergiebig, erreichbar, ertrdg- 
 Itch ; empfindlichy enthaltsam ; gebuhrlichy gedeihlichy ge- 
 falligy geflugelty gelaunt ; verderblichy vergeblichy verniinftigy 
 verschdmt; zerbrechlich. 
 
 Adjectival Suffixes. 
 
 §318. -bar (OHG. -bari, MHG. -baere, OE. -bare, in 
 leohtbare, bright, lit. light-bearing, Lat. -fer, in lucifer, 
 light-bringing) related to OHG. beran, to bear), as aus- 
 fuhrbar, bestreitbar, brauchbar, dankbar, denkbar, erreichbar, 
 findbar, fuhlbar, gangbar, haftbar, haltbar, horbar, kostbar, 
 lesbar, sichtbar, sonderbar, strafbar, streitbar, tragbar, trink- 
 bar, vernehmbar ; dienstbar, offenbar, 
 
 § 319. -en (OHG. -in, MHG. -en, Goth, -ein, OE. -en, 
 prim. Germanic -inaz = Lat. -inus), as eichen, irden, seiden, 
 &c. Forms like golden (OHG. guldin, NHG. gulden), 
 wollen (OHG. wullin) have been formed direct from gold 
 and wolle in NHG. 
 
 From adjectives formed from noun-forms ending in -er 
 
156 Phonology [§§320-3 
 
 (mostly plurals in -er) there has been extracted the new 
 suffix -ern. ' Regular forms are gldsern, holzern^ hornern) 
 kupfern^ ledern, silbern. After the analogy of such nouns 
 have been formed : beinern^ blechern^ bleiern^ Jldchserriy 
 stahlern^ steinern^ tonerUy &c. 
 
 § 320. -haft (OHG. and MHG. -haft. Also used as an 
 independent word, OHG. \\2S\.yvinctuSy captivus \ a captivcy 
 OE. haeft, one seized or taken \ a captivcy cp. Goth, hafts, 
 joined y Lat. captus, a takingy seizings related to Goth, 
 hafjan, OE. hebban, OHG. hefifen, to heave, raise)y as 
 boshafty dauerhafty ernsthaft, fabelhafty fehlerhafty frevelhaft^ 
 gewissenhafty lehrhafty mangelhafty meisterhafty nahrhafty 
 schiilerhafty tadelhafty vorteilhafty wohnhafty wurzelhafty zwei- 
 felhaft To some adjectives ending in -haft the suffix 
 •ig has been added, as leibhaftigy standhaftig, teilhaftigy 
 wahrhaftig, 
 
 § 321. -icht (OHG. -aht, -oht, beside -ahti, -ohti (ja- 
 stems), MHG.-eht(= NHG. -icht), beside -oht, OE. -iht as 
 in staniht, stony)y as holzichty nebelichty steinichty torichty &c. 
 
 § 322. -ig (OHG. -ag, -ig, MHG. -ec, -ic, Goth, -ag, -eig, 
 OE. -ig, NE. -y), as abhdngigyallmdchtigy ausgiebig, beliebigy 
 
 bissigy blutigy dortigy diirftigy einigy ergiebigy fdhigy fertigy 
 geburtigy gefdlligy gldubigy gnddigy grimmigy gultig, gutigy 
 hdufigy krdftigy lebendigy Idstigy lustigy muhseligy mutigy 
 nachldssigy notigy prdchtigy richtigy schuldigy sonnigy streitigy 
 silndigy trubseligy unartigy unzdhligy vernun/tig, vollig, weiU 
 Idufigy wichtigy zeitigy zornig. 
 
 § 323. -isch (OHG. -isc, -isk, MHG. -isch, -esch, Goth, 
 •isk, OE. -isc, NE. -ish), as ausidndischy dichterischy deutsch 
 (OHG. popularisy formed from 6\oi, peopky cp. OE. 
 
 IpeodisCypopularis] language)y dcsenglischy erfinderischy hubsch 
 (MHG. htibesch; related to hof), irdischy kindisch, malerischy 
 ndrrischy rduberischy regnerisch (with er from words like 
 malerisch), schelmisch, stddtischy trdumerischy verschwen^ 
 derisch. 
 
§§ 324 - 7 ] 
 
 IV ord- Formation 
 
 157 
 
 § 324. -lich (OHG. -lich, MHG. -lich, -lich, Goth, -leik, 
 OE. -lie, NE. -ly. Also preserved as an independent word 
 in Goth. ga-leiks,-OHG. gi-lich, NHG. gleich, OE. gelic, 
 NE. like), as bedenklichj begreiflichy behalf Itchy bekanntlichy 
 beweglichf deutlichy dringlichy folglichy fraglichy freundlichy 
 freundschaftlichy einheitlichy en\pfindlichy erfreulichy erkldrlichy 
 ertrdglichy gduzlich, gebuhrlichy gedeihlichy gefdhrlichy gele- 
 gentlichy glaublichy glucklichy heimlich, hqffentlichy jdhrlichy 
 jdmmerlichy kduflichy krdnklichy mdnnlichy mdglichy naeJv 
 barlichy' reinlichy schddlichy schriftlichy schwerlichy sterblichy 
 tdglichy trefflichy tunlichy ublichy vdterlichy verderblichy ver- 
 geblichy verstdndlichy vertrdglichy wahrlichy weiblichy wetss- 
 lichy weltlichy wissenschaftlichy wortlichy wunderlichy zdrtlichy 
 zerbrechlichy ziemlich, 
 
 § 325. -los (OHG. and MHG. -16s, Goth, -laus, OE. 
 •leas, NEe -less. Also used as an independent word, 
 Goth, laus, empty y OE. leas, devoid of 0¥LG, los, NHG. 
 los), as achtloSy argloSy ehrloSy endloSy gottloSy grundloSy 
 harmloSy herzloSy hoffnungsloSy kinderloSy lebloSy selbstloSy 
 tadelloSy vaterloSy zahnlos, 
 
 § 326. -sam (OHG. and MHG. -sam, Goth, -sam (only 
 in lustu-sams, longed foVy much desired)y OE. -sum. Also 
 used as an independent word, Goth, sama, samCy OHG. 
 sama, in like manner)y as achtsamy arbeitsamy betriebsanty 
 biegsamy einsanty enthaltsamy erfindsantyfurchtsamy gehorsamy 
 gemeinsaMy genugsamy gleichsaniy grausaniy langsamy mult' 
 saMy ratsamy sorgsamy sparsmUy strebsamy wirksam, wunder- 
 sam. seltsam (OHG. s^tsani, MHG. seltsaene) has been 
 remodelled upon the analogy of the adjectives in -sam. 
 
 §327. Suffixes, which were no longer felt as such in 
 OHG., are omitted, e. g, the -el, -en, and -er in adjectives 
 like dunkely edely eitel ; eigeUy trocken ; bitter y lautery munteVy 
 tapfer. On the suffixes in the present and past participles 
 see §§ 487-8. 
 
158 
 
 Phonology 
 
 [§§ 328-9 
 
 Compound Adjectives. 
 
 § 328. In compound adjectives formed by composition 
 the second element is always an adjective, but the first 
 element may be a noun, adjective, verb, or a particle. 
 Examples are : blitzschnell^ blutarnty blutjungy einwandfreiy 
 feindselig (formed after the analogy of leutselig), frucht- 
 tragendy gesetzmdssigy gluckseligy grundschlechty handbreity 
 Jiaiisbackeny jammervolly leutseligy liebeleer, masshaltendy 
 pflichtmdssigy rauchfreiy regelmdssigy steinalty ieilnehmendy 
 todkranky verhdltnismdsstg ; geisteskranky mhaltsreichy kriegs- 
 mdssigy lesenswerty segensreichy sehenswurdigy staatsklugy 
 vorwurfsvolly volksmdssig ; gewohnheitsmdssigy hoffnungsvolly 
 ordnungsgemdsSy vorschriftsmdssigy see § 314 ; augenfdlligy 
 jahrelangy kinderreichy riesengross, wochenlang) allgemeiny 
 blondhaarigy eigenartigy einstimmigy freigebigy graugelby 
 grossartigy hellfarbigy hochwichtigy kaltblutigy kurzsichtigy 
 langarmigy mehrdeutigy vielfach, vierfiissigy vierzehfiy volU 
 blutigy zweispdnnig ; barmherzigy merkwurdig ; durchsichtigy 
 nachldssigy uberlangy uberndchtig. 
 
 Verbs. 
 
 § 329. From a morphological point of view, all verbs 
 may be divided into two great classes : simple and com- 
 pound. Simple verbs are subdivided into primary and 
 denominative verbs. To the former subdivision belong 
 the strong verbs and a certain number of weak verbs, and 
 to the latter the denominative verbs. The simple primary 
 verbs are here left out of further consideration, as their 
 formation belongs to the wider field of comparative gram- 
 mar. Compound verbs are of various kinds.* (i) those 
 formed from simple verbs by means of separable or in- 
 separable particles, ( 2 ) those formed from nouns and 
 adjectives with verbal prefixes or suffixes. Separable 
 
Word-Formation 
 
 §§ 330-3] 
 
 159 
 
 verbs call for no further comment, because they merely 
 consist of the juxtaposition of two independent words. 
 
 § 330. Simple verbs are formed direct from nouns and 
 adjectives, as arbeiten (OHG. arbeiton, formed from arbeit), 
 and similarly ackern, bahneUy beten, bildeUy blatteruy dufteviy 
 ebneriy erbeUy fdrben, fesseluy fluchteny futteruy hasseriy kopfeUy 
 loben, meisterny nageluy nenneUy regneUy satteluy tadeln ; ant- 
 worteUy brandmarkeUy frohlockeUy fruhstuckeny handhabeUy 
 lieirateUy herbergeUy kundschafteUy langweikUy lustwandeluy 
 mutmasseny ratschlageny ubernachteny urteileUy wetteiferny 
 wirtschaften ; fdlscheUy fulleny heileUy kuhlen, kurzeuy leereUy 
 loseUy ndsseUy offneUy rdteUy schwdcheny idubeUy toteUy trubeuy 
 zdhmen ; ndtigeUy rechtfertigeny &c. 
 
 § 331. Compound verbs formed from simple verbs, 
 nouns, and adjectives. For the history of the development 
 of meanings of the inseparable verbal prefixes, the student 
 should consult a good German dictionary such as Paul's 
 Deutsches Wdrterbuch. 
 
 § 332. be- (OHG. bi-, the unstressed form of the pre- 
 position bi = NHG. bei), as befinden (OHG. bifindan), and 
 similarly begiesseUy begraben, begreifeUy behalteUy beschreibeUy 
 besitzeUy besteheUy bezieheUy bezwingeUy bleiben (OHG. bill- 
 ban, MHG. beliben, beside bliben. The vowel in be- 
 began to disappear before 1 already in MHG.) ; bedeckeuy 
 bekenneUy beweineUy bewohnen, 
 
 beantworteUy befeindeUy bejlugeluy befreundeuy begeisterUy 
 begluckeUy begrenzeUy beherbergen, beobachteUy beschatteUy 
 beschirmeUy besegnen, bestegen, besturmeny betonen, be- 
 urlaubeuy bevolkerUy beziffern. 
 
 be-engeUy befeuchteUy befreieUy bereicherUy bestdrken) be- 
 endigeUy be-erdtgeUy befdhigeUy befestigeUy befriedigeUy be- 
 glaubigeuy bekrdftigeny bekreuzigenybeldstigenybenachrichtigeUy 
 bereinigeHy berichtigeUy beruhigeUy besduftigen, beschdftigeny 
 beschonigeHy beteiligeUy bevollmdchtigen, 
 
 § 333. ent- (OHG. int-, MHG. ent-, the unstressed form 
 
i 6 o Phonology [§§ 334-5 
 
 of OHG. ant- (preserved in NHG. antlitZj antwort\ Goth, 
 and-, Gr. di/rt, against^ Lat. ante, before), as empfangen, 
 empfehlen, empftnden (see § 247), entbieten, entbinden, entf alien, 
 entjliehen, entgehen, entgelten, enthalten, entlassen, entnehnien, 
 entschliessen, entsprechen, entspringen, entstehen, entziehen ; 
 entbluhen, entdecken, entfalten, enthiillen, entsagen, entstellen, 
 enttduschen, 
 
 entbldttern, entehren, enterben, entfdrben, entfesseln, enU 
 geistern, entkrdften, entmannen, entnerven, entsiegeln, enb 
 volkern, entwajfnen. 
 
 entfernen, entfremden, entheiligen, entledigen, entleeren, enl- 
 mutigen, entschddigen, entschuldigen, entwUrdigen. 
 
 Note. — In a few words NHG. ent- corresponds to OHG. in-, 
 Goth, in-, the unstressed form of the preposition in, as enthren- 
 nen, eniflammen, entschlafen, entschlummern, entziinden, 
 
 § 334. er- (OHG. ar-, ir-, MHG. er-, the unstressed form 
 of the preposition ur (preserved in NHG. urlaub, urteil), 
 Goth, us, out), as erbrechen, erfechten, erfrieren, ergiessen, 
 ergreifen, erklimmen, erleiden, erliegen, erloschen, ermessen, 
 erraien, ersaufen, erscheinen, erschlagen, erschleichen, er- 
 schliessen, erschrecken, ersehen, ersinnen, ersitzen, erstehen, 
 ersteigen, ersterben, ertragen, ertrinken, erwachsen, erwerben, 
 erziehen ; erbauen, erbeben, erbluhen, erdenken, erdulden, 
 erforschen, erfragen, erhoffen, erholen, erhoren, erjagen, 
 erleben, errichten, ersetzen, erstaunen, ersuchen, ertrdnken, 
 erwarten, erwirken, erzeigen. 
 
 erarbeiten, ereilen, ergldnzen, erhandeln, erkdmpfen, 
 ermorden, erteilen, ertrdumen, erzielen. 
 
 erbittern, erblinden, erfrtschen, erfullen, ergdnzen, ergrauen, 
 erheitern, erhohen, erinnern, erkalten, erkdlten, erkldren, er- 
 kranken, erlahmen, erledigen, ermatten, ermbglichen, ermuden, 
 ermutigen, erneuen, erqffnen, erquicken, errbten, erschlaffen, 
 erschweren, erstarken, erstarren, eriibrigen, erwarmen, 
 
 § 336. ge- (OHG. gi-, MHG. ge-, the unstressed form of 
 
?§ 336-71 
 
 Word-Formation 
 
 i6i 
 
 OHG. ga-, Goth. ga-. It is originally a preposition 
 meaning * together \ already in prim. Germanic was 
 
 no longer used as an independent word) : gebieten^ gebdren, 
 gebrecherty gedeiheUy gefalleUy gefriereUy gelingeny genesetty 
 geniesseUy gerateny gerinneUy geschehetiy gestehetiy gewinnen ; 
 gebrauchetiy gebuhrefty gedenketiy gehorcheUy gehoretty geleiteriy 
 gereicheUy gestatteriy getrauen, gewdhreUy gewarteriy gewohneny 
 geziemefiy glauben (OHG. gilouben. The vowel in ge- 
 began to disappear before 1, n, r already in MHG., as 
 glouben, gnade, grade, beside gelouben, genade, gerade), 
 
 Getrostefiy gesegnerty gereueUy geloberiy gelangen, &c. 
 
 Note.— O n the ge- in past participles, see § 488. 
 
 § 336. miss- (OHG. missi-, MHG. misse-, Goth, missa-, 
 English mis-, the same as the OHG. adjective missi, 
 different ) : missfalleny misslingeny missrateny missverstehen ; 
 missbehageUy missbraucheny missdeuteny missgonneny miss- 
 kennen, miss/eiteUy misstrauen. 
 
 missachteUy missg/ucken, misshandehiy misstonen ; miss- 
 billigen. 
 
 § 337. ver- (oldest OHG. for-, fur-, later far-, fir-, late 
 OHG. and MHG. ver-, Goth, faur-, the unstressed form 
 of OHG. furi (= NHG. fiir), fora, Goth, faiir, faura, 
 before. Already in the oldest OHG. three distinct, but 
 etymologically connected particles, fell together, viz. three 
 particles corresponding to Gothic fair-, faur-, and fra- 
 preserved in NHG./r^^:A/ and fressen ) : verbergeUy verbindeny 
 verbleibeny verderbetiy vergeheny vergesseUy vergrabeUy ver- 
 hehleuy verhelfeUy verlasseny verlaufeUy verleiheuy vermeideUy 
 vernehmeUy verschiebeUy verschiesseUy verschlafeny verschlingeny 
 verschweigeUy verseheny versinkeUy versitzeUy versprecheny 
 versteheUy vertreteny verwachsen ; verbaueny verbluheUy ver- 
 braucheuy verbrenneny verdaueUy verdieneny verfolgeUy verjagerty 
 verklebeUy verlacheUy verleiteUy verredeUy versenkeny versteckeny 
 versucheuy verwendeHy verwirkeUy verzehren, 
 
 M 
 
1 62 Phonology [§§338-40 
 
 verabschiedefiy verankern^ veranstalterif verarbeiten^ veraus- 
 gaberiy verblutefiy verfeinderiy vergoldetiy vergotterUy verhageltiy 
 verhungerriy verklagetiy verkleideUy vernageluy verschleiertty 
 versiegelfty versilberriy versorgeriy verspieleUy versteinerfiy verur- 
 sachefiy verwertefiy verzahneriy verzauberriy verzinsen. 
 
 verallgemeinerfiy veralteUy verahnlicheUy veranschaulichefiy 
 verarmefiy verbesserriy verbitterriy verbreiteriy verbreitertiy 
 verdachtigefiy verdeutlicheny veredelriy veretnigeriy vereitelriy 
 verewigeUy verfeinerfiy verfertigeUy verfxnsterny vergegen- 
 wartigeriy vergrossertiy verheileUy verheimlichefiy verherrlicheriy 
 verjungerHy verkleinerfiy verkundigenyVernachlassigeHy verodeUy 
 veroffentlichefiy verschonerfiy verstandigeriy verunreintgeny ver- 
 welkeUy verwirklichen, 
 
 § 338. voll- (MHG. voile-, vol-, OHG. adverb folio, 
 folle, completely y entirely y formed from the adj. fol, full ) : 
 vollbringen (OHG. folle-bringan), vollziehen ; vollendeny 
 vollfiihreny vollstrecken, 
 
 § 339. zer- (OHG. zar-, zir-, MHG. zer-, the unstressed 
 form of OHG. zur- (in compound nouns), Goth, tus-, 
 asundeTy aparty and Gr. Svs-y hardy bady illy as in 8 vo*-/xa^^ 9 , 
 hard to learUy Svo'-fjiev'^Sy ilUmindedy hostile ) : zerbersteUy zer- 
 brecheUy zerfalleUy zerfliesseny zerfresseUy zergeheny zerlasseUy 
 zerreibeUy zerreisseUy zerrinneUy zerschlageUy zerschmeisseUy 
 zerschneideUy zerspringeUy zerstecheUy zerstosseUy zertreteUy 
 zerwerfen ; zerhaueuy zerkaueuy zerklopfeUy zerknickeUy zer- 
 kratzeUy zerlegen, zernageUy zerpflilckeny zersetzeUy zerspalteUy 
 zersprengeUy zerstoreUy zerstreueuy zertrennen. 
 
 zerbrockeluy zerfleischeUy zergliederny zermalmeUy zerpulverUy 
 zerstuckeluy zerteilen, zertrilmmern. 
 
 Verbal Suffixes. 
 
 § 340. From verbs formed from noun and adjectival 
 forms ending in -el and -er, the -el and -er have often been 
 extended to other denominative verbs which did not 
 originally have these suffixes. Many of the verbs belonging 
 
§§ 341 - 2 ] 
 
 Word-Formation 
 
 163 
 
 here have the force of frequentatives. Regular forms are : 
 adelfiy fesseln, flugeln^ satteln^ schndheln^ stacheln^ stammeln, 
 tadeln, trommeln, veredeltiy vermitteln^ wechseln^ wurzeln. 
 After the analogy of such verbs have been formed : dltelny 
 anheimelriy ausmergeluy betteln (also OHG. betalon, formed 
 from beta, entreaty y request, and related to NHG. beteUy 
 bitten), fdchelny fdltelny frosteln, funkeln, hdkelny hdufehy 
 hiistelny krdnkehy kritzeluy kunstelny Idchelny liebdugelny lispelny 
 ndselny riittelny spottehy streichelny tdnzeln, zungelny &c. 
 
 Regular forms are : ackerny butterny feuerny futterny 
 
 futterny hdmmerny hungerny Idstern, Iduterny schimmerny 
 schlummerny schneidern ; from the plural of nouns : bldUern, 
 begeisterny bevolkerny erdrterny gliedern, rddern] from the 
 comparative of adjectives : drgerny besserny erweiterny 
 
 mindern, ndherny sdubern, sduerny verschonerny vergewisserny 
 vergrossern. After the analogy of such verbs have been 
 formed : altern (older alten), blinkerity erschiltterny flinnnerny 
 folgerny glitzern, pldtscherny rducherny schlitterny schlupferny 
 stotterny zogerny zwinkerny &c. 
 
 § 341. -ieren. The suffix -ier- was originally confined to 
 verbs borrowed from Old French in the MHG. period 
 (OFr. -ier, Mod. Fr. -er). At a later period it was 
 extended to many other foreign words, as regiereny 
 spaziereUy studiereny &c. ; and still later, especially in the 
 seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, to a large number of 
 native words, as buchstabiereny gastieren, glasiereny halbiereny 
 hausiereny hofiereny schattiereny stolziereny verschimpfiereny &c. 
 
 § 342. -igen (OHG. -ag5n, -igon, MHG. -egen). Verbs 
 of this type were originally formed from adjectives ending 
 in -ag, -ig, as OHG. heilagon, MHG. heilegen, heiligen; 
 sculdigon, MHG. schuldegen, {be)schuldigen. After the 
 analogy of such verbs a large number of verbs containing 
 this suffix were formed in MHG., and the number has 
 been considerably increased in NHG. Regular forms 
 are : bdndigeny begunstigeny begutigeny bekrdftigeny beldstigeny 
 
 M 2 
 
1 64 Phonology [§ 343 
 
 bemdchtigeUf ermutigefij notigen^ reinigeUy schddigen, &c. 
 Examples of analogical formation are : be-erdigeUy befehligefiy 
 befestigeUy beglaubigeUy benachrichtigeUy besdnftigeny beschdf- 
 tigefiy bescheinigefiy beschonigeUy beseitigeUy beschwichtigefiy 
 bewerkstelligeny endigeUy genehmigeriy huldigeUy peinigen, 
 sattigeriy veretdigerty &c. 
 
 § 343. 'Zen (OHG. -azzen, -azen, later -ezen, MHG. 
 -zen; Goth, -atjan, OE. -ettan, used to form intensitive 
 verbs). Examples are : dchzeny duzeUy grunzeuy jauchzefiy 
 krdchzeny lechzeriy schluchzefiy schmatzeUy schnalzeUy &c. In 
 a few words the z has become s or sch, as driicksefiy 
 hopseriy kleckseriy mucksefiy plumpsen ; mantscheriy quietscheriy 
 rutschen, NHG. seufzen (MHG. siuften beside siufzen) 
 has been remodelled on the analogy of the verbs in -zen. 
 
ACCIDENCE 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 NOUNS. 
 
 § 344. In OHG. as in the oldest periods of the other 
 Germanic languages, nouns are divided into two great 
 classes, according as the stem originally ended in a vowel 
 or a consonant, cp. the similar division of nouns in 
 Sanskrit, Latin, and Greek. Nouns whose stems originally 
 ended in a vowel belong to the vocalic or so-called strong 
 declension. Those whose stems originally ended in -n 
 belong to the weak declension. All other consonantal 
 stems will be put together under the general heading, 
 * Minor Declensions.’ 
 
 Owing to the loss of final short vowels, and consonants 
 in prehistoric HG. (§§ 161-2), several different kinds of 
 stems regularly fell together in the nom. and acc. singular, 
 so that from the point of view of OHG., the nom. and acc. 
 singular end in consonants, and we are only able to 
 classify such stems either by starting out from primitive 
 Germanic, or from the plural , or from a comparison with 
 the other old Germanic languages; thus the OHG. nom. 
 and acc. singular of tag, wort, gast, hant, lamb corre- 
 spond to prim. Germanic *dagaz, *dagan, older -os, -om ; 
 *wurdan, older -om ; *gastiz, *gastin, older -is, -im ; 
 *xanduz (Goth, handus), (Goth, handu); *lambaz, 
 
 older -os (cp. Lat. genus, gen. generis). The original 
 distinction between the nom. and acc. of masculine and 
 feminine nouns had disappeared in the oldest period of 
 
Accidence 
 
 [§§ 345-6 
 
 1 66 
 
 the German language except in the n-, and the fern. 
 j5-stems. In like manner the original case endings of the 
 n-stems, with the exception of the nom. singular and gen. 
 plural, had also disappeared in the oldest German, so that 
 the element which originally formed part of the stem came 
 to be regarded as a case ending (§§ 161-2), cp. the similar 
 process in the plural of the neuter -os- stems. In order to 
 understand the historical development of the declensipn 
 oT German nouns, it will be necessary for the student to 
 master the chapter on vowels of unaccented syllables, the 
 paragraphs dealing with the medial and final positions of 
 the consonants in MHG. (§ 226), and likewise the para- 
 graphs concerning the lengthening of short vowels which 
 were in open syllables in MHG. (§§ 105-113). Where in 
 MHG. there was an interchange between medial lenis and 
 final fortis, NHG. has usually generalized the medial form 
 of the consonant ; and where in MHG. the stem vowel was 
 now in a closed and now in an open syllable (as nom. hof, 
 gen. hoves) NHG. has usually generalized the vowel of 
 the open syllable. 
 
 § 345. OHG. nouns have two numbers : singular and 
 plural ; three genders : masculine, feminine, and neuter, 
 as in OE. from which the gender of nouns in OHG. does 
 not materially differ; five cases, Nominative, Accusative, 
 Genitive, Dative, and Instrumental. The instrumental 
 only occurs in the a-, and masc. i-stems. The vocative is 
 like the nominative. Traces of an old locative occur in 
 what is called the uninflected dat. singular of hus, house^ 
 and dorf, village (§ 393). 
 
 § 346. Many nouns have changed gende r in passing 
 from MHG. to NHG. In some nouns the change in 
 gender began already in MHG., owing to the weakening 
 of the OHG. endings to e, whereby the nom. singular of 
 many nouns of different genders fell together, as OHG. 
 hirti (masc.), betti (neut.), geba (fern.), namo (masc.), 
 
Nouns 
 
 167 
 
 § 346] 
 
 zunga (fern.), herza (neut.) = MHG. hirte, bette, gebe, 
 name, zunge, herze. In some nouns the change of 
 gender was caused by the cases of the plural of different 
 stems falling together in NHG., e. g. the plural of the 
 MHG. neut. nouns molken, wafen, wolken, &c. fell 
 together with the fern, plural of n-stems, then the former 
 came to be regarded as fern, plurals, from which a new fern, 
 singular has been formed, as NHG. molke^ waffe^ wolke^ &c. 
 
 Examples of nouns, which have changed their gender, 
 are: NHG. masc. but MHG. fern. : frevelj horst^ scheitel, 
 verlust, witz ) NHG. masc. but MHG. masc. and fern.: 
 Jloh, rahmen) NHG. masc. but MHG. neut. : ablassj gau^ 
 honigf Speer) NHG. masc. but MHG. masc. and neut.: 
 abgotty jammer y lohn, mordy tranky zaubeVy zwerg) NHG. 
 masc. but MHG. masc., fern., and neut. : schoss (lap). 
 
 NHG. fern, but MHG. masc.: albey binsey eschey fahney 
 grdtey grilky heuschreckey hirsey hornissey imnUy kohky lockey 
 metzey nierey schldfey schlangey schneckey schnepfey scholky 
 spuky strdhky trdney wadey waisey wogey zdhre ; angely angsfy 
 arty drangsaly otter y sitte ; NHG. fern, but MHG. masc. and 
 fern. : ameisey blumey dilky kressey ratky rebey rose, saitey 
 sonney traube\ banky distely furty gewalty heiraty listy lufty 
 
 lust) NHG. fern, but MHG. masc. and neut.: matratzey 
 spur) NHG. fern, but MHG. neut. : dhrey armbrusty grutzey 
 kitzey markey molkey unbildey waffey wangey wolkey zicke ; 
 milzy spreu) NHG. fern, but MHG. neut. and fern. : armuty 
 beerey eckey rippey wetk) heimaty jagdy mahd) abstract nouns 
 in -ung(e), as manunge (NHG. mahnung\ and in -nisse, 
 as erkantnisse (NHG. erkenntnis)y fluctuated between the 
 fern, and neut. in MHG. 
 
 NHG. neut. but MHG. masc.: schroty segely zeug) 
 NHG. neut. but MHG. neut. and masc.: lob) NHG. 
 neut. but MHG. fern.: abenteuery gewisseUy gifty mass) 
 NHG. neut. but MHG. fern, and neut. : gefdngnisy paniery 
 revier. 
 
i68 Accidence [§§ 347-8 
 
 A. The Vocalic or Strong Declension. 
 
 I. The a-DECLENsioN. 
 
 § 347. The a-declension comprises masculine and neuter 
 nouns only, and corresponds to the Latin and Greek 
 o-declension (Gr. masc. -09, neut. -ov, Lat. -us, -urn), for 
 which reason it is sometimes called the o-declension. 
 The a-declension is divided into pure a-stems, ja-stems, 
 and wa-stems. 
 
 § 348. a. Pure a-sTEMs. 
 
 Masculine, 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 tag 
 
 tac 
 
 tag 
 
 Gen. 
 
 tages 
 
 tages 
 
 tag{e)s 
 
 Dat. 
 
 Instr. 
 
 Plur. 
 
 tage 
 
 tagu, (-0) 
 
 tage 
 
 tag(e) 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 taga 
 
 tage 
 
 tage 
 
 Gen. 
 
 tago 
 
 tage 
 
 tage 
 
 Dat. 
 
 tagum, (-om) 
 
 tagen 
 
 tagen 
 
 The prim. Germanic forms were : sing. nom. *dagaz, 
 acc. *dagan, gen. *dagesa (with pronominal ending, § 450), 
 dat. *dagai, instr. *dag5 ; plur. nom. *dag5z (cp. Goth, 
 dagos), acc. *daganz (cp. Goth, dagans), gen. *dagon (cp. 
 Gr. of gods\ dat. *dagomiz. Through the loss oL 
 the endings the nom. and acc. sing, regularly fell together 
 in OHG. In OHG. the original nom. pi. is also used for 
 the accusative. The instr. singular disappeared in the 
 tenth century ; it has been preserved in the NHG. isolated 
 form heute from *hiu tagu, on this day. The -m in the 
 dat. plural ending regularly became -n in the ninth century, 
 as also in all the other declensions. Nouns ending in the 
 derivative suffixes -el, -en, -er dropped the inflexional e 
 in the singular and plural already in MHG. (§171). On 
 
Nouns 
 
 §§ 349-51] 
 
 169 
 
 the loss of the e in the NHG. gen. and dat. singular 
 see §§ 177 - 8 . 
 
 § 349. Most of the nouns, which originally belonged to 
 this class, have passed over into other declensions in the 
 plural. Like tag are declined : arm^ bordy buckely druck 
 (pi. drucke and driicke with differentiated meanings), gurty 
 hagy halnty hundy krachy mast, onkel, pardel, pfad, pudel, ruf, 
 schachty schuh, thron, and a few others, aal, lacks, lucks, 
 and pfukl belonged in MHG. to the i-declension (§ 373 ), 
 pi. MHG. aele, lehse, liihse, pfiiele. Examples of nouns 
 with palatal stem vowels are : berg, dieb, esel, finger, ftsck, 
 kimmely ring, sinn, stein, weg, &c. 
 
 § 350 . Most of the nouns which originally belonged to 
 this class have passed over into the i-declension in the 
 plural. The masc. a- and i-stems were declined alike in 
 the singular already in the prehistoric period of the 
 language. And after the OHG . plural endings of the two 
 classes had been weakened to -e, -en in MHG. the only 
 distinction between them was the presence or absence of 
 umlaut in the plural. The a-stems began to be inflected 
 like i-stems in the plural already in MHG. in order to 
 distinguish the two numbers. NHG. examples are : acker, 
 arzty baum, faden, frosck, fucks, gang, kafen, kals, kammel, 
 kammer, kof (cp. the old dat. pi. in proper names, as 
 Konigskofen), kock, lokn, mantel, ofen, sattel, scknabel, stukl, 
 traum, vogel, wagen (pi. wdgen beside wagen), wolf, &c. 
 
 § 361 . A small number of nouns form their plural after 
 the analogy of the -os-stems (§ 398 ). Some of these are 
 due to the fact that their genders fluctuated in OHG. and 
 MHG. Such masculine plurals rarely occurred in MHG., 
 but they became more frequent in the fourteenth and 
 fifteenth centuries. NHG. examples are: abgott (OHG. 
 masc. and neut.), geist (with pi. after the analogy of 
 gespenster), gott, leib, vormund (an old n-stem), wald (an old 
 u-stem, cp. old dat. pi. in Unterwalden), wurm (an old 
 
A cadence 
 
 [§§ 352-6 
 
 1 70 
 
 i-stem), mann (an old consonant stem), dorn (an old u-stem ; 
 pi. dorner beside dome, dornen), ort (pi. orte, older NHG* 
 orte beside drier ) ; nouns ending in -turn (OHG. masc. 
 and neut.), whence NHG. irrtum, reichtum, beside neut. 
 herzogtum, konigtum^ &c. 
 
 § 352. bolzen (MHG. bolz) became weak and then 
 levelled out the -n into the nominative, from which a new 
 genitive in -s has been formed, and similarly (MHG. 
 leist), nacken (MHG. nac), nutzen (cp. the old form in 
 eigennutz, zu nutz und frommen ) ; the new weak nom. has 
 been preserved in gedanke (MHG. gedanc), haufe (MHG. 
 houf) beside haufen. See § 384. 
 
 § 353. held (MHG. helt, gen. heldes) has become weak 
 in the oblique cases, and similarly christ (MHG. kristen, 
 gen. kristenes). MHG. heiden, raben, gen. heidenes, 
 rabenes, came to be regarded as weak in the plural, from 
 which a new weak singular heide, rahe has been formed. 
 
 § 354. felsen (MHG. velse) with n from the oblique 
 cases, beside fels (MHG. vels) with weak forms from 
 MHG. velse; bauer (MHG. gebur beside gebure), 
 whence the NHG. strong and weak forms in the singular, 
 but weak in the plural, and similarly nachbar (MHG. 
 nachgebur). See § 382. 
 
 § 355. muskel, pantoffely staat, stachel, stiefel (pi. also 
 stiefel\ untertan, and zins have become weak in the plural. 
 
 § 356. 
 
 Neuter. 
 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom.Acc. 
 
 wort 
 
 wort 
 
 wort 
 
 Gen. 
 
 wortes 
 
 wortes 
 
 wort(e)s 
 
 Dat. 
 
 worte 
 
 worte 
 
 wort(e) 
 
 Instr. 
 
 wortu, (- 0 ) 
 
 
 
 Plur. 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 wort 
 
 wort 
 
 worte 
 
 Gen. 
 
 worto 
 
 worte 
 
 worte 
 
 Dat. 
 
 wortum, (-om) 
 
 worten 
 
 worten 
 
§§ 357 - 8 ] 
 
 Nouns 
 
 171 
 
 In OHG. the neuter a-stems had the same endings as 
 the masculine except in the nom. and acc. plural. The 
 prim. Germanic form of the nom. and acc. plural was 
 *word5. The final -o became -u and then regularly 
 disappeared after long stem syllables (§ 162). Plurals with 
 short stem syllables, like *jochu,yo^^5, dropped 
 
 the -u after the analogy of wort^ pfundy bein, &c. In Middle 
 German th^ plural began to take e in the nom. and acc. 
 after the analo gy of the masculines in the MH G. period. 
 NHG. example are : brot^ haar^ jahr (the old instr. sing, 
 has been preserved in heueVy OHG. hiuru from *hiu jaru), 
 jochy loSy moosy paaVy pjundy rohVy rosSy schaf\ beitiy ding 
 (pi. also dinger)y felly gebety rechty schijfy seily spiel y tieVy 
 werky &c. Cp. § 173. 
 
 Nouns ending in -el, -en, -er and the diminutives in 
 •chen (MHG. -kin), -lein (MHG. -lin), have not added 
 •e in the plural in NHG., as feuer (MHG. viur), messery 
 mittely muster y segely wesen ; madcheny veilcheHy kindleiUy 
 v6g{e)leiny &c. 
 
 The old uninflected form of the neuter plural has been 
 preserved in nouns preceded by a numeral, as dret glas, 
 seeks pfundy &c., and then after the analogy of these also 
 with some masculine and feminine nouns, as drei fusSy 
 tausend manUy seeks ukry &c. 
 
 § 357. A large number of nouns, which formerly 
 belonged to this declension, have passed over into the 
 •os-declension in the plural (§ 398). This process began 
 in OHG. and spread a little in MHG. In NHG. about 
 a hundred nouns form their plural in -er, such are : bad 
 (cp. old dat. pi. in Baden)y blatty daekyfasSy glaSy grab y gras y 
 kaupt (NHG. dat. pi. zu kaupteuy after the analogy of 
 zu fussen)y korUy korUy krauty loeky rady seklosSy taly volk ; 
 bretty feldy geldy gesiekt (old fern.), kindy kleidy liekty Hedy nesty 
 sekwerty weiby &c. 
 
 § 368. A few nouns, partly with differentiated meanings, 
 
A ccidence 
 
 1 72 
 
 [§§ 359-62 
 
 still fluctuate in the plural, as bande, gewande, lande, worte, 
 beside bander y gewandeVy lander y worter. 
 
 § 359. Molke (MHG. molken), waffe, and wolke have 
 become feminine with weak plurals. See § 346. 
 
 § 360. s-plurals. In Middle Low German s-plurals 
 began to appear in the fifteenth century. The s was used 
 in all cases of masculine and neuter nouns, and was due to 
 the influence of Middle Dutch which had the ending from 
 French. In High German it first occurred in names of 
 persons and then became extended to a few other nouns, 
 as die WeberSy frduleinSy kerlsy &c. 
 
 § 361. b, ja-STEMS. 
 
 Masculine, 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 hirti 
 
 hirte 
 
 Gen. 
 
 hirtes 
 
 hirtes 
 
 Dat. 
 
 (hirtie), hirte 
 
 hirte 
 
 Instr. 
 
 (hirtiu), hirtu, (-o) 
 
 
 Plur. 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 (hirte), hirta 
 
 hirte 
 
 Gen. 
 
 (hirteo, -io), hirto 
 
 hirte 
 
 Dat. 
 
 hirtum, (-om ; -im) 
 
 hirten 
 
 The forms within brackets are the oldest ; from the ninth 
 century onwards the declension of hirti only differed from 
 that of tag in the nom. and acc. singular. 
 
 hirte began to be declined like a weak noun already in 
 MHG. owing to the nom. singular of both declensions 
 being alike, whence NHG. hirt(e\ gen. hirieny &c., and 
 similarly MHG. riicke, weize which have levelled out 
 the -n of the oblique cases into the nominative and formed 
 a new gen. in -s : riickeny weizen, gen. riickensy weizens, 
 kdse (OHG. kasi, MHG. kaese) has remained strong. 
 
 § 362. To this declension also belong the nomina 
 
§§ 363-41 
 
 Nouns 
 
 173 
 
 agentis, as lehrer (OHG. lerari, MHG. leraere), fischerj 
 jdgeTy wdchtery &c., which have regularly lost the final -e in 
 the nom. and acc. singular (§ 174, i), and the inflexional e 
 in the other cases (§ 176). 
 
 § 383. 
 
 Neuter, 
 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 nezzi 
 
 netze 
 
 netz 
 
 Gen. 
 
 nezzes 
 
 netzes 
 
 netzes 
 
 Dat. 
 
 (nezzie), nezze 
 
 netze 
 
 netze 
 
 Instr. 
 
 (nezziu), nezzu, (-o) 
 
 
 
 Plur. 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 nezzi 
 
 netze 
 
 netze 
 
 Gen. 
 
 (nezzeo, -io), nezzo 
 
 netze 
 
 netze 
 
 Dat. 
 
 nezzum, (-om ; -im) 
 
 netzen 
 
 netzen 
 
 I n ^QHG^he_.,npuns of this declension only differed 
 from the masculines in the nom. and acc. plural. 
 
 A large mmflbe of the nouns belonging to this declension 
 have regularly lost the final -e in the nom. and acc, 
 singular (§ 174), as antlitZy gebiety gedichty gefdsSy gemdsSy 
 geschdfty geschenky gesetZy gestirriy gewdchsy gewichty heer 
 (MHG. her, § 171), &c., whereas others have regularly 
 retained it (§ 174, 2 ), as gebdudCy gebirgCy gebildey gefildcy 
 geldndcy gemusey gesindCy getreidey gewdlbCy &c. 
 
 In some nouns the final -e has been dropped in order to 
 make a distinction between the singular and plural, as erZy 
 hefty hirUy kinUy kreuZy netZy reich, stilcky &c. 
 
 § 364. bett (MHG. bette), endey and hemd (MHG. and 
 early NHG. hemde), have become weak in the plural. 
 Z)//rf(MHG. bilde), gemui gemiiete), and geschlecht 
 
 have passed over into the -er plurals (§ 398). kleinod 
 (MHG. kleinoete), the plural of which was formerly 
 kleinot, kleinote, and kleinoter, now has the pi. klein- 
 odien, due to association with the latinized sing, form 
 kleinodium. 
 
174 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§§ 365-6 
 
 C, Wa-STEMS. 
 
 § 365. In OHG. the endings were the same as those of 
 the a-stems except in the nom. and acc. singular and the 
 neut. nom. and acc. plural, which ended in -o. The final 
 •w became vocalized to -o in prehistoric HG. (§ 236), and 
 was then dropped after long vowels in the ninth century, 
 as OHG. masc. nom. and accusative sneo (Goth, sndiws), 
 later sne, gen. snewes, dat. snewe, MHG. sne, snewes, 
 snewe ; OHG. neut. nom. and accusative kneo, gen. 
 knewes, dat. knewe, pi. kneo, gen. knewo, dat. knewmn ; 
 MHG. knie, gen. kniewes, &c. In OHG. and MHG. the 
 w was preserved in the oblique cases, but in NHG. the form 
 of the nom. and acc. singular has been levelled out, as 
 masc. bau^ klee, schnee^ see (originally a wi-stem, cp. OE. 
 sa) was formerly masculine only. The NHG. distinction 
 der see, the lake, and die see, the sea, is due to the 
 influence of Low German. The plural has become weak. 
 schatten (MHG. schate) became weak and then levelled 
 out the -n of the oblique cases into the nominative, from 
 which a new gen. in -s has been formed. 
 
 Examples of neuters are: mehl my, gen, 
 
 mywes),5t:/r;;^^r (MHG. smer, gen. smerwes), occasionally 
 also masculine. 
 
 2. The o-declension. 
 
 § 366. The 6-declension contains feminine nouns only, 
 and corresponds to the Latin and Greek a-declension, for 
 which reason it is sometimes called the a-declension. In 
 OHG. the w5-stems were declined exactly like the pure 
 5-stems. The jo-stems had also the same inflexions as 
 the pure o-stems after about the middle of the ninth 
 century. 
 
§ 367] Nouns 
 
 175 
 
 § 367. a. Pure o-stems. 
 
 Sing. OHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. geba 
 
 Gen. geba, (-u, -o) 
 Dat. gebu, (-o) 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. Acc. geba 
 Gen. gebono 
 Dat. gebdm 
 
 MHG. 
 gebe, zal 
 gebe, zal 
 gebe, zal 
 
 gebe, zal 
 geben, zaln 
 geben, zaln 
 
 NHG. 
 
 gabe, zahl 
 
 gaben, zahlen 
 >> >> 
 
 99 99 
 
 The prim. Germanic forms were : Sing. nom. 
 acc. *geb5n (cp. Gr. (Goth, gibos), dat. 
 
 *geb5 (old instrumental) ; Plur. nom. acc. *§eboz (Goth. 
 gib5s), gen. *geb5n (Goth. gib5), dat. *gebomiz (Goth, 
 gibom). In OHG. the nom. acc. singular geba is the old 
 accusative. The regular ending of the nom. would be -u 
 in nouns with a short stem syllable and loss of -u in nouns 
 with a long stem (§ 162, 2 ). The old nom. was preserved 
 in words like OHG. kuningin (§ 370), and in a few words 
 like stunt, time, hour; hno^, remedy, redress. The dat. 
 came to be used for the gen. singular in late OHG. The 
 gen. plural had the ending of the weak declension (§ 387) 
 already in the oldest period of the language. Throu gh t he 
 nom. sing., gen. and dat. pi. having the same endings as^ 
 theleminine weak declension, o-sten^ began in OHG. to 
 be inflected after the analogy of the weak declension, 
 especially in the plural, ^his process spread considerably 
 in MHG. with concire^te nouns,T)ut not often with abstract 
 nouns. In TJHG. nearly a ll no uns originally belonging to 
 this declensionnhaTC gone over into the weak declension 
 in tlm“prufal, so as to keep up the distinction between the 
 singular and plural ; and vice versa the feminine weak 
 nouns have become strong in the singular for the same 
 reason. It is remarkable that whereas the feminine o- 
 stems have chiefly gone over into the weak declension in 
 
Accidence 
 
 [§§ 368-70 
 
 T 76 
 
 the plural, the masculine a-stems have chiefly gone over 
 into the i-declension in the plural, which hardly ever 
 happened with the o-stems. In fact many old feminine 
 i-stems have also gone over into the weak declension in 
 the plural (§ 387). NHG. examples of old o-stems are: 
 aschcy bittey erde (weak sing, form in auf erderiy erdensohn)y 
 ehrCy fragCy klagey sachey seeky sprachcy stimmey strassCy 
 stundey &c. NHG. elk (MHG. ellen, elne, OHG. elina): 
 in MHG. the sing, and plural fell together in ellen, from 
 which in NHG. a new singular elk has been formed. 
 
 §368. In MHG. the final -e was regularly dropped after 
 liquids preceded by a short vowel, as zal (OHG. zala), 
 fackel (OHG. faccala), feder (OHG. federa). See § 171. 
 In NHG. the final -e has been dropped in a number of 
 words, as acht (MHG. ahte), balm (MHG. bane), and 
 similarly in huty heldy kosty mark (boundary), peiriy qualy 
 schamy schauy schlachty schuldy stirny tracht ; and the abstract 
 nouns ending in -ung(MHG. -unge), as hoffnungy mahnung; 
 feier (MHG. vire), kier (MHG. lire), mauer (MHG. mure), 
 steuer (MHG. stiure), trauer (MHG. trure) ; on the ending 
 •er, see § 128. 
 
 § 369. /^r5^(OHG. fersana, MHG. versen), kette (OHG. 
 ketina, MHG. keten(e)), kiiche (OHG. kuchina, MHG. 
 kiichen). In these nouns the plural in MHG. fell together 
 with the weak declension, to which a new singular without 
 •n has been formed in NHG. 
 
 b. jo-STEMS. 
 
 § 370. In the oldest period of the language the sing, 
 nom., acc., and genitive ended in -e, and the dat. in -iu ; 
 pi. nom. and acc. -e, gen. -eono, dat. -eom; but from about 
 the middle of the ninth century onwards, the nouns 
 belonging to this class were inflected like geba, except 
 those formed with the West Germanic suffix -innjo- which 
 preserved the old form of the nominative without -u (§ 162), 
 
Nouns 
 
 177 
 
 §§ 371-2] 
 
 as nom. kuningin, acc. kuninginna. In late OHG. the 
 old nom. was also used for the accusative, and vice versa, 
 whence the double forms in MHG. 
 
 Sing. OHG. MHG. NHG. 
 
 Nom. kuningin kiinegin, (-in, -inne) konigin 
 
 Acc. kuninginna „ „ 
 
 Gen. kuninginna kiineginne „ 
 
 Dat. kuninginnu, (- 0 ) kiineginne „ 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Ac(T } kiineginne koniginnen 
 
 Gen. kuninginnono kiineginnen „ 
 
 Dat. kuninginnbm kiineginnen „ 
 
 NHG. examples of nouns belonging to this class are: 
 briickej holkj hiittey rede^ siinde^ &c, ; freundin, gattin^ ge- 
 mahUUf wirtiriy &c. See § 305. 
 
 C, WO-STEMS. 
 
 § 371. The nouns belonging to this class were declined 
 in OHG. like geba. NHG. examples are: braue (OHG. 
 brawa), farbe (OHG. farawa), garbe in schafgarbe (OHG. 
 garawa), reue (OHG. riuwa), treue (OHG. triuwa). 
 
 3. Feminine Abstract Nouns in -i. 
 
 § 372, This declension comprises two classes of stems 
 which were originally different, but which entirely fell 
 together in their inflexion in OHG. — (i) adjectival abstract 
 nouns the stems of which originally ended in -in, nom. -i ; 
 ( 2 ) verbal abstract nouns with stems ending in -ini; cp. 
 on the one hand Gothic mikilei, greatnessy formed from 
 mikils, great y diupei, depthy from diups, deepy gen. miki- 
 leins, diupeins (weak declension), OHG. hohi, height y 
 
 N 
 
178 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 373 
 
 from hoh, high^ menigi, multitude j from manag, much ; 
 and, on the other hand, Gothic ddupeins, a dipping^ formed 
 from daupjan, to dip^ naseins, a rescuing^ from nasjan, to 
 rescue, gen. daupeinais, naseinais (i-declension), OHG. 
 toufi, a dipping, from toufen, to dip. In OHG. all cases 
 of the singular ended in -i or -in ; the endings of the plural 
 were nom. and acc. -i or -in, gen. -Ino, dat. -im. The -i 
 was weakened to -e in MHG., whence NHG. hohe, menge, 
 and, similarly, gute, Idnge, ndhe, schdrfe, stdrke, tiefe, 
 weite, &c. ; taufe. The nouns of this class, which have 
 a plural in NHG., form it weak. 
 
