THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY V/. I Cop. 2, f / Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. A charge is made on all overdue books. ^ j Library DEC 1 OCT 181 F : I1972 97r HIV p m r. 8057-S THE GOUERNOUR VOL. I. THE BOKE NAMED The GOUERNOUR _ . _ rv i . I - ^ Deuised by Sir THOMAS ELYOT, Knight EDITED FROM THE FIRST EDITION OF 1 53 1 BY HENRY HERBERT STEPHEN CROFT, M.A. BARRISTER-AT-LAW IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. 1. LONDON KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, & CO., i PATERNOSTER SQUARE 1883 (Tlie rights of translation and of reprodtiction are reserved) THE EDITOR'S FREE ACE. J O /* £ \0 X) ' 4 ^ S- N S .4-' tr tj 02 ANY readers will be surprised to learn that the present is in reality the tenth edition of a once popular book. This undoubted fact must, however, be qualified by the ad¬ mission that no complete reproduction of the original text of 1531 has ever appeared before. It will be seen presently that several passages were expunged in the subsequent editions of the sixteenth century some of which were probably not in harmony with the religious views prevailing at the respective periods of publication. These suppressed passages will be easily detected in the present edition, being either pointed out by a footnote or placed within brackets; the latter device, which seemed preferable, having been uniformly adopted throughout the second volume in which the omissions are more frequent. TAe Governour does not appear to have been re¬ printed either in the seventeenth or the eighteenth century. In 1834, however, a new edition, professing to be based upon one of 1564 (though it seems doubt¬ ful whether this date should not be 1546), was pub- VI THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. lished by Mi. Arthur Turberville Eliot, Scholar of Catherine Hall, Cambridge. Of this work, for which the editor had prudently solicited subscriptions be¬ forehand (to judge from a list containing more than ninety names printed at the end of the volume), per¬ haps the less said the better. But Mr. Eliot’s claim to ‘ have bestowed both considerable labour and at¬ tention upon this new edition,’ invites criticism from one who desires that justice should be done to his author. After premising that he has ‘ adhered as closely as possible to the original text, occasionally “ mutatis mutandis, exceptis excipiendis,”’ Mr. Eliot informs his readers that he does not hold himself ‘responsible either for the apparent quaintness or obscurity of style in Tke Governour^' and that where he ‘could in any degree with propriety simplify the composition of the original work,’ he has ‘ never failed to do so.’ It is easy to predict the kind of work which would be likely to be produced under such circumstances and by an editor who regarded his duty in such a light, and when we compare Mr. Eliot’s ‘emendations’ with the text of his author, the result seems hardly satisfactory. In the following instances, taken at random, it cannot be said that Mr. Eliot’s design ‘ to simplify the com¬ position of the original,’ has been skilfully executed. For ‘ abrayded ’ (Vol. II. p. 72) Mr. Eliot prefers to read ‘ prayed,’ for ‘ adumbrations’ (Vol. II. p. 403) ‘adjura¬ tions,’ for ‘prease’ (Vol. II. p. 48) ‘praise,’ for ‘bayne’ (Vol. II. p. 282) ‘vain,’ for ‘craftes man’ (Vol. II. p. THE EDITOR'S PREFACE, • • VI1 320) ‘crafts of men,’ for ‘ embrayde ’ (Vol. II. p. 421) ‘embraced,’ for ‘verbe’ (Vol. II. p. 385) ‘herb;’ whilst he converts ‘singular aduaile’ (Vol. II. p. 99) into ‘ individual advantage,’ ‘ taken with the maynure ’ (Vol. II. p. 75) into ‘seized with the mania,’ and ‘shaking his here’ (Vol. I. p. 47) into ‘slacking his ear;’ on the other hand ‘ timorous royle ’ (Vol. I. p. 178) should be read according to Mr. Eliot ‘ timorous rule,’ ‘sely bestis ’ (Vol. II. p. 5) ‘self beasts;’ in the same chapter ‘ fame ’ is altered into ‘ same,’ ‘comelynesse of nobilitie’ (Vol. II. p. 43) into ‘comeliness of no utility, ‘nobles’ (Vol. II. p. 36) into ‘metals,’ and ‘jurates’ (Vol. II. p. 256) into ‘curates.’ The enumeration of similar errors might be prolonged much further, were it not for the fear of wearying the reader who will probably be of opinion that sufficient evidence has already been adduced of the want of taste, not to employ a harsher term, exhibited by Mr. Eliot. Nor can this gentleman be said to have performed what may be called the more mechanical part of his editorial duty, with the accuracy which we have a right to expect from one who boasts of having ‘ bestowed both time and labour ’ upon it. Long paragraphs, in some cases extending to whole chapters, of the original text are frequently omitted, the absence of which though occasionally denoted by the suggestive phrase ‘ hiatus valde deflendus,’ can generally be discovered only by comparison with the black letter edition ; nor is this loss compensated by any elucidation of the many obscure THE EDITORS PREFACE. • •P Vlll allusions in the text, or by any new information furnished to us with regard to the author’s history. Mr. Eliot indeed claims to ‘ have enriched the whole with various and instructive notes ’ which he trusts ‘ will be deemed both valuable and important.’ But we look in vain, in Mr. Eliot’s edition, for a single foot¬ note ; though the numerous quotations and obsolete phrases which we continually encounter in the original afford abundant scope for illustration and explana¬ tion, and the only information with regard to the life of Sir Thomas Elyot himself, which can be considered either valuable or important, is contained in copious ex¬ tracts from Strype, arranged however in such a confused manner as to make it difficult for the reader to under¬ stand how much is due to Mr. Eliot and how much to Strype. But perhaps the best proof of the perfunctory way in which Mr. Eliot has discharged his editorial duty is furnished by his own view-of the scope of The Governour, The latter, he tells us, ‘ may justly be said to be an able treatise on the interesting and im¬ portant science of political economy.’ This description, however, of a work which regards essentially the ethics of morals was apparently no sooner enunciated than it was seen to be somewhat inaccurate, for Mr. Eliot adds apologetically : ‘The propriety of applying this name to The Governour may on a prima facie view appear somewhat questionable, but I feel assured that the discerning reader will readily allow its propriety in the THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. IX more strict and comprehensive meaning of the term Political Economy/ Mr. Eliot, to judge by his own statement, had a twofold object in view, and seems to have thought that to ‘ have rescued this valuable work from its present comparative obscurity ’ would be a less hon¬ ourable distinction than if he ‘ could at any time discover that the republication of this famous treatise had in any degree suppressed the visionary schemes of political enthusiasts who broach in the present day doctrines which cannot be reconciled with religion, justice, or with reason.’ A work undertaken with this singular inten¬ tion, and executed in the way we have described, was hardly calculated to fulfil the ambitious anticipations of its editor. After what has been said, the reader will not be unprepared to hear that the booksellers have appraised the value of Mr. Eliot’s edition of a work in which he claimed to have an hereditary interest at a very moderate figure. Within the last few years a copy was offered for sale at the price of half-a- crown, although at the same time it was stated that cop'es of this particular edition were very seldom in the market. It would appear, therefore, that ‘ the discerning reader,’ to whom Mr. Eliot appealed, has exhibited his discernment in a manner not contem¬ plated by that gentleman, and has abstained altogether from inquiring for a book from which he could hope to derive so little ‘ benefit, amusement, or instruction.’ X THE EDITORSS PREFACE. With regard, however, to one defect in Mr. Eliot’s work, it must in fairness be said that the materials from which alone a life of the author can be compiled were less accessible half a century ago. The documents which have since been sorted and arranged, and of which calendars are now printed under the direction of the Master of the Rolls, were known to exist, but the labour involved in their investigation must necessarily have been much greater. And though a new edition of a work like The Governour may justly be considered imperfect without some introductory notice of the author, such notice must after all depend for its completeness upon the accessibility of the materials available for the purpose. On the other hand, it is simply inexcusable that one who claims to ‘ have bestowed both considerable labour and attention ’ upon a new edition should make no attempt either to verify the numerous quotations from ancient authors or to explain the obsolete phrases with which a work like The Governour is replete. It seems curious that no new edition of The Governour have been brought out since 1834. It may be that the fate of Mr. Eliot’s book acted as a de¬ terrent, a fate which was perhaps attributed to a wrong cause—to the indifference of the public with regard to the author and subject of the original work rather than to the intrinsic worthlessness of the modern edition. It may be that the prospect of the labour in store for an editor, and from which there can be no escape, if a THE EDITORSS PREFACE. XI book like The Governour is to be edited conscien¬ tiously, proved too repulsive. To whatever cause the omission be attributable, the fact remains that a work, which may truly be said to be of no ordinary interest to Englishmen, has been so entirely neglected that from 1834 down to the present day no one has attempted to make it more generally known. In saying this, however, we must not forget to take into account one fact of great importance—the extreme scarcity of the Editio princeps of The Governour, that, viz., of 1531. From a letter printed by Mr. Eliot, it would seem that his ‘ friend and relative,’ Col. William Granville Eliot, possessed a copy of the original edition which he had bought ^at Mr. Dudley North’s sale,’ and which he flattered himself was almost an unique copy. In this respect, however. Col. Eliot was mis¬ taken, for several others are known to be still in existence. Of these one copy (said to be imperfect) is in the Grenville Library; Mr. Henry Pyne, of 18 Kent Terrace, Regent’s Park, possesses, we believe, another; while a third was bought by Mr. Quaritch, at the sale of Dr. Laing’s famous library in December, 1879. The fact, however, that Mr. Quaritch admitted to the present Editor that he had never previously had a copy of the first edition for sale, proves that CoL Eliot was at least fortunate in possessing a rare volume. The copy which has been used for the purpose of the present edition has remained in the possession of the same family during a period of at least a THE EDITOR’S PREFACE. t • Xll hundred years. It is in the original sixteenth-century binding, which is in excellent preservation, and measures 6 f inches in height by 4^ inches in breadth. In the centre of each of the sides the royal arms are stamped in relief and surrounded by a square border containing the motto ‘ Deus det nobis suam pacem et post mortem vitam aeternam. Amen;’ with four compartments con¬ taining respectively a rose, fleur de lys, castle, and pomegranate. It is well known that in all the sub¬ sequent black letter editions the size was diminished. A copy in Dr. Garrod’s possession, which bears the date 1565 and which is also in the original binding, measures only 5|- inches x 4 inches. A book like The Governour may be edited in one of two ways. The text may be collated carefully with that of every other known edition of the same work, and then reproduced in modern type, preserving the antique spelling, pointing, etc.; with only such anno¬ tations as are necessary to indicate the various verbal alterations, but without any attempt by verifying quotations or explaining allusions to elucidate the text. Another, and, as most persons will probably think, a far more satisfactory method, is to explain by means of footnotes every allusion and obscure phrase in the text which seems to require explanation, and above all to verify the author’s quotations by reference to the original authorities. It is not pretended that the text of the present edition is the result of a careful collation of the THE EDITORS PREFACE. • • • Xlll texts of the various editions of The Gove7'7iour. All that the Editor can lay claim to in this direction is to have transcribed the text of the first edition, and wherever a passage was found to have been omitted in subsequent editions, the fact has been duly noted, but no particular attention has been paid to merely verbal alterations. On the other hand the greatest possible care has been taken to verify the author’s quotations. In this respect, as the reader can see at a glance, The Governour presents very con¬ siderable difficulty to a conscientious editor. Although the whole book abounds to a surprising extent in passages translated from ancient and sometimes very little known authors, Sir Thomas Elyot, except in rare instances, did not deem it necessary to give his readers the benefit of exact references to his authorities. Consequently the labour involved in merely verifying these authorities has been out of all proportion to the size of the work. In some cases, as for instance the story of Hiero (Vol. I. p. 216), the ‘quotation from Plotinus (Vol. II. p. 326), the saying of Cato, erroneously attributed by Sir T. Elyot to Plato (Vol. II. p. 313), the story of Belinger Bal- dasine (Vol. II. p. 439), the apophthegm of the Stoics (Vol. II. p. 303), and the saying attributed to S. Chrysostom (Vol. II. p. 321), it was only after the most laborious researches, extending over many months, and involving the consultation of a multitude of volumes, that the Editor was enabled to trace the XIV THE EDITOR'S PREFACE, quotation to its primitive source. Fortunately in a very few instances only was the Editor finally unsuc¬ cessful, and compelled to acknowledge that one or two passages, more stubborn than the rest, resisted the most pertinacious efforts to ascertain their parentage. It may perhaps be objected that to give more than a mere reference to the original authorities, was to incumber the work unnecessarily; but when we consider the wide range over which these extend, it is obvious that no ordinary library would enable the reader to consult them. Even were this not the case, the mere mechanical labour involved in turning over the pages of such a great number of volumes in order to compare the translation with the original would be so irksome that the Editor decided at the risk of largely increasing the bulk of his volumes to print in extenso, in the notes, the passages translated more or less literally in the text by Sir Thomas Elyot. It is these translations which render The Governour such an extremely in¬ teresting and valuable book, for by them we are enabled to gauge the state of classical learning, or, tO‘ speak more correctly, the knowledge possessed by at least one learned man, in the early part of the sixteenth century. It seemed important that the reader should have at hand the means of forming for himself an opinion as to the accuracy of Sir Thomas Elyots translations by comparing the latter with the originals. On this ground alone, therefore, the method adopted in these volumes may probably be justified. The THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. XV Editor ventures to think that the same excuse may be pleaded for the insertion in the notes of quotations from modern writers of acknowledged ability on matters treated of by Sir Thomas Elyot. It is at least an interesting study to compare the condition of the critical faculty, as it existed in the sixteenth century, with its more complete development in the nineteenth. One fact connected with The Governottr ought alone to redeem it from obscurity, and must ever entitle it to rank as an exceptionally interesting specimen of early English literature. It is very seldom remembered that Sir Thomas Elyot is our earliest and, as the reader will hereafter see, practically our only authority for the statement that Henry the Fifth, when Prince of Wales, was committed to prison for a gross contempt of court committed in facie curice. The reasons which have led the Editor to the conclusion that this statement is inaccurate are so fully stated elsewhere, that it is unnecessary to do more than allude to them here. Whether the reader be led to the same conclusion or not, at least he cannot fail to regard The Governour with feelings akin to reverence as containing the details of a story which from boy¬ hood he has probably been led to regard as one of the established facts of English history. The style in which The Governour is written is peculiar : whilst many words and phrases are employed which were even then gradually going out of use, and XVI THE EDITOR’S PREFACE. were destined soon to become obsolete; on the other hand many words are introduced which were then avowedly new importations, but which in most cases still retain their places in the language. From a linguistic point of view The Governour may be regarded almost as a connecting link between the English of the time of Chaucer and the English of the time of Sir Francis Bacon. A glossary, therefore, seemed indispensable. In this particular branch of English literature there is an extraordinary and deplorable deficiency. The best glossaries, those for example of Nares and Halliwell, fall very far short indeed of what we have a right to expect. In this respect the French are a very long way ahead of us. The splendid Dictionary of M. Littre is as much superior to that of Richardson as the best modern Latin-English Dictionary is to that of Sir T. Elyot. The Editor is glad to take this opportunity of acknow¬ ledging the very great assistance he has derived from M. Littre s valuable work in compiling his glossary^ without which, he does not hesitate to say, the latter must necessarily have been far less complete. It would add immensely to the chances of obtaining a really good glossary of old English if all editors of our early authors would adopt the plan pursued by Mr. Morris in the A Mine edition of Chaucer, and append to their editions a full index of words with exact references to their place in the text. The absence of such an index in the Aldine edition of Spenser, which forms one of the same series, greatly detractsTrom the THE EDITORS PREFACE. XVll value of this edition for the purposes of reference as compared with the corresponding edition of Chaucer. With regard to Elyot himself, it is unfortunate that we are left in the most tantalising uncertainty with respect to many important points in his history about which we have positively no information. His public career is sur¬ rounded by a certain air of mystery. For some reason which at present we are totally at a loss to explain, very few of his letters have been preserved and literally none on strictly official business. Yet it is certain from the po¬ sition which he occupied in the service of the State that his correspondence on official matters must have been considerable and of an unusually interesting character. It is a singular fact too that Sir Thomas Elyot is seldom mentioned by his own contemporaries, though he was undoubtedly well known to all the eminent men of that time. His name, for instance, does not occur once in the whole of the eleven volumes forming the series known as the State Papers. It is a source of regret to the Editor that the Calendars of State Papers of the reign of Henry VI 11 , have not at present advanced beyond 1530, and con¬ sequently he has been unable to avail himself of the assistance which they might be expected to afford in throwing light upon some parts of Elyot s career which are at present involved in obscurity. It is to be hoped that the Government may be induced to provide the means for accelerating the progress of calendaring these important documents. At the same time the Editor is xviii THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. happy to acknowledge the kindly interest in this edition exhibited by J. Gairdner, Esq., of the Public Record Office, who so ably carries on the work commenced by the late Rev. J. S. Brewer, and to him and to his col¬ league, C. Trice Martin, Esq., it is only due to say that the Life of Elyot has been rendered far more complete than it could have been without such assistance. To Walford D. Selby, Esq., of the same office, to Richard Garnett, Esq., the Superintendent of the Reading Room at the British Museum, to the Rev. Ponsonby A. Lyons, of whose great knowledge of bibliography he has very frequently availed himself, and to the many other gen¬ tlemen to whom, in the course of this work he has had occasion to apply for information, the Editor begs to tender his most grateful thanks. In conclusion it should be stated that the Editor obtained permission to reproduce, by means of photo¬ graphy applied to the engravers art, the valuable portraits of Sir Thomas and Lady Elyot from the originals, painted by Holbein, in the possession of Her Majesty the Queen at Windsor. II King’s Bench Walk Temple ; Atigiist 1880. LIFE OF ELVOT. T would hardly be an exaggeration to say that no man of equal eminence has suffered as much from the neglect of posterity as the subject of the present Memoir. The name of Eliot (adopt¬ ing for the moment the modern orthography, although we prefer to retain his own way of spelling it, in speaking of our author and his family) must always possess a peculiar interest for Englishmen. The services rendered by Sir John Eliot to the cause of constitutional liberty, and the fact that he en¬ dured a long and painful imprisonment which death alone terminated rather than yield what has ever since been justly considered the most cherished privilege of Parliament, will always secure for his memory the respect and admiration of his grateful countrymen. The story of his life, his sufferings, and his death is so inseparably connected with the history of Parliamentary Government in England that every school¬ boy is familiar with the name of Sir John Eliot as one of the greatest statesmen whom the seventeenth century produced. How few are there, on the other hand, even among those professing an extensive acquaintance with English literature who have ever heard of the man bearing the same family name to whom this country had already been indebted, a full century previous, for services, of a less a 2 XX LIFE OF ELYOT. heroic kind, it is true, but still not lightly to be forgotten. It would seem, indeed, as if the very halo of glory encircling the later Eliot had had the effect of obscuring and confusing to some extent the memory of his earlier namesake.^ It cannot be said, however, that Englishmen as a rule are either indifferent or ungrateful to those who have helped to form the national character. Now we may fairly reckon Sir Thomas Elyot among the earliest advocates of that system of education under which, with certain modifications introduced from time to time to suit the habits of the age, English gentle¬ men have been trained during the last three centuries and a quarter. It seems probable, therefore, that the ignorance undoubtedly prevailing with respect to him has arisen from a combination of circumstances peculiarly unfavourable to the perpetuation of his memory. Let us see what those circum¬ stances are. In the first place we must recollect that although Sir Thomas Elyot was employed in the public service of his country, and, in the capacity of ambassador conducting most delicate negotiations, occupied a conspicuous place in the eyes of his own contemporaries, yet his claims to the remembrance of posterity rest principally, if not entirely, upon his services to literature. The productions of his pen, as we shall endeavour to show in the course of this sketch, were not only highly creditable performances in point of scholarship, but were fully appreciated by the learned men of his own and the next succeeding generation. At a time when classical learning was struggling into existence in England and when the ability to interpret the works of ancient authors was as yet confined to an extremely • The reader will find, for instance, that the author of The Governour has been styled by modern writers, and even by one so cautious as Hallam, Sir John Elyot. See Lit. of Eur. vol. i. p. 254, note, 4th edn. LIFE OF ELYOT. XXI small band of labourers in that virgin soil, it was natural that the translations which Elyot published for English readers in their own native tongue should not only meet with a ready sale, but should be reprinted again and again. When, how¬ ever, in the progress of time the rising wave of educational development bursting the barriers of national ignorance and enlarging the area of general knowledge poured from the press a vast flood of literature over the land, it was equally natural that the rivulets which had given the first direction and impetus to the torrent should gradually disappear and finally be lost sight of altogether. Hence it happened that the tiny volumes which had been well thumbed and circulated from hand to hand by the subjects of the Tudors and the Stuarts were hardly at all in request in the reign of Queen Anne, and in the nineteenth century have become so scarce as to be regarded only as literary curiosities. Another and possibly a yet more potent reason for the strange indifference with which Elyot’s merits have been requited may be traced to the fact which, at first sight, seems certainly remarkable that no details with regard to him have been furnished by his own family. This omission however is capable of ex¬ planation. Elyot died childless, and though his widow married a very eminent lawyer, the copious Reports of Sir James Dyer would lead us to suppose that their author, even if he had had the inclination to become the biographer of his wife’s first husband, could have had little time to devote to such a purpose. It happened also that of the families with which Elyot was most intimately allied several, by a singular coincidence, experienced a common fate and became alto¬ gether extinct. Of the Beselles, the Fyndernes, and the Fetiplaces, with each and all of whom Elyot, as we shall see presently, was closely connected, the two former during at LIFE OF ELYOT. xxii least three centuries, and the last during many generations, have had no living representatives. The combined effect of these various causes is shown in the fact that in an age which has witnessed the reproduction of the works of many writers of the sixteenth century, by no means superior in point of merit to Elyot, the latter has been completely ignored. On the other hand, those who from time to time have assumed to speak with authority about him have apparently neglected the most obvious precautions to insure the accuracy of their information. A whole series of writers, including such names as Pits, Anthony a Wood, Fuller, and Chalmers, and numerous works of reference, including the Biographia Britaimica and the Nouvelle Biographie Geiieraley have uni¬ formly represented Elyot as having been born in Suffolk. For this blunder Bale, who was himself a contemporary of Elyot, and therefore ought to have been better informed, is clearly responsible. Bale, however, was himself a Suffolk man, and, as was recently pointed out by a writer in the Quarterly Reviewp his knowledge of topography seems to have been confined to the limits of his own county. Bale’s statement is that Elyot ‘ in Sudovolcise comitatu (ut a fide dignis accepi) primam duxit originem.’^ Now Bale’s book was published in 1548, when Elyot had been dead only two years, and it seems hardly credible that Bale should have been misinformed with regard to such an important fact as this, at a time when without much trouble it might have been easily verified. But Bale, unfortunately, has not the reputa¬ tion of a very careful writer, and he seems to have accepted a * See an article on The Fo2inder of Nonvich Cathedral in the Quarterly Review, No. 296, p. 412. “ Scriptores Britannia:, fo. 228 b, ed. 1548. LIFE OF ELYOT. xxiii good deal of merely hearsay evidence on at least questionable authority. Perhaps too his natural inclination might dispose him to claim such a distinguished member of the fraternity of letters as a fellow-countryman of his own. Strange, therefore, as it appears to us, it is certain that, when only two years had elapsed since Elyot’s death, one of the simplest facts concerning him could not be ascertained with accuracy by one who professed to be his biographer. . If such were the case then, the reader will be able to form some idea of the difficulty of discovering now the exact place of Elyot’s birth, after the lapse of more than three hundred years. Nor is this assertion of Bale’s the only error with respect to Elyot’s early life with which we have to deal; for Wood, with even greater recklessness than Bale, boldly de¬ clared that Elyot was ‘ educated in academical learning in the hall of St. Mary the Virgin ’ at Oxford.® The evidence upon which Wood relied for this statement was an entry which he found on the rolls of the University, under the date 1518, of one Thomas Elyot who seems to have been admitted in that year * ad lecturam alicujus libri facultatis Artium Logices Aristotelis.’ This, says Wood, is the admission to the degree of Bachelor of Arts. He further tells us that ‘the said Tho. Elyot was in the beginning of Aug. an. 1524 ad¬ mitted “ad lecturam alicujus libri Institutionum,” that is to the degree of bachelor of the civil law.’ Yet at the very time at which, according to Wood, Elyot was taking his B. C. L. degree we are able to prove by the evidence of a silent but unimpeachable witness, namely the Patent Roll still preserved in the Public Record Office that he was going the Western • Aihett. Oxon. vol. i. col. 150. XXIV LIFE OF ELYOT. circuit in company with Sir John Fitzjames and Robert Norwich. Wood himself, indeed, appears to have felt that the iden¬ tification he proposed was not altogether satisfactory, for he adds immediately afterwards: ‘Now if we could find that Sir Tho. Elyot was about fifty years of age when he died, then we may certainly conclude that Elyot the bach, of arts and of the civil law might be the same with him, otherwise we cannot well do it.’ ^ If Wood had but turned to Elyot’s own Dictionary (a copy of which was actually in the Bodleian Library) he would have found that the author’s statement in the Preface completely negatived this theory, and might have spared himself the trouble of searching the Register of the University. To make matters worse, and as if purposely to create a fresh source of concision. Wood quoted from a MS. in his possession the following note which had been written by Miles Windsor, a member of Corpus Christi Coll.: ‘ Parker in his Select. Cantah. makes this Sir Tho. Elyot to have been bred in Jesus College, Cambridge.’ ^ The work here referred to (the title of which it will be observed is misprinted by Wood) is of course the Sceletos Cantabrigiensis of Richard Parker. This has been printed by Hearne and will be found in the fifth volume of Leland’s Collectanea. Probably Wood himself did not attach any great importance to a suggestion emanating from one of whom he speaks in another place in terms of great disparagement. It seems that a volume of Windsor’s MSS. had come into Wood’s hands, and the latter tells us that he found there ‘ many vain and credulous matters (not at all to be relied upon) committed to writing.’ ^ • Ubi supra. ’’ Athence Oxon. vol. ii. col. 359, ed. 1815. LIFE OF ELYOT. XXV After such testimony to the general character of these collections, the reader will hardly be surprised to hear that there is nothing whatever in Parker’s account of Jesus College, Cambridge, to warrant Windsor’s statement. These unfounded assumptions of Bale and Wood respect¬ ing Sir Thomas Elyot’s place of birth and education have been adopted by subsequent writers, unfortunately without any attempt to investigate their correctness. Thus even Mr. C. H. Cooper, although he has evidently taken con¬ siderable pains to render his brief notice of Elyot in his Athencs Cantabrigienses as trustworthy as possible, has adopted without hesitation the notion that he received an university education. His remark that Elyot ‘ was more pro¬ bably a native of Wiltshire ’ than of Suffolk might, as we shall see presently, be more easily justified. We may embrace this opportunity to observe that Mr. Cooper has appended to his article a list of references to almost all the authorities throwing any light upon Elyot’s career from which we have derived considerable assistance. One more example may be adduced to exhibit the evil result of trusting too implicitly to such authorities as Bale and Wood. The writer of the article on Elyot in the most recent (the ninth) edition of the E 7 icyclopcBdia Britannica, after referring to Wood’s conjecture that he studied at Saint Mary’s Hall, Oxford, adds with judicial impartiality, ‘ but according to Parker and others he belonged to Jesus College Cambridge.’ Without attempting to untie the knot caused by such a direct variance of opinion the writer merely con¬ tents himself with drawing the inevitable conclusion that Elyot ‘ evidently received a university education.’ Mr. Cooper, as it appears, was the first to cast doubts upon the statement which had hitherto been generally accepted, that XXVI LIFE OF ELYOT. Suffolk was the county of Elyot’s origin, by hinting that it was more probably Wiltshire. Although he assigns no reason for this opinion in the A thence Cmitabrigienses^ we gather from a communication made by him to Notes and Queries^ in Septem¬ ber 1853, that he had discovered an inquisition post mortem of the time of Henry VI 11 . from which it appeared that Sir Thomas Elyot’s father had been in receipt of the profits arising from t’ e Manor of Wanborough in the county of Wilts. This circumstance, to which we shall allude more fully hereafter, seemed for the first time to supply a reason for discrediting Bale’s idea that Elyot was born in Suffolk. We must frankly acknowledge that we are not able to say with certainty in what place, nor even in what county, Sir Thomas Elyot was born. But on the other hand, we are fortunately able for the first time to trace his descent with precision. This we are enabled to do by means of his father’s will still existing in an excellent state of preservation among the archives of the Court of Probate at Somerset House. I This document, although somewhat voluminous, appeared to be of such intrinsic interest, not merely from a legal or genealogical point of view but from the insight which it affords into the habits and sentiments of that age, that the Editor determined to print it in extenso^ the fact that it had never, so far as can be ascertained, been published before appearing to counterbalance the obvious objection arising from its great length. Although referred to by Browne Willis,^ Sir Egerton Brydges,® Lysons ^ and Foss,® it is a singular fact that not one of these writers has made any use • See vol. viii. p. 276. ’’ Notitia Parliament, vol. n. p. 145. ' Collins’s Peerage., vol. vlii. p. 3. ^ Hist, of Berkshire, p. 360. ' The Judges of England, vol. v. p. 158. LIFE OF ELYOT. XXVll of the excellent materials which it supplies for filling up the gaps in the pedigree of the family, and for establishing beyond doubt what has hitherto been merely matter of conjecture. On this ground alone, therefore, the reader will probably be disposed to regard the insertion of such a valuable piece of evidence in the Appendix to the present edition as neither irrelevant nor superfluous. From the document in question we learn that Sir Thomas Elyot’s great-grandfather on the father’s side was one Michell Elyot, who was probably of Coker, a village about two miles from Yeovil on the borders of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire. We say ‘ probably ’ because although his place of residence is not expressly mentioned, one of his grandsons is described in the will as of Coker, and presuming that this description applies to an elder son, it seems not unnatural to suppose that the family had been seated at the same place during at least two generations. Michell Elyot had two sons, Philip and Simon. Of the former all that we know is that he had a son living in 1522, who is designated in his cousin’s will as ‘ John Michell otherwise called Elyot of Coker,’ from which fact we may perhaps infer that Philip was the eldest son of his father. Simon the brother of Philip married Joan, a daughter of John Bryce otherwise called Basset. The fruit of this marriage was a son, Richard, the future judge, destined to derive still greater lustre from the light reflected upon him by his son, the accomplished author of The Governour. Richard Elyot must have been born about the middle of the fifteenth century. Adopting the profession of the law, he seems to have practised as an advocate as early as the eighth year of Henry the Seventh.® Six years later he obtained an official ap- See the Year Books, xxviii LIFE OF ELYOT. pointment in Wiltshire. The manor of Wanborough near Swindon formed part of the vast estates of Francis Lord Lovell, and came into the possession of the Crown on the attainder of that nobleman in 1485. Sir John Cheyne, one of the king’s most trusted councillors, had been placed in possession of this manor immediately after its forfeiture, and had continued to receive the rents and profits until his death, which occurred in 1498. From that date down to July 15 ii, when it was granted to Sir Edward Darrell, a neighbouring landowner, Richard Elyot was connected with this estate as Receiver for the Crown, and accounted in that capacity for the revenues which accrued during the period of his occupa¬ tion. It is clear from the terms of an inquisition taken at Amesbury in 1514, and printed in the Appendix to this volume, that Richard Elyot’s tenure of the manor of Wan¬ borough was on the footing of a trustee for the Crown rather than of a beneficiary. It seems the more necessary that this should be explained because the contrary has evidently been assumed by some writers. The Rev. J. E. Jackson, for instance, in his valuable edition of Aubrey's Wiltshire says, in reference to Wanborough : ‘ Between that year {j.e. 1487) and 1515 the Manor “late Viscount Lovels” was enjoyed by John Cheyne, Knight, then by Sir Richard Elyot, father of Sir Thomas, the diplomatist, and lastly by Sir Edward Darell of Littlecote, who died owner, 1549.’^ It would appear from the expression which we have italicised, that Mr. Jackson regarded all three occupants as being on the same footing as beneficial owners or grantees. The fact, however, seems to be that the last occupant alone had a grant of the Manor, Cheyne’s title being unknown. Elyot on the other hand, so far from ^enjoying’ the profits accruing “ P. 195- LIFE OF ELVOT. XXIX during his occupation, is expressly stated to have received them ^ad usum Domini Regis,’ and to have paid them over to the proper officer appointed by the Crown, not only during the reign of Henry VIL but also after the accession of his son. It was, no doubt, in consequence of the official position which Elyot occupied at Wanborough, that in 1503, he was appointed a commissioner for the county of Wilts to collect the ‘ aids ’ required by the King to defray the expenses of knighting the Prince of Wales and of marrying the Princess Margaret to the King of Scotland® In Michaelmas term of this year he was made a serjeant at-law; Lewis Pollard, with whom he was afterwards so frequently associated as justice of Assize on the Western circuit, and Guy Palmes, being invested with the coif at the same time. An interesting account of the ceremonies observed on this occasion is given by Dugdale (who, however, by a strange oversight, gives Elyot the Christian name of Edward instead of Richard) from a MS. which is still in the possession of the Benchers of the Middle Temple.^ We may remark by the way that though new patents were made out and delivered to Elyot and Pollard within a week after the accession of the new sovereign in accordance with the usual custom, Guy Palmes, the junior serjeant, does not appear to have received his new patent till four years afterwards, although he continued not only to practise as a serjeant but to act as a justice of Assize in the interval. Richard Elyot must have stood high in the royal favour, for in the same year in which he was created a serjeant he held the appointment of Attorney-General to the Queen * Rot. Pari. vol. vi. p. 535. ** Origines, p. 113. XXX LIFE OF ELY OF Consort.* The office seems to have been a lucrative one, and those who are curious in such matters may compare the fee of ten pounds paid ‘ to Richard Elyot the Quenes Attourney,* with the smaller arriount of xxvij. viii^. paid in the same month (March 1503) ‘to James Hobert the Kings Attourney,’ and may speculate on the nature of the professional services for which these sums were the respective remuneration. That Richard Elyot must have married many years before he was created a serjeant we can have little doubt; for only eight years after that event, viz. in 1511, we find his son Thomas accompanying him on the Western circuit in the capacity of Clerk of Assize. Now as it is in the highest degree improbable that an office of such importance would be conferred upon a minor, even though he were the son of a judge, we are justified in assuming that Thomas Elyot was born certainly not later than 1490. In any case his birth must have preceded his father’s occupation of Wanborough. Two questions then arise, when and whom did Richard Elyot marry ? And here, unfortunately, we are confronted by the difficulty to which we referred above when speaking of our author’s birth-place. The time of which we are speaking may be described as the pre-registration period, and we can hope for no assistance from parish registers. A clue, indeed, to the solution of one of the above questions is supplied by Sir Thomas Elyot himself in a letter written, after his father’s death, to his old friend Thomas Cromwell, afterwards Secretary of State. He there speaks of ‘ my cosen Sir William Fynderne, whoes fader was my mothers unkle.’^ Sir William Fynderne was the son of Sir Thomas Fynderne, who, for the support * F. F, Exp. of Elizabeth of Vorh, p. lOO, Ellis, Ori^. Let. vol. ii, p. 115, ist series. LIFE OF ELYOT. XXXI he gave to the house of Lancaster, was attainted of high treason and forfeited both his life and estates in 1461.^ We might infer, then, from Sir Thomas Elyot’s own state¬ ment, that his father. Sir Richard Elyot, had married the daughter of a brother or a sister of Sir Thomas Fynderne. Moreover, the surrounding circumstances all tend to corro¬ borate this inference. The Fyndernes, who derived their name from a village in Derbyshire, where they had a mansion dating from the time of Edward L, were people of considerable importance in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The hamlet of Findern, about five miles from Derby, still exists and serves to perpetuate the memory of the ancient lords of the soil. But the manor-house in which they lived, and the church in which they were buried, with the splendid monuments erected over their tombs, have alike been destroyed. Sir Bernard Burke narrates with some pathos that when he visited the spot in 1850 the sole surviving traces of the former occupants were some little flowers, called Findernes flowers^ which, according to the tradition of the simple villagers, had been ‘ brought by Sir Geoffrey from the Holy Land,’ and they added, ‘ do what we will they will never die.’^ Alas! even this frail link connecting the present with the past has at length been finally severed. A still more recent visitor informs us that the last tiny flower which had for ages pre¬ served a name and a memory which the elaborate works of man’s hand had failed to rescue from oblivion, has been ruthlessly uprooted from the soil.® In course of time members of this influential Derbyshire family intermarried with the • Lett, and Pap. Hen. VI. vol. ii. pt. 2, pp. 778, 782. Vicissitudes of Families, vol. i. p. 26, ed. 1869. ® See an article on Finderji and the Fyndernes in The Reliquary, vol. iii. p. 198. xxxii LIFE OF ELYOT, gentry of other counties. Thus it happened that a William Fynderne in the fifteenth century married a Berkshire lady, the widow of Sir John Kingstone. She was an heiress, the daughter of Sir Thomas de Chelrey, lord of the manor of Frethornes, in the parish of Childrey, near Wantage. This manor she brought to her husband as her marriage portion. The village of Childrey is not more than ten or twelve miles from the borders of Wiltshire, and an old Roman road, known as Icknield Street, may be traced almost in a straight line from Childrey to Wanborough. Another manor in the same parish, called the manor of Rampanes, belonged, at the time of which we are now speaking, to the family of Fetiplace, and remained in their possession down to the middle of the eighteenth century, when the Fetiplaces, like the Fyndernes, became extinct.