 4. The i-DECLENSION. 
 
 § 373. a. Masculine. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 gast 
 
 gast 
 
 gast 
 
 Gen. 
 
 gastes 
 
 gastes 
 
 gast(e)s 
 
 Dat. 
 
 gaste 
 
 gaste 
 
 gast(e) 
 
 Instr. gastiu, gastu 
 
 
 
 Plur. 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 gesti 
 
 geste 
 
 gaste 
 
 Gen. 
 
 gesteo, gesto 
 
 geste 
 
 gaste 
 
 Dat. 
 
 gestim 
 
 gesten 
 
 gasten 
 
 The prim. 
 
 Germanic forms were : sing. 
 
 nom. *§astiz. 
 
 acc. * 5 astin, 
 
 gen. * 5 astaiz, dat. 
 
 * 5 astai, instr. *gastio ; 
 
 pi. nom. *gastiz older -ijiz (Goth, gasteis), 
 
 acc. *gastinz 
 
 (Goth, gastins), gen. *gasti5n, dat. *gastimiz. The 
 regular form of the gen. singular would be *gaste in OHG., 
 gastes was formed on analogy with tages as in the 
 other Germanic languages. The nouns with long stems 
 fell together with the a-stems in the singular in prehistoric 
 HG. The nom. acc. singular of the nouns with short 
 stems would regularly end in -i in OHG., but, with two or 
 
§§ 374 - 5 ] 
 
 Nouns 
 
 179 
 
 three exceptions, they had dropped the -i after the analogy 
 of the long stems in the oldest period of the language. 
 Owing to the singular of the a- and i-stems being alike, 
 a-stems were occasionally inflected like i-stems in OHG., 
 and still more so in MHG. In NHG. a great many old 
 a-stems have passed over into this declension in the plural 
 (§ 350 ). A few nouns, which had umlaut in the plural in 
 MHG., have gone over into the a-declension, as grat 
 (MHG. pi. graete), lacks (MHG. pi. lehse), and similarly 
 luchSf pfad, wurm (MHG. pi. wiirme) with er-plural in 
 NHG. (§ 398 ). 
 
 § 374 . Nouns, which could not have umlaut in OHG. 
 and MHG., fell together with the a-stems in the singular 
 and plural, as MHG. brief, schrit, pi. briefe, schrite. 
 Examples of old i-stems in NHG. are: apfel^ asl, bach, 
 balgj fall, fliiss, nagel, schlag, &c. 
 
 § 376 . b. Feminine, 
 
 Sing. OHG. MHG. NHG. 
 
 Norn. Acc. kraft kraft kraft 
 
 Gen. krefti krefte, kraft „ 
 
 Dat. krefti krefte, kraft „ 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Norn. Acc. krefti krefte krafte 
 
 Gen. krefteo, krefto krefte krafte 
 
 Dat. kreftim kreften kraften 
 
 The masculine and feminine i-stems were originally 
 declined alike in the singular and plural. The plurals 
 were alike in OHG., but the genitive and dative singular 
 ended in -i. The OHG. dat. goes back to an original 
 locative ending in -ei which was regularly shortened to -ei 
 and became -i in OHG. through the intermediate stage -i. 
 The dat. form then came to be used for the genitive 
 already in the prehistoric period of the language, just as 
 
 N 2 
 
Accidence 
 
 i8o 
 
 [§§ 376-8 
 
 at a later period the dat. of the o-stems came to be used 
 for the genitive. 
 
 The short stems lost their final -i after the analogy of 
 the long stems, except OHG. kuri, turi, MHG. kiir(e), 
 tiir(e), NHG. kilVy tur [ture, see below). In MHG. the 
 nom. and acc. singular began to be used for the genitive 
 and dative after the analogy of the o-declension which 
 had all cases of the singular alike (gebe, zal). NHG. 
 examples of old i-stems are : angsty axty braui, fruchty 
 niacht (but ohnmachteny vollmachten), stadty &c. 
 
 § 376. The following nouns have become weak in the 
 plural in NHG. : arbeity anstalty art, fahrty fluty fnsty furty 
 geburty geissy gestalty gewalty gluty jugendy lasty listy pflichty 
 saaty schichty schrifty schuldy taty tugendy welty zeit) and the 
 derivative nouns ending in -heit (§ 303), -keit (§ 303), -schaft 
 (§ 310), as schonheitj freundlichkeity botschafty See, 
 
 § 377. In a certain number of nouns a new singular 
 has been formed from the plural in NHG., and then the 
 old plural has become weak, such are: beichte (MHG. 
 bigiht, biht, pi. bihte), blute (MHG. bluot, pi. bliiete), 
 ente (MHG. ant, pi. ente), and similarly erbsCy furchey 
 gemsey geschichtey huftey hiirdey leichey mahne, sdule 
 sul, pi. siule), stutCy tiire. In a few nouns we have the old 
 and new singular forms side by side with differentiated 
 meanings, as fahrty stadty beside fdhrte, stdtte. 
 
 5. The u-declension. 
 
 § 378. The u-declension was preserved in Gothic, but in 
 OHG. it no longer existed as an independent declension. 
 The nouns with long stems passed over into the a- or 
 i-declension, chiefly the latter, in prehistoric times. Below 
 will be found a summary of the more frequent traces of 
 this declension in OHG. 
 
§§ 379 - 8 1 ] 
 
 Nouns 
 
 i8i 
 
 a. Masculine. 
 
 § 379. The short stems preserved the -u in the nom. 
 and acc. singular in OHG., as fridu, meto older *metu, 
 sigu, situ, sunu beside sun ; in the other cases they had 
 the endings of the i-declension. The -u became -o in the 
 ninth century (§ 168), wjjioh was regularly weakened to -e 
 in MHG. (§170), as Tridej mete, sige, beside met, sic, 
 site, sun. fride and site were sometimes declined weak 
 in MHG. MHG. fride, met, sic (gen. siges), site, and 
 sun regularly became friede^ met, sieg, sitte, and sohn in 
 NHG. frtede {frteden) levelled out the -n of the weak 
 forms into the nominative, from which a new gen. in -s has 
 been formed, sitte has become feminine with weak plural, 
 and sohn has gone over into the i-declension. 
 
 Examples of old long u-stems, which had gone over 
 into the a- or i-declension in the oldest HG., are : dorn 
 (Goth. }>aurnus), t5d, death (Goth. dduj)us), wald (Goth. 
 * walrus); skilt, shield (Goth, skildus), widar, NHG. 
 wtdder (Goth, wij^rus), wirt (Goth, wairdus, host), and the 
 abstract nouns in -heit (Goth, haidus, manner). See § 303. 
 
 b. Neuter. 
 
 § 380. OHG. fihu, NHG. vieh (Goth, faihu) retained 
 the -u in the nom. acc. singular, in the gen. and dat. 
 singular it had the same endings as wort (§ 356). 
 
 c. Feminine. 
 
 § 381. In OHG. hant (Goth, handus) was declined like 
 kraft (§ 375), except that in the dat. plural it retained the 
 old u-ending, hantum, also MHG. dat. plural handen 
 beside henden, and gen. pi. hande (in the combinations 
 aller hande, maneger hande) beside hende. The MHG. 
 dat. singular has been preserved in NHG. behende, the 
 gen. pi. in allerhand, and the dat. plural in abhanden, 
 beihanden, vorhanden, zuhanden. Other old u-stems. 
 
A ccidence 
 
 182 
 
 [§ 382 
 
 which went over into the i-declension in OHG., are ; fluot, 
 NHG.y?^/ (Goth, flodus), lust (Goth, lustus, masc.). 
 
 B. The Weak Declension (N-Stems). 
 
 § 382 . a. Masculine, 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 boto 
 
 bote 
 
 bote 
 
 Acc. 
 
 boton, (-un) 
 
 boten 
 
 boten 
 
 Gen. 
 
 boten, (-in) 
 
 
 yy 
 
 Dat. 
 
 boten, (-in) 
 
 n 
 
 yy 
 
 Plur. 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 boton, (.un) 
 
 boten 
 
 boten 
 
 Gen. 
 
 botono 
 
 ff 
 
 yy 
 
 Dat. 
 
 botom 
 
 yy 
 
 M 
 
 The prim. Germanic forms were : Sing. nom. *bod§, acc, 
 *hodonun, gen. *hodinaz, («iz), dat. *hodini (old locative) ; 
 plur. nom. *bodoniz, acc. "^hodonunz, gen. *6odn5n 
 (West Germanic "bodonon with -onon from the fern, 
 nouns), dat. *bod5miz. The o in the stem goes back to 
 an older u (§ 67) which ought to appear in the gen. and 
 dat. singular, but the o was levelled out into all cases. 
 In OHG. the nom. plural was used for the accusative. 
 
 The OHG. endings -in, -un were chiefly Upper German, 
 and *en, -on Franconian. Through the weakening of the 
 endings in MHG. all the cases became alike except the 
 nom. singular; this caused some nouns to begin to fluctuate 
 between the strong and weak declension already in MHG. 
 In this declension it is important to distinguish between 
 nouns denoting animate and those denoting inanimate 
 objects. Nouns denoting animate objects are often used 
 in the nominative as well as in the oblique cases, and have 
 therefore generally preserved in NHG. the old distinction 
 between\\the nominative and oblique cases and have 
 
Nouns 
 
 § 383] 
 
 183 
 
 remained weak ; whereas nouns denoting inanimate objects 
 are seldom used in the nominative, and have mostly, 
 levelled out the -n of the oblique cases into the nomina- 
 tive, to which a new genitive in -s has been formed. 
 
 Examples of nouns, which have preserved the final -e 
 in the nominative and have remained weak, are : affcy 
 ahnCy brackcy bube^ burge^ drache, erbe, falke, farre^ ferge, 
 fink{e)f gattCy gefakrtCy geselky hasey hiiney judcy kampCy knabcy 
 knappCy laffcy latCy lowCy neffcy ochs[e)y pathe [pate)y pfaffCy 
 rabe (§ 353 ), rappe, recke.y riesey schergey schuhcy schurkCy 
 sklavCy zeugCy &c. 
 
 A few nouns have lost the -e in the nom. singular, but 
 have remained weak in the other cases of the singular and 
 plural, as bar (acc. and dat. sing, also occasionally bdr)y 
 fiirsty grafy herry narVy prinZy toVy nerv. The following 
 fluctuate between the weak and strong declension in the 
 singular, but are weak in the plural : bauery nachbavy pfaUy 
 spatZy tmtertan. See § 354 . 
 
 § 383 . Examples of nouns, which have levelled out the 
 •n of the oblique cases into the nominative, and to which 
 a new genitive in -s has been formed, are : backeUy balkeUy 
 balleriy barreUy bissetiy bogerty bolzeriy brateUy brockeUy brunneny 
 daumeriy fleckeny fokletiy galgetiy garfeUy grabeUy haketiy 
 hopfeUy husteuy kasteUy klobeUy knocheny knoUefty knotetiy 
 kobcfiy kolbetiy krageuy kuchetiy laderiy lappeUy magetiy nacheny 
 pfostefiy rachefiy rahmeUy raseUy riemeny roggeuy schatten 
 (§ 365 ), schemefty scherbetiy schinkeuy schrageUy schlittefty 
 schnupfeUy sporn (pi. sporne)y steckeUy tropfeny zapfen. This 
 levelling took place almost exclusively with nouns denoting 
 inanimate objects. Forms like nom. backetiy gen. backenSy 
 began to appear about the end of the fifteenth century. 
 The ending -ens does not appear in weak nouns in MHG. 
 
 Of the above nouns, garten and graben have gone over 
 into the i-declension in the plural. bogeUy kastefiy krageny 
 and magen fluctuate between the a- and i-declension in the 
 
A ccidence 
 
 [§§ 384-7 
 
 184 
 
 plural, laden has plural laden beside laden with differen- 
 tiated meanings. The other nouns follow the a-declension 
 in the plural. 
 
 § 384. In a few nouns the levelling out of the -n of the 
 oblique cases into the nominative has not been completely 
 carried out. The following have the old beside the new 
 nominative singular : friede beside frieden (old u-stem), 
 funke beside funken^ and similarly gedanke (§ 352), glaube^ 
 haufe (§ 352), name^ same^ wilky and schade with plural 
 schaden beside schaden ; buchstabe, 
 
 § 385. gevattevy psalniy schmerZy and vetter have become 
 strong in the singular, but have remained weak in the 
 plural. 
 
 § 386. The following nouns have become strong, and 
 gone over into the a-declension : aaVy adleVy ampfeVy Aprily 
 beseny blitZy brdutigam (MHG. briutegome), breiy dottery 
 gemahly hafeVy hamster y junker (MHG. junc herre), kdfery 
 kerny leichnamy lenZy Maty Mdrz (but Mdrzenveilchen)y 
 mond (but mondenlang)y nabeh salmy schelmy schiefery sferny 
 stor. 
 
 hahn (but hahnenfedery hahnenschrei)y herzogy schwan 
 (but schwanensang)y tropf {d\xr\ct)y have become strong, and 
 gone over into the i-declension in the plural ; anwalt has 
 pi. anwalte beside anwdlte. 
 
 § 387. 
 
 6. Feminine, 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Norn. 
 
 zunga 
 
 zunge 
 
 zunge 
 
 Acc. 
 
 zungun 
 
 zungen 
 
 99 
 
 Gen. 
 
 zungun 
 
 >> 
 
 99 
 
 Dat. 
 
 zungun 
 
 99 
 
 99 
 
 Plur. 
 Norn. Acc. 
 
 zungun 
 
 zungen 
 
 zungen 
 
 Gen. 
 
 zungdno 
 
 99 
 
 99 
 
 Dat. 
 
 zungom 
 
 99 
 
 99 
 
Nouns 
 
 § 
 
 i?5 
 
 On the -u- in the OHG. gen. and dat. singular and 
 nom. plural see § 163, note 2 . Already in OHG. a few 
 nouns fluctuated in the singular between the o- and weak 
 declension, and the number of such nouns increased in 
 MHG. In NHG. the singular has become strong after 
 the analogy of the o-declension, so as to keep a clear 
 distinction between the singular and plural. NHG. 
 examples are : ameisCf ammey blumey eule, gasse, geigCy 
 glockey harfCy hosCy katzey kerzCy ktrchey muckey scheibcy sonne 
 sonnenschem)y taubcy witwCy woche, biene {JAllG,'bi€)y 
 and birne (MHG. bir) have n from the inflected forms. 
 frau (but die kirche unserer lieben frauen = jungfrau Maria) 
 had frou (used before proper names) beside frouwe in 
 MHGe 
 
 § 388. c. Neuter. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 herza 
 
 herze 
 
 herz 
 
 Gen. 
 
 herzen, (-in) 
 
 herzen 
 
 herzens 
 
 Dat. 
 
 herzen, (-in) 
 
 herzen 
 
 herzen 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 herzun, (-on) 
 
 herzen 
 
 herzen 
 
 Gen. 
 
 herzono 
 
 >> 
 
 99 
 
 Dat. 
 
 herzom 
 
 9y 
 
 99 
 
 Only four 
 
 nouns belonged 
 
 to this class 
 
 in OHG. 
 
 herza, ora, ouga, wanga. In NHG. herz (formerly also 
 
 herze) has added the -s of the strong declension in the 
 gen. singular, auge and ohr have become strong in the 
 singular, wange has become feminine and is declined like 
 zunge. 
 
i86 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§§ 389-90 
 
 C. Minor Declensions. 
 
 I. Monosyllabic Consonant Stems. 
 a. Masculine. 
 
 § 389. Of the nouns, which originally belonged to this 
 class, only a few traces of the old inflexions are found in 
 the earliest period of the language, fuo:^, /oo/, and zan 
 (zand), toothj passed over into the i-declension, but the 
 former preserved the old consonantal ending -urn, (-om) in 
 the dat. plural. In MHG. the dat. plural also went over 
 into the i-declension (fiie^en); whence NHG. /^55, zahn^ 
 plural fussej zdhne. Traces of the old consonantal declen- 
 sion also exist in the uninflected dat. singular and nom. 
 acc. plural of OHG. gind:^, and similarly in MHG. In 
 other respects it was declined like tag. In NHG.\§*^«05s^ 
 has become weak after the analogy of geselle. 
 
 § 390. 
 
 Sing. OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. man 
 
 man 
 
 mann 
 
 Acc. man, mannan 
 
 man 
 
 mann 
 
 Gen. man, mannes 
 
 man, mannes 
 
 mann(e)s 
 
 Dat. man, manne 
 
 man, manne 
 
 mann(e) 
 
 Plur. 
 
 
 
 Nom.) 
 
 ^ man 
 
 Acc. ) 
 
 man, manne 
 
 manner, mannen 
 
 Gen. manno 
 
 man, manne 
 
 
 Dat. mannum 
 
 man, mannen 
 
 mannern, „ 
 
 The OHG. acc. singular mannan has the pronominal 
 ending -an from proper names like nom. Petrus, acc. 
 Petrusan, and such words as acc. truhtinan, Zorrf, gotan, 
 God. The OHG. and MHG. gen. and dat. mannes, 
 manne, and the MHG. nom. acc. plural manne were 
 formed after the analogy of the a-declension. The NHG. 
 
§§ 39 '- 2 ] 
 
 Nouns 
 
 187 
 
 weak plural mannen (vassals) began to appear in the 
 eighteenth century; the plural manner has been formed 
 after the analogy of weibery kinder. The old plural has 
 been preserved in combination with numerals, as tausend 
 mann, but see § 350 . 
 
 b. Feminine. 
 
 § 391 . Most of the nouns originally belonging to this 
 class went over into the i-declension in the oldest period 
 of the language, as gans (MHG. gen. sing, still preserved 
 \n gdnsebraten)y kuh (OHG. kuo, pi. kuoi, MHG. kuo, pi. 
 kiieje), lausy magd (OHG. magad), milch, mans, nuss, sau 
 (OHG. su, pi. sui, MHG. su, pi. siuwe, NHG. pi. saue 
 beside weak form sauen); eiche (MHG. eich, pi. eiche) has 
 been formed from the NHG. plural which has become 
 weak. 
 
 § 392 . 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom, Acc. 
 
 naht 
 
 naht 
 
 nacht 
 
 Gen. 
 
 naht 
 
 naht, nehte 
 
 >> 
 
 Dat. 
 
 naht 
 
 naht, nehte 
 
 
 Plur. 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 naht 
 
 naht, nehte 
 
 nachte 
 
 Gen. 
 
 nahto 
 
 naht, nehte 
 
 >> 
 
 Dat. 
 
 nahtum 
 
 nahten, nehten 
 
 nachten 
 
 In MHG. the forms with umlaut are after the analogy 
 of the feminine i-declension, whence the NHG. plural 
 forms. The OHG. and MHG. isolated gen. form nahtes, 
 des nahtes was formed after the analogy of des tages. 
 The old dat. plural has been preserved in Weihnachten 
 (MHG. zen wihen nahten). In OHG. and MHG. brust 
 and burg were sometimes declined like naht and some- 
 times according to the i-declension. burg is now weak in 
 the plural (formerly pi. also biirge), and brust, pi. bruste. 
 
i88 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§§ 393-6 
 
 is strong. In OHG. buoh was mostly neuter in the 
 singular and declined like wort; in the plural it was 
 feminine and declined like naht. In MHG. it became 
 neuter in the plural also (pi. buoch and biiecher), whence 
 NHG. plural bilcher, 
 
 c. Neuter, 
 
 § 393. The old consonant stems dorf and bus went 
 over into the -os-declension (§ 398) already in OHG. 
 (MHG. pi. dorfer, hiuser), whence the NHG. plural 
 dorfevy hduseVy but the old dat. plural has been preserved 
 in proper names, as Holthausefiy Schaffhausen, 
 
 2 . Stems in -r. 
 
 § 394. To this class belonged in OHG. : fater, bruoder, 
 muoter, tohter, and swester. 
 
 § 396. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 fater 
 
 vater 
 
 vater 
 
 Gen. 
 
 fater, fateres 
 
 vater, vaters 
 
 vaters 
 
 Dat. 
 
 fater, fatere 
 
 vater, vater(e) 
 
 vater 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 fatera 
 
 veter(e) 
 
 vater 
 
 Gen. 
 
 fatero 
 
 veter(e) 
 
 vater 
 
 Dat. 
 
 faterum 
 
 vetern 
 
 vatern 
 
 fater went over into the a-declension in OHG., and in 
 MHG. the plural went over into the i-declension, whence 
 the NHG. plural vdter. In the North German colloquial 
 language vater is often used without the def. article, like 
 a proper name, with acc. vaterfiy and similarly muttern, 
 
 § 396, 
 
 Sing. OHG. MHG. NHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. muoter muoter mutter 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 99 
 
Nouns 
 
 § 397 ] 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Norn. Acc. muoter 
 Gen. muoter o 
 Dat. muoterum 
 
 189 
 
 miieter mutter 
 
 miieter(e) mutter 
 
 miietern mtittern 
 
 In MHG. the plural went over into the i-declension, 
 and similarly briieder, tohter, whence NHG. brildery 
 tochter. Like muoter were declined in OHG. bruoder, 
 tohter, and swester. bruoder began to take an -s in the 
 gen. singular in MHG. In NHG. schwester has gone 
 over into the weak declension in the plural. Forms like 
 mutters grab, grossmutters haus have been formed after the 
 analogy of vaters graby &c. 
 
 § 397 . 
 
 3. Stems in -nt. 
 
 Sing. 
 Nom. Acc. 
 Gen. 
 Dat. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 friunt 
 
 friuntes 
 
 friunte 
 
 MHG. 
 
 vriunt 
 
 vriundes 
 
 vriunde 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. Acc. friunt, friunta vriunt, vriunde 
 Gen. friunto vriunde 
 
 Dat. friuntum vriunden 
 
 NHG. 
 
 freund 
 
 freund(e)s 
 
 freund(e) 
 
 freunde 
 
 freunde 
 
 freunden 
 
 friunt went over into the a-declension in OHG. A trace 
 of the old consonantal form exists in the nom. acc. plural 
 friunt, MHG. vriunt; similarly OHG. fiant, NHG. 
 feind. 
 
 To this class belonged originally the present participles 
 as well as the old present participles used as nouns, such 
 as feindy freund. But the present participles had passed 
 over into the ja-declension of adjectives (§ 400 ) in the 
 oldest period of the language. 
 
1 90 Accidence [§§398-9 
 
 § 398. 
 
 4. Stems 
 
 IN -OS, -es. 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 lamb 
 
 lamp 
 
 lamm 
 
 Gen. 
 
 lambes 
 
 lambes 
 
 lamm(e)s 
 
 Dat. 
 
 lambe 
 
 lambe 
 
 lamm(e) 
 
 Plur. 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 lembir 
 
 lember 
 
 lammer 
 
 Gen. 
 
 lembiro 
 
 lember(e) 
 
 lammer 
 
 Dat. 
 
 lembirum 
 
 lember(e)n 
 
 lammern 
 
 This class of nouns corresponds to the Greek neuters in 
 -09, Lat. -us, as Greek yeVo?, gen. yiv^o% older "^yci/eo-os, Lat, 
 genus, gen. generis, pi. genera. In the oldest HG. the 
 genitive and dative singular ended in -ires, -ire, but these 
 endings disappeared at an early period, their place being 
 taken by the endings of the a-declension. The -ir was 
 originally a stem-forming suffix which came to be regarded 
 as a plural ending. In the oldest period of the language 
 only about half-a-dozen nouns belonged to this class, but 
 during the OHG. period nearly twenty neuter a-stems 
 passed into this declension, and in NHG. the number has 
 increased to about a hundred. Examples are : blatt^ ei^ 
 huhnf kalbf rets, rind ; bad^ buchy dachy dorfy haupt, hauSy lochy 
 taly &c. See § 357. 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 ADJECTIVES 
 
 A. The Declension of Adjectives. 
 
 § 399. In the parent Indg. language nouns and ad- 
 jectives were declined alike without any distinction in 
 endings, as in Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit. What is 
 called the uninflected form of adjectives in the Germanic 
 languages is a remnant of the time when nouns and 
 adjectives were declined alike. But already in Indo- 
 
§ 399 ] Adjectives 19 1 
 
 Germanic the pronominal adjectives had partly nominal 
 and partly pronominal endings as in Sanskrit. In prim. 
 Germanic the endings of the pronominal adjectives were 
 extended to all adjectives. Then at a later period, but 
 still in prehistoric HG., some of the case endings were 
 |i^u enced,bv thosfii . of the. simple demonstrative pronoun 
 (§ 449). These remarks apply to what is called in ^e 
 Germanic langua ges th e strong declension of adje ctives . 
 
 The so-called" weak declension of adjectives is a special 
 Germanic formation by means of the suffixes -en-, -on-, 
 which were originally used to form nomina agentis, and 
 attributive nouns, as Lat. edo (gen. edonis), OHG. 
 
 (gen. e:^^en), glutton) Lat. adjectives catus, sly^ cunnings 
 rufus, red^ red-hairedy silus, pug-nosed, beside the proper 
 names Cato (gen. Catonis), lit. the sly one, schlauberger, 
 Rufo, the red-haired man. Silo, the pug-nosed man ; similarly 
 in OHG. brun, brown, kuoni, bold, beside the proper 
 names Bruno, Kuono. In like manner Goth, blinds, 
 OHG. blint, blind, beside Goth, blinda, OHG. blinto, 
 which originally meant, the blind man ; Goth, ahma sa 
 weiha, lit. ghost the holy one. Such nouns came to be 
 used attributively at an early period, and then later as 
 adjectives. And already in prim. Germanic this weak 
 declension became the rule when the adjective followed 
 the definite article, as OHG. Ludowig ther snello, Ludwig 
 the Brave, cp. NHG. Karl der Grosse, See, At a later 
 period, but still in prim. Germanic, the two kinds of 
 adjectives — strong and weak — became differentiated in 
 use. When the one and when the other form is used 
 in HG. is a question of syntax. There were adjectival 
 n-stems in the parent Indg. language, but they did not 
 have vocalic stems beside them as is the case in the 
 Germanic languages. 
 
 In HG. the adjectives are declined as strong or weak. 
 They have three genders, and the same cases as nouns. 
 
192 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 400 
 
 I. The Strong Declension. 
 
 § 400. The endings of the strong declension are partly 
 nominal and partly pronominal, the latter are printed in 
 italics for the OHG. forms. The nominal endings are 
 those of the a- and o-declensions. The strong declension 
 is divided into pure a-, o-stems, ja-, jo-stems, and wa-, 
 w5-stems, like the corresponding nouns. The original 
 i- and u-stems passed over into this declension in pre- 
 historic HG. In OHG. the ja-, jo- and the wa-, wo-stems 
 only differed from the pure a-, o-stems in the uninflected 
 form. The uninflected form of the ja-stems ended in -i, 
 which became -e in MHG., and has generally disappeared 
 in NHG. The old ja-stems are still for the most part 
 recognizable in NHG. by the umlaut in the stem, as 
 OHG. dunni, engi, kuski, lari, muodi, spati, sconi, 
 suo:^i, tiuri = MHG. diinne, enge, kiusche, laere, miiede, 
 spaete, schoene, siie:^e, tiure = NHG. diinny eng, keusch^ 
 leer^ mude, spat, schon, suss, teuer. The uninflected form 
 of the wa-stems ended in -o, which was dropped already 
 in OHG. after long vowels and partly underwent contrac- 
 tion (§ 236), as blao, blue, grao, grey, later bla, gra ; frao 
 (NHG. /roA), rao (NHG. roh), later fr5, ro ; in other 
 words, the -o became -e in MHG. and was then dropped 
 after 1 and r, as OHG. falo, kalo, garo = MHG. val, kal, 
 gar (§ 171), NHG./aA/, kahl, gar. 
 
 The uninflected form of adjectives in the nom. sing, 
 masc. and fern., and the nom. acc. neut. is a remnant of 
 the time when adjectives had the same case endings as 
 nouns, cp. nom. sing. OHG. tag, buo:^, NHG. busse, nom. 
 acc. sing. wort. In OHG. and MHG. the uninflected 
 form could be used beside the inflected for the nom. sing, 
 all genders and for the acc. neuter, whether the adjective 
 was used attributively or predicatively, thus OHG. blint 
 man, frouwa (woman), kind, beside blinter man, blintiu 
 
§ 40 1 ] A djectives i ^ 3 
 
 frouwa, blinta^ kind ; alt was siu jaro, she was old in 
 years. After the analogy of the predicate use of the 
 uninflected form in the singular, it also came to be used 
 predicatively in the plural in OHG., as die man sint blint 
 or blinte, the men are blind ; wir birun fro, we are joyful. 
 In NHG. the uninflected form, for all numbers and 
 genders, is only used predicatively. 
 
 On the inflexion of adjectives containing a suffixal el, 
 em, en, er, see § 175. 
 
 § 401. Masculine, 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 blint, blint^r 
 
 blint, blinder 
 
 blinder 
 
 Acc. 
 
 hXinian 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Gen. 
 
 blintes 
 
 blindes 
 
 blinden, (-es) 
 
 Dat. 
 
 Instr. 
 
 hXmiemu, (- 0 ) 
 blintu, (- 0 ) 
 
 blindem(e) 
 
 blindem 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 blinte 
 
 blinde 
 
 blinde 
 
 Gen. 
 
 blint^ro 
 
 blinder(e) 
 
 blinder 
 
 Dat. 
 
 blint^m, {-en) blinden 
 Feminine, 
 
 blinden 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 blint, blint(/)^ 
 
 blint, blindiu 
 
 blinde 
 
 Acc. 
 
 blinta 
 
 blinde 
 
 blinde n 
 
 Gen. 
 
 blint^ra 
 
 blinder(e) 
 
 blinder e 
 
 Dat. 
 
 blint^r^, (- 0 ) 
 
 blinder(e) 
 
 blinder 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 blinto 
 
 blinde 
 
 blinde 
 
 Gen. 
 
 blint^ro 
 
 blinder(e) 
 
 blinder 
 
 Dat. 
 
 blint^m, {;ln) 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 o 
 
194 
 
 A cadence 
 
 Neuter, 
 
 [§§ 402-3 
 
 Sing. 
 Nom. Acc. 
 Gen. 
 Dat. 
 Instr, 
 
 Plur. 
 Nom. Acc. 
 Gen. 
 Dat. 
 
 blint, blinta^ 
 blintes 
 hX\n\,emu^ (- 0 ) 
 blintu, (- 0 ) 
 
 blint(/)w 
 blint^ro 
 hVmiemy (-en) 
 
 blint, blinder 
 
 blindes 
 
 blindem(e) 
 
 blindiu 
 
 blinder(e) 
 
 blinden 
 
 blindes 
 blinden, (-es) 
 blindem 
 
 blinde 
 
 blinder 
 
 blinden 
 
 § 402. Singular : blinter has e from he (§ 438) + the 
 nom. sign r from older z. The acc. sing, blintan became 
 blinten in the tenth century. The gen. sing. masc. and 
 neut. began to have the weak ending -en as early as the 
 seventeenth century. The weak beside the strong form 
 has been common since the middle of the eighteenth 
 century. In present-day German the weak is the usual 
 form. The instrumental case disappeared during the 
 OHG. period. In Middle German the acc. fern, came to 
 be used for the nom, in the MHG. period, whence the 
 NHG. nom. and acc. blinde. The old nom. blindiu 
 would have become *blindeu in NHG. The nom. acc. 
 neut. blinda:^ became blinde:^ in the tenth century. In the 
 feminine the forms of the dat. and gen. began to be inter- 
 changeable in the ninth century; and from the tenth 
 century onwards the dat. form was regularly used for 
 both cases. 
 
 § 403. Plural : In Middle German the nom. acc. neut. 
 came to have the masc. ending already in the MHG. 
 period, whence the NHG. form blinde. The gen. blintero 
 became blintere in late OHG. The dat. ending -em 
 became -en in the ninth century, and was shortened to -en 
 in late OHG. 
 
Adjectives 
 
 195 
 
 § 404] 
 
 2. The Weak Declension. 
 
 § 404 . The weak declension of adjectives agrees with 
 that of the weak nouns in all periods of the language 
 except in the NHG. fern, singular. In NHG. the old 
 nom. sing. fern, is used for the acc., but the gen. and dat. 
 sing, have retained the weak endings, whereas in the 
 nouns the old nom. sing, is used for all cases. 
 
 On the weakening of the OHG. case endings to e in 
 MHG., see § 170 . 
 
 Masculine. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 blinto 
 
 blinde 
 
 blinde 
 
 Acc. 
 
 blinton, (-un) 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 blinten, (-in) 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Plur. 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 blinton, (-un) 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Gen. 
 
 blintdno 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Dat. 
 
 blintom, (-on) 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Feminine. 
 
 
 Nom. 
 
 blinta 
 
 blinde 
 
 blinde 
 
 Acc. 
 
 blintun 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinde 
 
 Gen. 
 
 blintun 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Dat. 
 
 blintun 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Plur. 
 
 
 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 blintun 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Gen. 
 
 blintono 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Dat. 
 
 blintom, (-on) 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Neuter. 
 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 blinta 
 
 blinde 
 
 blinde 
 
 Gen. Dat. 
 
 blinten, (-in) 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 o 2 
 
196 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 405 
 
 Plur. 
 
 Nom. Acc. blintun, (-on) blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 blinden 
 
 Gen. blintono blinden 
 
 Dat. blintom, (-on) blinden 
 
 B. The Comparison of Adjectives. 
 I. The Comparative Degree. 
 
 § 405. The Indg. parent language had several suffixes 
 by means of which the comparative degree was formed. 
 But in the individual branches of the parent language one 
 of the suffixes generally became more productive than the 
 rest, and in the course of time came to be the principal 
 one from which the comparative was formed, the other 
 suffixes only being preserved in isolated forms. The only 
 Indg. comparative suffix, which remained productive in 
 the Germanic languages, is -is- which became -iz- (= Goth, 
 -iz-, OHG. -ir-) in prim. Germanic by VernePs law. To 
 this suffix was added in prim. Germanic, or probably in the 
 pre-Germanic period, the formative suffix -en-, -on-, as in 
 Gr. from *(rfd8t(ro)v, gen. ySiovost =Goth. sutiza, gen. 
 sutizins, OHG. suo:^iro, sweeter, gen. suo:^iren, (-in). This 
 explains why the comparative is declined weak in the 
 oldest periods of the Germanic languages. Beside the 
 suffix -iz- there was also in prim. Germanic a suffix -5z- 
 (Goth. -oz-, OHG. -or-) which did not exist in Indo- 
 Germanic. This suffix is a special Germanic new forma- 
 tion, and arose from the comparative of adverbs whose 
 positive originally ended in -o, Indg. -8d (§ 547). And 
 then at a later period it became extended, to adjectives. 
 
 In OHG. polysyllabic adjectives formed with derivative 
 suffixes, and compound adjectives had the suffix -or- ; ja-, 
 jo-stems the suffix -ir- ; and uncompounded pure a-, 
 
§ 4 o 6 ] Adjectives 
 
 197 
 
 o-stems sometimes had the one, sometimes the other 
 suffix, thus : — 
 
 Positive 
 salig, blessed 
 tiurlih, dear 
 engi, narrow 
 suo^i, svoeet 
 lang, long 
 
 h5h, high 
 
 Comparative 
 
 saligoro 
 tiurlihhoro 
 engiro 
 suo:^iro 
 lengiro 
 j hohiro 
 Ihohoro 
 
 § 406. -iro, -oro became -ire, -ore in late OHG., and in 
 MHG. -ire, -ore fell together in -er (§ 171), so that in 
 MHG., as in NHG., the presence or absence of umlaut 
 in the stem is often the only indication as to which suffix 
 was used in OHG. On MHG. and NHG. -er beside -r, 
 see § 175. 
 
 In OHG. only stems originally containing a have 
 umlaut, as Goth. alj)iza, batiza, OHG. eltiro, older^ 
 be:^:^iro, better. In MHG. most monosyllables have 
 umlaut in the comparative either exclusively or have 
 umlauted beside non-umlauted forms. The cause of these 
 double forms is in a great measure due to the two OHG. 
 suffixes -iro and -5ro falling together in MHG. -er, as 
 MHG. alter, armer, junger, gro:^er, h5her, beside elter, 
 ermer, junger, groe:^er, hoeher, NHG. alter ^ armer y junger y 
 grossery hbher. In MHG. and NHG. those adjectives 
 which have umlaut in the positive always retain it in the 
 comparative, as MHG. diinne (OHG. dunni), thiny schoene 
 (OHG. sconi), beautifuly spaete (OHG. spati), latey siiei^e 
 (OHG. suo^i), sweet) comparative MHG. diinner, schoener, 
 spaeter, siie^er, NHG. diinner y schonery spdtery stisser. 
 Quite a number of adjectives, especially monosyllabic, had 
 umlaut in early NHG., which do not generally have it 
 now, the number of non-umlauted forms having increased 
 
198 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§§ 407-8 
 
 especially during the last seventy years. The following 
 categories do not have umlaut in the comparative : (i) 
 adjectives containing au in the stem, as faulj grau ; 
 (2) derivative adjectives ending in -bar, -el, -en, -er, -icht, 
 •ig, -isch, -haft, -lich, -sam; (3) participial adjectives, as 
 klagendf lobend] (4) foreign adjectives, as galant^ kolossal^ 
 nobel) and about fifty monosyllabic adjectives: barA^^^schy 
 blanky bunt, dump/, falsch, flach, froh, hohl, hold, kahl, karg, 
 knappy lahm, lass, los, matt, morsch, nackt, plait, plump, 
 rasch, roh, rund, sacht, sanft, satt, schlaff, schlank, schroff, 
 Starr, stolz, straff, siumm, siumpf, toll, voll, wahr, wund, zalim. 
 In the following usage varies: bang, blass, brav, dumm, 
 fromm, gesund, glatt, grob, nass, schmal, zart 
 
 § 407. As we have seen above, the comparative was 
 declined according to the weak declension in OHG., but 
 already in late OHG. traces of the strong beside the weak 
 declension began to appear, and in MHG. the strong and 
 weak declension exist side by side just as in NHG. The 
 chief factor in bringing about the strong declension of the 
 comparative was the weakening of OHG. -iro, -5ro to -er 
 in MHG. It should be noted that the comparative is used 
 both attributively and predicatively. 
 
 On the inflexion of comparatives whose positive ends in 
 -el, -en, -er, see § 175. 
 
 2. The Superlative Degree. 
 
 § 408. The superlative, like the comparative degree, 
 was formed in the Indg. parent language by means of 
 several suffixes. But in the individual branches of the 
 parent language one of the suffixes generally became more 
 productive than the rest, and in the course of time came 
 to be the principal one from which the superlative degree 
 was formed, the other suffixes only being preserved in 
 
§§ 409 - 10 ] A djectives 1 9 9 
 
 isolated forms. The only superlative suffix which remained 
 productive in the Germanic languages is -to- in the 
 combination -isto-, formed by adding the original super- 
 lative suffix -to- to the comparative suffix -is-, as in 
 Sanskrit and Greek, as Gr. ^Sto-ros = Goth, sutists, 
 OHG. suo^isto, sweetest. The simple superlative suffix 
 -to- has been preserved in Gr., Lat., and the Germanic 
 languages in the formation of the ordinal numerals, 
 as Gr. €KT09, Lat. sextus, Goth, saihsta, OHG. sehsto, 
 sixth. 
 
 The Germanic suffix -ost- was a new formation like -oz- 
 in the comparative. In OHG. the adjectives which had 
 -iro in the comparative had -isto in the superlative, and 
 those which had -oro in the comparative had -osto in the 
 superlative, thus salig5sto, tiurlihhosto, engisto,suo:^isto, 
 lengisto, h5histo, hdhosto. See § 405. 
 
 -isto, -5sto became -iste, -oste in late OHG., and fell 
 together in MHG. -est. What has been said under the 
 comparative about umlaut, &c., also applies to the super- 
 lative in OHG., MHG., and NHG. On MHG. and NHG. 
 -est beside -st, see § 182. MHG. altest, armest, jungest, 
 grd^est, hbhest, beside eltest, ermest, jiingest, greenest 
 (groest), hoehest, NHG. der dlteste^ drmstej jungste^ grdsste^ 
 hdchste. 
 
 § 409. In OHG. the superlative was declined according 
 to the weak declension. Strong forms beside the weak 
 began to appear in late OHG. In MHG. the strong and 
 weak declension exist side by side just as in NHG. The 
 superlative is only used attributively, and its uninflected 
 form seldom occurs except when used adverbially. 
 
 3. Irregular Comparison. 
 
 § 410. The following adjectives form their comparatives 
 and superlatives from a different root than the positive ; — 
 
200 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§ 410 
 
 Goth. goJ>s 
 OHG. guot 
 MHG. guot 
 NHG. gut 
 
 batiza 
 
 be^^iro 
 
 be:^:;er 
 
 besser 
 
 batists 
 be^^^isto 
 be^:^est, (beste) 
 best 
 
 OHG. luzzil, little minniro minnisto 
 
 MHG. liitzel minner, (minre) minnest, (minste) 
 
 NHG. wenig minder mindest 
 
 The comp, and superl. with the meaning smaller^ 
 smallest were still used down to the eighteenth century. 
 The meanings lesSy least have been evolved out of the new 
 positive wenig and the MHG. adv. min (minner, minre), 
 lesSy minnest (minste), least, mindest is a new formation 
 from minder where d was regular (§ 273). 
 
 Goth, mikils maiza maists 
 
 OHG. mihhily great mero meisto 
 
 MHG. michel merer meiste 
 
 NHG. viel mehr meist 
 
 MHG. merer is a double comparative, whence early 
 NHG. mehrer, greateVy as das mehrere teil (Luther), and 
 this meaning was still preserved down to the eighteenth 
 century. Late NHG. mehrere is plural. When the adj. 
 michel was supplanted by viel, muchy the old adjectival 
 meanings of the comp, and superl. disappeared, and their 
 place was taken by that of the old adv. MHG. me(r), mere, 
 more, meist (meiste), most, 
 
 OHG. wirsiro, wirsisto, MHG. wirser, wirsest 
 (wirste), used as the comp, and superl. of OHG. ubil, 
 bad, MHG. iibel, have disappeared in NHG. 
 
 nahor 
 
 naher 
 
 naeher 
 
 naher 
 
 nahist 
 
 nahest 
 
 nachst 
 
 OHG. nah (adv.) 
 MHG. nach 
 NHG. nahe 
 
§§ 411 - 12 ] Adjectives 201 
 
 NHG. nah is the adj. corresponding to MHG. nach, 
 with h from the inflected forms (§ 284), but NHG. nahe 
 corresponds to the MHG. adv. nahe, OHG. naho. 
 
 §411. Already in OHG. the superl. le^^isto (MHG. 
 le:^:^este, leste) was no longer felt as being the superl. 
 of la:^, idle. Late MHG. (Middle German dialect) letzte 
 is from Low German lezt = letst, a shortened form of 
 letist. The NHG. comp, letztere is a new formation 
 from letzte. 
 
 § 412. In a few cases the comparative and superlative 
 were formed in OHG. from an adverb or preposition, as in 
 Latin. 
 
 formerly 
 
 eriro 
 
 eristo 
 
 fora, furi, before 
 
 furiro 
 
 furisto 
 
 furdir, forwards 
 
 [fordro ^ 
 
 tfordaro, (-oro)J 
 
 fordarosto 
 
 hintar, behind 
 
 hintaro 
 
 hintarosto 
 
 inne, within 
 
 innaro 
 
 innarbsto 
 
 oba, above 
 
 obaro, (oboro) 
 
 obarbsto 
 
 untar, down 
 
 untaro 
 
 untarbsto 
 
 u:^, u:^ar, outside 
 
 u^aro 
 
 u:^arbsto 
 
 Most of the above forms have survived in NHG. eristo 
 (MHG. erste, NHG. erste) was used as an ordinal 
 number already in OHG. From NHG. erste has been 
 formed the new comparative erstere. furisto was some- 
 times used in OHG. as an ordinal number beside eristo. 
 It has been preserved in NHG. fiirst. fordaro, fordardsto 
 correspond to NHG. vordere^ vorderste) and similarly 
 NHG. hinterCy hinterste) innerey innerste) oberCy oberste; 
 unterey unterste. The old superl. obarosto has also been 
 preserved in NHG. obrist beside oberst, colonel, MHG. 
 u^er, u:^erst began to have umlaut after the analogy of 
 other adjectives in late MHG., whence NHG. aussere, 
 ausserste. The old comparative without umlaut still 
 occurs in NHG. ausserhalb. 
 
202 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 413 
 
 C. Numerals. 
 
 § 413 . 
 
 I. Cardinal. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 ein 
 
 ein 
 
 zwei 
 
 zwei 
 
 dri 
 
 dri 
 
 feor, fior 
 
 vier 
 
 fimf, finf 
 
 finf, fiinf 
 
 sehs 
 
 sehs 
 
 sibun 
 
 siben 
 
 ahto 
 
 ahte 
 
 niun 
 
 niun 
 
 zehan 
 
 zehen 
 
 einlif 
 
 einlif, eil(i)f 
 
 zwelif 
 
 zwelf 
 
 drizehan 
 
 drizehen 
 
 fiorzehan 
 
 vierzehen 
 
 finfzehan 
 
 finf-, fiinfzehen 
 
 seh(s)zehan 
 
 seh(s)zehen 
 
 *sibunzehan 
 
 sibenzehen 
 
 ahtozehan 
 
 ah(t)zehen 
 
 niunzehan 
 
 niunzehen 
 
 zweinzug 
 
 zweinzic 
 
 dri:^^ug, dri:^ug 
 
 dri:^ic 
 
 fiorzug 
 
 vierzic 
 
 finfzug 
 
 finf-, fiinfzic 
 
 seh(s)zug 
 
 seh(s)zic 
 
 sibunzug 
 
 sibenzic 
 
 ahtozug 
 
 ah(t)zic 
 
 niunzug 
 
 niunzic 
 
 zehanzug, hunt 
 
 zehenzic, hundert 
 
 zwei hunt 
 
 zwei hunt, hundert 
 
 dusunt 
 
 tusent 
 
 zwa dusunta 
 
 zwei tusent 
 
 NHG. 
 
 eins 
 
 zwei 
 
 drei 
 
 vier 
 
 fiinf 
 
 sechs 
 
 sieben 
 
 acht 
 
 neun 
 
 zehn 
 
 elf 
 
 zwolf 
 
 dreizehn 
 
 vierzehn 
 
 fiinfzehn 
 
 sechzehn 
 
 sieben-, siebzehn 
 
 achtzehn 
 
 neunzehn 
 
 zwanzig 
 
 dreissig 
 
 vierzig 
 
 fiinfzig 
 
 sechzig 
 
 sieben-, siebzig 
 
 achtzig 
 
 neunzig 
 
 hundert 
 
 zwei hundert 
 
 tausend 
 
 zwei tausend 
 
§ 414 ] Adjectives 203 
 
 NHG. eins is from the old inflected form of the neut., 
 MHG. eine:^. zwei is the old neuter form, and drei the 
 old masc. form. On OHG. fimf beside finf, see § 246. 
 fiinf beside finf began to appear already in the twelfth 
 century, whence NHG. fiinf. Beside NHG. fiinf there 
 was formerly in common use funf, funfzehn, funfzig, 
 especially in North German. These forms are still 
 common in some North German dialects. The final n in 
 OHG. sibun, niun, and zehan is due to the ordinal forms 
 (§ 161, i). OHG. einlif, zwelif, originally meant some- 
 thing like (ten and) one left over, (ten and) two left over, 
 cp. Lithuanian veniilika, eleven^ dvylika, twelve^ &c., 
 where the -lif and -lika are from *liq- the weak form of 
 the Indg. root *leiq-, to leave^ and are ultimately related to 
 OHG. lihan, Goth, leihran, to lend^ Gr. XetTrw, Lat. linquo, 
 I leave. The assimilation of *-lih to -lif first took place in 
 zwelif because of the preceding labial (§ 198, note), and 
 then, at a later period, the -lif was extended to einlif for 
 older *einlih. On NHG. elf see §139, and on zwolf, 
 § 92. The z in OHG. drizehan is due to the simplex 
 zehan and the compounds 14 to 19 , otherwise it would 
 have been *dri: 5 ehan in OHG., cp. dri^ug (§ 217). In 
 OHG. and MHG. forms with and without medial s existed 
 side by side in the words for 16 and 60 (§ 282). siebzehn 
 and siebzig are the forms now in general use. In the 
 words for 18 and 80 the t disappeared in MHG. by 
 assimilation, but was often restored through the influence 
 of acht, whence the NHG. forms with t. On the a in 
 zwanzig, see § 139. 
 
 § 414. The decades 20 to 60 were formed in prim. 
 Germanic from the units 2 to 6 and the abstract noun 
 *tC 5 und- = Indg. *dekmt-, decade, whence the Goth, stem 
 form tigu- which went over into the u-declension with 
 a plural tigjus, as nom. twai tigjus, twenty, dat. twaim 
 tigum = OHG. zweinzug, the first element of which is 
 
204 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§§ 415-S 
 
 also originally a dative. Prim. Germanic *tegund- is 
 a derivative of prim. Germanic *texun- (= Indg. *dekm, 
 Gr. ScKa, Lat. decern, Goth, taihun, OHG. zehan) with 
 the change of x to 5 by Verner's law (§ 199 ) and the loss 
 of the final consonants (§ 161 ). The stem *tegu- regularly 
 became -tig in OE. and OS., and *-zig in OHG. The u in 
 OHG. -zug is difficult to account for. It may have arisen 
 from the assimilation of the first vowel to the second 
 before the final -u disappeared, -zug was weakened to -zig 
 (•zeg) in late OHG., whence MHG. -zic (-zee) andNHG.-zig. 
 
 In the oldest HG. the decades 70 to 100 were sibunzo, 
 ahtozo, *niunzo, zehanzo, but from the early part of the 
 ninth century they were remodelled on analogy with 
 the decades 20 to 60. sibunzo, &c. are shortened forms 
 for older *sibunzohund, *ahtozohund, *niunzohund, 
 *zehanzohund=Goth. sibuntehund, ahtautehund, niunte- 
 hund, taihuntehund. Many attempts have been made to 
 explain these forms, but no satisfactory explanation of 
 their morphology has ever yet been given. 
 
 § 416 . The usual form for one hundred is in OHG. 
 zehanzug, which was still common in MHG. down to the 
 twelfth century. The form hunt for a single hundred 
 does not occur until late OHG. In OHG. and early 
 MHG. 200, 300, &c. were regularly expressed by the 
 units and the neut. noun hund (= Gr. i-Karov, Lat. centum, 
 Indg. *kmt6m). The form hundert (= O.Icel. hundra}>, 
 OE. hundred) does not occur in HG. until the twelfth 
 century. The second element, -ert, -raj>, -red, is related 
 to Goth, rajjjo, number. OHG. dusunt, late OHG. also 
 tusent, w’as mostly a fern, noun, but also often neuter. In 
 MHG. it was neut. as in NHG. 
 
 § 416 . In OHG. the decades 20 to 100, hunt, and 
 dusunt were nouns and governed a following noun in the 
 gen. case. In MHG. they were mostly used as uninflected 
 adjectives as in NHG. 
 
§§417-9] Adjectives 205 
 
 § 417. In OHG. the numerals i to 3 were declinable in 
 all cases and genders as in the other Germanic languages. 
 
 § 418. ein was declined according to the strong or 
 weak declension of adjectives in OHG. and MHG. as in 
 NHG., when declined weak in OHG. and MHG. it meant 
 ^ alone \ and with the meaning ^ only ones ’ pi. weak forms 
 also occurred where in NHG. the inflected forms of einzig 
 are used. The uninflected form ein was generally used 
 for all genders in the nom., and in the acc. neuter, as ein 
 man, frouwa, kind. In NHG. the fern. nom. acc. is 
 always inflected, ein came to be used as an indef. art. 
 already in OHG., but it was not used so frequently as 
 such in OHG. as in MHG. and NHG. In all periods of 
 the language it was accented or unaccented according as it 
 was used as a numeral or indef. article. 
 
 § 419. OHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. Masc. zwene 
 „ „ Fern, zwa, (zw5) 
 
 „ „ Neut. zwei 
 
 Gen. all genders zweio, 
 
 (zweiero) 
 
 Dat. „ ,, zweim, 
 
 (zwein) 
 
 MHG. 
 zwene 
 zwa, (zwo) 
 zwei 
 zweier 
 
 zwein, 
 
 (zweien) 
 
 NHG. 
 
 zwei, (z ween) 
 zwei, (zwo) 
 zwei 
 zwei, 
 (zweier) 
 zwei, 
 (zweien). 
 
 The nom. acc. neut. zwei came to be used for the masc. 
 and fern, in Middle German already in the MHG. period. 
 The uninflected nom. acc. neut. zwei began to be used in 
 MHG. for all genders and cases before a following noun. 
 The gen. zweiero with adjectival ending became the 
 regular form from late OHG. onwards, whence MHG. and 
 NHG. zweier. The nom. acc. zween, fern, zwo were 
 common down to the eighteenth century, and are also 
 sometimes found in nineteenth-century literature. 
 
206 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§§ 420-1 
 
 § 420. OHG. 
 
 Nom. Acc. Masc. dri, (drie) 
 
 „ „ Fem. drio 
 
 „ „ Neut. driu 
 
 Gen. all genders drio, (driero) 
 Dat. „ „ drim, (drin) 
 
 MHG. NHG. 
 dri, (drie) drei 
 dri, (drie) drei 
 driu drei 
 
 drier drei, (dreier) 
 drin, drei, 
 
 (dri(e)n) (dreien) 
 
 Late OHG. and MHG. drie has adjectival ending. NHG. 
 drei is regularly developed from the OHG. and MHG. 
 masc. dri. The masc. dri came to be used for the fem. drio 
 in late OHG., and in late MHG. the masc. dri came to be 
 used for the neut. ; and driu, which would have become 
 *dreu in NHG., disappeared, dri (= NHG. drei) began to 
 be used already in MHG. for all genders and cases before 
 a following noun. The gen. driero with adjectival ending 
 became the regular form from late OHG. onwards, whence 
 MHG. drier and NHG. dreier. The dat. drien (=NHG. 
 dreien) with adjectival ending beside drin is common 
 from the twelfth century until towards the end of the 
 MHG. period, then drin disappeared. 
 
 §421. In OHG. and MHG. the numerals 4 to 12 
 remained uninflected when they stood before nouns, but 
 were inflected when they stood after a noun, or were used 
 as nouns. The nom. and acc. neut. had adjectival endings. 
 The endings are : — 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 Masc. Fem. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 •i 
 
 MHG. 
 
 -e 
 
 yy yy 
 
 Neut. 
 
 -iu, -u 
 
 •iu 
 
 Gen. 
 
 
 •eo, -o 
 
 -er 
 
 Dat. 
 
 
 •im, -in 
 
 •en 
 
 The OHG. endings, except for the nom. and acc. neut., 
 are those of the i-declension (§ 373). The MHG. gen. 
 ending -er is adjectival (§ 401). 
 
 The numerals 13 to 19 were also sometimes inflected 
 
§ 4 2 2] A djectives 207 
 
 after the analogy of the numerals 4 to 12. In the case of 
 13 both elements could be inflected, but in 14 to 19 only 
 -zehan had inflexions. 
 
 When the cardinal numerals are inflected in NHG., 
 they have -e in the nom. and acc., -er in the gen. (but -en 
 when preceded by the def. article or a word declined like 
 it), and -en in the dat. except sieben which does not take 
 a second -en. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 eristo, furisto 
 
 erste 
 
 erste 
 
 ander 
 
 ander 
 
 zweite 
 
 dritto 
 
 dritte 
 
 dritte 
 
 feordo, fiordo 
 
 vierde 
 
 vierte 
 
 fimfto, finfto 
 
 finfte, fiinfte 
 
 fiinfte 
 
 sehsto 
 
 sehste 
 
 sechste 
 
 sib unto 
 
 sibente, -de 
 
 siebente 
 
 ahtodo 
 
 ahtede, ahte 
 
 achte 
 
 niunto 
 
 niunte, -de 
 
 neunte 
 
 zehanto 
 
 zehente, -de 
 
 zehnte 
 
 einlifto 
 
 ei(n)lifte, eilfte 
 
 elfte 
 
 zwelifto 
 
 zwelfte 
 
 zwolfte 
 
 drittozehanto 
 
 drizehende 
 
 dreizehnte 
 
 fiordozehanto 
 
 vierzehende 
 
 vierzehnte 
 
 finftazehanto 
 
 fiinfzehende 
 
 fiinfzehnte 
 
 sehstazehanto 
 
 seh(s)zehende 
 
 sechzehnte 
 
 sibuntozehanto 
 
 sibenzehende 
 
 siebzehnte 
 
 ahtodazehanto 
 
 ah(t)zehende 
 
 achtzehnte 
 
 niuntazehanto 
 
 niunzehende 
 
 neunzehnte 
 
 zweinzugosto 
 
 zweinzigeste 
 
 zwanzigste 
 
 dri^ugosto 
 
 dri:^igeste 
 
 dreissigste 
 
 fiorzugbsto 
 
 vierzigeste 
 
 vierzigste 
 
 finfzugosto 
 
 fiinfzigeste 
 
 fiinfzigste 
 
 seh(s)zugosto 
 
 seh(s)zigeste 
 
 sechzigste 
 
208 
 
 A cadence 
 
 OHG, 
 
 sibunzugdsto 
 
 ahtozugosto 
 
 niunzugosto 
 
 zehanzugdsto 
 
 dusuntdsto 
 
 MHG. 
 
 sibenzigeste 
 ah(t)zigeste 
 niunzigeste 
 jzehenzigeste ] 
 (hundert(e)ste j 
 tusent(e)ste 
 
 [§ 422 
 
 NHG. 
 
 siebzigste 
 
 achtzigste 
 
 neunzigste 
 
 hundertste 
 
 tausendste 
 
 The ordinals eristo, furisto are old superlatives (§ 412 ). 
 OHG. and MHG. ander (= Goth. anj)ar, OE. 5 J>er, cp. 
 Engl, every other day) was declined according to the strong 
 declension in OHG., but in late OHG. also weak as in 
 MHG. and NHG. ander with the meaning second was 
 used down to the eighteenth century and is still preserved 
 in anderthalb. zweite, a new formation from zwei after 
 the analogy of the other ordinals, does not occur until the 
 fifteenth century. Beside zweite the masc. form zweente, 
 and fern, zwote, often occur in the eighteenth century and 
 also occasionally in early nineteenth -century literature. 
 The word for third had short i already in prim. Germanic, 
 thus OHG. dritto {Goth, fridja, OE. )?ridda, Gr. rpiVos) 
 with stem form from Indg. the weak form of *trei-, 
 three. 
 
 The ordinals 4th to 12th were formed direct from the 
 cardinals by means of the Indg. suffix -to- and were 
 declined according to the weak declension. 
 
 The ordinals 13th to 19th were formed from the ordinals 
 3rd to 9th and the ordinal for loth (cp. also Goth, fimftatai- 
 fifteenth^ but only -zehanto was inflected. In late 
 OHG. the first ordinal of the compound was replaced by 
 the cardinal, whence the MHG. and NHG. forms. 
 
 The ordinals 20th to looth, and loooth, were formed 
 from the cardinals and the superlative suffix -ost- (§ 408 ), 
 whence the MHG. and NHG. forms. 
 
 In NHG. the ending -te has been generalized from 
 
§§ 423-4] Adjectives 209 
 
 those forms where it was regular, as in erste^ drittey 
 funfiCy zwanzigstCy &c., just as Modern Engl, has gene- 
 ralized the -th from fourth onwards, as fifthy sixthy 
 twelfthy OE. fifta, siexta, twelfta, &c., whereas most 
 Modern Engl, dialects have generalized the -t forms, as 
 fourt, fift, sixt, twelft, &c. 
 
 sibende, niunde, zehende were the usual MHG. forms 
 (§ 268). ahtede became ahte already in MHG., whence 
 NHG. achte. The phonological remarks, which have 
 been made concerning the cardinals, also apply to the 
 ordinals. 
 
 § 423. In OHG. all the ordinals, except ander, were 
 declined according to the weak declension of adjectives. 
 In MHG. they were declined according to the weak or 
 strong declension of adjectives, but without uninflected 
 forms, just as in NHG. 
 
 3. Other Numerals. 
 
 § 424. In OHG. the multiplicative numeral adjectives 
 were formed from the cardinals and the Germanic suffix 
 for -fold (Goth. -falj?s, OE. -feald, OHG. -fait), as einfalt, 
 zwifalt, drifalt, fiorfalt, finffalt, sehsfalt, sibunfalt, ahto- 
 fait, niunfalt, zehanfalt, &c. (= OE. anfeald, twiefeald, 
 f>riefeald, &c.), which were declined as ordinary adjectives. 
 From -fait there was formed in late OHG. the suffix 
 •faltig(= MHG. -veltic, -valtic, NHG. -faltig), as ein- 
 faltig, zwifaltig, drifaltig, fiorfaltig, &c. = MHG. ein- 
 veltic, zwiveltic, driveltic, vierveltic, &c., NHG. einfdltig 
 with changed meaning ; zweifdltigy dreifaltigy are new 
 formations from zwei and drei; vierfdltigy &c. 
 
 In the MHG. period multiplicative numeral adjectives 
 began to be formed from -fach (= OE. fsec), party division 
 of space or timCy as einfach, zwifach, drifach, vierfach, 
 &c., whence NHG. einfachy vierfachy &c. ; zweifach (older 
 
 p 
 
210 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§§ 425-7 
 
 NHG. zwiefach) and dreifach are new formations from 
 zwei, drei ; cp. also mannigfachy mehrfachy vielfach. 
 
 Of the three MHG. forms -fach, -valt, -veltic, the form 
 -valt ceased to be used in this connexion in late MHG., 
 and in NHG. the form -fach is the usual one; -faltig is 
 now archaic. Beside zweifach we also have doppelt (§ 272) 
 with differentiated meanings. 
 
 § 425. The adverbial multiplicatives were in OHG. 
 eines (gen. of ein) which was in common use in the form 
 eins down to the beginning of the nineteenth century, 
 zwiro, MHG. zwir, early NHG. zwier, now practically 
 obs. driror was rare already in OHG., the usual form 
 was drio stunt, the stunt being properly an old fern, noun 
 used adverbially; vior stunt, finf stunt, &c. In the 
 thirteenth century mal (Engl, meal in piecemeal, meal- 
 time) began to be used with the same meaning as stunt, 
 and then at a later period stunt became obs., whence 
 NHG. etnmaly zwetmaly dreimaly &c. 
 
 § 426. The NHG. suffix -lei was in MHG. a fern, noun 
 which only occurred in the gen. case, as einer leie, drier 
 leie, vier leie, aller leie, maneger leie, &c., whence NHG. 
 einerleiy zweierleiy dreierleiy viererlei, allerleiy mancherlei^ 
 vielerleiy &c. MHG. leie, lei, wayy manner y is a loan-word 
 from Old Proven9al ley (nom. lei-s, ley-s), Lat. acc. 
 legem. 
 
 § 427. MHG. anderhalp, drittehalp, vierdehalp, fiinfte- 
 halp, &c., lit. (one and) the second half, (two and) the 
 third half, &c., whence NHG. anderthalb, dritt(e)halby 
 vieri[e)halby &c. This method of expressing numbers goes 
 back to the prim. Germanic period, and was originally 
 common in all the Germanic languages. Originally both 
 elements of the compound were inflected, but at a later 
 period the compound, when used before nouns, became 
 uninflected like other cardinal numerals. Cp. OE. 5}>er 
 healf hund daga, 150 days ; }>ridda healf, two and a half) 
 
§§ 428 - 31 ] A djectives 2 1 1 
 
 feorf>a healf, three and a half ; Gr. rpirov rjfJ^iTdXavTov, two 
 talents and a half lit. third half talent, 
 
 § 428. MHG. selbe ander, selbe dritte, s^be vierde, 
 &c., where selbe is the weak form of the nom. selp, later 
 written in one word selbander, selbdritte, selbvierde, 
 whence NHG. selbander ^ lit. self as second, selbdritte 
 selbvierte &c., as selbdritt erschien der zvolf (Lessing), cp. Gr. 
 TpLTos avTos, lit. himself as third = himself with two others, 
 T€Tapros avTos, himself with three others. Formerly the 
 cardinals were also occasionally used, as selbdrei, selb- 
 vier, &c. 
 
 § 429. In OHG. beide was declined according to the 
 strong declension of adjectives and had plural forms only. 
 In MHG. it began to have singular forms after the 
 analogy of ieweder, iedeweder, each. In NHG. it came 
 to be treated as an ordinary adjective and accordingly has 
 strong and weak forms singular and plural. Cp. the iso- 
 lated form beiderseits, older NHG. beiderseit == MHG. 
 ze beider zit. 
 
 § 430. NHG. erstens, zweitens, drittens, viertens, &c., are 
 modern formations from the weak gen. of the ordinals, 
 to which has been added the so-called adverbial gen. 
 ending -s. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 PRONOUNS 
 
 §431. The most difficult chapter in works on com- 
 parative grammar is the one dealing with the pronouns. 
 It is impossible to state with any degree of certainty how 
 many pronouns the parent Indg. language had and what 
 forms they had assumed at the time it became differentiated 
 into the various branches which constitute the Indg. family 
 of languages. The difficulty is rendered still more com- 
 
 p 2 
 
212 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§431 
 
 plicated by the fact that most of the pronouns, especially 
 the personal and demonstrative, must have had accented 
 and unaccented forms existing side by side in the parent 
 language itself ; and that one or other of the forms became 
 generalized already in the prehistoric period of the indi- 
 vidual branches of the parent language. And then at a 
 later period, but still in prehistoric times, there arose 
 new accented and unaccented forms side by side in the 
 individual branches, as e. g. in prim. Germanic ek, mek 
 beside ik, mik. The separate Germanic languages gene- 
 ralized one or other of these forms before the beginning 
 of the oldest literary monuments and then new accented 
 beside unaccented forms came into existence again. And 
 similarly during the historic periods of the different 
 languages. Thus, e. g., the OE. for I is ic ; this became in 
 M E. ich, accented form, beside i, unaccented form ; ich then 
 disappeared in standard ME. (but it is still preserved 
 in one of the modern dialects of Somersetshire) and i came 
 to be used as the accented and unaccented form. At 
 a later period it became i when accented and remained 
 i when unaccented. The former has become NE. I, and 
 the latter has disappeared from the literary language, but 
 it is still preserved in many northern Engl, dialects, as i. 
 In these dialects i is regularly used in interrogative and 
 subordinate sentences; the ME. accented form i has 
 become ai and is only used in the dialects to express 
 special emphasis, and from it a new unaccented form a 
 has been developed which can only be used in making 
 direct assertions. Thus in one and the same dialect 
 (Windhill, Yorks.) we arrive at three forms : ai, a, i, which 
 are never mixed up syntactically by genuine native 
 dialect speakers. Something similar to what has happened 
 and still is happening in the modern dialects must also 
 have taken place in the prehistoric and historic periods of 
 all the Indg. languages; hence in the prehistoric forms 
 
§§ 432 - 4 ] 
 
 Pronouns 
 
 21 
 
 of the pronouns given below it must not be assumed that 
 they were the only ones existing in prim. Germanic. 
 They are merely given as the nearest ascertainable forms 
 from which the OHG. forms were descended. 
 
 §432. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 Sing, Nom. 
 
 ih 
 
 Acc. 
 
 mih 
 
 Gen. 
 
 min 
 
 Dat. 
 
 mir 
 
 PL Nom. 
 
 wir 
 
 Acc. 
 
 unsih 
 
 Gen. 
 
 unser 
 
 Dat. 
 
 uns 
 
 §433. 
 
 Sing, Nom. 
 
 du, du 
 
 Acc. 
 
 dih 
 
 Gen. 
 
 din 
 
 Dat. 
 
 dir 
 
 PL Nom. 
 
 ir 
 
 Acc. 
 
 iuwih 
 
 Gen. 
 
 iuwer 
 
 Dat. 
 
 iu 
 
 I. Personal. 
 First Person, 
 MHG. 
 ich 
 mich 
 min 
 mir 
 
 wir 
 
 uns, (unsich) 
 
 unser 
 
 uns 
 
 Second Person, 
 
 du, du 
 
 dich 
 
 din 
 
 dir 
 
 ir 
 
 inch 
 
 iuw^er 
 
 iu 
 
 NHG. 
 
 ich 
 
 mich 
 
 meiner, (mein) 
 mir 
 
 wir 
 
 uns 
 
 unser, (unsrer) 
 uns 
 
 du 
 
 dich 
 
 deiner, (dein) 
 
 dir 
 
 ihr 
 
 euch 
 
 euer, (eurer) 
 euch 
 
 § 434. In the parent language the nom. was rarely used 
 except to express emphasis (cp. Skr., Lat., Gr.), because 
 it was sufficiently indicated by the personal endings of 
 the verb. Beside the accented form of each case of the 
 personal pronouns, there also existed one or more un- 
 accented forms just as in many modern dialects, where we 
 often find three or even four forms for the nom. case of 
 each pronoun. With few exceptions all the OHG. forms 
 
214 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§ 434 
 
 of the first and second persons represent prim. Germanic 
 unaccented forms. The accented forms corresponding to 
 OHG. ill, mih, dih occur, e. g., in O.Icel. ek, and OE. 
 mec, J)6C. 
 
 The h in OHG. mih, dih, sih goes back to a prim. 
 Germanic particle, *ke = Indg. *ge, which is found in 
 Gr. pronominal forms like 
 
 On the OHG. forms with final r from prim. Germanic z 
 see § 161, ( 3 ). 
 
 OHG. unsih and iuwih have -ih from the analogy of 
 the sing, mih, dih. 
 
 The pi. acc. unsih and dat. uns were pretty well kept 
 apart in OHG., in MHG. unsich was rarely used, and in 
 NHG. the old dat. uns is now always used for the acc. 
 as well. 
 
 The origin of the e in unser, iuwer is difficult to 
 explain. It may partly be due to the fact that these 
 genitives were also used in OHG. as the nom. sing, of the 
 possessive pronouns and that they have -er from the 
 adjectival ending as in Winter (§ 402). 
 
 du was often used enclitically in OHG. and MHG. just 
 as it is in the NHG. colloquial language, as OHG. nimis 
 du? became nimistu? = NHG. nimsta? ; bis du? became 
 bistu? = NHG. bisto? This is the origin of the final t 
 in the second pers. sing, of verbs. The t came to be 
 regarded as part of the verb, so that we find already in 
 OHG. forms like nimist du? beside nimistu? NHG. du 
 is from the MHG. unaccented form du. MHG. du would 
 have become *dau in NHG. 
 
 OHG. ir has i for u after the analogy of wir. The 
 prim. Germanic form was juz, cp. Goth. jus. From 
 about the thirteenth century onwards the plural form ir 
 came to be used for the second pers. sing, as the most 
 usual form of politeness. It is still so used by country 
 people amongst themselves, and by people of ^ high degree ' 
 
Pronouns 
 
 § 435 ] 
 
 215 
 
 when they wish to avoid the familiar form du and the 
 respectful form Sie. 
 
 OHG. iuwih became inch about the end of the eleventh 
 century. In MHG. iu (§ 232) and inch were kept pretty 
 strictly apart until the fourteenth century. From then 
 onwards inch began to take the place of iu, especially in 
 Middle German. And the old dat. form disappeared in 
 early NHG. 
 
 Beside the gen. min, din there existed in OHG. and 
 MHG. mines, dines in combination with selbes, ipsiusy as 
 mines s^bes lip, lit. the body of myself In MHG. beside 
 mines, dines s^bes there also existed miner, diner 
 selbes, presumably at first only in connexion with fern, 
 nouns ; but the MHG. gen. pi. unser, iuwer were also an 
 important factor in the origin of the forms miner, diner 
 selbes. About the fourteenth century, they came to be 
 used alone and regularly became meineVy deiner \n NHG. 
 The NHG. genitives meiuy dein, unseVy euer are regularly 
 developed from the corresponding OHG. and MHG. 
 forms. The old forms mein, dein are still used in poetic 
 diction, as Wie konnf ich dein vergessen! Dein denk* ich 
 allezeit) cp. also vergissmeinnicht. In the pi. unser and 
 euer are the usual NHG. forms, as Vergesst unser nicht 
 (Goethe) ; Ihr zeigtet selten beherrschung euer selbst (Schiller). 
 But the longer forms with -er from the analogy of the 
 adjectival endings are pretty common in the literature of 
 the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, as Gedenken 
 Sie unsrer (Goethe) ; Eurery wahrlich hdtf ich nicht gefehlt 
 (Schiller). 
 
 § 435. The only trace of a dual in OHG. is unker, of us 
 twOy in the combination unker zweio (Otfrid). In thirteenth- 
 century Bavarian occur e:^, ye two, dat., acc. enk, also 
 a possessive enker, still preserved in the modern Bavarian 
 dialects. 
 
2I6 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§§ 436-7 
 
 Third Person. 
 
 § 436. The pronoun of the third person is formed from 
 two stems which are etymologically unconnected, viz. i- 
 and si-, (perhaps also sja), as Lat. nom. masc. is = Goth, 
 is, OHG. er (ir); neut. Lat. id = Goth, it-a, OHG. i:^; 
 fern. Gr. i, Irish si = Goth, si, OHG. si; and perhaps 
 OHG. siu = Skr. sya. But many of the OHG. forms 
 are new formations. 
 
 §437. Masculine. 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. Nom. 
 
 er, (ir) 
 
 er 
 
 er 
 
 Acc. 
 
 inan, in 
 
 in 
 
 ihn 
 
 Gen. 
 
 sin 
 
 sin, (es) 
 
 seiner, (sein) 
 
 Dat. 
 
 imu, (- 0 ) 
 
 im(e) 
 
 ihm 
 
 PL Nom. Acc. 
 
 sie 
 
 sie, si, si 
 
 sie 
 
 Gen. 
 
 iro 
 
 ir(e) 
 
 ihrer 
 
 Dat. 
 
 im, in 
 
 in 
 
 ihnen 
 
 
 Feminine. 
 
 
 Sing. Nom. 
 
 siu ; si, si 
 
 siu; si, si, sie 
 
 sie 
 
 Acc. 
 
 sia, sie 
 
 si, si, sie 
 
 sie 
 
 Gen. 
 
 ira; iru, (-o) ir(e) 
 
 ihrer 
 
 Dat. 
 
 iru, (-0) 
 
 ir(e) 
 
 ihr 
 
 PI. Nom. Acc. 
 
 sio 
 
 sie, si, si 
 
 sie 
 
 Gen. 
 
 iro 
 
 ir(e) 
 
 ihrer 
 
 Dat. 
 
 im, in 
 
 in 
 
 ihnen 
 
 
 Neuter, 
 
 
 Sing. Nom. Acc. 
 
 4 
 
 e% 
 
 es 
 
 Gen. 
 
 is, es 
 
 es 
 
 seiner, (sein) 
 
 Dat. 
 
 imu, (- 0 ) 
 
 im(e) 
 
 ihm 
 
 PL Nom. Acc. 
 
 siu 
 
 siu; si, si, sie 
 
 sie 
 
 Gen. 
 
 iro 
 
 ir(e) 
 
 ihrer 
 
 Dat. 
 
 im, in 
 
 in 
 
 ihnen. 
 
§§ 438-9] 
 
 Pronouns 
 
 217 
 
 § 438. Masculine sing. : The oldest form of the nom. is 
 ir which is rare except in Isidor, The general form is er 
 with e from der. Beside er some OHG. Franconian 
 monuments have her, he = OE. he, the instrumental case 
 of which has been preserved in NHG. heute = OHG. 
 hiu-tu from *hiu tagu. in-an with adjectival ending (§ 401) 
 is the accented form, in came to be used for the accented 
 and unaccented form in the ninth century. In NHG. it 
 has been lengthened. The gen. of er would be *is, but 
 it disappeared in prehistoric HG., its place having been 
 taken by the reflexive pronoun sin. In MHG. the neut. 
 es was sometimes used for the masc. gen. The origin and 
 use of NHG. seiner [seiri) is parallel with that of meiner 
 [mein)y § 434. 
 
 In the dat. imu is the older form, which regularly 
 became imo in the ninth century, ime, the weakened 
 form of imo, regularly became im during the MHG. period, 
 which has been lengthened to ihm in NHG. (§ 109). 
 
 §439. Feminine sing.: siu is the usual nom. form in 
 the oldest HG. It is either the same word as Skr. sya or 
 has its iu from the nom. fern, of the simple demonstrative 
 pronoun (§ 449). siu, which would have become *seu in 
 NHG., disappeared in late MHG. si, si are not common 
 until towards the end of the OHG. period, the former 
 being the accented, and the latter the unaccented form, 
 si, which would have become *sei in NHG., disappeared 
 in late MHG. NHG. sie is from MHG. sie or from the 
 lengthened form of si. The OHG. acc. forms sia, sie 
 were due to the influence of dia, die (§ 449). In late 
 OHG. sia was sometimes used for the nom., and in 
 MHG. the nom. was often used for the acc. and vice 
 versa. NHG. acc. sie is of the same origin as the 
 nominative. 
 
 In OHG. the gen. and dat. forms ira, iru (with original 
 instrumental ending) often interchanged with each other 
 
2i8 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§§ 440-1 
 
 like the corresponding forms of the adjectives (§ 402). 
 MHG. ir(e) is regularly developed from the corresponding 
 OHG. forms. ir(e) became ir during the MHG. period 
 (§ 171 ), which has been lengthened to ihr in NHG. The 
 NHG. gen. ihrer is of the same origin as meiner 434). 
 The gen. ihr existed beside ihrer until about the end of 
 the seventeenth century. 
 
 § 440. Neuter sing. : In OHG. the regular form for the 
 nom. and acc. is i:^. In late OHG. and early MHG. 
 existed beside i:^, the former being the unaccented and the 
 latter the accented form. Then i^ disappeared in MHG. 
 and = NHG. es became the accented form. 
 
 In the gen. is is the old accented form and es the 
 unaccented, is disappeared in late OHG. es was rarely 
 used in MHG.; and in NHG. it has only remained in such 
 sentences as tch bin es satt^ zufrieden, &c. The chief 
 reason why es disappeared from general use was the fact 
 that it fell together with the nom. acc. es (MHG. e^) in 
 late MHG. For the old gen. is, es, the reflexive form 
 sin began to be used already in late OHG. In early 
 MHG. es was only used in reference to a sentence, and 
 sin in reference to a noun or a pronoun representing 
 a noun. On seiner (sein) and the dat. forms see above. 
 
 § 441. Plural : The nom. and acc. sie, sio, siu were 
 special OHG. formations from the fern. sing, stem si-, to 
 which were added the nom. pi. endings of the adjectives 
 (§ 401). This took place in prehistoric HG. The fern, 
 nom. acc. was first formed on analogy with the sing., and 
 then this was followed by the formation of the masc. and 
 neuter, sie was seldom used for the fern. pi. sio in 
 OHG. In late OHG. sie was used for both the masc. 
 fern, and neuter. On the other hand the original neut. 
 form siu came to be used for the masc. and fern, in MHG. 
 In late MHG. si and siu, which would have become *sei 
 and *seu in NHG., disappeared, and sie or the lengthened 
 
Pronouns 
 
 219 
 
 § 442] 
 
 form of si became NHG. sie. This is now also used for 
 the second person. It was originally used in reference to 
 plural abstract nouns like eure gnaden, and then, since 
 the seventeenth century, it has come to be used for ihr 
 generally, see § 434. 
 
 The gen. iro regularly became ir during the MHG. 
 period (§ 171), which became lengthened to ihr in early 
 NHG. (§ 103). ihr has regularly been replaced by ihrer 
 with adjectival ending since the end of the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
 Examples of ihr are : Sind ihr nit zehn rein warden ? 
 (Luther) ; Es iverden ihr sechs statt drei (Opitz) ; but Goethe 
 ihrer funfzig. ihr is still preserved in NHG. before the 
 gen. aller^ as Ihr aller gluckwunsche empftng ich. Beside 
 the fern. gen. sing, and pi. iro there existed in OHG. iro 
 with end accentuation. The former regularly became 
 MHG. ir(e), NHG. ihr, and the latter MHG. iro, and 
 possibly NHG. ihro still used in Court and official 
 language. It is more probable however that ihro is a 
 NHG. formation after the analogy of the archaic form 
 dero (§ 463). It is used for the second person masc. and 
 fern., as ihro eminenz^ durchlaucht) Es hat ihro gnaden 
 nichtgereut) ihro majestdt gestatten gnadigst ] &c. 
 
 The dat. im became in in the ninth century, in then 
 remained during the OHG. and MHG. period; but beside 
 in there arose in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries inen 
 with adjectival ending. The form in disappeared in early 
 NHG. and inen regularly became ihnen in NHG. (§109). 
 
 2. Reflexive. 
 
 442. The reflexive pronoun originally referred tpjhe^ 
 
 
 chieOpersohroT th e sentence (generally the_subj£^^^ irre- 
 
 spectively as to whether the subject was the first, second, 
 or third person singular or plural. This distinction has 
 
220 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§§ 443-5 
 
 remained in Sanskrit, but in the Germanic languages the 
 pronouns, of the first and second p erson 
 reflexively already in pr im. Germanic, and then the 
 original reflexive pronoun became restricted to the third 
 
 person. 
 
 
 
 
 § 443 . 
 
 
 Singular. 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Acc. 
 
 sih 
 
 sich 
 
 sich 
 
 Gen. 
 
 sin; ira 
 
 sin; ir(e) 
 
 seiner, (sein) ; ihrer 
 
 Dat. 
 
 imu; iru 
 
 im(e); ir(e) 
 
 sich 
 
 
 
 Plural. 
 
 
 Acc. 
 
 sih 
 
 sich 
 
 sich 
 
 Gen. 
 
 iro 
 
 ir(e) 
 
 ihrer 
 
 Dat. 
 
 im, in 
 
 in 
 
 sich 
 
 § 444 . 
 
 In prim. 
 
 Germanic there existed the accented 
 
 form *sek beside the unaccented form *sik. OHG. sih 
 represents the latter. The se in *sek corresponds to 
 Gr. €, Lat. se, and the k is from the Indg. particle *ge 
 (§ 434 ). In late OHG. and in MHG. sich was sometimes 
 used for the dat., especially after prepositions. In early 
 NHG. sich came to be used for the dat. generally. All 
 the forms, except sich, are the same as those of the 
 personal pronoun third person (§ 437 ). 
 
 3. Possessive. 
 
 § 445 . In OHG. the possessive pronouns of the first 
 and second persons were formed from the gen. case of the 
 corresponding personal pronouns, thus min, my) din, 
 thy ; unser, our ; iuwer, your ; and the masc. and neut. 
 of the third pers. sing, was formed from sin, his^ its. These 
 were all declined in OHG., as in MHG. and NHG., 
 according to the strong declension of adjectives (§ 401 ). 
 Note that the OHG. inflected forms of unser, iuwer are : un- 
 serer, unseriu, unsera^, &c. ; iuwerer, iuweriu, iuwera:^, 
 
§§ 446-9] 
 
 Pronouns 
 
 221 
 
 &c. In OHG. and MHG. the uninflected forms were almost 
 always used for the nom. sing. masc. and fern., and the 
 nom. acc. neuter. In NHG. the nom. masc. sing, and the 
 nom. acc. neut. sing, remain uninflected when used as 
 possessive adjectives, but the fern. sing, is always inflected 
 when used as a possessive adjective. 
 
 § 440. The third pers. fern. sing, was expressed by ira 
 (§ 437), lit. of her^ and the third pers. pi., all genders, by 
 iro (§ 437), theiPf lit. of them, ira and iro were uninflected 
 in OHG., but in early MHG. they were often inflected on 
 analogy with the other possessives, and from the fourteenth 
 century onwards the inflected forms became general just 
 as in NHG. ihr^ ihrCj ihreSj pi. ihre, 
 
 § 447. The possessive pronouns der meinigej deinigCy 
 seinige^ &c., did not exist in MHG. They are NHG. 
 formations with the adjectival suffix -ig (§ 322). 
 
 4. Demonstrative. 
 
 §448. In the parent Indg. language the nom. sing, 
 masc. and fern, of the simple demonstrative was *so, 
 *sa = Gr. o, 17, Goth, sa, so. All the other cases of the 
 sing, and pi. were formed from the stems to-, ta-, as acc. 
 Gr. ToV, TT/i/, Lat. is-tum, is-tam, Goth. }?an-a, f>o ; nom. 
 pi. Gr. rot, rat, Lat. is-ti, is-tae, Goth. f>di, J>5s. 
 
 § 449. Masculine, 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. Nom. 
 
 der 
 
 der 
 
 der 
 
 Acc. 
 
 den 
 
 den 
 
 den 
 
 Gen. 
 
 des 
 
 des 
 
 des,(dessen) 
 
 Dat. 
 
 demu, (- 0 ) 
 
 dem(e) 
 
 dem 
 
 PI. Nom. Acc. 
 
 de, dea, dia, 
 
 die die 
 
 die 
 
 Gen. 
 
 dero 
 
 der(e) 
 
 der, (deren, 
 
 
 
 
 derer) 
 
 Dat. 
 
 dem, den 
 
 den 
 
 den, (denen) 
 
222 
 
 
 Accidence 
 
 
 tod 
 
 Ol 
 
 0 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Feminine. 
 
 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing, 
 
 Nom. 
 
 diu 
 
 diu 
 
 die 
 
 
 Acc. 
 
 dea, dia, die 
 
 die 
 
 die 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 dera, deru, (-o) 
 
 der(e) 
 
 der, (deren. 
 
 
 
 
 
 derer) 
 
 
 Dat. 
 
 deru, (-o) 
 
 der(e) 
 
 der 
 
 PI. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 deo, dio 
 
 die 
 
 die 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 dero 
 
 der(e) 
 
 der, (deren. 
 
 
 
 
 
 derer) 
 
 
 Dat. 
 
 dem, den 
 
 den 
 
 den 
 
 
 
 Neuter. 
 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 da:^ 
 
 da^ 
 
 das 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 des 
 
 des 
 
 des, (dessen) 
 
 
 Dat. 
 
 demu, (-o) 
 
 dem(e) 
 
 dem 
 
 
 Instr. 
 
 diu 
 
 
 
 PL 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 diu 
 
 diu 
 
 die 
 
 
 Gen. 
 
 dero 
 
 der(e) 
 
 der, (deren. 
 
 
 
 
 
 derer) 
 
 
 Dat. 
 
 dem, den 
 
 den 
 
 den 
 
 § 450. Masc. sing. : der was formed from *J>e (the 
 unaccented form of J?e = OS. the) + the nom. sign r, as in 
 the pronoun er. The acc. den beside Goth. f>an-a has e 
 from the gen. des. The gen. des is from an Indg. form 
 *teso = Goth. f>is. The dat. demu is from an old instru- 
 mental form *temo. On forms like OHG. zemo, zem, 
 MHG. zem(e), NHG. zum, see § 274. 
 
 § 451. Fern. sing. : The OHG. and MHG. nom. diu had 
 iu from the pronoun siu (§ 437). It would have become 
 *deu in NHG., but in MHG., especially in Middle German, 
 the acc. form came to be used for the nom. and vice versa. 
 NHG. die is the old acc. form. The oldest form of the 
 
§§ 452 - 3 ] 
 
 Pronouns 
 
 223 
 
 acc. must have been prehistoric HG., which 
 
 regularly became dea, dia, die during the OHG. period 
 (§ 71). NHG. die is regularly developed from OHG. and 
 MHG. die. The gen. dera = Goth. f>izos is from an 
 original form *tesas. The dat. deru is from an Indg. 
 instrumental form *tesa = prim. HG. *J>ezo. In ninth- 
 century OHG. the dat. form was often used for the gen., 
 and in late OHG. dero was regularly used for both 
 cases, from which MHG. der(e) and NHG. der are the 
 normal development. 
 
 § 452. Neut. sing. : The nom. and acc. da:^ = OE. J>aet, 
 Goth. f>at-a, from an original form *tod = Gr. to, Lat. 
 is-tud. The instr. diu from an original form *tjo was 
 used with nouns in the oldest HG., as mit diu vuiru, with 
 fire. Beside the accented form diu there existed in OHG. 
 and MHG. the unaccented forms de, te. The old instru- 
 mental has been preserved in NHG. desto (OHG. des 
 diu, later des de, te, MHG. deste). On the gen. and dat. 
 forms, see above. 
 
 § 453. Plural : The original form of the nom. masc. 
 was *toi = Gr. rot, Lat. is-ti, Goth. Jjdi. In unaccented 
 syllables prim. Germanic *J>ai became J>e in prehistoric 
 HG. This e, which was close, fell together with prim. 
 Germanic e and regularly became ea, ia, ie during the 
 OHG. period (§ 71). de still occurred in the oldest HG. 
 The MHG. and NHG. die is regularly developed from 
 OHG. die. 
 
 The original form of the masc. acc. was *tons = Gr. 
 (Cretan dialect) roVs, Goth. f>ans, but already in prehistoric 
 HG. the nom. was used for the acc. 
 
 The noriji. fern, deo, dio is from an original form 
 *tjS,s = Skr. tyas, prim. Germanic *]>jos. deo, dio regu- 
 larly became die during the OHG. period, whence MHG. 
 and NHG. die. The original form of the acc. fern, was 
 *tans = Gr. (Cretan dialect) rai/s with regular shortening 
 
Accidence 
 
 224 
 
 [§ 454 
 
 of the a. But the nom. was used for the original acc. 
 already in prim. Germanic. 
 
 The nom. acc. neut. diu, from an original form *tjo = 
 Vedic Skr. tya, remained in OHG., but in MHG. the 
 masc. form die came to be used for diu, and from the end 
 of the MHG. period onwards die became the regular 
 form. 
 
 The original form of the gen. pi. was *tois5m, which in 
 OHG. would have become *deiro (= O.Icel. f>eira, OE. 
 fara), but OHG. dero has e for ei from the gen. sing. des. 
 dero regularly became der(e) in MHG. and der in NHG. 
 Beside OHG. dero there also existed a form dero with 
 end accentuation, whence MHG. dero, and NHG. dero, 
 still used in legal and official language in reference to the 
 third person and also occasionally in reference to the 
 second, as Ich ging vergnugt von der unterredung mit dem 
 fursten weg und werde dero herablassung nie vergessen ; 
 Geruhen Sie, mein haus zu beehren mit dero gegenwarf. 
 
 The original form of the dat. was probably *toimis 
 (instrumental) which became in prim. Germanic *J>aimiz = 
 Goth. J)dim, OE. h^m, OHG. dem, den, cp. nom. pi. 
 masc. de. dem became den in the ninth century, which 
 was shortened to den in late OHG., whence MHG. den 
 and NHG. den. 
 
 §454. The NHG. short forms der, die^ das^ &c., are 
 unaccented when used as the def. article, and accented 
 when used as pronouns. Beside the unaccented forms 
 der^ die^ das, &c., there arose in the fifteenth century the 
 accented forms dessen^ deren [derer\ dessen with adjectival 
 endings. These new formations are not common in 
 Luther. At first no difference in meaning or use existed 
 between the short and lengthened forms. They were 
 both in common use as cases of the def. article in the 
 eighteenth century. But they gradually became differen- 
 tiated in use and meaning. The lengthened forms are now 
 
§§ 455 “ 6 ] 
 
 Pronouns 
 
 225 
 
 always used as pronouns. The gen. fern. sing, derer is 
 now obsolescent. It is, however, sometimes used by the 
 most modern novelists. 
 
 § 455 . The compound demonstrative pronoun * dieser* 
 is composed of the simple demonstrative and the particle 
 se. Originally the first element only was inflected, as 
 nom. sing. masc. de-se, gen. des-se, nom. pi. masc. de-se. 
 At a later period the se came to be inflected also, as gen. 
 masc. sing, des-ses. And lastly the first element ceased 
 to be inflected, and the second element took in most cases 
 the ordinary endings of the simple demonstrative, as dat. 
 de-semu, &c. In those cases which had the ending iu in 
 OHG., the e of the stem became i in the ninth century. 
 Then in the eleventh century the i was transferred to all 
 the cases by levelling out the di- forms, as nom. diser 
 (dirro), disiu ; gen. disses, dirro ; dat. disemo, dirro ; 
 pi. masc. nom. acc. dise, &c., whence all the MHG. forms 
 with i. In passing from MHG. to NHG. this i was 
 regularly lengthened to i written ie (§ 109 ). 
 
 In the masc. nom. sing., the fern. gen. and dat. sing., 
 and the gen. pi., the s often became assimilated to the r, 
 partly with loss of e, thus as early as the ninth century 
 deser, desera, deseru, desero became derer, derera 
 (derra), derero (derro), whence the MHG. forms with rr. 
 The MHG. masc. nom. sing, was an analogical formation 
 after these forms. 
 
 § 456 . Masculine, 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Nom. 
 
 dese, deser 
 
 dirre 
 
 dieser 
 
 Acc. 
 
 desan 
 
 disen 
 
 diesen 
 
 Gen. 
 
 desses 
 
 dises 
 
 dieses 
 
 Dat. 
 
 desemu,(-o) 
 
 disem(e) 
 
 diesem 
 
 Nom. Acc. 
 
 dese 
 
 dise 
 
 diese 
 
 Gen. 
 
 desero 
 
 dirre 
 
 dieser 
 
 Dat. 
 
 desem, (-en) 
 
 disen 
 
 diesen 
 
 Q 
 
226 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§§ 457-8 
 
 
 Feminine. 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. Nom, 
 
 desiu, disiu 
 
 disiu 
 
 diese 
 
 Acc. 
 
 desa 
 
 dise 
 
 diese 
 
 Gen. 
 
 desera 
 
 dirre 
 
 dieser 
 
 Dat. 
 
 deseru 
 
 dirre 
 
 dieser 
 
 PI. Nom. Acc. 
 
 deso 
 
 dise 
 
 diese 
 
 Gen. 
 
 desero 
 
 dirre 
 
 dieser 
 
 Dat. 
 
 desem, (-en) 
 
 disen 
 
 diesen 
 
 
 Neuter. 
 
 
 
 Sing. Nom. Acc, 
 
 diz 
 
 ditze, diz, di:^ 
 
 dieses. 
 
 
 
 
 (dies) 
 
 Gen. 
 
 desses 
 
 dises 
 
 dieses 
 
 Dat. 
 
 desemu, (-o) 
 
 disem(e) 
 
 diesem 
 
 Instr. 
 
 I desiu, desu 
 1 disiu, disu 
 
 
 
 PI. Nom. Acc. 
 
 desiu, disiu 
 
 disiu 
 
 diese 
 
 Gen. 
 
 desero 
 
 dirre 
 
 dieser 
 
 Dat. 
 
 desem, (-en) 
 
 disen 
 
 diesen 
 
 § 457. Masc. sing. : The nom. deser and acc. desan 
 have adjectival endings (§ 401). The real old gen. desse 
 is rare in OHG. It occurs occasionally in MHG. disse 
 beside the usual form dises with single s from the acc. 
 and dative. In OHG. desses both elements are inflected, 
 whence the double ss. The NHG. nom. dieser is a new 
 formation with s from the other forms of the singular. 
 
 Instead of dieses^ the usual gen. sing. masc. and neut., 
 the form diesetiy with the weak ending of adjectives, is 
 sometimes used ; and similarly jenen^ solchen for jeneSf 
 solches. But such forms are not considered good German. 
 
 § 458. Fern. sing. : In MHG. the acc. came to be used 
 for the nom., whence NHG. nom. acc. diese. Beside the 
 
§§ 459 - 62 ] Pronouns 227 
 
 usual MHG. form dirre there also existed diser with s 
 from the nom. and acc., whence NHG. dieser. 
 
 § 459. Neut. sing. : Nom. acc. diz from which by 
 
 the assimilation of ts to tt may represent the O. Norse runic 
 inscriptional form J>atsi. Beside diz there also existed 
 in OHG. dizi (thizi), whence MHG. diz beside ditze. 
 MHG. di:^ and late MHG. dise:^ were new formations 
 with adjectival endings (§ 401), whence NHG. dies, dieses. 
 The old instrumental disappeared already during the 
 OHG. period. 
 
 § 460. Plural : All the cases of the plural have adjec- 
 tival endings (§ 401). Beside the usual gen. dirre MHG. 
 also had diser, whence NHG. dieser. 
 
 § 461. In OHG. jener (MHG. jener) was declined like 
 a strong adjective just as in NHG. Then as now it had 
 no uninflected forms. In MHG. it was declined like a 
 strong adjective even when preceded by the def. article 
 (der jener), but in the fifteenth century it came to have 
 also weak forms in this position (der jene), which occa- 
 sionally occur down to the eighteenth century. From 
 der jene was formed in the sixteenth century der jenige 
 (written at first in two words) with the adjectival suffix -ig 
 as in der meinige, &c. 
 
 § 462. NHG. selbst (MHG. selbes) is an old gen. with 
 excrescent t (§ 272), and selber (OHG, selber, MHG. 
 selber) is the old nom. masc. singular, selber remains 
 uninflected in NHG. except when used instead of derselbe. 
 In OHG. and MHG. selb, 5^^ was regularly declined 
 according to the strong and weak declension of adjectives. 
 In conjunction with the def. art. it was declined weak as 
 in NHG., as OHG. der selbo, diu selba, da^ selba = 
 NHG. derselbe^ dieselbe^ dasselbe, derselbige is a NHG. 
 formation from selb with the adjectival suffix -ig (§ 322). 
 In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it was far more 
 common than derselbe, but it is now rarely if ever used. 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§§ 463-4 
 
 § 463. OHG. solih, MHG. solich, solch (inflected form 
 solher) were declined like the strong declension of adjec- 
 tives, but the nom. sing., all genders, generally remained 
 uninflected. In NHG. solch is declined like a strong 
 adjective when not preceded or followed by the indef. 
 article. When followed by the def. art. it remains unin- 
 flected, but when preceded by it it is inflected like an 
 ordinary adjective. 
 
 5. Relative. 
 
 § 464. A relative pronoun proper did not exist in prim. 
 Germanic. The separate Germanic languages expressed 
 it in various ways. In Goth, it was expressed by the 
 simple demonstrative in combination with the relative 
 particle ei; in OE. by the particle J>e in combination with 
 or without the simple demonstrative; and in O. Norse 
 by the particles sem and es (later er) in combination with 
 the simple demonstrative. In OHG. and MHG. it was 
 generally expressed by the simple demonstrative as in 
 NHG. See §449. 
 
 For the first and second persons the rel. pronoun was 
 expressed in OHG. and MHG. by the personal pronouns 
 and the particles dar, da, dar, as OHG. Fater unser, 
 du dar bist in himile. But in MHG. der also came to be 
 used with the personal pronouns as in NHG., as Vater 
 unseTj der du bist in himmel (Luther). 
 
 The indefinite rel. was expressed in OHG. by s5 wer 
 so, s5 welih s5, whoever^ so wa:^ so, whatever. The 
 second so was omitted from the ninth century onwards, 
 and so wer, s5 w^ih, s5 wa^ became swer, swelich, 
 swa:^ in early MHG., but by the end of the MHG. period 
 these pronouns had disappeared, and their place was taken 
 by the simple interrogatives wer, welich (welch), wa:^, 
 which came to be used as relatives in the fourteenth 
 century. The old gen. wes was common in early NHG., 
 
§§ 4 ^ 5 - 6 ] 
 
 Pronouns 
 
 229 
 
 as Wes das herze voll isty des gehet der mund iiber (Luther). 
 In late MHG. so was also used as a rel. pronoun for the 
 nom. and acc. sing, and pi., as Von priesterlichem ample, 
 s5 wir haben von gote. It is very common in Luther and 
 still often occurs in sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth 
 century literature. It is now obsolete except in poetry, 
 as Heilig ist das gesetZy so dem kunstler schonheit bietet 
 (Schiller). The details, concerning the use of the above 
 words as relative pronouns in the various periods of the 
 language, belong to syntax. 
 