^ Richard Fetiplace, a brother of the owner of Rampanes, was the owner of two estates in the county, viz., East-Shefford and Besselsleigh near Abingdon, and one of his daughters married the son and heir of Sir John Kingstone. Young Kingstone died in 1514) having previously conveyed his estate of South Fawley, near Childrey, to Richard Elyot, William Fetiplace, his wife’s uncle, John Fetiplace, his wife’s brother, and Charles Bulkeley, their heirs and assigns, as trustees to hold to the use of himself, his wife, and his heirs.^ This John Kingstone the younger was buried in the church at Childrey, where a monument to his memory may still be seen.® His widow, who survived her husband many years, seems to have retired from the world and devoted herself to a religious life, for she is described as a ‘ vowess ’ on a monumental brass in the church of Shalstone in Bucking- “ Lysons’ Berkshire, p. 260. ^ Lett, arid Pap. temp. Hen. VIII. vol. i. p. 940. ® See Clarke’s Par. Top. of Wanting, p. 76. LIFE OF ELYOT, xxxiii hamshire, where it is also stated that she died on September 23, 1540.® It was to this lad}^ whom he styles * ** my ryghte worshypfull suster dame Susan Kyngestone/ that Sir Thomas Elyot dedicated one of his books, a translation of a sermon of Saint Cyprian. It is, perhaps, due to the fact of her having become a religieuse, and so in the eye of the law civilly dead, that her name is omitted in the family pedigree. The insertion of Richard Elyot’s name in the deed of conveyance of the manor of Fawley becomes intelligible when we find that he married for his second wife the widow of Richard Fetiplace, and thus stood in the relation of step¬ father to the younger Kingstone’s wife. The circumstances above mentioned make it highly probable that Richard Elyot’s appointment to Wanborough may have been the result of his previous acquaintance with some of the principal landowners in that part of the country; and, as soon as we learn that he selected for his second wife a member of a family closely connected with Childrey, the suggestion that his first wife might have come from the same neighbourhood seems quite natural. All doubt, however, on the matter is dispelled by reference to the will of Sir William Fynderne, dated May 5, 1516. There we find that, in the event of Sir William’s grandson Thomas dying without issue, his estates are bequeathed to ‘ the said Richard Elyot and my cosyn Alice his wife and the heirs of their two bodies lawfully begotten.’^ Hence we may infer that Richard Elyot married for his first wife Alice Fynderne, a niece of that Sir Thomas Fynderne who suffered the extreme penalty of the law for treason in * We may mention on the authority of the Rev. W, C. Risley, the present Rector of Shalstohe, that this interesting memorial, of which an engraving is given in Lipscombe’s Hist, of Bucks^ is still in excellent preservation. ** Chan. Inq. p. m. i6 Hen. VIII. No. 164. b XXXIV LIFE OF ELY OF 1460, and a granddaughter of the Sir William Fynderne who died in 1444, and whose tomb, with an inscription recording the date of his death, may still be seen in the chancel of the church at Childrey.^ In the absence of any evidence as to the exact period of Richard Elyot’s first marriage we can only conjecture that it must have taken place in the last quarter of the fifteenth century. Two children only were the result of this union, a son, Thomas, the subject of this Memoir, and a daughter, Margery, who sub¬ sequently married Robert Puttenham, the son of Sir George Puttenham of Sherfield near Basingstoke.^ We do not know where Richard Elyot resided during the first years of his married life. It is obvious, however, that a great portion of his time must have been passed in London in the active exercise of his profession. He certainly occupied chambers in one of the Inns of Court, for various articles of furniture appertaining to them are mentioned in his will. That his connection with Wiltshire was not limited to that northern portion of the county in which Wanborough is situated appears from the significant fact that he possessed property at Chalk and also at Winterslow within a few miles of Salisbury. This latter circumstance renders it probable that he spent a good deal of his time in the immediate vicinity of the cathedral city. The peculiar regard which he entertained for the latter is evidenced by the directions contained in his will. His son also was apparently well acquainted with this part of the county, and probably accom¬ panied his father in many excursions in the neighbourhood. An incident which occurred in the course of one such ramble is related by Sir Thomas Elyot in his Dictionary. It appears * Clarke’s Paroch. Topog. p. 76. ^ Berry’s Ha 7 npshire Geneal. p. 288. LIFE OF ELYOT. XXXV from this narrative that whilst Richard Elyot and his son were visiting the monastery at Ivy Church, a short distance from Salisbury, some workmen who were engaged in digging stone happened to turn up some human bones, which when put together formed a gigantic skeleton measuring no less than 14 feet 10 inches in length.® We are enabled to fix with tolerable accuracy the date of this occurrence. Sii Thomas Elyot himself speaks of it as having taken place * about XXX years passed.’ The passage in which he men¬ tions the event was extracted by Leland from a copy of th first edition of Elyot’s Dictioiiaiy, which appears even at that time to have been so scarce that Leland knew of no other impressions of it. ‘ Nec Bibliothecae ejus impressiones prime ubivis occurrunt.’^ The date of what is generally called the first edition, and of which a copy is in the British Museum Library, is 1538, but this does not contain the passage in question. In the Preface, however. Sir Thomas Elyot mentions the fact that he had begun a Dictionary ‘ about a yere passed,’ but that, for certain reasons which he gives, he had ‘ caused the printer to cesse,’ when the work was only half finished. Now it is possible that Leland may have copied the story from this incomplete edition, the date of which, therefore, on the author’s own showing, would be 1537. On this hypothesis the visit to Ivy Church must have taken place about 1507, that is to say, at the time when Richard Elyot was still holding for the Crown the manor of Wan- borough. Camden evidently alludes to the same incident, though he gives a somewhat different version of it. * Heereby is luy Church,’ he says, speaking through his translator, Philemon Holland, ‘ sometime a small Priory, where, as a tradition runneth, in our grandfathers remembrance was * Leland, Collect, vol. iv. p. 141. ** Leland, ubi supra. b 2 XXXVl LIFE OF ELVOT. found a grave and therein a corps of twelve foote and not farre of a stocke of wood hollowed and the concaue lined with lead with a booke therein of very thicke parchment all written with capitall Romane letters. But it had lien so long that when the leaues were touched they fouldred to dust. Sir Thomas Elyot, who saw it, iudged it to be an Historie.’^ Another fact also mentioned by Camden, in speaking of Stonehenge, points to our author’s familiarity with this part of Wiltshire. ‘ I haue heard that in the time of King Henrie the Eight there was found neere this place a table of mettall as it had been tinne and lead commixt, inscribed with many letters but in so strange a character that neither Sir Thomas Elyot nor Master Lilye, Schoole-maister of Paules, could read it, and therefore neglected it. Had it been preserved, some¬ what happily might have been discovered as concerning Stoneheng which now lieth obscured.’^ The elder Elyot’s connection with the West of England is indicated by the fact that almost immediately after the con¬ firmation of his patent as Serjeant-at-law by Henry VIII. he received a commission to act as Justice of Assize on the Western circuit,® and from that time till his death he always went the same circuit. In July, 1509, we find his name and that of his brother-serjeant, Lewis Pollard, who was a Devon¬ shire man, included in the commission of the peace for the county of Cornwall.*^ Meanwhile the Serjeant’s son was growing up to man’s estate and imbibing under his father’s roof and in the society of his father’s friends copious draughts of classical learning. It was doubtless no small advantage to Thomas Elyot that he reckoned amongst his acquaintance nearly all the most • Britain^ p. 251, ed. 1610. ^ Ibid. p. 254, ed. 1610. • Lett, and Pap. Hen. VIII. vol. i, p. 12. ^ Ibid. p. 43. LIFE ,OF ELYOT. XXXvii learned men of the day. The zeal with which he pursued his studies and the wide range which he gave to his researches would assuredly make him a welcome addition to the little band of devoted scholars, such men for example as Colet, Linacre, Lupset, Croke, Lilly, Latimer, and a few others whom More delighted to gather round him at Chelsea.® Although the question has been much controverted, it is certain, as we have already stated, that he was not a student either at Oxford or Cambridge. The decline of both Univer¬ sities had been so marked during the reign of Edward IV.^ that it is not difficult to conceive the reasons which would be likely' to operate upon the mind of a man in Richard Elyot’s station v/hen called upon to decide with regard to his son’s education. In view of his own professional ad¬ vancement and with the prospect of being able to assist his son through the influence which he would probably be in a position to exert, it seems natural that Thomas Elyot’s father should prefer to secure for him a legal rather than an acade¬ mical training. Many years after the time of which we are now speaking the author of The Governour gave a sketch of his early life, and inasmuch as his own account precludes all doubt in a matter which has been much disputed we shall quote the passage in his own words. It occurs in a Latin ‘ Address to the Readers ’ prefixed to the first edition of his Dictionary^ when, after apologising for any defects that may be found in the latter, he proceeds as follows :—‘ Id breviter a vobis impetrare cupio, ut meam voluntatem in hac re aequi bonique consulatis cogitetisque apud vos ipsos id operis jam coeptum ab equite bfitanno, barbarissimo scilicet, utpote in paternis tantum sedibus educate, nec ab anno aetatis duodecimo * See the Life of Sir T, More in Wordsworth’s Eccles. Biog. vol. ii. p. 96. ^ See Hallam, Lit. of Eur. vol. i. pp. 107, 163 note, 185, 4th ed. LIFE OF ELYOT. XXXVlll ab altero quopiam preceptore literis instructo sibi ipsi nimirum duce tarn in scientiis liberalibus quam in utraque philosophia.’ Notwithstanding, therefore, what has been said by Antony Wood and Mr. Cooper to the contrary, each of whom claims Elyot as an alumnus of his respective University, the reader will probably consider the passage just quoted as conclusively disproving the assertions of both. Inasmuch, however, as Mr. Cooper had stated that ‘ there is good evidence that Sir Thomas Elyot was really educated in Jesus College in this University {i.e. Cambridge) and here proceeded M.A., 1507,’® it seemed incumbent upon the Editor to clear up any linger¬ ing doubts that might remain in the mind of the reader so long as the accuracy of such an apparently authoritative statement remained untested. Accordingly application was made to the authorities of Jesus College Cambridge for information on the subject, the result proving that Mr. Cooper’s statement would not bear the test of close examination. Mr. Arthur Gray, a Fellow of the College, in a letter to the Editor dated July 16, 1879, writes as follows :— ‘ I find that the earliest entry contained in our book of College entries does not go beyond 1618, and the College possesses no record of entries of an earlier date. Tradition¬ ally Sir Thomas Elyot has, I believe, been reckoned among the College worthies, but I cannot say on what authority. If he proceeded M.A. in 1507, he must have entered very soon after the foundation of the College in 1496.’ So far, therefore, as Mr. Cooper’s statement is concerned, this letter appeared almost to decide the matter. There re¬ mained, however, one other possible source of information, the University List of Degrees and Admissions. The Regis- trary of the University, the Rev. H. R. Luard, most kindly Athence Cantab, vol. i. p. 89. LIFE OF ELYOT, XXXIX undertook to search this list, and communicated the result of his investigation in the following note, dated October 2, 1879, ‘Our matriculation registers only begin in 1544, con¬ sequently if Sir T. Elyot were here we should have no record of his admission. He certainly, as far as our books show, took no degree. My belief is that his statement in the preface to his Dictionary is absolutely conclusive that he had no university education.’ But if, on the one hand, we are compelled to relinquish the picture of Elyot studying at the University, we need not, on the other, draw entirely upon our imagination to fill up the blank during the corresponding period of his career. He himself tells us what works he read whilst yet quite a young man, and we are thus enabled to form some conception of the wide range of his studies, which appears the more astonishing when we remember that he could derive no assistance from lexicons or dictionaries, now considered the indispensable handmaids to learning. ‘ Before that I was XX yeres olde,’ he says, ‘ a worshipfull phisition and one of the moste renoumed at that tyme in England per- ceyuyng me by nature inclined to knowledge rad unto me the workes of Galene of temperamentes, natural faculties, the Introduction of Johannicius, with some of the Apho- rismes of Hippocrates. And afterwarde by mine owne study I radde ouer in order the more parte of the warkes of Hippocrates, Galenus, Oribasius, Paulus Celius, Alexander Trallianus, Celsus, Plinius the one and the other, with Dios- corydes. Nor I dyd ommit to reade the longe Canones of Auicena, the Commentaries of Auerrois*, the practisis of Isake Halyabbas, Rasys, Mesue and also of the more part of them which were their aggregatours and folowers.’"^ The ‘ wor- * Preface to The Castel of Healthe. x1 LIFE OF ELYOF shipful physician ’ here alluded to was doubtless Linacre, the head of the College of Physicians, and one of the best Greek scholars in England. His translation of Galen, according to Hallam, is ‘ one of the few in that age that escape censure for inelegance or incorrectness.’ ^ He probably inspired Elyot with some of his own enthusiam for the study of Greek, and we may trace the influence of his early guidance in the pages of The Castel of Health. In the summer of 1511 Serjeant Elyot obtained for his son, probably from the Chancellor Warham, or from Sir John Fineux, the Chief Justice of the King’s Bench, the appoint¬ ment of Clerk of Assize of the Western Circuit. The salary attached to this office, as the holder of it himself tells us, was ‘ worth yearly one hundred marcs.’ ^ Reckoning the value of a mark at thirteen shillings and fourpence, and adopting Mr. Froude’s estimate of the penny as being equivalent in pur¬ chasing power to the present shilling,® this would represent an income at the present day of about 800/. per annum. In the month of June of this year we find Thomas Elyot for the first time accompanying his father and Serjeant Pollard, his father’s colleague, in the capacity, to use his own phrase, of ‘ Clerk of the Assises Westward.’ ^ The fact that his name, in accordance with the immemorial practice, is included in the same commission as that by which the Justices of Assize are appointed, has misled some writers into the belief that the younger Elyot was himself at this time exercising judicial functions. Thus, in an article on Elyot in the last (the ninth) edition of the Encyclopcedia Britannica, we find it stated that ‘his name begins to appear in the list of Justices of Assize for the Western Circuit about 15 ii.’ The mistake, however, ® Lit. of Enr. vol. i, p. 271. Ellis, Orig. Lett. vol. ii. p. 116, 1st series. * Hist, of Eng. vol. i. p. 23. ^ Ellis, udi supra. LIFE OF ELYOT. xli is no doubt attributable to the writer having consulted Mr. Brewer’s Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIIf in which the commissions are given without any explanation that the Clerks of Assize are included in those documents as well as the Justices of Assize. In the autumn of this year Richard Fetiplace, the father- in-law of John Kingstone, died. His death must have oc¬ curred between June 1511 and February 1512, for his name, which appears in the commission of the peace for Berkshire in the former month, is omitted in the latter. He resided at East or Little-Shefford, a hamlet situated near the point where the high road from Wantage to Hungerford bisects that from Lambourne to Newbury, and well known to hunting men as a meet of the Craven hounds. The manor-house which he rebuilt has long been in ruins, and is at present, we believe, used as -a barn ; but the monument of one of his sons, John, who died in 1524, and who is mentioned in the will of Sir Richard Elyot printed in the Appendix, is still preserved in the church. Richard Fetiplace had married Elizabeth, the only daugh¬ ter and heiress of William Besides, and had had by her a large family. His brother William lived, as we have already seen, at Childrey, where he founded an almshouse and free school, which are still kept up, and a chantry, which was abolished at the Reformation. Nothing, therefore, was more natural than that Serjeant Elyot, through his connection with the Fynderne family, who -possessed a manor in Childrey, should become intimately acquainted with Richard Fetiplace and his wife. We do not know in what year Richard Elyot’s first wife Alice died. We are enabled, however, approximately to fix the time of his second marriage. It is a somewhat signifi- xlii LIFE OF ELVOT, cant fact that his official tenure of the forfeited estate at Wanborough terminated in the same year in which Richard Fetiplace died. The manor, as already stated, was granted on July 5, 1511, to Sir Edward Darrell of Littlecote near Hungerford. Eighteen months later, namely in Hilary term 1513? William Grevile, one of the judges of the Common Pleas, died, and on April 26 in that year Serjeant Elyot was appointed to fill the vacant seat on the bench.^ Only ten days before this event ^ his name had been inserted in the deed already mentioned by which John Kingstone assigned his estate of South Fawley to trustees to the use of himself and his wife, the daughter of Richard Fetiplace. It seems a legitimate inference from this fact to suppose that Richard Elyot was already at this time connected by marriage with the family of Fetiplace. Probably, therefore, we shall not be far wrong in assigning 1512-13 ^.s the period at which the elder Elyot, himself a widower, married for his second wife the widow of the lord of East Shefford. Besides this manor, which his wife brought him as her marriage portion, he acquired a farm at Petwick in the parish of Letcombe-Regis, close to Childrey. Being now therefore a landed proprietor in Berkshire, his name appears in June, 1514, for the first time in the commission of the peace for that county.® Two years later, by the death of his wife’s father, William Besilles, the owner of Besselsleigh near Ox¬ ford, he came into possession not only of that estate but of some property in his own native county, comprising the manor of Brompton Regis near Dulverton in Somersetshire, of which his father-in-law had died seised, and which consequently * and Pap, Hen, VIII, vol. i. p. 547. * Ibid. vol. i. p. 826. Ibid. vol. i. p. 940. LIFE OF ELYOT. xliii devolved upon Elyot in right of his wife.* We may mention here by the way that the celebrated group of Sir Thomas More’s family, attributed to Holbein, and which is now at Burford Priory, was formerly in the old manor-house at Besselsleigh,^ and, when we consider the intimacy which subsisted between More and Thomas Elyot, it seems not at all unlikely that this picture may have been originally in the possession of the latter. In July 1517 we find the new judge of the Common Pleas styled for the first time Sir Richard Elyot. He is so desig¬ nated in the commission appointing him a Justice of Assize on the Western Circuit.® It would appear from this circum¬ stance that the honour of knighthood was not conferred upon him immediately upon his elevation to the bench. It is certain, however, that he had not been knighted whilst he was a Serjeant, for Dugdale expressly tells us ‘that none of that degree were knights before the 26th of Hen. VI 11 .’ ^ Moreover in the writs of summons to Parliament which were directed to him in the first, third, and sixth years of the king’s reign, he is described as Richard Elyot simply without the addition of the title MilesI It is noticeable also that in this same month of July his colleague, who had been raised to the bench the year after Elyot, is styled for the first time Sir Lewis Pollard in the commission of the peace for Devon¬ shire, from which we may infer that these old friends and constant companions were knighted together. One important case in which the judge was concerned about this time was an award made by Wolsey as arbitrator in a long-pending suit between the Mayor and Corporation of * Collinson’s Hist, of Somerset, vol. iii. p. 504. Lysons’ Berkshire, p. 240. ' Brewer, Lett, and Pap. vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 1104. Origincs, p. 137. • Dugdale, Summons to Pari, p 487-490. xliv LIFE OF ELYOT. Norwich and the Prior and Convent of Christchurch in that city, with reference to some waste land called Toniblands. Richard Elyot’s name is appended to the final award amongst a number of other signatures headed by Wolsey. According to Mr. Brewer the award was made in August 1520,®' but Mr. Blomefield postpones it to the year 1524.^ Inasmuch, how¬ ever, as Richard Elyot would in that case have been in his grave for about two years, we can scarcely hesitate to adopt the former as the true date. A still more important event in connection with Sir Richard Elyot’s professional career was the trial of Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, Lord High Constable of England, for high treason. The duke, as is well known, was arrested in London and conveyed to the Tower on Thursday April 16, 1521. But as Stowe tells us, ‘ after the apprehension of the duke, inquisitions were taken in diuers shires of him, so that by the knights and gentle¬ men he was indicted of high treason.’® This statement is fully borne out by records still existing, for we find from the latter that on Monday the Feast of Saint John Port-Latin (May 6), Sir Richard Elyot and his old associate. Sir Lewis Pollard, with two laymen Sir William Compton and Sir William Kingston, held a special commission of Oyer and Terminer at Bedminster, near Bristol, for the county of Somerset, at which a true bill was found by a jury composed of gentlemen and yeomen, of whom Sir William Courtney was foreman.*^ The following day a similar court was held at Bristol Castle for the county of Gloucester, by the same commissioners, and another true bill returned by a jury of twenty. Sir John Hungerford being the foreman. It does not appear, however, that Sir Richard took any further * Lett, and Pap. vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 1566. Hist, of Norfolk, vol. iii. p. 195. ® Annales of Egland, p. 511. Brewer, Lett, and Pap. vol, iii. pt. i, p. 493. LIFE OF ELYOT. xlv part in the actual trial, which was held the following week before the Duke of Norfolk, as Lord High Steward, at Westminster. Sir Richard Elyot went the Western Circuit for the last time in February 1522.* He must have died either actually on circuit or very soon after his return from it, for his will, made two years previously, was proved at Lambeth by his son on May 26. Unfortunately we have no means of ascer¬ taining whether his request that he might be buried in the Cathedral at Salisbury ‘ in the place there prepared for him and his wife ’ was really carried out. We must presume, however, that it was, and it is probably due to the too faithful compliance of his executor with the testator’s direc¬ tion that no tomb should be made over his grave, that we are left at the present day in total ignorance of the exact spot where the judge’s remains were interred. All traces of the ‘flat stone with convenient writing’ indicating to the stranger that beneath was the grave of ‘ Sir Richard Elyot, knight, one of the King’s Justices of his Common Bench’ have long ago disappeared. For a few short years no doubt ‘ placebo, dirige, and mass ’ were duly said and sung for the repose of the soul of the departed judge. But when the final blow was struck at the religious establishments, and property bestowed upon them by liberal benefactors for pious uses was transferred by a stroke of the pen to the rapacious hands of the laity, we can have little doubt that ‘ the lands in Chalk,’ bequeathed for the express purpose of providing that masses should be said for the soul of the judge and his ‘ frendes soules and all christen soules ’ did not escape the general confiscation.^ • Brewer, Led. and Pap. vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 889. ^ Both the clerk to the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury, F. Macdonald, Esq., xlvi LIFE OF ELYOT. For some years after the death of his father, Thomas Elyot continued to go the Western Circuit and to retain his old office of Clerk of Assize. In 1523, however, through the premature decease of his cousin Thomas Fynderne, he came into possession of some estates in Cambridgeshire comprising the manors of Carlton Parva and Weston Colville, not far from Newmarket. This piece of good fortune fell to him ‘ not moche loked for ’ to use his own expression.^ The cir¬ cumstances in which Elyot became entitled to this pro¬ perty were as follows. Under the limitations contained in the will of Sir William Fynderne already mentioned, in the event of his grandson Thomas Fynderne dying without issue, his Cambridgeshire estates would devolve upon the heirs of Sir Richard Elyot, whose first wife Alice was the testator’s cousin. Thomas Fynderne outlived the judge by one year only, dying at the early age of seventeen. Although so young he had been married to Bridget, the daughter of Sir William Waldegrave,^ but having no issue the contingency provided for by his grandfather’s will occurred, and the devise in favour of Richard Elyot’s heir took effect. Unluckily for the latter, and as if ‘ to temper that sodayne joye,’ which he had felt on first hearing the news of his good fortune he ‘ was furthwith assaultid with trouble by them which made title withoute ryght or goode consyderation.’ ° As already stated. Sir William Fynderne’s family was an offshoot from the main stock which had been seated in Derby- and the town clerk of that city, R. Marsh Lee, Esq., informed the Editor that after making a careful search they were unable to discover any trace of the ‘ indenture tripartite, ’ mentioned in the will of Sir Richard Elyot, although a duplicate of the original must have formerly existed among the municipal as well as the ecclesiastical muniments. ® Ellis, Orig. Lett. vol. ii. p. 114, ist series. ^ Morant’s Hist, of Essex, vol. ii. p. 235. ® Ellis, Orig. Lett. vol. ii. p. 115, ist series. LIFE OF ELYOt. xlvii shire for nine generations.^ Upon the death of young Thomas Fynderne, the branch of which he was the last male heir became extinct. The Derbyshire line was then represented by another Thomas Fynderne, whose son George had married Elizabeth, daughter of John Port of Etwall,^ then a Serjeant- at-law, but afterwards better known as Sir John Port, one of the judges of the King’s Bench: The elder Fynderne disputed Elyot’s right to the succes¬ sion. Legal proceedings were commenced, and advantage was taken of the new connection with Serjeant Port to enlist his services in the cause. Elyot was thus put to great ex¬ pense in defending his title. * By the meanes of Mr. Porte the justice, whoes daughter myn adversaries sone hadd maried, I was constrayned to retayne so many lernyd men, and so to applie my busyness, that the saide sute contynuyng one yere and an half stoode me above one hundred pounds.’® The cause came on for hearing before Wolsey as Chancellor, who seems from the first to have entertained an opinion in favour of our author. ‘ My lorde Cardinall, whome God pardone, knowing my title to be perfect and suer as having it enrollid bifore him and at the first beginning hiering him self the mutuall covenaunts bytwene my fader and my cosen Sir William Fynderne, whoes fader was my mothers unkle, by his goode justice gave me good comfort.’ ^ The suit terminated in Elyot’s favour, and when we call to mind the complaints of * the law’s delay,’ that have been raised in much more recent times particularly with regard to chancery proceedings, it would appear that our author had rather reason to congratulate himself upon this comparatively speedy termination of a troublesome litigation. * Lysons’ Derbyshire, p. cxxvii. ** Egerton, MSS. 996, fo. 15. Harl. MSS. i486, fo. 27 b, and 1093, fo. 72. ® Ellis, Orig. Lett, vol. ii, p. 115, 1st series. Ellis, 7 vol. iv. pt. 2, p. i6io. Fuller’s Worthies^ p. 344. ® Chron. {Hen. VIII.) fo. clxxvi b. LIFE OF ELYOT. Iv as yn this case shall be lawfull and expedyent, and I dought not but he will so doo, and as my lordes grace shall be well servyd. Right gladly wold I see you yn my pour house if you make long abode yn thes parties. All be it I can not make you suche chere as you have yn Oxford, but onely hardly welcom. ‘ At Combe, the xxv. day of March. ‘Your lovyng companyon, ‘ Th. Elyot.’ ® Although the year is not given, we may certainly assign March 25, 1528, as the date of this letter. We know from independent evidence that Cromwell was in Oxfordshire at this very time. A letter is still in existence written by Stephen Vaughan (to whom we shall allude more at length presently) from London on ‘ Passion even ’ and addressed ‘ to his right worshipful master Mr. Cromwell be this yoven at Oxford.’^ Now in 1528, Easter Sunday fell on April 12, consequently Vaughan’s letter must have been written on March 28. Secondly we have a letter from Cromwell himself to Wolsey, dated ‘ Oxford, April 2,’ in which he speaks of having been to the monastery at Wallingford and found all the church and household implements conveyed away except the evidences which he had given to the dean of Wolsey’s college at Oxford.*^ It will be observed too that Elyot addresses Cromwell as Wolsey’s solicitor. Now this is exactly the expression used by Fox, who says, ‘ It happened that in this meane season as Cromwell was placed in this office to be sollicitour to the cardinall, the said cardinall had then in * MS. P.R.O. Cromwell Corresp, vol. x. No. 56. The letter is addressed ‘ To the right wurshipful and my very frende Mr. Crumwell, Solicitor to my lord Legates grace.’ ^ Lett, and Pap. Hen. VIII, vol. iv. pt. 2. p. 1813. ® Ibid. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 1829. Ivi LIFE OF ELVOT. hand the building of certaine colleges, namely his college in Oxford, called then Frideswide, now Christ’s Church.’ ^ In March 1528, according to a letter still preserved in the British Museum, the Abbot of Bruerne in Oxfordshire was indicted for a riot. It is possible that it was with reference to this that John Knolles writing from Calais to Sir Edward Chamberlain on June 7, the same year, says that he ^under¬ stands that Mr. Ellyat has made a riot of the business beside Woodstock, when Chamberlain met him hunting, and has almost undone the poor men of Woodstock by summoning them to London at their own cost.’ And then he adds, * My lord Cardinal has made him Clerk of the Council.’ ^ Up to this time Elyot had continued to act in the capacity of Clerk of Assize whilst performing the more important duties of his new office. But he was now induced to resign the former appointment. * By the solicitation of some men which yet doo lyve, my sayde lorde bearing me on hand that I was and sholde be so necessary to be continually attendant on the Counsayle that it shold be expedient for me to leve the office of the Assises, (promysing moreover that by his meanes the King shold otherwise shortly promote me bothe to more worship and proffite) finally willed me to resigne my said office takyng onely for it CCli., which after longe resis- tence finally I meist folow his pleasure to keepe him my goode Lorde.’ ® The office which Elyot resigned was be¬ stowed upon Robert Dacres the nephew of Dr. John Tayler the Master of the Rolls.*' The reader will doubtless have observed in the account • Wordsworth’s Eccles. Biog. vol. ii. p. 231. Lett, and Pap. Hen. VIII. vol. iv. pt. 3, p. 3156. ® Ellis, Orig. Lett. vol. ii. p. 116, ist series. * Lett, and Pap. Hen. VIII. vol. iv. pt. 3, p. 3129. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ivii above quoted from Elyot’s own letter of the manner of his appointment by Wolsey a somewhat singular expression. ‘ The Cardinal,’ he says, * advauncid me (as he supposid) to be Clerk of the Counsayle.’ The words in parenthesis have a special significance of their own and were not added without good reason. Although Elyot not only discharged the duties of Clerk of the Council, but had even resigned another lucra¬ tive office at the express request of Wolsey, the salary which was due to him as Clerk of the Council continued to be with¬ held. We naturally inquire the reason of this manifest injustice and Elyot himself supplies the answer. ‘ Whan the yere was finisshid,’ he says, ‘ I suyd to him {i.e. the Cardinal) to optayne a patent for the office in the Counsayle, which his Grace didd as I herd say, but I could never com by it: Doctor Cleyburgh and other keping it from me. After I suyd for the fee, which as I herd saye was fourti marcs by the yere, wherof I hadd promyse, but I never receyvid it. So by the space of six yeres and an half I servyd the King not in the Sterre Chamber onely, but in some things per- tayning to the Clerk of the Croune, some to the Secretaries, and other travailes which I will not now reherce lest ye sholde deeme me longe in praising my self, and all this time without fee, withoute reward more than the ordinare : and that which more grevith me, withoute thank of the King which I deservyd as it wold appier if his Grace hadd ben truely infourmed of me, and my drawghtes scene which I devisid and made to my sayde Lorde. In this unthankfull travayle I no thing gate but the colike and the stone, debilitating of nature, and all moste contynuell destinations or rewmes, ministres to abbreviate my lif; which though it be of no grete importance, yet some wayes it mought be necessary. Finally, after the deth of my sayde Lorde, there was a former Iviii LIFE OF ELYOT. patente founde of the sayde office and myn was callid in and cancelled.’ ^ The literal truth of this last statement is most strikingly confirmed by a document still preserved in the Public Record Office, and now printed for the first time in the Appendix to this volume. It purports to be a grant of letters patent conferring the office of Clerk of the Council upon Elyot. The pen has been drawn obliquely across the original record and in the margin is a note stating why the grant was cancelled. This latter course was adopted appar¬ ently for the following reason. A patent was made out for Elyot in 1528, on the express condition that Richard Eden, the then holder of the office, would surrender the letters patent granted to him on October 21, 1512. Eden, who as we have already said was a pluralist, and is indeed actually stated in this document to be incapable of properly perform¬ ing the duties of the office because diversis negociis suis im- plicittiSy omitted or refused to surrender the grant, but no doubt continued to draw the salary. This condition precedent therefore not having been performed, the grant to Elyot was held to be legally void and inoperative. The Doctor Cleyburgh, mentioned above, was one of the Masters in Chan¬ cery^ whose duty it probably was to enrol the letters patent. The temptation to recoup himself for the loss of his salary by indirect means must have been very great, and pro¬ bably in that age would have overcome the scruples of most men placed in a similar position. But Elyot resisted the temptation; conscientiously ^ refusing fees, to thintent in servyng the Kyng I wold lyve out of all suspicion.’® His * Ellis, Orig. Lett, vol. ii. pp. li 6 , 117, 1st series. ** Lett, and Pap. Henry VIII. vol. iv. pt. 3, p. 2717. ® Ellis, Orig, Lett. vol. ii. p. 117, 1st series. LIFE OF ELYOT. lix punctilious honesty in this respect stands out in pleasing relief against the dark background of corruption in which many public men at this period were involved, and none more than the Cardinal himself. What evidently affected Elyot more than the loss of his salary to which he was justly en¬ titled, was the fact that his services were not only not recognised as they deserved, but were actually concealed from the King. The ‘ drawghtes,’ to which he alludes, were in all probability minutes of the proceedings of the Privy Council. The register, as we have already said, is missing for this period, and does not commence until August lo, 1540, from which date it has been regularly continued down to the present day. The foregoing circumstances considered, we can scarcely be surprised at Elyot’s forcible denunciation of ingratitude, as in his opinion ‘ the most damnable vice and most against justice.’ If, however, he failed to get the due reward of his labour, he made a bargain with the King about this time, which may possibly have compensated him in some measure for the loss of his salary. The royal wardships, that is, the right of the sovereign as lord paramount to dispose of the estates of his wards during minority, an incident of the feudal system, formed a considerable part of the revenues of the Crown. In May 1528, Elyot bought from the King for the sum of 80/., the wardship of Erasmus Pym, the infant son and heir of Reginald Pym, together with the custody of the manor of Cannington near Bridgewater, and a third part of the manor of Exton and Hawkridge near Dulverton in Somersetshire.^ It is interesting to us to know that this young Pym was the father of the famous John Pym, celebrated for all time as “ Lett, and Pap. Hen. VIII. vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 1897, and pt. 3, p. 2433. Ix LIFE OF ELYOT. one of the * five members ' impeached by Charles I.® Thus, if it be true, as stated by Browne Willis,^ that our author was allied to the family of Sir John Eliot, the two famous champions of the seventeenth century, who represent respec¬ tively the earlier and the later struggle for Parliamentary liberty, were actually connected by an hereditary bond of union hitherto unsuspected. In June 1530 the Archdeacon of Middlesex obtained a new grant of letters patent of the office of Clerk of the Coun¬ cil to himself and Thomas Eden (probably his son) in survi¬ vorship.® Elyot’s services were accordingly no longer required. To quote his own words, he was ‘discharged without any recom- pence, rewarded only with the order of Knighthode, honorable and onerouse, having moche lasse to lyve on than bifore.’ ^ Knighthood in the sixteenth century was conferred not so much for the purpose of doing honour to the recipients as of replenishing the royal exchequer. Hence Elyot regarded this new dignity much as the gift of a white elephant. To make matters worse, he had lately been compelled to pay 348/., a large sum in those days, and certainly more than ten times the amount now represented by those figures, to Sir William Fynderne’s executor. ‘To minish my poure astate, I hadd a little before payid to doctor Naturess, executor to Syr William Fynderne, to redeeme certayne yeres, duryng the which he claymed to take the profits of my land for the execution of a wille, thre hundred and xlviii pounds.’ ® This Doctor Naturess or Natures, was Master of Clare College, Cambridge, in 1513, and subsequently Vice-Chancellor of the University. He was Rector of Weston Colville, in which “ Collinson, Hist. Somersetshire^ vol. i. p. 234. Notitia Parliament, vol. ii. p. 145. * Lett, and Pap. Hen. VIII, vol. iv. pt. 3, p. 2917. ^ Ellis, Orig. Lett, vol. ii. p. 117, ist series. * Ellis, ubi supra. LIFE OF ELY OF Ixi parish Sir William Fynderne had a manor, and it was very natural therefore that the latter should appoint him his exe¬ cutor. In June 15 30 we find Elyot’s name (he was now Sir Thomas) in the Commissions of Gaol Delivery for both Cambridge Castle and Oxford Castle.^ In the following month he was one of five Commissioners appointed to inquire concerning the possessions held by Wolsey in Cambridgeshire on December 2, 1523, the Cardinal’s attainder having relation back to that date. Elyot’s colleagues were Sir Robert Payton, Giles Alyngton, Thomas Lucas, and Philip Parys.^ The fact of Elyot’s name appearing on this Commission is relied upon by Mr. Cooper as a proof of his ‘ having been a time-server.’ ® Such an inference, however, seems hardly a fair one. The duty of making this inquiry, which was not instituted until long after Wolsey had pleaded guilty to the prcernunire^ was imposed upon Elyot in common with hundreds of other gentlemen throughout England, for no other reason than that he hap¬ pened to be one of the principal landed proprietors in this particular county. With quite as much reason might Mr. Cooper accuse Sir Richard Lister, the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, or Sir Christopher Hales, the Attorney-General, of being time-servers, for both sat on the same Commission, and both probably owed their advancement to the same patron, the late Chancellor. Moreover, the duty which Elyot in com¬ mon with all the other Commissioners had to perform was a purely formal one, viz., to take evidence on oath. It is therefore, difficult to see how the charge which Mr. Cooper brings against him can be sustained, when we consider that his appointment by the Government to take part in an ‘ Lett, and Pap. Hen. VJII. vol. iv. pt, 3, pp. 2918, 2919. ^ Rymer, Foedera, vol. xiv. p. 403. ® Athen. Cantab, vol. i. p. 89. IxH LIFE OF ELYOT. inquiry, for the institution of which he was in no degree responsible, was due solely to the fact of his being a gentle¬ man of position, and perhaps specially qualified from his previous employment in the public service. We do not know in what year Thomas Elyot married. That event, however, probably took place after his father’s death, and before the period in his career at which we have now arrived. His wife was Margaret, daughter of John Abarrow, of North Charford, a parish in Hampshire, about six miles from Salis¬ bury.^ Her family, therefore, must have been well known to Elyot, for they had been close neighbours. Her literary tastes had perhaps influenced his choice, and would certainly cement the bond of sympathy between them. She, as well as her husband, was a frequent student in that famous school of Sir Thomas More,^ which, we are told, was * rather an universitie than a private schole,’ and ‘ was liked and praysed of great and learned both at home and abroade.’® A portrait of her painted by Holbein, is now in the possession of Her Majesty at Windsor. Elyot’s official occupations had evidently not absorbed the whole of his time or thoughts, and he must have em¬ ployed whatever intervals of leisure fell to his lot to exceedingly good purpose. In 1530-31 he published his first, and, as the verdict of posterity has pronounced it to be, his most celebrated work, The Govemotcr, dedicating it to the King as the first fruits of his study. His principal object in writing this book was, as he has himself told us, * to in¬ struct men in such vertues as shall be expedient for them * Berry, Hampshire Geneal. p. 265* ^ ‘ Thomam Eliottum scriptorem inter Anglos clarum, cujus etiam uxor in schola Mori (de qua postea) operam literis dedit. ’—Stapleton, Vita Thomce Mori, p. 59, ed. 1588. * Wordsworth’s Eccles. Biog. vol. ii. p. 122, ed. 1853. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixiii whiche shall haue auctoritee in a weale publike/ a In * the Proheme,’ or Preface, he explains his choice of the title, which as a combination of terseness and vagueness, may perhaps be compared most appropriately with the titles not unfrequently adopted by novelists of the present day. The Governoiir may very fairly be described as the earliest treatise on moral philosophy in the English language. ^ By moral philosophy,’ says Hallam, ‘we are to understand not only systems of ethics and exhortations to virtue, but that survey of the nature or customs of mankind which men of reflecting minds are apt to take, and by which they become qualified to guide and advise their fellows. The influence of such men through the popularity of their writings, is not the same in all periods of society; it has sensibly abated in modern times, and is chiefly exercised through fiction, or at least a more amusing style than was found sufficient for our forefathers; and from this change of fashion, as well as from the advance of real knowledge and the greater precision of language, many books once famous, have scarcely retained a place in our libraries, and never lie on our tables.’ ^ These remarks are especially applicable to The Governoiir. For one person at the present day who has heard of the existence of such a book, one hundred might probably have been counted in the sixteenth century who had almost got it by heart. The moral and social duties of princes, a topic which in the middle ages had frequently exercised the pens of the schoolmen and theologians, acquired still greater prominence in the fifteenth century, in consequence probably of the steady progress towards absolute monarchy, and formed the subject of numerous treatises, especially in Italy. To * See Preface to The Image of Governance, ^ Lit. of EtiropCf vol. i. p. 395, 4th ed. Ixiv LIFE OF ELYOT. John of Salisbury belongs the credit of being one of the earliest, if not the first, in mediaeval times, to point out how a prince owing obedience to the law is superior to an irre¬ sponsible despot.^ In the following century Thomas Aquinas commenced, and his disciple, Bartholomaeus of Lucca, is re¬ puted to have completed,^ the famous treatise, De Regimine Prmcipuin^ which has been imitated and plagiarised by so many subsequent writers, ^gidio Colonna, a member of the celebrated Neapolitan family, but better known by his French sobriquet^ Gilles de Rome, was the next deserving of notice who directed attention to this subject. His treatise, of which not merely the idea, but the title, was borrowed from that of the great Dominican, was written early in the fourteenth century, although it did not appear in print till 1473. Our own countryman Occlcve, the contemporary of Chaucer, was guilty of a similar plagiarism, and adopted the same title for his own poem. He did not, however, stoop to conceal the source of his inspiration. ‘ Of Gyles of Regement of Prynces plotmele thynke I to translate.’ ® In the fifteenth century two celebrated Italian writers, Giovanni Pontano and Philip Beroaldo, composed treatises on the same subject but with different titles, that of the former being entitled De Principe^ whilst that of the latter was styled De Optimo Statu et Principe, In the same century and in the same country there appeared a more elaborate work, following the plan of Valerius Maximus, which acquired a still greater reputa¬ tion than either of the preceding. This was the De Regno et Regis Institutione of Francesco Patrizi, which has an especial interest for us from the fact that Sir Thomas * See Polycratiais, lib. iv. Quetif, Script. Ord. PrcBdic. tom. i. p. 543. ® De Reg. Prin. p. 74. Roxburghe Club. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixv Elyot borrowed largely from its pages. It appears, indeed, as if the author of The Governoiir had taken it for his model. Francesco Patrizi, has often been confounded with his namesake, a philosophical writer in the succeeding cen¬ tury, whose best known works are two treatises on Roman antiquities, called respectively Della Milizia Romana and Paralleli Militari. The elder Patrizi, a native of Sienna, from which city he appears to have been banished about 1457, raised by Pius II., the patron of all the learned men of his time, to the episcopal throne of Gaieta in 1460, over which diocese he presided during the long period of thirty-four years.* His De Regno et Regis Institiitione re¬ mained unpublished for many years after his death, and was printed for the first time at Paris in 1518 by Jean de Savigny from a MS. which Jean Prevost, Councillor of State, had brought with him from ItalyThe great number of editions through which Patrizi’s work subsequently passed, affords tolerably good evidence of the estimation in which it was held by the learned in the sixteenth century. When, more over, we find that it was translated into the vernacular in two countries, we need scarcely seek further for a proof of its general popularity. Italian versions appeared in 1545 and 1547, and French in 1520, 1550, and again in 1577. On comparing the De Regno et Regis Institutione with The Governour^ it will be seen at once that there is a very remarkable similarity in the plan of the respective works. But independently of this general resemblance, the identity of some particular passages is now so clearly established,® that we may fairly conclude that Elyot had made himself well * Niceron, Horn. 111 . tom. xxxvi. pp. 15-20. ^ Chevillier, LOrig. de T Imprint. p. 187. * See the passages referred to in the Appendix to this volume. d Ixvi LIFE OF ELYOT. acquainted with the contents of Patrizi’s book, published, as we have seen, about twelve years earlier, and of which he probably possessed a copy. It is curious, however, that whilst on the one hand he refers in express terms to the Institutio Principis Christiani of Erasmus, which supplied him, amongst other things, with materials for his ‘ Seven Articles,’ ^ and on the other acknowledges his obligation to Pontano, from whom also he borrowed largely, Elyot makes no allusion whatever to Patrizi. The English author, however, had another object in view beyond that of writing an ethical treatise according to the approved pattern, and in this respect his book, when compared with those which preceded it, may undoubtedly claim the merit of originality. Elyot was very conscious of the poverty of the Anglo-Saxon as compared with other languages, and he desired above all things to aug¬ ment its vocabulary. Like other reformers, he had to en¬ counter the contemptuous opposition of those who hated all innovation. Diuers men rather scornyng my benefite than receyuing it thankfully, doo shewe them selfes offended (as they say) with my strange termes.’ ^ But the King, who was himself a good linguist, showed a higher appreciation of Elyot’s efforts than these cavillers. ‘ His Highnesse be- nignely receyuynge my boke, whiche I named The Governour^ in the redynge therof sone perceyued that I intended to augment our Englyshe tongue wherby men shulde as well expresse more abundantly the thynge that they conceyued in theyr hartis (wherfore language was ordeyned), hauynge wordes apte for the pourpose, as also interprete out of greke, latyn, or any other tonge into Englysshe, as sufficiently as * See Vol. II. p. 2. ■ See Preface to The Knowledge whiche maketh a wise matt, ed. 1533. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixvii out of any one of the said tongues into an other. His Graec also perceyued that through out the boke there was no terme new made by me of a latine or frenche worde, but it is there declared so playnly by one mene or other to a diligent reder, that no sentence is therby made derke or harde to be under- stande.’ In another respect, too, the King exhibited a degree of tolerance hardly to be expected from a man of his high spirit. Elyot had foreseen the possibility of an indig¬ nant outcry being raised, as soon as his book appeared, by some of those in authority, who might consider themselves aggrieved by his censure of the vices of noblemen, and had anticipated the coming storm by protesting that his remarks must be taken as capable only of a general, and not a par¬ ticular application. These apprehensions were not altogether groundless. For writing two years after the publication of The Governour^ he tells us that some men, ^ finding in my bokis the thing dispreysed whiche they do commende in usynge it, lyke a galde horse abidynge no playsters, be alwaye gnappynge and kyckynge at suche examples and sentences as they do feele sharpe or do byte them ; accomptyng to be in me no lyttel presumption that I wyll in notynge other mens vices correct Magnificat, sens other moche wyser men and better lerned than I doo forbeare to wryte anythynge. And whiche is warse than all this, some wyll maliciously diuine or coniecte that I wryte to the intent to rebuke some particular persone, couaytinge to brynge my warkes and after¬ ward me into the indignation of some man in auctorytie.’^ But the man who was highest of all in authority took a far wider and nobler view of the author’s design. ‘ Ne the sharpe and quycke sentences or the rounde and playne examples set out * Preface to The Knowledge whiche maketh a wise man. Ixvill LIFE OF ELYOT. in the versis of Claudiane the poete, in the seconde boke, or in the chapiters of Affabilitie, Beneuolence, Beneficence, and of the diuersitie of flaterers, and in dyuers other places in any parte offended his Hyghnes, but (as hit was by credible persones reported unto me) his Grace not onely toke hit in the better parte, but also with princely wordes full of maiestie, commended my diligence, simplicite, and corage, in that I spared none astate in the rebukynge of vice/ ^ However cold a reception The Governour may have met with in some quarters, the King at all events seems to have regarded its author as deserving of favour at his hands. There can be little doubt that Elyot’s appointment as Ambassador to the Emperor in the Low Countries was not unconnected with the publication of a book which at once stamped its author not merely as one of the foremost scholars of the day, but as a staunch adherent to the monarchical form of government. It has been suggested by an eminent writer that Elyot ‘did not venture to handle the political part of his subject as he wished to do.’ ^ It may be admitted that the reader will look in vain in The Governour for the admirable ingenuity of the Utopia or the cynical boldness of The Prince of Machiavel. But we must remember that Elyot’s object was neither to construct an ideal form of government nor to teach rulers the arts of state-craft. He designed in the first place to call attention to one of the chief necessities of the age, a better system of education for the sons of noblemen and gentlemen who were afterwards to take part in public affairs, those ‘ that hereafter may be deemed worthy to be gouernours.’ In the second place he designed to instil into the minds of such persons, when they should arrive at the age of maturity, and be called to the ''^Preface to The Knowledge whiche maketh a wise many ed. 1533. ^ Hallam, Lit. of Eut, vol. i. p. 401, 4th edn. 'LIFE OF ELYOT, Ixix government of the State, those principles of morality which should regulate their conduct and enable them to be of service to their country, ‘ for the which purpose only they be called to be gouernours.’ These two principal designs are the guiding stars which from first to last Elyot keeps steadily in view in the pages of The Governour. That in carrying out his intention he has, whether consciously or unconsciously, imitated the plan of the Italian writer does not at all diminish the credit which is due to himself. But The Governour is very far indeed from being merely a servile copy of Patrizi’s work. Certainly in knowledge of the world, acquired by personal observation of men and manners, if not in mere book-learning, the Italian would have to yield the palm to the English writer. The success of The Governour from a literary point of view, notwithstanding ‘the malignity’ of the time, ‘all disposed,’ as its author tells us, ‘ to malicious detraction,’ was soon completely established. Its popularity eclipsed that of any other book of the same period, not excepting even the Utopia. So great was the demand in fact that the printer could scarcely supply copies fast enough. The Governour was reprinted three times, under the personal supervision of its author. In the space of fifty years no less than eight editions of this work were published, the last being dated 1580.^ Of these five at least were put forth from the same press, that of Thomas Berthelet, who printed the first edition. Of the remainder one was printed by Thomas Marsh, another (the last) by East, whilst an edition published in 1557 has no printer’s name or place ap¬ pended. ‘ The price and convenience of books,’ says Hallam, ‘ are evidently not unconnected with their size.’ ^ The shape in * Hazlitt, Collect, and Notes, p. 143. Mr. Henry Pyne, of 18 Kent Terrace, Regent’s Park, is, we believe, in possession of a copy of each of the editions which are mentioned by Hazlitt. Lit. of Eur. vol. i. p. 246, 4th ed. Ixx LIFE OF ELYOT. which The Governour appeared, as a small octavo volume, capable of being easily carried in the pocket (after the first edition the size was still further reduced), would be well cal¬ culated to render it attractive in the eyes of men, whose libraries hitherto had consisted chiefly if not entirely of ponderous folios or quartos. The interest which The Gover 7 tour excited among men of letters is attested not merely by its rapid and extensive sale, but by the subsequent appearance of numerous imitations. Without going so far as to suggest that the work which Budaeus wrote and dedicated to Francis I. in 1547, entitled De Vhistitiition du Prince^ might have been inspired by a perusal of Elyot’s book, we may remark that the points of resemblance between them seem almost too close to be entirely accidental. The same observation would apply to John Sturm’s treatise De educandis enidiendisque Principiim published in 1570, and dedicated to Duke William, brother of Anne of Cleves. Indeed, it is by no means improbable that Sturm had become acquainted with The Governour^ if not with its author. His treatment of the subject of education is at any rate similar in many respects to that of Elyot. But not to look further than our own country. In 1555 a book, bearing the title of The histitucion of a Gentleman, was published anonymously, and dedicated ‘ to the Lorde Fitzwater,’ son and heir of the Earl of Sussex. In 1606 Ludovick Bryskett, the friend of the poet Spenser, wrote A Discourse of Civill Life, contaming the Ethike part of Morall Philosophic fit for the instructing of a Gentlemanmthecourseofavertuous life. In 1622 The Compleat Ge^itlemart, by Henry Peacham, appeared, and was so well received that it was several times reprinted. In each and all of the above-mentioned works we see that the main idea of LIFE OF ELYOT, Ixxi The Governour has been borrowed and adapted according to the taste of the writer. A more careful search would doubt¬ less enable us to discover many other works bearing traces of the influence exercised by The Governour upon the minds of men in the sixteenth century. Ascham’s Schoolmaster and Locke’s Thoughts concernhig Education^ works of an analogous character, though far removed from each other in point of time, may be regarded as still further developing ideas to which Elyot was the first to give expression. And as we have alluded to Ascham, we may observe that Hallam con¬ siders Elyot ‘worthy upon the whole, on account of the solidity of his reflections, to hold a higher place’ than the author of The Schoolmastery ‘ to whom in some respects he bears a good deal of resemblance.’» On such a point the reader will probably be content to accept Hallam’s verdict as conclusive. In the autumn of the year in which The Governour was published Sir Thomas Elyot received his commission as the accredited envoy of Henry to Charles V. On Sept. 4, 1531, Chapuys, the Imperial Ambassador at the English Court, wrote word to the Emperor that being lately with the King to ask a reply to his letter touching the chapter of the Toison UOr^ the King ordered him to say that in ten days he would despatch a new Ambassador with the requisite instructions. And a week later he writes, ‘ The Ambassador to be sent to your Majesty is Master Vuylliot (Elyot), a gentleman of 700 or 800 ducats of rent, formerly in the Cardinal’s service, now in that of the lady (Anne Boleyn), who has promoted him to this charge. When he starts, the Master of the Rolls (Dr. Tayler), who is an old ecclesiastical doctor, goes with him to France as successor to Brian.’'’ * Lit, of Eur, vol. i. p. 401, 4th ed, MS. Public Record Office. Ixxii LIFE OF ELYOT. In this latter statement Chapuys appears to have been mistaken. Sir Francis Brian was not superseded. On the contrary, he remained in France for several years after this date. We are fortunately enabled to lay before the reader the instructions as to the object of his embassy which Sir Thomas Elyot received from the King on this occasion, from a MS. preserved among the Cottonian collection in the British Museum. This interesting document, which from the style of the handwriting is evidently a modern copy, has already been printed by Mr. Pocock.^ That gentleman has, however, assigned to it the date October 7, 1532, but the Editor came to the conclusion, after consulting Mr. J. Gairdner, that an error of a whole year had been made, and that the true date is October 7, 1531. The following are the instructions re¬ ferred to: ‘ Trusty and right well beloved, we greet you well; and thinking it expedient to fish out and know in what opinion the Emperor is of us, and whether, despairing of our old friendship towards him, or fearing other our new communica¬ tion with France he seeketh ways and means that might be to our detriment or no, we have thought it right convenient that ye, knowing our mind and purpose in this behalf, should at the first repair to the Emperor, after such words of salutation as be comprised in your instructions, say unto the same Emperor on our behalf that whereas we by our Ambas¬ sadors at Rome complaining to the Pope of the misintreating of us, and the manifest injuries done to us by his deputies in calling us to Rome, there by ourself or our Proctor to make answer, the which the universities of Paris and Orleans the Chauncelor of France and our good brother’s the French • See Rec. of Ref . vol. ii. p. 329, ed. 1870. LIFE OF kLYOT, Ixxiii King’s Councillors and Presidents of the Court of Parliament in Paris affirm to be notorious wrong against all laws, and that all other learned men for the most part elsewhere confirm the same ; forasmuch as answer hath been made by the Pope that the Emperor written unto by him will not otherwise agree, but saith (as the Pope voucheth) that he will have the cause examined in none other place but at Rome, we have thought good to signify the premisses unto the said Emperor by you in your first access to the same, and to say on our behalf that we, remembering what words the Emperor hath heretofore spoken concerning our great cause between us and the Queen, how he would not meddle otherwise than according to justice, with that considering how little cause he hath to do us wrong, or to be author or favourer of any injustice to be done unto us,' we having always deserved favour, pleasure, and kindness on our part, we be induced to believe rather that the said Emperor is wrongfully reported by the Pope, and that they would for the extension of their authority use the said Emperor for a visage than otherwise. And yet on the other side the Pope so often repeating the same unto us, and brought to a point to stay to use for a refuge, to say the Emperor will not, that hath compelled us by you to open this matter unto the said Emperor, who we doubt not, if he hath so encouraged the Pope upon ignorance to do us wrong, he will himself reform it, and also knowing by you what the Universities of Paris and Orleans, and also the Chauncelor of France, being a Cardinal and learned in the Pope’s law, with other the French King’s Councillors, our learned men, and them also in Italy affirm the same, he will rather believe this public asseveration, and especially of the Council of France being friends indifferent, than any private information made to him to the contrary, or else in case the said Emperor hath not so Ixxiv LIFE OF ELYOT. far meddled as the Pope saith nor answered. .to us he will declare himself accordingly. And if the Emperor, desirous to have the -matter more opened, shall ask what the Pope doth wherein we think our¬ self wronged, ye may say, in calling and citing us to Rome, there to appear by us or our Proctor, which is contrary to all laws, as all lawyers affirm, and especially they in France, as friends indifferent, and answering only for the testification of the truth, against whom can be alleged no cause of affection which should move them to swarve^from the truth. And if the Emperor shall reply to know what the Universities affirm, and what the Chauncellor and other the Presidents of the Court of Parliament of Paris do say, ye may answer how they say that we may not be cited to Rome, there to appear by us or our Proctor, and that such a citation is not only nought, and all their process thereupon following, but also manifest injuries and wrong, which trust ye may say the Emperor of his honour will not maintain. And if the Emperor shall say that he is not learned, and understandeth not these matters, but will do that Justice will, and that further he cannot skill lie will meddle, ye may reply that forasmuch as he is not learned he may be the sooner abused, and whether he hath answered to the Pope, as is affirmed, or no, he knoweth ne yet requireth any learning. Wherefore if he have so done, per¬ ceiving that intending only justice he hath been in this point moved to advance injustice, we doubt not but like a prince of honor he will reform himself, and rather desist from doing or procuring his friend wrong, than to proceed any further in the same. And for this purpose we have willed you to declare the premisses unto him on our behalf, whereunto you shall desire him to make his answer to be signified unto us accord¬ ingly, willing you to note his answer to the particularities. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixxv and how he taketh the determination of the French King’s Council, and what he saith to you therein, and by all the means you can to ensearch whether there is any meeting intended.’ ^ Stephen Vaughan was at this time the English Resident at Antwerp, and had been instructed to watch Tyndale’s movements, who was known to be in that city. Vaughan was suspected by Henry of being favourably disposed towards the great Reformer, and had thereby caused great embarrass¬ ment to Cromwell, his friend and patron. Advantage was therefore taken of Elyot’s mission to the Emperor to adopt a more vigorous course of action. The new envoy was ordered, before he returned to England, to search for and if possible to apprehend Tyndale. By the end of November Elyot had reached Tournai, and had placed himself in communication with Vaughan. For the latter writing to Cromwell, Dec. 9, says, ^ Master Elyot, the King’s Ambassador, this day sent me a letter from Tournay with another enclosed to you, wherein I think he desires you to be a solicitor to the King’s Majesty and to his honourable Council for him, that he may from time to time have answer of his letters, and be made thereby more able to do the King honour in these parts. It is not well done that he should be so long without letters, considering his little experience in these parts, who in short time, in mine opinion, would do right well if he were a little holpen.’ ^ This extract from Vaughan’s letter is interesting for two reasons. It shows us that Elyot was kept without instructions from home, and with his own letters unacknowledged, and further that Vaughan had evidently conceived a favourable * Cotton MSS. Vitell. B. XXI. fo. 56. ^ Cotton MSS. Galba B. X. fo. 21. See Demaus, Life of Tyndale^ p. 337. Ixxvi LIFE 01 ELY07. opinion of the new Ambassador. The good understanding which evidently subsisted between these two envoys, Vaughan and Elyot, is worthy of notice when we remember that ultimately the latter was no more successful in arresting Tyndale than the former had been in persuading the Reformer to come to England. Taking this fact in connection with Elyot’s protest to Cromwell, to be mentioned presently, it seems not unlikely that Elyot himself incurred a somewhat similar suspicion to that under which Vaughan laboured. Be this as it may, the circumstance that Vaughan entertained a good feeling for Elyot, and spoke of him in a way which he would hardly have done if he had regarded him as personally a bitter enemy of Tyndale, has been entirely ignored by the author of the Biography of William Tyndale, Mr. Demaus has nothing but praise for Vaughan, acknowledging ‘ a deep debt of gratitude to the official whose kindness comforted the noble heart of the martyr in his exile, and whose writings have preserved for posterity such genuine and picturesque glimpses of the personal history of the Reformer.’® On the other hand, he seems to regard Sir Thomas Elyot with special aversion, and as deserving of the utmost contempt, merely for endeavouring faithfully to discharge his duty to his sovereign. This unfair view of Elyot’s conduct can only be compared with the charge brought against him by Mr. Cooper of ingratitude to Wolsey, with which we have already dealt. The Rev. H. Waller, the editor of Tyndale’s works, affords a similar example of the length to which prejudice can be carried. This gentleman informs us that Elyot ‘ consented to be employed in the mean work of trepanning Tyndale to gratify the King’s evil passions.’ ^ Statements like these are • Page 340 . ** Doctrinal Treatises^ p. li. ed. Park. Soc. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixxvii apt to impose upon the reader, until he remembers that Elyot could have had no option at all in the matter. In March, 1532, Elyot reached Ratisbon, and on the 14th of that month he writes the following most interesting letter to his friend the Duke of Norfolk: ‘ My duetie remembrid with moste humble thankes unto your Grace [that it] pleasid you so benevolently to remembre me unto the Kinges High[ness] concerning my retorne into England. All be it the King willeth me by his Graces lettres to remayne at Bruxelles some space of time for the appre¬ hension of Tyndall, which somewhat minisshith my hope of soone re[torning], consydering that like as he is in witt move- able semblably so is his person uncertayne to come by; and as ferre as I can perceyve, hering of the Kinges diligence in thap- prehention of him, he withdrawith him into such places where he thinkith to be ferthist oute of daunger. In me there shall lakk none endevor. Finally, as I am all the Kinges, except my soule, so shall I endure all that shall be his pleasure, employing my poure lif gladly in that which may be to his honor or welth of his Realm. Pleasith it your Grace, accord¬ ing as I have writen to the Kinges Highness, the Emperor, being yet sore grievyd with a fall from his horse, kepith him¬ self so close that Mr. Cranmer and I can have none accesse to his Maiestie, which allmoste grievith me as moche as the Emperors fall grievith him. I have promysid to the King to write to your Grace the ordre of things in the towne of Nurenberg, specially concerning the fayth. But first I will reherce some other townes as they laye in oure waye. The citie of Wormes, for the more part and allmoste the hole, is possessid with Lutherians and Jewes, the residue is indifferent to be shortly the one or the other; trouthe it is that the Busshop kepith well his name of Episcopus, which is in Englissh an overseer, and is in the case that overseers of Ixxviii LIFE OF ELYOT. testamentes be in England, for he shall have leve to looke so that he meddle not. Yet some tyme men callyth him overseene, that is drunke, whan he neither knowith what he doeth, nor what he owght to doo. The Citie of Spire, as I here saye, kepith yet their faith well, except some saye there be many do err in taking to largely this article Sanctorum Com- munio 7 iem^ which hath inducid more charitie than may stonde with honestie. One thing I markid, suche as were lovers, divers of them hadd theire paramors sitting with theim in a draye which was drawen with a horse trapped with bells, and the lovers, whipping theim, causid theim to trott and to draw theim thurghoute everie strete, making a grete noyse with their bells; the women sate with theire heddes discoverid, saving a chaplet or crounet wrought with nedil wark. I hadd forgoten to tell that there were grete homes sett on the horsis heddis. I suppose it was the tryumphe of Venus, or of the Devil, or of bothe. All townes ensuing be rather wars than better. But I passe theim over at this time. Touching Nurenberg, it is the moste propre towne and best ordred publike weale that ever I beheld. There is in it so moche people that I mervaylid how the towne mowght contayne them, beside theim which folowid the Emperor.^ And notwith¬ standing, there was of all vitaile more abundance than I could see in any place, all thoughe the contray adjoyning of his nature is very barrayn. I appoyntid to lodge in an Inne, but Sir Laurence Staber the Kinges servaunt came to me desyring me to take his house, whereunto I browght with me the Frenche Ambassador,^ where we were well entertained, ® M. Henne tells us that Charles V. was escorted by ‘150 hommes d’armes des bandes d’ordonnances qui I’accompagnerent jusqu’a Ratisbonne.’— Hist, dti, Regne de Charles V. en Belgique, tom. vi. p. 13. Claude Dodieu otherwise known as Le Sieur de Velly. See Papier sd'Etat du Card, de Granvelle, tom. i. p. 549 * LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixxix and that night the Senate sent to us thirty galons of wyne, twenty pikes, thirty carpes, a hundrid dasis, with sondry con- fectiones; the residue of oure chier I will kepe in store untill I Speke with your Grace, which I pray God may be shortly. Allthough fish was sent to us, yet universally and openly thurghout the towne men did eate flessh. Allthowgh I hadd a chapleyne, yet could not I be suffrid to have him to sing Mass, but was constrayned to here their Mass which is but one in a Churche, and that is celebrate in forme folowing. The Freest in vestmentes after oure manner singith everi thing in Latine as we use, omitting suffrages. The Epistel he readith in Latin. In the meane time the sub Deacon goeth into the pulpite and readeth to the people the Epistle in their vulgare; after thei peruse other thinges as our prestes doo. Than the Preeste redith softly the Gospell in Latine. In the meane space the Deacon goeth into the pulpite and readith aloude the Gospell in the Almaigne tung. Mr. Cranmere sayith it was shewid to him that in the Epistles and Gospels thei kept not the ordre that we doo, but doo peruse every daye one chapitre of the New Testament. Afterwards the prest and the quere doo sing the Credo as we doo ; the secretes and preface they omitt, and the preest singith with a high voyce the wordes of the consecration ; and after the Levation the Deacon torneth to the people, telling to them in Almaigne tung a longe process how thei shold prepare theim selfes to the communion of the flessh and blode of Christ; and than may every man come that listith, withoute going to any Con¬ fession. But I, lest I sholde be partner of their Communyon, departid than ; and the Ambassador of Fraunce followed, which causid all the people in the Churche to wonder at us, [as though] we hadd ben gretter heretikes than thei. One thing liked me well (to shew your Grace freely my hart). All Ixxx LIFE OF ELY or. the preestes hadd wyves ; and thei were the fayrist women of the towne, &c. To saye the trouth, all women of this contray be gentill of spirit, as men report. The day after our coming the Senate sent gentilmen to shew us their provision of harneis, ordinance, and come. I suppose there was in our sight thre thousand pieces of complete barneys for horsemen; the residue we saw not for spending of time ; of gunnes grete and small it required half a daye to numbre them ; arkbusshes and crossebowes, I thowght theim innumerable. The pro¬ vision of grayn I am aferd to reherse it for jeoperding my credence. I saw twelve houses of grete length, every house having twelve floures, on every one come thurghoute, the thickness of three feete. Some of the Senate shewed me that thei hadd sufficient to kepe fifty thousand men abundantly for one yere, Moche of it have layen long and yet is it goode as it shall appier by an example that I have now sent to your Grace of rye, which was layde in there 19 yeres passid, whereof there remaynith yet above VC quarters. I doubtid moche to report this to your Grace, but that 1 trustid your Grace wold take it in stede of tidinges, and not suppose me to be the author. Considering that moche strange report may bring me in suspicion of lying with some men, which hath conceyvid wrong oppinion of me. Newes there be none worth the writing; thei doe looke every day here for King Fer- dinandoes wif,^ who men doo suppose will somewhat doo in persuading the princes of Germany ; bringing with her all hir children, which is a high poynte of Rhetorike and of moche efficacie, as old writars supposid. And here an ende of my poure lettre, which I besieche your Grace to take in goode part with my harty service. And our Lord mayntayne you “ Anne of Bohemia, who married in 1521, Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixxxi in honor with long lif. Writen at Regenspurg the xivth day of Marche. ‘ If it shall please your [Grace] . . . Baynton to know some of theis stories I wo . . ® Elyot must have left Ratisbon very soon after this des¬ patch, for early in the following month Augustine, who had formerly been physician to Wolsey, and was now in the service of the Emperor, writing from that city to Cromwell, speaks of Elyot as having been there a little while before. The following extract from Augustine’s letter exhibits very clearly not only the friendship which subsisted between these two men of letters of different nationalities, but the esteem in which the English Ambassador was held by the members of the Emperor’s court: ‘ Ceterum quia necessitas omnes vias tentare cogit ac omnem movere lapidem, cum mihi tarn multos annos cum sub recolendae memoriae Reverendo Domino Winton turn sub felicis recordationis Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali non vulgaris intercesserit amicicia inter me ac Dominum Thomani Elioth, paulo ante hac'^ oratorem vestrum, propter virtutes illius, quas semper amavi et amplexatus sum, sicuti e contra ille propter forsan aliquam de me conceptam virtutis opinionem, cumque crescor [in his]® magis ac magis ob mutuam conver sationem, in qua cum saepius de calami[tatibus meis]® incideret sermo, non potuit vir ille optimus, eum ad id impellente bonitate m[entis]® suae et familiaritate nostra, non saepius * Addressed ‘ To my Lord of Norfolkes Grace.’ Cotton,MSS.Vitell. B. XXI. fo. 54 orig. This letter has been printed by Ellis in Orig. Lett. vol. ii p. 189, 3rd Series, as an anonymous letter ; and als '> by Mr. Pocock in Rec. of Ref. vol. ii. p. 228, who erroneously attributes it to Augustine ; but though the original signature is wanting, the writer is identified by the indorsement. ^ The word olim, which had been first written, is struck out in the original. ' The words in brackets are supplied by conjecture, the original being nearly undecipherable on account of the ink having faded, but Mr. Pocock’s e Ixxxii LIFE OF ELYOT. serumnas meas non indolere et congemiscere, [atque ut]^ est ferventis spiritus in piis causis, omnem operam suam mihi pollicitus est, ac tecum, [in] ^ quo omnem spem meam positam post Deum illi frequenter solitus sum prsedicare, omnia com- municaturum, necnon tuo consilio in mea [causa] ^ a te velle et cupere dirigi, si inde forte aliquid fructus possit provenire. Id etiam postremum cum hinc discederet eflficacissime pro- misit maximo certe sui omnium ordinum immo totius hujus Aulse relicto desyderio, adeo quod omnium judicio hoc ausim dicere, quod nemo ex eo inclyto regno jam multis annis exierit rebus gerundis aptior, principibus gratior, ac tarn diversis nationibus accommodation Atque in eo certe veri- ficatum est illud sapientis dictum, Magistratus scilicet virum ostendit. Hunc igitur, praestantissime Cromwell, tui non parum amantem et ingenii tui admiratorem in hac mea causa foveas, dirigas, et adjuves velim, si forte tuo consilio ingenio et in- dustri 4 ambo conjunctis viribus mihi aliquid boni acquirere valeatis. In te tamen unico et potissimo praesidio omnis spes mea posita est, ut tu qui incepisti hanc provinciam earn etiam laeto successu perficias. Ne igitur quaeso moleste feras si per eum tanquam subministratorem tuum tento causae meae expe- ditionem, aut si per alios tentavero, nam id ago (ita me Deus amet) non quia tibi difhdam, in cujus manibus vitam meam ponere velim, sed ut magis sis animatus ad negocium meum perficiendum, et ut junctis studiis opibusque tandem res ista mea aliquem consequatur eventum.’ ^ Elyot returned to England in the spring of 1532. On reading ‘ cresco in diem,’ must be wrong, the letter r after o, and the letter h and not d being plainly visible. * These words are supplied by conjecture, the MS. being here mutilated by fire. ^ Cotton MSS. Vitell. B. XXI. fo. 83 orig. See also Pocock’s Records of Ref. vol. ii. p. 249, where the letter is assigned to the beginning of April, presumably rom the internal evidence. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixxxiii June 5 of that year Chapuys, the Imperial Ambassador in London, gives the following account of an interview he had had with him two days previously: ‘ The day before yester¬ day Master Thomas Elyot, on his return from your Majesty’s court, where he has been residing as Ambassador, came to visit me, and told me a great deal about his conversation with this King, which he said had been greatly to the benefit of your Majesty, of the Queen your Aunt,^ and principally of the King his master, who he said knowing about it still showed great desire to hear all the particulars of his mission. But whatever may be Master Elyot’s assertions, I have strong doubts of his report having produced as good effect as he says on the King, for whatever remonstrances have been addressed to him by different parties have hitherto been dis¬ regarded, and a smile or tear from the Lady^ has been enough to undo any good that might have been done in that quarter. The said Ambassador Elyot, as he tells me, has put down in writing the whole of his conversation with this King, and addressed it to Senor Don Fernando de la Puebla,® according to ycur Majesty’s wishes, in the very cypher which that gentle¬ man gave him for the purpose, and therefore I will forbear saying anything more about it. I am daily expecting to hear what the Italian gentleman whom Camillo Orsino left behind him here is really about, and likewise the return of the spy I sent after him. As soon as I am in possession of reliable information I will not fail to acquaint Your Majesty, and will also try to sound the Ambassador Elyot, and pay him as much court as possible for the better success of the Queen’s case.’ ^ Catharine of Aragon. Anne Boleyn. ® This was the nephew of the Doctor de Puebla who was the Imperial Ambassador in England temp. Hen. VII. See State Pap. vol. vii. p. i6i. K. u. K. Haus- Hof u. Staats Arch. Wien. Rep. P. Ease. c. 227, No. 27. Ixxxiv LIFE OF ELYOT. This letter, taken in connection with the one written by Chapuys some months earlier in which he hints that Elyot’s appointment as Ambassador to the Emperor was due to the influence of Anne Boleyn, throws a strong light upon a pitfall to which the statesmen of Henry VIII. often found themselves exposed. The obedience due to the sovereign, and which was felt to be of paramount importance for the preservation of the public weal, not unfrequently conflicted with what must have been felt to be duties of at least moral obligation and the inward promptings of conscience. If Chapuys’ informa¬ tion were correct, the selection of Elyot for this special mission was probably made because it was supposed that he would prove to be, as Augustine’s letter shows us that he was, persona grata to the Emperor. There can be little doubt indeed that his real sympathy, like that of all high- minded men, was enlisted on the side of the injured Catharine, and that his own feelings with respect to the question of divorce could not be effectually concealed from the Court to which he was attached. It is evident too from this letter of Chapuys that Elyot was not deficient in moral courage, and did not hesitate to present in plainer language perhaps than Henry was accustomed to, the view which Charles V. took of the latter’s conduct. Elyot’s mission, as we shall see presently, proved ruinously expensive to him, and he spent far more than his allowance in endeavouring to maintain an establishment suitable to his rank as Ambassador to ‘ the second King in Christendom.’ In this respect, however, he seems to have fared no worse than his contemporaries. The inadequacy of the pay and the irregularity with which it was remitted were frequent causes of complaint by the English agents on the Continent.* Nor ‘ See for instance a letter from Sir John Hackett, State Fap, vol. vii. p. 211, and one from Dr. Richard Croke, ibid. p. 244. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixxxv was this their only grievance. If we m^y believe Dr. Nicholas Hawkins, whilst the Ambassadors of other countries, ‘ as well small as great,’ had their dinner services of silver, he and Cranmer when at Bologna, were obliged to be content with tin or pewter. ‘ To buy myself I am not able,’ he says, ‘ and I were, I would, for the King’s honour.’ ^ Elyot’s own case was no different; he had returned to England enriched indeed with a large stock of experience and knowledge of men and manners, but sadly impoverished in purse. To make matters worse, he was this year nominated Sheriff of Cambridge¬ shire, which would necessarily involve him in still further expenditure. He wrote therefore to his friend Cromwell begging him to exert his influence to have him excused from serving the offlce. The date of this letter is fixed beyond all doubt by the allusion to the King’s return from his interview with Francis I. at Calais. According to Hall, Henry landed at Dover on Wednesday, November 14, 1532.^ The following letter therefore was written four days after the King’s arrival: ‘ Mr. Cromwell, I moste hartily commend me unto you. Assuring you that heering of the honorable and saulf retorne of the Kinges Highness, I am more joyfull than for any thing that ever hapned unto me. As contrary wise, whan I first herd that his Grace intendid to passe the sees, feare of the greate aventure of his moste Royall person so attachid my harte, that sens unto this daye it hath bireft me the more parte of my slepe, whiche I pray godd may be redubbed with theise comfortable tidinges of his Graces saulfe retorne. And that I speake without flatery Allmyghti godd is my juge, unto whome I have more often and more hartily prayid for the Kinges goode speede than ever I didd for myself in any ‘ State Pap. vol. vii. p. 407, and see ibid. p. 453. ” Chron. {Hen. VIII.) fo. ccix. b, ed. 1548. Ixxxvi LIFE OF ELYOT. necessitie. Moreover, Sir, I doo not rejoyce a litle that in well using your excellent witt ye dayly augment the Kinges goode opinion and favour toward you, to the comfort of your frendes, of the which numbre thowgh I be one of the leste in substance, yet in benevolence and syncere love toward you I will com¬ pare with any, onely movid thereto for the v/isedom and apt¬ ness that I see in you to be a necessary Counsaylour unto my master, whereby I hope the right oppinion of vertue shall ones be revyved, and false detraction tried oute and putt to silence, by whome some true and paynefull service have ben frustrate and kept from suche knowlege as hadd ben expe¬ dient. For my part godd and my conscience knowith that whan the Kinges highness commaundid me to serve him as his graces Ambassadour, knowing my disshabilitie bothe in inward and exterior substaunce, I was lothe to go, the King not offendid; but whan I perceyvid his graces determination, I, conformyng me unto his graces pleasure, didd deliberate with myself to extend not onely my poure witt, but allso my powar above my powar in his graces service, intend¬ ing to serve his grace no lasse to his honour than any bachelor Knight his Ambassadour hadd doone of late dayes. Wherfor besydes the furniture of myselfe and my ser- vauntes, at my commyng to Bruxelles I shewid myself according as it beseemyd to the King of Englondes Am¬ bassadour, that is to saye, the seconde Kinge in Christendom, bothe at my table and other entertaynement of straungers, thereby fisshing oute ^ some knowlege that doing otherwise I sholde have lakkid. How I usid me in myn accesse unto the Emperour godd is my juge that in my replications I have seene him chaunge countenance, which, as they know • The reader will observe that the very same phrase was used by the King in his Instructions to Elyot as to the object of his mission. See ante p. Ixxii. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixxxvii that have been with him, is no litle thinge. All be it by suche raisons as I made to serve my master, awayting oportunity and using such a prince with silken wordes, as was the counsayls of King Darius mother, I attayned with him suche familiaritie in comrnunication, that he usid with me more abundance of wordes than (as some of his Counsaile confessid) any Ambassadour byfore me hadd founde in him, which I markid diligently and provyded the better to serve my master according to his expectation, as moche as mowght be doone with suche a prince as with long travayle in counsaile is becom (if I shall not lye falsely) of a mervay- lous deepe and assurid witt. Finally, that journay is nowe moche grievouse unto me, as well for that I have browght myself thereby in grete dett, spending therein allmoste six hundred marcs above the Kinges alowance, and thereby am constrayned to putt away many of my servauntes whome I loved well. As allso that I perceyve the Kinges opynion mynisshid toward me by that that I perceyve other men avauncid openly to the place of Counsaylours which neither in the importaunce of service neither in chargis have servyd the King as I have doone, and I being ommittid had in lass estimation than I was in whan I servid the King first in his Counsayle. Which I speke not for any ambition, but that onely I desyre that my true hart should not cause me to lyve bothe in povertie and oute of estimation, for God juge my soule as I desyre more to lyve oute of dett and in quyete study than to have as moche as a Kinge may give me. Now know you my misery, which I pray you helpe as you may. I borowed of the Kinge a hundred marcs, which I wold fayne paye if myn other creditours wer not more importune on me than frendes shold be. Sir, for as moche as the Kinge alowid me but xxs. the day and I spent xls. the day, and oftentymes Ixxxviii LIFE OF ELYOT. four marcs, and moreover I receyvyng the Kinges money in angells, I lost in every angell xivd. sterling. So that I lakkid moche of the Kinges alowance. And allso I gave many rewardes, partly to the Emperours servauntes to gete know- lege, partly to suche as by whoes meanes I trustid to appre¬ hend Tyndall, according to the Kinges commaundment Which thinges consyderid may it like you, goode Mr. Cromwell, to move the Kinge to be my goode lorde either to forgyve to me my dett, or els to alow to me that I lost by myn exchange and my said rewardes, and to graunt me some lenger tyme to pay the residue. I heresaye that I am named in the bill of Sheriffs for Cambrige Shyre. If the King should appoynt me, than am I more undone, and shall never be able to serve him nor to kepe my house; consydering that no man eskapith oute of that office withoute the losse of one hundred marcs, and as for my practise in office for my profile ye somewhat doo know. If Godd sent me not other lyving I were likely to begg. If ye here me named, I pray you shewe to me that kyndness that by your meanes I may be dischargid. For besides that which I have spoken, by my fayth I knowe yet no part of the contray above thre myles from my house, and have very litle acquayntance to serve the Kinge as he owght to be. ‘ My long lettres have made ye lese tyme, but nede have constrayned me to be lenger than wisedom wold. But for your paynes ye shall have my prayer to godd to encrease you in worship with longe lif. ‘ Writen at Carlestowne the xviii day of Novembre, ‘ By him that loveth you, ' Th. Elyot, Kt.’ “ Apparently Cromwell was unable to procure for our • MS. P. R. O. The letter is addressed ‘To the right wurshipfull Mr. Cromwell, one of the Kinges most honorable Counsayle. LIFE OF ELYOT. Ixxxix author the exemption he so earnestly desired ; for within a month we find Elyot again renewing his application, and repeating the same arguments ad misericordiam^ to induce his friend to make intercession on his behalf. Some portions of this letter, in which Sir Thomas Elyot reminded Cromwell of his claim to consideration on the ground of his public services, have already been given in sketching his previous career, and may therefore be omitted in this place. ‘ Right worshipfull, I recommend me unto you; and hartily thanke you for your gentill and wyse advertisements and counsayles gyven unto me in your lettres which I re- ceyvyd of my lovyng frende Mr. Raynsford.^ All be it. Sir, whan ye shall knowe all the occasions of my discomforte ye will not so moche blame me as pitie me, if your olde gentill nature be not chaunged. Mr. Cromwell, I know well howe moche my duetie is to serve my soveraign lorde truely and diligently, which godd is my juge I have doone to my powar with as goode a wille and as gladly as any man could ymagine to doo, neither for myne obedience onely nor for hope of pro- mocion, but for very harty love that I bare and doo bere to the Kinges Highnesse, besydes myn aleageance, thereto moved by the incomparable goode qualities bothe of his persone and witte, which I have long wondred at and lovid, as is my nature to doo in private persones, moche more in Princes, moste of all in the chief Governor of this Roialm and my soveraigne Lorde and Master. But whan I consyder myn infelicitie and losse of tyme in unprofitable study, will I or no, I am inforced to be cruciate in my poure mynde, which I confesse to be for lak of wisedom, but I have ben to little a tyme studious in philosophy. I suppose ye, being wery of my longe bablyng, tary to here the infelicitie that I com- * One of the Gentlemen Ushers to Henry VIII. xc LIFE OF ELYOT. playne me of. I pray you than take some pacience to here some part of my grief’ [Elyot then gives the details of his lawsuit and of his appointment as Clerk to the Council quoted above.] * So withoute any ferme, withoute stokk of catell except foure hundred shepe to compasse the lands of my tenaunts, I have hitherto kept a pour house, equall with any knight in the contrayes wher I dwell, and not withoute in¬ dignation of them which have moche more to lyve on. Nowe althowgh very unmeete and unhabile, I have servyd the King in his Graces message, how our Lord knoweth, suer I am truely and faithfully. Therein employed I fyve hundred and fourty marks above all the Kinges alowance, which I no¬ thing repent me of, trusting that his Grace is pleased with my service ; but now that I trusted to lyve quietely, and by little and little to repay my creditors and to reconsile myself to myn olde studies and pray for the King (for other promotion I lokid not for), I wote not by what malice of fortune I am constrayned to be in that office wherunto is, as it were appendant, losse of money and good name. Of the one I am certayne; the other is hard to eskape, all sharpnesse and diligence in Justice now a dayes being every where odiouse. As godd helpe me, sens my commyng over I have dischargid oute of my service fyve honest and tall personages, con- straynid of necessitie, untill I mowght recover myself oute of dett, and now am I compelled to augment my household eftsones, or ells shold I serve the Kinge sklenderly. Ye here myn occasions. I pray you than blame me not, thowgh I have my mynde somewhat inquieted ; not that I imbrayde the King with my service, but that I sorow that his Grace hath not ben so informed of me as my service requyred, and more¬ over that I am not of powar to serve his Grace according to his expectation and as my pour hart desyreth. And LIFE OF ELYOT. XCl goode Mr. Cromwell I thank you that ye will lese so moche tyme to reade this longe lettre, praying you to bear part of it in your remembrance, that as oportunitie servith ye may truely aunswere for your frend, who hartily desyreth the increase of your worship. And I pray you continue your favor towards Mr. Raynsford, whom ye shall fynde as honest and faithfull as any that ever ye were acquaynted with. And I beseche Godd send you longe lif and well to doo. ‘ Writen at Carleton the viii day of Decembre, ‘ By yours assured, ‘ Th. Elyot, Kt.’ ® These two letters, written in November and December 1532, in both of which Elyot complains of the losses he had incurred through his embassy to the Emperor of Germany, render it clear that he was not sent on a mission to Rome in September 1532. Yet such has hitherto been supposed to have been the case by all our historians, including Strype, Burnet, and Rapin. The error is probably due to the fact that on the margin of a MS. in the Cottonian Collection,^ headed ‘ In- struckecion given to Sir Thomas Elliotte being sente to the Pope towchinge the devorce,’ the date 1532, September, is written in a later hand. Now this is the very MS. which is referred to by Burnet as his authority for the statement that ‘ Sir Thomas Elyot was sent to Rome with answer to a mes¬ sage the Pope had sent to the King.’ ® There are two other copies of these ‘ Instructions ’ in the British Museum. One in the Harleian Collection, (No. 283, fo. 102 b orig.) is apparently a duplicate of the Cotton MS., and probably * Addressed * To the right worshipfull and myne assuryd frende Mr. Crom¬ well.’ Cotton MSS. Titus B. I. fo. 371, orig. printed in Ellis, Orig. Lett. vol. ii. p. 113, 1st Series. *’ Vitell. B. XIII. fo. 228. • Hist, of Ref. part i, p. 125, ed. 1679. LIFE OF ELYOT. xcii earlier in date. The other, in Rymer’s Collection (Add. MSS 4,622, fo. 91), is headed simply, ‘A minute of a letter sent by the King to his Embassadour at Rome,’ but varies consi¬ derably from the two former, and is much fuller. Amongst the archives of the Public Record Office is the original draft of these * Instructions,’ with numerous corrections and addi¬ tions in the King’s own hand. This document bears the fol¬ lowing indorsement, in a later hand than the body of the draft, ‘ A Minute of a lettre sent by the King to his Embas¬ sadour at Rome,’ but there is no date, and nothing on the face of the document itself to indicate to whom it was sent. Now the Rymer MS. is either a copy of this draft, with the additions and alterations, or of a fair copy of an original, embodying the emendations. On the other hand, both the Cottonian and Harleian MSS. are evidently transcripts of the draft as it originally stood before it was corrected and altered by the King. How Elyot’s name came to be introduced is a mystery which the Editor frankly admits he is quite unable to solve. One thing, however, is abundantly clear. Burnet made use of both the Cotton and the Rymer MSS. to illus¬ trate two different periods of his history without discovering that they were copies of one and the same document. Thus he makes Elyot go to Rome armed with these Instructions in 1532,^ whilst he quotes the very same Instructions as the contents of a letter sent by the King ‘ to his Ambassadors at Rome,’ subsequent to November 1533.^ There can be no doubt on this point, because he prints the Rymer MS. in extenso amongst his Collection of Records® as his authority for the latter statement. Thus the same document is really made to serve a double purpose. Burnet’s positive assertion that Elyot * Hist, of Ref . part i. p. 125, ed. 1679. ** Ibid, part iii. p. 86. ® Ibid, part iii. (Coll, of Rec.) p. 47. LIFE OF ELVOT. xciii was sent to Rome in the autumn of 1532, was adopted with¬ out hesitation by Rapin,^ and apparently without any inde¬ pendent investigation. Strype, the contemporary of Burnet, may have had no better authority for saying that Elyot was ‘in the year 1532 the King’s Ambassador to Rome.’'^ Indeed the modern heading for which no authority has yet been discovered to the ‘ Instructions’ in the Cottonian and Harleian MSS. seems after all to be the sole foundation for alleging as a fact that which can be proved aliunde to be most improbable. For in the first place it is hardly likely that a man who was called upon to serve the important office of sheriff, and who prayed in vain to be excused from serving, should be sent out of the country in another capacity during his term of offce. Now we know that Elyot’s shrievalty extended from November 1532 to November 1533; for in the accounts of the treasurers of the town of Cambridge for the year ending Michaelmas 1 533 , we find among other charges the following: ‘ Paid to Sir Thomas Elyot, Knt., Sheriff, for his friendship, liii.s. iv.d.’ ® Again, we have letters from Elyot himself, written in England in April and May of this year, making no allusion whatever to any such embassy, and Chapuys mentions a conversation he had had with him in the latter month. Moreover, if Elyot had gone as Ambassador to Rome we should expect to find some reference to him in the letters of Bonner or Gregory de Cassalis, yet no mention is made of him in this capacity until nearly a century and a half after the date of his supposed mission. Hence it appears certain that this so-called historical fact rests upon no surer foundation than the heading given by an unknown copyist to these ‘ Instructions ’ many years after they were issued. * Hist, of Eng. vol. i. p. 796, ed. 1732. ** Eccles. Mefn. vol. i. pt. i. p. 341. • Cooper, Annals 0/ Cambridge, vol. i. p. 361. XCIV LIFE OF ELYOT. The following letter from Elyot to Sir John Hackett, the English Ambassador in the Low Countries, although the year is not given, must from internal evidence be referred to I 533 > Cranmer having been consecrated Archbishop only a few days previously : ^ * Mr. Hakett, I hartily commend me unto you, and thanke you for your gentill lettre that ye sent to me by Mr. Rayns- ford. I wold that I hadd some comfortable newes to send you oute of theise partes, but the world is all otherwise. I beseche oure lord amend it. We have hanging over us a grete kloude, which is likely to be a grete storme whan it fallith. The Kinges highness, thankid be godd, is in goode helth. I beseche godd contynue it, and send his comfort of spirite unto him, and that truthe may be freely and thank¬ fully herd. For my part I am finally determined to lyve and dye therin, neither myn importable expences unrecompencid shall so moche feare me, nor the advauncement of my suc¬ cessor,^ the busshop of Caunterbury, so much alure me, that I shall ever deklyne from trouthe or abuse my soveraigne lorde, unto whome I am sworne, for I am sure that I and you allso shall ones dye, and I know that ther is a godd, and he is all trouthe, and therefor he will grievousely punissh all fallshode, and that everlastingly. Ye shall here er it be longe some straunge thinges of the spiritualitie, for betwene theimselfes is no perfect agrement. Some do saye that thei diggid the diche that thei be now fallen in, which causith manye goode men the lass to pitie theim. All other thinges be in the state that » According to Strype he was consecrated March 30, 1533. See Mem. of Cranmer, vol. i. p. 26. According to Fox, Cranmer went to the Emperor from Rome after the Earl of Wiltshire, &c, had returned to England in 1530, but according to Strype his commission bore date Jan. 24, 1531 J this, however, was O.S. and should be 1532 .He was succeeded by Hawkins in Oct. 1532. State Pap. vol. vii. p. 386. LIFE OF ELYOT. XCV ye left theim. If ye doo send to me any newes I will recom- pence you. Oure lord sende you moche honor. And I pray you have me hartily commended to my lord of Palermo,^ the Duke of Soers^ good grace, my lord of Berghes,^^ and my lord Molynbayse,*^ and all my goode lordes, and allsoe to gentill Master Adrian® and his goode bedfelowe Mastres Philip, whoes honestie, pacience, and moste gentill entretayne- ment I cese not to advaunce amonge oure women, as she is worthy. ‘ Writen at London the vi. day of April, * Your son and assurid frend, ‘ Th. Elyot, Kt.’ ^ A week later Anne Boleyn was publicly acknowledged as Queen. In 1533 Easter day fell on April 13 ; and Hall tells us that ‘ On Easter eue she went to her closet openly as Quene, with all solempnitie; and then the Kyng appoynted the dale of her Coronacion to bee kept on Whitson Sundaie^ next folowyng; and writynges wer sent to al Shriues to certifie the names of menne of fourtie pounde to receiue the Ordre of * This was Jean de Carondelet, who in 1520 had been made Archbishop of Palermo and Primate of Sicily, and on April 15, 1522, President of the Council of the Low Countries. See Henne, Hist, du regne de Chas. V. en Belgique^ tom. ii, p. 242, ed. 1858. Philippe de Croy, Due de Soria, Marquis d’Aerschot, was appointed suc¬ cessively Chamber ain. Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Captain-General of Hainault by Chas. V. Henne, ubi supra, tom. ii. p, 346, note. ® Antoine de Berghes, created Count of Walhain in April 1533, and Marquis de Berghes in May of the same year. Henne, ubi supra, tom. vi. p. 83, note 7. ^ Philippe de Lannoy, Seigneur de Molembais, Grand Master of Artillery under Charles V., died Sept. 22, I 543 * Henne, ubi supra, tom. iii. p. 148. ® Possibly Adrien de Croy, created Comte de Rceulx, Feb. 24, 1530. See Henne, ubi supra, tom. V. p. 117. ^ Addressed ‘A Monsr. Sr Jehan Haket, Ambassador de le Roy.’ MS. P. R. O. Cromwell Corresp. vol. x. No. 102. « June 1st. XCVl LIFE OF ELYOT. knighthod or els to make a fine, the assessement of whiche fines were appoynted to Thomas Cromwell, Master of the Kynges Juell house and counsailer to the kyng, and newly in his high fauour, whiche so pollitikely handeled the matter that he raised of that sessyng of fines a greate somme of money to the Kynges use.’ ^ The following letter from Elyot to Cromwell evidently refers to this measure, and was there¬ fore written either in April or May of this year: ‘ May it like you. Sir. Uppon the Kinges writt deliverid me with your lettres for the summonyng of suche as were able to receyue thordre of Knyghthode, I sent doune into the contray myn undersherif for the more sure expedition thereof; who afterward browght unto me a bill of names, wherein v^as named one Wawton, whoes substance I knewe not, and unneth his personage. Finally, according to myn office I retorned him among other into the Chauncery; sens the which tyme diuerse wurshipfull men knowing the saide Wawton and his substance have to me affirmid precisely on theire faith that he hath not landes in his possession to the yerely value of fourty poundes by a grete porcion lakking. Notwithstanding with his industry in provision for his house- holde, withoute ferme, grasing of catell, or regrating, he kepith an honest port, and findeth many sones to skoole, which by his education be very towardly. And moreover he hath many dowghters for to sett furth in mariage, which, as ye well know, be grete corrosives of a litle substance. And therefor it was well provyded therein by the Statute of Knyghtes.^ Wherfor, in as moche as the gentillman is poure and abasshfull, but right wise, and having sondry goode qualities, and accordingly bringith upp many his children, * Chron. {Heti. VIII,) fo. ccx. ed. 1548. ^ Stat. de Militibus, i Ed. II. LIFE OF ELY or. XCVll may it please you, after speaking with him at your goode leisour, to shew your gentill hart toward him in declaring how moche ye tendre the necessitie of poure gentillmen. Whereby ye shall not onely bynde him to pray for you, but allso gratifie to many wurshipfull men withoute hindraunce in any part to the Kinges Highness. I am thus bolde to write to the intent that I wold not with my presence interrupt your travaile aboute grett affaires. ‘ Your pourest frende, ‘ Th. Elyot, Kt.’ ^ The gentleman referred to in this letter may possibly be the same Mr. Wharton ‘ a justice of peace in Suffolk,’ who according to Strype was afterwards employed by Cromwell ‘ as his visitor about Suffolk and those parts.’ ^ It is evident from this and the preceding letter that Elyot was in London in the spring of this year. He had, therefore, an opportunity of seeing Chapuys, the Imperial Ambassador, and of discussing with him the political outlook. Writing to the Emperor on May lO, 1533, Chapuys says, ‘The love and affection which the English in general bear your Majesty and the Queen is so very great, that no violence is to be appre¬ hended unless the King’s ministers themselves, by false repre¬ sentations, stir the people on to disorder, and find an excuse to arm against your Majesty, thereby depriving the English of all hope of that goodwill towards them at which, as I have understood from Ambassador Elyot, they are nowadays aiming.’ ® One object of Elyot’s residence in London at this time ‘ MS. P. R. O. Cromwell Corresp. vol. x. no. 57. There is no address to this letter, but it is indorsed ‘ Sir Thomas Eliott.’ ’’ See Mem. vol. i. pt. i. p. 539, and vol. iii. pt. i. p. 175. • MS. P. R. O. f xcviii LIFE OF ELYOT. was probably to be near his printer, Berthelet. For in this year he published two more works, Pasquil the Playne^ and Of the Knowledge which Maketh a Wise Man. The former, which is in the form of a dialogue between Pasquil, Gnatho, and Harpocrates, may have been suggested by a little brochure which had appeared, not long before, in Rome, entitled Dialogus Marphorii et Pasquilli.^ This tract had been sent by Bonner to Cromwell a few months previously. For the former, writing from Bologna on December 24, 1532, says, ‘ This dialoge bytwen Marforius and Pasquillus, which of late cam to my handes, I doo send to your Maystership to laughe, not havyng a better thing as I moche desired. Your Maystership dothe, I knowe, well remember that great statua lyeng benethe the Capitole whiche is called Marforius ; and as for Mr. Pasquillus ye knowe, I know well.’'^ Accord¬ ing to Castelvetro, a writer of the sixteenth century, * Maestro Pasquino’ was a tailor in Rome, who, whilst^at work, used to amuse himself by making caustic remarks about the Pope, the cardinals, priests, &c. Hence any scurrilous or ludicrous saying was, after a time, attributed to Pasquino.® When the latter died, the torso of an ancient statue was dug up, and placed near Pasquino’s shop, and lampoons, in the shape of ridiculous questions, were affixed to it, the answers to which were suspended in a similar manner from a colossal statue called Marforio. The word pasquinade owes its origin to this custom. According to Mr. Payne Collier, Pasquil the Playne is a ‘ semi-serious argument on the subject of loquacity and silence. . . . The question discussed is, when men * Sgq Pasquillorum Tomi duo^ p. 296, ed. 1544 * State Papers^ vol. vii. p. 397. ® Ragioni Palcune cose segnate nella Canzone di Messer Annibal Caro, fo. 141, ed. 1560. LIFE OF ELY or. XCIX ought, and when they ought not to speak, Gnatho begin¬ ning with a quotation on the point from ^schylus. . . . Gnatho is the advocate of talking, and Harpocrates of silence, while Pasquil agrees with neither, and through¬ out is very plain-spoken in his severe remarks ; in fact, in some places the dialogue assumes the character of a prose satire.’ ® There is no copy of this curious little book in the British Museum Library, and we are, therefore, com¬ pelled to rely upon works of bibliography for this meagre account of it. It is styled by Ames ^ a work of considerable interest as well as rarity,’ ^ but although both he and Mr. Collier give extracts from the book itself, neither of them has thought proper to preserve ‘ the prefatory epistle,’ from which we should probably have gained more insight into the author s intention in writing this squib than from half-a-dozen pas¬ sages selected at random from the body of the work. It was reprinted by Berthelet in 1540, and copies of this last edition are said to have been in the possession of Sir Charles Frede¬ rick ® and of Mr. Heber.*^ With the other work, published by Elyot in 1533, we are fortunately better acquainted. He tells us in the pre¬ face how he came to write it, and to designate it Of the Knowledge which Maketh a Wise Man. * Touchynge the title of my boke,’ he says, ‘ I considered that wisedome is spoken of moch more than used. For wherin it resteth fewe menne be sure. The commune opinion is into thre partis deuided. One sayeth it is in moche lernynge and knowledge. An other affirmeth that they whiche do con- ducte the affayres of greatte princis or countrayes be onely • Bibliograph. Catalogue., vol. i. p. 254, ed. 1865. ** Typ. Ant., vol. iii. p. 283. • Surveyor of the Ordnance in 1750. Ames, Typ. Ant., vol. iii. p. 307, ed. 1816. c LIFE OF ELYOT. wyse men. Nay, say the the thyrde, he is wysest that leste dothe meddle and can sytte quietly at home and tourne a crabbe and looke onely unto his owne busynesse. Nowe, they whiche be of the fyrste oppinion be alwaye at varyance. For somme doo chiefly extoll the study of holy scripture (as it is rayson), but while they do wrest it to agree with theyr willes, ambition, or vayne glory, of the mooste noble and deuoute lernyuge they doo endeuor them to make hit seruile and full of contention. Some do preferre the studie of the lawes of this realme, callynge it the onely studye of the publyke weale. But a great noumbre of persones whiche haue consumed in sute more thanne the value of that that they sued for in theyr angre do cal it a commune detriment. All thoughe, undoubtedly, the verye selfe lawe trewely prac¬ tised passeth the lawes of all other countrayes.’ We can well imagine that this passage reflects Elyot’s own sentiments, and that whilst smarting from the effects of the Chancery suit in which he had been involved with the Fyndernes, he must have been sorely tempted to denounce the expensive process, by which alone he had maintained his rights, as a ^ common detriment.’ * In thinkynge on these sondrye opynyons,’ he con¬ tinues, * I happened for my recreacyon to reede in the booke of Laertius ^ the lyfe of Plato, and beholdynge the aunswere that he made to king Dyonyse, at the fyrste syghte it semed to me to be very dissolute and lackyng the modestie that belonged to a philosopher, but whan I had better examined it, therein appered that whiche is best worthy to be called wysedome. Wherefore to exer- cyse my wytte and to auoyde idelnes, I toke my penne and * Diogenes Laertius was the author of a History of Philosophy. The first complete edition of the Greek text was printed at Basle in this very year, 1533. LIFE OF ELYOT. Cl assayde howe, in expressyng my conceyte, I mought profyte to them whiche without disdayne or enuye wolde often tymes reade it. If any man wyll thinke the boke to be very longe let hym consyder that knowlege of wysedome can not be shortly declared. All be hit, of them whiche be well wyllinge it is soone lerned, in good faythe sooner thanne Primero or Gleeke.^ Suche is the straunge propretie of that excellent counnynge that it is sooner lerned than taught, and better by a mannes rayson than by an instructour. ‘ Finally, if the reders of my warkis by the noble ex¬ ample of our mooste dere soueraygne lorde do iustly and louyngely interprete my labours, I durynge the residue of my lyfe wyll nowe and than sette forthe suche frutes of my study, profitable (as I trust) unto this my countray. And leuynge malycious reders with their incurable fury I wyll say unto god the wordes of the Catholike Churche in the boke of Sapience : To knowe the good lorde is perfecte Justice, and to knowe thy Justyce and vertue is the very roote of Immortalite and therin is the knowlege that is very wyse¬ dome/ The book takes the form of a dialogue between Plato and Aristippus, who discuss wisdom, the soul, knowledge, ignorance, kings, tyrants, &c., it being supposed that Plato had been sent for by King Dionysus that the latter might be instructed in philosophy. But the tyrant, prov¬ ing ungrateful, instead of giving the philosopher thanks was greatly displeased with him. Elyot evidently foresaw that this dialogue, as well as that of Pasquil, might not be taken in good part by some who would suppose that his remarks were addressed to themselves. For he disclaims • These were games of cards played by three and four persons respectively. Wisdom, XV. 3. Cll LIFE OF ELYOT. the notion of intending to allude to any particular person. If the cap fitted, he could not help it. ^ For my parte,’ he says, ‘ I eftesones do protest that in no boke of mi making I haue intended to touche more one manne than an nother. For there be Gnathos in Spayne as wel as in Grece, Pas- quilles in Englande as welle as in Rome, Dionises in Germanye as welle as in Sicile, Harpocrates in France as wel as in .^gipt, Aristippus in Scotlande as well as in Cyrena. Platos be fewe, and them I doubte where to fynde. And if men wyll seke for them in Englande whiche I sette in other places I can nat lette them. I knowe well ynowghe dyuers do delyte to have theyr garmentes of the facion of other countreyes, and that whiche is mooste playne is un- plesant, but yet it doth happen sometyme that one man beynge in auctorytie or fauour of his prince beinge sene to weare somme thing of the old facion, for the straungenes therof it is taken up ageine with many good felowes. What I doo meane euery wyse man perceyuethe.’ At the end of 1533 we have the following letter from Elyot to the Lady Lisle, who had accompanied her husband to Calais in June of this year:— ‘ My syngulere goode lady, in moste humble manner I recommend me unto your goode ladisship. And where, by the reporte of your servaunt, Thomas Raynsforde, I perceyve that he hathe founden you allway his speciall goode lady, I, in the numbre of his frendes, doo moste hartily thank you. And for the experience that I have hitherto founde in him and all his bretherne concerning theire loyaltie and assurid honestie, I am movid to desyre your ladiship hartily to con¬ tinue his goode lady, according as I doubt not but that ye shall finde his merites in doing his service and duetie unto my goode lorde and your ladishipp. All be it for as moche LIFE OF ELYOT. cm as I consydere that he hath to moche delyted in dysing, whereby he hath ben an ill husbonde in provyding for that which mowght now honestly fournissh him in serving my lorde and you, and as it seemith he now moche repentith with other losse of tyme, recounting to me how moche he is bounden to your ladisship for your honorable and moste gentill advertisementes, I, as one of his poure frendes, and allso in the name and at the request of his bretherne, specially Mr. Raynsford, gentillman huissher, my longe approved frende, doo humbly desyre youre ladisship to poursue your honorable and moste charitable favour toward your sayde servaunt. And in doing his diligent and true service to my lord and you, on my parte, I beseche your ladisship to recommend him unto my lordes good remem- braunce for his advauncement. And, as your ladisship have doonej whan ye shall perceyve any lakk in him touching his service or excess in gamyng, of your goodness and wisedom withdraw him with your sharpe admonicion and commaund- ment, which I perceyve he doeth moche esteme and dreade. And so doing, besydes that his father and bretherne shall be bounden to pray for you, I shall on my behalf moste humbly thank you with my poure service. Our Lorde sende my goode lorde and you longe life in moche honour. ‘Writen at London, the iii*^ day of Decembre. * At your commaundment, ' Th. Elyot, Kt’ ® The lady to whom the above letter was addressed was Honor, the second wife of Arthur Plantagenet, a natural son of Edward IV., who was created Viscount Lisle, by letters • MS. P. R.O. Chapter House Lisle Papers^ vol. x. no. 96. The letter is addressed “ To the right honorable and my singuler goode lady My lady Lisles goode Ladisshipp.” CIV LIFE OF ELYOT. patent, dated April 25, 1523,^ and had quite recently been appointed Deputy of Calais, in succession to Lord Berners.^ Lady Lisle, who was the daughter of Sir Thomas Granville, had been previously married to Sir John Basset,® of Umber- leigh, near Barnstaple, and may, therefore, by her first marriage have been connected with the family of Elyot. Our author seems now to have occupied himself entirely with that ‘ quiet study ’ which he had told his friend Crom¬ well he desired more than anything a king could give him. In 1534, no less than three separate treatises from his pen were published by Berthelet, in addition to a reprint of his last work. These consisted of a translation of a sermon of Saint Cyprian, another of an oration of Isocrates, and a medical treatise of still greater importance, entitled The Castel of Helth. With the first of these, of which the full title is A swete and devoute Sernio 7 i of Holy saynt Ciprian of Mortalitie of MaUy the author joined The Rides of a Christian lyfe made by Picus erle of Mirandida. The sermon on mortality 'had been originally written by the Bishop of Carthage for the consolation of the faithful during a fright¬ ful pestilence which devastated Africa in the third century. Sir Thomas Elyot had probably perused this sermon in the folio edition of the works of the father lately published at Basle, by Erasmus. John Picus, of Mirandola, whose famous challenge to the world in i486 to dispute his nine-hundred propositions had rendered him one of the most remarkable men of the age, during the few last years of his short life had devoted himself entirely to the study of the Scriptures. Amongst many other more elaborate works he composed • Lett, and Pap. Hen. F 7 //., vol. iii. pt. ii. p. 1259. Rymer, Fced.y vol. xiv. p. 452. • Collins, Peerage, vol. viii. p. 503, ed. 1812. LIFE OF ELYOT. CV some short rules for the guidance of those who would lead a spiritual life, which in the original Latin are styled Regnlce diwdecini partim excitantes partUn dirigentes hominem in piignd spiritnali. * It was an English version of these Rules which Sir Thomas Elyot appended to his translation of the sermon of Saint Cyprian. The two together forming a tiny volume of 64 pages, exclusive of the preface, were published on July I, 1534. This work Elyot dedicated to the lady who has been already mentioned, the widow of John Kingstone the younger, and who, as the inscription on her monument informs us, had become a ‘ vowess.’ Whilst telling her that he sends it as a token ‘ that ye shall perceyue that I doo not forgeat you, and that I doo unfaynedly loue you, not onely for our allyaunce, but also moche more for your per- seuerance in vertu and warkes of true faith,’ he prays her ‘ to communicate it with our two susters religiouse Dorothe and Alianour.’ Of these last Dorothy was the daughter of Sir John Danvers, and widow of young John Fetiplace,^ of East Shefford, who died in 1524, and is buried hi the church there,® whilst ‘ Alianour ’ was, no doubt, the ‘ daughter-in-law ’ Eleanor, daughter of Richard Fetiplace, mentioned in the will of Sir Richard Elyot, and to whom he left a legacy of an annual sum ‘ till she be professed in religion.’ The full title of the other translation published by Elyot this year is The Doctrinal of Princes made by the noble oratour Isocrates^ and translated out of Greke in to Englishe by Syr Thomas Elyoty knight. This is an English version of the ora¬ tion to Nicocles, of which several foreign editions had already been published. The Greek text of all the orations had been “ Niceron, Horn. Ill, tom. xxxiv. p. 142. Clarke, Par. Top. of Wantingy p. 68. • Lysons, Berkshirty p. 360. CVl LIFE OF ELYOT. published for the first time at Milan, in 1493, but the orations to Demonicus and Nicocles were published separately at Paris in 1508, at Strasbourg in 1515, at Louvain in 1522, and at Paris again in 1529. In the Preface Elyot informs his readers that he had translated the oration out of Greek * not presumyng to contende with theim whiche haue doone the same in latine, but to thintent onely that I wolde assaie if our Englisshe tunge mought receive the quicke and propre sentences pronounced by the greekes. And in this experi¬ ence I have founde (if I be not muche deceiued) that the forme of speakyng used of the Greekes, called in greeke and also in latine Phrasis, muche nere approcheth to that whiche at this daie we use than the order of the latine tunge, I meane in the sentences and not in the wordes: whiche I doubte not shall be affirmed by them who sufficiently in¬ structed in all the saide three tunges shall with a good iudgement read this worke/ He then proceeds to tell us his object in publishing this translation, which was ‘to the intent that thei which do not understande greeke nor latine shoulde not lacke the commoditee and pleasure whiche maie be taken in readyiig therof/ And he announces his inten¬ tion to devote the rest of his life to literary work if the reception accorded to the present volume should encourage him to do - so. ‘ If I shall perceiue you to take this myne enterprise thankefully, I shall that little porcion of life whiche remeineth, (God sendyng me quietnesse of minde), bestowe in preparing for you such bookes in the readyng wherof ye shall finde bothe honest passe tyme and also profitable counsaile and lernyng.’ The last of the three new works published by Elyot in I 534 » was The Castel of Helth, No copy of this edi¬ tion is to be found in the Library of the British Museum, LIhE OF ELYOT. cvii and we may, therefore, not unreasonably presume that copies of this year are extremely scarce. According to Ames, who must have seen one, the dedication was to ‘Thomas, Lord Cromwell.’^ Now, as Cromwell was not created a baron before July lo, 1536,^ there must be some error in Ames’s description. For we cannot agree with Dibdin, that ‘ the date must be a mistake,’ nor with Herbert that ‘such date is to be considered only as an appendage to the wood-cut border of the title.’ It is true, no doubt, that in many cases the title-pages to the later editions were printed from old wood blocks, and that where a double date is given that which appears in the space contained within the printed border must be assumed to indicate the date of publication of that particular edition. But where only one date is given, and that on the ornamental border itself, as in this case, there seems to be no adequate reason for supposing that this does not really indicate the true date. It is, at any rate, easier to suppose that Ames himself was mistaken, or that the copy which he saw and described really belonged to an edition of 1536, than to assume that the date 1534 does not in fact indicate the date of first publica¬ tion. At any rate, it is rather strange that in a copy of this work in the Grenville Library the same date, 1534, ap¬ pears on the border of an edition which was certainly pub¬ lished in 1541, the latter date having been added to the title ; whilst in another copy, in the British Museum, in which the same date has been added to the title, the space usually occupied by the date on the ornamental border is left blank. One can hardly suppose that unless the date on the orna¬ mental border really indicated the year of first publication * Typog. AnL, p. i68, ed. 1749. ** Stow, Annales, p. 572. • Ames, Typog. Ant. vol. iii. p. 288, ed. 1816. cviii LIFE OF ELYOT. of the work the printer would be so careless as to employ the same wood block for a later edition without erasing the misleading figures. The Castel of Helth^ as its name implies, is a medi¬ cal treatise. We have already seen that Elyot, partly, perhaps, from natural inclination, and still more, probably, from his intimacy with Linacre, whilst yet quite a young man, had turned his attention to the study of medi¬ cine, and had perused the voluminous tomes, not only of the Greek but of the Oriental writers on the art of heal¬ ing. In England the practise of that- art had hitherto been confined, for the most part, to ecclesiastics, who substituted superstition for science, and empiricism for observation. With the revival of classical learning it was at once seen by men like Linacre and Elyot, that the knowledge of Greek would rescue medicine from the hands of the ignorant, and restore it to the dignity of a science. The establishment of the College of Physicians is no less a monument to the enlightened views of its Royal founder than to the sagacity of its first President. In writing a medical treatise Elyot evidently designed to impart, so far as he was able, a know¬ ledge of this hitherto occult science to the laity. His object, as in all his other works, was a purely disinterested one, not the hope of temporal reward, but as he himself tells us ‘ only for the feruent affection whiche I have euer borne toward the publike weale of my countrie.’ Having himself suffered, as he has already told us,^ from various disorders, he was moved with pity for the thousands of helpless patients whom he saw around him on every side. ‘ The intent of my labour,’ he tells us, * was that men and women readyng this worke and obser- uyng the counsayles therin should adapte therby their bodies * See ante p. Ivii. LIFE OF ELYOT. Cix to receiue more sure remedie by the medicines prepared by good physicions in dangerous sicknesses, thei kepyng good diete, and infourmyng diligently the same physicions of the maner of their affectes, passions, and sensible tokens. And so shall the noble and moste necessarie science of phisicke, with the ministers therof, escape the sclaunder whiche they haue of long tyme susteyned.’ ^ The book, as already stated, appears to have been dedi¬ cated to Cromwell, and the following letter no doubt accom¬ panied a presentation copy. ‘ After moste harty recomendations. Sir, I have sent to you by the bringer hereof a litle treatise, which in exchuyng idleness, for the comfort of my self and other of equall debilitie, I late made. Wherin if ye finding sufficient leisour (as it will be hard for you to doo) and will spende a fewe houres I doubt not but that your goode witt shall finde more frute than ye wolde have looking for of any thinge that sholde have passid from my folissh hedd. But (as the olde greeke proverbe is) it is sometyme goode to here the pour gardyner.'^ In this warke I have done no thing but onely browght to mennes re membraunce that which naturall raison hath towght theim ; and that withoute desyreof reward or glory. For according to your voise and frendely aunswere unto me I can not compelle men to esteme me as I wolde that thei sholde, that is (as I saye) benevolent unto my contraye and faithfull unto him that will trust me. For no thinge els goode is there in me. Yet myne indevor shall be never the lasse to sett furth in some wise that litle portion of knowlege which I have receyved of godd by the meane of study and some experience, which I suppose mowght be profitable to them which will reade or * The Castell of Helth, fo, 90, ed. 1541. ** Probably Sir T. Elyot refers to the following proverb 'AypolKov Kara and for the reasons given above it seems fair to assume that the latter date refers to the year in which The Bankette of Sapience was first pub¬ lished. This work consists of a collection of moral sayings or sentences from various authors but chiefly from the fathers. It was dedicated to the King, and appears from ‘the prologue; to have been published in the spring of the year. It was re¬ printed in 1542, and 1545, and again after the author’s death in 1557 and 1563. On October 8, 1534, Thomas Cromwell was appointed Master of the Rolls, being the first layman who had ever been advanced to that office.^ His immediate predecessor was Dr. John Taylor, a clergyman whose nephew, as already stated, had succeeded Elyot as Clerk of Assize. The following summer Cromwell commenced his visitation of the religious houses. ‘ The last year,’ says Strype, ‘ the Par¬ liament had, for the augmentation of the King’s royal estate, “ See Ames, ubi supra, p. 316. See Foss, Judges of England, vol. v. p. 146. CXVl LIFE OF ELYOT. given him the first-fruits of all spiritual livings throughout the realm and the tenths.^ For the better execution of this Act the King sent abroad his Commissioners to take the true value of the benefices through the whole land ; several Com¬ missioners for each county. There was also a certain number of auditors joined with them. . . . When the valuations were made and taken by the Commissioners they were all returned to Crumwel now Master of the Rolls.’ ^ From the following letter it is evident that Sir Thomas Elyot was employed on this Commission:— ‘ With most humble recomendations. Sir, wher it likid you at my last being with you at the Rolles to niinistre unto me moste gentill wordes to my grete comfort, I have often tymes sens revolved theim in my remembraunce setting in you onely all my hole confidence and so doo persist. Where late I have travaylid aboute the survaying of certayne monasteries by the Kinges commaundment, wher in my paynes shold appiere not unthankfull if opportunitie mowght happen for me to declare it. If now. Sir, it mought like you in approvyng your bene¬ volent mynde toward me, wherein I doo specially trust, to sett furth with your gentill report unto the Kinges highness my true hart and diligent indevour in his graces service, to my importable charges and unrecuperable decay of my lyving, onlas his highness relieve me with his abundaunt and gra- ciouse liberalitie; and therwith it mowght please you to devise with his highness for my convenient recompence to¬ ward my sayde charges either by landes now suppressid or pencion, I shall not onely take comfort of your approved fidelitie and the same advaunce unto your honour, but allso in suche wise ordre me toward you as ye shall deeme me not * By 26 Hen. VIII. cap. 3. Eccles. Mem., vol, i. pt. i. p. 325. LIFE OF ELYOT. cxvii unworthy your gentill remembraunce and benefite ; putting you in this assuraunce that never may have founden or shall fynde me ingrate or unthankfull. I wold awaytid on you as my duetie hadd ben, but that I dradd to fynde you occupied with grete affayres, which of late hath causid me to make many vayne journayes whan I have ben right desyrouse to see [you], not for my necessitie onely but to have communi¬ cate with you some tokens of harty frendship. If it be your pleasure that I shall attend on you at the Court to revyve your gentill remembraunce, I, that knowing, shall folow your commaundment and counsaile, godd willing, who send to you his grace with long contynuance in honour. ‘ Yours with true affection, ‘ Th. Elyot, Kt.’ ® This letter was probably written in the autumn of 1534 or the spring of 1535. It must certainly have been written prior to the month of July in the latter year. Sir Thomas More was executed on July 6, 1535. And we know that Elyot was out of England when that event happened. The tradition that the news was communicated to him for the first time by the Emperor himself rests on too high an authority to be rejected. On his return from the siege of Tunis, Charles landed in Sicily, August 22, 1535, and after staying some time at Palermo made his entry into Messing, on October 21. He arrived in Naples on November 25, and remained there about four months.^ It was perhaps whilst the Emperor was resi¬ dent in this city that the following incident occurred. ‘ Soone after Mores death came intelligence thereof to the Emperor * MS. P.R.O. Cromwell Corresp.