 6. Interrogative. 
 
 § 465. The parent Indg. language had two stems from 
 which the interrogative pronoun was formed, viz. qo- and 
 qi- with labialized q (§ 198). The former occurs in Gr. 
 7rd-T€/oos, which of two? y Goth, hras, OE. hwa, who?y from 
 an original form *qos ; Lat. quod, Goth, hra, OE. hwaet, 
 OHG. hwa^, from an original form *qod. And the latter 
 occurs in Gr. w, Lat. quis, and possibly in OHG. hwer, 
 who ?y from an original form *qis. 
 
 § 466. The OHG. simple interrogative pronoun had no 
 independent forms for the feminine, and was declined in 
 the singular only. The initial h disappeared in OHG. at 
 the beginning of the ninth century (§ 278). 
 
 Masculine and Feminine, 
 
 OHG. MHG. NHG. 
 
 Nom. hwer, wer wer wer 
 
 Acc. hwenan,wenan,wen wen wen 
 
 Gen. hwes, wes wes wessen(wes) 
 
 Dat. hwemu, wemo wem(e) wem 
 
 Neuter, 
 
 Nom. Acc. hwa^, wa:^ 
 
 Gen. hwes, wes 
 Dat. hwemu, wemo 
 Instr. hwiu, wiu 
 
 wa^ was 
 
 wes wessen(wes) 
 
 wem(e) 
 
 wiu 
 
2 30 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§§ 467-9 
 
 § 467. From a comparison of OHG. hwer, hwenan, 
 and hwemu with the corresponding forms of the other 
 Germanic languages, it is probable that the OHG. e was 
 due to levelling out the stem of the gen. hwes = Indg. 
 *qeso. 
 
 The acc. hwenan with adjectival ending regularly 
 became wen in late OHG. On the lengthening of the 
 e in NHG. wer, wen^ wem, see §§ 103, 108. On the origin 
 of NHG. wessen, see § 454. The old gen. wes is now 
 seldom used. It occurs in weshalb, weswegen. The old 
 dat. and acc. neut. when depending on a preposition are 
 generally expressed in NHG. by wozu, wovon, womit, 
 &c. was filr ein^ originally only acc., first occurs in the 
 fifteenth century, and is very common in Luther. The 
 instr. wiu, which would have become *weu in NHG., 
 disappeared in late MHG. 
 
 §468. OHG. hwelih (MHG. welch), Goth, hrileiks, 
 was formed from the pronominal stem hwi- (= Indg. *qi-) 
 and the suffix -lih. In OHG. it was declined like a strong 
 adjective just as in MHG. and NHG. 
 
 7. Indefinite. 
 
 § 469. From the list given below are omitted the pro= 
 nouns which became obsolete in OHG. and MHG. 
 
 ally OHG. al, inflected form aller; andeVy OHG. ander, 
 inflected form ander er ; einy OHG. ein, inflected form 
 einer; einigey OHG. einige; etlichy MHG. etelih, now 
 only used in pseudo-archaic language, supplanted by 
 einige in the eighteenth century; etwelchery OHG. ete- 
 w^ih, now practically obs. ; ganZy OHG. and MHG. 
 ganz, unhurty whoky sound) gesamty MHG. gesament, 
 pp. of samenen, to collecty gather) irgend einer y where 
 irgend= MHG. iergen, OHG. io wergin; jedery in the 
 eighteenth century also ieder, MHG. ieder, ieweder, 
 
Pronouns 
 
 231 
 
 § 470] 
 
 OHG. iogiwedar, each of bothy but in late MHG. it came 
 to mean each of any number) at a later period -er was 
 regarded as an adjectival ending, whence the NHG. 
 inflected forms jeder^ jede^ jedeSj &c. ; jedermann^ formerly 
 written as two words with both elements inflected, as dat. 
 jederm manne ; jedermdnniglichy nearly obs., a contamina- 
 tion of jedermann and mdnniglich ; jedweder^ obs. except in 
 poetry, MHG. iedeweder, each of two ; jeglicheVy now only 
 used in ceremonial language, MHG. iegelicher, eachy 
 where gelich = NHG. gleich ; jemandy generally with acc. 
 and dat. like the nom., the older dat. was jemande ; since 
 the eighteenth century also occur dat. jemandemy acc. 
 jemanden with adjectival endings (similarly niemand)y 
 OHG. gen. eomannes, dat. eomanne, acc. eomannan; 
 kein from older nechein, OHG. nichein, not even one: ne 
 came to be felt as a negative particle, and was then 
 omitted, whence kein) lauteVy MHG. luter, bright y deary 
 transparent) manchy manchery MHG. manec, inflected 
 form maneger; mdnniglichy which became obs. in the 
 seventeenth century, has been restored again in pseudo- 
 archaic style ; OHG. manno gilih, each many lit. each of 
 men ; mehrerey formed from mehr with double comparative 
 suffix ; sdmtlichy formed from samt = MHG. samet, related 
 to samenen, see gesamt) viele pi. of ^;/^/=MHG. vil; 
 welchy welchery OHG. hwelih; wenig (pi. wenige)y MHG. 
 wenec, inflected form weneger; wery OHG. hwer. 
 
 § 470. etwaSy MHG. etewa^, the neut. to MHG. etewer, 
 any one ; many although man was used as an indef. pronoun 
 in OHG. and MHG., its use differed from NHG. in so 
 much as it could still take the def. or indef. article before 
 it ; nichtSy still written nichtes until the beginning of the 
 eighteenth century, is an old gen. which has been preserved 
 in NHG. in nichtswurdigy nichtsdestoweniger ) the use of 
 nichts as nom. acc. arose in the fourteenth century from 
 the combination nihtesniht = nichts von nichts, through 
 
232 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§ 471 
 
 niht being regarded as a negative particle, whereas it was 
 really a noun : OHG. neowiht, niowiht, later niewiht, 
 nieht, lit. never a being or things gen. neowihtes, dat. 
 neowihte. In late OHG. nieht came to be used as a simple 
 negative, with the meaning not. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 VERBS 
 
 § 471. In the parent Indg. language the verbs were 
 divided into two great classes: athematic and thematic. 
 In the athematic verbs the personal endings were added 
 to the bare root which had the strong grade form of 
 ablaut in the singular, but the weak grade in the dual and 
 plural. Thus for example the singular and plural of the 
 verbs for Uo be* and *to go* were: *es-mi, *es-si, *es-ti, 
 *s-mes or *s-m6s, *s-te, *s-enti; *ei-si, 
 
 *i-mes or *i-mos, *j-enti. Verbs of this class are 
 
 often called mi-verbs because the first person singular 
 ends in -mi. The Germanic languages have only pre- 
 served a few traces of the mi-conjugation (§ 541). Nearly 
 all the verbal forms, which originally belonged to this 
 class, passed over into the o-conjugation in the prim. 
 Germanic period. 
 
 In the thematic verbs the stem vowel, which could be 
 either of the strong or weak grade of ablaut, remained 
 unchanged throughout the present; in the former case 
 they are called imperfect presents (as OHG. biotan, 
 neman, e:5:^an, &c.), and in the latter case aorist presents 
 (as OHG. sufan, backan, &c.). The present was formed 
 by means of the thematic vowels, e, o, which came between 
 the root and the personal endings, thus the present 
 singular and plural of the verb for * to take * was *nemo 
 
§§ 4 72 - 3 ] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 233 
 
 (from *nem-o-a), *nem-e-si, *nem-e-ti, *nem-o-mes, (-mos), 
 *nem-e-te, *nem-o-nti. Verbs of this class are generally 
 called 6-verbs because the first person singular ends in 
 -5. The old distinction between the mi- and the o-con- 
 jugation was fairly well preserved in Greek, as ct/xt, I am^ 
 ct/At, I gOy hihoijxif I give ; /xcVw, I remain^ iruOaif I persuade ; 
 r/[){y8o), I ruby Tv<l>(D, I smoke, 
 
 § 472. In treating the history of the verbal forms in 
 German it is advisable to start out partly from prim. 
 Germanic and partly from the oldest OHG. The Indg. 
 verbal system underwent so many radical changes in 
 prim. Germanic that it would be necessary to treat here 
 in detail the verbal system of the non-Germanic languages 
 such as Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin in order to account for 
 all the changes. 
 
 In the Germanic languages the verbs are divided into 
 two great classes : — Strong and Weak. The strong verbs 
 form their preterite (originally perfect) and past participle 
 by means of ablaut (§ 185). The weak verbs form their 
 preterite by the addition of a syllable containing a dental 
 (Goth, -da, (-ta), OHG. -ta), and their past participle by 
 means of a dental suffix (Goth. -}>, (-t), OHG. -t). 
 
 Besides these two great classes of strong and weak 
 verbs, there are a few others which will be treated under 
 the general heading of Minor Groups, 
 
 The strong verbs were originally further sub-divided 
 into reduplicated and non-reduplicated verbs, as Goth, 
 haldan, to hold, letan, to lety preterite haihald, lailot; 
 niman, to takey hilpan, to helpy preterite nam, halp. In 
 OHG. the reduplication entirely disappeared in the pre- 
 historic period of the language. The non-reduplicated 
 verbs are divided into six classes according to the six 
 ablaut-series (§ 185). The originally reduplicated verbs 
 are put together in this book and called Class VII. 
 
 § 473. The OHG. verb has the following independent 
 
234 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 474 
 
 forms: — one voice (active), two numbers, three persons, 
 two tenses (present and preterite), two complete moods 
 (indicative, and subjunctive, the latter originally the 
 optative), besides an imperative which is only used in 
 the present tense ; three verbal nouns (present infinitive, 
 present participle, and gerund), and one verbal adjective 
 (the past participle). 
 
 A. Strong Verbs. 
 
 § 474. We are able to conjugate a strong verb in OHG. 
 when we know the four stems, as seen (i) in the infinitive 
 or first pers. sing. pres, indicative, ( 2 ) first pers. sing. pret. 
 indicative, ( 3 ) first pers. pi. pret. indicative, ( 4 ) the past 
 participle. The pret. subjunctive and the second pers. 
 pret. indicative have the same stem vowel as the pret. 
 pi. indicative. The conjugation of neman will serve as 
 a model for all strong verbs. 
 
 Present, 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 I. 
 
 nimu 
 
 nime 
 
 nehme 
 
 2 . 
 
 nimis, (-st) 
 
 nimest 
 
 nimmst 
 
 
 3- 
 
 nimit 
 
 nimet 
 
 nimmt 
 
 Plur. 
 
 I. 
 
 nememes, (-em, -en) 
 
 nemen 
 
 nehmen 
 
 
 2 . 
 
 nemet 
 
 nemet 
 
 nehm(e)t 
 
 
 3- 
 
 nemant 
 
 nement 
 
 nehmen 
 
 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 I. 
 
 neme 
 
 neme 
 
 nehme 
 
 
 2 . 
 
 nemes, (-st) 
 
 nemest 
 
 nehmest 
 
 
 3* 
 
 neme 
 
 neme 
 
 nehme 
 
 Plur. 
 
 I. 
 
 nemem, (-en, -ernes) 
 
 nemen 
 
 nehmen 
 
 
 2 . 
 
 nemet 
 
 nemet 
 
 nehmet 
 
 
 3* 
 
 nemen 
 
 nemen 
 
 nehmen 
 
235 
 
 § 474 ] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 Imperative. 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 2. 
 
 nim 
 
 nim 
 
 nitnm 
 
 Plur, 
 
 I. 
 
 nememes, (-em, -en) 
 
 nemen 
 
 
 
 2. 
 
 nemet 
 
 nemet 
 
 nehm(e)t 
 
 Infinitive. 
 
 neman nemen nehmen 
 
 Gen. 
 
 Dat. 
 
 
 Gerund. 
 
 nemannes 
 
 nemennes 
 
 nemanne 
 
 nemenne 
 
 • 
 
 Participle. 
 
 nemanti 
 
 nemende nehmend 
 
 Preterite. 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. 
 
 I. nam 
 
 nam 
 
 nahm 
 
 
 2. nami 
 
 naeme 
 
 nahmst 
 
 
 3. nam 
 
 nam 
 
 nahm 
 
 Plur. 
 
 I. namum, (-un, -umes) 
 
 namen 
 
 nahmen 
 
 
 2. namut 
 
 namet 
 
 nahm(e)t 
 
 
 3. namun 
 
 namen 
 
 nahmen 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 nami 
 
 naeme 
 
 nahme 
 
 2. 
 
 namis, (-st) 
 
 naemest 
 
 nahmest 
 
 3 - 
 
 nami 
 
 naeme 
 
 nahme 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 namim, (-in, -imes) 
 
 naemen 
 
 nahmen 
 
 2. 
 
 namit 
 
 naemet 
 
 nahmet 
 
 3 - 
 
 namin 
 
 naemen 
 
 nahmen 
 
 Participle. 
 
 genomen genommen 
 
 ginoman 
 
236 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§§ 475 ~^ 
 
 The Endings of Strong Verbs. 
 
 § 475 . On the weakening of the endings in MHG. and 
 NHG. see §§ 170 - 84 . 
 
 § 476 . Pres, indie. : Indg. *nem6 regularly became 
 nimu in OHG. (§§ 62 , 162 ) and nime in MHG. (§ 170 ). 
 Indg. *nemesi would regularly have become *nimi (§§ 65 , 
 211) in OHG. through the intermediate stages *nemiz(i), 
 *nimiz. The retention of the -s may be partly due to 
 those verbs which originally did not have the accent on 
 the stem syllable (as the aorist presents), and partly to the 
 pronoun, which was often attached enclitically to the verb. 
 The ending -st arose partly from analogy with the pre- 
 terite-present forms kanst, scalt, weist, &c., and partly 
 from a false etymological division of the pronoun from 
 the verb to which it was often attached enclitically, thus 
 nimisdu became nimistu, from which nimist was extracted 
 as the verbal form, see § 434 , and cp. the similar process 
 in OE. The ending -st was at first confined to the pres, 
 indie, and then at a later period it became extended to the 
 pres, and pret. subjunctive. On the loss of the e in NHG. 
 nimmst, nimmt, see § 181 . OHG. nimit is a regular 
 development from Indg. *nemeti through the intermediate 
 stages *neme})i, *nemid(i), *nimid (as in OS.). Indg. 
 *nemomes would regularly have become *nemam (=Goth. 
 nimam), but the oldest OHG. form is nemames (nememes), 
 the -es of which has not yet been satisfactorily explained. 
 The ending -es belonged originally to the pres, indicative 
 only, but in OHG. it was often extended to the first pers. 
 plural of the other tenses and moods. And in like manner 
 the ending -em, (-en), which properly belonged to the 
 pres, subjunctive only, was often extended to the impera- 
 tive and pres, indicative, -en came to be the usual ending 
 in late OHG., whence the MHG. and NHG. ending. The 
 original form of the second pers. plural was *nemete. 
 
§§ 477-8] 
 
 Vej^hs 
 
 237 
 
 which would regularly have become *nimit in OHG. 
 through the intermediate stages *neme])e, *nemid(i), 
 *nimid. OHG. nemet is a new formation which is not 
 easy to account for. nemant is regularly developed from 
 the original form *nemonti through the intermediate 
 stages *nemonJ)i, *nemand, *nemand (= Goth, nimand). 
 In late MHG. the first pers. pi. came to be used for the 
 third person, whence the NHG. ending, 
 y § 477. Pres. subj. : This tense is properly an old opta- 
 tive. The original forms of the singular and plural 
 were : *nemoi-, *nemois, *nemoit, *nemoim-, *nemoite, 
 *nemoint. The final -t was regularly dropped in prim. 
 Germanic (§ 161) and the oi became ai during the same 
 period (§ 44). Then ai became e in prehistoric HG. and 
 remained as e when protected by a following consonant, 
 but was shortened to e when final (§§ 162-3). OHG. 
 nemes has -s from the pres, indicative, the regular form 
 would be *neme (§ 211). The e was shortened to e in 
 MHG., whence NHG. nehmen, &c. 
 
 § 478. Imperative : The original form of the second 
 pers. singular was *neme, which would regularly have 
 become *nimi in OHG. The final vowel disappeared in 
 the prehistoric period of the language in all classes of 
 strong verbs, as OHG. stig, biut, bint (hilf), nim, gib, far, 
 rat. The final vowel regularly disappeared after long 
 stems, and then, after the analogy of verbs with long 
 stems, it was also dropped in those with short stems 
 (§162). In MHG. a final -e began to be added after the 
 analogy of the weak verbs (§ 173), as stige, binde, nime, 
 &c. In NHG. the second pers. singular may end in e, 
 except kommen, lassen, and those verbs which still preserve 
 the old interchange between i and e in the present (§ 181), 
 as steige^ bietey bindcy fahrCy ratCy but komniy lassy hilfy nimniy 
 gib. The plural endings are the same as the indicative. 
 The first pers. plural began to disappear in the ninth cen- 
 
A cadence 
 
 238 
 
 [§§ 479-80 
 
 tury, its place being taken by the pres, subjunctive, which 
 at a later period became the general form. 
 
 § 479. Pret. indie. : The original forms of the singular 
 were *noma, *nomtha, *nome, cp. Gr. oI8a, oTo-^a, oT8e. The 
 form *noma regularly became nam in OHG. (§ 162). 
 *nomtha would regularly have become *namt through the 
 intermediate stages *nom])a, *namda, *namd. But in the 
 West Germanic langu ages the old ending has onl yHSeen 
 preserved in the preterite-present verbi7a F^HG7 weistj 
 scalt, mailt, muost, &c. (§ 534). nami is properly an old 
 aorist and corresponds to a prim. Germanic form *namez 
 which would have become *nam in OHG. (§§ 70, 211). 
 nami has its final -i after the analogy of verbs with short 
 stem, as stigi, buti, &c. nami regularly became naeme in 
 MHG. (§79). Already in the twelfth century naemes(t) 
 with -s(t) from the present began to appear beside naeme, 
 and then at a later period naemest was made into namest 
 with a from the plural, whence NHG. nahmst The form 
 with the ending -e disappeared in the fifteenth century. 
 The original third pers. sing. *nome would normally 
 have become *nami in OHG. nam is a new formation 
 after the analogy of verbs with long stems, as bant, half, 
 &c. It is difficult to say what the plural forms were in the 
 parent language. Only so much is certain that the third 
 pers. plural ended in -nt (with vocalic n) which regularly 
 became -un in prim. Germanic (§§ 49, 161), the u was then 
 levelled out into the first and second persons. The -t 
 in namut is from the present. The u in the plural was 
 weakened to e in MHG., whence the NHG. endings, 
 y § 480. Pret. subj. : The original endinp were singular : 
 •jem, -jes, -jet, plural : -im, -ite, -int, consisting of the optative 
 element -je-, (-1-) and the personal endings. Already in 
 prim. Germanic the i of the plural was levelled out into the 
 singular. The I remained when protected by a following 
 consonant, and was shortened to i when final (§§ 162-3). 
 
§§48 1-3] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 239 
 
 OHG. nami for *nam after the analogy of verbs with short 
 stems, as stigi, buti, &c. (§ 162). The i, i were weakened 
 to e in MHG., whence the NHG. endings. 
 
 General Remarks on the Strong Verbs. 
 
 § 481. The interchange of consonants due to Verner’s 
 law (§ 221) began to be given up already in OHG. by 
 levelling out one or other of the consonants. This process 
 of levelling has been almost completely carried out in 
 NHG. The following verbs amongst others have levelled 
 out the consonant of the present and of the pret. first and 
 third pers. singular : finden^ meidefiy werden^ geneseUy leseriy 
 gedeihefif leihetty seheuy verzeihen ; and the following have 
 levelled out the consonant of the pret. plural and past 
 participle : friereny verlierefiy wary schlagefiy heben, 
 
 § 482. A certain number of originally strong and weak 
 verbs have regularly fallen together in the present in 
 NHG., as bleichen (MHG. blichen and bleichen), schleifen 
 (MHG. slifen and sleifen), (MHG. swigen and 
 
 sweigen), weichen (MHG. wichen and weichen), pflegen 
 (MHG. pflegen and pflegen), schmelzen (MHG. smelzen 
 and smelzen), schwellen (MHG. swellen and swellen), 
 verderben (MHG. verderben and verderben), loschen 
 (MHG. leschen and leschen), wiegen (MHG. wegen and 
 wegen), laden (OHG. ladan and ladon). 
 
 §483. Present indie.: In the pres. sing, of Class II 
 the stem vowel of the plural has been levelled out into the 
 singular in NHG., as bietCy bietesty bietety pi. bieteUy MHG. 
 biute, biutest, biutet, pi. bieten. In the verbs of Class III 
 containing e in the infinitive, and of Classes IV and V, the 
 first pers. sing, has been remodelled in NHG. on analogy 
 with the inf. and the plural, as helfcy nehmCy gebey but 
 MHG. hilfe, nime, gibe. The old interchange between 
 e in the plural and i (§ 55, 2 ) in the second and third pers. 
 
240 A ccidence [§484 
 
 sing, has generally been preserved in NHG., as hilft^ nimmt, 
 gibtj stiehlt, liest, MHG. hilfet, nimet, gibet, stilt, liset. 
 Whether the i in Classes IV and V has remained short or 
 has been lengthened to i (written ie) depends upon the follow- 
 ing consonant (§ 105). In a few verbs the old interchange 
 between e and i has been given up, as bewegt, genest, 
 melkty pflegty webt\ wiegen. When the stem ended in a 
 dental, syncope of the e and loss of the final t in the third 
 pers. sing, began to take place already in MHG. and has 
 been carried to a great extent in NHG., as gilt (MHG. gilt 
 beside giltet), rat (MHG. raet beside raetet), wird (late 
 OHG., MHG. wirt beside wirdet; contraction has also 
 taken place in the second pers. sing, wirst), and similarly 
 in beside berstety brat, fichtyflichty hdlty Iddty schilty tritt. 
 
 § 484. Preterite indie. : In NHG. the vowel of the pret. 
 plural has been levelled out into the singular in verbs belong- 
 ing to Class I, as schrieby schrieben) stritty strittetiy MHG. 
 schreip, schriben ; streit, striten. In Class II the pret. 
 is for the most part a new formation with o from the past 
 participle, as bogy bogetty gebogen, MHG. bouc, bugen, 
 gebogen; sotty sotteUy gesotten, MHG. sot, suten, gesoten. 
 In Class HI the vowel of the singular has been levelled 
 out into the plural, as bandy bandeny MHG. bant, bunden ; 
 halfy halfeuy MHG. half, hulfen. The old distinction has 
 been preserved in wardy wurden. In Classes IV and V the 
 vowel of the plural has been levelled out into the singular, 
 as nahniy nahmeuy stahly stahleUy MHG. nam, namen, stal, 
 stalen ; gaby gabeuy masSy masseny MHG. gap, gaben, 
 ma:^, ma:^en. 
 
 The second pers. singular is an old augmentless aorist 
 like Greek Xittcs (Homeric) beside ordinary classical Greek 
 cXtTTc?. In OHG. the final -i regularly remained in verbs 
 of Classes I and II where the stem syllable was short, as 
 stigi, buti, &c. In Classes HI-VII, bunti, nami, gabi, 
 fuori, slafi, the i (§ 162, 2 ) was due to the analogy of Classes 
 
Verbs 
 
 § 4^5] 
 
 Hi 
 
 I and II. In MHG. the above forms regularly became 
 stige, biite, biinde, naeme, gaebe, viiere, slaefe. In NHG. 
 the second pers. singular is a new formation from the other 
 forms of the preterite, as shegst, botest, bandest, &c. 
 
 The pret. indie, is morphologically an old perfect, which 
 already in the oldest period of the German language was 
 chiefly used to express the past tense. The perfect and 
 pluperfect were generally expressed in OHG. by the 
 past participle and one of the auxiliary verbs haben, 
 eigan, to have, and wesan, to be, as er habet uns gizeigot, 
 he has shown us ; tha:^ eigut ir gihorit, that have ye heard ; 
 er ist quoman, he has come ; er habeta funtan, he had 
 found. These tenses were generally expressed in MHG. 
 by the past participle and han, a contracted form of haben, 
 or sin = NHG. sein. 
 
 y § 485 . Preterite subj.: The preterite subjunctive is 
 
 originally an optative. In OHG., as in the other Germanic 
 languages, it had the same stem form as the pret. pi. indica- 
 tive. The first pers. sing, of the seven classes of strong 
 verbs was stigi, buti, bunti (hulfi), nami, gabi, fuori, 
 riati (liofi). These forms regularly became in MHG. 
 stige, biite, btinde (htilfe), naeme, gaebe, vtiere, riete (liefe). 
 
 In classes I and VII the NHG. forms are normally 
 developed from the corresponding MHG. forms, as stiege, 
 bliebe, miede, schriebe, bisse, griffe, litte, schnitte, stride, &c. ; 
 riete, fiele, ginge, hielte, schliefe, liefe, riefe, stiesse, &c. In 
 class II the pret. subj., which would regularly have had ii, 
 has been remodelled on analogy with the o in the pret. indie., 
 as boge, bote, floge, flosse, schobe, &c. In class HI the pret. 
 subj. would regularly have ii. This ii has generally 
 remained in verbs containing r + consonant, and in a 
 few others, as stilrbe, verdurbe, wilrbe, wiirde, wilrfe, but 
 barge, bdrste beside borste ; htilfe, schunde beside hdlfe, 
 schande. Those verbs in which the stem vowel of the 
 pret. sing, indie, has been levelled out into the plural 
 
 R 
 
A cadence 
 
 [§§ 486-7 
 
 ^42 
 
 generally have a, as bande^fandcy schwandcj wande, drdnge^ 
 geldngey sdnge, sduke^ irduke^ zwdnge^ &c., but befohky 
 empfchky goltey and scholte beside schdlte. Those verbs 
 which have a double nasal generally have o, or o beside a, 
 as begCnnCy glomnUy klommey sponne ; gewbnne, ronney sonnCy 
 schwommey beside gewannCy rdnuCy sdnney schwdmme. 
 Those verbs which have o in the pret. indie, after the 
 analogy of the past participle have o in the pret. subj., 
 as fochtCy flochtey quolky molke, schwolky schmolzcy &c. 
 Classes IV and V regularly have a from MHG. se, as 
 ndhme, brdchey gebdrey kdmey sprdchey &c., but stohle beside 
 sidhk ; dssey bdky IdgCy Idse, sdhey trdky &c. But those 
 verbs which have o in the pret. indie,, chiefly after the 
 analogy of the past participle, have o, as schorcy schwore 
 (inf. schwdren)] pflogCy wdgey wdbe. Verbs of class VI 
 regularly have ii from MHG. tie, as fuhrey grube, schlUgey 
 schwUrey triige, wuschey &c., but hobcy stdnde beside hubey 
 stiinde because of the pret. indie, hoby stand, 
 
 § 486. Infinitive and Gerund : The infinitive was 
 
 originally a nomen actionis, formed by means of various 
 suffixes in the different Indg. languages. The suffix -ono-, 
 to which was added the nom. and acc. neuter ending -m, 
 became generalized in prim. Germanic, thus the original 
 form was *nemonom, which regularly became neman in 
 OHG. through the intermediate stages *nemonon, *ne- 
 mana. In prim. West Germanic the infinitive took a 
 genitive and dative ending like an ordinary noun of the ja- 
 declension (§363), whence OHG. nemannes, nemanne, 
 MHG. nemennes, nemenne (§ 213). The MHG. dat. ze 
 nemenne, lesenne, &c. has become nehmend-, lesend- 
 in NHG. See Syntax. 
 
 §487. Pres. Participle: In the parent language the 
 stem of the pres, participle ended in -nt, as in Gr. 
 
 Lat. ferent-. The -nt regularly became -nt in OHG. 
 through the intermediate stages -nj>, -nd, -nd (=Goth. 
 
§§ 488 - 9 ] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 243 
 
 nimands). The masculine and neuter were originally 
 declined like consonant stems (§397). The nom. of the 
 feminine ended in -i, which was shortened to -i in pre- 
 historic HG. (§ 162). The masculine and neuter became 
 ja-stems in prehistoric OHG., and thus fell together with 
 the nominative of the old feminine form, nemanti, gebanti, 
 &c. The pres, participle was declined in OHG. like an 
 ordinary adjective (§§ 401, 404), whence the MHG. and 
 NHG. inflexions. 
 
 § 488. Past Participle : The past participle was formed 
 in various ways in the parent language. In the prim. 
 Germanic period the suffix -eno-, -ono- became restricted 
 to strong verbs, and the suffix -to- to weak verbs. In the 
 strong verbs OE. and O.Icel. generalized the form -eno-, 
 and Gothic and OHG. the form -ono-, thus *numonos 
 regularly became numans in Goth, and gi-noman in OHG. 
 
 In OHG. perfective verbs like bringan, findan, queman, 
 werdan did not have the prefix gi- in the past participle, 
 nor did verbs containing an unaccented prefix correspond- 
 ing to NHG. be-, ent-, er-, ge-, ver-, zer-, &c. All other 
 verbs generally had gi- in OHG. and ge- in MHG. In 
 NHG. the principle has been generalized that all simple 
 verbs with the accent on the first syllable take ge-, as ge- 
 stiegenygeboteHygekommenf gefundeUygenommeHygebrachty &c., 
 but worden (auxiliary) beside geworden ; whence weak verbs 
 ending in -ieren (marschieren, &c.) do not now have ge-, 
 although they had it in MHG. And in like manner verbs 
 with an inseparable prefix do not have it, as erfundeUy 
 entnommefiy verstandeUy &c., but when the original prefix is 
 no longer felt as such the verb takes ge-, as geblieben 
 (MHG. be-liben), gefressen (Goth, fra-itan). A few verbs 
 such as missbilligeHy missbraucheuy misshandeltiy willfahreUy 
 &c., have or have not ge- in the past participle according as 
 the first syllable is accented or unaccented. 
 
 § 489. The history of the future, perfect and pluperfect 
 R 2 
 
244 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 490 
 
 tenses, of the ^ conditional ' (tch wilrde nehmen\ and of the 
 formation of the passive voice, will be treated in the 
 syntax. 
 
 The Classification of the Strong Verbs. 
 
 Class I. 
 
 § 490. The verbs of this class belong to the first ablaut- 
 series and therefore had in OH G. i in all forms of the 
 present, ei or e in the first and third persons of the pre- 
 terite singular (§ 75), and i in the preterite plural and past 
 participle, thus : 
 
 OHG. i ei, (e) i i 
 
 MHG. 1 ei, (e) i i 
 
 NHG. ei ie, (i) ie, (i) ie, (i) 
 
 In passing from MHG. to NHG. i regularly became ei 
 (§ 126), and would therefore have fallen together with the 
 ei in the pret. singular, but in NHG. the vowel of the 
 pret. plural has been levelled out into the singular so as to 
 keep the present and preterite distinct. The MHG. i has 
 been regularly lengthened to ie before NHG. medial 
 voiced consonants, but has remained short before medial 
 voiceless consonants (§ 105). This process of levelling 
 began already in the MHG. period and became more 
 frequent in the fifteenth century. The old distinction 
 between the singular and plural was still for the most part 
 preserved in Luther’s works, but in the seventeenth 
 century the process of levelling had been completely 
 carried out. 
 
 OHG. scriban screib scribum giscriban 
 
 MHG. schriben schreip schriben geschriben 
 
 NHG. schreiben schrieb schrieben geschrieben 
 
 Similarly bleiben (MHG. beliben), reiben, scheimfif steigetif 
 
Verbs 
 
 245 
 
 f 491] 
 
 treiben. In meiden the d of the present has been extended 
 to all forms of the verb, cp. MHG. miden, meit, miten 
 (§ 221), gemiten. In verweisen (MHG. verwi^en) the ^ 
 has become voiced (§ 264 ). The following verbs were 
 originally weak, but began to have strong forms beside 
 the weak already in MHG.: preisen (MHG. prisen), 
 schweigen (MHG. swigen, OHG. swigen; OHG. and 
 MHG. sweigen, the causative verb to OHG. *swigan), 
 weisen (OHG. and MHG. wisen), beweisen. 
 
 The following verbs have become weak in NHG. ; 
 greinen (MHG. grinen) ; neiden (MHG. niden, neit, niten, 
 geniten), chiefly poetical, in the colloquial language it has 
 been supplanted by (MHG. nigen); reihen 
 
 (MHG. rihen). 
 
 § 491 . OHG. dihan deh digum gidigan 
 
 MHG. dihen dech digen gedigen 
 
 NHG. gedeihen gedieh gediehen gediehen 
 
 The old past participle has been preserved in the adj. 
 gediegen. In NHG. the h of the present has been extended 
 to all forms of the verb, and the pret. and past participle 
 have been formed after the analogy of verbs like schreiben ; 
 similarly in verzeihen (MHG. zihen, zech, zigen, gezigen); 
 leihen (OHG. lihan, leh, liwum (§ 221), giliwan beside 
 the new formation gilihan; MHG. lihen, lech, lihen, 
 gelihen) ; schreten (MHG. schrien, schrei, (schre), schrirn, 
 geschrirn; the second r in the pret. plural and pp. has 
 never been satisfactorily explained), schrie,geschrieen are new 
 formations, speien (OHG. spiwan, speo, (spe), spiwum, 
 gispiwan, MHG. spi(w)en, spe, (spei), spiwen, gespiwen), 
 the NHG. pret. and past participle are new formations 
 after the analogy of verbs like schreiben) formerly also 
 weak forms speite, gespeit were in use. seihen (MHG. 
 sihen, (sigen), seic, sigen, gesigen) has become weak. 
 
246 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§§ 492-3 
 
 § 402. OHG. stritan streit stritum gistritan 
 
 MHG. striten streit striten gestriten 
 
 NHG. straiten stritt stritten gestritten 
 
 Similarly gleiten, reiten, schreiien) erbleichen, schleichen, 
 streichen, iveichen ; greifen, pfeifen, schleifen ; sich bejletssen 
 (MHG. vli^en), beissen, reissen, schleissen^ schmeissen ; 
 
 leiden (MHG. Kden, leit, liten, geliten), schneiden (MHG. 
 sniden, sneit, sniten, gesniten). 
 
 The following strong verbs have, or formerly had, weak 
 preterites and past participles beside the strong : bleichen^ 
 gleisseUf gleiteUy kneiferty spleissen, gleichen (MHG. gelichen) 
 was weak in MHG. and remained so until the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
 Class II. 
 
 § 493. The verbs of this class belong to the second 
 ablaut-series and therefore had in OHG. io (§ 186) in the 
 infinitive and the plural of the present indicative, iu in the 
 pres, singular (§ 77), pu or 6 in t he first and third pers. of 
 the pret. singular (§ 76), u in the pret. plural, and o in the 
 
 past participle, thus : 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 io 
 
 iu 
 
 OU, (5) 
 
 MHG. 
 
 ie 
 
 iu 
 
 ou, (6) 
 
 NHG. 
 
 ie 
 
 ie 
 
 0 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 6 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 6 
 
 In NHG. the ie of the pres, singular is d ue to levelling 
 outThe stem voweT of the plural. The normal develop- 
 ment of MHG. iu is eu in NHG., which regularly occurs 
 in the verbs of this class in Luther (fleugt, fleucht (inf. 
 fliehen), kreucht, reucht (inf. riechen), zeucht, &c.), and 
 is also often found in the literature of the seventeenth and 
 eighteenth centuries. The Modern German preterite is 
 a new formation with 6 from the past participle, formed in 
 the same manner as Modern English chose, froze from 
 chosen, frozen. But already in the MHG. period the 
 
Verbs 
 
 247 
 
 § 494] 
 
 pret. plural was often written with o in Middle German, 
 because in this dialect u and o closely resembled each 
 other in sound. This may also have been a factor in 
 bringing about the form of the NHG. preterite through 
 the vowel of the plural being levelled out into the singular. 
 This process of levelling began in late MHG., became 
 more frequent in the fifteenth century, and was practically 
 complete by the beginning of the seventeenth century. In 
 Modern German the o is long when followed by a medial 
 voiced consonant, and generally short when followed by 
 a medial voiceless consonant. 
 
 OHG. biogan biugu boug bugum gibogan 
 
 MHG. biegen biuge bouc bugen gebogen 
 
 NHG. biegen biege bog bogen gebogen 
 
 Similarly Jliegetij klieben, kriecheny riecheriy schtebetty stieben, 
 triefen has weak preterite and past participle beside the 
 strong, liigen (MHG. liegen, Huge, Hugest, Huget, pi. 
 Hegen) was formed from the noun liige about the middle 
 of the seventeenth century. The old forms leugst, leugt 
 often occur down to the eighteenth century, trugen 
 {betrugen) is a late Modern German new formation from 
 association with liigen and the noun trug, triegen was 
 still the usual form in the eighteenth century. The 
 following verbs have become weak : schmiegeuy blduen 
 with au from association with blau in blau schlagen (MHG. 
 bliuwen, bliuwe, blou, bluwen, gebluwen), reuen{yiHG, 
 riuwen), brauen (MHG. briuwen beside bruwen with u 
 from Middle German, § 126 ), kauen, rarely kdueny cp. 
 wiederkauen (MHG. kiuwen beside kuwen). 
 
 § 494 . Here belong also the old aorist presents with 
 weak grade vowel in all forms of the present. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 sufan 
 
 souf 
 
 suffum 
 
 gisoffan 
 
 MHG. 
 
 sufen 
 
 souf 
 
 suffen 
 
 gesoffen 
 
 NHG. 
 
 saufen 
 
 soff 
 
 soffen 
 
 gesoffen 
 
248 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§§ 495-6 
 
 Saugen (MHG. sugen) has weak preterite and past 
 participle beside the strong; similarly schrauben (late 
 MHG. schruben), properly a weak verb, but also in 
 MHG. with strong and weak preterite and past participle, 
 the pp. (verschroben) is always strong; schnauben (MHG. 
 snuben, generally weak, but also sometimes strong). 
 
 §496. OHG. 
 
 biotan 
 
 biutu 
 
 bot 
 
 butum 
 
 gibotan 
 
 MHG. 
 
 bieten 
 
 biute 
 
 bot 
 
 buten 
 
 geboten 
 
 NHG. 
 
 bieten 
 
 biete 
 
 bot 
 
 boten 
 
 geboten 
 
 Similarly, but with short o in the preterite and past 
 participle: fliessen (MHG. vlie:^en), gtessen, gemessen, 
 schtessen, schhessen^ spriessen^ verdriessen, ziehen (MHG. 
 Ziehen, zoch, zugen, gezogen, § 221), fliehen (MHG. 
 vliehen, vl5ch, vluhen (OHG. fiuhum), gevlohen (OHG. 
 giflohan)) with h for g in the pret. plural and past parti- 
 ciple from the present, sieden (MHG. sieden, sot, suten, 
 gesoten) has strong and weak preterite and past participle. 
 frieren (MHG. vriesen, vr5s, vrum, gevrom, § 221) has 
 its second r from the pret. plural and past participle, and 
 similarly in verlieren (MHG. verliesen). kiesen (MHG. 
 kiesen, kos, kurn, gekorn). ntesen (MHG. niesen) has 
 become weak. 
 
 Class III. 
 
 § 496. The verbs of this class belong to the third ablaut- 
 series, and include the strong verbs having a medial nasal 
 or liquid + consonant, and a few others in which the vowel 
 is followed by two consonants other than nasal or liquid + 
 consonant. 
 
 Verbs with nasal + consonant had in OHG. i in the 
 infinitive and throughout the present (§ 65), and u in the 
 past participle (§ 67); the others had i in the pres, singular 
 (§§ 55, 62), e in the infinitive and pres, plural, and o in the 
 
Verbs 
 
 § 496] 
 
 249 
 
 past participle. All verbs of this class had a in the pret. 
 singular and u in the pret. plural. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 i. (e) 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 u, (0) 
 
 MHG. 
 
 i. (e) 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 u, (0) 
 
 NHG. 
 
 h (e) 
 
 i»(e) 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 u, (0) 
 
 Verbs with nasal 4- consonant still have i in NHG. in 
 all forms of the present. The other strong verbs belonging 
 to this class have preserved the i in the second and third 
 pers. singular of the present, but the first pers. singular 
 has e after the analogy of the other forms of the present. 
 The i {ich hilfe) was still common in the sixteenth century, 
 but e became more frequent in the seventeenth century, 
 and in the eighteenth century it became the rule as in 
 German of the present day. 
 
 Levelling began to take place in the preterite in late 
 MHG. and early NHG. Sometimes the vowel of the 
 singular was taken into the plural and vice versa. The 
 distinction between the vowel of the singular and plural 
 (bandf bunden) is fairly general in Luther’s works. Level- 
 ling out in both directions was common down to the 
 eighteenth century: band, banden; bund, bunden. In 
 late NHG. the vowel of the singular has, with one or two 
 exceptions, been generalized. 
 
 In NHG. the u has become o in the past participle of 
 verbs containing two nasals {§ 97). 
 
 OHG. bintan bant buntum gibuntan 
 
 MHG. binden bant bunden gebunden 
 
 NHG. binden band banden gebunden 
 
 Similarly dringefty gelingeUy klingefiy ringeUy schinden 
 (pret. also schund with levelling out of the old plural), 
 schlingen, schwinden, schwingefiy sinkeUy springeUy stinkeriy 
 trinketiy windefiy zwingen. The past participle of finden did 
 not have the prefix ge- in OHG. and MHG. (funtan, 
 
250 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§§ 497-9 
 
 vunden). The pret. and past participle of bringen were 
 generally weak in OHG. (brahta, gibraht). bedingen and 
 dingefiy which were originally weak, have strong pret. 
 and past participle beside the weak, hinken has become 
 weak. 
 
 §497. rinnen (past participle NHG. geronneriy MHG. 
 gerunnen, OHG. girunnan), and similarly entrinnen, 
 sinnefif schwimmen^ spinneriy gewtnnen, glimmeny pret. glomm 
 with o from the past participle, has weak pret. and 
 past participle beside the strong, and similarly klimmen. 
 beginmn (pret. OHG. bigan beside bigonda, MHG. began 
 beside begunde) and besinnerty which formerly fluctuated 
 between strong and weak forms, have now strong forms 
 only, grimmen [ergrimmen) has become weak. 
 
 § 498. OHG. helfan hilfu half hulfum giholfan 
 
 MHG. helfen hilfe half hulfen geholfen 
 
 NHG. helfen helfe half halfen geholfen 
 
 Similarly bergeUy gelteriy schelteUy sterben, verderben^ 
 werbetiy werfen. The two last verbs were evolved out of 
 one verb already in OHG. by levelling out in different 
 directions. The regular forms were werfan, wirfu, warf, 
 wurbum, giworban (§ 221). werfen is due to the levelling 
 out of the f and werben to the levelling out of the b, and 
 then at a later period they became differentiated in 
 meaning, werden (OHG. werdan, wirdu, ward, wurtum, 
 wortan late OHG. worden) has levelled out the forms 
 with d, and now takes the prefix ge- in the past participle 
 when used as a principal verb. It is the only verb which 
 has preserved the old distinction between the preterite 
 singular and plural. The pret. singular form wurde has 
 the ending of a weak verb. 
 
 § 499. befehlen (OHG. bifelhan, bifilhu, bifalh, biful- 
 hum, bifolhan with h in the pret. plural and past participle 
 by levelling, § 221). The h disappeared after the 1 at an 
 
§§ 500-2] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 251 
 
 early period (§ 283). This loss of h caused the stem 
 vowel to be in an open syllable, which accounts for the 
 long vowel in all forms of the verb (§ 108), and similarly 
 empfehlen, 
 
 § 500. quellefiy pret. quoll (MHG. qual, quullen, OHG. 
 qual, quullum) with o from the past participle, and 
 similarly melken (with strong and weak pret. and past 
 participle), schmelzen, schwellen, bellen is now weak, but it 
 formerly had a strong preterite boll, and past participle 
 gebollen. The old strong verb schellen has been replaced 
 by the denominative weak verb schalletiy but beside schalltey 
 geschallt, we also have the old strong forms {er)scholly 
 (er)schollen, verschollen, 
 
 § 501. verwirren (MHG. verwerren) with i from the 
 present singular has become weak, but the old past 
 participle has been preserved in the isolated form ve7'~ 
 worren, gellen (MHG. gellen), scJwterzen{y[Y{G. smerzen), 
 schwelgen (MHG. swelhen, swelgen with g from the pret. 
 pi. and past participle) have become weak. 
 
 § 502. OHG. 
 
 brestan 
 
 bristu 
 
 brast 
 
 brustum 
 
 gibrostan 
 
 dreskan 
 
 drisku 
 
 drask 
 
 druskum 
 
 gidroskan 
 
 fehtan 
 
 fihtu 
 
 faht 
 
 fuhtum 
 
 gifohtan 
 
 flehtan 
 
 fiihtu 
 
 flaht 
 
 fluhtum 
 
 giflohtan 
 
 irleskan 
 
 irlisku 
 
 irlask 
 
 irluskum 
 
 irloskan 
 
 
 
 MHG. 
 
 
 
 bresten 
 
 briste 
 
 brast 
 
 brasten 
 
 gebrosten 
 
 dreschen 
 
 drische 
 
 drasch 
 
 draschen 
 
 gedroschen 
 
 vehten 
 
 vihte 
 
 vaht 
 
 vahten 
 
 gevohten 
 
 vlehten 
 
 vlihte 
 
 vlaht 
 
 vlahten 
 
 gevlohten 
 
 erleschen 
 
 erlische 
 
 erlasch 
 
 erlaschen 
 
 erloschen 
 
252 
 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§ 503 
 
 
 
 NHG. 
 
 
 
 bersten 
 
 berste 
 
 barst) 
 
 borst) 
 
 barsten) 
 
 borstenf 
 
 geborsten 
 
 dreschen 
 
 dresche 
 
 drasch| 
 
 droschj 
 
 draschen) 
 droschen ) 
 
 gedroschen 
 
 fechten 
 
 fechte 
 
 focht 
 
 fochten 
 
 gefochten 
 
 flechten 
 
 flechte 
 
 flocht 
 
 flochten 
 
 geflochten 
 
 erloschen 
 
 erlosche 
 
 erlosch 
 
 erloschen 
 
 erloschen 
 
 The only difference between the OHG. forms of the 
 above verbs and those of class IV is the vowel of the pret. 
 plural. In MHG., and also partly in OHG., the pret. 
 plural was remodelled on the analogy of verbs of class IV. 
 The o in the preterite of the NHG. forms is from the past 
 participle. On the o in erloschen^ cp. § 92 . The r in 
 bersten has undergone metathesis. 
 
 Class IV. 
 
 § 603. The verbs of this class belong to the fourth 
 ablaut-series, which includes the strong verbs whose stems 
 end in a single liquid or nasal, and a few others. They 
 had in OHG. e in the infinitive and present plural, i in 
 the pres, singular, a in the pret. first and third pers. 
 singular, a in the pret. plural, and o in the past participle. 
 
 OHG. e i a a o 
 
 MHG. e i a a o 
 
 NHG. e e, (ie, i) a a o 
 
 The history of the pres, singular is similar to that of 
 verbs of class HI with e in the infinitive. That is, in 
 NHG. the first pers. singular has e or e [stehkf breche) and 
 the second and third pers. have ie or i (stiehlt^ brichf). In 
 passing from MHG. to NHG. the vowel of the pret. plural 
 has been levelled out into the singular. 
 
§§ 504-7] 
 
 
 Verbs 
 
 
 253 
 
 OHG. stglan 
 
 stilu 
 
 stal 
 
 stalum 
 
 gistolan 
 
 MHG. stein 
 
 stil(e) 
 
 stal 
 
 stalen 
 
 gestoln 
 
 NHG. stehlen 
 
 stehle 
 
 Stahl 
 
 stahlen 
 
 gestohlen 
 
 Similarly gebdren^ nehmen [nimmt, genommen, § 114), 
 scheren (pret. schor)^ schwdren (pret. schwor). The prete- 
 rites schor and schwor have o from the past participle just 
 as in Modern English bore, stole, tore. 
 
 § 604. brechen (MHG. brechen, briche, brach, brachen, 
 gebrochen), and similarly schrecken^ erschreckeUy sprechen, 
 stechefty treffen, 
 
 § 505. In OHG. queman, quimu, quam, quamum, 
 quoman (queman), the combinations que-, qui- became 
 ko-, ku-, whence late OHG. inf. and pp. komen, and pres, 
 first pers. singular kumu. At a later period the k was 
 extended to all forms of the verb: MHG. komen, kumu, 
 kam (quam), kamen (quamen), komen, and NHG. 
 kommefty komme (a new formation from kommen)y kanty 
 kameUy gekommen. 
 
 § 506. rdchen (MHG. rechen) is now weak, but the old 
 past participle gerochen is still sometimes used in poetical 
 language. The old strong past participle of verhehlen 
 (MHG. verheln, OHG. firhelan) has been preserved in 
 the isolated form verhohlen. entbehren (MHG. en(t)bern) 
 and ziemen (MHG. zemen) have become weak, ziemen 
 has been formed from the singular ziemt (MHG. zimet) 
 owing to the verb being mostly used in the third pers. 
 singular, sleeken is properly a weak verb, but it has a 
 strong pret. stack beside the weak, and it formerly had 
 the strong forms stickt, gestocken. 
 
 Class V. 
 
 § 607. The verbs of this class belong to the fifth 
 ablaut-series. It includes the strong verbs which contain 
 e in the past participle, and whose stems end in other 
 
254 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§ 508 
 
 consonants than those in classes III and IV. The only 
 difference between classes IV and V is that the past 
 participle of the former has o and of the latter e, thus : — 
 
 OHG. e 
 
 i a 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 MHG. e 
 
 i a 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 NHG. e 
 
 e, (ie, i) a 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 The history of the present and preterite is the same as 
 in class IV. 
 
 OHG. geban 
 
 gibu gab 
 
 gabum 
 
 gigeban 
 
 MHG. geben 
 
 gibe gap 
 
 gaben 
 
 gegeben 
 
 NHG. geben 
 
 gebe gab 
 
 gaben 
 
 gegeben 
 
 Similarly sehen (OHG. sehan), geschehen (OHG. giske- 
 han), treten. The h in sehan, giskehan was levelled out 
 to the pret. plural and past participle already in OHG., 
 cp. § 221. The NHG. pret. sing, sahy geschah (MHG. sach, 
 geschach) are new formations from the stem forms of the 
 plural, lesen (OHG. lesan, lisu, las, larum beside lasum, 
 gileran beside gilesan, MHG. laren beside lasen, gelern 
 (rare) beside gelesen) has levelled out the s, and similarly 
 in geneseUy which has in addition become weak in the 
 present [genesety genest), war with levelling out the plural 
 form waren ; the past participle of this verb did not exist 
 in OHG. MHG. gewesen=NHG. gewesen is a new 
 formation from the infinitive. jdteUy also in form gdten 
 (MHG. jeten), and kneten (MHG. kneten) have become 
 weak. 
 
 § 508 . 
 
 OHG. 
 
 wegan 
 
 wigu 
 
 wag 
 
 wagum 
 
 giwegan 
 
 MHG. 
 
 wegen 
 
 wige 
 
 wac 
 
 wagen 
 
 gewegen 
 
 NHG. 
 
 wagen ] 
 wiegen) 
 
 wage ] 
 wiege) 
 
 wog 
 
 wogen 
 
 gewogen 
 
 The a in wdgen is due to association with the noun 
 wage, wiegen is a new formation from the singular 
 
§§ 509-IOJ 
 
 Verbs 
 
 255 
 
 (MHG. wiget) owing to its being chiefly used in the third 
 pers. singular, cp. ziemen (§ 506). MHG. a became 5 in 
 NHG. through the influence of the w (§118), and then the 
 vowel of the plural was levelled out into the singular, as 
 in the other verbs of this class, and at a later period it was 
 extended to the past participle. The old past participle 
 is still preserved in the isolated form verwegen. Similarly 
 bewegen, erwagen^ weben. pflegen went over into class IV 
 (past participle gepfiogen beside gepflegen) already in 
 MHG., whence NHG. preterite pflog (older pflag) with 
 o from the past participle, gdren (MHG. jesen, gise, jas, 
 jaren, gejern). In MHG. the g only occurred in forms 
 with i (as gise, giset), in NHG. the g has been generalized, 
 partly due to association with the noun gave {gdre\ In 
 like manner the r of the preterite plural and past participle 
 has been generalized. All the verbs in this paragraph 
 have become weak in the present and have weak beside 
 the strong forms in the preterite and past participle. 
 
 § 509. 
 
 OHG. me:^^an ma:^ ma^um gime:^^an 
 
 MHG. me:^^en mi:5^e ma^ ma:^en geme^^en 
 
 NHG. messen messe mass massen gemessen 
 
 Similarly essen (MHG. e%en, a:^, a:^en, ge:^^en), past 
 participle gegessen with double gQ-^fressen (MHG. vre^^en, 
 vra;^, vra^en, pp. vre:^^en), vergessen. essen and fressen 
 had a long vowel in the pret. singular already in prim. 
 Germanic. The long vowel arose from the contraction of 
 the old reduplicated syllable e with the stem vowel, cp. 
 Goth, fr-et, O.Icel. OS. at, OE. «t, Lat. edi. 
 
 § 510. To this class also belong bitten, liegen, sitzen, 
 which originally had j in the present (§ 213), and were 
 inflected in the present like a weak verb of class I (§ 527). 
 bitten (OHG. bitten, bittu, bat, batum, gibetan). This 
 verb is properly an aorist present and originally belonged 
 
Accidence 
 
 256 
 
 [§ 51 1 
 
 to class I, but it passed over into class V in the prim. 
 Germanic period, cp. Gr. Trct^o), I persuade, aorist ImBov. 
 liegen (OHG. liggen, liggu, lag, lagum, gilegan) had single 
 g in the present already in MHG. (ligen) after the an alogy 
 of the second and third pers. singular and of the other 
 forms of the verb where single g was regular, sitzen 
 (OHG. sitzen, sitzu, sa;;, sai^um, gisei^^an). 
 
 Class VI. 
 
 § 511. The verbs of this class belong to the sixth ablaut- 
 series, and had in OHG. a in the infinitive and past parti- 
 ciple, and no in the pret. sing, and plural. They had 
 umlaut in the second and third pers. sing, of the present, 
 as feris, ferit. 
 
 OHG. faran fuor fuorum gifaran 
 
 MHG. varn vuor vuoren gevarn 
 
 NHG. fahren fuhr fuhren gefahren 
 
 Similarly graben, tragen, wachsen, waschen, the last two 
 verbs with short a through being in a closed syllable. 
 schlagen (OHG. slahan, sluoh (also sluog), sluogum, 
 gislagan, § 221) with g from the pret. plural and past parti- 
 ciple. OHG. stantan, stuont (rarely stuot), stuontum 
 (rarely stuotum), gistantan, MHG. standen (sten, stan), 
 stuont, stuonten, gestanden. Already in MHG. standen 
 began to be supplanted by sten = NHG. stehen. The n 
 belonged originally to the present only, cp. English stand, 
 stood, and verbs like Lat. frango, fregi. Early NHG. 
 stund, stunden became stand, stunden after the analogy 
 of early NHG. band, bunden (§ 496), and then later 
 stand, standen by levelling out the form of the singular. 
 NHG. backen had two forms in the present in OHG.: 
 bachu, I bake, with ch levelled out from the non-present 
 forms, and backu = prim. Germanic *bakko (Indg. 
 
Verbs 
 
 257 
 
 § 512] 
 
 *bh9gn5, § 202). In OHG. the ck only belonged to the 
 present, whence bachan beside backan, buoh, buochum, 
 gibachan, MHG. bachen beside backen, buoch, buochen, 
 gebachen. In NHG. the ck has been taken into all forms 
 of the verb, but the old preterite buch was still in use in 
 early NHG. Beside the strong preterite we have now 
 also the weak preterite backte. Two distinct OHG. verbs 
 have fallen together in NHG. laden^ viz. OHG. ladan, to 
 loadf and the weak verb ladon, to invite. The former 
 began to have weak and the latter to have strong forms in 
 MHG. In NHG. laden has strong beside weak forms in 
 the present and preterite [Iddst, Iddt^ lud beside ladest^ 
 ladeU ladete), maiden^ to grinds has become weak except 
 in the past participle gemahlen, nagen^ schaben (with old 
 past participle preserved in the isolated form abgeschaben\ 
 waten have become weak, fragen was a weak verb in 
 OHG. (fragen) and MHG. (vragen), but it now has strong 
 beside weak forms in the present and preterite. 
 
 § 512. To this class also belong heben, schaffen^ and 
 schworen, which originally had j in the present and were 
 inflected in the present like a weak verb of Class I (§ 527). 
 heben (OHG. heffen (Goth, hafjan), huob, huobum, 
 -haban). The b belonged originally to the pret. plural 
 and past participle only, but already in OHG. it was 
 extended to the pret. singular and in MHG. to the present, 
 whence MHG. heben, huop, huoben, gehaben. The 
 NHG. preterite hob^ past participle for older hub, 
 
 gehaben, have been remodelled on analogy with verbs like 
 wobf gewoben (§ 508). The old past participle has been 
 preserved in the isolated form erhaben, schaffen^ to create 
 (OHG. skepfen (Goth, ga-skapjan), skuof, skuofum, 
 giskaffan). Already in OHG. a new infinitive skaffan 
 was formed from the past participle, whence MHG. and 
 NHG. schaffen. The NHG. weak verb schaffen^ to do, 
 work, is from the OHG. weak verb skaffon. schopfen 
 
 s 
 
A cadence 
 
 [§§ 513-4 
 
 258 
 
 (OHG. skepfen, MHG. schepfen) has become weak. 
 schworen (OHG. swerien, swuor, swuorum, gisworan, 
 with o from older a through the influence of the preceding 
 w). The NHG. pret. schwor beside the regular form 
 schwur has its o from the past participle. 
 
 Class VII. 
 
 § 613. To this class belong those verbs which originally 
 had reduplicated preterites, like Gothic haihald, lailot, 
 faifibk, haihait, inf. haldan, to hold^ letan, to let^ fiokan, 
 to complain^ hditan, to call This class of verbs is divided 
 into two sub-divisions according as the preterite had ia 
 (older e, ea, § 71) or io in OHG. ia and io fell together 
 in ie in late OHG. (§§ 71, 77). Much has been written 
 about the stem vowel in the preterite of these verbs in 
 OHG., but little or nothing is really known of how it came 
 about. It is usually assumed to be due to the old redupli- 
 cated syllable having undergone contraction with the stem 
 syllable, but this assumption leaves many phonological 
 difficulties unexplained. The preterite sing, and plural 
 have in all periods of the language the same stem vowel. 
 Verbs, which in OHG. had a, a, or ei in the present, had 
 ia in the preterite, and those which had ou, (o), § 76, uo 
 in the present had io in the preterite. With the exception 
 of fahan, hahan, the past participle had the same stem 
 vowel as the present. 
 
 § 514. OHG. haltan hialt gihaltan 
 
 MHG. halten hielt gehalten 
 
 NHG. halten hielt gehalten 
 
 Similarly fallen, OHG. gangan, giang, gigangan : the 
 present was supplanted by gen (gan) (= NHG. gehen) in 
 MHG. NHG. ging has been shortened from older gieng 
 (§ 139). salzen has become weak except in the past parti- 
 
§§ 515 - 8 ] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 259 
 
 ciple gesalzen, fallen and spalten have become weak in 
 the present and preterite, but in the past participle they 
 have strong beside weak forms, bannen {verbannen\ 
 schalten^ spannen^ umhalseny walkeUy walleUy walteUy and 
 waken have become weak. 
 
 § 515. OHG. 
 
 ratan 
 
 riat 
 
 giratan 
 
 MHG. 
 
 raten 
 
 riet 
 
 ge raten 
 
 NHG. 
 
 raten 
 
 riet 
 
 geraten 
 
 Similarly blasen^ lassen (§ 139), schlafen. In NHG. 
 braten has weak pres, and preterite beside the strong. 
 OHG. fahan (§ 54), fiang, gifangan, MHG. vahen, vienc 
 (pi. viengen), gevangen. In NHG. the inf. fangen is 
 a new formation from the past participle ; this took place in 
 the Middle German dialect in the MHG. period. NHG. 
 fing has been shortened from older fieng (§ 139). Similarly 
 hangen (OHG. hahan, hiang, gihangan). 
 
 § 516. OHG. hei^an hia^ gihei:^an 
 
 MHG. heii^en hie^ gehei^eii 
 
 NHG. heisseii hiess geheissen 
 
 geschiedeny the past participle of scheidefiy is a new forma- 
 tion after the analogy of verbs like schreiben (§ 490); the 
 old past participle has been preserved in the isolated form 
 bescheiden, schweifen (OHG. sweifan) has become weak. 
 
 § 517. stossen (OHG. sto:^an, gisto:^an, MHG. 
 
 st5:^en, stie^, gest5:^en). schroten (OHG. scrotan, scriot, 
 giscrotan) has become weak, except that in the past 
 participle strong and weak forms occur. 
 
 § 518. laufen (OHG. loufaii, liof, giloufan, MHG. 
 loufen, lief, geloufen). hauen (OHG. houwan, hio, pi. 
 hiowum, gihouwan, MHG. houwen, hie (hiu), pi. 
 hiewen (hiuwen), gehouwen) had a weak preterite 
 houte and past participle gehout beside the strong in 
 MHG. In NHG. the present is weak, but was also strong 
 
 s 2 
 
A cadence 
 
 260 
 
 [§§ 519-22 
 
 in early NHG. (er heut), and the preterite has strong 
 beside the weak form, hieb (§ 237), haute, 
 
 § 619. rufen (OHG. ruofan, riof, giruofan, MHG. 
 ruofen, rief, geruofen) has become weak in the present. 
 The preterite and past participle formerly fluctuated 
 between strong and weak forms. The weak preterite 
 rufte was common in the eighteenth century. 
 
 B. Weak Verbs. 
 
 § 520. The weak verbs, which for the most part are 
 derivative or denominative verbs, were in OHG. divided 
 into three classes according as the infinitive ended in -en 
 (older -jan), -on, or -en. Three stems are to be distin- 
 guished in the conjugation of a weak verb : the stem of the 
 present, preterite, and past participle, which mostly agrees 
 with that of the preterite. 
 
 Note. — Many points concerning the inflexion of weak verbs 
 in the oldest periods of the Germanic languages have never 
 been satisfactorily explained. For a summary and discussion 
 of the various explanations, which have been suggested by 
 scholars, the student should consult : Brugmann’s Kurze 
 
 vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen ; 
 Streitberg’s Urgermanische Grammatik; and Kluge’s Vorge- 
 schichte der altgermanischen Dialekte in Paul’s Grundriss der 
 germanischen Philologie, vol. I. 
 
 Class I. 
 
 § 621. In OHG. the verbs of this class are divided into 
 two sub-divisions : {a) verbs which originally had a short 
 stem ; {b) polysyllabic verbs and those which originally 
 had a long stem syllable. Nearly all the verbs belonging to 
 Class I are causative and denominative. 
 
 Sub-division (a), 
 
 § 622. Formation of the present stem: The present 
 stem of these verbs became long (except in the second and 
 
§§ 52 3 - 5 ] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 261 
 
 third pers, sing. pres, indicative, and second pers. sing, 
 imperative) by the West Germanic law of the doubling of 
 consonants (§ 213). The j had already disappeared in 
 these persons before the operation of the law, for which 
 reason they had single consonants in OHG. The verbs, 
 however, ending in one of the aflfricatae zz (tz), pf ; and ck 
 (= West Germanic tj, pj, kj), levelled out the affricatae and 
 the ck to all forms of the present and to the second pers. 
 sing, of the imperative in prehistoric HG. 
 
 § 623. Formation of the pret. and past participle : The j, 
 which caused the doubling of the final consonants in the 
 present stems, never existed in the preterite or past 
 participle, so that these stems ended in single consonants. 
 The preterite usually had the ending -ita, but verbs, whose 
 present stems ended in one of the affricatae pf, zz (tz), or 
 ck ( = West Germanic pj, tj, kj), had the ending -ta in the 
 preterite. Those whose present stems ended in tt or 11 
 (= West Germanic dj, Ij) sometimes had the one ending and 
 sometimes the other. 
 
 The past participle had two forms, the one called the 
 uninflected, the other the inflected form. The uninflected 
 form ended in -it, and the inflected form ended in -iter 
 when the preterite ended in -ita, and in -ter when the 
 preterite ended in -ta. 
 
 Sub-Division {b\ 
 
 § 624. In this sub-division the verbs underwent no con- 
 sonant changes in the present. The preterite ended in -ta. 
 The uninflected form of the past participle ended in -it and 
 the inflected form in -ter. 
 
 Class II. 
 
 § 626. This class originally contained verbs belonging 
 partly to the athematic and partly to the thematic conjuga- 
 
262 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§§ 526-7 
 
 tion (§ 471). The first pers. sing, of the former ended in 
 •ami and of the latter in -aj5. The a became 5 in the 
 prim. Germanic period (§ 37). In prehistoric OHG. the 
 o was levelled out to all forms of the verb. The OHG. 
 ending of the first pers. sing, of the pres, indicative is 
 a remnant of the athematic or mi-conjugation. 
 
 Class III. 
 
 § 626. Most of the verbs belonging to this class were 
 originally primary verbs like Latin habere = OHG. haben. 
 The e was levelled out to all forms of the verb in pre- 
 historic OHG. It is doubtful whether the OHG. -m of 
 the first pers. sing. pres, indicative is a remnant of the mi- 
 conjugation. It is more probable that the -m is due to 
 analogy of verbs of Class II. 
 
 § 527. The full conjugation of leggen, hdren, Class I, 
 salbon, Class II, and leben, Class III, will serve as models 
 for all weak verbs. 
 
 Present, 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 z 
 
 X OHG. 
 
 - 
 
 
 Sing. I. leggu 
 
 horu 
 
 salbom,(-on) lebem,(-e 
 
 2 . legis(t) 
 
 horis(t) 
 
 salb5s(t) 
 
 lebes(t) 
 
 3 . legit 
 
 h5rit 
 
 salbot 
 
 lebet 
 
 Plur. I. leggemes, 
 
 horemes, 
 
 salbbmes, 
 
 lebemes, 
 
 (•en) 
 
 (■en) 
 
 (■on) 
 
 (■en) 
 
 2 . legget 
 
 horet 
 
 salbot 
 
 lebet 
 
 3 . leggent 
 
 horent 
 
 salbont 
 
 lebent 
 
 
 MHG. 
 
 
 Sing. I. lege 
 
 hoere 
 
 salbe 
 
 lebe 
 
 2 . legest 
 
 hoerest 
 
 salbest 
 
 lebest 
 
 3 . leget 
 
 hoeret 
 
 salbet 
 
 lebet 
 
 Plur. I. legen 
 
 hoeren 
 
 salben 
 
 leben 
 
 2 . leget 
 
 hoeret 
 
 salbet 
 
 lebet 
 
 3 . legent 
 
 hoerent 
 
 salbent 
 
 lebent 
 
§ 527 ] V'erbs 263 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. I. lege 
 
 ho re 
 
 salbe 
 
 lebe 
 
 2. legst 
 
 horst 
 
 salbst 
 
 lebst 
 
 3. legt 
 
 hort 
 
 salbt 
 
 lebt 
 
 Plur. I. legen 
 
 horen 
 
 salben 
 
 leben 
 
 2. legt 
 
 hort 
 
 salbt 
 
 lebt 
 
 3. legen 
 
 horen 
 
 salben 
 
 leben 
 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 
 
 Sing. I. legge 
 
 ho re 
 
 salbo 
 
 lebe 
 
 2. legges(t) 
 
 hores(t) 
 
 salb 5 s(t) 
 
 lebes(t) 
 
 3. legge 
 
 hore 
 
 salbo 
 
 lebe 
 
 Plur. I. leggem, 
 
 h 5 rem 
 
 salb 5 m 
 
 lebem 
 
 (-en, -ernes) 
 
 
 
 2. legget 
 
 h 5 ret 
 
 salbdt 
 
 lebet 
 
 3. leggen 
 
 horen 
 
 salb 5 n 
 
 leben 
 
 
 MHG. 
 
 
 Sing. I. lege 
 
 hoere 
 
 salbe 
 
 lebe 
 
 2. legest 
 
 hoerest 
 
 salbest 
 
 lebest 
 
 3. lege 
 
 hoere 
 
 salbe 
 
 lebe 
 
 Plur. I. legen 
 
 hoeren 
 
 salben 
 
 leben 
 
 2. leget 
 
 hoe ret 
 
 salbet 
 
 lebet 
 
 3. legen 
 
 hoeren 
 
 salben 
 
 leben 
 
 
 NHG. 
 
 
 Sing. I. lege 
 
 hore 
 
 salbe 
 
 lebe 
 
 2. legest 
 
 horest 
 
 salbest 
 
 lebest 
 
 3. lege 
 
 hore 
 
 salbe 
 
 lebe 
 
 Plur. I. legen 
 
 horen 
 
 salben 
 
 leben 
 
 2. leget 
 
 ho ret 
 
 salbet 
 
 lebet 
 
 3. legen 
 
 horen 
 
 salben 
 
 leben 
 
264 
 
 A cadence 
 
 Imperative. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 [§ 5 
 
 Sing. 2. legi 
 
 hori salbo 
 
 lebe 
 
 Plur. I. leggemes, 
 
 horemes salbomes 
 
 lebemes 
 
 (■en) 
 
 2. legget 
 
 horet salbdt 
 
 MHG. 
 
 lebet 
 
 Sing. 2. lege 
 
 hoere salbe 
 
 lebe 
 
 Plur. I. legen 
 
 hoeren salben 
 
 leben 
 
 2. leget 
 
 hoeret salbet 
 
 NHG. 
 
 lebet 
 
 Sing. 2. lege 
 
 ho re salbe 
 
 lebe 
 
 Plur. 2. legt 
 
 hort salbt 
 
 Infinitive. 
 
 lebt 
 
 OHG. leggen 
 
 horen salbon 
 
 leben 
 
 MHG. legen 
 
 hoeren salben 
 
 leben 
 
 NHG. legen 
 
 horen salben 
 
 / 
 
 Gerund. 
 
 leben 
 
 OHG. 
 
 (Gen. leggennes horennes salbonnes 
 
 lebennes 
 
 1 Dat. leggenne 
 
 horenne salbbnne 
 
 lebenne 
 
 MHG. 
 
 |Gen. legennes 
 
 hoerennes salbennes 
 
 lebennes 
 
 ] Dat. legenne 
 
 hoerenne salbenne 
 
 lebenne 
 
 NHG. legend- 
 
 horend- salbend- 
 
 Participle. 
 
 lebend- 
 
 OHG. leggenti 
 
 horenti salbonti 
 
 lebenti 
 
 MHG. legende 
 
 hoerende salbende 
 
 lebende 
 
 NHG. legend 
 
 horend salbend 
 
 lebend 
 
Verbs 
 
 265 
 
 §527] 
 
 Preterite. 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 Sing. I. legita 
 
 horta 
 
 salbdta 
 
 lebeta 
 
 2. legitos(t) 
 
 hortos(t) 
 
 salb 5 t 5 s(t) 
 
 lebet 5 s(t) 
 
 3. legita 
 
 horta 
 
 salbota 
 
 lebeta 
 
 Plur. I. legitum, 
 
 hortum 
 
 salbotum 
 
 lebetum 
 
 (-un) 
 
 
 
 
 2. legitut 
 
 h 5 rtut 
 
 salbdtut 
 
 lebetut 
 
 3. legitun 
 
 h 5 rtun 
 
 salbotun 
 
 lebetun 
 
 
 MHG. 
 
 
 Sing. I. legete 
 
 horte 
 
 salbete 
 
 lebete 
 
 2. legetest 
 
 hdrtest 
 
 salbetest 
 
 lebetest 
 
 3. legete 
 
 h 5 rt^ 
 
 salbete 
 
 lebete 
 
 Plur. I. legeten 
 
 h 5 rten 
 
 salbeten 
 
 lebeten 
 
 2. legetet 
 
 hortet 
 
 salbetet 
 
 lebetet 
 
 3. legeten 
 
 horten 
 
 salbeten 
 
 lebeten 
 
 
 NHG. 
 
 
 Sing. I. legte 
 
 horte 
 
 salbte 
 
 lebte 
 
 2. legtest 
 
 hortest 
 
 salbtest 
 
 lebtest 
 
 3. legte 
 
 horte 
 
 salbte 
 
 lebte 
 
 Plur. I. legten 
 
 horten 
 
 salbten 
 
 lebten 
 
 2. legtet 
 
 hortet 
 
 salbtet 
 
 lebtet 
 
 3. legten 
 
 horten 
 
 salbten 
 
 lebten 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 Sing. I. legiti 
 
 horti 
 
 salbdti 
 
 lebeti 
 
 2. legitis(t) 
 
 h 5 rtis(t) 
 
 salb 5 tis(t) 
 
 lebetis(t) 
 
 3. legiti 
 
 hdrti 
 
 salboti 
 
 lebeti 
 
 Plur. I. legitim, 
 
 hortim 
 
 salbotim 
 
 lebetim 
 
 (•in) 
 
 
 
 
 2. legitit 
 
 hortit 
 
 salbotit 
 
 lebetit 
 
 3. legitin 
 
 hortin 
 
 salbotin 
 
 lebetin 
 
266 
 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 5 : 
 
 
 
 MHG. 
 
 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 legete 
 
 h5rte 
 
 salbete 
 
 lebete 
 
 2. 
 
 legetest 
 
 hortest 
 
 salbetest 
 
 lebetest 
 
 3- 
 
 legete 
 
 hdrte 
 
 salbete 
 
 lebete 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 legeten 
 
 horten 
 
 salbeten 
 
 lebeten 
 
 2. 
 
 legetet 
 
 hdrtet 
 
 salbetet 
 
 lebetet 
 
 3- 
 
 legeten 
 
 hdrten 
 
 salbeten 
 
 lebeten 
 
 
 
 NHG. 
 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 legte 
 
 horte 
 
 salbte 
 
 lebte 
 
 2. 
 
 legtest 
 
 hortest 
 
 salbtest 
 
 lebtest 
 
 3- 
 
 legte 
 
 horte 
 
 salbte 
 
 lebte 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 legten 
 
 horten 
 
 salbten 
 
 lebten 
 
 2. 
 
 legtet 
 
 hortet 
 
 salbtet 
 
 lebtet 
 
 3- 
 
 legten 
 
 horten 
 
 salbten 
 
 lebten 
 
 
 
 Participle. 
 
 
 OHG. : 
 
 rgilegit 
 
 gih5rit 
 
 gisalbot 
 
 gilebet 
 
 [gilegiter 
 
 gihbrter 
 
 gisalbbter 
 
 gilebeter 
 
 MHG. 
 
 geleget 
 
 f gehoeret 
 t geh5rt 
 
 gesalbet 
 
 gelebet 
 
 NHG. 
 
 gelegt 
 
 gehort 
 
 gesalbt 
 
 gelebt 
 
 The Endings of Weak Verbs. 
 
 § 528 . Present : In the oldest period of the language 
 the indie, first pers. singular of Class I ended in -iu, which 
 became -u after the analogy of the strong verbs in the early 
 part of the ninth century. In Classes II and III the final 
 -m became -n in the ninth century. This -n remained in 
 early MHO., but during the MHG. period the first pers. sing, 
 was formed after the analogy of Class I and the strong 
 verbs. The ending -i in the imperative of the second pers. 
 singular goes back to an original -eje, which regularly 
 became -i in prim. Germanic. On the other endings of all 
 forms of the present in OHG., see §§ 476 - 80 . The vowels 
 
§§ 529-31] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 267 
 
 i, e, o, u, e, 5, in the OHG. endings were all weakene d to 
 e in M HG, (§ 170); so that the old distinction between the 
 three classes of weak verbs disappeared. NHG. examples 
 of verbs which belonged to Class II in OHG. are: de/eu 
 (OHG. bet5n), danken (OHG. dankdn), and similarly 
 dienefty heischen (OHG. o\%zovf)y forderfijagetiy lecketiy lohneriy 
 machefiy mahneriy minnefty rauberiy redeUy regneUy schadetiy 
 schauen (OHG. scouwon), segneUy spdheriy spieletiy zieren. 
 Examples of NHG. verbs which belonged to Class HI in 
 OHG. are: fasten (OHG. fasten), folgen (OHG. folgen), 
 and similarly frageUy fauleny habeny klebeUy lerneny sageny 
 schwebeUy sorgeUy iraueny warteUy wohnen. Some verbs had 
 double forms, as hassen (OHG. ha^^en, ha:^^on), holen 
 (OHG. hol5n, holen), and similarly klageUy lobeny mahleny 
 sparen. On the loss of the e in N HG. legsty legty &c., see § 174. 
 
 § 529. Preterite : The vowels a, i, u, e, i, o in the OHG. 
 endings were all weakened to e in MHG., so that the 
 indicative and su^ unctive fell together in form. And in like 
 manner the past participle of Class I, sub-division {a), fell 
 together with the past participle of Classes II and HI. On 
 the loss of e in NHG. kgte, lebtCy &c., see § 174. 
 
 General Remarks on the Weak Verbs. 
 
 § 530. Present : The do uble con sona nts in Class I, sub- 
 division (a), began to be simplified in late OHG. 
 
 § 531. Preterite : The weak preterite is a special Ger- 
 manic formation, and many points connected with its origin 
 are still uncertain. Some scholars are inclined to regard 
 it as a periphrastic formation which was originally confined 
 to denominative verbs, and then at a later period became 
 extended to primary verbs as well. The OHG. endings 
 -ta, -tos, -ta, -turn, -tut, -tun would thus represent an old 
 aorist formed from the root dhe-, puty place (Gr. 
 which stands in ablaut relation to OE. don, OHG. tuon, to 
 do. The old preterite (perfect) of this verb has been pre- 
 
268 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 531 
 
 served in the preterite plural of Gothic weak verbs, as 
 hdusi-dedum (we heard\ -dedu)?, -dedun beside the OHG. 
 pret. plural of tuon : tatum, tatut, tatun. But it is also 
 probable that the dental in the OHG. preterite partly stands 
 in close relationship to the dental in the past participle. 
 The i in the preterite of Class I, sub-division {a), -ita, -itos, 
 &c., was from the past participle. Through the weakening 
 of the OHG. endings in MHG., the preterite of Class I, 
 sub-division {a), fell together with Classes II and HI, so 
 that in MHG. the weak verbs are generally divided into 
 two classes according as the preterite ends in -te or -ete. 
 But already in MHG. verbs which regularly had -ete often 
 took -te after the analogy of Class I (Z>). In NHG. the 
 usual form is -te, but from the seventeenth century onwards 
 verbs whose stems end in a dental regularly have -ete, as 
 kitefef redetCy rettetey &c. In NHG. the preterite and past 
 participle are generally formed direct from the present, 
 so that when the present has umlaut the preterite and past 
 participle have it also. But in MHG. those verbs which 
 formed their preterite in -te did not have umla ut, as fiillen , 
 fiirhten, hoenen, hiieten, riiemen, saejen, senken, setzen, 
 vellen, wunschen, pret. fulte, forhte, honte, huote, 
 ruomde, sate, sancte, sazte, valte, wunschte, but 
 
 NHG. fulltey fiirchtetey hohniCy huietCy riihmtey sdtCy senktCy 
 setztCy falliCy wunschte. The old distinction between the 
 vowel of the present and preterite has been preserved in 
 a few verbs, viz. brenneUy brannte (MHG. brante, OHG. 
 branta), and similarly in kenneny nenneUy renneUy sendeUy 
 wenden, bringeUy iracA/^(MHG. brahte, pret. subj. braehte); 
 denkeUy dachte (MHG. dahte, pret. subj. daehte) ; dunkeUy 
 older NHG. also dunken (MHG. diinken, dunken), MHG. 
 pret. indie, duhte, subj. diuhte; NHG. diinkte is a new 
 formation, and dauchty dauchtey gedducht have their stem 
 vowel from the pret. subjunctive. 
 
 In a few cases new presents have been formed from the 
 
Verbs 
 
 §§ 532-4] 
 
 269 
 
 old preterites, as atzen^ bestallen^ schatzen beside the regular 
 forms dtzeUf bestellen^ schatzen, 
 
 § 632. Past Participle: In the oldest period of the lan- 
 guage verbs of Class I, sub-division (a), had -it in the un- 
 inflected and -iter in the inflected form, but those of 
 sub-division (b) had -it in the uninflected and -ter in the 
 inflected form. This distinction was preserved in MHG,, 
 which accounts for the past participle having both an 
 umrauted and nbn-umlauted form. An old isolated form 
 of this kind has been preserved in behaftet beside heften. 
 In NHG. the old distinction between the inflected and unin- 
 flected formThas beeh given up. Those verbs which now 
 have -te in the preterite have -t in the past participle, and 
 those which have -ete in the preterite have -et in the past 
 participle, but we have the old isolated form in beredt beside 
 geredef. The verbs, which have preserved the old distinction 
 between the vowel of the present and preterite, have pre- 
 served it also in the past participle, as gebrannty genannt^ &c. 
 
 § 533. In^ OHG . haben was a weak verb of Class III, 
 and was conjugated like leben (§ 527). In late OHG. the 
 present haben was contracted into han, which in MHG. 
 came to be used chiefly as an auxiliary verb beside haben 
 used as a principal verb. The contracted forms of the 
 present were in MHG. han, hast, hat, pi. han, hat, han, 
 whence NHG. hast^ hat. The other forms of the present 
 have not been preserved in NHG. From the present han 
 there was formed in MHG. a new preterite hate, hatest, 
 &c. beside haete, haetest, &c. which were used both for the 
 indicative and subjunctive, whence NHG. hatte^ hattest^ &c. 
 and subjunctive hattCy hdttesty &c. 
 
 C. Minor Groups. 
 
 A. Preterite-Presents. 
 
 § 534. These verbs were originally unreduplicated per- 
 fects, which acquired a present meaning like Greek otSa, 
 
270 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§§ 535-6 
 
 Latin novi, / know. In prim. Germanic a new weak 
 preterite, an infinitive, a present participle, and in 
 some verbs a strong past participle, were formed from 
 the stem form of the plural. They are inflected in the 
 present like the preterite of strong verbs, except that the 
 second pers. singular has the same stem vowel as the first 
 and third persons, and has also preserved the old ending -t 
 (§ 479). In NHG. the second pers. singular darfst (MHG. 
 darft), 5 o/&/(MHG. solt), magst (MHG. maht), have been 
 formed after the analogy of weisst (MHG. weist), kannst 
 (MHG. kanst), musst (MHG. muost). In early NHG. 
 the third pers. singular often ended in -t after the analogy 
 of other verbs. In MHG. the present plural and infinitive : 
 tiigen, giinnen, kiinnen, diirfen, miigen, and miie:^en pro- 
 bably had umlaut after the analogy of the subjunctive. 
 Then the ti in giinnen, kiinnen regularly became o in 
 NHG. (§101). In NHG. the pres, plural, the infinitive, 
 and pret. subjunctive have the umlaut of the vowel which 
 joccurs in the pret. indicative. The pret. subjunctive had 
 /umlaut in MHG., which has remained in NHG. except in 
 \sollte (MHG. solte beside solte). The NHG. past parti- 
 ciple has been formed direct from the pret. indicative. 
 
 § 535. Class I: OHG. and MHG. wei:^, weist, wei^, 
 pi. OHG. wi:^:^um, MHG. wi:^:^en, NHG. weisSf weisstf 
 weisSf wissen) pret. indie. OHG. wissa, wessa (wista, 
 westa), MHG. wisse, wesse (wiste, weste, late MHG. 
 wuste, woste, through the influence of the w) : only the 
 form wusste has survived in NHG. ; NHG. pret. subj. 
 wiisste is a new formation from the pret. indicative; inf. 
 OHG. wi^:^an, MHG. wi:^:^en, NHG. wissen; pp. OHG. 
 giwi:^^an, MHG. gewi:^:5en beside gewest formed from 
 the pret. waste ; NHG. gewusst formed from wusste. The 
 NHG. imperative wisse is a new formation. The impera- 
 tive did not exist in OHG. and MHG. 
 
 § 536. Class II : OHG. toug, itavailsy plural tugun, pret. 
 
§§ 537 - 9 ] 
 
 Verbs 
 
 271 
 
 tohta; MHG. touc, pi. tugen (tiigen), inf. tugen (tiigen). 
 A new inf. tougen was formed from touc in MHG., and 
 then the verb became weak as in NHG. es taugtj inf. 
 taugen, 
 
 § 537 . Class III : OHG. kan, kanst, kan, pi. kunnum, 
 pret. konda (with o difficult to explain), inf. kunnan ; 
 MHG. kan, kanst, kan, pi. and inf. kunnen (kiinnen), 
 pret. indie, kunde (konde), subj. kunde (kiinde) ; NHG. 
 kamif kannstf kann^ pi. and inf. konnen (from kiinnen), pret. 
 indie, konnte (from konde), subj. konnte and pp. gekonnt 
 formed from konnte. 
 
 MHG. gan (from *ge-an), pi. and inf. gunnen (gtinnen), 
 has become weak in NHG. : gonnen^ gonnte. 
 
 OHG. darf, darft, darf, pi. durfum, pret. dorfta, inf. 
 durfan; MHG. darf, darft, darf, pi. and inf. durfen 
 (diirfen), pret. indie, dorfte, subj. dorfte ; NHG. darf 
 darfstj darf pi. and inf. durfen (from MHG. durfen), pret. 
 indie, durfte formed from MHG. durfen; subj. durfte 
 pp. gedurftj formed from pret. durfte, 
 
 § 538 . Class IV: OHG. seal, scalt, seal, pi. sculum, 
 pret. scolta, inf. scolan (§ 57 ). Forms without c occur 
 already in OHG., as sal, solta, cp. OE. sceal, beside 
 Mod. Northern Engl. dial, sal = shall) sol, solt, sol with 
 o from the inf. and pret. were common in late OHG. ; 
 MHG. sol (sal), solt (salt), sol (sal), pi. and inf. suln 
 (siiln), pret. indie, solde (solte), subj. solte (solte) ; NHG. 
 sollf sollstj soil, pi. and inf. soUen formed from soil, pret. 
 indie, and subj. sollte (MHG. solte), pp. gesollt formed 
 from sollte. 
 
 § 539 . Class V : OHG. mag, maht, mag, pi. magum 
 (mugum after the analogy of sculum), pret. mahta (mohta), 
 inf. magan (mugan); MHG. mac, maht, mac, pi. magen 
 (mugen, miigen), pret. mahte (mohte), subj. mahte 
 (mohte), inf. mugen (miigen); NHG. mag, magst (a new 
 formation from ma^, pi. and inf. mogen, pret. indie, mochte 
 
A cadence 
 
 272 
 
 [§§ 540-2 
 
 from MHG. mohte, subj. mochte from MHG. mohte, 
 pp. gemocht from pret. mochte. 
 
 In OHG. several of the forms were new formations 
 which took place in the prehistoric period of the language. 
 The verb probably belonged originally to Class VI. 
 
 § 640. Class VI : OHG. muo:^, muost, muo:^, pi. 
 muo:^um, pret. indie, muosa ; M HG. muc:^, muost, muo^, 
 pi. and inf. miie^en, pret. indie, muose (muoste with t 
 from other preterites), subj. miiese (miieste) ; NHG. muss^ 
 musstj musSf pi. and inf miissen from MHG. miiei^en, 
 pret. indie, musste from MHG. muoste, subj. miisste from 
 MHG. miieste, gemusst formed from musste. The stem 
 vowel in all the NHG. forms has undergone shortening 
 (§ 139 ). 
 
 B. Verbs in -mi. 
 
 § 541. The first pers. sing. pres, indicative of the Indo- 
 Germanic verb ended either in -6 or -mi (cp. the Greek 
 verbs in -w and -/xi, like </>€pa) and TLOrjfu, &c.). See § 471. 
 To the verbs in -o belong all the regular Germanic verbs; 
 of the verbs in -mi only scanty remains have been pre- 
 served; they are distinguished by the fact that the first 
 pers. sing. pres, indicative ends in -m, which became -n 
 in OHG. in the ninth century. Here belong the following 
 
 OHG. verbs : 
 
 : — 
 
 
 
 §642. 
 
 I. The 
 
 Substantive 
 
 Verb. 
 
 
 
 Present, 
 
 
 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 bim, (-n) 
 
 bin 
 
 bin 
 
 2 . 
 
 bis(t) 
 
 bist 
 
 bist 
 
 3- 
 
 1st 
 
 ist 
 
 ist 
 
Verbs 
 
 273 
 
 § 542] 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 birum, (-n) birn, (sint) 
 
 sind 
 
 2. 
 
 birut 
 
 birt, (sit) 
 
 seid 
 
 3- 
 
 sint 
 
 sint 
 
 sind 
 
 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 si 
 
 si, (sie) 
 
 sei 
 
 2. 
 
 sis(t) 
 
 sist, (siest) 
 
 seiest 
 
 3- 
 
 si 
 
 si, (sie) 
 
 sei 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 Sim, (-n) 
 
 sin, (sien) 
 
 seien 
 
 2. 
 
 sit 
 
 sit, (siet) 
 
 seiet 
 
 3- 
 
 sin 
 
 sin, (sien) 
 
 seien 
 
 
 
 Imperative. 
 
 
 Sing. 2. 
 
 wis 
 
 wis 
 
 sei 
 
 Plur. 2. 
 
 weset, (sit) weset, (sit) 
 
 seid 
 
 
 
 Infinitive. 
 
 
 
 wesan, 1 
 
 (sin) wesen, (sin) 
 
 sein 
 
 
 
 Participle. 
 
 
 
 wesanti 
 
 wesende 
 
 seiend 
 
 
 
 Preterite, 
 
 
 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 was 
 
 was 
 
 war 
 
 2. 
 
 wari 
 
 waere 
 
 warst 
 
 3- 
 
 was 
 
 was 
 
 war 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 warum 
 
 waren 
 
 waren 
 
 2. 
 
 warut 
 
 waret 
 
 wart 
 
 3- 
 
 warun 
 
 waren 
 
 waren 
 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 wari 
 
 waere 
 
 ware 
 
 2. 
 
 waris(t) 
 
 waerest 
 
 warest 
 
 3- 
 
 wari 
 
 waere 
 
 ware 
 
 T 
 
274 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§ 54 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Plur. I. warim 
 
 waeren 
 
 waren 
 
 2. warit 
 
 waeret 
 
 waret 
 
 3. warin 
 
 waeren 
 
 waren 
 
 
 Participle. 
 
 
 
 
 gewesen 
 
 gewesen 
 
 The OHG. pres, indicative forms ist, sint, and the pres, 
 subjunctive were formed from the root es-. The forms 
 with b- (him, bist, birum, birut) probably arose from 
 a contamination of the root es- with the root bheu-(= Lat. 
 fu-). The regular OHG. forms would have been *im, *is, 
 *irum, *irut, the last two forms with preterite endings. 
 On the original forms of the present tense, see § 471 . In 
 the oldest period of the German language all forms of the 
 verb ^to be* were supplied by wesan except the pres, 
 indicative and subjunctive, but in NHG. the forms from 
 wesen have become restricted to the pret. indicative and 
 subjunctive, and the past participle. On the history of the 
 preterite forms, see § 507 . 
 
 The forms birn, birt disappeared in the thirteenth 
 century, their place being taken by the subjunctive sin 
 (Middle German also sint, the third person), sit, whence 
 NHG. sind^ seid. In the fourteenth century the pres, sub- 
 junctive began to take an e after the analogy of the other 
 verbs. These dissyllabic forms have become generalized 
 in NHG. before a following consonant, whence seij but 
 seiesty seieUy and similarly in the pres, participle. In the 
 imperative, the subjunctive form sit was used beside 
 weset already in OHG., whence MHG. sit and NHG. 
 seid. The NHG. second pers. singular set is a new forma- 
 tion from the subjunctive, and similarly the pres, participle 
 seiend. The OHG. infinitive sin was a new formation from 
 the subjunctive. 
 
f 1 
 
 
 Verbs 
 
 275 
 
 § 643. 
 
 2. 
 
 The Verb tun. 
 
 Present, 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 tuom, (-n) 
 
 tuon, (tuo) 
 
 tue 
 
 2. 
 
 tuos(t) 
 
 tuost 
 
 tust 
 
 3- 
 
 tuot 
 
 tuot 
 
 tut 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 tuomes, (tuon) tuon 
 
 tun 
 
 2. 
 
 tuot 
 
 tuot 
 
 tut 
 
 3- 
 
 tuont 
 
 tuont 
 
 Infinitive. 
 
 tun 
 
 
 tuon 
 
 tuon 
 
 Preterite, 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 tun 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 teta 
 
 tete 
 
 tat 
 
 2. 
 
 tati 
 
 taete 
 
 tatst 
 
 3- 
 
 teta 
 
 tete 
 
 tat 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 tatum, (-n) 
 
 taten 
 
 taten 
 
 2. 
 
 tatut 
 
 tatet 
 
 tatet 
 
 3- 
 
 tatun 
 
 taten 
 
 Participle. 
 
 taten 
 
 
 gitan 
 
 getan 
 
 getan 
 
 The final -n of the first pers. singular began to dis- 
 appear in MHG. 
 
 MHG. tuo would regularly have become tu in NHG., 
 tue is a new formation after the analogy of the first pers. 
 sing, of other verbs. The forms of the pres, subjunctive 
 were in MHG. tuo, tuost, tuo, pi. tuon, tuot, tuon. The 
 uo would regularly have become u in NHG. (§ 137), but 
 tue^ tuestj &c. have e after the analogy of the pres, sub- 
 junctive of other verbs. The pret. indicative is inflected 
 in OHG. and MHG. like neman (§474) except that the 
 
 T 2 
 
Accidence 
 
 276 
 
 [§ 544 
 
 first and third pars, singular have reduplication. In NHG. 
 the singular has been formed from the plural stem form 
 tat-. The pret. subjunctive OHG. tati, tatis(t), &c., 
 MHG. taete, taetest, NHG. tdte^ tdtesty are inflected like 
 neman (§ 474). 
 
 § 644. 3 . The Verbs gehen, stehen. 
 
 The OHG. strong verbs gangan (§ 514) and stantan 
 (§ 511), which regularly formed their preterites giang, 
 stuont, had, beside these, short present forms. The 
 Alemanic dialect had the forms gan, stan, while the 
 Bavarian and Franconian dialects mostly had the forms 
 gen, sten which correspond to NHG. gehen and stehen. 
 On the dissyllabic pronunciation of the NHG. forms see 
 § 181. The conjugation of gen will serve for both verbs. 
 
 Present, 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 gem, (-n) 
 
 gen, (ge) 
 
 gehe 
 
 2 . 
 
 ges(t) 
 
 gest 
 
 gehst 
 
 3- 
 
 get 
 
 get 
 
 geht 
 
 Plur, I. 
 
 gemes, (gen) 
 
 gen 
 
 gehen 
 
 2 . 
 
 get 
 
 get 
 
 geht 
 
 3- 
 
 gent 
 
 gent 
 
 gehen 
 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 
 Sing. I. 
 
 ge 
 
 ge 
 
 gehe 
 
 2 . 
 
 ges(t) 
 
 gest 
 
 gehest 
 
 3- 
 
 ge 
 
 ge 
 
 gehe 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 gen 
 
 gen 
 
 gehen 
 
 2 . 
 
 get 
 
 get 
 
 gehet 
 
 3- 
 
 gen 
 
 gen 
 
 gehen 
 
 
 Infinitive. 
 
 
 
 gen 
 
 gen 
 
 gehen 
 
Verbs 
 
 § 545] 
 
 277 
 
 The origin of the NHG. dissyllabic forms in the sub- 
 junctive is the same as that in tun. 
 
 The present tense of this verb was originally an optative 
 (subjunctive) form of a verb in -mi, which already in prim. 
 Germanic came to be used indicatively. To this was 
 formed a new subjunctive and a weak preterite. The old 
 optative forms were preserved in Gothic, as wiljau, wileis, 
 wili, pi. wileima, wileij?, wileina, cp. Lat. velim, velis, 
 velit, pi. velimus, velitis, velint, but in OHG. they were 
 only preserved in the singular, all other forms of the 
 present were from the causative verb wellen = Gothic 
 waljan, to choose^ which accounts for the fact that these 
 forms had in OHG. the same inflexions as an ordinary 
 weak verb of class I (§ 627). In the Franconian dialects 
 (Middle German) of the OHG. period the e in the various 
 forms of the present became o either through the influence 
 of the preceding w (cp. § 65) or else from analogy of the o 
 in the preterite, whence the NHG. forms wollen^ wollt^ 
 wolle, &c. 
 
 § 545. 
 
 The Verb wollen. 
 
 Present, 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 wil 
 
 wil, (wilt) 
 wil 
 
 NHG. 
 
 will 
 
 willst 
 
 will 
 
 wollen 
 
 wollt 
 
 wollen 
 
 Sing. I. willu 
 
 2. wili 
 
 3. wili 
 
 Plur. I. wellemes (wellen) wellen, (weln) 
 
 2. wellet 
 
 3. wellent 
 
 wellet, (welt) 
 wellen, (weln) 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 Welle 
 
 wellest 
 
 Welle 
 
 Sing. I. Welle 
 
 wolle 
 
 wollest 
 
 wolle 
 
 2. welles(t) 
 
 3. Welle 
 
K> 
 
 00 
 
 
 Accidence 
 
 [§ 545 
 
 
 OHG. 
 
 MHG. 
 
 NHG. 
 
 Plur. I. 
 
 wellem, (-n) 
 
 wellen 
 
 wollen 
 
 2. 
 
 wellet 
 
 wellet 
 
 wollet 
 
 3- 
 
 wellen 
 
 wellen 
 
 wollen 
 
 
 
 Infinitive. 
 
 
 
 wellen 
 
 wellen 
 
 wollen 
 
 
 
 Participle. 
 
 
 
 wellenti 
 
 wellende 
 
 wollend 
 
 Preterite. 
 
 Indicative. 
 
 wolta wolte, (wolde) wollte 
 
 [like horta, § 527] 
 
 Subjunctive. 
 
 wolti wolte, (wolte) wollte 
 
 [like horti, § 527] 
 
 Participle. 
 
 — — gewellet, (gewellt) gewollt 
 
 OHG. willu was a new formation after the analogy 
 
 of the first pers. of other verbs. In MHG. the present 
 singular was remodelled after the analogy of the preterite- 
 presents. NHG. willst has -st after the analogy of the 
 preterite-presents. The NHG. imperative wolle is a new 
 formation. The pret. subj., like sollte^ does not have 
 umlaut. The pp. does not occur in OHG., it is a late 
 MHG. new formation. NHG. pp. gewollt is formed from 
 the pret. wollte. 
 
§§ 546 - 7 ] 
 
 Adverbs 
 
 279 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 ADVERBS. 
 
 § 546. In this chapter we shall chiefly deal with the 
 formation of adverbs from adjectives, and with the inflected 
 forms of nouns and adjectives used adverbially. 
 
 547. In OHG. adverbs were formed from adjectives 
 by adding -o to the uninflected form of the adjective when 
 it ended in a consonant. When the adjective ended in -i 
 (ja-, jo-stems, § 400) the -i was dropped before the 
 adverbial ending -o ; and those adjectives, which had an 
 umlauted stem-vowel, did not have it in the adverbs. The 
 ending -o (Gothic -0, Indg. -Sd) was originally an ablative 
 ending (cp. § 405). Examples are: OHG. adjectives 
 eban, eheuy gilih, gleich^ lut, laut^ reht, rechtj ubil, iibel\ 
 engi, engy festi, festy sc5ni, schoUy stilli, stilly swari, 
 schwevy beside the adverbs ebano, gilicho, luto, rehto, 
 ubilo; ango, fasto, scono, stillo, swaro. 
 