^ vol. x. no. 58. The letter is addressed ‘ To the right honorable Mr Secretary.’ *’ See Pap, Petal dti Card, de Granvelle^ om. ii. p. 387 note, and p. 413 note. cxviii LIFE OF ELY07. Charles, whereuppon he sent for Sir Thomas Eliott, our Eenglish Embassodor and sayd unto him, “ My Lord Embas- sodor, wee understand that the Kinge your Master hath putt his faythfull servaunt and grave wise Councellor Sir Thomas Moore to death.” Whereunto Sir Thomas Eliott aunsweared that hee understood nothinge thereof. “ Well,” sayd the Em¬ peror, “ it is verye true, and this will we saye, that if wee had bine Mr. of such a servaunt, of whose doinges our selves have had these many yeares noe small experience, wee would rather have lost the best Cittie of our dominiones then have lost such a worthie Councellor.' Now this story is related by William Roper, Sir Thomas More’s own son-in-law, who adds:—‘ Which matter 'was bye Sir Thomas Eliott to my selfe, to my wife, to Mr. Clement and his wife, to Mr. John Haywood and his wife, and divers others of his frends accord- ingely reported.’ ^ Stapleton, who was born in the very year that More died, had evidently heard the same account probably from some member of the family, for he says, ‘ Illud postrerno loco ponam, quod a fide dignis accepi, nobilissimum in hac causa et sempiterna memoria dignum testimonium. Carolus V. Im- perator, princeps non minus judicio acer quam bello fortis et felix, audita Roffensis et Mori nece, Thomse Elioto tunc Henrici apud eum legato hsec verba dixit. “Ego, si in meis regnis duo hujusmodi lumina haberem, quamlibet munitissi- mam civitatem potius periclitari sinerem, quam me illis pri- vari, nedum injuste tolli permitterem.” Hsec ille. Prsestan- tissimi Principis prseclarum elogium fuit.’ ^ Substantially the same version is also given by the writer (supposed to be Nicholas Harpsfield) of another Life of More which still re- * Roper, Vita Mori, p. 58, ed. Hearne 1716. Ires Thomce, p, 359, ed. 1588. LIFE OF ELY OF CXIX mains in MS. in the Lambeth Libraryby the anonymous author of the Life printed by Dr. Wordsworth,^ and by Thomas More, the great grandson of the Chancellor, in a work which Wood describes as ‘incomparably well written.’It is ob¬ vious, however, that none of these except, perhaps, the last mentioned can pretend to so much authority as the two from which we have quoted. It appears at first sight remarkable that no allusion is made by Elyot himself to this incident, neither in any work published after this date nor in any letter at present discovered. And in fact but for Roper’s statement there would, so far as the Editor has been able to ascertain, be no ground for assert¬ ing positively that Elyot was employed as Ambassador or even absent from England at this period. Roper’s statement, however, which in itself is too precise to be disputed, is indi¬ rectly confirmed by the following circumstances. We have seen already that Elyot, when employed as Ambassador in the Low Countries, had complained to Vaughan that his letters remained unanswered and that he was left without instructions from England, a complaint which Vaughan had forwarded to Cromwell. It would seem that Elyot experienced similar treatment on this second mis¬ sion and was left to hear the news of More’s death, not from the King or Cromwell, but from the Emperor to whose Court he was accredited. Now, curiously enough, we have a letter from the latter to his Ambassador in France,* •• ^ written from Naples in January, 1536, in which occurs the following pas- * See Wordsworth, Eccles, Biog.^ vol. ii. p. 45. Ibid. p. 179. ® See Wood’s Ath. Oxon, vol, i. col. 87, ed. 1813. •• Jean Hannaert, Vicomte de Lombeke. See Henne, Hist, du rigne de Chas. V. tom. v. p. 118. cxx LIFE OF ELYOT. sage, showing that the English Ambassador (presumably Elyot) was then placed in such a predicament. ‘ Depuis ce que dessus, nous avons receu voz lectres des xv et xvi de ce mois, et nous desplait extremement des nouvelles du trespas de la royne d’Angleterre, nostre tante,^ dont pour ce que n’en avons encoires la certitude de nostre ambassadeur estant audit Angleterre, et que celluy dudit Angleterre resident de- vers nous n’en a nulles lectres de son maistre, ne Tavons voulsu tenir pour certain, comme chose que creons mal vpluntiers et de tres-grand deplesir.’ ^ We have also the fact to be referred to more at length presently that Elyot himself alludes in a work published some years after this period to his having borrowed a book from ‘ a gentleman of Naples.’ Now this may very well have taken place at the time when he was himself resident at Naples, in the autumn of 1535, as the accredited Ambassador to the Emperor. As for the absence of any written or printed account by Elyot himself of his conversation with the Emperor, it is easier to under¬ stand the omission when we read the instructions given by Cromwell to the English Ambassador at the Court of France,® and remember that Henry Hvas greatly nettled’ when in¬ formed of the conversation between Francis and Sir John Wallop under circumstances precisely similar to those detailed by Roper with regard to Elyot and Charles.*^ But conceding the truth of Roper’s story, the question re¬ mains yet to be answered. Where was Elyot if he was not in England in July 1535 .? Charles sailed from Barcelona on his African expedition on May 30. He certainly had an English Ambassador in his suite, for in a letter written by the Em- ® Catharine of Aragon died on Jan. 8, 1536. ’’ Pap. d’etat dti Card, de Granvelle, tom. ii. p. 429, ed. 1841. See Strype, Eccles Mem., vol. i. pt. 2. p. 247. ® Ibid. vol. I, pt. I, p. 360. LIFE OF ELYOT. CXXl peror as he was on the point of sailing, he says, ‘Ledit Ambassadeur de France a parsistd de nous suyvir en ce voy- age, apres qu’il eust tenu propos de soy retirer, et que aultre venoit en son lieu ; et pour ce ne luy avoit este pourveu de galeres, supposant que luy et aultres ambassadeurs suyvans nostre court yroient en naves; et sur ce qu’il a parsiste a ladite galere, en avons ordonnd une pour luy et I’ambassadeur d’Angleterre et celluy du marquis de Saluces,^ avec aucungs gentilshommes de nostre maison, pour gaigner place, selon le grand nombre de gens que menons.’ ^ The French Ambas¬ sador was the Sieur de Vely who, as we have already seen, was in Elyot’s company at Ratisbon in 1532. Now whoever the English Ambassador may have been, it is certain that he and de Vely were thrown a great deal together and were on the best possible terms during the voyage and subsequent opera¬ tions. This is clearly shown by the following passage in the Emperor’s letter, written from Messina to his Ambassador in France, in the following October. ‘ En oultre, nous avons veu ce qu’avez escript au S*" de Granvelle touchant ce que ledit S*” de Vely, ambassadeur dudit S'" roy, a escript par dela, de la naviere en laquelle il est alle durant nostre voiage de Thunes, et mesmes touchant ce que luy fut dit lorsque etions au camp devant la Goulette, et de la compaignie que luy fut baillee en ladite naviere de I’escuyer Vandenesse et Anthoine de Bedia, que nous sembla estre pour le mieulx, pour les con¬ siderations que le S*" de Granvelle dit de nostre part audit de Vely, non pas pour le tenir estroitement, comme il dit, mais pour sa plus grande commodite, et aussi afin qu’il ne luy advint quelque inconvenient, et davantaige que, a la verite, ledit ambassadeur se demonstroit par trop curieulx d’assentir * Francois, Marquis de Saluces, or Saluzzo, a town in the Vaudois. ” Pap. d’etat du Card, de Granvelle^ tom. ii. p. 359. cxxii LIFE OF ELYOr. et enquerir nouvelles, et alloient aucungs de ses gens par le camp, voire armez, et se trouvoient souvent aucungs d’eulx en nostre tente et a Tencontre d’icelle et d’aultres de nostredit conseil, suspectement et a mensongieres occasions. Et si avons entendu que ledit ambassadeur a escript plusieurs nou¬ velles non vrayes, que sont este publiees au couste d’Angle- terre et aillieurs: et entre aultres choses a este trop curieulx a luy, et aussi au de Vaugy, d’avoir faict faire et pourter par dela la platte-forme de la fortisfication de ladite Goulette, comme Tescripvez. Toutesfois, n’est besoing que en faictes semblant, et souffit qu’en soiez adverty pour, s’il survenoit quelques aultres advertissemens que ledit ambassadeur pour- roit faire; et que ledit ambassadeur et son cousin sont ex- tremement curieulx de veoir, s^avoir et entendre tout ce que passe en ceste court, et fort vehementement; et au regard d’avoir tenu a ses gaiges ladite naviere, ledit ambassadeur s’est de ce advance, car elle a tousjours este a nostre soulde, et ce nonobstant, au commandement dudit ambassadeur; et est bien vray que jusques au desembarquement en ladite Goulette, y eust quelques gens de guerre beaulcoup plus que en d’aultres, mais au retour n’y en a point eu, et a este ledit ambassadeur tres-bien traicte, et mieulx que nul des autres, tant de galeres que de batteaulx, et en a eu tres-grand con- tentement, et Ta mercie souvent I’ambassadeur d’Angleterre, que tousjours a este avec ledit S'" de Vely.’ ^ It seems from this that de Vely had proved rather troublesome on account of his inquisitiveness, and had been the means of disseminat¬ ing false information about the Emperor which had been published in England and elsewhere. He seems also to have acknowledged his obligations to the English Am¬ bassador, who was on board the same ship and appears to * Pap. d'etat du Card, de Granvelle, tom. ii. p. 393. LIhE OF ELYOT. cxxiii have helped to make things pleasant for his French col¬ league. Now it is curious that the name of the English ambassa¬ dor is not only not given by the Emperor, or by Sandoval, or other foreign writers who have left us accounts of the expedi¬ tion to Tunis, but the fact that a representative of Eng¬ land was present is totally ignored by Mr. Thomas in his Historical Notes, and, so far as we have been able to \ ascertain, by every other English writer. We may ob¬ serve here that M. Henne, who has devoted ten octavo volumes to the reign of Charles V., dismisses the subject of what he calls ‘ this glorious expedition ’ in a couple of pages, but this may probably be because the services of the Belgians who took part in it have not been recorded.^ A list of the ambassadors present at the capture of Tunis is supplied by M. Chotin, who has followed Sandoval’s account. They re¬ presented respectively England, France, Portugal, Milan, Florence, Venice, Ferrara, Saluce, Genoa, Sienne, Mantua, and Naples.^ Their names, however, except in the case of de Vely, are not given. Now, starting with the fact that Elyot was not in England in July, and that he heard the news of More’s death not direct from England but from the Emperor, it seems not at all unlikely that he had left this country in May to embark with the Emperor at Barcelona, or perhaps had joined the contingent from the Low Countries at Ant¬ werp.® If he had merely gone to Naples to meet the Em¬ peror on his return from Tunis, he would hardly have left ® ‘ Les historians se sont tus sur la part prise par les Beiges ^ cette glorieuse expedition ; pourtant la, comme partout, ils soutinrent noblement leur reputation de vaillance.’— Hist, dti rigne de Chas. V., tom. vi. p. 89, ed. 1859. Hist, des exped. niarit. de Chas. V.,p. 164, ed. 1849. ® ‘ II est constant qu’une grande partie de la flotte avait ete fournie par les Pays-Bas.’—Henne, ubi supra, tom. vi. p. 90. CXXIV LIFE OF ELYOT. England so early as July, and, in any case, could not fail to have heard the news of More’s death on passing through Rome. If, on the other hand, he actually took part in the expedition, it is easy to understand that he might be without intelligence from England, whilst other means of information would doubtless be open to the Emperor. Moreover the fact that Elyot had been previously acquainted with de Vely makes it highly prob¬ able that he would be ready, to exert his influence with the Emperor to make matters smooth for his colleague, the representative of a power of whom Charles had some present ground of complaint.^ All things considered, then, it seems not unlikely that Elyot was really present as a spectator of the Spanish opera¬ tions in Africa, notwithstanding the absence of any positive evidence as to the fact. We can only deplore here, as at other points in Elyot’s career, the strange fate which has de¬ prived us of the greatest part of a correspondence which must surely have been voluminous and could not fail to be most interesting. In 1536 a Royal Proclamation was issued ^For callyng in diners writings and bokes, and specially one boke im¬ printed, comprising a sermon made by John Fysher, late Bishop of Rochester: and also against light persons called pardoners and sellers of indulgences.’^ It is unfortunate that we are obliged to rely for our knowledge of this Order upon a mere bibliographical catalogue, but no collection of the “ Francesco Contarini, Venetian Ambassador with the King of the Romans, in a letter to the Signory dated July 23, 1535, says, ‘ I understand that the Emperor complains greatly of the most Christian King, saying that the cannon balls fired at the Imperial forces are stamped with the lily.’ -Cal. State Pap, [Venetian)^ vol. V. p. 30, the Rolls ed. •’ See Ames, Typog. Ant. vol. iii. p. 292, ed. 1816. LIFE OF ELYOT. CXXV proclamations of this reign has ever been made, which is much to be regretted, for, as Mr. Herbert has pointed out ‘ they would afford much light to our historians.’ The short notice of the one mentioned above is given by Ames without comment, but is said to be taken ‘ from Mr. T. Baker’s in¬ terleaved copy of Maunsell’s catalogue.’ This last was one of the volumes bequeathed to the Cambridge University Library by the will of Mr. Thomas Baker, formerly fellow of St. John’s Coll, dated Oct. 15, 1739.^ Mr. Herbert inquires, ^ which of the Bishop’s sermons it was that came under this lash } ’ and supposes it ‘ to have been rather a treatise in answer to a book printed in 1530, concerning the King’s marriage.’ It seems however much more probable that it referred to the sermon preached by Fisher at the funeral, or rather at the ‘ months mind ’ of the Lady Margaret, mother of Henry VIL, who died June 29, 1509. This was afterwards printed by Wynkyn de Worde, and is decidedly of a Popish tendency.^ In consequence of this Proclamation it appears that Elyot thought it necessary to write the following letter to Cromwell. ‘Mr. Secretary, in my right humble maner I have me recommended unto you. Sir, all beit that it were my duetie to awayte on you desyring to be perfeitly instructed in the effectuall understanding of the Kinges most graciouse pleasure contayned in his graces proclamation concerning sediciouse bookes. Now for as moche as I have ben very sikk and yet am not entierly recovered, I am constrayned to importune you with theise my homely lettres, which con- sydering my necessitie and syncere meaning, I trust will not be fastidiouse unto you whome I have allway accompted one * See Bishop Fis/ief^s Sermon, p. 274, ed. Hymers, 1840. *> See Baker’s Preface to the Sermon, p. 58, ed. 1840. CXXVl LIFE OF ELYOT. of my chosen frendes for the similitude of our studies which undoubtidly is the moste perfeict fundacion of amitie. Sir, as ye knowe, I have ben ever desyrouse to reade many bookes specially concerning humanitie and morall philosophy, and therefore of suche studies I have a competent numbre. But concerning holy scripture I have very fewe, for in questionistes I never delyted, unsavery gloses and commentes I ever abhorred, the bostars and advauntars of the pompouse authoritie of the Busshop of Rome I never esteemyd. But after that, by moche and seriouse reading, I had apprehendid a jugement or estimacion of thinges, I didd anon smell oute theire corrupt affections and beheelde with sorowful eyes the sondry abusions of theire authorities adorned with a licen- ciouse and dissolute forme of lyving ; of the which, as well in theim as in the universall state of the clergy, I have often- tymes wisshed a necessary reformacion. Whereof hath happed no litle contencion betwixt me and suche persones as ye have thought that I have specially favored, even as ye allso didd, for some laudable qualities which we supposid to be in theim. But neither they mowght persuade me to approve that which both faith and my raison condemned, nor I mowght dissuade theim from the excusing of that which all the worlde abhorred. Which obstinacy of bothe partes relentid the grete affection betwene us and withdrue oure familiar repayre. As touching suche bookes as be now prohibited contayning the Busshop of Romes authoritie, some indeede I have joyned with diverse other workes in one grete volume or twoo at the moste, which I never found laysor to reade. Notwithstanding if it be the Kinges pleasure and yours that I shall bringe or send theim I will do it right gladly. As for the warkes of John Fisshar, I never hadd any of theim to my knowlege except one litle sermone, which aboute eight or nyne yeres passid was translatid into Latine by Mr. Pace, and for that cause I LIFE OF ELYOT. CXXvil bowght it more than for the author or mater, but where it is I am not sure, for in goode faithe I never redd it but ones sens I bowght it. Finally, if your pleasure be to have that and the other, for as moche as my bookes be in sondry houses of myne own, and farre asonder, I hartily pray you that I may have convenient respeyte to repayre thither after my present recovery, and as I wold that godd sholde helpe me I will make diligent serche, and suche as I shall finde savering any thinge agaynst the Kinges pleasure I will putt theim in redyness either to be browght to you or to be cut oute of the volume wherein they be ioyned with other, as ye shall advyse me, after that I have certified to you the titles of theim. Wherefore, Sir, I hartily besieche you for the syncere love that I have towardes you to advertyse me playnly (ye lakking laisor to write) either by Mr. Petre Vanes or Mr. Augustine, thei writing what your counsaile and advise is herein, which to my power I will folow. And goode Mr. Secretary, consvder that from the tyme of our first acquayn- tance, which began of a mutual benevolence, ye never knew in me froward opynion or dissimulacion, perchaunce naturall symplicitie not discretely ordred mowght cause men suspect that I favored hypocrysy, supersticion, and vanitie. Notwith¬ standing, if ye mowght see my thowghtes as godd doeth, ye shold finde a reformar of those thynges, and not a favorar, if I mowght that I wold, and that I desire no lass that my Soveraigne Lord sholde prosper and be exaltid in honor than any servaunt that he hath, as Christe knowith, who send to you abundaunce of his grace with longe lif. Writen at Combe on the Vigil of Saint Thomas. ‘Yours unfaynedly, ‘ Th. Elyot, Kt’ * Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. VI. fo. 248, orig. printed in A^xhceologia, vol. xxxiii. p. 352, and Strype’s Eccles. Mem, vol. i. pt. 2, p. 228. cxxviii LIFE OF ELYOT. Upon this letter Strype has founded a theory of his own which really seems quite unnecessary. He tells us that Cromwell, ‘ where he saw occasion, directed his letters to particular persons to bring in their books of this nature upon their peril. And though Sir Thomas Elyot, the learned knight, and in the year 1532 the King’s Ambassador to Rome, was his old friend and very well known to him, yet he, sus¬ pecting him to be favourable to the old religion, and knowing him to be a great acquaintance of Sir Thomas More, writ to him, warning him to send in any popish books that he had. Whereat Elyot wrote to the said Crumwel a letter, wherein he declared to him his judgment of the need of a reformation of the Clergy, and concerning Papists and popish books, to clear himself of any surmise the King or the Secretary might have of him.’^ Now, there is really no evidence whatever to support Strype’s assertion that Cromwell himself wrote to particular persons, &c. On the contrary, we may fairly infer from the tenor of Elyot’s letter, ist. that the first intimation he received of the prohibition of the books in question was from the Royal Proclamation itself; 2nd. that Elyot took the initiative in writing to Cromwell to plead his state of health % as an excuse for not calling upon the latter to receive his instructions ; and 3rd. that his letter was not in answer to a previous one addressed to him by Cromwell. We have already dealt with the question of the accuracy of Strype’s statement that Elyot was sent on a mission to Rome in 1532, and therefore need not further discuss it. We note here, however, another, though a much more venial error, on the part of this writer in making Elyot date his letter from ^ Cambridge ’ instead of from Combe. According to Lowndes, the sermon of Fisher, which Pace * Eccles, Mem, vol. i, pt. r, p. 341. LIFE OF ELYOT. CXXIX translated into Latin, was on the text John XV. 26, and was printed at Cambridge in 1521.^ If this be, as it probably is, the same which Elyot alludes to, the latter either did not make sufficient allowance for the lapse of time, or he reckoned only the years which had passed since he himself purchased the book. The Mr. Peter Vannes mentioned by Elyot was the King’s secretary for the Latin tongue, who had been sent to Marseilles in 1533, and the following year was made Arch¬ deacon of Worcester in succession to Dr. Clayburgh,^ who, as we have already seen, was one of the Masters in Chancery. On July 2, 1536, Thomas Cromwell was appointed Lord Privy Seal, an office which was rendered vacant by the resignation of Sir Thomas Boleyn.® It was probably in the autumn of this year, the smaller monasteries having been suppressed in the spring, that Elyot, who had not yet succeeded in obtaining compensation for the losses he had suffered in the King’s service, wrote the following letter to his old friend, to whom the King had shown so much more favour than to Elyot himself ‘ My moste speciall goode Lorde. Whereas by your con- tynuell exercise in waighty affayres, allso frequent access of sutars unto your goode lordship, I could not fynde oportunity to gyve to your lordship due and convenyent thankes for your honourable and gentill report to the Kinges maiesty on Wenysday last passid in my favor, I am now constrayned to supply with my penne my sayde duety. Offryng unto your lordship all harty love and servyce that a poure man may owe and beare to his goode lorde and approved frende, which, allthowgh hability lakking in me I can not expresse by any » Bibliographer's Manual, \o\. ii. p. 718, ed. 1834. ^ Le Neve, Fasli Ecc. Ang. vol. iii. p. 75. ® Rynier. Feed. vol. xiv. p. 571. h cxxx LIFE OF EL YOT. benefyte, your wisedom, notwithstanding, (which I have allway honoured and trustid) will I doubt not accept my goode intent, being I thank godd ever syncere and without flatery or ill dissimulacion. I wisshing unto your lordship the hon¬ orable desyres of your hart with the contynuall favor of godd and of your Prynce. My lorde, for as moche as I suppose that the Kinges moste gentill communicacion with me and allso his moste comfortable report unto the lordes of me preceded of your afore remembred recommendacions, I am animate to importune your good lordship with moste harty desyres to contynue my goode lorde in augmenting the Kinges goode estimacion of me, whereof I promise you before godd your lordship shall never have cause to repent. And where I perceyve that ye suspect that I favour not truely holy Scripture, I wold godd that the King and you mowght see the moste secrete thowghtes of my hart, surely ye shold than perceyve that, the ordre of charity savyd, I have in as moche detestation as any man lyving all vayne supersticions, superfluouse ceremonyes, sklaunderouse ionglynges, countre- faite mirakles, arrogant usurpacions of men callid Spirituall, and masking religious, and all other abusions of Christes holy doctrine and lawes. And as moche I inioy at the Kinges godly proceding to the due reformacion of the sayde enor- myties as any his graces poure subiect lyving. I therefor beseche your goode lordship now to lay apart the remem- braunce of the amity betwene me and sir Thomas More, which was but tisque ad aras, as is the proverb, consydering that I was never so moche addict unto hym as I was unto truthe and fidelity toward my soveraigne lorde as godd is my juge. And where my speciall trust and onely expectation is to be holpen by the meanes of your lordship, and naturall shame- fastness more raigneth in me than is necessary, so that I LIFE OF ELY OF. CXXXl wold not prese to the Kinges maiesty withoute your lord- shippes assistence unto whome I have sondry tymes declarid myn indigence, and whereof it hath hapned, I therefor moste humbly desyre you, my speciall goode lorde, so to bryng me into the Kinges most noble remembrance that of his moste bounteouse liberality it may like his highnesse to reward me with some convenyent porcion of his suppressid landes whereby I may be able to contynue my life according to that honest degree whereunto his grace hath callid me. And that your lordship forgete not that neither of his grace, noi of any other persone I have fee, office, pencion, or ferme, noi have any maner of lucre or advauntage besydes the revenues of my poure land which are but small and no more than I may therewith mayntayiie my poure house. And if by your lordshippes meanes I may achieve goode effect of my sute your lordship shall not fynde me ingrate. And whatsoever porcion of land that I shall attayne by the Kinges gift, I promyse to give to your lordship the first yeres frutes with myn assured and faithfull hart and servyce. This lettre I have writen bycause that I herd that your lordship went to the Court. And as for my first sute, I shall at your lord¬ shippes better laysour recontynue it, trusting allso in your lordshippes favor therein. Writen at‘my house by Smyth- feld this Moneday. ‘Yours moste bounden, ‘Th. Elyot, Kt.’^ This letter shows us pretty plainly that Elyot’s friendship and intimacy with Sir Thomas More had, as we might naturally expect, caused him to be looked upon with some * Addressed ‘To my speciall goode lorde my lorde Pryvy Seale.’ Cotton MSS. Cleop, E. IV. fo, 220, orig. printed in Archceologia^ vol. xxxiii. p. 353, and also in Wright’s Lett, relating to Suppress, of Monast. p. 140. cxxxii LIFE OF ELYOT. suspicion not only by the King but by Cromwell. It is only in this way that we can account for the apparent neglect with which Elyot, after a long and useful career in the public service of his country, found himself treated. The repeated requests contained in the letters we have quoted for some substantial recognition of his services afford unmistakable proof that for some reason hitherto not quite intelligible, but which the allusion to More in this last letter helps to explain, those services important though they were, had remained unrequited. But it is quite unnecessary to assume that Elyot intended to disown his friendship for More, or to charge him as Mr. Cooper has thought fit to do with ‘ meanly apologising for an intimacy of which he might well have been proud.’ ^ Such an imputation could not have been made if Elyot’s meaning had been properly understood. Now, in order to do this we must first understand the meaning of the proverb to which he alludes. This in its expanded form is tisqne ad aram amiciLS sum a translation of the Greek rod (Bwfjbov (fiiXos slfiL, the answer attributed by Plutarch^ to Pericles when asked by a friend to give false testimony on his behalf. The interpretation put upon this proverb by Erasmus is as follows : ‘ Admonet proverbium nonnunquam quo consulamus amicorum commodis, eorumque voluntati morem geramus, fas videri paululum a recto deflectere, verum eatenus, ne propter hominem amicum numinis reverentiam violemus.’® And we can have little doubt that Elyot understood and quoted the apophthegm in this sense. What he meant by saying that his friendship with More was only usque ad aras was not to deny the fact, but to assure Cromwell that he had never allowed his feeling of regard and affection for More in a * Athene Cantab, vol. i. p. 89. De Vitioso Ptidore, cap. 6, ® Adagia, p. 490, ed. 1517, LIFE OF ELYOT. CXXxiii private capacity to interfere with the performance of his own duty to the King, or to detract from the full measure of his allegiance. If we read Elyot’s letter by this light we shall have no occasion to impute to him the meanness of intending to disavow a life-long friendship. A third edition of The Governotir was published in 1537, but the great work which now occupied the attention of its author was the preparation of a Latin-English Dictionary. Up to this time a correct knowledge of Latin, as written not by mediaeval diplomatists and lawyers but by the best classical authors, had been acquired by a slow and painful process involving immense industry and under the serious disadvantage arising from the absence of any complete and accurate dictionary of that language. Ludovicus Vives who had visited England some years previously and been intro¬ duced to all the most eminent men of the day, including without doubt Sir Thomas Elyot, had already called attention in his treatise De tradendis disciplinis^ printed in 1531, to the necessity for a comprehensive work of this kind, considering the imperfect character of those then in use.^ In England nothing of the kind existed ‘ beyond the mere vocabularies of school-boys for the Promptoriiim Parviilorum printed by Pynson in 1499, and the Ortus VocabtUorum by Wynkyn de Worde in 1500, do not deserve, and indeed do not aspire to be designated by a higher title. Elyot in the interest of his own countrymen adopted the suggestion thus thrown out by ® ‘ Ex quibus universis confletur dictionarium Latinae linguae, qubd nullum est plenum satis et justum, . . . Expediet in quaque etiam vulgari lingu^ geminum pueris tradi, unum quo Latina verba reddantur vulgaribus, alterum quo vice versa vulgaria Latinis : quod in nostro sermone Antonius Nebrissensis fecit, opus non satis exactum, tyronibus magis qu^m provectioribus utile.’— Opera, vol. i. p. 475, ed. 1555. ^ Hallam, Lit. of Europe, vol. i. p. 344, 4th ed. CXXXIV LIFE OF ELYOT. Vives, and in 1536-7 commenced to lay the foundation of the first work entitled to be called a Dictionary printed in Eng¬ land. A report of his design was quickly carried to the King, who was graciously pleased to signify his approbation, not by mere words of courtesy, but by the more substan¬ tial favour of a loan of books from the Royal Library. Elyot’s own account of this act of royal condescension, which exhibits Henry in his most pleasing aspect is as follows : ‘About a yere passed,’ he says (he is writing in 1538), ‘I beganne a Dictionarie declaryng latine by eng- lishe, wherin I used lyttell study, beinge than occupied about my necessarye busynes, whiche letted me from the exacte labour and study requisyte to the makynge of a perfyte Dictionarie. But whyles it was in printyng and uneth the half deale performed your hyghnes being informed therof by the reportes of gentyll maister Antony Denny, for his wysedome and diligence worthily callyd by your high- nesse into your priuie Chamber, and of Wyllyam Tildisley, keper of your gracis Lybrarie, and after mooste specially by the recommendation of the most honourable lorde Crumwell, lorde priuie seale, fauourer of honestie, and next to your highnesse chiefe patron of vertue and cunnyng, conceyued of my labours a good expectation, and declaryng your moste noble and beneuolent nature in fauouryng them that wyll be well occupied, your hyghnesse in the presence of dyuers your noble men commendynge myne enterprise affirmed that if I wolde ernestely trauayle therin, your highnes, as well with your excellent counsaile as with suche bokes as your grace had and I lacked, wold therin ayde me.’ The encouragement he thus received induced Elyot to re-cast his work and to take still greater pains to render it worthy of such high patronage. His criticisms on the works of his predecessors, LIFE OF ELYOT. cxxxv and his account of the state in which he found this depart¬ ment of literature are well worth quoting in his own words. ‘ I well perceyued that all though dictionaries had ben gathered one of an other, yet nethelesse in eche of them ar omitted some latin wordes interpreted in the bokes whiche in order preceded. For Festus^ hath manye whiche are not in Varros Analogi Nonius® hath some whiche Festus lacketh : Nestor^ toke nat all that he founde in them bothe. Tortel- lius® is not so abundant as he is diligent: Laurentius Valla^ wrate only of words which are called elegancies, wherin he is undoubtedly excellent; Perottus ^ in Cornucopie dyd omitte * Sextus Pompeius Festus, temp, incert. A portion only of the MS. of this work was transferred by Pomponius Laetus, a celebrated scholar of the fifteenth century, to Manilius Rallus, in whose hands they were seen in 1485 by Politian. The portion which remained in the custody of Lsetus was repeatedly tran¬ scribed, but it is known that the archetype was lost before 1581, when Ursinus published his edition. The original codex written upon parchment, probably in the eleventh or twelfth century, appears to have consisted, when entire, of 128 leaves, or 256 pages, each page containing two columns; but at the period when it was first examined by the learned, 58 leaves at the beginning were wanting, comprer bending all the letters before M. See Smith’s Diet, of Biog. It is rather a re¬ markable coincidence that Elyot had proceeded in the first instance only as far as the same letter. Is it possible that he could have had in his possession this missing portion of the ancient MS. ? ^ M. Terentius Varro, B.C. 116-28. His treatise, De Lingua Latind, was printed at Rome by Pomponius Laetus in 1471. ® Nonius Marcellus, temp, incert. The editio princeps of his work was printed at Rome in 1471. ^ Dionysius Nestor, of Novara, in Italy, compiled Onomasticon, or Latin Dic¬ tionary, which was published at Milan in 1488, and at Paris in 1496. See Fabric. Biblioth. Latina, tom. v. p. 97, ed. 1754, and Wadding, Script. Ord. Min. p. 179. ® An Italian grammarian w'ho was born at Arezzo about A.D. 1400, and died before 1466. His Cotnment. de Orthographid dictionum ^ Gmcis tractatum opus appeared at Venice and Rome in 1471. ^ Laurentius Valla was born at Rome in 1406, and died at Naples in 1457* His De Elegantid Latince linguce was published simultaneously at Rome, Venice, and Paris, in 1471. * Nicolas Perotti, Bishop ofSiponto or Manfredonia, on the east coast of Italy, was born in 1430 and died in 1480. His chief work was Cornucopia sive linguce CXXXVl LIFE OF ELYOT. almost none that before him were written, but in wordis com- pounde he is to compendiouse; Fryere Calepine ^ (but where he is augmented by other) nothyng amended but rather appaired that which Perottus had studiousely gathered. Nebressensis^ was both well lernedand diligent, as it appereth in some wordes which he declareth in latin ; but bicause in his dictionarie wordes are expounde in the spainyshe tunge whiche I do nat understand, I can nat of hym shewe myn opinion : Budeus*^ in the exact triall of the natiue sence of wordes, as well greke as latine, is assuredly right commendable, but he is moste occupied in the conference of phrasfe of bothe the tunges whiche in comparison are but in a fewe wordes. Dyuers other men haue written sondry annotations and commentaries on olde latine authors, among whom also is discorde in their expositions.’ Elyot tells us that when he considered the difficulty of the undertaking in which he had embarked, he began to despair of executing the work satisfactorily, but the Latinoh' Sacra, p. 113, ed. 1623, and DeLellis, Discorsi delle Famiglie- Nobili, tom. iii. p. 143, ed. 1671, LIFE OF ELYOT. cli the Bishop, which attracted the attention of Selden, who alludes to it in his Commentary on Entychins. The great jurist’s unrivalled acquaintance with Oriental literature enabled him at once to detect an anachronism. No Bishop of Alexandria, bearing the name Alexander, had ever been contemporary with the Emperor Alexander Severus. ‘Sed nullus tunc temporis plane Episcopus Alexandriae Alexander dictus est, nec ullus ante Constantinum.’^ It is a fact now well ascertained that the first patriarch of that name was the famous opponent of Arius in the fourth century. But although Selden saw that the letter itself was a forgery, and must have been composed at a much later period, this did not appear to him a sufficient reason for disbelieving Elyot’s as¬ sertion that The Image of Governance was in part translated from a Greek MS.: ‘ Neque aliud quam Graeculi alicujus recentioris commentum libellum ilium fuisse dubito, utcunque sane Lampridio subinde satis concordem.’^ In the face of this criticism, Wotton was obliged to admit that he could not call Selden as a witness in support of his indictment against Elyot. ‘ Mr. Selden,’ he says, ‘ thought the imposture lay at another door, and believed that Sir T. E. really translated a Greek MS.’® But not disconcerted by the adverse opinion of a much more competent judge than himself, Wotton en¬ deavoured to bolster up his own theory by suggesting that ‘it was no wonder if the maker of Image made it agree with the original from which he copied it’ The French historian of the Roman Emperors, whose great work had been published a few years before Wotton wrote, had said in reference to the real Encolpius, ‘ On a * Etiiychii Orig. Comment, p. 175, ed. 1642. Ubi supra. '■Hist, of Rome^ p. 539. clii LIFE OF ELYOT. imprimd autrefois en anglois un livre traduit du grec, qu’on pretendoit estre de 'cet Encolpe, sous le titre di Image du Goiivernement^ et il s’accordoit assez souvent avec Lampride. II parloit fort d’un entretien d’Alexandre avec Origene. Mais il y mettoit des circonstances qui ne conviennent pas avec I’histoire. De sorte qu’on juge que c’est quelque fiction des nouveaux Grecs.’^ Selden’s treatise was doubt¬ less designed for the learned of all countries, and was therefore written in Latin. It may indeed be doubtful whether Tillemont was himself acquainted with The Image of Go- vernance^ but it is certain that he had read the remarks made upon it by Selden in his commentary upon Eutychius, for he refers expressly to the latter work. Wotton at once saw that the arguments he sought to controvert would gain ad¬ ditional publicity when presented in the more popular form adopted by the French historian. He endeavoured therefore to counteract the increased weight which Tillemont’s name might be expected to lend to that of Selden by suggesting that ‘ Mr. Selden’s authority imposed upon M. de Tillemont, who probably understood no English, and had never seen the book itself.’^ Selden and Tillemont were both dead when the History of Rome appeared in 1701, but Wotton was well aware that a far higher degree of respect would be accorded to their opinions than to his own. ‘ The names of those two learned men,’ he says, ‘ have made it necessary that this book should be examined with care and that the public should be warned of it, that no man hereafter may be imposed upon by the authority of this mock-Encolpius.’^ To the careful reader of The Image of Governance it would appear that there never was the slightest necessity for •Tillemont, Hist, des Eviperenrs, tom. iii, p. 211, ed. 1720. ^ Hist, of Rome, p. 539. LIFE OF ELYOT. cliii this solemn warning, and Wotton’s elaborate ‘ Reasons ’ will only inspire a feeling of regret that so much superfluous erudition should have been displayed to so little purpose. For, after all, the most conclusive answer to the charge of forgery brought by Wotton against Elyot is afforded by Elyot himself. In the preface to The Image of Governance the author admits us to his confidence, and relates with every appearance of candour the circumstances under which the book came to be written. Having told us that he obtained the loan of the Greek MS. in the way already described, he goes on to say, ‘In reading wherof, I was maruaylousely rauished, and as it hath ben euer myn appetite, I wisshed that it had ben published in such a tunge as mo men mought understande it.* Accordingly he set about translating it into English, but before he had completed his task ‘ the owner importunately called for his boke.’ What was to be done } Elyot was not one of those who, having discovered hidden treasure are reluctant to admit others to share their good fortune. On the contrary, his chief anxiety seems to have been lest the Acts and Sentences^ a mine of wisdom as it doubtless appeared to him, should be lost to his fellow-countrymen, or at most known only to himself and perhaps a few other scholars. The same generous impulse had prompted him, as we have already seen, to translate The Doctrinal of Princes, Another and still stronger motive induced him to undertake the present work. He desired to fulfil the promise made to his readers in the pages of The Governour ten years pre¬ viously. ‘Hauing this boke’ {i.e, the one lent to him by the gentleman of Naples) in my hande, I remembred that in my boke named The Gouernour I promised to write a boke of the forme of good gouernance.^ And for as moch as in this * lie alludes probably to his statement in Vol. I. p. 24. cliv LIFE OF ELYOT. boke (i.e. the one lent to him) was expressed of gouernance so perfite an ymage, I supposed that I shuld sufficiently dis¬ charge my selfe of my promise if I dyd nowe publishe this boke, whiche (except I be moche deceyued) shall minister to the W3/se readars both pleasure and profited Inasmuch how¬ ever as the translation of the Greek MS. was incomplete and insufficient to form a volume by itself, Elyot determined to supply what was needed from other sources. ‘ I was con¬ strained to leue some part of the wark untranslated ; which I made up, as welle as I coulde, with somme other Autours as wel latines as grekis.’ Can anything be more ingenuous than this admission } So far from claiming for his book the merit of being a continuous and complete translation (as Wotton assumes that he did), the author informs his readers at the outset in as plain language as possible that it is ‘ made up,’ in other words, that it has no pretensions to any other character than that of a compilation. Moreover, at a still earlier stage, viz. in the title-page, he had called attention to the fact that it was ‘ compiled.’ That after reading the simple narrative in the Preface, Wotton should have deemed it necessary to warn the reader against the imposition which he supposed Elyot to have attempted is indeed surprising. But the singu¬ lar obtuseness which prevented the author of the History of Rome from comprehending the true state of the case, and the misdirected energy he exhibited in combating a fallacy created by his own too fertile imagination, excite our astonishment almost in an equal degree. To us it seems that even apart from Elyot’s own state¬ ment, than which nothing can be more explicit, the internal evidence of the book itself is conclusive as to its real charac¬ ter. This evidence may be conveniently arranged under the following heads: ist. The marginal references. 2nd. The LIFE OF ELY or. clv translated passages. 3rd. The style and scope of the whole work. And first, as to the references in the margin to original authorities. In Chapter III. the reader is referred to Herodian, cap. 5. In Chapter V. the words ^ Ave, Alexander^ in the margin clearly indicate, that the phrase ‘ Be glad, Alexander,’ in the text was a literal translation of that used by Lampri- dius.^ In Chapter VII. the quotation ‘ Quern metuunt oderunt, et quern odiunt perisse expetunt,’ referred to Ennius, was obviously borrowed by Elyot from Cicero,^ who attributes the verse ‘ Quern metuunt, oderunt; quern quisque odit, periisse expetit,’ to that ancient poet. In Chapter XI. there is a mar¬ ginal reference to Lampridius. In Chapter XXIV. the Latin word vi2Llsuni is given in the margin as the equivalent of the word ‘ methe ’ used in the text. On the other hand, when Elyot is translating from an original Greek document his marginal reference is in the Greek character, and hence the phrase zv 'iTpaTTEiv already mentioned denotes that it is the exact equivalent of the phrase ‘well to doo’ in the text. In Chapter XXIX. there are two more marginal references to Lampridius. Secondly, as to the translated passages. In Chapter XVI. ‘ The publyke weale giueth to you right harty thankes ’ is ob¬ viously a literal translation of Gratias tibi agit Respublica, the phrase attributed to the Emperor by Lampridius.^ Again, ‘ With fume shal he dy that fumes hath sold,’ in Chapter XIV. represents the Latin Fumo punihir qui vendidit funrnni.^ On the other hand, the ‘ sentences ’ quoted in Chapter XXV. might very well be translations from the Greek and savour too much of orthodoxy to have been written by a pagan. Part of a speech put into the mouth of the Emperor may be taken as “ Hist. August, tom. i, p. 907, ed. 1671. Be Off. lib. ii. cap. 7. ' See Hist. Aug. tom. i. p. 936. '* Ubi supra^ p. 949. clvi LIFE OF ELYOT. an example of what we mean. ‘ That he was moche lasse than his maister Chryste, whiche rode but one daye in his lyfe, and that was on a sely asse mare. Wherfore he wold not ryde except he were sycke or decrepite, so that his leggis mought not serue him to go.’ So also the following: ‘ Eucolpius wryteth that on a tyme he sayd to him and to Philip his bondeman, I perceyue ye do wonder at the lernynge of Origene, wherby ye be induced to imbrace the christiane pro¬ fession. Trewely the humilitie and chary tie of the chrysten people whiche I haue herde of and do dayly beholde doo moche more stere me to beleue that theyr Chryste is god than the residue of all his perswasion. And on a tyme whan two chrysten men contended proudely together and they accused eche other of spekynge reprochefull wordes of the Emperour, he called them before hym and prohibited them to name themselfes christen men, saying, Your pryde and malyce do declare that ye be not the folowers of hym whome ye professe. Wherfore, thoughe ye fynde lacke in me, the whiche I wyll gladly amende, yet wyll I not lette you agaynste ius- tyce reproue by your actes hym whose lyfe and doctrine ye all doo afhrme to be uncorrupted and without any lacke. Whiche wordes being ones sprad amonge the christen men in the citie of Rome, it made them all afterwarde more cir- cumspecte, and in humilitie and charitie to be the more constante.’ Now it is quite conceivable that these and other similar passages may have been translated by Elyot from a Greek MS. fabricated by some early Christian writer, at the time possibly when the Arian controversy was agitating the schools of Alexandria. Again, in Chapter XXVI. the author, speaking of Alexander’s wife, says, * Eucolpius wyll not be knowen that he had any moo wyues, but Lampridius useth the authoritie of one Desippus, who sayth that Alexander LIFE OF ELYOT. clvii had an nother vvyfe, who was doughter of oone Martlanus. But whan it was founde that he wolde haue slayne themperour by treason, he was put to deth, and his doughter separate from the Emperour.’ Now this is almost a literal translation of the following passage in Lampridius: ‘Dexippus dixituxoremeum cujusdam Martiani filiam duxisse, eundemque ab eo Caesarem nuncupatum. Verum quum vellet insidiis occidere Alexan- drum Martianus, detecta factione, et ipsum interemptum, et uxorem abjectam.’^ It is easy to understand that the author of the Greek MS., presumably a convert to Christianity, would not allow that ‘ the good ’ Alexander had more than one wife. Elyot goes on to say, ‘Herodianus affyrmeth that all that was done by the malyce of Mammea, the emperours mother, with¬ out other cause, only bycause she coulde not susteyne hir sonnes wyfe to be called Augusta, and therfore she caused her to be exyled into Affrica, and all the landes and goodes of her father Mammea toke and conuerted unto hir owne profite.’ Now let us compare this with Herodian’s own language; ’H^aYero S’ avrw Kal yvvacfca tS)v syTrarpt^MV, fjv avvoiKovcrav Kal ayairco/jLsvrjv fisra ravra tmv /SacriXslcov svv- ^pi^ovad T£ Kal ^aaiXcacra slvat OsXovcra pLovr), cf^Oovovad T£ T7]9 'TrpO(77]yopla9 EK£LVr), £19 TOCTOVTOV '7rpO£'^COp7]a£P V^p£(09 0)9 TOD TTaTSpa Trj9 K6pr]9, Kalroc VTT ^A\£^dvhpov yapi^pov 6vro9 irdvv npLcopLEVov, ^Epovra r^v Alapupi^aiav ivv^pL^ovaav avrS te Kal rfj Ovyarpl aurov, (fyvyELV eA to arparoTTEBov, rS pbsv ^AXE^dvBpw 'xdptv ElBora 0 I 9 ETLpbdro, T^v Be Aiapipuaiav alrLcopbEvov icj) 0 I 9 v^pl^ETo. skeIvt) Be dyavaKTrjaacra avrov te dvaipEOrjvaL eksKevcte, Kal t7]v K oprjv EK^\7]6£L(TaV TO)V /SaaiXELCOV £19 AL^VrjV £(f)VydBEVa£.^ Thus we see that in both the above instances Elyot has not merely given the substance of the authors, to whom he refers, * I/isL Aug. tom. i. p. 1002. •’ Hist. lib. vi. cap. i. ed. Bekker, 1826. clviii LIFE OF ELYOT. but has adhered more or less closely to the text of the originals. Why then may we not give him equal credit when he refers to the unknown writer whom he calls Eucolpius ? Thirdly, The Image of Governance resembles Elyot’s other works, but more particularly The Governonr in this remark¬ able feature, viz. that although it abounds in translations from ancient authors, it is singularly deficient in exact references to the original authorities. Some phrases, and even some passages, which had already appeared in The Governonr are reproduced in The Image of Governance, as for instance Cicero’s definition of faith as the foundation of justice, the story of the self-devotion of Codrus, and many others. This similarity helps to confirm the view already suggested of the way in which certain passages in the earlier work had got misplaced, and is more easily accounted for when we find that some of the materials employed were common to both. Within a very few years after Wotton’s critical analysis of The Image of Goverjiance, the authenticity of the latter was discussed by a still more formidable opponent. Dr. Humphrey Hody, Regius Professor of Greek in the Univer¬ sity of Oxford. This eminent scholar, in his treatise on the Septuagint, combated the notion that the Greek version was undertaken at the command of Ptolemy Philadelphus, King of Egypt. This tradition, which had been handed down from the earliest times by various patristic authorities, such as Tertullian,^ Eusebius,^ Epiphanius,® Clemens of Alexandria,^ Cyril,® and Josephus,^ is thus referred to by Elyot. ‘Who euer kept his countrey in suche a quietnesse and made it so ryche as dyd Salomon kynge of the Hebrewes ? Whyche as Apolog. cap. xviii. ' Liber de Mens, et Pond. cap. xi. * Contra Jidiati. lib. i. Prccpar. Evang. lib. viii. cap. 2. ^ Stromatum, lib. i. cap. 22. ^ Antiq. Jnd lib. xii. cap. 2. LIFE OF ELYOT. clix it is founden in their hysterics translated into greke by the commaundement of Ptholome called Philadelphus, kyng of Egypte, was soo great a philosopher that he dysputed of all thynges naturall and supernatural), and for his wonderfulle knowlege there came to here hym out of all partes of the worlde men and women, beynge at that tyme in moste re¬ putation of lernynge.’ The passage we have quoted occurs in a chapter (XXXIV.), which is headed, ‘The moste noble aunswere of Alexander made to Alphenus concernynge the disablynge of Sextilius Rufus in his absence.’ Now it is evident that the whole of this chapter is ‘made up,’ for at the very commencement there is a marginal reference to Lampri dius. Hody, however, like Wotton, chose to disregard the author’s own explanation, and to assume that Elyot had re¬ presented the whole speech as resting on the authority of Encolpius. ‘Non omiserim hoc loco,’ says Hody, ‘Alexandrum Severum Romanorum Imp. in oratione quadam apud En- colpii historiam illius vitae testimonium suum perhiberc Ptolemaei Philadelphi jussu confectam fuisse versionem. At quis Encolpius iste apud quern oratio haec extat } Historia ejus quam citamus prorsus ignota est viris literatis, neque multis inter nostrates, quorum lingua sola habetur, nota, forsan uni tantum aut alter!. Ex Graeco vero in sermonem Angli- canum translata est (si ipsi titulo tides) a Thoma Elyoto Medico^ et edita anno 1549’^ In these remarks Hody un¬ consciously affords a capital proof of the absolute ignorance with respect to Elyot’s life and services which prevailed even among the most distinguished men of letters in the eighteenth century. The Regius Professor was ready to believe that Elyot had intended wilfully to mislead the public. It was not a subject for regret therefore that an acquaintance with * De Bibliorian iexiibus, p. io8, ed. 1705. clx LIFE OF ELYOT. this fiction would be confined to English readers. ‘ Sed non est cur doleant viri eruditi lingua solum Anglicana historiam istam extare. Quamvis enim ex Lampridio appareat extitisse olim historiam vitae Alexandri Severi ab Encolpio scriptam, tamen fidem dederim non ilHus hanc esse, sed ab aliquo Christiano ejus nomini suppositam. Neque orationes quae in ea multae habentur ex codice Graeco conversae sunt, sed ab ipso (crede mihi) Elyoto compositae. Scio ego hominis ingenium et orationes confingendi morem ex aliis ejus scriptis.’ And yet, notwithstanding this last admission, Hody could describe the author of The Governour as a Doctoi', and persuade himself that the man whose whole life had been devoted to the service of the public weal was capable of perpetrating a deliberate fraud. ‘ Imo totum librum ab ipso Elyoto compositum fuisse mihi ego facile persuadeo, quamvis praetendat a nobili quodam Neapolitano exemplar Graecum se mutuo accepisse.’ In ar¬ riving at the conclusion that The Image of Governance was Elyot’s own composition Dr. Hody had been anticipated by Bale 150 years previously, for the latter, dividing Elyot’s works into two classes, compositions and translations, had included it among the former. It by no means follows, how¬ ever, that Bale had anticipated Hody’s opinion as to the author’s statement about the loan of the Greek book. Con¬ sidering that Bale was by no means unduly biassed in favour of Elyot, regarding him as ‘veteri excaecatus pappismo,’ he would hardly have failed to stigmatise this as a falsehood if it had appeared so to him. Nor, on the other hand, is it ‘very probable,’ as Wotton has suggested, ‘ that the public believed the book to be spurious at that time,’ i.e. when it first appeared. On the contrary, although in common with all Elyot’s other works The Image of Governance no doubt enjoyed much greater popularity in the sixteenth than in the succeeding cen- LIFE OF ELYOT. clxi tury, it does not seem to have occurred to any one to throw suspicion upon it until Wotton himself did so in 1701. It is now nearly 200 years since the author of the History of Rome first assailed a reputation, which up to that time had remained unsullied. During the period which has thus elapsed no one has thought fit to re-open the question. We have however found ourselves compelled to do so, and have endeavoured to the best of our ability to vindicate Elyot’s character for truthful¬ ness and honesty. If we have succeeded in doing so, we may hope that no one will again be found to say of one of the earliest and most indefatigable of English scholars that * he justly passes for an impostor.’ In connection with our present subject it may not be out of place to call attention to the fact that Lipenius, in his catalogue of works on jurisprudence, mentions one entitled, Aur. Alex. Seven Imperatoris Axiomata poatica et ethica item rescripta commeiitario Alex. Chassattcei ithis- trata, published at Paris in 1635.^ It would be interesting to compare this with the Acts and Sentences^ but unfortu¬ nately it appears to be even a greater bibliographical rarity than the latter, and is not noticed even by Brunet or Querard. Of the commentator Alexandre Chasseneux or Chassanaeus we know nothing more than that he was a French jurisconsult and philologer, and for this scanty information we are inaebted, not to his own countrymen, but to the re¬ searches of two Germans, Saxius,’^ and Jocher.® Having disposed of the charge made against Elyot of having falsely pretended that The Image of Governance was one entire translation of an original work in Greek, we * Bibliotheca ytiridica, tom. i. p. 103, ed. 1757. Onomast. Liter, pars iv. p. 229, ed. 1782. * Gelehrten-Lexiconf theil i. col. 1850, ed. 1750. k clxii LIFE OF ELYOT. may observe that to readers of the present day the great interest of the work is really concentrated in the Preface, in which the author gives the titles of all the books pre¬ viously written by him with a short descriptive notice of each. We learn also that Elyot, anticipating the fate of too many men of letters since his day, had not found his publications remunerative. ‘Yet am I not ignoraunt,’ he says, ‘ that diuerse there be which do not thankfully esteme my labours, dispraysinge my studies asvayne and unprofitable, sayinge in derision that I haue nothing wonne therby, but the name onely of a maker of bokes, and that I sette the trees but the printer eateth the fruites. In dede al though disdaine and enuy do cause them to speke it, yet will I not deny but that they saye truly. For yf I wold haue employed my study about the increace of my priuate commodity which I haue spent in wrytinge of bokes for others necessity, few men doubt (I suppose) that do knowe me, but that I shuld haue attayned or this tyme to haue ben moche more welthy and in respect of the worlde in a more estimation. But to excuse me of foly, I will professe without arrogaunce that whan I consydered that kunninge contynueth whan fortune flytteth, hauinge also rynging alway in myn eare the terrible checke that the good maister in the gospell gaue to his ydel seruaunte for hidinge his money in a clowte and not disposinge it for his maisters aduantage, those two wordes. Serve nequam^ so sterid my spirites that it caused me to take more regarde to my last rekning than to any riches or worldly promotion. And all thoughe I do neither dyspute nor expounde holy scripture yet in suche warkes as I haue and intend to sette forth, my poore talent shall be, God willinge, in such wise bestowed that no mannes conscience shalbe therwith offended. . . . . And in none of these warkes I dare undertake a man LIFE OF ELYOT. clxiil shall finde aay sentence against the commandmentes of god, the trewe catholyke faythe, or occasion to stere men to wanton deuises. Wherfore I trust unto god myn accompt shall of hym be fauorably accepted, all though some ingrate persons with ille reporte or mockes requite yl my labours.’ Elyot then alludes to a saying, that ‘the greatest clerks are not the wisest men,’ with which scholars were at that time fre¬ quently taunted, in order to demonstrate its absurdity. ‘ First the said prouerb semeth by him which lacked lerninge to be deuised, sens that he preferrith ignorance before kunninge, whiche arrogance declared hym to be a very foole and unwitty, consideringe that by knowlege most chiefly a man excelleth al other mortall creatures and therby is moste like unto god. And lerninge is none other thinge but an aggregation of many mens sentences and actes to the augmentation of knowlege. And if som lerned men do neglect their temporal commodities it is for one of these causes, eyther by cause they haue ben so desirouse of knowlege, and in respect therof estemed so lytle all other pleasures that they thought the tyme all to lytle which they dyd spend in it, holdinge themselfes with that which serued for natures necessitie right wel contented .... And for the confutation of that pestiferous opinion that gret lerned men be unapt to the ministration of thinges of waighty importaunce, this shalbe sufflcient. First, as I late said, lerning is the augmentation of knowlege, which the more that it is the more maye be perceiued what shalbe most necessary in thinges which happen in consultation, and the more that it is perceyued, the better and more aptly may it be ministred and executed. Examples we haue of Moyses, who beinge ex¬ cellently lerned in the most dyfluse doctrines of the Egyptians and Ethiopians was by almighty god chosen to guide and rule his people which were innumerable and moste clxiv LIFE OF ELYOT. froward of nature ; and with what wonderfull wisedome and pacience dyd he gouerne them by the space of xl yeres^ beinge without any cities, townes, or any certain possessions. Who were better leders of armies than great Alexander, Scipio, Lucullus, and Cesar, whiche were men al of great lerning ? Who better handled matters of waighty importaunce than Octauian called Augustus, Hadrian, Marcus Antoninus, Alex¬ ander Seuerus, and of late yeres Carolus Magnus, al emperours of Rome and men very studiouse in all noble sciences Whan was there a better consul than Tully, or a better senator than Cato called Uticensis } And to retourne home to our owne countray, and wherof we our selfes may be witnesses, howe moche hath it profited unto this realme that it nowe hath a kynge, our souerayne lorde kyng Henry theyght, exactly well lerned } Hath not he therby onely sifted out detestable heresies late mingled amonge the come of his faythfull subiectes and caused moche of the chaffe to be throwen in the fyre Also hipocrisy and vayne superstition to be cleane banysshed > Wherof I doubt not but that there shalbe, or it be longe, a more ample remembrance, to his most noble and immortal renome. This well considered, let men ceasse their sayde foolishe opinion and holde them content with their owne ig¬ norance. And for my part, say what they liste, I wil during my life be in this wise occupied in bestowing my talent, beinge satisfied with the contentynge of suche men as ye be,^ adourned with vertue, the most preciouse garment of very nobylitie.’ The Image of Governance was reprinted twice by Berthe- let, viz. in 1544 and 1549, and by William Seres in 1556. About this time Elyot acquired some more property in Cambridgeshire, viz. the manors of Carleton and Willingham " I.e. the nobility of England. LIFE OF ELVOT. c\xv near Newmarket, which had formerly belonged to his old friend Thomas Cromwell from whom he had purchased them. In consequence of Cromwell’s attainder it had been impossible for Elyot to get seisin of these manors, for though the in¬ denture of bargain and sale was dated March 14, 1540, the treasons with which Cromwell was charged were alleged to have been committed in the preceding year. The attainder therefore having a retrospective effect, the property sold to Elyot passed with Cromwell’s other possessions into the hands of the Crown, and it therefore became necessary for Elyot to obtain a re-grant from the latter. This was accordingly effected by letters patent dated August 4, 1540. It is curious that though Fuller enumerates Cromwell amongst the Sheriffs of Cambridgeshire he professes himself * at a perfect loss ’ to understand why his name should be on the Roll. ‘No Cromwell Thomas ’ he says, ‘ can I find at this time in this county, and can hardly suspect him to be the Cromwell of that age, because only additioned Arniiger .... besides the impro¬ bability that he would condescend to such an office, having no interest I ever met with in Cambridgeshire, though (which may signifie somewhat) he was at this time Chancellor of the University of Cambridge.’^ It is certain however that in 1535 Cromwell was High Steward of the University;'^ and several letters which passed between him and the Corporation have been printed by Mr. Cooper. It is possible therefore that in the following year he may have been nominated Sheriff, and this is rendered more probable by the fact that he un¬ doubtedly possessed property in the county. There is a translation from Plutarch, entitled Hoive one may take profite of his enmyes, the date of which is un~ a Worthies of England, p. i68, ed. 1662. ** Annals of Cambridge, vol. i. p. 371. clxvi LIFE OF ELYOT. certain. No author’s name appears in the copy in the British Museum Library, but it has always been attributed to Elyot.^ With this treatise is joined another of The Maner to chose and cherysshe a frende. The reason for this addition is thus stated by the author ‘ To fylle up the padges that els wold haue ben voide, I thought it shuld nother hurt nor displese to adde hereunto a fewe sayenges, howe a man shulde chose and cherysshe a frende.’ The ‘ sayings ’ are chiefly taken from various classical authors. These two short pieces are not mentioned by Elyot when enumerating the various works he had already written in the preface to The Image of Governance. They were subsequently reprinted by Berthelet in a tiny volume, together with The Table of Cebes, which was a translation made by Sir Francis, the brother of Sir Anthony Pointz. In 1542 Sir Thomas Elyot was elected M.P. for the borough of Cambridge, his colleague being Mr. Robert Chapman. For this information we are indebted to Browne Willis, who gives Elyot’s name in his list of the Members of the Parliament held at Westminster 32 Hen. VIII.^ In the Return, however, of the names of all Members of Parliament from the earliest times, recently printed by order of the House of Commons, the Return for the borough of Cambridge for the year above mentioned is left blank. Unless therefore the record itself has disappeared since the publication of Notitia Parliamentaria, we must conclude that the author of that work had access to some other source of information which is now unknown. In November 1544 Elyot was for the second time called upon to serve the office of Sheriff of the combined counties " Ames, Typ, Ant, vol. iii. p. 347, note, ed. 1816. '' Not. Pari. vol. i. p. 190. LIFE OF ELYOT. clxvii of Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire.®' It was during his tenure of office that he wrote a little treatise called A Pre- scn’ative agaynste Deth. The title seems peculiarly appro¬ priate when we consider that this was the last book which Elyot ever wrote. It is easy to imagine that the author’s thoughts were at this time wholly turned in one direction, the approaching end of his own labours, for which his advancing years must have prepared him. Elyot dedicated this book which was published on July 2, 1545, ‘to his worshypfull frende syr Edwarde North, knight, chancellour of the court of the augmentacions of the reuenues of the kinges croune.’ The Court of Aug¬ mentations had been erected some ten years previously by 27 Hen. VHI. cap. 27, for the purpose of collecting and ad¬ ministering the revenues of the suppressed monasteries. It consisted of a chancellor, a treasurer, an attorney and solicitor, ten auditors, seventeen receivers, a clerk, an usher, and a messenger. Sir Edward North was treasurer, and after¬ wards chancellor of the new court, ^ and was himself apparently one of the first to derive advantage from the arbitrary pro¬ ceedings which were adopted. Strype tells us that when the Charter House was dissolved, ‘the house was given to Sir Edward North, who there built himself a fair dwelling, and made a parlour of the church ; pulling down most of the cloisters.’ ® He received other marks of royal favour, for his name appears in the list of ‘ aiders ’ to the executors of the King’s will.^ He was one of the Council of Edward VI.® and was subsequently raised to the peerage by the title of Lord » Fuller, Worthies of England^ p. i66, ed. 1662. ^ Collins, Peerage, vol. iv. p. 455, ed. 1812. ' Eccles. Mem. vol. i. pt. i, p. 428, ed. 1822. ^ Ibid. vol. ii. pt. i, p. 19. * Ibid. vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 160. clxviii LIFE OF ELYOT. North of Kirtling.^ Catlage, Carteleigh, or Kirtling, as it is now called, is a parish in Cambridgeshire, about five miles south of Newmarket, and a short distance only from Carleton. The Manor of Kirtling had been purchased (probably of the Warwick family) by Sir Edward North,^ who was therefore a near neighbour of Sir Thomas Elyot. Moreover he was at one time actually in possession of the Manor of Carleton Magna, which Elyot subsequently acquired by purchase from Cromwell as already mentioned.® Elyot, having himself been employed in the survey of the monasteries, would naturally have been brought in contact with the principal officer of the court which had special jurisdiction in such matters; but inasmuch as Sir Edward North was M.P. for the county in the same year (1542) that Sir Thomas Elyot represented the town of Cambridge,^ and that these two knights were adjoining landowners, we can easily imagine that they were very intimately acquainted. Elyot’s reasons for writing The Preservative agaynste Deth^ and for dedicating it to his friend may be gathered from the Preface. ‘ The lyttel boke whyche I sent to you at the be- gynnynge of lent last passed, a smal requitall of your gentyll benefites, I haue caused nowe to be printed, as well for a testimonie of the herty loue whiche I doo beare toward you, and that beinge printed it maie the lengar endure with you and others, as also that my priuate gyft maie be bene- ficiall to many men whiche without disdaine or enuy will oftentymes reade it. I knowe well some men will thinke and sale also perchaunce, that I spende my witte vainely, for * Strype, Eccles. Mem. vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 159, where he is styled ‘baron of Carteleigh.’ Fuller, on the other hand, calls it Catlidge. ** Lyson’s Cambridgeshire, p. 224. * Ibid. p. 159. Willis, Not. Pari. vol. i. p. 190, and vol. iii, pt. 2, p. 4. LIFE OF ELYOT. cixix it is the office of priestes for to preache, and that it dothe not perteine to a knyght, muche lesse to a sheriffe, to write, spe¬ cially of suche holy mattiers. Also that in writyng to you, whiche are continually occupied about the kynges maiesties busynesse, I lose all my labour. Considering that beside the tymes of meale and of slepe (whiche also be littell and scarse, as I well haue perceyued) there remaineth with you none oportunitie to reade any bokes of englyshe or latin. Truely I confesse that priestes ought to preache, and that it is their propre office. And yet no christen man is excluded to gyue good counsaile in that whiche pertayneth to the lawes and commandementes of almighty god. And he that can do it, and will not (though he be no priest), I dout not but he shall make a straite reknyng for hydynge his talent. A knyght hath receiued that honour not onely to defende with the swerde Christis faithe and his propre countrey agaynst them whiche impugneth the one or inuadeth the other, but also, and that most chiefly by the meane of his dignitie (if that be imploied where it shuld be, and estemed as it ought to be), he shuld more effectually with his learnyng and witte assayle vice and errour, moste pernicious ennemies to christen men, hauinge therunto for his sworde and speare his tunge and his penne. And where for the more reuerence due to the order of priesthode it is most congruent and fittyng that preaching in commune assembles be reserued onely to that ministracion, yet where a knyght or other man, not being of a lite estima- cion, hath lernyng ioyned with moderate discrecion, yf he, being zelouse of vertue and meued' only by charitie, wolde fayne haue other men to remembre their state and condicion, and according to their dueties to loue god and to feare his terrible sentence, what lawe or raison should lette hym with an humble spirite and uncorruptcd intent to set furth in clxx LIFE OF ELYOT. writing or print that whiche shalbe commodious to many men ? And if he be a knight or in other authoritie (for the rarenesse of learnynge founden in suche men), the warke shal be muche the better imbraced, and of the moo men desyred. Also, for asmuche as I am a sherifife, I think my selfe the more boLinden to bee thus occupied. For sens it pertaineth to myn office, and also the lawes of this realme doo compell me, to punishe transgressours, howe muche more is it my duetie to doo the best that I can by all studye and meanes to with- drawe men from transgressing the lawes and commaundementes of god, whiche beinge diligently and truely obserued, the occasions of transgressyng of temporall lawes should be clerely excludedMoreouer, as often as I doo consyder the temporall punyshementes and doo abhorre the sharpenesse of theim, I do reuolue in my mynde what horrible peynes are prepared for theim whome the sonne of god shall con- demne at his generall iugement, to the whiche temporall tormentes being compared doo seme but a shadow. Here begynne I to feare, not for my selfe onely, but alsoo'for other, which either in transgressing goddis lawes or neglectynge our dueties do prouoke his wrath daily by displesyng hym. Wherfore asw'el for myn owne erudicion as for the remem¬ brance of other men I haue gathered togither out of holy scripture this litle treatise, whiche often tymes radde and kept in remembraunce shall be a preseruatiue against death euer- lasting. And as touching your oportunitie in the receiuyng it, althoughe your ministracion be necessary, yet remembre the wordes whiche our sauiour Christ spake unto Martha. What I meane therby, by redyng and digestyng that place whiche is in the tenthe chapitre of Luke, ye shal easily per- ceiue without an expositour. At the least waie, either by day or by night, Martha shall finde oportunitie to sitte downe LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxi by her sister, if not, she shall find but litle thanke for all her good housewyfery. If Martha ministrynge unto Christ tem¬ porally had no more thanke for hir labor, what thanke shal we loke fore whiche alwaie bee occupied about thynges that be worldly ? thereby seekyng onely our temporall commoditie. But yet in our dayly exercise we male oftentymes ioyne the two systers togither, as well by secrete thankes gyuen to god for his sundry benefittes as by frequent meditacion of our laste daie. Wherunto we shall fynde occasion, as often as we do here the bell ryng at the death or terrement of any man, or here reported of pestilence or warre, thynkyng theim than to be the trumpettes of death whiche do call us to reknyng. And as touchynge the readyng of this litle woorke, if ye do rede it in the masse while, for lacke of tyme more conuenlent, I dare undertake god will bee therwith nothyng offended ; but ye being therwith stered the more deuoutly to serue hym, he shall receyue it of you as a good praier, sens that medi¬ tacion and praier be but one thing in their nature. And yet meditacion is the more constant. For in praier the mynde is oftentimes wandring and thinketh least on that whiche by the tunge is expressed. In this wise dooinge, ye shall not lacke oportunitie to reade ouer this boke, whiche shall not seme longe unto suche as I thinke that ye be, that is to saie, in whome witte ouerfloweth not grace but giueth place to her. Finally by readyng therof I trust unto god we bothe shall receyue eche comforte of other, as well in this present worlde as in the worlde to come, whiche is the perfection of amitie, whiche many mo men haue writen of than haue truely used as they should doo. Thus I committe you to god, whom I moste hertily praie to keepe you alwaie in his fauour long to continue.^ This little book, which consists chiefly of a collection of passages from Scripture and the Fathers, is not mentioned by clxxii LIFE OF ELYOT. Ames and is therefore presumably very scarce, but a copy in excellent preservation is in the British Museum Library. Bale does not include it in his list of Elyot’s works, in the edition of the Scriptores Britannics published in 1557. On the other hand, that list includes some which have not come down to us, or at least have not been attributed to Elyot. Among these Bale enumerates one entitled De rebus Anglice memorahilibus. That Elyot contemplated publishing such a work is beyond all doubt. For Ascham in his Toxo- philus says : ‘ Now, sir, by my iudgement the artillarie of England farre excedeth all other realmes; but yet one thing I doubt, and longe haue surely in that point doubted, when or by whom shotyng was first brought in to Englande, and for the same purpose, as I was ones in companye with syr Thomas Eliot, knight, which surelie for his lerning in all kynde of knowlege bringeth much worshyp to all the nobilite of Englande, I was so bould to aske hym yf he at any tyme had marked any thing as concernynge the bryngynge in of shootynge in to Englande ; he aunswered me gentlye agayne that he had a worcke in hand which he nameth De rebus memorabilibus AnglicEy which I trust we shal se in print shortlye, and for the accomplyshmente of that boke he had read and perused ouer many olde monumentes of Englande, and in sekyng for that purpose he marked this of shootynge in an excedyng olde cronicle, the which had no name, that what tyme as the Saxons came first into this realme in kyng Vortigers dayes, when they had bene here a whyle, and at last began to faull out with the Brittons, they troubled and subdewed the Brittons wyth nothynge so much as with theyr bowe and shaftes, whiche wepon beynge straunge and not sene here before was wonderfull terrible unto them, and this beginninge I can thynke verie wel to be true.’^ * FoxophiluSf fo. 39, ed. 1545. LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxiii Now it appears from this that when Ascham wrote, Elyot’s book was then in hand, and Ascham hoped to see it printed shortly. We know that the Toxophilus was in the press in the summer of 1544, and that Ascham expected that it would be published before the King started on his expedition to Boulogne. For in a letter to Sir William Paget, he says : ‘ Scripsi etiam librum ad Regiam Majestatem, qiti nunc sub prcelo est, de re Sagittaria. Hie libellus, ut spero, cum apparebit in lucem, quod jiet, Deo volente^ ante Regis pro- fectioneni, nec obscurum amoris mei in patriam signum nec mediocris meae eruditionis mediocre testimonium erit.’ ^ The King started from Dover, and ‘toke shippinge towards Galleys,’ on July 14, 1544*^ Ascham’s letter was therefore probably written in the month of June preceding. We may take it as a fact, then, that in the spring of 1544, Elyot had almost completed writing a book, the title of which he had communicated to Ascham, and which the latter was expecting shortly to see in print. - Here a most important question arises. Was this book ever published } At first sight Ascham’s evidence seems to be confirmed by that of Bale, but when we consider that no such work is mentioned in the first edition of the Scriptores Britannice published in 1548, it is at least an open question whether Bale did not insert the title in his second edition on the authority of the Toxophilus. It is however, curious that he mentions immediately afterwards ‘ Opus aliud imperfectum,’ and does not include in his list the Preservative agaynst Deth. Although Pits attributes to Elyot a work with the same title, De rebus Anglice 7 nemorabilibtis^ we cannot fairly attach any additional weight to this circumstance, inasmuch as Pits undoubtedly copied from Bale. After what * Elstob, Aschami Epistolce, p. 97, ed. 1703. ^ Rymer, F<£d. vol. xv. p. 52. clxxiv LIFE OF ELYOT. has been stated, the reader will hardly be surprised to learn that no work of Elyot’s bearing this title has come down to us. Are we, however, justified in assuming that no such book was ever printed } From Ascham’s description of the work it would seem to have been just such a one as Elyot might have been expected to write, inasmuch as his employment in the survey of monasteries must have afibrded him unusual facilities for making himself acquainted with the contents of their libraries, consisting chiefly of old chronicles. We have further Ascham’s positive assertion, founded upon Elyot’s own statement, that the latter had such a work actually ‘ in hand ’ in 1544. Now when we consider the nature of the work, and the physical condition of the author, we can have little difficulty in imagining that the former might occupy a longer time than was originally anticipated, and that the delay and ultimate postponement of the publication, were due solely to the mortal sickness of the latter. In the eighteenth century the actual publication of this book seems to have been assumed. The Bishop of Carlisle tells us that Elyot ‘ left behind him a learned and judicious Commentary memovabilihis AnglicE^ ^ When how¬ ever he goes on to inform us that ‘ this work gain’d him the repute of a most accomplish’d antiquary in the opinion of J. Leland, who is almost immoderate in his praises,’ we are not without a suspicion that the worthy Bishop was labouring under some misapprehension, and confounding Ascham with Leland. The passage referred to as his authority for this statement, viz., the verses addressed to Elyot by Leland in his Encomia illnstriuni vtrorumy does not in any way support Dr. Nicolson’s assertion. The fate of Elyot’s contribution to the history of England * Nicolson, Engl. Hist, Lib. p. 3, ed. 1736. LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxv is at present a mystery. If it was nearly finished in I5z^4, it seems impossible to say that it could not have been published in the author’s lifetime, when we remember that the Preserva¬ tive agaynst Deth was written in the spring of 1545, and published in the summer of that year. On the other hand it might very well be that, though Elyot was in 1544-45 capable of composing a short treatise on a devotional subject, his state of health would not permit him to prosecute the laborious researches necessary for the completion of such a work as that mentioned by Ascham. What, however, seems most probable is that the book remained still in MS. at Elyot’s death, and that some antiquary obtained possession of it, and perhaps incorporated it in some work of his ovvn.^ Whether this long-lost treatise will ever be recovered is a speculative question which is not without interest to men of letters, though its discovery would probably not throw any very new light upon the early history of this country. One thing, however, is certain ; we could better have spared some other productions of the same period which have come down to us “ It seems not at all unlikely that in the compilation of the Description of Britain and England, prefixed to Holinshed’s Chronicle, Elyot’s MSS. may have been employed. As some confirmation, however slight, of the theory advanced above, we may remark that in a MS. belonging to G. F. Wilbraham, Esq., of Delamere House, co. Chester, examined by the Historical MSS. Commissioners, one of the authors cited is ‘ Sir Thomas Elyot, his chronicle of the description of Brittaine ’ {Report, vol. iv. p. 416). This of course maybe an inaccurate cita¬ tion, or it may, on the other hand, refer to the unknown De rebus mentorabililnis Anglia:, under another name. The Chronologie of William Harrison, the author of the Description of Britain, which had been supposed to be lost, was at length discovered in Ireland, together with ‘ a curious and terribly-corrected MS. of an English work on Weights and Measures, Hebrew, Greek, English, &c.,’ which Mr. Furnivall assumed to be Harrison’s also. But possibly this last may have been the MS. of Elyot’s table of Greek, Hebrew, &c., weights and measures which is printed at the end of the copy of his Dictionary, 1538, now in the British Museum. See Harrison’s Descript, of England, p. v. ed. 1877, printed for the New Shakespeare Society. clxxvi LIFE OF ELYOT. uninjured, but whose value, except as relics of the age, is very slight. It has been said that Elyot wrote many other works, besides those which we have enumerated. ^ If he did, they have either altogether perished, or are so exceedingly scarce, that they have escaped the notice of the most acute biblio¬ graphers. This, however, we must at least admit, that some passages in his extant works indicate an intention on the part of the author to treat of other subjects than those with which his name is now associated.^ With the publication of A Preservative agaynste Deth Sir Thomas Elyot’s career as a writer may be said to have closed. On the assumption that he was born about 1490, and it is hardly possible that we can assign a later period for his birth, he would now have reached his fifty-fifth year. It is probable, however, that he was at least ten years older. His constitution had at no time been robust. We have already noticed his own account of his sufferings, brought on by his assiduous labours in the public service. In the Cos tel of Helth he gives us a still more graphic picture of himself in the character of an invalid. ‘ I my selfe,’ he says, ‘ was by the space of foure yeres continually in this discrasy,’ (he is speaking of cold in the head), ‘ and was counsayled by dyvers phisitions to kepe my hed warme and to use diatrion piperion and such other hot thinges as I haue rehersed ; at the last, felynge my selfe very feeble and lackinge appetite and slepe, as I hapned to reade the boke of Galene De teniperamentis whiche treatith de in- ® Bale, for instance, after giving a list of his published works which corresponds with one or two exceptions only with those given by modern bibliographers, says, * Aliaque fecit multa.'' While Pits, whose catalogue is identical with Bale’s, adds, Et alia multa partim scripsit, partim transtulit. ’ See, for example, some passages in this book, and The Castel of Helth, lib. iv. fo. 80 b, ed. i54J* LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxvii ceqiiali temperaturd, and afterwarde the vi boke De Uiendd Sanitate I perceyued that I had ben longe in an errour. Wher- fore first I dyd throwe away my quylted cappe and my other close bonettes, and onely dyd lye in a thynne coyfe, whiche I haue euer sens used both wynter and somer, and ware a light bonet of veluet only. Than made I oxymel after the doctrine of Galen, sauynge that I bayled in the vynegarrootes of persely and fenell with endyue, cichory, and betayne, and after that I hadde taken it thre dayes continually, euery day thre sponesful in the mornynge warme, than toke I of the same oxymell, wherein I had infused or steapid one dramme of Agaryke and halfe a dramme of fyne Reubarbe, the space of iii dayes and iii nyghtes. Whyche I receyued in the mornynge, eatynge noo meate vi houres after, and that but a lyttel brothe of a boyled henne, wherof ensuyd viii stoles abundant of choler and fleume. Soone after I slepte soundly and had good appetite to eate. After supper I wolde eyther eate a fewe colyander sedes pre¬ pared, or swalowe downe a litel fyne mastyx, and forbeare wyne and dranke only ale, and that but lytell and stale and also warmed. And sometyme in the morninge woulde take a perfume of Storax Calamitce, and now and than I wolde put in to my nosethrilles eyther a leafe of grene laurell or betaine, or water of maiorame bruised, which caused the humour to distill by my nosethrilles. And if I lacked storax, I toke for a perfume the ryndes of olde rosemary and burned them, and held my mouth ouer the fume closynge myne eyes; afterwarde to comfort my stomake and make it strong, sometyme I wold eate with my meat a litel white pepper grosse bruysed, some¬ tyme Galens electuary made of the iuice of quinces called Diacytonites, somtyme marmalade of quynces or a quynce rosted. And by this diete I thanke almighty god, unto whome onely be gyuen all glory, I was reduced to a better 1 clxxviii LIFE OF ELYOT. state in my stomacke and head than I was xvi yeres before, as it maye appere unto them whiche haue longe knowen me.’^ This improvement in health, however, had taken place a good many years before the period of his life at which we have now arrived. But to the predisposition to disease arising from a natur¬ ally ‘ cholerike humour ’ was now superadded the infirmity of age. The pen that had once been so busily erriployed was now laid aside for ever. On March 26,^ 1546, he who had wielded it so long and to such good purpose was called away, not unprepared we may feel quite sure for the summons, nor yet fearing the sound of the terrible trumpet.’ If not as fortunate in life as the two friends whom he had seen raised to highest honour in the State, Elyot was far happier in his end. To him it had been a melancholy retro¬ spect to ‘ consider daily how many men he had known, being of years lusty, strong, and couragious, abounding in the gifts of nature and fortune, how suddenly, above men’s expectation and also their own, they had been attacked with death either natural or violent, that is to say being either slain or put to execution by laws.’ ® For himself no such terrible fate was reserved. He had lived through troublous times, and had ex¬ perienced without doubt many bitter pangs as he had seen his friends summoned to take that fatal journey ‘ before that they looked for death.’ But the same ‘ pure and constant faith,’ which had already enabled him to ‘ bear up against all worldly vexations and troubles, called the toys of fortune or the cranks of the world,’ would, we may feel assured, sustain him ‘ as well • The Castel of Health, fol. 79, ed. 1541. ** According to Bale, who is followed by Pits, Wood, and others, he was buried on March 25, but this must be a mistake. • A Preservative agaynste deth. LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxix agaynste the mooste certayne sikenes and fynall dyssolution of nature.’ ® Sir Thomas Elyot was buried in the church of Carleton, the parish where he died and in which he had spent the latter years of his life. Wood informs us that a monument was soon after put over his grave.^ This was still to be seen a hundred years afterwards. For Layer, whose collections for Cambridge¬ shire were written about 1632, gives the following account of it. ‘ In Ecclesia de Carleton. Upon a large brasse is seene the portratures of Sr . . . Elliott knight and his wife, with these armes quarterlie: i and 4, a Fesse int. two Barres gules wavie ; 2 and 3, a chevron int. three Castles triple towered, paled with two swordes in Saltire, points in cheife, int. four flower de luces.’ ® This monument is not now in existence, and there seems good reason to suppose that its destruction is attributable to the indefatigable iconoclast William Dows¬ ing, in which case it must have disappeared about ten years after Layer had seen and described it. Dowsing’s journal for Cambridgeshire has never been published,*^ but Mr. Cole must have seen it, for writing of Carleton, on April 30, 1750, he says: ‘Dowsing, in 1643 visiting this church, makes the following entry in his journal: “ Carleton cum Willingham, March 22. A crosse on the steeple promised to be taken downe, and we brake diverse superstitious pictures.” ® The exact spot in the little Cambridgeshire church where Sir Thomas Elyot’s remains were interred has long been • Preface to A swete seimon of Saynt Ciprian. Athen, Oxon. vol. i. col. 152, ed. 1813. Oldys says, ‘having a handsome monument over his grave. ’ Brit. Lib. p. 261, ed. 1738. ® Cole’s MSS. No. 5819, fo. 62. ^ Only Dowsing’s journal for Suffolk has as yet been printed, but that for Cambridgeshire would be no less interesting. • Cole’s MSS. No. 5820, fo. 87. clxxx LIFE OF ELYOT. forgotten.