 In MHG. the final -o of the adverbs and the final -i of 
 the adjectives were weakened to -e-,. so that when the 
 adjective ended in a consonant the only difference between 
 the adjective and adverb was the final -e in the latter, as 
 adj. gellch, lut, reht beside adv. geliche, lute, rehte. 
 When the adjective ended in -e the only difference between 
 the adjective and adverb was the presence or absence of 
 umlaut, as adj. enge, herte, schoene, senfte, soft, spaete, 
 spaty stille, sue:^e, sussy swaere, veste beside adv. ange, 
 harte, schone, sanfte, spate, stille, suo:^e, sware, 
 vaste. 
 
 In NHG. this distinction between the adjective and 
 adverb has disappeared. The uninflected form of the 
 
28 o 
 
 A cadence 
 
 [§§ 548-9 
 
 adjective is now used as an adverb except in the case of 
 hart and sanft which are originally the adverbial forms, 
 and of lang beside lange. The adjectives fest and schon 
 beside the adverbs fast and schon have been differen- 
 tiated in meaning. NHG. examples are: hose^ ehe% engy 
 
 guty mudcy odCy schnelly schweVy spdty stissy &c. 
 
 § 548. The -licho (MHG. -liche) in adverbs formed 
 from adjectives ending in -lich (§ 324) came to be regarded 
 as an adverbial suffix already in OHG., as in OHG. 
 angustlicho, dngstlichy ebanlicho, evenly y fastlicho, 
 frawalicho, frohlichy geistlicho, geistlichy warlicho, wahr- 
 Itchy &c. 
 
 In NHG. -lich is used to form a large number of 
 adverbs, as ewiglichy fdlschlichy freilichy hochlichy kiihnlichy 
 kurzlichy neulichy schwerlichy sicherlichy &c. 
 
 § 649. In OHG. the comparative degree of adverbs 
 ended in -or, and the superlative mostly ended in -5st, 
 but also sometimes in -ist (§§ 405-8), as OHG. langor, 
 langdst; fastdr, fastest ; jungist. 
 
 In MHG. the endings -5r, -ost, -ist were weakened to 
 -er, -est and thus fell together with the endings of the 
 comparative and superlative degrees of adjectives (§§ 406, 
 408), so that the only difference between the adjectives 
 and adverbs was the presence or absence of umlaut, as 
 adj. lane, lenger, longest, beside adv. lange, langer, 
 langest. 
 
 This distinction has disappeared in NHG. The com- 
 parative and superlative degrees of adverbs are now the 
 same as the corresponding uninflected forms of the 
 adjectives, as Idnger ] Idngsty baldigsty gnddigsty hochsty 
 jungsty moglichsty ndchsty &c. But eheVy ehestens and liebery 
 am liebsten are used as the comparative and superlative of 
 bald and gern. The NHG. inflected superlative in com- 
 bination with the definite article and a preposition was 
 rare in OHG. and MHG., as in NHG. am besteny aufs 
 
A dverbs 
 
 281 
 
 § 550] 
 
 beste, zum bestefiy &c. On the ending -ens as in NHG. 
 bestenSf meistens^ wenigstens^ &c., see § 550. 
 
 § 550. A large number of NHG. adverbs consists of the 
 various cases of nouns and adjectives used adverbially, as 
 acc. sing, alleweilej diesseity gar^ genugy jenseity viely wegy 
 wenigy &c. ; instr. sing, heuer (OHG. hiuru), heute (OHG. 
 hiutu); gen. sing, derarty dergestalty derzeity jederzeity kurzer- 
 handy mittlerweile ) einigermassen, folgendermasseny gewisser- 
 massen] ausnahmsweisey beispielsweisey bekannterweisey dum- 
 merweisey gleicherweise (MHG. gllcher wise), glucklicher- 
 weisCy haufenweis6y stufenweisey unverschdmterweise. The 
 ending -s belonged originally to the gen. singular of 
 masculine and neuter o-stems only, and then at a later 
 period it became extended to other stems and cases ; 
 regular forms are : abendsy anfangSy bltndlingSy flugs 
 
 (MHG. fluges), hduptlingSy keineswegSy morgenSy ringSy 
 tags] anders (OHG. anderes), bereitSy besondersy durch- 
 gehendSy eilendsy einst (with excrescent -t), Idngs (MHG. 
 lenges), linksy oftersy rechtSy stets (MHG. staetes), stilb 
 schweigendsy stracksy unversehenSy vergebens (MHG. ver- 
 gebenes), zusehends] heimwdrts (MHG. wertes, gen. of 
 worth)y ruckwdrtSy seitwdrts] then after the analogy 
 of such words there have been formed : nachts (already in 
 OHG. nahtes); andernfallsy ebenfallsy gleichfallsy jedenfallsy 
 keinenfalls ; grosstenteilsy meistenteils ; abseitSy abwegSy ange- 
 sichtSy nachmalsy unterwegSy voralterSy vormals ; damalsy 
 irgendsy jemals, mehrmalsy niemalSy nochmalsy nirgends ; 
 andrerseits beside anderseitSy diesseits, einerseitSy jenseitSy 
 meinerseits] allerseitSy beiderseits] allerdings (MHG. gen. 
 pi. aller dinge), allerortSy neuerdingSy schlechterdmgs ; 
 vollends (MHG. dat. pi. vollen); NHG. -ens from the 
 weak genitive ending -en-f -s, as bestensy hochstensymeistensj 
 ubrigenSy wenigstenSy &c. ; this analogical formation is 
 especially common in numerals, as erstensy zweitenSy drittenSy 
 &c., see §430 ; gen. plural allerorteny allerwege] dat. plural 
 
282 
 
 A ccidence 
 
 [§ ’551 
 
 allenthalben (already MHG. allenthalben), bisweilen, des- 
 wegen^ einstweilefty jeweilefiy weiland (OHG. wilon, MHG. 
 wilent with excrescent -t). 
 
 § 551 . In NHG. many adverbs are merely the cases of 
 nouns and adjectives governed by prepositions, as abhan- 
 deriy beinahey furwahry insbesonderCy insgesamty insoferriy 
 insoweity inwieferfiy inwieweity iiberally vonseiteUy vorhanden, 
 zufriedeiiy zuhauSy &c. 
 
INDEX 
 
 The numbers after a word refer to the paragraphs in the Grammar, 
 
 aal 1 17, 298, 349. 
 aar 386. 
 aas 1 1 7. 
 
 ab 91, i7i(MHG.), 228. 
 abend 117, i74(MHG.). 
 abends 550. 
 abenteuer 128, 346. 
 aber 106. 
 aber- 299. 
 aberglaube 299. 
 abername 299. 
 abersaat 299. 
 aberwandel 299. 
 aberwitz 299. 
 abgeschaben 51 1. 
 abgott 346, 351. 
 abgOtterei 301. 
 abhanden 381, 551. 
 abhangig 322. 
 ablass 313, 346. 
 abseits 550. 
 abtei 301. 
 abteil 313. 
 abwegs 550. 
 achse 282. 
 achsel 282, 299. 
 acht n, 1 19, J39, 174, 
 368. 
 
 acht, num. 34(OHG.), 
 59(0HG.), 91, 162 
 
 (OHG.), I 92 ( 0 HG.), 
 281, 413 
 achte 422. 
 achtlos 325. 
 achtlosigkeit 303. 
 achtsam 326. 
 achtung 312. 
 achtzehn 413. 
 achtzehnte 422. 
 achtzig 413. 
 achtzigste 422. 
 achzen 343. 
 
 acker 3i(OHG.), 59 
 
 (OHG.), 8o(MHG.), 
 
 91, i65(OHG.), 172 
 
 (MHG.), 2 I 4 ( 0 HG.), 
 
 286, 350. 
 ackern 330, 340. 
 adel 90, 106. 
 adelig 289. 
 adeln 340. 
 ader 117. 
 adler 386. 
 adresse 28. 
 affe 174, 382. 
 after- 299. 
 afterblatt 299. 
 afterkiel 299. 
 afterkind 299. 
 afterkritik 299. 
 afterlehre 299. 
 aftermiete 299. 
 aftermuse 299. 
 afterpacht 299. 
 afterrede 299. 
 able 117. 
 ahne 174, 382. 
 ahnlich 21, 90, 107. 
 ahre 79(MHG.), 90, 107, 
 
 279, 346. 
 
 albe 346. 
 albern 235. 
 
 all 22 o(MHG.), 224, 469. 
 allenthalben 27, 272, 
 
 550. 
 
 allerdings 27, 550. 
 allerhand 174, 381. 
 allerlei 426. 
 allerorten 550. 
 allerorts 550. 
 allerseits 550 
 allerwege 550. 
 alleweile 550. 
 allgemein 328. 
 allmachtig 26, 322. 
 allmahlich 288. 
 alltaglich 26. 
 almosen 137. 
 
 alp 253. 
 
 alt 21, 6o(OHG.), 79 
 (MHG ), 90, 93, 182, 
 244, 269, 316, 406, 
 408. 
 
 alteln 340. 
 alter 269. 
 altern 340. 
 altertiim 31 1. 
 amboss 122, 139, 247. 
 ameise 130, 264, 346. 
 ammer 114. 
 ampfer 386. 
 amsel 293. 
 amt 174, 256. 
 amtsdiener 174. 
 an 91, i7i(MHG.). 
 andacht 299. 
 anderi79, 182, 274, 422, 
 423, 469. 
 andernfalls 550. 
 anders 550. 
 anderseits 550. 
 anderthalb 272, 427. 
 andrerseits 550. 
 anfangs 550. 
 angel 346. 
 angenehm 120, 185. 
 angesichts 550. 
 angst 295, 346, 375 
 angstlich, 548. 
 angstlichkeit 303. 
 anhangsel 309. 
 anheimeln 340. 
 ankOmmling 306. 
 ankunft 299. 
 anmerkung 29. 
 ansassig 120, 139. 
 anstalt 376. 
 ant- 299. 
 
 antlitz 174, 299(0HG.), 
 262, 299, 333, 363. 
 antwort 26, 299, 333. 
 antworten 25, 330. 
 
284 
 
 Index 
 
 anwalt 386. 
 
 apfel 92, 2I4(0HG.), 
 
 374. 
 
 appctit 28. 
 
 April 174, 386. 
 ar 103. 
 
 arbeit 130, 376. 
 
 arbeiten 330. 
 
 arbeitsam 326. 
 
 arbeitsamkeit 303 
 
 arg 91, 292. 
 
 argern 340. 
 
 argernis 308. 
 
 arglos 325. 
 
 argwohn 118. 
 
 arm 91, 245, 246, 349. 
 
 406, 408. 
 armbrust 346. 
 armee 28. 
 armel 299. 
 armut 174, 346. 
 arsch 104. 
 art 104, 346, 376. 
 arzt 104, 350. 
 arztlich 104. 
 asche 287, 367. 
 ast 190, 203(0HG.),374. 
 atem 117, 175, 246. 
 atmung 174, 
 atzen 531, 
 atzen 531. 
 
 auch 86(MHG.)> 131^ 
 288. 
 
 aue 79(MHG.), 131, 221 
 
 (OHG.), 234. 
 
 auf 126, 2I7(0HG.). 
 aufmerksamkeit 303. 
 aufwand 313. 
 auge 76(0HG), 86 
 
 (MHG.), 131, 218 
 
 (OHG.), 388. 
 
 augenfallig 328. 
 augenlied 314. 
 aus 126, 224, 263. 
 ausfuhrbar 318. 
 ausfuhrlich 26. 
 ausgiebig 322. 
 auskunftsmittel 314. 
 auslandisch 323. 
 ausmergeln 340. 
 ausnahmsweise 550. 
 aussen 126. 
 
 aussere 412. 
 ausserhalb 412. 
 aussern 127. 
 auswarts 27. 
 axt 272, 375. 
 
 bach 374. 
 bachlein 300. 
 backen 383, 47i(OHG ), 
 511- 
 
 backer 302. 
 backerei 28, 301. 
 bad 89, 106, 357, 398. 
 Baden 357. 
 baden 106. 
 bahen 120. 
 bahn 106, 280, 368. 
 bahnen 330. 
 bahre 117, 185. 
 bald 91, 275, 549. 
 baldigst 549. 
 balg 292, 374. 
 balken 174, 383. 
 ballen 383. 
 balsam 184. 
 
 band. 91, 185, 268, 298, 
 
 358. 
 
 bandigen 342. 
 bang 406. 
 bank 250, 346. 
 bannen 514. 
 
 -bar 24, 26, 184, 318, 
 406. 
 
 bar 90, 108, 382. 
 barfuss 139. 
 barmherzig 26, 328. 
 barmherzigkeit 26. 
 barren 383. 
 barsch 104, 294, 406. 
 bart 104, 269. 
 base 106. 
 bass 90. 
 ban 126, 365. 
 bauch 126, 288. 
 bauen 126, 234. 
 bauer 128, 354, 382. 
 baum 21, 131, 132, 173 
 (MHG.), 298, 350. 
 baumen 132. 
 baumgarten I74(MHG.). 
 be- 332. 
 
 beantworten 332. 
 
 bedarf 299. 
 bedecken 332. 
 bedenklich 317, 324. 
 bedingen 496. 
 bedrangnis 308. 
 bedurfnis 308. 
 be-endigen 332. 
 be-engen 332. 
 be-erdigen, 332, 342. 
 beere 346. 
 beet 1 1 5. 
 befahigen 332. 
 befehl 299. 
 
 befehlen 108, 167 
 
 (OHG.), 283,284,485, 
 499. 
 
 befehligen 342. 
 befeinden 332. 
 befestigen 332, 342. 
 befeuchten 332. 
 befinden 332. 
 befleissen 492. 
 beflugeln 332. 
 befreien 332. 
 befreunden 332, 
 befriedigen 332. 
 begeistern 332, 340. 
 begierde 104. 
 begiessen 332. 
 beginn 299. 
 
 beginnen 97, loi, 247, 
 485, 497- 
 
 beglaubigen 332, 342. 
 begliicken 332. 
 begraben 332. 
 begrabnis 308. 
 begreifen 332. 
 begreiflich 317, 324. 
 begrenzen 332. 
 begriff 299. 
 begunstigen 342. 
 begiitigen 342. 
 behaftet 532. 
 behalten 332. 
 behelf 299. 
 
 behende 90, 92, 174, 381. 
 beherbergen 332. 
 behuf 137. 
 behulflich 317, 324. 
 bei- 299. 
 bei 125. 
 
 beichte 255, 290, 377. 
 
beide 130, 274, 429. 
 beiderseits 429, 550. 
 beifall 299. 
 beil 279. 
 beilage 299. 
 
 bein 82(MHG), 130, 
 
 353> 356. 
 beinahe 551. 
 beinern 319. 
 beispiel 26, 299. 
 beispielsweise 550. 
 beissen i3(OHG.)» 66 
 (OHG.), 72(0HG ), 
 
 8o(MHG.), 125, 263, 
 485, 492. 
 beistand 299. 
 beitrag 299. 
 beizen 262. 
 bekannt 91. 
 bekannterweise 550. 
 bekanntlich 317, 324. 
 bekanntschaft 310. 
 bekehrung 312. 
 bekennen 332. 
 bekenntnis 308. 
 bekraftigen 332, 342. 
 bekreuzigen 332. 
 belastigen 332, 342. 
 beleg 299. 
 beliebig 317, 322. 
 bellen 500. 
 bemachtigen 342. 
 bemerkung 312. 
 benachrichtigen332, 342. 
 beneiden 490. 
 beobachten 332. 
 bequem 120, 174, 317. 
 beredt 532. 
 bereichern 332. 
 bereinigen 332. 
 bereit 174. 
 bereits 178, 550. 
 berg 55, 226(MHG.), 
 227, 245, 292, 349. 
 bergab 27. 
 
 bergen 94, 290, 485, 
 
 498. 
 
 berichtigen 332. 
 
 Berliner 302. 
 
 Berlinerin 305. 
 bersten 483, 485, 502. 
 beriichtigt 259. 
 
 Index 
 
 beruhigen 332. 
 beriilimtheit 303. 
 besanftigen 332, 342. 
 beschadigung 312. 
 beschaftigen 332, 342. 
 beschatten 6o(OHG.), 
 332. 
 
 bescheid 299. 
 bescheiden 516. 
 bescheinigen 342. 
 beschirmen 332. 
 beschirmung 312. 
 beschlag 299. 
 beschOnigen 332, 342. 
 beschreiben 332. 
 beschuldigen 342. 
 beschwichtigen 259, 342. 
 besegnen 332. 
 beseitigen 342. 
 besen 246, 293, 386. 
 besiegen 332. 
 besinnen 497. 
 besinnung 312. 
 besitz 299. 
 besitzen 332. 
 besitztum 31 1. 
 besonders 550. 
 besorgen 290. 
 besorgnis 308. 
 besorgung 312. 
 besser 90, 92, 225 
 (OHG.), 263, 406 
 
 (OHG.), 410. 
 bessern 340. 
 
 besserung I72(MHG.), 
 312. 
 
 bestallen 531. 
 bestand 299. 
 bestarken 332. 
 beste i74(MHG.), 182, 
 255, 410. 
 
 bestehen 332. 
 bestellen 531. 
 bestens 549, 550. 
 bestreitbar 318. 
 bestiirmen 332. 
 besuch 299. 
 betauben 132. 
 beteiligen 332. 
 beten 114, 181, 267, 330, 
 340, 528. 
 betonen 332. 
 
 285 
 
 betrachtung 312. 
 betriebsam 317, 326. 
 betroffenheit 303. 
 betriibnis 308. 
 betrugen 493. 
 betriigerei 301. 
 bett 79(MHG.), 174, 
 
 243 (OHG.), 267, 346 
 (OHG.), 364. 
 bettel 1 14. 
 bettelarm 26. 
 bettelei 301. 
 betteln 340. 
 bettler 302. 
 beugen 132. 
 beule 127. 
 be-urlauben 332. 
 beutel 127. 
 beuten 127. 
 bevOlkern 332, 340. 
 bevollmachtigen 332. 
 bewandt 271. 
 bewandtnis 271, 308. 
 bewegen 108, 483, 508. 
 beweglich 317, 324. 
 beweinen 332. 
 beweis 299. 
 beweisen 490. 
 bewerkstelligen 342. 
 bewohnen 332. 
 beziehen 332. 
 beziffern 332. 
 bezug 299. 
 bezwingen 332. 
 biber 109. 
 
 biegen 76(0 HG.), 84 
 
 (MHG.), 86(MHG.), 
 no, 136, i86(OHG.), 
 226(MHG.), 227, 290, 
 484, 485, 493. 
 biegsam 326. 
 biegsamkeit 303. 
 biene 109, 387. 
 bier 136. 
 
 bieten i8(OHG.), 47 
 
 (OHG.), 57(0HG.), 
 
 67(0HG.),68(0 HG.), 
 8o(MHG.),84(MHG.), 
 114, 122, 136, 181, 
 
 185, i86(OHG.), 218 
 (OHG.), 267, 471 
 
 (OHG.), 478, 480 
 
286 
 
 Index 
 
 (OHG.), 483, 484 
 
 (OHG.), 485, 488, 
 
 495- 
 
 bild 95, 174, 275, 364. 
 bilden 274, 330. 
 bildner 302. 
 bildung 312. 
 billig 289. 
 binde 298. 
 
 binden I2(0HG.), 55 
 
 (OHG.), 57(0HG.), 
 
 59(0HG.), 68(0HG.), 
 79 (MHG.),8 o(MHG.), 
 95 , 97, i 62(OHG.), 
 181, 185, i86^0HG.), 
 I9 i(OHG.), 195 
 (OHG.), 2i8 (OHG.), 
 226(MHG.), 227, 247, 
 253, 268, 478, 479 
 
 (OHG.), 483(0HG.), 
 484, 485, 496. 
 bindfaden 313. 
 binse 264, 346. 
 binsicht 304. 
 birne 387. 
 birschen 294. 
 bis 263. 
 bisam 184. 
 bisschen 300. 
 bissen 383. 
 bissig 322. 
 bisweilen 550. 
 bitte 1 15, 367. 
 bitten 17, 95, 114, 
 
 i8r, 2 i8 (OHG.), 223 
 (OHG.), 224(MHG.), 
 239(MHG.), 253, 267, 
 340, 485, 510. 
 bitter 2o(MHG.), 172 
 
 (MHG.), 2I4(0HG.), 
 245, 260, 327. 
 bitterkeit 303. 
 bitterlich I72(MHG.). 
 blahen 120, 280. 
 blank 406. 
 blasen 136, 515. 
 blass 406. 
 
 blatt 1 15, 224, 253, 270, 
 357, 398. 
 blatter 119, 139. 
 blattern 330, 340. 
 blau 1 17, 233, 236 
 
 (OHG.), 237, 400 
 
 (OHG.). 
 blauen 127, 493. 
 blech 288. 
 blechern 319. 
 blei 125. 
 
 bleiben 109, 125, 181, 
 332, 485, 488, 490. 
 bleich 130. 
 bleichen 482, 492. 
 bleiern 319. 
 blendling 306. 
 blicken 286. 
 
 blind 162(0 HG.), 168 
 (OHG.\ i7o(MHG.), 
 I7t(MHG.), 244, 268, 
 316, 399(0HG.), 401, 
 404. 
 
 blindlings 550. 
 blinkern 340. 
 blitz 174, 386. 
 blitzschnell 328. 
 blode 123, 174. 
 blondhaarig 328. 
 bloss 122. 
 
 bluhen 73(0HG.), 138, 
 242, 280. 
 
 blume 137, 346, 387. 
 blut 137, 270. 
 blutarm 26, 328. 
 blute 138, 377. 
 blutig 322. 
 blutjung 26, 328. 
 bock 79(MHG.), 96, 202 
 (OHG.), 286. 
 boden no, i72(MHG.), 
 246. 
 
 bogen no, 174, 383. 
 bohne 122. 
 bolzen 352, 383. 
 bord 349. 
 
 borse loi, 104, 112, 
 
 294. 
 
 borste 294. 
 bose 123, 174, 547. 
 boshaft 320. 
 
 bote 115, i7o(MHG.), 
 174, 185, 267, 298, 
 382. 
 
 botschaft 310, 376. 
 bottich 115. 
 bracke 174, 382. 
 
 brandmarken 330. 
 brandung 312. 
 braten 117, 136, 383, 
 
 483, 515- 
 
 brauchbar 318. 
 brauchbarkeit 303. 
 brauchen 126, 255. 
 braue 117, 233, 371. 
 brauen 126, 493. 
 brauerei 28. 
 
 braun 126, 399(OHG.). 
 braut 79 (MHG.), 126, 
 375- 
 
 brautigam 127, 174, 184, 
 386. 
 
 brav 406 
 breche 298. 
 
 brechen 94, 120, 255, 
 288, 485, 504. 
 brei, 174, 386. 
 breit 130. 
 breite 299, 372. 
 brennen 16, 6o(OHG.), 
 79(MHG.),8 o(MHG.), 
 92, i64(OHG.), 223 
 (OHG.), 239, 245, 
 
 247, 268, 531, 532. 
 brenner 302. 
 brett 1 1 5, 224, 357. 
 brief 7i(OHG.), 83 
 
 (MHG.), 136, 226 
 
 (MHG.), 253, 258, 
 
 374(MHG.). 
 
 bringen 69(OHG.), 119, 
 120, 139, 2oo(OHG.), 
 250, 281, 488(0HG.), 
 496, 531- 
 brocken 383. 
 brodem 118. 
 brombeere 118, 139. 
 brosam 184. 
 
 brot 122, 174, 270, 
 
 356. 
 
 bruch 298. 
 
 brucke 79(MHG.), 99, 
 105, 223, 291, 370. 
 bruder 87(MHG.), 137, 
 i92(OHG), 195 
 
 (OHG.), 225(0HG.), 
 253, 274, 299, 394 
 
 (OHG.), 396. 
 bruderschaft 310. 
 
Index 
 
 287 
 
 briihe 138. 
 briillen 138. 
 brunft 246. 
 
 brunnen 97, 174, 383. 
 brust 97, 392. 
 bube 137, 174, 382. 
 buch 22, 79(MHG.), 
 
 137, 138, 288, 298, 
 
 392, 398. 
 
 buchbinder 313. 
 buchelchen 300. 
 buchstabe 384. 
 buchstabieren 341. 
 bucht 299. 
 buckel 349. 
 bude 137. 
 bug 137. 
 buhle 174. 
 biihne 113, 174. 
 bund 185, 298. 
 bundesrat 314. 
 bundnis 308. 
 bunt 406. 
 burde 274. 
 
 burg 79(MHG.), 97? i73 
 (MHG.), 292, 298, 
 
 392. 
 
 biirge 174, 382. 
 bursche 294. 
 burste 99, 294. 
 busen 246. 
 busse 400. 
 biitte 1 15. 
 buttel 1 14, 185. 
 butter 1 14, 224. 
 buttern 340. 
 
 -chen 300, 356. 
 
 Christ 353. 
 christenheit 303. 
 christentum 31 1. 
 cousine 28. 
 
 da 245. 
 
 dach 274, 357, 398. 
 dachs 282, 298. 
 damals 27, 550. 
 damast 272. 
 dambrett 139. 
 damm 266. 
 dammern 114. 
 dammerung 94, 312. 
 
 dampf 266. 
 dank 177, 250. 
 dankbar 318. 
 dankbarkeit 303. 
 danken 250, 528. 
 dann 4. 
 dar 103. 
 daran 103, 139. 
 daraus 139. 
 darin 245. 
 
 das i6i(OHG.), 220 
 (MHG.), 224, 263, 
 
 274. 
 
 dauerhaft 320. 
 dauern 266. 
 daumen 126, 383. 
 daumling 306. 
 dechant 272. 
 deckel 175, * 
 decken 274, 286. 
 degen 8o(MHG.), 175. 
 dehnen 107, 239. 
 deihen 55(OHG.)* 
 dein 125, 247, 434 
 
 (OHG.), 445(0HG.). 
 deiner (dein) 433. 
 deinethalben 248, 272. 
 deinetwegen 248, 272. 
 deinige 447. 
 demut 136. 
 denen 449, 454. 
 denkbar 318. 
 denken I3(0HG.), 54 
 
 (OHG.), 69(0HG.), 
 
 8i(MHG.), 92, 1 19, 
 
 120, 139, 175, 204 
 
 (OHG.), 250, 281, 
 
 286, 531. 
 denn 4. 
 
 der 103, 108, 171 
 
 (MHG.), 449- 
 derart 550. 
 deren 449, 454. 
 derer 449, 454. 
 dergestalt 550. 
 derselbe 462. 
 derzeit 550. 
 dessen 449, 454. 
 desto 452. 
 deswegen 550. 
 deuten 127. 
 deutlich 324. 
 
 deutsch 77(0HG.), 127, 
 274, 287, 323. 
 dich 433, 434(0HG.). 
 dicht 139, 174. 
 dichten 28, 266. 
 dichterisch 323. 
 dichtigkeit 303. 
 dick 228. 
 dicke 299. 
 dickicht 272, 304. 
 dieb 136, 253, 274, 
 
 349- 
 
 diebstahl 298. 
 dienen 136, 268, 528. 
 dienerschaft 310. 
 dienst 174. 
 dienstbar 318. 
 dienstmann 313. 
 dieser 109, i7i^MHG.), 
 455, 456 60. 
 diesseit 550. 
 diesseits 27, 550. 
 
 Dietrich i72(MHG.). 
 dill 266. 
 dille 346. 
 
 ding 25 o(MHG.), 356. 
 dingen 496. 
 dir 103, 161, 433. 
 dime 136, 139. 
 disputieren 28. 
 disseits 139. 
 distel 346. 
 doch 22, 96, 284. 
 docht 1 18, 139, 274. 
 docke 266. 
 dogge 291. 
 dohle 1 1 8, 266. 
 dolde 266. 
 
 donner 114, 224, 299. 
 doppelt 272, 424. 
 dorf 79(MHG.), 96, 98, 
 245, 251, 274, 298, 
 
 393, 398. 
 
 dorn 96, 274, 351, 379. 
 dornicht 272, 304. 
 dorren 57. 
 dorsche 294. 
 dortig 322. 
 dotter 114, 266, 386. 
 drache 174, 2i5(OHG.), 
 266, 382. 
 
 draht 117, 120, 280. 
 
288 
 
 Index 
 
 drang 298. 
 drangsal 309, 346. 
 drauen 132. 
 drechseln 139. 
 drechsler 139. 
 drehen 120, 242, 280. 
 drei 55(OHG.), 125, 
 
 i92(OHG.), 274, 316, 
 413, 420. 
 dreierlei 426. 
 dreifach 424. 
 dreifaltig 424. 
 dreiheit 303. 
 dreimal 425. 
 dreissig 263, 413. 
 dreissigste 422. 
 dreizehn 413. 
 dreizehnte 422. 
 dreschen 8o(MHG.), 
 181, 274, 287, 502 
 dringen 245, 485, 496. 
 dringlich 324. 
 dritte 274, 422. 
 dritt(e)halb 427. 
 drittens 430, 550. 
 druck 349. 
 drucken 100. 
 drucken 79(MHG.), 100, 
 286. 
 
 drucker 302. 
 drucksen 343. 
 druse 138. 
 
 du 4, I92(0HG.), 433, 
 434- 
 
 ducken 100, 266. 
 duft 266. 
 duften 330. 
 dulden 100, 269, 274. 
 duldsamkeit 303. 
 dumm 97, 256, 266, 406. 
 dummerweise 550. 
 dummheit 303. 
 diimmling 306. 
 dumpf 406. 
 dung 266. 
 dunkel 266, 327. 
 ■^unkea\^7(OHG.), 74 
 -(OHG.), 79(MHG.), 
 8i(MHG.), 99, 531- 
 
 diinn 79(MHG.), 99, 
 
 174, 202(0HG.), 400, 
 406. 
 
 dunst 266. 
 durch 284. 
 durchgehends 550. 
 durchsichtig 328. 
 dflrfen 534, 537. 
 diirftig 99, 322. 
 durftigkeit 303. 
 durr57, 99, 174. 
 durst 294. 
 dutzend 266, 272. 
 duzen 343. 
 
 eben 108, i65(OHG.), 
 172 (MHG.), 253,547- 
 ebenfalls 550. 
 ebenheit 303. 
 eber 108, 175. 
 ebnen 330. 
 echt 121, 139, 259. 
 ecke 291, 346. 
 edel 90, 107, 179, 244, 
 306, 327. 
 
 edelingi72(MHG.), 306. 
 ehe 174, 245. 
 eher 75(OHG.), 121, 
 
 245? 549- 
 
 ehre 8i(MHG.), 121, 
 
 367* 
 
 ehrlichkeit 303. 
 ehrlos 325. 
 
 -ei 301. 
 
 ei 130, 24 i(OHG.), 
 
 398. 
 
 eiche 130, 298, 39 t. 
 eichen 319. 
 eid 130. 
 
 eidam 184, 246. 
 eidechse 290. 
 eierhandler 314. 
 eigen 130, 327. 
 eigenartig 328. 
 eigenhandig 26. 
 eigennutz 352. 
 eigenschaft 310. 
 eigentlich 272. 
 eigentum 31 1. 
 eigentiimer 302. 
 eigentiimlich 26. 
 eiland 248. 
 eilen 125. 
 eilends 550. 
 eimer 247, 256. 
 
 ein 44(0HG.), 13O; 418, 
 469. 
 
 einbildung 312. 
 einerlei 426. 
 einerseits 550. 
 einfach 424. 
 einfaltig 424. 
 einheit 303. 
 einheitlich 324. 
 einig 292, 322. 
 einige 469. 
 einigermassen 550. 
 einigkeit 303. 
 einleitung 312. 
 einmal 425. 
 einnahme 313. 
 eins 413, 425. 
 einsam 326. 
 einschiebsel 309. 
 einst 272, 550. 
 einstimmig 328. 
 einstweilen 550. 
 einwandfrei 328. 
 einzeln 182. 
 einzelnen 182. 
 eis 125. 
 
 eisbrecher 302. 
 eisen 125. 
 eitel 125, 327. 
 eiter 130. 
 ekelig 289. 
 
 -el 327, 34°- 
 elend 174. 
 
 elf 130, 139, 248, 258, 
 
 413- 
 
 elfte 422. 
 elle 367. 
 
 elster 130, 139, 290. 
 eltern 90, 93, 182, 269. 
 empfang 299. 
 empfangen 247, 333. 
 empfangnis 308. 
 empfehlen 108, 247, 333, 
 485, 499- 
 
 empfinden 247, 333. 
 empfindlich 317, 324. 
 empor 103, 247. 
 emsig 264. 
 
 -en 319, 327. 
 ende 92, 174, 364. 
 endigen 342. 
 endlos 325. 
 
Index 
 
 289 
 
 eng 93, 174, I95(0HG.), 
 400, 405(0HG.), 408 
 (OHG.), 547* 
 eiigel 92, i7i(MHG.), 
 175- 
 
 Englanderin 305. 
 englisch 323. 
 ent- 333. 
 
 entbehren 247, 506. 
 entbieten 333. 
 entbinden 333. 
 entblattern 333. 
 entbluhen 333. 
 entbrennen 333. 
 entdecken 333. 
 ente 92, 377. 
 entehren 333. 
 enterben 333. 
 entfallen 247, 333. 
 entfalten, 333. 
 entfarben 333. 
 entfernen 333. 
 entfesseln 333. 
 entflammen 333. 
 eiitfliehen 333. 
 entfremden 247, 333. 
 entgegen 272. 
 entgehen 333. 
 entgeistern 333. 
 entgelt 26, 299. 
 entgelten 26, 333. 
 enthalten 333. 
 enthaltsam 317, 326. 
 entheiligen 333. 
 enthullen 333. 
 entkraften 333. 
 entlassen 333. 
 entledigen 333. 
 entleeren 333. 
 entmannen 333. 
 entmutigen 333. 
 entnehmen 333, 448. 
 entnerven 333. 
 entrinnen 497. 
 entsagen 333. 
 entschadigen 333. 
 entschlafen 333. 
 entschliessen 333. 
 entschlummern 333. 
 entschuldigen 333. 
 entsiegeln 333. 
 entsprechen 26, 333. 
 
 entsprechung 26. 
 entspringen 333. 
 entstehen 333. 
 entstellen 333. 
 enttauschen 333. 
 entvOlkern 333. 
 entwaffnen 333. 
 entwurdigen 333. 
 entziehen 333. 
 entzunden 333. 
 entzwei 272. 
 epheu 132. 
 eppich 243. 
 
 -er 172, 302, 319, 327, 
 
 340 * 
 er- 334- 
 
 er 103, 161, 437, 438 
 (OHG.). 
 erarbeiten 334. 
 erbauen 334. 
 erbe 92, 174, 253, 382. 
 erbeben 334. 
 erben 330. 
 erbin 305. 
 erbittern 334. 
 erbleichen 492. 
 erblinden 334. 
 erbluhen 334. 
 erbosen 293. 
 erbrechen 334. 
 erbse 235, 264, 377. 
 erde 55 (OHG.),io 4 , 274 , 
 
 367- 
 
 erdenken 334. 
 erdensohn 314. 
 erdulden 334. 
 
 -erei 301. 
 ereignen 134. 
 ereignis 134, 308. 
 ereilen 334. 
 ei'fechten 334. 
 erfinden 488. 
 erfinderisch 323. 
 erfindsam 317, 326. 
 erforschen 334. 
 erfragen 334. 
 erfreulich 317, 324. 
 erfrieren 334. 
 erfrischen 334. 
 erfiillen 334. 
 erganzen 334. 
 ergebenheit 303. 
 
 U 
 
 ergiebig 317, 322. 
 ergiessen 334. 
 erglanzen 334. 
 ergOtzen 80, 92. 
 ergrauen 334. 
 ergreifen 334. 
 ergrimmen 497. 
 erhandeln 334. 
 erheitern 334. 
 erhoffen 334. 
 erhohen 334. 
 erholen 334. 
 erhoren 334. 
 eriiinern 334. 
 erjagen 334. 
 erkalten 334. 
 erkalten 334. 
 erkampfen 334. 
 erkenntnis, 308, 346. 
 erklaren 334. 
 erklarlich 324. 
 erklimmen 3^4, 
 erkranken 334. 
 erlahmen 334. 
 erlass 299. 
 
 erlauben 79(MHG.), 
 
 133. . 
 
 erlaubnis 308. 
 erleben 334. 
 erledigen 334. 
 erleiden 334. 
 erliegen 334. 
 erlCschen 92, 334, 502. 
 ermatten 334. 
 ermessen 334. 
 ermoglichen 334. 
 ermorden 334. 
 ermuden 334. 
 ermutigen 33^, 342. 
 
 -ern 319. 
 erneuen 334. 
 ernsthaft 320. 
 eroffnen 334. 
 erortern 340. 
 erquicken 334. 
 erraten 334. 
 erreichbar 317, 318. 
 errichten 334. 
 erroten 334. 
 ersaufen 334. 
 ersaufen 132. 
 erscheinen 334. 
 
Index 
 
 290 
 
 erschlaffen 334. 
 erschlagen 334. 
 erschleichen 334. 
 erschliessen 334. 
 erschrecken 334, 504. 
 erschiittern 340. 
 erschweren 334. 
 ersehen 334. 
 ersetzen 334. 
 ersinnen 334. 
 ersitzen 334. 
 ersparnis 308. 
 erstarken 334. 
 erstarren 334. 
 erstaunen 334. 
 erste 412, 422. 
 erstehen 334. 
 ersteigen 334. 
 erstens 430, 550. 
 ersterben 334. 
 ersuchen 334. 
 erteilen 25, 334. 
 ertrag 26, 299. 
 ertragen 26, 334. 
 ertraglich 317, 324. 
 ertragnis 308. 
 ertranken 334. 
 ertraumen 334. 
 ertrinken 334. 
 eriibrigen 334. 
 erwachsen 334. 
 erwagen 508. 
 erwahnen 107, 279. 
 erwarmen 334. 
 erwarten 334. 
 erweitern 340. 
 erwerb 299. 
 erwerben 334. 
 erwirken 334. 
 erz- 299. 
 erz 174, 363. 
 erzahlen 107. 
 erzamt 299. 
 erzbischof 299. 
 erzdieb 299. 
 erzdumm 317. 
 erzdummkopf 299. 
 erzeigen 334. 
 erzfaul 317. 
 erzfeind 299. 
 erzherzog 299. 
 erziehen 334. 
 
 erzieher 302. 
 erzkammerer 299. 
 erzschelm 299. 
 es 22 o(MHG.), 224, 263, 
 437- 
 
 es (gen.) 440. 
 esche 346. 
 esel 349. 
 essig 289. 
 
 essen i3(OHG.), 32 
 
 (OHG.), 38(0HG.), 
 
 6i(OHG.),8o(MHG.), 
 
 94, 105, 1 17, 120, 
 
 181, I93(0HG.), 217 
 (OHG.), 223(0 HG.), 
 263, 47i(OHG.), 485, 
 
 509- 
 
 etlich 469. 
 etwas 469. 
 etwelcher 469. 
 euch 127, 433, 434 
 
 (OHG.). 
 
 euer i7o(MHG.), 234, 
 eurer(433), 434 
 
 (OHG.), 445(0HG.). 
 eule 127, 387. 
 eurethalben 248, 272. 
 euretwegen 248, 272. 
 enter 127. 
 ewig 121, 231, 292. 
 ewigkeit 303. 
 ewiglich 548. 
 
 fabelhaft 320. 
 facheln 340. 
 fackel 368(MHG.). 
 faden I7 i(MHG.), 246, 
 350. 
 
 fahig 322. 
 fahigkeit 303. 
 fahl 106, I7i(MHG.), 
 235j 236(0HG.), 400. 
 fahndrich 273. 
 fahne 346. 
 
 fahren 13(0 HG.), 59 
 
 (OHG.),6 o(OHG .),73 
 (OHG.), 8o(MHG.), 
 87(MHG.), 106, 107, 
 i7i(MHG ), 181, 185, 
 i86(OHG.), 245, 258, 
 280, 478, 484(0HG.), 
 
 485, 511- 
 
 fahrerei 301. 
 fahrt i3(OHG.), 90, 104, 
 185,269,399, 376,377. 
 fahrte 377. 
 falb 235. 
 falke 174, 382. 
 fall 298, 374. 
 fallen 136, i94(OHG.), 
 
 258, 485, 514- 
 
 fallen 531. 
 falsch 406. 
 falschen 330. 
 falschlich 548. 
 falteln 340. 
 falten 514. 
 fang 298. 
 
 fangen 54(OHG.), 69 
 
 (OHG.), 8i(MHG.), 
 
 83(MHG.), 136, 139, 
 204(0HG.), 221 
 
 (OHG.), 515. 
 
 farbe 235, 371. 
 farben 93, 330. 
 farre (farr), 174, 223 
 
 (OHG.), 382. 
 farse 90. 
 
 fass i62(OHG.), 224, 
 
 263, 356(0HG.), 357. 
 fast 90, 91, 547, 549 
 (OHG.). 
 fasten 528. 
 
 fan] 4I(0HG.), 126, 406. 
 faule 127. 
 faulen 528. 
 faust 126, 249, 282. 
 fechten 94, 96, 281, 483, 
 485,502. 
 
 feder 175, 368(MHG.). 
 fehde 279. 
 fehlerhaft 320. 
 feier 128, 174, 368. 
 feigling 306. 
 feile 279. 
 
 feind 125, i72(MHG.), 
 268, 397. 
 feindin 305. 
 feindschaft 310. 
 feindselig 328. 
 feinschmecker 313. 
 feist 264. 
 
 fold 55, 94, 228, 244, 
 275(MHG.), 357. 
 
Index 
 
 fell 32(0HG.), 173, 223 
 (OHG.), 224, 298,356. 
 fels 8o(MHG.), 174, 354. 
 felsen 354. 
 fenster i7i(MHG.). 
 ferge 174, 240, 382. 
 fernsprecher 302. 
 ferse 90, 94, 294, 369. 
 fertig 90, 92, 322. 
 fertigkeit 303. 
 fesseln 330, 340. 
 fest 90, 92, 174, 243 
 
 (OHG.), 316, 547. 
 festung 312. 
 feucht 127, 174. 
 feuchtigkeit 303. 
 feuer 128, 258, 356. 
 feuern 340. 
 feuersnot 314. 
 fichte 136, 139. 
 fieber 7I(0HG.), 136. 
 fiedler 302. 
 findbar 318. 
 
 finden 91, 95, 97, 171 
 (MHG.), i 73(MHG.), 
 22I(0HG.), 247, 274, 
 481, 485, 488. 
 finder 302. 
 findling 102. 
 finger 250, 349. 
 fink(e) 174, 382. 
 finsternis i72(MHG.), 
 183, 308. 
 
 fisch i3(OHG.), 33 
 
 (OHG.), 66(0HG.), 
 8o(MHG.), 95, 192 
 
 (OHG.), 287, 298, 349. 
 fischer i74(MHG.), 302, 
 362. 
 
 fischerei 301. 
 fittich 289. 
 fittig 289. 
 flach 406. 
 flachheit 303. 
 flachs 282. 
 flachsern 319. 
 flagge 291. 
 flaschner 302. 
 flechten 483, 485, 502. 
 flecken 383. 
 flehentlich 272. 
 fleisch 130, 258, 287. 
 
 291 
 
 fleischer 302. 
 fleiss 263. 
 fliege 298. 
 
 fliegen no, 136, 290, 
 485, 493- 
 
 fliehen 122, 136, 493, 
 495- 
 
 fliessen 122, 136, 139, 
 185, 485, 495. 
 flimmern 340. 
 floh 122, 284, 346. 
 floss 122, 139. 
 flotz 92, 174. 
 fluchen 137. 
 flucht 299. 
 fluchten 330. 
 fluchtling 306. 
 flug III, 113, 298. 
 flugel 1 13. 
 flugeln 340. 
 flugge 291. 
 flugs 550. 
 
 fluss 185, 298, 374. 
 flussig 99. 
 flustern 95. 
 
 flut 73(0HG.), 87 
 
 (MHG.), 137, 162 
 
 (OHG.), 376, 381. 
 fohlen 383. 
 fahre 283. 
 folgen 290, 528. 
 folgendermassen 550. 
 folgern 340. 
 folglich 324. 
 fordern 274, 528. 
 forderung 174, 183. 
 forelle 24, 283. 
 form 174. 
 forster 302. 
 fracht 337. 
 frage 367. 
 
 fragen 117, 290, 51 1, 
 
 528. 
 
 fraglich 324. 
 frau 79(MHG.), 131, 171 
 (MHG.), 2I3(0HG.), 
 232(0HG.), 234, 387, 
 4oo(OHG.). 
 frauenfuss 314. 
 frauensperson 314. 
 fraulein 132, 183, 307, 
 360. 
 
 frei 125, 316. 
 freigebig 328. 
 freiheit 303. 
 freiheitsliebe 314. 
 freilich 548. 
 freiwillig 26. 
 fremd 92, 174, 246. 
 fremdling 306. 
 fressen 337, 488, 509. 
 freude 132. 
 
 freuen 79(MHG.), 181, 
 232(0HG.), 234. 
 freund 127, i73(MHG.), 
 245, 258, 268, 397. 
 freundin i72(MHG.),305, 
 370. 
 
 freundlich 183, 324. 
 freundlichkeit 376. 
 freundschaft 310. 
 freundschaftlich 324. 
 frevel 79(MHG.), 258, 
 346. 
 
 frevelhaft 320. 
 freventlich 272. 
 friede 18, 109, 168 
 
 (OHG.), 379, 384. 
 friedensbrecher 314. 
 friedlich 174. 
 
 Friedrich 183. 
 frieren 122, 136, 221 
 
 (OHG.), 481, 495. 
 frist 376. 
 
 froh 122, 182, 236 
 
 (OHG.), 280, 316, 
 
 400, 406. 
 frdhlich 548. 
 frohlocken 330. 
 fromm 8o(MHG.), 97, 
 224, 406. 
 frOmmling 306. 
 frosch 350. 
 frosteln 340. 
 frucht 97, 375. 
 fruchtbar 184, 255. 
 fruchttragend 328. 
 fruh 138, 174, 280. 
 friihling 306. 
 fruhstiicken 330. 
 fuchs 282, 295, 298, 350. 
 fuder 137. 
 ftigen 138. 
 fuhlbar 318. 
 
 U 2 
 
292 
 
 Index 
 
 ftthlen 138. 
 fuhre 298. 
 
 fiihren 79(MHG.)j 138, 
 
 302. 
 
 fuhrmann 313. 
 fuhrt 185. 
 
 fQlle 57, 99, 258, 299, 
 
 372. 
 
 fallen i8(MHG.), 20 
 
 (MHG.), 99, 330, 531- 
 fiillsel 309. 
 fund 298. 
 
 funf 2(0HG.), 95, 162 
 (OHG.), I98(0HG.), 
 246, 413. 
 
 fiinfte 268, 274, 422. 
 fiinfzehn 413. 
 funfzehnte 422. 
 fOnfzig 413. 
 fiinfzigste 422. 
 funke(n) 384. 
 funkeln 340. 
 fur- 299. 
 fur 57, 1 13, 258. 
 fiirbitte 299. 
 furche 284, 377. 
 furcht 174. 
 furchtbarkeit 303. 
 fiirchten 99, i67(OHG.), 
 258, 281, 531. 
 furchtsam 326. 
 fiirsorge 299. 
 furst 99, 174, 346, 382, 
 412. 
 
 furstenschloss 314. 
 fiirstin 305. 
 furt 376. 
 fiirwahr 551. 
 fuss 73(0HG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), 87(MHG.), 
 137, 138, 177, 192 
 (OHG.), 263, 298, 
 
 389. 
 
 futter 137, 139, 299. 
 futtern 330, 340. 
 fiittern 340. 
 
 gabe 1 1 7, 185, 298, 367, 
 gadem 246. 
 gaden 246. 
 gahnen 108. 
 gahren 108. 
 
 galant 406. 
 gal gen 174, 383. 
 gang 298, 350. 
 gangbar 318. 
 gans2(OHG.), 295,391. 
 gansebraten 314, 391. 
 ganz 262, 469. 
 ganzlich 324. 
 gar 103, i67(OHG.), 
 
 i7i(MHG.), 236 
 (OHG.), 400, 550. 
 garbe 371. 
 garen 238, 508. 
 garstig 294. 
 garten 174, 269, 383. 
 gartner i72(MHG.),i74, 
 302. 
 
 gasse 263, 387. 
 gast I2(0HG.), 21, 34 
 (OHG.), 59(0HG.), 
 
 6o(OHG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), 8o(MHG.), 
 90, 91, 92, 161 
 
 (OHG.), i62(OHG.), 
 i7o(MHG.), 211 
 
 (OHG.), 2i8(OHG.), 
 290, 295, 344COHG.), 
 373- 
 
 gastieren 341. 
 gaten 238, 507. 
 gatte 1 15, 174, 382. 
 gatter 114. 
 gattin 305, 370. 
 gau 131, 232(MHG.), 
 346. 
 
 gaukelei 301. 
 ge- 26, 299, 335, 488. 
 gebarde 120, 174 
 
 (MHG.), 185. 
 gebaren I2(0HG.), 13 
 (OHG.), 21, 32 
 
 (OHG.), 55(0HG.), 
 67(0HG.), 70 
 
 (OHG.), 8o(MHG.), 
 8i(MHG.), 90, 108, 
 109, no, i6i(OHG.), 
 i62(OHG.), 171 
 
 (MHG.), 185, 195 
 
 (OHG.), I99(0 HG.), 
 2o6(OHG. ), 218 
 
 (OHG.), 335, 485, 
 
 503* 
 
 gebaude 26, 174, 363. 
 gebein 174. 
 
 geben 55, 59(OHG.), 
 62(0HG.), 80 
 
 (MHG.), 89, 108, 109, 
 117, 120, i86(OHG.), 
 2oo(OHG.), 218 
 (OHG.\ 225(0HG.), 
 226(MHG.), 227, 253, 
 290, 478, 483, 484 
 
 (OHG.), 507. 
 gebet 1 15, 255, 356. 
 gebiet 174, 363. 
 gebieten 335. 
 gebilde 174, 363. 
 gebinde 174. 
 gebirge26, 55, 174, 299, 
 
 363. 
 
 gebiss 299. 
 gebot 26, 1 15, 185. 
 gebrauch 299. 
 gebrauchen 288, 335. 
 gebrechen 335. 
 gebiihr 113. 
 gebuhren 113, 335. 
 gebuhrlich 317, 324. 
 gebundenheit 303. 
 geburt 104, 185, 269, 
 
 299, 376. 
 geburtig 322. 
 geburtstag 314. 
 gebiisch 174, 299. 
 gedachtnis 308. 
 gedanke 352, 384. 
 gedeihen 55(OHG.), 
 125, i86(OHG.), 279, 
 335> 481, 491- 
 gedeihlich 317, 324. 
 gedenken 335. 
 gedicht 174, 363. 
 gediegen 290, 491. 
 gedrang 92. 
 gedrange 174, 299. 
 geduld 26, 97, 269. 
 geduldig79(MHG.), 100, 
 269. 
 
 gefahr 117. 
 gefahrlich 324. 
 gefahrt 174. 
 gefahrte 104, 174, 382. 
 gefahrtin 305. 
 gefallen 335. 
 