^ Thus by a singular coincidence, the same fate overtook three different generations, and the last resting-places of the three men who successively contributed to render the name of Eliot famous are unknown to their descendants. But though no inscription in brass or marble has survived to show us where Sir Thomas Elyot lies, it might not unreasonably have been supposed that his works would have furnished monu- mentum cBre perennius. So far, however, is this from being the case that, as we have already had occasion to point out, comparatively few persons are acquainted with the writings of one whom Strype called ‘ one of the learnedest and wisest men of this time.’ ^ We should, however, expect that the memory of the author of TheGover 7 iour^ the friend of Wolsey, of More, and of Cromwell, would at least be cherished by the inhabitants of the parish with which he was so long connected. But the indifference to which we have already alluded is strikingly exemplified in the statement of the present Rector of Carleton, whose family have possessed property in the parish for many years, and who informed the Editor, in answer to some inquiries, that ^ Sir Thomas Elyot’s name is not known here.’ Elyot died intestate; having no children ® he probably thought it unnecessary to make a will. His widow, who had been joint-tenant with her husband of the Cambridge¬ shire estates, now enjoyed the whole as the survivor. She did not, however, long retain the garb of widowhood, but married for her second husband another Somersetshire man, Serjeant * In Hamilton’s National Gazetteer, published in 1868, in the description of the parish of Carlton cum Willingham, it is stated that ‘ the church contains a monu¬ ment to Sir Thomas Elyot. ’ An error which has been allowed to remain un¬ corrected. •* Eccles. Mem. vol. i. pt. i, p. 342, ed. 1822. ® There is no evidence whatever to support Wood’s statement that Sir Th omas Elyot had three sons. See Athen, Oxon, vol. i. col. 481, ed. 1813. LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxxi James Dyer, who was M.P. for the county of Cambridge during the whole of the short reign of Edward the Sixth. Dyer was appointed a Judge of the Common Pleas in 1557,^ and three years afterwards his wife Lady Dyer, formerly Lady Elyot, died and was buried at Great Staughton, in Huntingdonshire, August 26, 1560.^ With the death of his widow, we might fairly bring our notice of Elyot to a close ; but it happens that a most inte¬ resting question involving the identity of the author.of one of the most celebrated books published in the reign of Elizabeth arises in connection with the devolution of his property, upon which it seems almost incumbent upon us to make some further remarks. Upon Elyot’s death an inquisition post mortem (printed in the Appendix) was taken at Newmarket, in September 1546, by which it was ascertained that Richard Puttenham,the eldest son of Elyot’s sister Margery, was his next heir, and that this young man was then twenty-six years of age. The family of Putten- ham, who probably derived their name from the place where they lived, possessed the manors of Puttenham and Long Marston, on the borders of Hertfordshire and Buckingham¬ shire. Richard Puttenham had an only brother George,® and a sister Margery, married to Sir John Throckmorton, of Feckenham, in Worcestershire.^ In 1550, Sir Thomas Elyot’s heir purchased from Richard Hardy, citizen and merchant tailor of London, an estate at Sherfield upon Loddon, in Hants,® and two years later he ® Foss, Judges of England, vol. v. p. 482. ** Wood, Athen. Oxon. vol. i. col. 482, ed. 1813. Another instance of Wood’s inaccuracy may be noticed in the fact that on the same page he assigns three different dates for Dyer’s burial and two for that of his wife. ' Chan. Proceed. Eliz. PP. ii, No. 49, P.R.O. ** Nash, Hist. Worcest. vol. i. p. 440. • Close Roll, 4 Ed. VI. No. 467, P.R.O. clxxxii LIFE OF ELYOT. sold to one Hugh Stewkeley his reversion to his uncle’s estates in Carleton and Willingham, for the sum of 250/.^ Richard Puttenham married Mary, the only daughter and heiress of Sir William Warham, of Malshanger, near Basing¬ stoke,^ and had one child, a daughter, Anne, who married previous to 1567 Francis Morris, of Coxwell, in Berkshire.^ George Puttenham, the brother, married Elizabeth, the widow of William, second Lord Windsor, of Bradenham, in Bucks,"^ who according to Strype was ‘ buried very splendidly accord¬ ing to his quality,’ ® on August 29, 1558. Lady Windsor, who was the daughter and heiress of Peter Coudray, of Herriard, near Basingstoke, had been previously married to Richard Paulet/ Both the brothers seem to have made unhappy marriages, and both were involved in perpetual litigation of a most disastrous character. With their domestic troubles, however, though these alone would furnish materials for a volume, we are not concerned except as they help to elucidate one im¬ portant question. The Arte of English Poesie, first published in 1589, has, at least in modern times, been generally attributed to George Puttenham. Was this the brother of Richard, or did Richard himself write it, or had each of the brothers, or neither of them, a hand in its composition } It will appear that the solution of all these questions is involved in the answer to * the inquiry who was the real author of The Arte of English Poesie} It must not be forgotten that even the printer, * Close Roll, 6 Ed. VI. No. 481, P.R.O. Chan, Proceed. Eliz, PP. ii. No. 49, P.R.O. * Close Roll, 9 Eliz. No. 743, P.R.O. ^ State Pap. Dom. Eliz. vol. 157, No. 75, P.R.O. * E^cles. Mem. vol. iii. pt. 2, p. 117. ' C ollins, Peerage^ vol. iii. p. 672, ed, 1812. LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxxiii Richard Field, was ignorant of the author s name, that Sir John Harrington, only two years after its publication, was unable to ascertain who had written it, and that the first person to connect it with the name of Puttenham was Edmund Bolton, in his Hypercritica, written probably in the first quarter of the seventeenth century, but not published till 1722. Even Bolton was ignorant of the author’s Christian name, and had merely heard a rumour that this now celebrated book was the work of one of Queen Elizabeth’s gentlemen-pensioners.®' Wood adopted Bolton’s statement, being unable himself to supply any fresh details with regard to the author.^ Ames, writing in 1749, says ‘the supposed author of this book is Webster Puttenham,’ an impossible combination which Ritson not only did not criticise but sanctioned.Mr. Haslewood appears to have been the first who unhesitatingly affirmed that ‘ the Christian name of our author was certainly George.® It must be confessed, however, that the reasons he gives for coming to this conclusion are not altogether satisfactory. Hav¬ ing found the will of a George Puttenham, dated September i, 1590, and a MS. in the Harleian Collection purporting to be written by^ George Puttenham as an Apology or Defence of Queen Elizabeth’s conduct in her treatment of the Queen of Scots, Mr. Haslewood considered that these wholly uncon¬ nected facts justified him in converting a plausible hypothesis into a positive certainty. Modern readers will hardly be content to accept a con¬ clusion based upon such flimsy premisses. A careful ex¬ amination of documents preserved in the Public Record “ Haslewood, Essays, vol. ii. p. 250. Athen. Oxon. vol. i. col. 741, ed. 1813. ® Bibliograph. Ant. p. 418, ed. 1749. '• Bibliogmphia Poetica, p. 303, ed. 1802. * Essays, vol. i. p. vi. ed. 1811. clxxxiv LIFE OF ELYOT. Office, and of the internal evidence afforded by The Arte of English Poesie itself, suggests the notion that this celebrated book was written not by George, but by his elder brother Richard. It may perhaps be objected that there is but slight evidence that it was written by either of the brothers. With regard to this, however, we have first the fact, stated by Bolton within a quarter of a century of the publication of the work in question, that current rumour attributed the author¬ ship to some person of the name of Puttenham. Secondly, there are at least two passages in the book itself which tend to confirm this view. At p. 226 a story is told of the offence given to the Emperor Charles V. by an ambassador of Henry VIII., ‘whom,’ says the author, ‘I could name but will not, for the great opinion the world had of his wisdome and suffi¬ ciency in that behalfe.’ The point of the story turns upon the Englishman’s ignorance of the Spanish phrase appropriate to the occasion. Now we know by Sir Thomas Elyot’s own admission that he did not know Spanish, and his nephew would naturally be reluctant to betray his uncle, for whom he no doubt entertained a high respect, by connecting his name with a story redounding somewhat to his discredit. Secondly, at p. 149 the author mentions the fact that he had composed an epitaph ‘ to the honourable memorie of a deere friend. Sir John Throgmorton, knight. Justice of Chester, and a man of many commendable vertues.’ When we remember that the latter had married Margery Puttenham, there seems little difficulty in attributing the passage in question to the pen of a near relative. There is therefore a high degree of proba¬ bility that ‘ fame ’ was correct in assigning the authorship of The Arte of English Poesie to one of the two Puttenhams. The important question yet remains, to which of the two brothers ought it to be assigned } Here arises the prelimi- LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxxv nary inquiry whether either of the brothers held the appoint¬ ment, mentioned by Bolton, of gentleman-pensioner to Queen Elizabeth. Mr. Selby, of the Public Record Office, who at the request of the Editor kindly undertook to search the roll of the gentlemen-pensioners for the whole reign of Elizabeth, has informed him that they contain no entry of the name of Puttenham. Apart, however, from this positive contradiction of Bolton’s description, a passage in the work itself would seem to negative the suggestion that the author had occupied such a position. At p. 253, speaking of ‘the courtiers of forraine countreyes,’ the writer says that he had ‘ very well obserued their maner of life and conuersation,’ but immediately adds that, with regard to those of his own country, he had ‘ not made so great experience.’ Such a statement could surely never have been made by one who if he held the appointment mentioned by Bolton must have en¬ joyed frequent opportunities for such observation. Bolton therefore was so far misinformed, that neither of the Putten- hams would have satisfied his description of the author. In order to determine to which of the two brothers the authorship may with the greater probability be assigned, let us see in what respect the internal evidence of the book is applicable to the one rather than to the other. And first it is evident that the author, whoever he was, spent a considerable portion of his life on the continent. Moreover, two passages enable us to fix approximately the period of his absence from England. At p. 227 the author mentions a circumstance which occurred at a banquet given by the Duchess of Parma, the Regent of the Low Countries, in honour of the Earl of Arundel, and of which the author himself was an eye-witness. Now we know from Lord Burghley’s journal. LIFE OF ELY OF cl XXXV i that the Earl ‘went over seas’ in March 1565.^ From a decree of the Court of Requests, made February 7, 1566, we learn that Richard Puttenham was at that date absent from England, and had been so absent at least from February 1563.^ Again at p. 233 the author tells us that ‘in the time of Charles the ninth French King,’ he happened to be at Spa when ‘ a Marshall of Fraunce, called Monsieur de Sipier,’ who was also there for his health, received from the king ‘ a letters patents of six thousand crownes yearely pension during his life.’ Now Francois de Scepeaux, better known as de Vieilleville, received the appointment of Marechal de France on December 21, 1562, and he died November 30, 1571.® His biographer tells us that in 1569 ‘sa majeste luy faisoit present de dix mille escus en or pour commencer a le rembourser de la despence infinie qu’il avoit faicte depuis cinq ou six ans pour son service.’ By records still existing we know that Richard Puttenham obtained a special pardon from the Queen in 1570, for having been absent from the realm without licence.® It may be presumed therefore that he had returned not long before. George Puttenham was cer¬ tainly in England during the time that his brother was abroad, for he is ordered by the decree mentioned above to contribute to the support of his brother’s wife ‘ until such time as the said Richard her husband shall make his return into this realm of England.’ The passages above quoted from The A 7 'te of Poesie are therefore certainly more consistent with the view that Richard was the author, than with the hitherto received opinion which attributes it to George. On the other * Murdin, Burghley State Pap, p. 761, ed. 1759. *> Court of Requests (Orders and Dec.) vol. xi. fo. 590, P.R.O. * Pinard, Chronol. Hist. Milit. tom. ii. p. 289, ed. 1760. ^ Mem. sur Vieilleville^ p. 799, ed. P. L, * Pat. Roll, 12 Eliz. P.R.O. LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxxvii hand it must be admitted that there is one piece of evidence which at first sight strongly militates against this view. At p, 141 the author refers to ‘our Eglogue intituled Elpine^ which we made, being but eightene yeares old, to King Edward the sixt, a Prince of great hope.’ Now inasmuch as Richard Puttenham is stated to have been twenty-six years old some months previous to the accession of Edward VI., it would seem impossible to reconcile these conflicting state¬ ments. But it appears to have been not unusual to address Edward as the Sixth, while his father was still living and allowance must be made for some slight inaccuracy on the part of the author, due to the length of time which had elapsed and to the pardonable disposition observable in old age to exaggerate the exploits of youth. Finally there is the curious and most important fact that The A rte of English Poesie was not only published anonymously, but that even the printer was unacquainted with the writer. ‘ This booke,’ says the former, in his address to Lord Burghley, ‘ comming to my handes with his bare title without any authours name.’ Such is the statement made by Richard Field on May 28, 1589. But on referring to the Register of the Stationers’ Company we find that a licence to print the same book had been granted six months earlier to Thomas Orwin, viz,, on November 9, 1588.^ Now it is not a little singular that ten days previous to this latter date Richard Puttenham was in prison. Of this important fact there is absolutely conclusive evidence. Among the archives of the Public Record Office there is preserved a document purporting to be a petition to the Lords of the Privy Council from Richard Puttenham, who therein describes himself as ‘ prisoner the second time, * See ex. gr. Hallam. Lit. of Eur. vol. i. p. 344, note b, 4th e<]. *’ The Stationers' Registers., vol. ii. p. 506, ed. 1875. clxxxviii LIFE OF ELYOT. and complains bitterly of the harsh treatment he had received from Mr. Seckford, Master of Requests. This petition con¬ cludes with an urgent appeal to their lordships ‘ to appoint him counsel to speak for him before ye, and in forrnA pauperis^ for otherwise he is not able to pay them their fees nor to retain any.’ ^ It is impossible to give here the chain of evidence by which the Editor satisfied himself that this humble suppliant was undoubtedly Sir Thomas Elyot’s nephew and heir. The reader, however, may take it for granted that there are abundant materials existing in the Public Record Office to justify this startling conclusion. Happily we are enabled to trace the course of this petition, though the tale which it unfolds is one of treachery and heartlessness which conveys a very unfavourable impression of the parties concerned. Along with the petition there is pre¬ served a letter from the Lord Mayor of London, one Wolstan Dixie, dated October 30, 1588, and addressed ‘to the right worshipful Mr. Seckford, one of the Masters of her Ma’^^^® Court of Requests.’ In this letter the Lord Mayor informs Mr. Seckford that ‘ this afternoon there was brought unto me by a constable and one other with him the supplication here inclosed,’ and finding whom it concerned, he had ‘thought good to send the same unto you, referring the matter therein contained unto your grave consideration.’ Of the result of . the petition we have no positive evidence, but the reader will probably infer that it was at any rate not favourable to the suppliant, when he is informed that there is still to be found at Somerset House the will of ‘ Richard Puttenham, Esq., nowe prisoner in her Majesties Bench,’ bearing date April 22, 1597. Looking to the fact that Richard Puttenham was a prisoner in very distressed circumstances at the end of October • State Pap. Dom. Eliz. vol. 183, No. 66, P. R.O. LIFE OF ELYOT. clxxxix 1588, and that a few days afterwards a licence was obtained by Orwin to print the book in question, no author’s name being given, and that only a few months later it was published, not by Orwin but by Field, in the manner above described, it must be admitted that a very fair foundation of probability is laid for connecting with its authorship the name of Richard Puttenham. We shall scarcely be assuming too much if we suppose that the unfortunate prisoner, in his anxiety to raise the necessary funds to enable him to prosecute his appeal to the Privy Council, or to procure his release, parted with the MS. of his work under circumstances which precluded the revelation of his name to the printer. It was impossible, however, that a work of this kind, in which, according to a competent judge, ‘we find an approach to the higher province of philosophical criticism ’ ^ should not attract attention in that or indeed in any age. Inquiries would inevitably be made as to its authorship, and presently ‘ fame,’ flitting like a bee from one name to another, would at last settle upon that which by general consent seemed the most probable, and thus would enable posterity to detect in the anonymous author of The Arte of English Poesie him who, together with the possessions, had inherited no inconsiderable portion of the genius of Sir Thomas Elyot. » Hallam, Lit. of Eur. vol. ii, p. 210, 4th ed. €'t)t ^robeme. The proheme of Tho 7 tias Elyot, knyghte^ unto the most noble and victorious prince kinge Henry the eyght^ kyng of Englande and Fi'aunce^ defender of the ti'ue faythe^ and lorde of Irelande,^ LATE consideringe (moste excellent prince and myne onely redoughted soueraigne lorde) my duetie that I owe to my naturall contray with my faythe also of aliegeaunce and othe, wherewith I am double bounden unto your maiestie, more ouer thaccompt that I haue to rendre for that one litle talent deliuered to me to employe (as I suppose) to the increase of vertue, I am (as god iuge me) violently stered ^ to deuulgate or sette fourth some part of my studie, trustynge therby tacquite me of my dueties to god, your hyghnesse, and this my contray. Wherfore takinge comfort and boldenesse, partly of your graces moste beneuolent inclination towarde the uniuersall weale of your subiectes, partly inflamed with * In the edition of 1546 and all the subsequent editions the royal style i altered, and runs thus; ‘ By the grace of god kyng of Englande, Fraunce, ands Irelande, defender of the faith, and in erth of the Churche of England and also of Ireland supreme head. ’ The change of style was rendered necessary by the Act 35 Hen. VIII. cap. 3, which was passed in 1543. ** I.e. stirred. cxcii THE PROHEME. •> zele, I haue nowe enterprised to describe in our vulgare tunge the fourme of a iuste publike weale : whiche mater I haue gathered as well of the sayenges of moste noble autours (grekes and latynes) as by myne owne experience, I beinge continually trayned in some dayly affaires of the publike weale of this your moste noble realmeall moostefrom mychylhode.^ Whiche attemptate is nat of presumption to teache any persone, I my selfe hauinge moste nede of teachinge : but onely to the in¬ tent that men which wil be studious about the weale publike may fynde the thinge therto expedient compen¬ diously writen. And for as moch as this present boke treateth of the education of them that hereafter may be demed worthy to be gouernours of the publike weale under your hyghnesse (whiche Plato ^ afhrmeth to be the firste and chiefe parte of a publyke weale; Salo¬ mon® sayenge also where gouernours be nat the people shall falle in to ruyne), I therfore haue named it T/ie Gouernour, and do nowe dedicate it unto your hygh¬ nesse as the fyrste frutes of my studye, verely trustynge that your moste excellent wysedome wyll therein esteme my loyall harte and diligent endeuour by the * See Life of Sir Thomas Elyot, p. xxx, ante. See ex. gr. Plato, Rep. lib. iv. 423 E. OijToi, 5 ’ eyco, & ’yade ’ASeifxayre, w So^eiey &y tls, ravra iroWa Ka\ /xeyaXa avrois TTpoffTarTO/x^v, aWa Trayra (pavAa, iay Th \ey6fxcyoy k'y /ueya (pvXdrrwffi, fxaWoy 8e dyrl (ji.€yd\ov iKaydv. Ti rovro; T^y Traideiay, Tjy S’ iyd, Kol Tpoipijv . rpo^rj yap Kal TralSevcris (Tw^ofxdpT] (pvaeis dyadds ipi.noiu, Kal ad (pvffeis XP'> 70 "ral ToiavTT]S Traidelas dyTiXafi^aySfieyai eri ^eXrlovs Tooy TrpoTfpwy (pvovrai. Compare also Legg. lib. vii. 804: dwd rh Xcyd- fieyoy irdyr' &ydpa Kal vaida Kara rh Svyarhy, ir6\ews fidWoy ^ rooy yeyyrjrSpwy dyras, iraiSevreoy dydyKris. ® See Prov. xi. 14. THE PROHEME. cxciii example of Artaxerxes, the noble kynge of Persia, who reiected nat the pore husbondman whiche offred to hym his homely handes full of dene water, but mooste graciously receyued it with thankes, estemynge the present nat after the value but rather to the wyll of the gyuer.^ Semblably kynge Alexander retayned with hym the poete Cherilus honorably for writing his historic, all though that the poete was but of a small estimation.'’ Whiche that prynce dyd not for lacke of iugement, he beynge of excellent lernynge as disciple to Aristotell,'’ but to thentent that his liberalite emploied on Cherilus shulde animate or gyue courage to others moche better lerned to contende with hym in a semblable enterpryse. And if, moste vertuous prince, I may perceyue your hyghnes to be herewith pleased, I shall sone after (god giuing me quietenes) present your grace with the ‘ This incident is related by Pluturch: ’E-n-el 8e, &\\a Trpo(r 6 dL 0 V KoX vop,t^a>v KOi ovofxd^wv fXa/Be p\v 'ApiCToreXovs SiopOaxrai'ros, 4 k rov vdpBTjKOs KaXovcriy, cixe 8e bel puerh rov t7x<‘P‘5iov Kfipfvrjv vnh rh TTpoaKfs avrhs elbevai, bn ovru vop.i^ov(Ti. Lib. viii. cap. 48 . Mr. Grote says : ‘ In taking the comparison between oligarchy and democracy in Greece there is hardly any evidence more important than this passage ; a testi¬ mony to the comparative merit of democracy, pronounced by an oligarchical THE GOVERNOUR. 9 tocratia, in latin Optirnorum Pote^itia^ in englisshe the rule of men of beste disposition, which the Thebanes Aristocra- of longe tyme obserued.^ An other publique weale was amonge the Atheniensis, where equalitie was of astate amonge the people, and only by theyr holle consent theyr citie and dominions were gouerned ’P whiche moughte well be called a monstre with many heedes: nor neuer it was certeyne nor stable : and often tymes they conspirator and sanctioned by an historian himself unfriendly to the democracy.’— of Gi'eece^ vol. v. p, 363, note. * Xenophon, speaking of the Boeotian cities which were favourable to Thebes, says : eV Tracrats •yap rats Tr 6 \e Instead of ‘kings’ we should read ‘tyrants’ or ‘despots,’ because the con¬ text shows that the author intended to contrast the government of Athens, as it existed down to the expulsion of the Peisistratids, (which, curiously enough, coincided with the regifuge at Rome) with the democratical constitution of which Kleisthenes was the founder. According to Sir Thomas Elyot’s reading of history, the balance of advantage inclined decidedly in favour of the former regime; but modem writers, with better means of judging, have been enabled to restore the Athenian democracy to its true position. Mr. Grote, in discussing the fate of Miltiades, says, ‘ To speak ill of the people, as Machiavel has long ago observed, is a strain in which everyone at all times, even under a democratical government, indulges with impunity, and without pi'ovoking any opponent to reply. In this instance the hard fate of Miltiades has been imputed to the vices of the Athenians and their democracy—it has been cited in proof partly of their fickleness, partly of their ingi'atitude. Of the despots who gained power in Greece, a con¬ siderable proportion began by popular conduct and by rendering good service to their fellow-citizens ; having first earned public gratitude, they abused it for pur¬ poses of their own ambition. There was far greater danger, in a Grecian com - munity, of dangerous excess of gratitude towards a victorious soldier, than of deficiency in that sentiment. The person thus exalted acquired a position such that the community found it difficult afterwards to shake him off. Now there is a disposition almost universal among writers and readers to side with an individual, especially an eminent individual, against the multitude. Accordingly, those who, under such circumstances, suspect the probable abuse of an exalted position, are denounced as if they harboured an unworthy jealousy of superior abilities ; but the truth is that the largest analogies of the Grecian character justified that suspi¬ cion, and required the community to take precautions against the corrupting effects of their own enthusiasm. There is no feature which more largely peiwades the impressible Grecian character than a liability to be intoxicated and demoralised by success ; there was no fault from which so few eminent Greeks were free ; there was hardly any danger against which it was at once so necessary and so difficult for the Grecian governments to take security, especially the demo- C t 8 THE GOVERNOUR. lyue as it were in a communaltie, whkhe abusifly they called equalitie, howe longe tyme dyd any of them continue in peace ? yea what vacation had they from the warres ? or what noble man had they whiche auanced the honour and weale of theyr citie, whom they dyd not banisshe or slee in prison ? Surely it shall appiere to them that wyll rede Plutarche, or Emilius probus, in the lyues of Milciades, Cimon, Themistocles, Aris¬ tides, and diuers other noble and valiant capitaynes: which is to longe here to reherce. In lyke wyse the Romanes, durynge the tyme that they Kyngsin were under kynges, which was by the space of 144 Rome. yeres,^ were well gouerned, nor neuer was amonge them discorde or sedition. But after that by the persua- tion of Brutus and Colatinus, whose wyfe (Lucretia) was rauysshed by Aruncius, sonne of Tarquine, kynge of Romanes, nat only the saide Tarquine and al his posterite were exiled out of Rome for euer, but also it was finally determined amonge the people, that neuer after they wolde haue a kinge reigne ouer them.^ Lucretia, cracies, where the manifestations of enthusiasm were always the loudest. Such is the real explanation of those charges which have been urged against the Grecian democracies, that they came to hate and ill-treat previous benefactors. The history of Miltiades illustrates it in a manner no less pointed than painful.’— Hist, of Greece^ vol. iii. pp. 316-321. “ ‘ Dionysius gives 244 years as the length of the regal period (lib. i. cap. 75). Livy (lib. i. 60) and other writers agree as to the sum. Cic. de Rep. ii. 30, gives it in round numbers at 240 years. Eutropius has 243 years.’— Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. i. p. 528. Niebuhr says that the discovery of the books on the Republic has established the fact on the authority of the pontiffs, ‘ for their table was adopted by Polybius for his Roman chronology, and he is the authority followed by Cicero in fixing the years of the Roman kings.’— Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 242. As these books were not discovered until A.D. 1826, Sir Thomas Elyot had no reason to prefer the computation of Polybius. It seems probable, however, that there is an error in the figures in the text, and that the number intended is that given by Dionysius. '’Sir George Cornewall Lewis says : ‘ The idea that a king was an absolute monarch, which prevailed throughout the later ages of Rome, v^as probably in part derived from the belief respecting the character of the last Tarquin’s rule, though it is inconsistent with their own history of their other 'kings,.''—Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. i. p. 107. THE GOVERNOUR. 19 Consequently the communaltie more and more encroched a licence, and at the last compelled the Senate to suffre them to chose yerely amonge them gouernours of theyr owne astate and condition, whom they called Tribunes:^ under whom they resceyued suche audacitie and power that they finally optained the higheste authoritie in the publike weale, in so moche that often tymes they dyd repele the actes of the Senate, and to those Tribunes mought a man appele from the Senate or any other ofhce or dignite.^ But what came therof in conclusion ? Surely whan there was any difficulte warre immynent, than were they constrained to electe one soueraine and chiefe of all other, whom they named Dictator^ as it were commander, from whom it was not laufull for any man to appele.® But bicause there appered to be in hym the pristinate authorite and mai- Dictator. “ Dr. Liddell says : ‘ The tribunes were not properly magistrates or officers, for they had no express functions or official duties to discharge. They were sim¬ ply Representatives and Protectors of the Plebs.’— Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 105. ^ ‘Since the time of the Gracchi,’ says Dr. Liddell, ‘the Tribunes and the Tribes had learnt their strength, and had gradually absorbed more and more, not only of the Legislative, but also of the Executive power. Sylla struck a determined blow at this democratic power. He ordained that candidates for the Tribunate should necessarily be members of the Senate ; that no one who had been Tribune should be capable of holding any curule office ; that no Tribune should have power to propose a law to the Tribes ; and lastly, that the right of Intercession should be limited to its original purpose—that is, that it should not be available to stop Decrees of the Senate or Laws brought before the Senate, but only to protect the personal, liberty of citizens from the arbitrary power of the Higher Magistrates. The Tidbunes were thus effectually shackled, and their power re ¬ turned to the low condition in which it had been during the earlier period of its existence.’— Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. p. 345 - = Sir George Cornewall Lewis says : ‘ Dr. Arnold appears to me to be mis¬ taken in supposing that the dictator was “liable, like the consuls, to be arraigned after the expiration of his office for any acts of tyranny which he might have committed during its continuance.” The power of the dictator was originally absolute and not subject to appeal ; and such (notwithstanding the passage of Festus, Optim. Lex, p. 198) it probably always remained. Considering the shortness of the term of office, this irresponsibility would have been nugatory, if it had not been continuous. The security to the public was derived from the limited duration of the office ; not from any subsequent legal remedy against the officer.’— Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. ii. p. 48, note. 20 THE GOVERNOUR. estie of a kyng,^ they wolde no longer sufifre hym to continue in that dignite than by the space of vi. monethes, excepte he then resigned it,^ and by the consente of the people eftsones dyd resume it. Finally, untill Octauius Augustus had distroyed Warres Anthony, and also Brutus, and finisshed all the Civile. Ciuile Warres, (that were so called by cause they were betwene the same selfe Romane citezins,) the cite of Rome was neuer longe quiete from factions or seditions amonge the people. And if the nobles of Rome had nat ben men of ex¬ cellent lernynge, wisedome, and prowesse, and that the Senate, the moste noble counsaile in all the worlde, whiche was fyrste ordayned by Romulus, and encreased by Tullus hostilius, the thyrde kynge of Romanes, had nat continued and with great difficultie retayned theyr authorite, I suppose verily that the citie of Rome had ben utterly desolate sone after the expellyng of Tarquine : and if it had bene eftsones renewed it shulde haue bene twentye tymes distroyed before the tyme that Augustus raigned : so moche discorde was euer in the citie for lacke of one gouernour.® “ Dionysius of Halicarnassus, speaking of the institution of the dictatorship, says ; S’ &pa ^ Kpeirrcci/ apxh Kara v6jxovs rvpavi/'is. — Antiq. Rom.., lib. v. cap. 70. And again, Ovtos tt^wtos iy pSyapxos a^eSeixOrj, iroAipov re Ka\ Api}vy]s Kal irdyros &Wov irpaypaTos avTOKpdrwp . rd yh tt/s i^ovaias peyldos, 6 SiKTctTwp ex^i, ^Kiffra dTjAovTai irrh rod ovdparos, earl yap alperr) rvpayyis ^ ^lktu- ropla. — Ibid., lib. v. cap. 73. Eutropius says : ‘Neque quicquam similius potest dici quam dictatura antiqua huic imperii potestati quam nunc Tranquillitas vestra (i.e. the Emperor Valens) habet.’—Lib. i. cap. I2. ** ‘ That a dictator appointed for formal and ceremonial purposes should have abdicated as soon as his special functions were performed is not extraordinary; but that so many dictators should have spontaneously laid down absolute power, even at the moment of victory, and often before their term of office was expired, is a remarkable proof of the empire of law over the minds of the Romans, and of their fixed constitutional habits even in early times .’—Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. ii. p. 48. ® Dr. Liddell has traced very carefully the rise and progress of Roman des¬ potism to its supreme assumption by Octavian. ‘ The Roman world had long been preparing for it. At no time had such authority been altogether alien from the mind of the people of Rome. Dictatorships were frequent in their earlier history. In later times the consuls were, by the will of the senate, raised to dic¬ tatorial power to meet emergencies, militaiy or civil. The despotic commands THE GOVERNOUR. 2 1 But what nede we to serche so ferre from us, sens we haue sufficient examples nere unto us ? Beholde the astate Florence of Florence ^ and Gene,^ noble cites of Italy, what Gene. conferred upon Sylla and Pompey, the powers seized first by Caesar and after him by the Triumvirate, were all of the same form as the authority conferred upon Octavian—that is, all were in form at least temporary and provisional. The disorders of the State required the intervention of one or more persons endued with absolute authority. And vdrether power was vested in a Dic¬ tator, such as Sylla and Caesar; in a sole Consul, such as Pompey ; in a commission of Three, such as the Triumvirate of Antony, Octavian, and Le- pidus; or in an Imperator, such as Octavian alone, the constitutional principle was the same. These despotic powers were in every case, except in the cases of Sylla and Caesar, granted for a definite term ; even in Caesar’s case all his Dictatorships, save the last, were conferred for limited periods. The Trium¬ virate was reriewed at intervals of five years, the imperial rule of Octavian at intervals of ten. In theory these powers were conferred exceptionally for a tem¬ porary purpose; and when the purpose was served the exception was to yield to the rule. Even in the reign of Octavian there were some persons credulous enough to expect a restoration of the Republic. It belongs not to our present purpose to examine in detail the arts of government by which a power formally pi'ovisional and temporary was converted' by the adroitness of the new ruler into the substance and reality of a despotic monarchy. This belongs to the History of the Empire.’— Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. p. 518, 12th ed. * ‘ Throughout all the vicissitudes of party Elorence had never yet lost sight of republican institutions. Not that she had never accommodated herself to tem¬ porary circumstances by naming a signior. Charles of Anjou had been invested with that dignity for the term of ten years ; Robert, king of Naples, for five ; and his son, the Duke of Calabria, was at his death, Signior of Florence. These princes named the podesta, if not the priors ; and were certainly pretty absolute in their executive powers, though bound by oath not to alter the statutes of the city. But their office had always been temporary. Like the dictatorship of Rome it was a confessed unavoidable evil; a suspension but not extinguishment of rights. Like that, too; it was a dangerous precedent, through which crafty am¬ bition and popular rashness might ultimately subvert the republic,’—Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 426. 12th ed. ^ I.e. Genoa. ‘The annals of one of the few surviving republics, that of Genoa, present to us, during the fifteenth as well as the preceding century, an in¬ creasing series of revolutions, the shortest enumeration of which would occupy several pages. Torn by the factions of Adorni and Fregosi, equal and eternal rivals, to whom the whole patrician families of Doria and Fieschi were content to become secondary, sometimes sinking, from weariness of civil tumult, into the grasp of Milan or France, and again, from impatience of foreign subjection, start¬ ing back from servitude to anarchy, the Genoa of those ages exhibits a singular contrast to the calm and regular aristocracy of the next three centuries.’—Hallam Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 494. 22 THE GOVERNOUR. calamite haue they both sustained by their owne fac¬ tions, for lacke of a continuall gouernour. Ferrare^ and the moste excellent citie of Venise, the one hauyng a duke,^ the other an erle, seldome suffreth damage excepte it happen by outwarde hostilitie. We have also an example domisticall, whiche is moste necessary to be noted. After that the Saxons by treason had expelled out of Eng- En mynde, I wyll shortly after sende forthe, it shall conteine all the reminant, whiche I can either by lernyng or experience fynde apt to the perfection of a iuste publike weale : in the whiche I shall so endeuour my selfe, that al men, of what astate or condition so euer they be, shall finde therin occasion to be alway vertuously occupied ; and not without pleasure, if they be nat of the scholes of Aristippus or Apicius, of whom the one supposed felicite to be onely in lechery, the other in delicate fedynge and glotony : from whose sharpe talones and cruell tethe, I beseche all gentill reders, to defende these warkes, whiche for theyr commodite is onely compiled. CHAPTER III. That in a puhlike weale ought to be inferiour gouernours ealled Magistrates: whiche shall be appoynted or chosen by the soueraigne gouernour. There be bothe reasones and examples, undoutedly infinite, wherby may be proued, that there can be no perfect publike weale without one capital and soueraigne gOuernour whiche " Prov. XXI. I. The king’s heart is in the hand of the Lord, as the rivers of water: He turneth it whithersoever lie will. THE GOVERNOUR. 25 may longe endure or continue. But sens one mortall man can nat haue knowlege of all thynges done in a realme or large dominion, and at one tyme, discusse all controuersies, refourme all transgressions, and exploite * al consultations, concluded as well for outwarde as inwarde affaires : it is expedient and also nedefull that under the capitall gouernour be sondry meane authorities, as it were aydyng hym in the distribution of iustice in sondry partes of a huge multitude: wherby his labours beinge leuigate and made more tollerable, he shall gouerne with the better aduise, and consequently with a more perfecte gouernance. And, as Jesus Sirach sayth. The multitude of wise men is the welth of the worlde.^ They whiche haue suche authorities to them committed may be called inferiour gouernours, hauynge respecte to theyr ofhee or duetie, wherin is also a representation of gouernance. All be it they be named in latine Magistratus. And herafter I intende to call them Magistratis, lackynge an other more con- uenient worde in englisshe; but that will I do in the seconde “See the Glossary. ‘Jesus the son of Sirach is described in the text of Ecclesiasticus (cap. 1 .) as the author of that book, which in the LXX and generally, except in the Western Church, is called by his name, the Wisdom of Jesus, the son of Sirach, or simply the Wisdom of Sirach. The same passage speaks of him as a native of Jerusalem, and the internal character of the book confirms its Palestinian origin.’—Smith, Hist, of the Bible,^svih voc. ‘The first distinct quotations occur in Clement of Alexandria, but from the end of the second century the book was much used and cited with respect, and in the same terms as the Canonical Scriptures ; and its authorship was often assigned to Solomon from the similarity which it pre¬ sented to his writings.’—Ibid. Ecclesiasticus. Sir Thomas Elyot is mistaken in referring the quotation to the book of Ecclesiasticus, for the passage occurs in Wisdom, cap. vi. 19, and in a copy of ‘The Pokes of Solomon,’ in the British Museum, to which the date A.D. 1542 is assigned, the order is as follows : Prouerbia, Ecclesiastes, Sapientia and Ecclesiasticus, or fesus the soune of Syrach ; but if, as suggested by the writer of the ailicle in Smith’s Diet, of the Bible, the alternative title of the Wisdom of Sirach is occasionally found, it is not difficult to see how Sir Thomas Elyot may have fallen into an error arising from the applica¬ tion of the same title to two different but not dissimilar works. In ‘ The Pokes of Salomon ’ the verse quoted in the text stands thus : ‘ But the multitude of the wise is ye welfare of the worlde, and a wyse kynge is the upholdynge of the people, ’ 26 THE GOVERNOUR. parte of this warke, where I purpose to write of theyr sondry offices or effectes of theyr authoritie. But for as moche as in this parte I intende to write of theyr education and vertue in maners, whiche they haue in commune with princes, in as moche as therby they shall, as well by example as by authoritie, ordre well them, whiche by theyr capitall gouernour shall be to theyr rule committed,! may, without anoyance of any man, name them gouernours at thistyme,apropriatynge,to the soueraignes, names of kynges and princes, sens of a longe custome these names in commune fourme of speakyng be in a higher preeminence and estimation than gouernours. That in euery commune weale ought to be a great nombre of suche maner of persons it is partly proued in the chaptre nexte before writen, where I haue spoken of the commodite of ordre. Also reason and commune experience playnly declareth, that, where the dominion is large and populouse, there is hit convenient that a prince haue many inferlour gouernours, whiche be named of PolUic^ Arlstotel ^ his eien, eares, handes, and legges, whiche, lib. Hi. if they be of the beste sorte, (as he further more say the), it semeth impossible a countrey nat to be well gouerned by good lawes. And excepte excellent vertue and l^rnynge do inhabile^ a man of the base astate of the communaltie, to be thought of all men worthy to be so moche auaunced : els suche gouernours wolde be chosen out of that astate of men whiche be called worshipfull, if amonge them may be founden a suffi¬ cient nombre, ornate with vertue and wisedome, mete for suche purpose, and that for sondry causes. Fyrste it is of good congruence that they, whiche be supe- riour in condition or hauiour, shulde haue also preeminence in ^ See Pol. lib. iii. cap. xi. (xvi.); ‘'Ktottov S’ lo'ws Uv elvai el fieXTiov idoi Tis dvo7y oyi-iiaffi koX dvcrlv aKOCus Kpipcov, koX TTparrup Sval iroo'l kuI xepaii/, ^ TToWol ttoXKoIs ’ iirel nal pvv opOaX/xovs ttoXXovs ot /xSpapxoL Troiovcip avraip Kal S>Ta Kal TTflSas • Tohs yap ry apxf Ka\ avTols (piXovs iroiovpTai crvpdpxovs. Et Se TOt ’ArpelSrjs /uey d-n'fjxdero Ktjpddi fj.d\\ov Avrhs, Kal Tov Swpa • crv S’ &Wovs irep TLauaxaiovs T€ipofx4]/ovs e\4aip€ Kurd cTTparhy, o% (re 0eSj/ Tiffovs* * ^ ydp k 4 \ ynge the knowlege of a publike weale : whiche, as I before haue saide, is made of an ordre of astates and degrees, and, by reason therof, conteineth in it a perfect harmony : whiche he shall afterwarde more perfectly understande, whan he shall happen to rede the bokes of Plato, and Aristotle, of publike weales : wherin be written diuers examples of musike and geometrye. In this fourme may a wise and circumspecte tutor adapte the pleasant science of musike to a necessary and laudable purpose. CHAPTER VIIL That it is commendable in a gentilman to paint and kerue exactly^ if nature therto doth induce hym. If the childe be of nature inclined, (as many haue ben), to paint with a penne, or to fourme images in stone or tree : he shulde nat be therfrom withdrawen, or nature be rebuked, whiche is to hym beniuolent: but puttyng one to hym, whiche is in that crafte, wherin he deliteth, moste excellent, in vacant tymes from other more serious lernynge, he shulde be, in the moste pure wise, enstructed in painting or keruinge. And nowe, perchance, some enuious reder wyll hereof ap- prehende occasion to scorne me, sayenge that I haue well hyed me, to make of a noble man a mason or peynter. And yet, if either ambition or voluptuouse idelnes wolde haue suffered that reder to haue sene histories, he shuld haue founden excellent princis, as well in payntyng as in keruynge, equall to noble artificers: suche were Claudius,^ Titus,^ the “ ‘ The undertakings of Claudius were not unworthy of the colossal age of material creations ; yet they were not the mere fantastic conceptions of turgid pride and unlimited power.’