Index 
 
 getallig 317, 323. 
 gefangene i7i(MHG.). 
 gefangnis 308, 346. 
 gefass 120, 299, 363. 
 gefecht 174, 299. 
 gefilde 55, 174, 299, 363. 
 geflecht 299. 
 geflissentlich 272. 
 geflugel 299. 
 geflugelt 317. 
 gefolge 174. 
 gefrieren 335. 
 gegenfussler 302. 
 gehalt 299. 
 gehange 174. 
 gehege 107. 
 geheimnis 308. 
 gehen 7i(OHG.), 83 
 
 (MHG.), 136, 139. 
 
 181, 280, 485, 514, 
 
 544- 
 
 geheuer 128. 
 gehirn 174. 
 gehOft 174. 
 gehOlz 174, 299. 
 gehorchen 335. 
 gehoren 335. 
 gehorsam 326. 
 geier 128. 
 geige 387. 
 geil 130. 
 geiss 376. 
 
 geist 130, 260, 351. 
 geisteskrank 328. 
 geistlich 548. 
 gelachter 299. 
 gelaiide 174, 299, 363. 
 gelangen 335. 
 gelaunt 317. 
 gelaut 299. 
 gelb 94, 235. 
 geld 269, 357. 
 gelegentlich 272, 324. 
 gelehrtheit 303. 
 geleise 174. 
 geleit 174. 
 geleiten 335. 
 gelinde 174. 
 gelingen 335, 485, 496. 
 gellen 501. 
 geloben 57, 335. 
 gelten 94, i7i(MHG.), 
 
 181, 269, 483, 485, 
 498. 
 
 geltung 312. 
 gelubde 57, 99, 185. 
 gelust 174. 
 
 gemahl 174, 279, 386. 
 gemahlen 511. 
 gemahlin 305, 370. 
 gemap 174, 363. 
 gemein 130, 174. 
 gemeiiisam 326. 
 gemeinschaft 310. 
 gemengsel 309. 
 gemisch 299. 
 gemse 264, 377. 
 gemuse 174, 363. 
 gemut 174, 364. 
 genau 182. 
 genehm 174. 
 genehmigen 342. 
 genesen 108, 221 
 
 (OHG.), 335( 481, 
 
 507- 
 
 genesung 312. 
 geniessen 122, 136, 139, 
 335, 495- 
 
 genosse 122, 139, 263, 
 
 389- 
 
 genug 137, 139). 55°- 
 genugen 138. 
 geniigsam 326. 
 genuss 299. 
 gepack 1 74, 299. 
 geprage 174, 299. 
 ger 121. 
 
 gerade 174, 335(MHG.). 
 gerat 120, 174. 
 geraten 335. 
 gerausch 174. 
 gerben 235. 
 gereichen 335. 
 gereuen 335. 
 gericht 55. 
 gerichtsamt 314, 
 gering 174. 
 gerinnen 335. 
 gerippe 174. 
 gern 549. 
 gerochen 506. 
 gerste 294. 
 gerstenmehl 314. 
 geruch 299. 
 
 293 
 
 gerucht 138, 139, 259. 
 geruhen 288. 
 gerust 174, 299. 
 gesalzen 514. 
 gesamt 469. 
 gesandtschaft 271. 
 gesang 299. 
 geschaft 174, 363. 
 geschehen 108, 335, 
 
 507*. 
 
 gescheit 174. 
 geschenk 174, 363. 
 geschichte 377. 
 geschirr 174, 299. 
 geschlecht 79(MHG.\ 
 93) 174) 364- 
 geschOpf 92. 
 geschrei 174, 299. 
 geschreibsel 309. 
 geschwind 275. 
 geschwister 299. 
 gesegnen 335. 
 geselle 92, 174, 382, 
 
 389. 
 
 gesellschaft 310. 
 gesetz 174, 363- 
 gesetzmassig 328. 
 gesicht 26, 281, 299, 
 
 357* 
 
 gesims 264. 
 gesinde 174, 363. 
 gespann 174. 
 gespenst 92, 174, 351. 
 gesprach 299. 
 gestade 274. 
 gestalt 376. 
 gestatten 114, 335. 
 gestehen 335. 
 gestein 299. 
 gestern 8o(MHG.). 
 gestirn 174, 363. 
 gestrauch 127. 
 gesund 406. 
 gesundheit 303. 
 getrauen 335. 
 getreide 26, 174, 290, 
 
 363- 
 
 getrosten 335. 
 gevatter 114, 385. 
 gewachs 174, 363. 
 gewahr 103. 
 gewahren 108, 335. 
 
294 
 
 Index 
 
 gewalt 26, 269, 299, 346, 
 
 376. 
 
 gewand 358. 
 gewandtheit 271, 303. 
 ge war ten 335. 
 gewasser 299. 
 gewebe 174. 
 gewerbe 174. 
 gewesen 108, 507. 
 gewicht 95, 174, 363. 
 gewinn 299. 
 gewinnen 97, loi, 335, 
 485, 497- 
 gewiss 185. 
 gewissen 346. 
 gewissenhaft 320. 
 gewissermassen 550. 
 gewitter 55, 114. 
 gew5hnen 92, 112, 335. 
 gewohnheitsmassig 328. 
 gewohnt 272. 
 gewOlbe 92, 174. 
 gewSlke 363. 
 gewurm 299. 
 geziemen 335. 
 giessen 76(OHG.), 122, 
 136, i39> 495- 
 giesskaniie 313. 
 gift 55, 95 , 2oo;OHG.), 
 346. 
 
 gimpel 102. 
 gischen 296. 
 gischt 238, 296. 
 gitter 1 14. 
 
 glas I9(MHG.), 89, 106, 
 290, 357- 
 glasern 319. 
 glasieren 341. 
 glatt 1 15, 290, 406. 
 glaube 131, 384. 
 glauben i9(MHG.), 79 
 (MHG.), I33(MHG.), 
 185, 226(MHG.), 227, 
 253, 335- 
 glaubig 132, 322. 
 glaublich 324. 
 gleich 125, i62(OHG ), 
 228, 469, 547. 
 gleichen 492. 
 gleicherweise 550. 
 gleichfalls 550. 
 gleichnis 308. 
 
 gleichsam 326. 
 gleissen 492. 
 gleiten 114, 492. 
 glied 109. 
 gliedern 340. 
 glimmen 485, 497. 
 glitzern 340. 
 glocke 387. 
 glOckner 302. 
 gliick 174. 
 gliicklich 324. 
 gliicklicherweise 550. 
 gluckselig 328. 
 gliickskind 174. 
 gliihen 138. 
 glut 376. 
 gnade 117, 174. 
 gnadig 292, 322, 549. 
 gold 57, 68(OHG.), 96, 
 225(0HG.), 275, 319. 
 golden 319. 
 
 gCnnen 8o(MHG.), loi, 
 
 537. 
 
 gott I2(0HG.\ 57 
 
 (OHG.), 67(0HG.\ 
 79(MHG.), 80 
 
 (MHG.), 1 15, 224, 
 
 270, 290, 351. 
 gotteshaus 174. 
 gottheit 303. 
 gottin 79(MHG.), 98. 
 gottlos 325. 
 gottlosigkeit 303. 
 grab 89, 106, 245, 253, 
 298, 357- 
 
 graben 79(MHG.), 106, 
 107, 137, 290, 383, 
 
 485, 5II- 
 
 graf 1 1 7, 174, 382. 
 graft n 120, 305. 
 gram 106. 
 gramen 107. 
 granne 174. 
 
 gras 89, 106, 290, 295, 
 298, 357. 
 
 grat 373. 
 grate 346. 
 
 grau 1 1 7, 233, 236, 316, 
 4 oo(OHG.), 406. 
 grauel 126. 
 graugelb 328. 
 grausam 326. 
 
 grausamkeit 303. 
 greifen 125, 224, 258, 
 
 485, 492. 
 
 greinen 490. 
 greuel 127. 
 griff 298. 
 grille 346. 
 grimm 223(0HG.). 
 grimmen 497. 
 grimmig 322. 
 grob 89, 1 10, 171 
 
 (MHG.), 406. 
 groschen 296. 
 gross 122, i7i(MHG.), 
 i 74(MHG.), 182, 406. 
 grossartig 328. 
 grossheit 303. 
 grossmutig 26. 
 grossmutter 26. 
 grOsstenteils 550. 
 grossvater 313. 
 grube 137, 298. 
 grun 79(MHG.), 138, 
 
 174. 
 
 griindling 306. 
 grundlos 325. 
 grundschlecht 328. 
 grunzen 343. 
 gruss 137. 
 
 griissen i8(MHG.), 220 
 (MHG.), 263. 
 grutze 346. 
 
 gulden 57, 68(OHG.), 
 100. 
 
 gulden 100. 
 gQltig 99, 322. 
 gurt 349. 
 giirten 99, 269. 
 gut I3(0HG.), 137, 171 
 (MHG.), 263, 290, 
 
 316, 410, 547. 
 gate 79(MHG.), 138, 
 
 299, 372. 
 gutig 322. 
 gutsbesitzer 29. 
 
 haar 117, 174, 356. 
 haben i3(OHG.), 106, 
 139, i63(OHG.), 170 
 (MHG.), 246(0HG.), 
 253, 277, 528, 533. 
 
 habicht 272. 
 
Index 
 
 295 
 
 hader 106. 
 hafen 350. 
 hafer 106, 386. 
 hafner 302. 
 
 -haft 26, 320, 406. 
 haft 259. 
 haftbar 318. 
 hag 349. 
 hagel 290, 299. 
 haher 108. 
 
 hahn 90, 106, 162 
 
 (OHG.), 185, 386. 
 hahnenfeder 314, 386. 
 hahnenschrei 386. 
 haide 130. 
 hain 130. 
 hake 117. 
 hakelig 289. 
 hakeln 340. 
 haken 383. 
 halb 253. 
 halbbruder 313. 
 halbieren 28, 341. 
 halm 298, 349. 
 hals 295, 350. 
 haltbar 318. 
 
 halten 6o(OHG.\ 71 
 (OHG.), 79(MHG.), 
 
 83(MHG.), 93. 136, 
 18I, 2I2(0HG.), 244, 
 269, 483, 485, 514. 
 hammel 114, 350. 
 hammer 114, 350. 
 hammern 340. 
 hamster 386. 
 hand 13, 90, 91, 228, 
 268, 277, 344(0HG.), 
 
 381 (OHG.). 
 
 handbreit 328. 
 handel 175, 299. 
 handeln 175. 
 handhaben 330. 
 handler 302. 
 handlung i72(MHG.), 
 312. 
 
 handwerker 302. 
 hang 298. 
 
 hangen i2^0HG.^, 69 
 (OHG.), 136, 139, 221 
 (OHG.), 515. 
 
 hangen 92. 
 
 harfe 25i(MHG.), 387. 
 
 harmlos 325. 
 harnisch 296. 
 hart 91, 182, 269, 316, 
 
 547. 
 
 hartigkeit 303. 
 harz 104. 
 
 base 106, 174, 221 
 
 382. 
 
 hass I3(0HG.), 224, 
 
 263. 
 
 hassen 263, 330, 528. 
 haube 174. 
 
 hauen 131, 136, 232 
 
 (OHG.\ 234, 237 
 
 (MHG.), 518. 
 haufe 126, 258, 352, 384. 
 haufeln 340. 
 haufen 352. 
 haufenweise 550. 
 haufig 322. 
 
 haupt 76(0HG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), 86(MHG.), 
 13a, i33(MHG.), 174, 
 253.. 270, 357, 398. 
 hauptling 306. 
 hauptlings 550. 
 hauptmann 313. 
 haus I2(0HG.), 18 
 
 (MHG.), 21, 74 
 
 (OHG.), '79(MHG.), 
 8i(MHG.), 126, 127, 
 226(MHG.), 295, 298, 
 
 393, 398. 
 
 hausbacken 328. 
 hausfrau 29. 
 haushalter 302. 
 haushaltung 313. 
 hausieren 341. 
 hauslein 307. 
 hauslich 127. 
 haut 79(0HG.), 126, 127. 
 heben 107, no, 137, 163 
 (OHG.), i92(OHG.), 
 2I3(0HG.), 221 
 
 (OHG.), 239(0HG.), 
 243.0HG.), 481,483, 
 485, 512. 
 
 hecke 291. 
 hecksel 309. 
 
 heer i3(OHG.), 60 
 
 (OHG.), 107, 174,240, 
 363- 
 
 heft 174, 363. 
 heften 532. 
 hehlen 108, 280. 
 hehr 121. 
 
 heide 130, i7i(MHG.), 
 353. 
 
 heil 75(0HG.), 130. 
 heilant I72(MHG.}. 
 heilen 130, 330. 
 heilig I72(MHG.), 292. 
 heiligtum 311. 
 heilung 312. 
 heim 130, 246, 277. 
 heimat 184, 346. 
 heimwarts 550. 
 
 Heinrich 172 (MHG.). 
 heirat 125, 346. 
 heiraten 330. 
 heiratsgeschenk 314. 
 heischen 277, 528. 
 heiss 130, 185, 263. 
 heissen 7i(OHG.), 75 
 (OHG.), 82(MHG.), 
 130, 2I7(0HG.), 277, 
 516. 
 
 -heit 303, 376, 379. 
 heiter 175. 
 heiterkeit 303. 
 heizen 262. 
 held 174, 375, 353. 
 heldin 305. 
 
 helfen I2(0HG.), 55 
 
 (OHG.), 57(0HG.), 
 
 6i(OHG.),62(OHG.), 
 67(0HG.), 80 
 
 (MHG.), 91, 94, 96, 
 99, i62(OHG.), 186 
 (OHG.), 217(0HG.), 
 251, 277, 478, 479 
 (.OHG.), 483, 484, 
 
 485, 498. 
 
 hellfarbig 328. 
 helm 6 i(OHG.), 80 
 
 (MHG.). 
 
 hemd 92, 174, 364. 
 hemmnis 308. 
 henne 90, 92. 
 her 103. 
 heraus 139. 
 herbe 174. 
 herberge 139, 313. 
 herbergen 25, 330. 
 
296 
 
 Index 
 
 herbst 174. 
 herd 104. 
 
 herde 55, 104, 269. 
 herein 103, 139. 
 hering 306. 
 hermelin 24. 
 
 herr 171 MHG.), 174, 
 382. 
 
 herrin 305. 
 herrlich 121, 139. 
 herrschaft 121, 139,310. 
 herrschen 121, 139, 174 
 (MHG.), 294. 
 herz i3(0HG.), 94, 161 
 (OHG.), i62(OHG.), 
 i92(OHG.), 261, 262, 
 277, 346(0HG.), 388. 
 herzlichkeit 303. 
 herzlos 325. 
 
 herzog 139, 174, 221 
 
 (OHG.), 298, 386. 
 herzogin 305. 
 herzogtum 31 1, 351. 
 heu 79;MHG.), 132, 174, 
 232(MHG.). 
 heuchelei 301. 
 heucheln 127. 
 heuer 128, 356, 550. 
 heulen 127. 
 heuschrecke 346. 
 heute 127, 348, 438, 
 
 550. 
 
 hienieden 245. 
 hier 7i(OHG.), 83 
 
 (MHG.), 136. 
 hierunter 245. 
 hilfe 95, 298. 
 himbeere 247. 
 himmel 114, 224, 244, 
 246, 349. 
 
 himmelisch I72(MHG.). 
 bin 95. 
 hindern 268. 
 hindernis I72(MHG.), 
 308. 
 
 hinken 496. 
 hinten 268. 
 hinter95, 268. 
 hintere 412. 
 him 174, 563. 
 hirsch 95, 174, 264. 
 hirse 294, 346. 
 
 hirt 18 OHG.), 55, 95, 
 I7 o(MHG.), 243 
 (OHG.), 346(0HG.), 
 361. 
 
 hitze 185, 263, 299. 
 hoch I2(0HG.), 13, 76 
 (OHG.),79(MHG.),8i 
 (MHG.), 122, 182, 226 
 (MHG.), 279, 284, 372 
 (OHG.), 405(OHG.), 
 406, 408, 549. 
 hochfein 26. 
 hOchlich 548. 
 hochmut 313. 
 hochschule 313. 
 hOchstens 550. 
 hochwichtig 328. 
 hochzeit 122, 139. 
 hochzeitsfest 3T4. 
 hof I9(MHG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), 89, no, 226 
 (MHG.), 258, 350. 
 hoffart 122, 139. 
 hoffentlich 272, 324. 
 hoffnung 312, 368. 
 hoffnungslos 325. 
 hoffnungsvoll 328. 
 hofieren 28, 341. 
 hOhe 123, i63(OHG.), 
 279, 299, 372(0HG.). 
 hoheit 303. 
 hohl no, 406. 
 hOhnen 123, 531. 
 hold 57, 96, 406. 
 holeii 528. 
 holle 80, 92, 370. 
 Holthausen 393. 
 holunder 34. 
 holz I3(0HG.), 96, 261, 
 262. 
 
 h5lzern 319. 
 holzicht 321. 
 honig no, i72(MHG.), 
 250, 292, 346. 
 hopfen 383. 
 hopsen 343. 
 hOrbar 318. 
 
 h5ren 79(MHG.), 123, 
 i64(OHG.), 171 
 
 (MHG.), 268, 277, 
 
 527. 
 
 horn 96, 277, 357. 
 
 hOrnern 319. 
 hornisse 24, 346. 
 horst 294, 346. 
 hose no, 387. 
 hiibsch 113, 323. 
 hiifte 272, 377. 
 huhn 137, 138, 185, 280, 
 398. 
 
 huld 57, 79(MHG.), ioo, 
 174. 
 
 huldigen 342. 
 hulfe 95, 298. 
 hulle 99. 
 hummel 256. 
 hund35(OHG.), 97, 192 
 (OHG.), 268, 298, 
 
 349- 
 
 hundert 268, 413, 415. 
 hundertste 422. 
 hiindin 305. 
 hune 382. 
 hunger 250. 
 hungern 340. 
 hiipfen 79(MHG.). 
 hurde 377. 
 htisteln 340. 
 husten 137, 174, 383. 
 hut 137, 174, 368. 
 hiiten 531. 
 hutte 370. 
 
 -ich 289. 
 
 ich 22, i 93(OHG.), 217 
 (OHG.), 288, 432. 
 -icht 304, 321, 406. 
 "ieren 341, 488. 
 
 -ig 26, 172, 289, 320, 
 322, 406. 
 
 -igen 342. 
 
 -igkeit 303. 
 
 ihm 109, I7 i(MHG.), 
 437, 438. 
 
 ihn i63(OHG.), 437. 
 ihnen 437. 
 
 ihr 103, i68(OHG.), 
 
 433, 434, 446. 
 ihrer 437. 
 
 ihrethalben 248, 272. 
 ihretwegen 248, 272. 
 imbiss 26, 247, 
 imme 256, 346. 
 immer 136, 139. 
 
Index 
 
 297 
 
 -in 24, 172, 305, 333, 
 372- 
 in 95- 
 
 -ing J24, 172, 366. 
 inhaltsreich 328. 
 innere 412. 
 innerhalb 27. 
 insbesondere 551. 
 insgesamt 55 r. 
 insofern 551. 
 insoweit 551. 
 inwiefern 551. 
 inwieweit 551. 
 irden(OHG.), 55, 3 ^ 9 ^ 
 irdisch 55, i72(MHG.), 
 287, 323. 
 irgend 272, 469. 
 irgends 550. 
 irre 174. 
 irrsal 309, 
 irrtum 31 1, 351. 
 
 -isch 172, 323, 406. 
 
 jagd 346. 
 jagen 106, 528. 
 jager 362. 
 jagerei 301. 
 jah 120, 174. 
 jahr 117, I73(MHG.), 
 174, 238, 280, 356. 
 jahrelang 328. 
 jahrlich 324. 
 jammer 119, 139, 238, 
 346. 
 
 jammerlich 324. 
 jammerschade 313. 
 jammervoll 328. 
 jaten 108, 114, 238, 507. 
 jauchzen 343. 
 jedenfalls 550. 
 jeder 469. 
 jedermann 469. 
 jederzeit 550. 
 jedweder 469. 
 jeglicher 469. 
 jemals 550. 
 jemand 272, 469. 
 jener i3(OHG.), 461. 
 jenige 461, 
 jenseit 550. 
 jenseits 27, 139, 550. 
 jetzt 272. 
 
 jeweilen 550. 
 joch 57(0 HG.), 96, 161 
 (OHG.), i62(OHG.) 
 i93(OHG.), 238, 298, 
 356. 
 
 Jude III, 174, 382. 
 jugend III, 238, 376. 
 jung 97, 182, 238, 250 
 (MHG.), 406, 408, 549. 
 Jungfrau 26. 
 jungling 174, 183. 
 junker 174, 386. 
 
 kafer 108, 386. 
 kafig 107, 243. 
 kahl 106, 400, 406. 
 kaiser 130, i66(OHG.). 
 kaisertum 31 1. 
 kalb 6o(OHG.), 80 
 
 (MHG.), 93, 217 
 
 (OHG.), 244, 253, 286, 
 
 298, 398. 
 
 kalt 91, i 93(OHG.), 212 
 (OHG.), 269. 
 kaltbliitig 328. 
 kalte 79(MHG.), 93, 
 
 299. 
 
 kamm I95(0HG,), 256. 
 
 kammer 114. 
 
 kampe 382. 
 
 kampf 251. 
 
 kapelle 28. 
 
 karg 406. 
 
 Karl 399. 
 karpfen 251. 
 karst 294. 
 karte 91. 
 kase 120, 361. 
 kastchen 300. 
 kasten 383. 
 kater 114. 
 katze 262, 387. 
 kauen 76(OHG.), 126, 
 493- 
 
 kaufen 79(MHG.), 133, 
 258. 
 
 kaufer 132. 
 kauflich 324. 
 kaum 126. 
 kauz 262. 
 kebse 174. 
 kehle 108, 174. 
 
 kehren 121. 
 kehricht 304. 
 kein 130, 174, 228, 469. 
 keinenfalls 550. 
 keineswegs 550 
 -keit 303, 376. 
 kellner 302. 
 kennen 268, 531. 
 kerl 360. 
 kern 174, 386. 
 kerze 387. 
 kette 1 15, 369. 
 keuchen 127. 
 keusch 127, 174, 400. 
 kiesen i3(OHG.), 76 
 
 (OHG.), 77(0HG.), 
 
 8i(MHG.), 84 
 
 (MHG.), 85(MHG.), 
 i62(OHG.), 193 
 
 (OHG.), 2 ii( 0 HG.), 
 22T(0HG.\ 226 
 
 (MHG.), 495 - 
 kind i73(MHG.), 217 
 
 (OHG.), 226(MHG.), 
 227, 298, 357, 400 
 
 (OHG.). 
 kinderei 301. 
 kindererziehung 314. 
 kinderlos 325. 
 kinderreich 328. 
 kindheit 303. 
 kindisch i72(MHG.), 
 183, 323. 
 
 kindlein I72(MHG.), 
 
 .307, 356. 
 
 kinn 174, 202(OHG.), 
 
 363- 
 
 kirche 387. 
 kirchhof 174. 
 kirchner 302. 
 kirr 174. 
 kirre 174. 
 kirsche 294. 
 kissen 102. 
 kitt 102, 115. 
 kitze 346. 
 klafter 119, 139. 
 klage 174, 367. 
 klagen 106, 290, 528. 
 klagend 406. 
 klar 1 17. 
 klaue 1 17, 233. 
 
298 
 
 Index 
 
 kleben 108, 286, 528. 
 klecksen 343. 
 klee 121, 236, 365. 
 kleid 130, 357. 
 klein i3(OHG.), 130, 
 
 174, 182, 286. 
 kleinigkeit 303. 
 kleinod 270, 364. 
 klieben 493. 
 
 klimmen 97, 256, 485, 
 497- 
 
 klingen 496. 
 kloben 383. 
 klopfer 302. 
 kluft 299. 
 klug 137, 316. 
 knabe 174, 2T5(0HG.), 
 382. 
 
 knabenzeit, 314. 
 knablein 307. 
 knapp 228, 406. 
 knappe 174, 215, 224 
 (MHG.), 382. 
 kneifen 492. 
 
 kneten 1 14, 267, 286, 507. 
 knie 136, i93(OHG.), 
 
 2I7(0HG.), 236, 286. 
 kniff 298. 
 knirschen 294. 
 knochen 174, 383. 
 knollen 383. 
 knopf 57, 251. 
 knoten 114, 383. 
 kniipfen 57. 
 kniittel 114. 
 koben 383. 
 koch 350. 
 kohl 122. 
 kohle no, 346. 
 kolben 383. 
 
 Kolner 302. 
 kolossal 406. 
 kommen 114, 181, 193 
 (OHG.), I98(0HG.), 
 224, 246, 478, 485, 
 488, 505. 
 
 kOnig 8o(MHG.), lor, 
 112, i72;MHG.), 174, 
 250, 286. 
 
 kOnigin 172'MHG.), 174, 
 183, 305, 370. 
 KOnigshofen 315, 350. 
 
 kOnigssohn 314. 
 kOnigtum 311, 351. 
 kOnnen 101,223 (OHG.), 
 
 534, 537. 
 kOpfen 330. 
 
 korn i3(OHG.), 286, 
 
 298, 357- 
 kost 368. 
 kostbar 318. 
 kot 1 18. 
 krach 349. 
 krachzen 343. 
 kraft 92, 258, 259, 260, 
 375- 
 
 kraftig 183, 322. 
 kragen 383. 
 krahe 174. 
 krahen 120, 286. 
 krankeln 340. 
 krankheit 303. 
 kranklich 324. 
 krapfen 119, 139. 
 kraut 79(0HG.), 126, 
 
 127, 357. 
 
 krebs 174, 264. 
 kreis 264. 
 kreisen 264. 
 kresse 346. 
 
 kreuz 127, 174, 261, 262, 
 
 363. 
 
 kreuzweise 27. 
 kriechen 136, 493. 
 krieg 136. 
 kriegsmassig 328. 
 krippe 257. 
 kritzeln 340. 
 krOte I 15. 
 krug 286. 
 krumm 97, 256. 
 kiiche 369. 
 kuchen 137, 383. 
 kiifer 138. 
 kugel III. 
 
 kuh 137, 280, 286, 391. 
 kuhl 138, 174, 280, 316. 
 kiihlen 330. 
 kuhn 138, 174. 
 kuhnlich 548. 
 kQmmel 114. 
 kummer 97, 256. 
 kund i 3(OHG.). 
 kunde 100. 
 
 kunden 274. 
 
 kundig 100. 
 
 kundschaft 310. 
 
 kundschaften 330. 
 
 kiinftig 246. 
 
 kunst I9(MHG.), 299. 
 
 kiinsteln 340. 
 
 kiinstler 302. 
 
 kupfer 2I4(0HG.), 251. 
 
 kupfern 319. 
 
 kur 375. 
 
 kiirbis 264. 
 
 kurfurst 100. 
 
 kurz 262. 
 
 kiirze 99. 
 
 kiirzen 330. 
 
 kurzerhand 550. 
 
 kiirzlich 548. 
 
 kurzsichtig 328. 
 
 kiissen 223(0HG.), 239, 
 
 295* 
 
 kutteln (/>/.) 1 14. 
 
 laben 106. 
 labsal 309. 
 lachein 340. 
 
 lachen 276(OHG.), 278. 
 lacks 282, 349, 373. 
 laden sh. 383. 
 laden v. 106, 137, 482, 
 
 483, 511- 
 
 ladung 312. 
 laffe 174, 382. 
 lager 299. 
 
 lahm 106, 280, 316, 406. 
 lahmen 107. 
 laib 130. 
 
 laie 130, 174, 382. 
 lamm 79(MHG.), 90, 
 
 92, i63(OHG.), 170 
 (MHG.), I7i(MHG.), 
 2i8(OHG.), 226 
 
 (MHG.), 244, 256, 
 
 298, 344(0HG.), 398* 
 lammlein 307. 
 land 268, 298, 358. 
 landesherr 174. 
 landschaft 310. 
 landsmann 174. 
 lang 6o(OHG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), 92, 195 
 
 (OHG.), 226(MHG.), 
 
25 o(MHG.), 316, 405 
 (OHG.), 4 o 8(OHG.), 
 547, 549- 
 langarmig 328. 
 
 ISnge 6o(OHG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), 8o(MHG.), 
 
 299, 372, 
 langs 178, 550. 
 langsam 326. 
 langweilen 330. 
 lappen 383. 
 larche 90. 
 lass 406. 
 
 lassen 7o(OHG.), 136, 
 139, 181, 223(0HG.), 
 263, 478, 515. 
 last 299, 376. 
 lastern 340. 
 lastig 322. 
 lattich 1 15. 
 latwerge 240. 
 lau 117. 
 
 laub 79(MHG.), 131. 
 
 laube 131. 
 
 lauch 131. 
 
 lauf 132, 298. 
 
 laufen 84(MHG.), 86 
 
 (MHG.), 131,132, 136, 
 
 258, 278, 485, 518. 
 laufer 132, 302. 
 lauferei 301. 
 laugnen 132. 
 laune 126. 
 laus 391. 
 
 laut 126, 278, 547. 
 lauter i7i(MHG.), 214 
 (OHG.), 223(0HG.), 
 
 327, 469- 
 
 lauten 127. 
 lautern 340. 
 
 leben 56(OHG.), 108, 
 174, 175, 181, 218 
 
 (OHG.), 244, 268, 
 
 527,. 529. 
 
 lebendig 24, 322. 
 lebensart 314. 
 leber 56(OHG.), 108. 
 leblos 325. 
 lechzen 343. 
 lecken 56(OHG,), 286, 
 528. 
 
 leder 108. 
 
 Index 
 
 299 
 
 ledern 319. 
 
 leer i8(MHG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), 120, 174, 316, 
 400. 
 
 leeren 330. 
 leerheit 303. 
 legen 107, 174, 239 
 
 (MHG.), 527, 529. 
 lehren 75(OHG.), 81 
 (MHG.), i2f, 185, 
 280. 
 
 lehrer 302, 362. 
 lehrhaft 320. 
 lehrling 306. 
 leib i9fMHG.), 125, 
 226(MHG.), 351. 
 leibhaftig 320. 
 leiche 377. 
 leichnam 174, 386. 
 leicht 125. 
 leichtsinn 313. 
 leid 130. 
 
 leiden 114, 125, 181, 485, 
 
 492. 
 
 leier 128, 368. 
 leihen 43(OHG.), 75 
 
 (OHG.), 109, 125, 192 
 (OHG.), 22 i( 0 HG.), 
 226(MHG.), 279, 481, 
 
 491- 
 
 leim 125. 
 
 -lein 24, 79, 172, 307. 
 Leipziger 302. 
 leise 174, 249. 
 leistcn 130, 352. 
 leiten 82(MHG.), 130, 
 2I2(0HG.), 221 
 
 (OHG.), 223(0HG.), 
 531- 
 
 lenz I3(0HG.), 174, 
 
 262, 386. 
 
 -ler 302. 
 
 lerche 90, 121, 139. 
 lernen 56(OHG.), 64 
 
 (OHG.), 185, 528. 
 lesbar 318. 
 lesbarkeit 303. 
 lesen 108, 109, 117, 120, 
 226, 227, 263, 293, 
 
 295, 481,483, 485, 507- 
 
 lesenswert 328. 
 leser 302. 
 
 ietzen 22o(MHG.). 
 letzte 410. 
 
 leuchten 77(OHG.), 85 
 (MHG.), 127. 
 leuchter 302. 
 leugnen 132. 
 leumund 127. 
 leute 85(MHG.), 127. 
 leutselig 328. 
 
 lich 24, 26, 59, 79, 
 
 172, 289, 324, 406, 
 
 548. 
 
 licht 
 
 77 ( 0 HG.), 
 
 84 
 
 (MHG.), 
 
 136, 
 
 139, 
 
 281, 
 
 357 - 
 
 
 
 lieb 
 
 77(OHG.), 
 
 84 
 
 (MHG.), 
 
 136, 
 
 171 
 
 (MHG.), 
 
 185, 
 
 226 
 
 (MHG.^, 
 
 253, 
 
 316, 
 
 549 - 
 
 
 
 
 liebaugeln 340. 
 liebe 174. 
 liebeleer 328. 
 liebelei 301. 
 liebesbrief 314. 
 liebling 306. 
 lieblosigkeit 303. 
 lied 136, 357. 
 liegen 8o(MHG.), 108, 
 109, 2 i8(OHG.), 239 
 (MHG.), 292, 485, 
 
 510. 
 
 -ling 24, 172, 306. 
 links 178, 550. 
 linse 293. 
 lispeln 340. 
 list 185, 346, 376. 
 lob no, 346. 
 loben no, 185, 227, 330, 
 409, 528. 
 
 loch i8(MHG.), 22, 79 
 (MHG.), 96, 98, 357, 
 398. 
 
 locke 286, 346. 
 locken 286. 
 
 ICcken 92. 
 lOffel 80, 92. 
 
 lohn 76(0HG.), 122, 
 
 298, 346, 350. 
 lohnen 528, 
 lorbeer 122, 139. 
 
 -los 325. 
 
300 
 
 Index 
 
 lo 3 sb. 264, 356. 
 los adj. 122, 406. 
 l^schen 8o(MHG.), 92, 
 482. 
 
 lOsen 123, 226(MHG.), 
 227, 293, 330. 
 letter 1 14. 
 
 lOwe 92, 112, 174, 231, 
 237, 382. 
 iQwenfell 314. 
 lowin 305. 
 luchs 349, 373. 
 liicke 99, 291. 
 
 Ludwig 399. 
 luft 258, 259, 298, 346. 
 lug III. 
 liige 1 13, 298. 
 lugen 77(0HG.), ito, 
 136, 493- 
 lust 346, 381. 
 lustig 322. 
 lustwandeln 336. 
 
 machen 105, 2i7(OHG.\ 
 246, 288, 528. 
 macht i8(MHG.), 60 
 
 (OHG.), 79(MHG.), 
 
 93, 281, 299, 375. 
 machtig 93, i63(OHG.). 
 madchen 300, 356. 
 madelchen 300. 
 magd 79(MHG.), ^74, 
 
 391- . 
 
 magdlein 307. 
 magen 174, 383. 
 mahd 280, 346. 
 mahen 120, 280. 
 mahlen 106, 181, 511, 
 528. 
 
 mahne 90, 174, 377. 
 mahnen i7i(MHG.), 
 528. 
 
 mahnung 346, 368. 
 mahre 90, 107, 283. 
 
 Mai 130, 174, 386. 
 maid 290. 
 maler 302. 
 malerisch 323. 
 man 469. 
 
 manch 226(MHG.), 292, 
 372(0HG.), 469- 
 mancherlei 426. 
 
 mangelhatt 320. 
 mann i2(OHG.), 26, 
 
 90, 223(OHGO, 351; 
 356, 390. 
 mannehen 300. 
 mannigfach 292, 424. 
 mannigfaltig 292. 
 manniglich 469. 
 mannlich 79(MHG.), 93, 
 324- 
 
 mantel 350. 
 mantschen 343. 
 marchen 120. 
 mark 174, 292, 368, 
 marke 346. 
 marschieren 488. 
 
 Marz 92, 174, 262, 386. 
 marzenveilchen 314, 386. 
 mass 1 17, 298, 346. 
 masshaltend 328. 
 massholder 24. 
 massigkeit 303. 
 massregeln 25. 
 mast 349. 
 matratze 346. 
 matt 1 15, 228, 406. 
 matte 115. 
 
 mauer 128, 174, 368. 
 mans 41 (OHG.), 126, 
 
 T27, 295, 39T. 
 maut 174. 
 
 meer 107, i62(0HG.), 
 i68(OHG.), 245, 246, 
 298. 
 
 mehl 108, i 67(OHG.), 
 236(0HG.), 244, 365. 
 mehr 75(OHG.), 81 
 
 (MHG.), 121, 211 
 
 (OHG.), 280, 410. 
 mehrdeutig 328. 
 mehrere 410, 469. 
 mehrfach 424, 
 mehrmals 550. 
 mehrzahl 313. 
 meiden 109, 125, 481, 
 485, 490. 
 meile 125. 
 
 mein i2(0HG.), 125, 
 
 434(0HG.), 445 
 
 (OHG.). 
 
 meinen 130. 
 meiner 432. 
 
 meinerseits 550. 
 meinethalben 248, 272. 
 meinetwegen 248, 272. 
 meinige 447. 
 meist 410. 
 meistens 549, 550. 
 meistenteils 550. 
 meisterhaft 320. 
 meistern 330. 
 meisterschaft, 310. 
 meldung i 72{MHG.). 
 melken 94, 286, 483, 
 
 485, 500. 
 
 menge 92, 290, 299, 372. 
 mennig 243. 
 
 mensch 26, 90. 92, 174 
 (MHG.), 287. 
 merkwiirdig 328. 
 messen 263, 484, 509. 
 messer 175, 356. 
 met 115,379- 
 metze 346. 
 meuchelmord 127. 
 mich 432, 434(0HG.). 
 mieder 138. 
 
 miete 7i(OHG.), 83 
 
 (MHG.), 136. 
 mietsleute 314. 
 milbe 235. 
 
 milch I7 i(MHG.), 288, 
 391 - 
 
 milchmadchen 313. 
 mild 95» i?4» 269. 
 milz 346. 
 
 minder 2O2(0HG.), 273, 
 410. 
 
 mindern 340. 
 mindest 410. 
 minnen 528. 
 minze 95. 
 mir 103, 161, 432. 
 mischen 287. 
 miss- 299, 336. 
 missachten 336. 
 missbehagen 299, 336. 
 missbilligen 336, 488. 
 missbrauch 26, 299. 
 missbrauchen 336, 488. 
 missdeuten 336. 
 missen 263, 295. 
 missernte 299. 
 missetat 299. 
 
Index 
 
 missfallen 336. 
 missgestalt a6. 
 missglucken 336. 
 missgOnnen 336. 
 missgunst 299. 
 misshandeln 336, 488. 
 misshandlung 26. 
 misskennen 336. 
 missklang 299. 
 misslaut 299, 
 missleiten 336. 
 misslingen 336. 
 missraten 336. 
 misstQnen 336. 
 misstrauen 336. 
 missverstehen 336. 
 misswachs 299. 
 mist 282. 
 
 95> 17^ (MHG.). 
 mitgift 185. 
 
 mitte 55(0HG.), 218 
 (OHG.), 267. 
 mittel 356. 
 mittlerweile 550. 
 mogen 79(MHG.\ 98, 
 loi, 112, 2 oo( 0 HG.), 
 2i8(OHG.), 292, 534, 
 
 539. 
 
 mOglich 324, 546. 
 mohn 1 18, 279. 
 mohre 283. 
 molke 346, 359. 
 monat 118, 184. 
 monch loi. 
 mOnchtum 31 1. 
 mond 38(0HG.), 118, 
 16 j (OHG.), 38^ 
 
 mondenlang 386. 
 mondenschein 314. 
 Montag n8, 174. 
 moor 122. 
 moos no, 356. 
 morast 272. 
 mord 275, 346. 
 morgen 290. 
 morgens 550. 
 morsch 406. 
 
 miicke 79(MHG.), 99, 
 291,387. 
 mucksen 343. 
 mude 138, 174, 400, 
 
 547 - 
 
 muhen in. 
 
 miihen 138, 181, 242, 
 
 280. 
 
 miihle 113, 174, 280. 
 miihsal 309. 
 miihsam 326. 
 miihselig 322. 
 mulde 269. 
 
 Miinchener 302. 
 mund 2(0HG.), 275 
 
 (MHG.). 
 mtindung 312. 
 miinster 28. 
 munter 268, 327. 
 miinze 28, 95, 174. 
 murbe 99, 235. 
 muskel 355. 
 
 mussen 137, 138, 139, 
 2 oo(0HG.), 224, 534, 
 540- 
 
 muster 356. 
 mut 137. 
 mutig 322. 
 mutmassen 330. 
 mutter 79(MHG.), 87 
 
 (MHG.), 137, 138, 
 
 139, i6i(OHG.), 162 
 (OHG.), 267, 299, 394 
 (OHG.), 396. 
 
 nabel 386. 
 
 nach 22, 226(MHG.), 
 
 276(0HG.), 284. 
 nachbar 119, 139, 184, 
 354> 382. 
 nachbarlich 324. 
 nachbarschaft 310. 
 nachen 383. 
 nachfolger 302. 
 nachlassig 322, 328. 
 nachlassigkeit 303. 
 nachmals 550. 
 nachst 549. 
 
 nacht 13, 93,i92(OHG.), 
 260, 281, 298, 392. 
 nachtigall 174. 
 nachts 550. 
 nachzugler 302. 
 nacken 352. 
 nackt 174, 406. 
 nadel 117, 175. 
 nagel i7i(MHG.), 172 
 
 301 
 
 (MHG.), 244, 247, 
 
 290, 299, 374. 
 nageln 330. 
 nagen 511. 
 nah 410. 
 
 nahe 279, 284, 410. 
 nahe 299, 372. 
 nahen 120, 280. 
 naiherin 305. 
 
 nahren i2(0HG.), 60 
 (OHG), 107, 161 
 
 (OHG.), i62(OHG.), 
 i63(OHG.), 164 
 
 (OHG.), 2 I 3 ( 0 HG.), 
 22I(0HG.), 240, 243 
 (OHG.), 340. 
 nahrhaft 320. 
 nahrung 312. 
 naht 280. 
 
 name 18, 106, 114, 171 
 (MHG.), 246, 298, 346 
 (OHG.), 384. 
 namentlich 272. 
 narbe 235. 
 narr 382. 
 narrisch 323. 
 nase 106, T74. 
 naseln 340. 
 nass 316, 406. 
 nassen 330. 
 natter 119, 139. 
 natur 228. 
 nebelicht 321. 
 nebenzimmer 313. 
 neffe 108, 174, 192 
 
 (OHG.), 252, 258, 382. 
 neid 125. 
 neiden 490. 
 neigen 278, 290, 490. 
 nein 130. 
 
 nehmen 6(OHG.), 59 
 
 (OHG.), 62 ( 0 HG.), 
 
 79(MHG.),8o(MHG.), 
 89, 108, 109, 1 14, 117, 
 120, i6i(OHG.), 162 
 (OHG.), i7o(MHG.), 
 I7i(MHG.), 181, 185, 
 i86(OHG.), 224, 246, 
 247, 280, 47 i(OHG.), 
 474, 480, 483, 484, 
 
 485, 503- 
 
 nehmer 302. 
 
Index 
 
 \02 
 
 nelke 130, 139, 290. 
 nennen92, 223,268, 330, 
 
 531, 532. 
 
 -ner 302. 
 nerv 382. 
 nervOs 28. 
 
 nest 56(OHGO» 80 
 (MHG.), 2 o 3(MHG.), 
 
 357. 
 
 netz 174, 243(0HG.), 
 262, 363. 
 
 neu77(OHG.), I27.i74» 
 232(0HG.),234, 316. 
 neuerdings 550. 
 neuigkeit 303. 
 neulich 548. 
 neuling 306. 
 neun 127, 247, 413. 
 neunte 268, 422. 
 neunzehn 413. 
 neunzehnte 422. 
 neunzig 413. 
 neunzigste 422. 
 nichte 259. 
 nichts 469. 
 
 nichtsdestoweniger 469. 
 nichtswurdig 469. 
 niedlich 270. 
 niemals 550. 
 niemand 272, 469. 
 niere 346. 
 niesen 495. 
 nimmer 136, 139. 
 nirgend 272. 
 nirgends 550. 
 
 -nis 24, 59, 172, 308, 
 346. 
 
 nobel 406. 
 noch 96, 284. 
 nochmals 550. 
 nonne 97. 
 norden 274. 
 nordwest 26. 
 not 122, 228. 
 notig 322. 
 notigen 330, 342. 
 nuchtern 138, 139. 
 nummer 114. 
 nuss 263, 278, 391. 
 nutz 298. 
 niitz 174. 
 nutze 100. 
 
 niitze 79(MHG.), 100, 
 174, 262. 
 nutzen 100, 352. 
 nutzen 79(MHG.), 100. 
 
 ob 96, I7 i(MHG.). 
 oben no. 
 obere 412. 
 oberlippe 313. 
 oberst I72(MHG.), 412. 
 obrist 412. 
 obst 174, 264, 272. 
 ochs(e) 174, 282, 298, 
 382. 
 
 ode 123, 174, 547. 
 odem 1 18, 246, 274. 
 
 Oder no. 
 ofen no, 350. 
 offen 105, 2I7(0HG.). 
 offenbar 318. 
 dffentlich 272. 
 offizier 28. 
 
 Cffnen 330. 
 afters 550. 
 oheim 246. 
 ohne 118. 
 
 ohnmacht 118, 375. 
 ohr 45(0HG.), 76 
 
 (OHG.), 8i(MHG.), 
 122, 174, 280, 298, 
 388. 
 
 01 174. 
 onkel 349. 
 opfer 251. 
 ordentlich 28, 272. 
 ordnungsgemass 328. 
 originell 28. 
 ort 351. 
 
 ostern 122, 209(0 HG.). 
 otter 1 14, 346. 
 
 paar 228, 252, 356. 
 pacht 252. 
 pack 252. 
 palast 252, 272. 
 palme 252(MHG.). 
 paniei254, 346. 
 pantoflfel 252, 355. 
 papagei 252. 
 papier 28, 252. 
 papst 174, 252(MHG.), 
 272. 
 
 pardel 349. 
 partei 252, 301. 
 passen 252. 
 
 pate (pathe), 115, 174, 
 252, 382. 
 pause 252. 
 
 pech 22, 252(MHG.). 
 pedell 252 (MHG.). 
 pegel 252. 
 
 pein 174, 252(MHG.), 
 
 368. 
 
 peinigen 342. 
 pelz 252(MHG.). 
 
 ! perle 252(MHG.). 
 pest 252. 
 
 Petrus 390. 
 
 pfad 2I7(0HG.), 251, 
 
 349r 373. 
 pfaflf(e) 174, 382. 
 
 Pfalz 28. 
 
 pfau 117, 233, 382. 
 pfeflfer 251. 
 pfeifen 492. 
 pfennig 250. 
 pferd 104, i73(MHG.), 
 174- 
 
 pflegen 108, 251, 482, 
 
 483, 485, 508. 
 
 pflicht 299, 376. 
 pflichtm^sig 328. 
 pflug 137. 
 i pfartner 302. 
 i pfosten 383. 
 pfote 115. 
 pfropfen 28. 
 pfuhl 349. 
 pfuhl 113, 174. 
 pfund 2I7(0HG.), 356. 
 piepen 252. 
 piJger 252(MHG.). 
 pille 252. 
 pilz 102, 254. 
 pinsel 252. 
 
 plage 117, 252(MHG.). 
 plan 252. 
 platschern 340. 
 plan 115, 252, 406. 
 platte 1 15. 
 plump 252, 406. 
 plumpsen 343. 
 plunder 252. 
 pochen 252. 
 
Index 
 
 303 
 
 pocke 252. 
 polster 254. 
 pracht 254. 
 prachtig 322. 
 pragen 254, 288. 
 prahlen 252. 
 prasseln 254. 
 predigen, 252(MHG.)* 
 prediger 302. 
 predigt 272. 
 preis 252(MHG.)» 
 preisen 125, 252(MHG.), 
 490. 
 
 presse 295. 
 
 priester 136, 252(M HG.). 
 
 priestertum 31 1. 
 
 prinz 174, 252, 382. 
 
 probe 139. 
 
 probieren 139. 
 
 priifen 138, 252(MHG.). 
 
 prugel 1 13. 
 
 psalm 385. 
 
 pudel 349. 
 
 pulver 252. 
 
 puppe 252(MHG.). 
 
 qual 1 17, 368. 
 qualen 108. 
 quarz 104. 
 
 queck- 56(OHG.), i93 
 (OHG.), 224, 
 quelle 231. 
 
 quellen 286, 485, 500. 
 quendel 273, 
 quer 231, 274. 
 quietschen 343. 
 quitt 1 15. 
 
 rabe 174, 215, 353,382. 
 
 rache 119, 139. 
 
 rachen 383. 
 
 rachen 94, 506. 
 
 rad 89, 106, 275, 357. 
 
 rader 108. 
 
 radern 340. 
 
 rahmen 174, 346, 383. 
 
 rand 268. 
 
 rappe 174, 215, 382. 
 rasch 406. 
 rasen 383. 
 rast 174. 
 rat 120, 298. 
 
 raten i2(OHG.), 70 
 
 (OHG),7 i(OHG.), 83 
 (MHG.), 117, 136, 173, 
 1 81, 245, 478, 483, 
 
 485, 515- 
 
 ratsam 326. 
 ratschlagen 330. 
 ratsel 309. 
 raub 131. 
 rauben 528. 
 rauber 132, 302. 
 rauberisch 323. 
 raubvogel 313. 
 rauch 131, 288. 
 rauchern 340. 
 rauchfrei 328. 
 rauchwerk 284. 
 raude 127. 
 raiifen 133. 
 rauh 284. 
 
 raum 74(OHG.), 81 
 
 (MHG.), 126. 
 raumen 79(MHG.), 127, 
 268. 
 
 rauspern 127. 
 rebe 346. 
 rechnen 175. 
 recht i 3(OHG.), 55, 192 
 (OHG.), 281, 356, 547. 
 rechtfertigen 330. 
 rechts 178, 550. 
 recke 174, 382. 
 rede 174, 370. 
 reden 107, 181, 528, 531. 
 redner 302. 
 regelmassig 328. 
 regen 108, 247, 299. 
 regie ren 341. 
 regierung 312. 
 regierungsrat 314. 
 regnen 330, 528. 
 regnerisch 322. 
 reh 284. 
 
 reiben 109, 125, 490. 
 reich 125, 174, 288, 363. 
 reichtum 31 1, 351. 
 reihen 490. 
 rein 174, 278. 
 reinigcn 342. 
 reinigung 312. 
 reinlich 324. 
 reis 398. 
 
 reise 174. 
 
 reissen 125, 263, 492. 
 reiten 114, 125, 267, 
 
 492. 
 
 reizen 261, 262. 
 rennen 268, 531. 
 retten 531. 
 rettich 183, 289. 
 rettig 1 15, 289. 
 reue 234, 371. 
 reuen 493. 
 reuse 127. 
 reuten 127. 
 revier 346. 
 richte 299. 
 richten 55. 
 richter 302. 
 richtig 322. 
 richtung 312. 
 riechen 136, 493. 
 ried 270. 
 riemen 383. 
 
 riese 109, 174, 293, 382. 
 riesengeduld 314. 
 riesengross 328. 
 rind 398. 
 ring 278, 349. 
 ringen 496. 
 rings 550. 
 
 rinnen i7(OHG.), 20 
 
 (MHG.), 97, loi, 202 
 (OHG.), 223(0HG.), 
 . 485, 497- 
 rinnsal 309. 
 rippe 174, 257, 346. 
 riss 298. 
 ritt 298. 
 rittertum 31 1. 
 rOcheln loi. 
 roggen 2i5(OHG.), 291, 
 383. 
 
 rob 122, 236(0HG.), 
 
 400, 406. 
 rohr 356. 
 rOhre 123. 
 rohricht 304. 
 rose 346. 
 
 ross 174, 278, 356. 
 rost 174. 
 
 rot. 47(0HG.), 76 
 
 (OHG.), 8i(MHG.), 
 
 122, 2T2(0HG.), 316. 
 
304 
 
 Index 
 
 rOte 299. 
 r5ten 330. 
 rotte 1 1 5. 
 rube 138. 
 ruchlos 137, 139. 
 riicken 99, 2i8(0HG.), 
 278, 291, 361. 
 ruckkehr 26. 
 ruckwarts 550. 
 rude 1 13, 174. 
 ruder 274. 
 ruf 298, 349. 
 rufen 84(MHG.), 136, 
 137. 258, 485, 519. 
 ruferei 301. 
 ruhm 137. 
 ruhmen 531. 
 riihren 138. 
 rund 406. 
 rupfen 100. 
 russ 139. 
 russel 138, 139. 
 russig 139. 
 rutschen 343. 
 riitteln 340. 
 
 saal 106. 
 
 saat 7 o(OHG.), 81 
 
 (MHG.), 117, 299, 
 
 376. 
 
 sache 367. 
 
 sacht 4, 1 1 9, 139, 259, 
 406. 
 
 saen 79(MHG.), 120, 
 
 181, 242, 531. 
 saft 272. 
 sage 108. 
 
 sagen 106, 174, 181, 190, 
 227, 268, 290, 293, 
 528. 
 
 saite 130, 346. 
 
 -sal 24, 172, 309. 
 salben 4(OHG.), 163 
 
 (OHG.), I7o(MHG.}, 
 527. 
 
 salm 386. 
 
 salz 2I7(0HG.), 262. 
 salzen 514. 
 
 -sam 24, 26, 326, 406. 
 same 384. 
 sammeln 114. 
 
 Samstag 264. 
 
 samt 469. 
 samtlich 469, 
 sanft4, 316, 406, 547. 
 Sanger 302. 
 sangerin 305. 
 sarg 289. 
 satt 1 15, 406. 
 sattel 1 14, 350. 
 satteln 330, 340. 
 sattigen 342. 
 sattler 302. 
 
 sau 4 i(0HG.), 126, 234, 
 391* 
 
 sauber 126. 
 sauberkeit 303. 
 saubern 340. 
 sauer 128. 
 sauerling 306. 
 sauern 340. 
 
 saufen 8i(MHG.)j 126, 
 258, 47 i(OHG.), 494- 
 saugen 8i(MHG.)> 494- 
 saugen 132, 
 saugling 306. 
 saule 127, 377. 
 saum 13 1. 
 
 saumen 79(MHG.)> 127, 
 132. 
 
 saumig 127. 
 schaben 51 1. 
 schach 1 19, 139. 
 schacher 120, 139. 
 schacht 259, 349. 
 schade 384. 
 
 schaden i94(0 HG. ), 
 
 287. 528. 
 schadigen 342. 
 schadlich 324. 
 schaf 1 17, 174, 356. 
 schafer 120, 302. 
 schaffeni37,i73(MHG.), 
 512. 
 
 Schaffhausen 315, 393. 
 schafgarbe 371. 
 -schaft3io, 376. 
 schaft 259. 
 schale 174. 
 schalk 286. 
 schallen 500. 
 schalten 514. 
 scham 106, 368. 
 schamen 107, 114, 171 
 
 (MHG.), 202(0HG.), 
 287. 
 
 schande 268. 
 schar 106, i7i(MHG.) 
 scharf 91, 25i(MHG.), 
 316. 
 
 scharfe 299, 372. 
 scharte 104. 
 
 schattenri4,236(OHG.), 
 
 365, 383- 
 
 schattieren 341. 
 schatz i3(0HG.), 217 
 (OHG.), 26i(OHG.), 
 262. 
 
 schatzen 531. 
 schatzen 531. 
 schau 368. 
 
 schauen 131, 192(0HG.), 
 234, 528. 
 schauer 128. 
 schaum 126. 
 schaumen 79(MHG.). 
 scheel 283. 
 scheere 298. 
 scheibe 387. 
 
 scheiden i3(0HG.), 130, 
 287, 516. 
 scheidung 312. 
 scheinen 125, 192 
 
 (OHG.), 490. 
 scheitel 346. 
 schellen 500. 
 schelm 8o(MHG.), 386. 
 schelmisch 323. 
 schelten 269, 483, 485, 
 498. 
 
 schemel 114. 
 schemen 383. 
 schenken 92. 
 scherben 383. 
 schere 120. 
 scheren 108, 485, 503. 
 scherge 174, 240, 383. 
 scherz 94. 
 scheuer 174. 
 schicht 376. 
 schicksal 309. 
 schieben no, 136, 287, 
 485, 493- 
 schieber 302. 
 schiefer 386. 
 schielen 283. 
 
schiessen 122, 136, 139, 
 495- 
 
 schiff 64(0HG.), 217 
 
 (OHG.), 224, 258 
 
 (MHG.), 356. 
 
 schifflein 307. 
 schild 269, 379(0HG.)» 
 schimmel 114. 
 schimmer 114. 
 schimmern 340. 
 schinden 485, 496. 
 schinken 174, 383. 
 schirm 64(OHG.). 
 schlacht 91, 174, 299, 
 368. 
 
 schlaf 298. 
 schlafe 346. 
 
 schlafen i3(OHG.)> 17 
 
 (OHG.\ 7 o(OHG.), 
 81 (MHG.), 1 1 7, 136, 
 193 (OHG.), 217 
 
 (OHG.), 223(0HG.), 
 258, 294, 484(0 HG.), 
 
 485, 515- 
 
 schlaff 406. 
 schlafzimmer 313. 
 schlag 298, 374. 
 schlagen 6o(OHG.\ 79 
 (MHG.), 87(MHG.), 
 107, 221(0HG.), 481, 
 
 485, sir- 
 
 schlange 346. 
 schlank 406. 
 schlauheit 303. 
 schlechterdings 550. 
 schleichen 492. 
 schleife 134. 
 schleifen 125, 482, 492. 
 schleissen 492. 
 schleunig 127. 
 schlich 298. 
 
 schliessen 122, 136, 139, 
 495- 
 
 schlimm 256. 
 schlingel 102. 
 schlingen 294, 496. 
 schlitten 114,383. 
 schlittern 340. 
 schloss 357. 
 schlot 1 18. 
 schlucht 259. 
 schluchzen 343. 
 
 Index 
 
 schlucken 100. 
 schlummer 114. 
 schlummern 340. 
 schlupfern 340. 
 schlussel 99. 
 schmach 174, 284. 
 schmahen 284, 
 schmal 106, 406. 
 schmarotzen 24. 
 schmatzen 343. 
 schmeichelei 301. 
 schmeissen 125, 492. 
 schmelzen 94, 294, 482, 
 485, 500. 
 schmer 365. 
 
 schmerz 174, 262, 294, 
 
 385. 
 
 schmerzen 262, 501. 
 schmettern 114. 
 schmiegen 493. 
 schmiss 298. 
 
 Schnabel 350. 
 schnabeln 340. 
 schnalzen 343. 
 schnauben 494. 
 schnecke 294, 346. 
 schnee 75(OHG.), 121, 
 i?7» 236, 365. 
 schneiden 8i(M.HG.), 
 82(MHG.), 114, 221 
 (OHG.), 274, 294, 
 
 485, 492. 
 
 Schneider 302. 
 schneidern 340. 
 schnell 294, 547. 
 schnelle 299. 
 schnepfe 346. 
 schneuzen 127. 
 schnitt 1 15, 298. 
 schnitte 115. 
 schnOde 174. 
 schnupfen 383. 
 schoffe 92. 
 scholle 346. 
 schon 547. 
 
 schCn i8(MHG.), 
 
 79 
 
 (MHG.), 
 
 123, 
 
 170 
 
 (MHG.), 
 
 174, 
 
 243 
 
 (OHG.), 
 
 287, 
 
 400, 
 
 406, 547. 
 
 
 
 schOnheit 303, 376. 
 
 
 schOpfen 80. 
 
 - 92, 
 
 200 
 
 305 
 
 (OHG.), 2I7(0HG.), 
 251, 287. 
 
 schOpfer 80, 92, 172 
 
 (MHG.). 
 schoss 346. 
 schote 1 15. 
 schrag 174. 
 schragen 383. 
 schrauben 494. 
 schrecken 504. 
 schreiben 8i(MHG.), 
 82(MHG.), 109, 125, 
 173, 181, 287, 484, 
 
 485, 490. 
 
 schreiber 172; MHG.). 
 schreiberei 301. 
 schreibfeder 313. 
 schreibtisch 26. 
 schreien 125, 491. 
 schreiten 114, 125, 
 
 492. 
 
 schrift 299, 376. 
 schriftlich 324. 
 schritt 1 15, 374(MHG.), 
 schroff 406. 
 schr5pfen 92. 
 schrot 346. 
 schroten 517. 
 schub 298. 
 schuh 137, 284, 349. 
 schuld 275, 368, 376. 
 schuldig 79(MHG.), ioo, 
 292, 322. 
 schuldner 302. 
 schiiler 302. 
 schiilerhaft 320. 
 schulter 269. 
 
 Schulze 174, 382. 
 schupfen 100. 
 schiirke 174, 382. 
 schuss 298. 
 schiitteln 114. 
 schlitten 114. 
 schwach 316. 
 schwache 299. 
 schwachen 330. 
 schwachheit 303. 
 schwagerin 305. 
 schwaher 108. 
 
 Schwalbe 235. 
 schwan 106, 386. 
 schwanenlied 314. 
 
 X 
 
306 
 
 Index 
 
 schwanensang 386. 
 schwang 298. 
 schware 108. 
 schwaren 485, 503. 
 schwarte 104. 
 schwarz 13 OHG.), 231, 
 262, 294. 
 schweben 528. 
 schweifen 130, 198 
 
 (OHG.), 516. 
 
 schweigen 125, 290, 294, 
 482, 490. 
 
 schwein 39^0HG.), 72 
 (OHG.), 8i(MHG.), 
 125. 
 
 schweinefleisch 248. 
 Schweizer 302. 
 schweigen 501. 
 schwellen 2o8(0HG.), 
 482, 485, 500. 
 schwer 120, 174, 316, 
 547- 
 
 schwere 299. 
 schwerlich 324, 548. 
 schwert 104, 269, 357. 
 schwester 8o(MHG.), 
 2 o9(OHG.)> 23I) 294, 
 299, 394 (OHG.), 396. 
 schwimmen 95, 97, 205 
 (OHG.), 223, 224, 246, 
 485, 497- 
 
 schwinden 485, 496. 
 schwingen 2i8(OHG.), 
 496. 
 
 schwOren 92, 112, 137, 
 I7I(MHG.), 230 
 (OHG.), 485, 512. 
 schwund 298. 
 sechs 282, 413. 
 sechste 268, 282(0HG.), 
 4 o 8(OHG.), 422. 
 sechzehn 296, 413. 
 sechzehnte 422. 
 sechzig 296, 413. 
 sechzigste 422. 
 see 8i(MHG.), 121, 236, 
 298, 365. 
 
 seele i2(OHG.), 75 
 
 (OHG.), 8i(MHG.), 
 121, 236(0HG.), 367. 
 seemann 313. 
 segel 175, 346,356. 
 
 segen 108, 293, 299. 
 segensreich 328. 
 segnen 528. 
 
 sehen i3(0HG.), 108, 
 109, 117, 120, 171 
 
 (MHG.), 2o5(OHG.), 
 226(MHG.), 276 
 
 (OHG.), 279, 280, 
 
 284, 293, 481, 485, 
 
 507- 
 
 sehenswiirdig 328. 
 sehne 108. 
 sehr 121, 280. 
 seide 125. 
 seiden 319. 
 seife 130. 
 
 seihen 22i(0HG.), 491. 
 sell 130, 356. 
 sein V, 39(0 HG.), 225 
 (OHG.), 542. 
 seiner 437, 438. 
 seinethalben 248, 272. 
 seinetwegen 248, 272. 
 seinige 447. 
 seite 125. 
 seitwarts 550. 
 sekt 272. 
 
 -sel 172, 309. 
 selbander 428. 
 selbdritt 428. 
 selber 462. 
 selbst 462. 
 selbstlos 325. 
 selbviert 428. 
 selig 120, I72(MHG.), 
 183, 292, 405(0HG.), 
 4 o 8(OHG.). 
 seligkeit 303. 
 seltsam 269, 326. 
 semmel 114. 
 senden 92, 247, 268, 271, 
 531* 
 
 sendung 312. 
 
 senken i9(MHG.), 92, 
 
 531. 
 
 senne 174. 
 sessel 299. 
 
 setzen i3(OHG.), 92, 
 2I7(0HG.), 220 
 
 (MHG.), 261, 262, 
 
 531. 
 
 seufzen 127, 343. 
 
 sich 434(0HG.), 443, 
 
 444- 
 
 sicherheit 303. 
 sicherlich 172 MHG.), 
 548. 
 
 sichtbar 318. 
 sichten 259. 
 siQfem. 437. 
 sie/>/. 437. 
 sieb 109. 
 
 sieben 62(OHG.), 109, 
 i63(OHG.), 166 
 
 (OHG.), 2i 8(OHG.), 
 247, 248, 253,413,421. 
 siebente 268, 422. 
 siebzehn 248, 413. 
 siebzehnte 422. 
 siebzig 413. 
 siebzigste 422. 
 sieden 114, 136, 484, 
 495- 
 
 sieg 109, 379. 
 siibern 319. 
 simmer 102. 
 sims 264. 
 
 singen 95, 97, 173, 208 
 (OHG.), 2 i 8(OHG.), 
 250, 293, 485. 
 sinken 2o8(OHG.), 250, 
 286, 485, 496. 
 sinn 349. 
 
 sinnen 97, loi, 224, 485, 
 497- 
 
 sippe 257. 
 
 sitte 115, i62(0HG.), 
 298, 346, 379. 
 sitz 298. 
 
 sitzen 55(0HG.), 70 
 
 (MHG.), 95, 117,217 
 (OHG.), 26i(OHG.), 
 262, 510. 
 sitzung 312. 
 sklave 174, 382. 
 sofort 27. 
 sohle 174. 
 
 sohn i3(0HG.), 68 
 
 (OHG.), 79(MHG.), 
 
 8o(MHG.), 97, loi, 
 no, 112, i6i(OHG.), 
 i62(OHG.), 168 
 
 (OHG.), 2ii(OHG.), 
 280, 293, 298, 379. 
 
s5hnchen 300. 
 sOhnlein 307. 
 solch 288, 463. 
 sGldner 302. 
 sollen 287, 534, 538. 
 seller 1 14. 
 
 sommer 97, 114, 224. 
 sender 97, 268. 
 sonderbar 318. 
 sonderling 306. 
 sonne 8o'^MHG.), 97, 
 
 346, 387. 
 
 sonnenschein 387. 
 sonnenschirm 314. 
 sonnig 322. 
 sonntagskleid 314. 
 sonst 97, 249, 272. 
 sorgen 528. 
 sorgsam 326. 
 spahen 108, i92(OHG.), 
 528. 
 
 spahn 120. 
 spalten 269, 514. 
 span 1 17. 
 spannen 514. 
 sparen 528. 
 sparsam 326. 
 sparsamkeit 303. 
 spat 120, 174, 400, 406, 
 547* 
 
 spaten 114. 
 spatz 382. 
 spazieren 341. 
 speer 121, 346. 
 speien 75(OHG.), 192 
 
 (OHG.), 236(0HG.), 
 491. 
 
 sperber 235. 
 spiegel 71 (OHG.). 
 spiel 109, 174, 356. 
 spielen 294, 528. 
 spielerei 301. 
 spindel 272. 
 spinne 298. 
 
 spinnen 97, loi, 224, 
 251. 485, 497- 
 spinner 302. 
 spitze 251, 262. 
 spleissen 492. 
 sporn 383. 
 spott 1 15. 
 spOtteIn 340. 
 
 Index 
 
 sprache 117, 185, 298, 
 
 367- 
 
 sprechen i3(OHG.), 94, 
 96, 105, 117, 120, 171 
 (MHG.), 185, 186 
 
 (OHG.), 2I7(0HG.), 
 223(0HG.), 251, 288, 
 
 294, 4857 504- 
 
 spreizen 127. 
 spreu 232(0HG.), 346. 
 spriessen 495. 
 springen 294, 496. 
 spritzen 102. 
 spressling 306. 
 spruch 185, 298. 
 sprung 97, 298. 
 spucken, 100. 
 spule 346. 
 spiilen 138. 
 spiilicht 304. 
 spur III, 346. 
 staat 355. 
 staatsklug 328. 
 stab 89, 106. 
 stachel 355. 
 stacheln 340. 
 stadt 36(0HG.), 92, 
 
 115, i62(OHG.), 271, 
 
 375, 377- 
 stadtisch 323. 
 
 Stahl 279, 280. 
 stahlern 319. 
 stallung 312. 
 stammeln 340. 
 stammler 302. 
 stand 298. 
 standhaftig 320. 
 stark 91, 286, 316. 
 
 Starke 90, 108, 299, 372. 
 Starr 406. 
 statig 120. 
 statte 115, 377. 
 staub 131. 
 stauben 132. 
 staublein 132. 
 stechen i7i(MHG.), 
 288, 294, 504. 
 stecken 383, 506. 
 steg 89, 108. 
 stehen 87(MHG.), 139, 
 I73(MHG.), 181, 268, 
 280, 485, 511, 544. 
 
 307 
 
 stehlen 6i(OHG.), 80 
 (MHG.), 108, 171 
 
 (MHG.), 280, 294,483, 
 
 484, 485, 503- 
 
 steig 298. 
 
 steigen 43(OHG.), 75 
 (OHG.), 109, 125, 186 
 (OHG.), I92(0 HG.), 
 2i8(OHG.), 47®, 4®® 
 (OHG.), 484(0HG.), 
 4®5, 488, 490. 
 stein I2(0HG.), 75 
 
 (OHG.), 247, 260, 
 
 294, 349* 
 steinalt 328. 
 steinern 319. 
 steinicht 321. 
 steinreich 26. 
 steiss 127. 
 stellen 239, 244. 
 sterben 79(MHG.), 9^, 
 96, 99, 294/ 485, 
 
 498. 
 
 sterbezimmer 313. 
 sterblich 324. 
 sterblichkeit 303. 
 sterke 90. 
 stern 174, 386. 
 stets 120, 550. 
 steuer 368. 
 stich 298. 
 stieben 493. 
 stiefel 355. 
 still 174, 547. 
 stillschweigends 550. 
 stimme 367. 
 stinken 496. 
 stirn 368. 
 stock 286. 
 stockblind 26. 
 stolz 406. 
 stolzieren 341. 
 ster loi, 386. 
 storch 288. 
 stoss 298. 
 
 stossen 84(MHG.), 136, 
 
 485, 517. 
 
 stottern 340. 
 stracks 550. 
 strafbar 318. 
 straff 406. 
 strahle 346. 
 
 X 2 
 
3 o8 
 
 Index 
 
 strahne io8. 
 strasse 117, 367. 
 strassenbahnwagen 29. 
 strauben 127. 
 straucher 127. 
 streben 108. 
 strebsam 326, 
 streicheln 340. 
 streichen 492. 
 streit 125, 298. 
 streitbar 318. 
 streiten 484, 485, 492. 
 streitig 322. 
 streng 92, 174. 
 streu 132. 
 
 streuen 79(MHG.), 132, 
 232(MHG.), 234. 
 stroh 236(0HG.). 
 
 Strom 2o 8(OHG.). 
 stube III. 
 
 stuck 79(MHG.), 363. 
 stticklein 174. 
 studieren 341. 
 stufenweise 550. 
 stuhl 137, 350. 
 stumm 97, 256, 406. 
 stummel 256. 
 stumpf 406. 
 stunde 268, 367. 
 stiirzen 262. 
 stute 377. 
 stutzen TOO. 
 
 suchen 4(OHG.), 73 
 
 (OHG.), 137, 164 
 
 (OHG.), i7o(MHG.), 
 288. 
 
 siidwest 26. 
 siihne 138. 
 siinde 370. 
 siindflut 95. 
 siindig 322. 
 
 suss 79(0HG.), 138, 
 
 174, 182, 23o(OHG.), 
 263, 400, 405(0HG.), 
 406, 4o 8(OHG.), 547. 
 siissigkeit 303. 
 
 tadelhaft 320. 
 tadellos 325. 
 tadeln 330, 340. 
 tag i3(OHG.), 
 
 (MHG.), 59(0HG.), 
 
 8o(MHG.), 89, 106, 
 
 i6i(OHG.), 162 
 (OHG.), i68(OHG.), 
 I7o(MHG.), 195 
 
 (OHG.), 2ii(OHG.). 
 2i8(OHG.), 226 
 
 (MHG.), 227,228, 266, 
 292, 298, 344(0HG.), 
 
 348. 
 
 tageszeit 174. 
 
 taglich 60, 79(MHG.), 
 
 324. 
 
 tags 550. 
 tal 357, 398. 
 tannicht 304. 
 tanzeln 340. 
 
 tapfer 327. 
 tapferkeit 303. 
 
 tat 38(0HG.), 
 
 70 
 
 (OHG.), 
 
 II7, 
 
 195 
 
 (OHG.), 
 
 266, 
 
 299, 
 
 376. 
 
 
 
 taub 131. 
 taube 126, 387. 
 tauben 330. 
 taubstumm 26. 
 tauen 274. 
 taufe 133, 372. 
 taufen 79(MHG.), 133, 
 258. 
 
 tauf ling 132, 306. 
 taugen 536. 
 tauschen 127. 
 tausend 74(OHG.), 81 
 (MHG.), 126, 274, 
 
 413, 415(0HG.). 
 tausendste 422. 
 teil 82(MHG.), 130, 228. 
 teilen 130, 266. 
 teilhaftig 320. 
 teilnehmend 328. 
 teuer 85(MHG.), 174, 
 400. 
 
 teufel 127, i7i(MHG.), 
 258, 264. 
 thron 349. 
 
 tief 77(0HG.), 84 
 
 (MHG.), 136, 193 
 
 (OHG.), 258, 316. 
 tiefe 299, 372. 
 tier 136, 174, 356. 
 
 tinte 266. 
 tintenfass 314. 
 tisch 178. 
 tischler 302. 
 
 tochter 57(OHG.\ 67 
 (OHG.), 79(MHG.), 
 8o(MHG.), 96, 98, 
 
 2i8(OHG.), 260, 266, 
 281, 299, 394(0HG.), 
 
 396. 
 
 tod i9(MHG.), 76 
 
 (OHG.), 8i(MHG.), 
 
 122, i62(OHG.), 221 
 (OHG.), 226(MHG.), 
 275(MHG.), 379 
 
 (OHG.). 
 todkrank 328. 
 toll no, 406. 
 tOlpel 274. 
 ton 1 18, 274, 279. 
 tOnern 319. 
 tonne 97. 
 tor i^fool) 382. 
 tor {gate\ 57, no, 
 174. 
 
 tftricht 183, 321. 
 tosen 274. 
 
 tot 122, 2 i8(OHG.), 
 
 22i(OHG.), 270. 
 tOten 330. 
 traben 274. 
 tracht 91, 299, 368. 
 tragbar 318. 
 trage 120, 174. 
 tragen 87(MHG.), 90, 
 106, 137, 266, 290, 
 
 485, 511- 
 
 trane 90, 107, 279, 
 
 346. 
 
 trank 185, 298, 346. 
 traube 126, 346. 
 trauen 126, 234, 528. 
 trauer 128, 368. 
 traufeln 132. 
 traum 86(MHG.), 131, 
 350. 
 
 traumen 79(MHG.), 132, 
 268. 
 
 traumerisch 132, 323. 
 traut 126. 
 
 treffen 94, 96, 105, 117, 
 224(MHG.), 258, 504. 
 
 19 
 
trefflich 324. 
 treiben 109, 125^ 243, 
 253, 490‘ 
 
 Ireten 114, 120, 181, 260, 
 
 483, 485- 
 
 treu 127, 232(0HG.). 
 treue 234, 371. 
 treulosigkeit 303. 
 trieb 298. 
 triefen 136, 493. 
 trift 299. 
 trinkbar 318. 
 trinkbarkeit 303. 
 trinken I9(MHG.), 95, 
 185, 2I7(,0HG.), 250, 
 266, 286, 485, 496. 
 tritt 1 15. 
 trocken 327. 
 trockenheit 363. 
 trocknen 175. 
 trommel 97, 256. 
 trommein 340. 
 tropf 386. 
 
 tropfen 174, 2i5(OHG.), 
 
 251, 383. 
 
 trost T22. 
 triibe 138, 174. 
 triiben 330. 
 
 trubsal i72(MHG.), 309. 
 trubselig 322. 
 truchsess 120, 139. 
 trug 298. 
 
 trugen no, 136, 493. 
 truhe III, 
 trummer 114, 274. 
 trunk 97, 185, 298. 
 tuch 137, 
 tugend III, 376. 
 
 -turn 31 1, 351. 
 tummeln 114. 
 tun 137, 181, 543. 
 tunlich 324. 
 
 tar 35(0HG.), 57, 
 
 1 79 
 
 (MHG.), 113, 
 
 375, 
 
 377- 
 
 
 tibel i63(OHG.), 
 
 218 
 
 (OHG.), 253, 
 
 410 
 
 (MHG.), 547. 
 
 
 dber 55 (OHG.). 
 
 
 uberall 27, 551. 
 
 
 Index 
 
 iiberbleibsel 309. 
 (iberlang 328. 
 iibernachten 330. 
 iibernachtig 328. 
 ubersetzung 26. 
 iiberzieher 302, 313. 
 ublich 324. 
 ubrigens 550. 
 uhr 356. 
 um 100, 256. 
 umfang 313. 
 umhalsen 514. 
 un- 26, 299. 
 unart 299. 
 unartig 322. 
 unaufhaltsam 26. 
 unaufhOrlich 26. 
 unbegreiflich 26. 
 unberechenbar 26. 
 unbilde 346. 
 unbrauchbar 29. 
 und 97, I7 i(M HG.). 
 undenkbar 26. 
 unecht 26. 
 unehre 299. 
 unendlich 26. 
 unentgeltlich 26. 
 unertraglich 26. 
 unfall 299. 
 
 unfreundlich 26, 317. 
 unfruchtbar 26. 
 unfug 299. 
 
 -ung24, 172,312,346. 
 ungehorsam 26. 
 ungluck 299. 
 ungnadig 26. 
 unhaltbar 26. 
 unhoflich 317. 
 unklar 26. 
 unkosten 299. 
 unlieb 26. 
 unmasse 299. 
 unmdglich 26. 
 unrecht 26, 299. 
 unruhe 299. 
 uns 247, 432, 434. 
 unsaglich 26. 
 unschCn 317. 
 unschuld 299. 
 unser i7o(MHG.), 432, 
 434, 445(0HG.'). 
 unserthalben 272. 
 
 309 
 
 unsertwegen 272. 
 unsrer 432. 
 unstreitig 26. 
 untadelig 289. 
 untat 299. 
 unten 268. 
 unter 97, 268. 
 untere 412. 
 untergang 313. 
 unterhaltsam 26. 
 unterhaltung 26. 
 unterrock 313. 
 untertan 355, 382. 
 Unterwalden 315, 351. 
 unterwegs 550. 
 unverschamterweise, 
 
 550. 
 
 unversehens 550. 
 unvorsichtig 29. 
 unzahl 299. 
 unzahlig 26, 289, 322. 
 unzweifelhaft 26. 
 
 Cippig 257. 
 uppigkeit 303. 
 ur- 299. 
 urahn 299. 
 uralt i39j 3^7* 
 urbild 299. 
 urdeutsch 317. 
 urfreude 299. 
 urgrossvater 29. 
 urkraft 299. 
 urlaub 26, 299. 
 ursache 299. 
 urschrift 299. 
 ursprung 299. 
 urspriinglich 29. 
 urteil 25, 139, 299. 
 urteilen 25, 330. 
 urvater 299. 
 urzeit 299. 
 
 vater i3(OHG.), 21, 36 
 (OHG.), 55(0HG.), 
 
 59(0HG.),79;MHG.), 
 8o;MHG.), 1 14, 161 
 (OHG.), i 63 (OHG.), 
 175, i99(OHG.), 345, 
 358, 367, 399, 394 
 
 (OHG.), 395- 
 
Index 
 
 310 
 
 vaterlich 79(MHG.), 
 
 324. 
 
 vaterlos 325. 
 veilchen 356. 
 ver- 337. 
 
 verabschieden 337 
 verahnlichen 337. 
 verallgemeinern 337. 
 veralten 337. 
 verankern 337. 
 veranschaulichen 337, 
 veranstalten 337. 
 verarbeiten 337. 
 verarmen 337. 
 verausgaben 337. 
 verband 299. 
 verbannen 514. 
 verbauen 337. 
 verbergen 337. 
 verbessern 337. 
 verbinden 337. 
 verbittern 337. 
 verbleib 299. 
 verbleiben 337. 
 verbluhen 337. 
 verbluten 337. 
 verbot 299. 
 verbramen 108. 
 verbrauchen 337. 
 verbreiten 337. 
 verbreitern 337. 
 verbrennen 337. 
 verdachtigen 337. 
 verdauen 232(MHG.), 
 337- 
 
 verderben 337, 482, 485, 
 498. 
 
 verderblich 317, 324. 
 verderbnis 308. 
 verdeutlichen 337. 
 verdienen 337. 
 verdoppelt 272. 
 verdriessen 122, 136, 
 
 139, 495‘ 
 verdruss 299. 
 veredeln 337, 340. 
 vereidigen 342. 
 vereinigen 337. 
 vereiteln 337. 
 verewigen 337. 
 verfeinden 337. 
 verfeinern 337* 
 
 verfertigen 337. 
 verfinstern 337. 
 verfolgen 337. 
 verfolgung 312. 
 vergebens 550. 
 vergeblich 317, 324. 
 vergegenwartigen 337. 
 vergehen 337. 
 vergessen 105, 337, 509. 
 vergewissern 340. 
 vergolden 337. 
 vergOttern 337. 
 vergraben 337. 
 vergrSssern 337, 340. 
 verhageln 337. 
 verhaltnis 308, 
 verhMtnismassig 328. 
 verhartet 182. 
 verhehlen 337, 506. 
 verheilen 337. 
 verheimlichen 337. 
 verhelfen 337. 
 verherrlichen 337. 
 verhohlen 506. 
 verhungern 337. 
 verjagen 337. 
 verjungern 337. 
 verkauf 299. 
 verklagen 337. 
 verkleben 337. 
 verkleiden 337. 
 verkleinern 337. 
 verkiindigen 337. 
 verlachen 337. 
 verlassen 337. 
 verlaufen 337. 
 verlaugnen 290. 
 verlegenheit 303. 
 verleihen 337. 
 verleiten 337. 
 verlieren 122, 136, 481, 
 495- 
 
 verlust 26, 299, 346. 
 vermachtnis 308. 
 vermeiden 337, 
 vermitteln 340. 
 vermOgen 299. 
 vernaclilassigen 337. 
 vernageln 337. 
 vernehmbar 318. 
 vernehmen 337. 
 vernunft 185, 246. 
 
 vernunftig 246, 317, 
 
 322. 
 
 verOden 337. 
 verOffentlichen 337. 
 verreden 337. 
 versammlung 312. 
 versand 299. 
 versaumnis 308. 
 verschamt 317. 
 verschieben 337. 
 verschiessen 337. 
 verschimpfieren 341. 
 verschlafen 337. 
 verschleiern 337. 
 verschlingen 337. 
 verschollen 500. 
 verschOnern 337, 340. 
 verschroben 494. 
 verschweigen 337. 
 verschwenderisch 323. 
 verschwiegenheit 303. 
 versehen 337. 
 versenken 337. 
 versiegeln 337. 
 versilbern 337. 
 versinken 337. 
 versitzen 337. 
 versorgen 337. 
 verspielen 337. 
 versprechen 337. 
 verstand 26. 
 verstandigen 337. 
 verstandigung 312. 
 verstandlich 324. 
 verstandnis 60, 308. 
 verstecken 337. 
 verstehen 337, 488. 
 versteinern 337. 
 versuchen 337. 
 versuchung 312. 
 verteidigen 250, 290. 
 vertrag 399. 
 vertraglich 324. 
 vertreten 337. 
 verunreinigen 337. 
 verursachen 337. 
 verwachsen 337. 
 verwandt 271. 
 verwandtschaft 271, 310 
 verwegen 508. 
 verweis 299. 
 verweisen 264, 490. 
 
Index 
 
 311 
 
 verwelken 337. 
 verwenden 337. 
 verwerten 337. 
 verwirken 337. 
 verwirklichen 337. 
 verwirren 501. 
 verworren 501. 
 verzahnen 337. 
 verzaubern 337. 
 verzehren 337. 
 verzeichnis 308. 
 verzeihen 481, 491. 
 verzinsen 337. 
 vetter 92, 114, 224, 385. 
 vieh 62(0HG.), 109, 
 
 i62(OHG.), 279, 280, 
 380. 
 
 viel 62(0HG.), 
 
 109, 
 
 i68(OHG.), 
 
 171 
 
 (MHG.), 258, 
 
 410, 
 
 469, 550. 
 
 
 vielerlei 426. 
 
 
 vielfach 328, 424. 
 vielleicht 139. 
 vier i98(OHG.), 41 . 
 viererlei 426. 
 vierfach 424. 
 vierfaltig 424. 
 vierfussig 328. 
 vierte 274, 422. 
 viert(e)halb 427. 
 viertel 136, 139. 
 viertelstunde 26. 
 viertens 430. 
 vierzehn 139, 328, 413. 
 vierzehnte 422. 
 vierzig 139, 413. 
 vierzigste 422. 
 vogel no, i65(OHG.), 
 i7i(MHG.), 172 
 (MHG.), S44, 258, 
 
 290, 299. 
 vOgdchen 300. 
 vOglein i72(MHG.), 307, 
 356. 
 
 vogler 302. 
 
 voik I3(0HG.), 217 
 
 (0HG.),358, 298, 357. 
 volksmassig 328. 
 volksparteiler 302. 
 volksrecht 314. 
 volkstum 31 1. 
 
 voll- 338. 
 
 veil 5 i(OHG.), 57, 96, 
 202(0HG.), 224, 258, 
 316, 406. 
 vollbliitig 328. 
 vollbringen 33 . 
 vollenden 338. 
 vollends 550. 
 vollendung 26. 
 vollfiihren 338. 
 vOllig 289, 322. 
 vollmacht 26, 375. 
 vollstandig 26. 
 vollstrecken 338. 
 vollziehen 338. 
 von 96, 258. 
 vonseiten 551. 
 vor 57, 103, 258. 
 voralters 550. 
 voran 103, 139. 
 voraus 139. 
 vorder 274. 
 vorderarm 313. 
 vordere 412. 
 vorhanden 381, 551. 
 vormals 27, 550. 
 vormund 275, 351. 
 vorschriftsmtoig 328. 
 vorsteher 302. 
 vorstellung 312. 
 vorteil 139, 313. 
 vorteilhaft 320. 
 vortrefflich 26. 
 vorurteil 29. 
 vorwurf 313. 
 vorwurfsvoll 328. 
 vorziiglich 26. 
 
 waare 174. 
 
 wachen 2T7(0HG.), 
 288. 
 
 wacholder 24. 
 wachs 282. 
 
 wachsen 6o(OHG.), 79 
 (MHG.\ 93, 137, 139, 
 229(0HG.), 282, 295, 
 5II- 
 
 wacht 174. 
 wachter 362. 
 wade 346. 
 
 waffe 1 19, 139, 346, 
 
 I 359 - 
 
 waffen 2i7(OHG.). 
 wagelchen 300. 
 wagen 106, 299, 350. 
 wagen 108, 485, 508. 
 wagner 302. 
 wagnis 308. 
 wahl 298. 
 
 wahleii 90, 107, 280. 
 wahn 1 1 7. 
 wahnen 120. 
 wahr 117, 280, 316, 
 
 406. 
 
 wahren 108. 
 wahrhaftig 26, 320. 
 wahrhaftigkeit 26. 
 wahrheit 303. 
 wahrlich 324, 548. 
 wahrscheinlich 26. 
 wahrscheinlichkeit 26. 
 waid 270. 
 waide 130. 
 waise 130, 346. 
 wald 274, 275, 351, 379 
 
 (OHG.). 
 
 Walken 514. 
 wallen 514. 
 walten 244, 269, 514. 
 walzen 514. 
 wamme 256. 
 wandeln i7i(MHG.). 
 wandern 175. 
 wanderung 312. 
 wange 346, 388. 
 wann 4, i7i(MHG.). 
 wappen 119, 139. 
 war 481, 507. 
 warm 91, 316. 
 warmen 6o(OHG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), 93. 
 
 warnung 312. 
 warten 91, 528. 
 was 91, i6i(OHG.)> 
 2I7(0HG.), 220 
 
 (MHG.), 224, 263, 
 
 278, 466. 
 
 wascheii 137, 287, 485, 
 
 511. 
 
 wasser 2i7^0HG.), 263, 
 299. 
 
 wassertrager 313. 
 waten 114, 267, 511. 
 weben 108, 118, 200 
 
312 
 
 Index 
 
 (OHG.), 483, 485, 
 
 508. 
 
 Weber, 302, 360 
 wechsel 172'MHG.), 
 282. 
 
 wechseln 340. 
 week 291. 
 
 wecken2i7(OHG.\ 286. 
 weeker 302. 
 weder 278. 
 
 weg 6r(OHG.\ 80 
 (MHG ), 89, 94, 108, 
 229(0HG.), 298, 349, 
 550 - 
 
 weh 75 OHG.), 121. 
 wehen 120, 18 1. 
 wehmut 313. 
 wehren 107. 
 weib 8i(MHG.), 125, 
 
 2i 8'0HG.), 298, 357. 
 weiblich 324. 
 weich 130. 
 
 weichen 125, 288, 482, 
 492. 
 
 weigand i72(MHG.). 
 weihnachten 279, 315, 
 392. 
 
 weiland 184, 272. 550. 
 weile 278, 
 wein 125. 
 weinen 130. 
 weise 174. 
 weisen 490. 
 weisheit 303. 
 weiss 130, 202(0HG.\ 
 224, 263. 
 weissager 185. 
 weisslich 324, 
 weit 125. 
 weite 299, 372. 
 weitlaufig 322. 
 weizen 262, 361. 
 welch 8o(MHG.), 288, 
 468, 469. 
 welsch 93, 283. 
 welt 65'^OHG.), 376. 
 weltlich 324. 
 wenden 223(0HG.), 
 268, 271, 531. 
 wenig 121, 410, 469, 
 
 550. 
 
 wenigstens 549, 550. 
 
 wenn 4. 
 
 wer 103, 108, 171 
 
 (MHG.), I92(0HG.), 
 278, 466, 467, 469. 
 werben 99, 485, 498. 
 werden i3(OHG.b 94? 
 96, 104, T7 i(MHG.), 
 181, I92(0HG.), 221 
 (OHG.), 226(MHG.), 
 227, 245, 274, 481, 
 
 483, 485, 498. 
 werfen 79(MHG.), 99, 
 i98(OHG.), 217 
 
 (OHG.), '251, 485, 
 
 498. 
 
 werg 289. 
 
 werk 174, 2I7(0HG ), 
 286, 356. 
 wert 104, 275. 
 wesen 356. 
 weseiitlich 272. 
 weshalb 467. 
 wessen 466, 467. 
 weswegen 467. 
 wette 346. 
 wetteifern 330. 
 wetter 55, 114. 
 wichtig 322. 
 widder 114, 379. 
 wider 114, i7i(MHG.). 
 wiebel 109. 
 wieder 114. 
 wiederkauen 126, 493. 
 wiege 174. 
 
 wiegen 482, 483, 485, 
 
 508. 
 
 wiese 109. 
 wiesel 109. 
 wild 95, 174, 275. 
 wildfremd 26. 
 wildnis 308. 
 wille 384. 
 willfabren 488. 
 willkur 100. 
 wimper 247. 
 wind 55(0HG.), 95, 
 
 268. 
 
 winden 268, 485, 496. 
 winter 260, 299. 
 wir 103, i6r, 432, 434. 
 wirken 286. 
 wirksam 326. 
 
 wirkung 312. 
 wirrsal 309. 
 wirt 95. 
 
 wirtin i72(MHG.), 305, 
 370- 
 
 wirtschaft 310. 
 wirtschaften 330. 
 wirtshaus 174. 
 wissen 6(OHG.), 12 
 
 (OHG.), 33(0HG.), 
 
 44(0HG.),56(0HG.), 
 64(0HG.),66(0HG.), 
 8o(MHG.), 95, 162 
 
 (OHG.), 185, 193 
 
 (OHG.), 20o(OHG.), 
 223(0HG.), 263, 534, 
 535- 
 
 wissenschaft 310. 
 wissenschaftlich 324. 
 wissentlich 272. 
 witern 114. 
 wittib 115, 237. 
 witwe 66(OHG.), 80 
 
 (MHG.), 231, 387. 
 witz 185, 262, 346. 
 wo 1 18, 245. 
 woche 56(0HG.), 65 
 (OHG.), 96, 288, 
 
 387- 
 
 wochenlang 328. 
 wOchentlich 272. 
 woge 1 18, 346. 
 wogen 1 18. 
 
 wohl 65(0 HG.), 80 
 
 (MHG.), no, 171 
 
 (MHG.), 280. 
 wohlan 139. 
 wohltat 313. 
 wohneniio,i7i(MHG.), 
 528. 
 
 wohnhaft 320. 
 wOlben 92. 
 
 wolf 5 i(OHG.), 96, 161 
 (OHG.), i62(OHG.), 
 I98(0HG.), 221 
 
 (OHG.), 258, 298, 
 
 350- 
 
 wOlfin 305. 
 wolke 96, 346, 359. 
 wolle 68(OHG.), 96, 
 
 202(OHG.), 223, 319. 
 wollen adj, 2:)4, 319. 
 
Index 
 
 313 
 
 wollen V. 545. 
 womit 467. 
 
 vvonne 79(MHG.), 97. 
 worin 245. 
 
 wort i62(OHG.), 218 
 (OHG.), 269, 344 
 
 (OHG.), 356, 358. 
 wOrtlich 324. 
 wovon 467. 
 wozu 467. 
 wucher 137. 
 wuchs 298. 
 wuhlen 138. 
 wund 406. 
 wunde 97. 
 
 wunder 49(OHG.% 165 
 
 (OHG.), i66(OHG.), 
 
 I72(MHG.), 268. 
 Wunderlich 324. 
 wunderlichkeit 303. 
 wundern i66(OHG.), 
 i 7 i(MHG.), 174 
 (MHG.). 
 
 wundersam 326. 
 wunsch 97. 
 wunschen 287, 531. 
 wiirde 95, 274. 
 wurdig 95. 
 wurf 298. 
 
 wurken i67(OHG.), 200 
 (OHG.). 
 
 wurm 68(OHG.), 80 
 
 (MHG.), 351, 373- 
 wurst 294. 
 wurzel 262. 
 wurzelhaft 320. 
 wurzeln 340. 
 wiistenei 301. 
 wut 137. 
 
 zaghaftigkeit 303. 
 zah 174. 
 
 zahl 106, I7i(MHG.), 
 280, 367, 368(MHG.). 
 zahlen 239 (MHG.). 
 zahm 106, 316, 406. 
 zahmen 107, 330. 
 zahn i3(OHG.), 106, 
 280, 389. 
 zahnlos 325. 
 zahnschmerz 313. 
 
 zahre 79(MHG.), 90, 
 
 107, 279, 346. 
 zapfen 383. 
 zart 104, 406. 
 zartlich 324. 
 zauber 346. 
 zaubern 133. 
 zaum 131. 
 zaumen 132. 
 zehe 121. 
 
 zehn 108, i92(OHG.), 
 I93(0HG.), 205 
 
 (OHG.), 22i(OHG.), 
 262, 279, 316, 413. 
 zehnte 268, 422. 
 zeichen 130, i72(MHG.), 
 2I7(0HG.), 288. 
 zeichnung 312. 
 zeigen 130, 226(MHG.), 
 290. 
 
 zeit 125, 261, 262, 298, 
 376. 
 
 zeitig 322. 
 zeitung 312. 
 zeitungsjunge 314. 
 
 -zen 343. 
 zer- 339. 
 zerbersten 339. 
 zerbrechen 339. 
 zerbrechlich 317, 324. 
 zerbrOckeln 339. 
 zerfallen 339. 
 zerfleischen 339. 
 zerfliessen 339. 
 zerfressen 339. 
 zergehen 339, 
 zergliedern 339. 
 zerhauen 339. 
 zerkauen 339. 
 zerklopfen 339. 
 zerknicken 339. 
 zerkratzen 339. 
 zerlassen 339. 
 zerlegen 339. 
 zermalmen 339. 
 zernagen 339. 
 zerpfliicken 339. 
 zerpulvern 339. 
 zerreiben 339. 
 zerreissen 339. 
 zerrinnen 339. 
 zerschlagen 339. 
 
 zerschmeissen 339. 
 zerschneiden 339. 
 zersetzen 339. 
 zerspalten 339. 
 zersprengen 339. 
 zerspringen 339. 
 zerstechen 339. 
 zerst6ren 339. 
 zerstossen 339. 
 zerstreuen 339. 
 zerstiickeln 339. 
 zerteilen 339. 
 zertrennen 339. 
 zertreten 339. 
 zertriimmern 339. 
 zerwerfen 339. 
 zeug 127, 346. 
 zeuge 174, 382. 
 zeugnis 308. 
 zicke 346. 
 
 ziegel 7 i(OHG.), 136. 
 ziehen 76(OHG.), 79 
 
 (MHG.), no, 136, 192 
 (OHG.), I93(0HG.), 
 22 i( 0HG.), 279, 290, 
 
 ,495- 
 ziel 109. 
 
 ziemen 108, 114, 246, 
 506. 
 
 ziemlich 324. 
 zier 174. 
 
 zierde I74(MHG.). 
 zieren 528. 
 
 -zig i99(OHG.). 
 zimmer 256. 
 zinn 109. 
 zins 355. 
 zither 114. 
 zittern 114. 
 zogern 340. 
 z5gling 306. 
 zornig 322. 
 zote 115. 
 zotte 1 15. 
 zu 4. 
 
 zucht 299. 
 zucken 100. 
 ziicken 100. 
 zufrieden 551. 
 zug III, 298. 
 ziigel 299. 
 zugtier 313. 
 
314 
 
 Index 
 
 zuhanden 381. 
 
 zuhaus 551. 
 
 zukunft 246. 
 
 zunft 246. 
 
 ziinftler 302. 
 
 zunge 18, 97, t6i 
 
 (OHG.), i62(OHG.), 
 i7o(MHG.), 217 
 (OHG.), 347, 250, 346 
 (OHG.), 387. 
 ziingeln 340. 
 zupfen 100. 
 ziirnen 99. 
 zusammen 114. 
 zusehends 550. 
 
 zwang 298. 
 
 zwanzig 130, 139, 221 
 
 (OHG.), 413. 
 
 zwanzigste 422. 
 
 zwei 24 i(OHG.); 231, 
 
 4137 419- 
 
 zweierlei 426. 
 zweifach 424. 
 zweifaltig 424. 
 zweifel i3(OHG.), 125, 
 258, 262. 
 zweifelhaft 320. 
 zweifeln i7i(MHG.). 
 zweigliedrig 29. 
 zweimal 425. 
 
 zweispannig 328. 
 zweite 422. 
 zweitens 430, 550. 
 zwerchfell 274. 
 zwerchpfeife 274. 
 zwerchsack 274. 
 zwerg 266, 346. 
 zwingen 2o8(OHG.), 
 23°(0HG.), 231, 274, 
 485, 496. 
 zwinkern 340. 
 zwitter 114. 
 zw 5 lf 80, 92, 262, 413. 
 zwOlfte 422. 
 
OXFORD : HORACE HART 
 PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 

 
%