—Merivale, Hist, of Rome, vol. v. p. 504 ; Suetonius gives a long list of public works executed by direction of Claudius. ^ ‘ Besides skill in music and versification, it is specially mentioned that Titus 44 THE GOVERNOUR. sonne of Vaspasian, Hadriane,^ both Antonines,^ and diners other emperours and noble princes: whose warkes of longe tyme remayned in Rome and other cities, in suche places where all men mought beholde them : as monuments of their excellent wittes and vertuous occupation in eschewynge of idelnes. And nat without a necessary cause princis were in their childhode so instructed : for it serued them afterwarde for deuysynge of engynes for the warre : or for making them better that be all redy deuysed. For, as Vitruuius (which writeth of buyldynge to the emperour Augustus) sayth. All turmentes of warre, whiche we cal ordinance, were first inuented by kinges or gouernours of hostes, or if they were deuised by other, they were by them made moche better.® Also, by the feate of portraiture or payntyng, a capitaine may discriue the countray of his aduersary, wherby he shall eschue the daun- gerous passages with his hoste or nauie : also perceyue the was a rapid short-hand writer, and had, moreover, a knack of imitating the writing of others, so that he used to say of himself in jest that he might have made an expert forger.’—Merivale, Hist, of Rome^ vol. vii. p. 46, note ; Sueton. Titus, 3. “ ‘ Hie Grsecis literis impensius eruditus a plerisque Graeculus appellatus est. Atheniensium studia moresque hausit, potitus non sermone tantum, sed et ceteris disciplinis, canendi, psallendi, medendique scientia, musicus, geometra, pictor, fictorque ex acre vel marmore proxime Polycletos et Euphranoras.’—Victor, Epitotne, cap. xiv. ^ Capitolinus says of Antoninus Pius, that he was ‘diligens agri cultor.’ And of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus ‘ operam praeterea pingendo sub magistro Diogneto dedit. Amavit pugilatum luctamina, et cursum, et aucupatus, et pila lusit adprime et venatus est.’—Cap. 4. ' This proposition is nowhere stated totidem verbis by the writer referred to, but it is probable that the passage Sir Thomas Elyot had in his mind is the following: ‘ Omnis autem est machinatio rerum natura procreata ac praeceptrice et magistra mundi versatione instituta. Namque animadvertamus primum et aspiciamus continentem solis, lunae, quinque etiam stellarum naturam, quae ni machinata ver- sarentur, non habuissemus interdum lucem nec fructuum maturitates. Cum ergo majores heec ita esse animadvertissent, e rerum natura sumpserunt exempla et ea imitantes inducti rebus divinis commodas vitae perfecerunt explicationes itaque comparaverunt, ut essent expeditiora, alia machinis et earum versationibus, non- nulla organis, et ita quae animadverterunt ad usum utilia esse studiis, artibus in- stilutis, gradatim augenda doctrinis curaverunt.’—Lib. x. cap. i. I THE GOVERNOUR. 45 placis of aduauntage, the forme of embataylynge of his ennemies : the situation of his campe, for his mooste suertie : the strength or weakenes of the towne or fortresse whiche he intendeth to assaulte. And that whiche is moost specially to be considered, in visiting his owne dominions, he shal sette them out in figure, in suche wise that at his eie shal appere to hym where he shall employ his study and treasure, as well for the saulfgarde of his countray, as for the commodite and honour therof, hauyng at al tymes in his sight the suertie and feblenes, aduauncement and hyndrance, of the same. And what pleasure and also utilite is it to a man whiche intendeth to edifie, hymselfe to expresse the figure of the warke that he purposeth, accordyng as he hath conceyued it in his owne fantasie } wherin, by often amendyng and correctyng, he finally, shall so perfecte the warke unto his purpose, that there shall neither ensue any repentance, nor in the employment of his money he shall be by other deceiued. More ouer the feate of portraiture shall be an allectiue to euery other studie or exercise. For the witte therto disposed shall alway couaite congruent mater, wherin it may be occupied. And whan he happeneth to rede or here any fable or historie, forthwith he apprehendeth it more desirously, and retaineth it better, than any other that lacketh the sayd feate : by reason that he hath founde mater apte to his fantasie. Finally, euery thinge that portraiture may comprehende will be to him delectable to rede or here. And where the liuely spirite, and that whiche is called the grace of the thyng, is perfectly ex¬ pressed, that thinge more persuadeth and stereth the be¬ holder, and soner istructeth hym, than the declaration in writynge or speakynge doth the reder or hearer. Experience we haue therof in lernynge of geometry, astronomie, and cos- mogrophie, called in englisshe the discription of the worlde. In which studies I dare affirme a man shal more profite, in one wike, by figures and chartis, well and perfectly made, than he shall by the only reding or heryng the rules of that science by the space of halfe a yere at the lest ; wherfore the late 46 THE GOVERNOUR, writers deserue no small commendation whiche added to the autors of those sciences apt and propre figures. And he that is perfectly instructed in portrayture, and hapneth to rede any noble and excellent historie, wherby his courage is inflamed to the imitation of vertue, he forth with taketh his penne or pensill, and with a graue and substanciall studie, gatherynge to him all the partes of imagination, ende- uoureth him selfe to expresse liuely, and (as I mought say) actually, in portrayture, nat only the faict or affaire, but also the sondry affections of euery personage in the historie recited, whiche mought in any wise appiere or be perceiued in their visage, countenance or gesture: with like diligence Lisippis. Lysippus ^ made in metall kynge Alexander, fightynge and struggling with a terrible lyon of incomparable magnitude and fiersenesse, whom, after longe and difficulte bataile, with wonderfull strength and dene might, at the last he ouerthrewe and vainquisshed wherin he so expressed the similitude of Alexander and of his lordes standyng about him that they all semed to lyue. Amonge whom the prowes of Alexander appiered, excelling all other : the residue of his lordes after the value and estimation of their courage, euery man set out in suche forwardnes, as they than semed more Edicto vetuit, ne quis se prseter Apellem Pingeret, aut alius Lysippo duceret sera Fortis Alexandri vultum simulantia.—Hor. Ep. ii. i. 239. ^ This story is related at length by .Quintus Curtius: ‘ Barbarse opulentise in illis locis baud ulla sunt majora indicia, quam magnis nemoribus saltibusque no- bilium ferarum greges clausi. Spatiosas ad hoc eligunt sylvas, crebris perennium aquarum fontibus amoenas : muris nemora cinguntur, turresque habent venantium receptacula. Quatuor continuis setatibus intactum saltum fuisse constabat: quern Alexander cum toto exercitu ingressus “ agitari undique feras” jussit. Inter quas cum leo magnitudinis rarse ipsum regem invasurus incurreret; forte Lysimachus, qui postea regnavit, proximus Alexandro, venabulum objicere ferae coeperat. Quo rex repulso et “ abire” jusso, adjecit “tarn a semet uno quam a Lysimacho leonem interfici posse.” Lysimachus enim quondam cum venaretur in Syria, occiderat eximise magnitudinis feram solus: sed laevo humero usque ad ossa lace- ratus ad ultimum periculi pervenerat. Id ipsum exprobrans ei rex fortius, quam locutus est, fecit: nam feram non excepit modo, sed etiam uno vulnere occidit.’— Lib. viii. cap. i, § 11-16. THE GOVERNOUE. 47 prompt to the helpyng of their maister, that is to say, one lasse a ferde than an other.^ Phidias the Atheniense, whom all writers do commende, made of yuory the simulachre or image of Jupiter, honoured by the gentiles on the high hille of Olympus : whiche was done so excellently that Pandenus, a counnyng painter, therat admaruailinge, required the craftis man to shewe him where he had the example or paterne of so noble a warke4 Than Phidias answered that he had taken it out of thre verses of Homere the poet: the sentence wher- of ensueth, as well as my poure witte can expresse it in englisshe: ‘ Than Jupiter the father of them all Therto assented with his broMi^es blalce, Shaking his here, and therwith did let fall A countenance that made al heuen to quake, ’ ® where it is to be noted, that ^ immediately before Thetis the A “ This appears to be an embellishment by the author, of which we have already seen a somewhat similar instance at p. 34 ante. Plutarch, who evidently refers to the same incident as Curtius, merely says : ToGto ih Kvvi]yiov Kpdrepos els AeAcpous dpedrjKev elKSpas xaA/cas Troirjcrdfxevos tov Xeovros KaX twv kvvu>v koX tov fiaaiAeoos rep XeovTi (Tweerruros ical avrov TrpoarfiorjOovvros, oip ra p.ep hxxrnnTos eirKare, rd de Aewxdprjs. — Alexander, 40. This is narrated by Strabo : dTroixprip.npeiov(Ti Se rov ^eidiov Sion irphs rhp ndp^tipop elire ‘KvpdapSp.epop, Trphs rl Trapdhei'yjxa peeWoi iroipcreip r^p elKdpa rov Aids, on irphs r))p ‘O/xiipov, 5i’ eircop eKreQeicrap rovrwp ’Hwal . . . ''OKvp.irov, eiprja'Oai yap p.d\a SoKet KaXws, eK re reap &A\cop KaX rwp oeppvwp, ’dri irpoKaXelrai rX]p Zidpoiap b TToirjr^s dpa^eaypaepeip p.eyap ripd rvirop kol ixeyd?^r)P hopa/jap a^'iap rov A'los, Kaddirep koX eir), rrjs "'Upas, dpa epvXdrrwp rh i(p’ eKarepip irpeirop’ eepr] pep yap, creiaaro 5’ elpl Opopip, eXeXi^e 8e paKphp ‘'0?>^vpirop ' rh S’ en’ eKelprjs avp0dp oXrj Kiprjde'icrri, rovr’ iirl rov Aihs diraprriffai ra7s oeppvffL pdpop peverapros, (rvpiradovarjs Se ri Kal rrjs Kdprjs .—Lib. viii. cap. 3, s. 30. ' ^H, Ka\ Kvaphicrip eir’ oeppvai pevrre Kpoplap ’Ap^pdnai S’ dpa x^lrai eireppiarravro &paKros, Kparhs dir’ ddapdroio’ peyap 5 ’ eXeXi^ep''OXvpTrop. — II. i. 528. ^ In the original the words after ‘ that ’ are ‘ Homere immediatly before had rehersed the consultation had amonge the goddis for the appaising of the two noble princis Achilles and Agamemnonbut the correction having been made by the author himself and inserted in the errata appended to the original edition, it has been thought advisable, inasmuch as the present edition does not profess to be a fac-siviile, to print the passage in accordance with the author’s own revision. 48 THE GOVERNOUR. mother of Achilles desired Jupiter importunately to inclyne his fauour to the parte of the Troyanes. Nowe (as I haue before sayde) I intende nat, by these examples, to make of a prince or noble mannes sonne, a com¬ mune painter or keruer, whiche shall present him selfe openly stained or embrued with sondry colours, or poudered with the duste of stones that he cutteth, or perfumed with tedious^ sauours of the metalles by him yoten.^ But verily myne intente and meaninge is only, that a noble childe, by his owne naturall disposition, and nat by coertion, may be induced to receiue perfect instruction in these sciences.*^ But all though, for purposis before expressed, they shall be necessary, yet shall they nat be by him exercised, but as a secrete pastime, or recreation of the wittes, late occupied in serious studies, like as dyd the noble princis before named. A1 though they, ones beinge attayned, be neuer moche exer¬ cised, after that the tyme cometh concerning businesse of greatter importaunce. Ne the lesse the exquisite knowlege and understanding that he hath in those sciences, hath im¬ pressed in his eares and eies an exacte and perfecte iugemer.t, as well in desernyng the excellencie of them, whiche either in musike, or in statuary, or paynters crafte, professeth any counnynge, as also adaptinge their saide knowlege to the adminiculation ^ of other serious studies and businesse, as I haue before rehersed : whiche, I doubt nat, shall be well ap- proued by them that either haue redde and understande olde autors, or aduisedly wyll examine my considerations. The swete® writer, Lactantius, say the in his first “See the Glossary. / S 'y ** See the Glossary. ' In the edition oiJL546 and all the subsequent editions the remainder of this chapter is omitted. Of all the copies of this work in the British Museum Library there is not one containing the whole of this chapter, which therefore is now, pro¬ bably for the first time since A.D. 1531, given to the public in an unmutilated shape. ^ See the Glossary. e ‘ The style of Lactantius, formed upon the model of the great orator of Rome, has gained for him the appellation of the Christian Cicero, and not undeservedly. No reasonable critic indeed would now assert, with Picus of Mirandula, that the THE GOVERNOUR. 49 booke® to the emperour Constantine agayne the gentiles: ‘ Of conninge commeth vertue, and of vertue perfect Lactantius felicite is onely ingendred.’ ^ lib. Hi. And for that cause the gentiles supposed those princis, whiche in vertue and honour surmounted other men, to be goddes. And the Romanes in lyke wise dyd consecrate their emperours,® which excelled in vertuous example, in preseru- yng or augmentinge the publike weale, and ampliatinge of the empire, calling them Diui, whiche worde representeth a sig¬ nification of diuinitie, they thinkynge that it was excedynge mannes nature to be bothe in fortune and goodnes of suche perfection. imitator has not only equalled, but even surpassed the beauties of his original. But it is impossible not to be charmed with the purity of diction, the easy grace, the calm dignity, and the sonorous flow of his periods, when compared with the harsh phraseology and barbarous extravagance of his African contemporaries. Some critics absurdly enough, perhaps, have imagined that Lactantius is a mere epithet, indicating the milk-like softness and sweetness which characterise the style of this author.’—Smith’s Diet, of Biogi-aphy, sub voc. * The reference is erroneous; the passage quoted occurs in the I2th chapter of the third book. ^ ‘ Ex scientia enim virtus, ex virtute summum bonum nascitur.’ * Compare the remarks of Lactantius on this subject: ‘ Quibus ex rebus, cum constet illos homines fuisse, non est obscurum, qua ratione dii coeperint nominari. Si enim nulli reges ante Saturnum vel Uranum fuerunt propter hominum raritatem, qui agrestem vitam sine ullo rectore vivebant : non est dubium quin illis tempori- bus homines regem ipsum totamque gentem summis laudibus ac novis honoribus jactare coeperint, ut etiam deos appellarent, sive ob miraculum virtutis (hoc vere putabant rudes adhuc et simplices), sive (ut fieri solet) in adulationem prjesentis potentiee, sive ob beneficia quibus erant ad humanitatem compositi. Deinde ipsi reges, cum cari fuissent iis, quorum vitam composuerant, magnum sui desiderium mortui reliquerunt. Itaque homines eorum .^simulacra finxerunt, ut haberent ali- quod ex imaginum contemplatione solatium ; progressique longius per amorem meriti, memoriam defunctorum colere coeperunt : ut et gratiam referre bene meritis viderentur, et siJccessores eorum allicerent ad bene imperandi cupiditatem .... Hac scilicet ratione Romani Csesares suos consecraverunt, et Mauri reges suos. Sic paulatim religiones esse coeperunt, dum illi primi, qui eos noverant, eo ritu suos liberos ac nepotes, deinde omnes posteros imbuerunt. Et hi tamen sumi li reges ob celebritatem nominis in provinciis omnibus colebantur.’—Lib. i. cap. i i. E 50 THE GOVERNOUR. CHAPTER IX.^ What exacte diligence shulde be in chosinge maisters. After that the childe hathe ben pleasantly trained, and in¬ duced to knowe the partes of speche, and can seperate one of them from an other, in his owne langage, it shall than be time that his tutor or gouernour do make diligent serche for suche a maister as is exellently lerned both in greke and latine, and therwithall is of sobre and vertuous disposition, specially chast of liuyng, and of moche afifabilite and patience : leste by any uncleane example the tender mynde of the childe may be infected, harde afterwarde to be recouered. For the natures of children be nat so moche or sone aduaunced by thinges well done or spoken, as they be hindred and corrupted by that whiche in actis or wordes is wantonly expressed. Also by a cruell and irous^ maister the wittes of children be dulled ; and that thinge for the whiche children be often tymes beaten is to them euer after fastidious : wherof we nede no better autor for witnes than daily experience.® Wherfore the moste necessary thinges to be obserued by a master in his disciples or scholers (as Licon ^ the noble grammarien saide) * This and the three next chapters are entirely omitted in Mr. Eliot’s edition. ‘'See the Glossary. ® Hallam, commenting on this passage, says, ‘ All testimonies concur to this savage ill-treatment of boys in the schools of this period. The fierceness of the Tudor government, the religious intolerance, the polemical brutality, the rigorous justice, when justice it was of our laws, seem to have engendered a hardness of character, which displayed itself in severity of discipline, when it did not even reach the point of arbitrary or malignant cruelty.’ And he gives as the most striking example of this ‘ severity of discipline ’ the behaviour of Lady Jane Grey’s parents towards one who was ‘ the slave of their temper in life, the victim of their ambition in deoXhl—Literature of Europe, vol. i. p. 401. ^ Lycon of Troas, a distinguished Peripatetic philosopher, was the son of Astyanax, and the disciple of Straton, whom he succeeded as the head of the Peripatetic school, B.C. 272 ; and he held that post for more than forty-four years. He was celebrated for his eloquence and for his skill in educating boys. We are indebted to Diogenes Laertius for what we know of him. THE GOVERNOUR. 51 is shamfastnes and praise.^ By shamfastnes, as it were with a bridell, they rule as well theyr dedes as their appetites. And desire of prayse addeth to a sharpe spurre to their disposition towarde lernyng and vertue. Accordyng there unto Quinti¬ lian, instructyng an oratour, desireth suche a childe to be giuen unto hym, whom commendation feruently stereth^, glorie prouoketh, and beinge vainquisshed wepeth. That childe (saithe he) is to be fedde with ambition, hym a litle chiding sore biteth, in hym no parte of slouthe is to be feared.And if nature disposeth nat the childes witte to receiue lernynge, but rather other wise, it is to be applied with more diligence, and also policie, as chesing some boke, wherof the argument or matter approcheth moste nighe to the childes inclination or fantasie, so that it be nat extremely vicious, and therwith by litle and litle, as it were with a pleasant sauce, prouoke him to haue good appetite to studie. And surejy that childe, what so euer he be, is well blessed and fortunate, that findeth a good instructour or maister : whiche was considered by noble kynge Philip, father to the great king Alexander, who immediately after that his sonne was borne wrote a letter to Aristotle, the prince of philosophers, the tenour wherof ensueth.^ Aristotle, we grete you well. Lettinge you weete that we haue a sonne borne, for the whiche we gyue due thankes unto god, nat for that he is borne onely, but of king also for as mcche as hit happeneth hym to be borne, you lyuinge. Trusting that it shall happen that he. “ ''Ecpao'Ke yap Setu 7rapafeS%0at tois Trai(rl t^v ai8a> Kal (piAorijufay, ws rots Yirirois (xiooira Kal —Diog. Laert. Avkuv. ** l.e. stirreth. ' ‘ Mihi ille detur puer, quern laus excitet, quern gloria juvet, qui victus fleat. Hie erit alendus ambitu, bunc niordebit objurgatio, hunc honor excitabit, in hoc desidiam nunquam verebor.’— Instit. Orat. lib. i. cap. 3, § 7. ^ ‘ Philippus Aristoteli salutem dicit. Certiorem te facio, filium mihi genitum esse. Nec perinde Diis gratiam habeo quod omnino natus est, quam quod te florente nasci ilium contigit : a quo educatum institutumque neque nobis indignum spero evasurum, neque successioni tantarum rerum imparem. Satius enim existimo carere liberis, quam opprobria majorum suorum tollentem in poenam genuisse.’— Quintus Curtius, lib. i. cap. 2, E 2 52 THE GOVERNOUR. by you taught and instructed, shall be herafter worthye to be named our sonne, and to enioy the honour and substance that we nowe haue prouided. Thus fare ye well. The same Alexander was wont to say openly, that he ought to gyue as great thankes to Aristotle his mayster as to kynge Philip his father, for of hym he toke the occasion to lyue, of the other he receiued the reason and waye to lyue well.^ And what maner a prince Alexander was made by the doctrine of Aristotle, hit shall appere in diuers places of this boke: where his example to princes shall be declared. The incomparable benefite of maisters haue ben well remem- bred of dyuers princes. In so moche as Marcus Antoninus, whiche amonge the emperours was commended for his vertue and sapience, hadde his mayster Proculus (who taught hym grammer^) so moche in fauour, that he aduanced hym to be proconsul: ® whiche was one of the highest dignites amonge the Romanes. Alexander the emperour caused his maister Julius Fronto to be consul: ^ whiche was the highest office, and in astate nexte the emperour : and also optayned of the senate that the statue or image of Fronto was sette up amonge the noble princes.® • ‘ Ipse quidem prsedicavit non minus se debere Aristoteli, quam Philippo : hujus enim munus fuisse, quod viveret; illius, quod honeste viveret .’—Quintus Curtius, lib. i. cap. 3, § lo. ^ ‘Usus prseterea grammaticis Graeco Alexandro Cotiaensi, Latinis Trosio Apro et Pollione, et Eutychio Proculo Siccensi.’—Capitol. M. Anton. Phil. 2. ® ‘ Proculum vero usque ad proconsulatum provexit, oneribus in se receptis. ’— Ibid. ^ This is a mistake arising from the author having confounded Julius Frontinus, who is mentioned by Lampridius as instructing Alexander Severus in rhetoric with Cornelius Fronto, who is mentioned by Capitolinus as occupying a similar position as regards oratory towards Marcus Aurelius. Dr. Merivale says, ‘ Cornelius Fronto, another rhetorician, had attained the consulship as far back as the reign of Hadrian, but declined office in the provinces. He continued in his old age to attend and advise his imperial pupil, who treated him with the highest considera¬ tion.’— Hist, of Rome, vol. vii. p. 576. « ‘ Sed multum ex his Frontoni detulit, cui et statuam in senatu petiit.’— Capitol. M. Anto 7 i. Phil. 2. THE GOVERNOUR. 53 What caused Traiane to be so good a prince, in so moche that of late dayes whan an emperour receyued his crowne at Rome, the people with a commune crye desired of god that he mought be as good as was Traiane,^ but that he hapned to haue Plutarche, the noble philosopher, to be his instructour? ^ I agre me that some be good of natural inclination to good- nes : but where good instruction and example is there to added, the naturall goodnes must there with nedes be amended and be more excellent. CHAPTER X. What ordre shulde be in lernynge and whiche autours shidde be fyrst redde. Nowe lette us retourne to the ordre of lernyng apt for a gentyll man. Wherein I am of the opinion of Quintilian® “ ‘ Hujus tantum memoriae delatum est, ut usque ad nostram aetatem non aliter in senatu principibus acclametur, nisi “felicior Augusto, melior Trajano.” ’— Eutrop. lib. viii. cap. 5. ‘ The statement that Plutarch was the preceptor of Trajan, and that the em¬ peror raised him to the consular rank, rests on the authority of Suidas and a Latin letter addressed to Trajan. But this short notice in Suidas is a worthless autho¬ rity ; and the Latin letter to Trajan, which only exists in the Policraticus of John of Salisbury (lib. v. cap. i) is a forgery, though John probably did not forge it. John’s expression is somewhat singular—“Extat epistola Plutarchi Trajanum in- stituentis, quae cujusdam politicae constitutionis exprimit sensum. Ea dicitur esse hujusmodiand then he gives the letter. In the second chapter of this book John says that this Politica Constitutio is a small treatise inscribed “ Institutio Trajani,” and he gives the substance of part of the work. Plutarch, who dedicated the ’Avo(pd 4 yfj.aTa to Trajan, says nothing of the emperor having been his pupil.’— Smith’s Diet, of Biography ; Plutarch. Dr. Merivale says, ‘ The story that he was instructed by Plutarch may be rejected as a fiction founded perhaps on the favour he undoubtedly showed to that philosopher.’— Hist, of Rome, vol. vii. p. 213, note. ® ‘ A Graeco sermone puerum incipere malo; quia Latinum, qui pluribus in usu est, vel nobis nolentibus perhibet : simul quia disciplinis quoque Graecis prius in- stituendus est, unde et nostrae fluxerunt. Non tamen hoc adeo superstitiose velira fieri, ut diu tantum loquatur Graece, aut discat, sicut plerisque moris est; hinc enim accidunt et oris plurima vitia in peregrinum sonum corrupti, et sermonis. 54 THE GOVERNOUR. that I wolde haue hym lerne greke and latine autors both at one time : orels to begyn with greke, for as moche as that it is hardest to come by: by reason of the diuersite of tonges, which be fyue in nombre and all must be knowen, or elles Thefyrst understande. And if a leming in childe do begyn therin at seuen yeres of age, he chyidehode. continually lerne greke autours thre yeres, and in the meane tyrne use the latin tonge as a familiar langage : whiche in a noble mannes sonne may well come to passe, hauynge none other persons to serue him or kepyng hym company, but suche as can speake latine elegantly.^ And what doubt is there but so may he as sone speake good latin, as he maye do pure frenche, whiche nowe is broughte in to as cui quum Grascae figurae assidua consuetudine haeserunt, in diversa quoque loquendi ratione pertinacissime durant. Non longe itaque Latina subsequi debent, et cito pariter ire ; ita fiet ut quum aequali cura linguam utramque tueri coeperimus, neutra alteri officiat.’— Instit. Orat. lib. i. cap. i, § 12. “ Quintilian, recording some instances of wonderful memory, says of Crassus, ‘ quum Asiae praeesset quingue Greed sermonis differentias sic tenuit, ut qua quisque apud eum lingua postulasset, eadem jus sibi redditum ferret.’— Instit. Orat. lib. xi. cap. 2, § 50. Modern grammarians, however, recognise only four, viz., the .^Lolic, Doric, Ionic, and Attic, ‘ because these alone were cultivated and rendered ' classic by writers.’—Matthiae Gr. Gr. vol. i. p. 4. Professor Muller, indeed, considers the Doric as ‘ a mere variety of the ^olic,’ as the Attic is of the Ionic, and thus reduces the dialects of the Greek language ‘ into two great classes which are distinguished from each other by characteristic marks.’— Hist, of Greek Litera¬ ture, vol. i. p. 12. ** Colet, a contemporary of Sir Thomas Elyot, in the preface to his Latin Grammar, said the best way to learn ‘ to speak and write clean Latin is busily to learn and read good Latin authors, and note how they wrote and spoke.’ The Ciceronianus of Erasmus was written as a protest against the purely classical ele- gance for which some were at this time contending. ‘The primary aim,’ says Hallam, ‘ of these (dialogues) was to ridicule the fastidious purity of that sort of writers who would not use a case or a tense for which they could not find authority in the works of Cicero. A whole winter’s night, they thought, was well spent in composing a single sentence ; but even then it was to be revised over and over again. Hence they wrote little except elaborated epistles. One of their rules, he tells us, was never to speak Latin if they could help it, which must have seemed extraordinary in an age when it was the common language of scholars from dif¬ ferent countries. It is certain, indeed, that the practice can 7 iot be favourable to very pure Latinity.'* — Lit. of Europe, vol. i. p. 324. 4th ed. THE GOVERNOUR. 55 many rules and figures, and as longe a grammer as is latine or greke.^ I wyll nat contende who, amonge them that do write grammers of greke, (whiche nowe all most be innumer¬ able,) is the beste but that I referre to the discretion of a wyse mayster. Alway I wolde aduyse hym nat to detayne the childe to longe in that tedious labours, eyther in the greke or latyne grammer. For a gentyll wytte is there with sone fatigate. Grammer beinge but an introduction to the understanding of autors, if it be made to longe or exquisite to the lerner, hit in a maner mortifieth his corage: And by that time he cometh to the most swete and pleasant redinge of olde autours, the sparkes of feruent desire of lernynge is extincte with the burdone of grammer, lyke as a lyttel fyre is sone quenched with a great heape of small stickes : so that it can neuer come to the principall logges where it shuld longe bourne in a great pleasaunt fire. Nowe to folowe my purpose: after a fewe and quicke * ‘France was not destitute of a few obscure treatises at this time (1520-50), enough to lay the foundations of her critical literature. The complex rules of French metre were to be laid down, and the language was irregular in pronuncia¬ tion, accent, and orthography. These meaner, but necessary, elements of correct¬ ness occupied three or four writers, of whom Goujet has made brief mention ; Sylvius or Du Bois, who seems to have been the earliest writer on grammar; Stephen Dolet—better known by his unfortunate fate than by his essay on French punctuation ; and though Goujet does not name him, we may add an Englishman, Palsgrave, who published a French Grammar in English as early as 1530.’— Lit. of Europe, vol. i. p. 449. ^ ‘ The commentaries of Budseus stand not only far above anything else in Greek literature before the middle of the sixteenth century, but are alone in their class. What comes next, but at a vast interval, is the Greek Grammar of Clenar- dus, printed at Louvain in 1530. It was, however, much beyond Budaeus in extent of circulation, and probably for this reason in general utility. This grammar was continually reprinted with successive improvements, and defective as especially in its original state it must have been, was far more perspicuous than that of Gaza, though not perhaps more judicious in principle. It was for a long time commonly used in France ; and is, in fact, the principal basis of those lately or still in use among us; such as the Eton Greek Grammar, The proof of this is, that they follow Clenardus in most of his innovations, and too frequently for mere accident in the choice of instances,’— Lit. of Europe, vol, i, p, 330, THE GOVERNOUR. 56 l^rules of grammer, immediately, or interlasynge hit therwith, Esopes wolde be redde to the childe Esopes ^ fables in greke ; /ad/es, in whiche argument children moche do delite.^ And surely it is a moche pleasant lesson and also profitable, as well for that it is elegant and brefe, (and nat withstanding it hath moche varietie in wordes, and therwith moche helpeth to the understandinge of greke) as also in those fables is included moche morall and politike wisedome. Wherfore, in the teachinge of them, the maister diligently must gader to gyther those fables, whiche may be most accommodate to the aduauncement of some vertue, wherto he perceiueth the childe inclined : or to the rebuke of some vice, wherto he findeth his nature disposed. And therin the master ought to exercise his witte, as wel to make the childe plainly to understande the fable, as also declarynge the signification therof compendiously and to the purpose, fore sene alwaye, that, as well this lesson, as all other autours whiche the childe shall lerne, either greke “ Although Mr. Watt, in the Bibliotheca Britannica, states, Math regard to ^sop, that ‘ there are, perhaps, few other books of M’’hich so many editions were printed prior to 1500?’ it appears on perusing his own catalogue that this statement must be taken to apply exclusively to foreign editions of the Fables, for the only English edition published prior to the date above mentioned is that of Caxton’s Translation, A.D. 1484; it is probable, therefore, that Sir Thomas Elyot’s ac¬ quaintance with M'hat passed in that age for the fables of Aisop was through the' medium of a foreign edition. Modem scholars are of opinion that the fables now extant in prose bearing the name of .^Esop are unquestionably spurious. Bentley wrote a dissertation to prove that the present collection is a mere plagiarism from Babrius. Professor Miiller says, ‘ With regard to the fable^ it is not improbable that in other countries, particularly in the north of Europe, it may have arisen from a child-like playful view of the character and habits of animals, which frequently suggest a comparison with the nature and incidents of human life. In Greece, hoM^ever, it originated in an intentional travestie of human affairs. The aXvos is, as its name denotes, an admonition or rather a reproof, veiled, either from fear of an excess of frankness or from love of fun and jest, beneath the fiction of an occur¬ rence happening among beasts.It is always some action, some project, and commonly some absurd one, of the Samians, or Delphians, or Athenians, whose nature and consequences .Esop describes in a fable, and thus often exhibits the posture of affairs in a more lucid, just, and striking manner than could have been done by elaborate argument.’— Hist, of Greek Literature^ vol. i. pp. 191, 192. THE GOVERNOUR. 57 or latine, verse or prose, be perfectly had without the boke : wherby he shall nat only attaine plentie of the tonges called Copie, but also encrease and nourisshe remembrance wonder¬ fully.^ The nexte lesson wolde be some quicke and mery dialoges, elect out of Luciane, whiche be without lesso 7 i to ribawdry,^ or to moche skorning, for either of them is exactly to be eschewed, specially for a noble man, the one anoyeng the soule, the other his estimation concerning his grauitie.® The comedies of Aristo- phanes may be in the place of Luciane, and by reason that they be in metre‘s they be the sooner lerned by harte.® I dare make none other comparison betwene them ® Compare Quintilian’s remarks on this subject. ‘ Nam et omnis disciplina memoria constat, frustraque docemur, si quidquid audimus, prseterfluat; et exem- plorum, legum, responsorum, dictorum denique factorumque velut quasdam copias^ quibus abundare, quasque in promptu semper habere debet orator, eadem ilia vis repraesentat.’— Instit. Orat. lib. xi. cap. 2, § i. ** Muller compares Lucian to Voltaire, but says that the former combined a more sincere, conscientious, and courageous love of the truth for its own sake, and rejects as productions of Lucian the Philopatris, the object of which is to cast discredit on Christianity, the Loves, the Images, and several other pieces which have been at¬ tributed to him. ® ‘ Suidas says, with a wonderful vehemence of bigotry, that he was tom to pieces by dogs, because he raved against the truth and blasphemed the name of Christ : “whence,” he adds, “he paid an ample penalty in this life, and in the life to come he will inherit eternal fire with Satan.” This violence of language and atrocity of statement probably rest on no better foundation than some eccle¬ siastical tradition, suggested by the belief that Lucian wrote the Philopatris, and was a malignant enemy of the faith. But it has long been the opinion of critics that Lucian is not the author of Philopatris ; and there is no reason to believe that he was more specially opposed to Christianity than he was generally to the forms of oriental superstition, with which he had been led to class the history of our Saviour.’— Hist, of Gr. Lit. vol. iii. p. 220. Muller is of opinion that the great variety of metres employed in comedy were also distinguished by different sorts of gesticulation and delivery, and says : ‘ Aristophanes had the skill to convey by his rhythms sometimes the tone of romp¬ ing merriment, at others that of vestal dignity.’— Hist, of Gr. Lit. vol. ii. p. 17. ® The high estimation in which the works of Aristophanes have been held for educational purposes should rather be attributed to the fact that they were ‘ based on the whole upon the common conversational language of the Athenians—the Attic dialect as it was current in their colloquial intercourse ; comedy expresses 58 THE GOVERNOUR. for offendinge the frendes of them both: but thus moche dare I say, that it were better that a childe shuld neuer rede any parte of Luciane than all Luciane.^ I coulde reherce diuers other poetis whiche for mater and eloquence be very necessary, but I feare me to be to longe from noble Homere : from whom as from a fountaine pro- Homerus. eloquence and lernyng.'^ For in his bokes be contained, and moste perfectly expressed, nat only the documentes marciall and discipline of armes, but also incom¬ parable wisedomes, and instructions for politike gouernaunce of people:® with the worthy commendation and laude of noble this not only more purely than any other kind of poetry, but even more so than the old Attic prose.’— Ibid. p. i8. ‘All this abuse and slander, and carica¬ ture, and criticism, was conveyed in the most exquisite and polished style : it was recommended by all the refinements of taste and the graces of poetry. It was because of this exquisite elegance and purity, which distinguished the style of the Attic comic writing, as well as its energetic power, that Quintilian recom¬ mends an orator to study, as the best model next to Homer, the writings of the old Attic comedy.’—Browne, Hist, of Classical Literahire, vol. ii. p. 20. “ This remark would appear to be applicable h fortiori to Aristophanes, but modern scholars deprecate such squeamishness. Thus Dr. Donaldson says, ‘So far from charging Aristophanes with immorality, we would repeat in the words which a great and a good man of our own days used when speaking of his antitype Rabelais, that the morality of his works is of the most refined and exalted kind, however little worthy of praise their manners may be; and, on the whole, we would fearlessly recommend any student, who is not so imbued with the lisping and dri¬ velling mawkishness of the present day as to shudder at the ingredients with which the necessities of the time have forced the great comedian to dress up his golden truths, to peruse and re-peruse Aristophanes, if he would know either the full force of the Attic dialect, or the state of men and manners at Athens in the most glorious days of her history.’— Theatre of the Greeks, p. 195. 7th ed. ^ So Quintilian says, ‘ Igitur, ut Aratus, ab fove incipiendum putat, ita nos rite coepturi ab Homero videmur : hie enim quemadmodum ex oceano dicit ipse amnium vim fontiunique cursus initium capere, omnibus eloquentioe partibus exemplum et ortum dedit.’— Instit. Orat. lib. x. cap. i, § 46. ® The writer last quoted says of Homer, ‘ in quo nullius non artis aut praecepta, aut certe non dubia vestigia reperiuntur. ’— Ibid. lib. xii. cap. 11, § 21. Mr. Gladstone, in considering the political institutions of heroic Greece, embalmed in the poems of Homer, shows that the fiovXr] or Council, and the ayopi] or Assembly, ‘ not only with the king made up the whole machinery both of civil and military administra¬ tion for that period, but likewise supplied the essential germ, at least, of that form of constitution, on which the best governments of the continent of Europe have, (two THE GOVERNOUR. 59 princis: where with the reders shall be so all inflamed, that they most feruently shall desire and coueite, by the imitation of their vertues, tp acquire semblable glorie. For the whiche occasion, Aristotel, moost sharpest witted and excellent lerned Philosopher, as sone as he had receiued Alexander from kynge Philip his father, he before any other thynge taught hym the moost noble warkes of Homere: wherin Alexander founde suche swetenes and frute, that euer after he had Homere nat onely with hym in all his iournayes, but also laide hym under his pillowe whan he went to reste and often tymes wolde purposely wake some houres of the nyght, to take as it were his passe tyme with that mooste noble poete.^ For by the redinge of his warke called Iliados^ where the assembly of the most noble grekes agayne Troy is recited with theyr affaires, he gathered courage and strength agayne his ennemies, wysdome, and eloquence, for consultations, and per- suations to his people and army.® And by the other warke of them within the last quarter of a century,) been modelled, with such deviations as experience has recommended, or the change of times has required. I mean the form of government by a threefold legislative body, having for one of its mem¬ bers and for its head, a single person, in whose hands the executive power of the state is lodged. This form has been eminently favoured in Christendom, in Europe, and in England ; and it has even survived the passage of the Atlantic, and the transition, in the United States of America, to institutions which are not only republican but highly democratic .’—Studies on Homer,, vol. iii. p. 94. * Kai T^v fiev TAtaSa rrjs TToKefj.iKrjs aper^s €(^d5toj/ Koi vop-i^wv Ka\ 6i'ofJ.d^au eAajSe p.€v 'ApiaroreXovs SiopOaxTavTOS, e/c rov vdp6r}Kos KaXovffiv, e?;^e 5e del jnerd rov iyx^ipL^iov KeipeurjV inrh rh TrpoffKecpdXaioy, ws ’’Ovrjo'lKpaTOS iCrdpriKe. — Plutarch, Alex. 8. ** Neither Plutarch nor Quintus Curtius mentions this fact; it would appear, therefore, to be a gratuitous addition of the author, of which a somewhat similar instance was noticed, ante p. 47. Curtius, however, who tells the same story as Plutarch, says, ‘ Crebra autem lectione totum fere edidicit, ut nemo neque promp- tiiis eo familiariusque uteretur, neque exactius de eo judicaret,’ lib. i. cap. 4, § 6. Lucian, in the Dialogues of the Dead, makes Hannibal say, Kal ravra cnpa^a ^dp- ^apos Koi diraidevTos TvaiSeias rrjS 'EX\r]uiKrj$ koI ovT€‘'Op.r]poi' clunrep ovtos pa\pcf- Swv ovre vn 'ApKTTOreX^L T(p crocpKTTfj iraiSevOds, fj. 6 vri Se rfj (pvaei dyadf xpriadp-^vos. TaOra iffriv d 67^ ’AAe|dj/ 5 poi» dpidivuv (pr]p.\ elvai, — Dial. Mort. xii. 3. (385)- ' Curtius says, ‘ Ex omnibus autem ejus carminibus maxime probabat versum 6 o THE GOVERNOUR, called Odissea, whiche recounteth the sondry aduentures of the wise Ulisses, he, by the example of Ulisses, apprehended many noble vertues, and also lerned to eskape the fraude and deceit- full imaginations of sondry and subtile crafty wittes.^ Also there shall he lerne to enserche and perceiue the maners and con¬ ditions of them that be his familiars, siftinge out (as I mought say) the best from the warst, wherby he may surely committe his affaires, and truste to euery persone after his vertues. Ther- fore I nowe conclude that there is no lesson for a yonge gentil man to be compared with Homere, if he be playnly and sub- stancially expouned and declared by the mayster.^ Nat withstandinge, for as moche as the saide warkes be very longe, and do require therfore a great time to be all lerned quo boni simul imperatoris, robustique militis laudes Agamemnoni tribuuntur, eum- que praecipuum virtutis incitamentum, et veluti moruni suorum magistrum habuit.’ Lib. i. cap 4, § 7 * * Sir Thomas Elyot seems to have formed the same conception of the charac¬ ter of the hero of the Odyssey that Horace has summarised in the lines : Rursus, quid virtus et quid sapientia possit Utile proposuit nobis exemplar Ulyssen.— Ep. I. ii. 18. Most modern writers have done full justice to the character of Ulysses : thus, while Col. Mure, in the Language and Literature of Ancient Greece, has elaborately analysed the original as portrayed by Homer, and shown what a complete meta¬ morphosis it underwent at the hands of the Cyclic poets and Attic dramatists, Mr. Gladstone has pointed out the dual nature ascribed to Ulysses by Homer, and says, ‘ The depth of emotion in Ulysses is greater than in any other male character of the poems except Achilles; only it is withdrawn from view because so much under the mastery of his wisdom.’ —Studies on Homer, vol. hi. p. 599. A distinguished modern scholar says, ‘ Homer, if read at our public schools, is, and probably must be, read only, or in the main, for his diction and poetry (as commonly understood) even by the most advanced ; while to those less forward he is little more than a mechanical instrument for acquiring the beginning of real familiarity with the Greek tongue and its inflexions. If, therefore, he is to be read for his theology, history, ethics, politics, for his skill in the higher and more delicate parts of the poetic calling, for his never-ending lessons upon manners, arts, and society ; if we are to study in him the great map of that humanity which he so wonderfully unfolds to our gaze—he must be read at the universities, and read with reference to his deeper treasures. He is second to none of the poets of Greece as the poet of boys ; but he is far advanced before them all, even before Aischylus and Aristophanes, as the poet of men.’—Gladstone, Studies on Homer, vol. i. p. 19. THE GOVERNOUR, 6l and kanned,® some latine autour wolde be therwith myxte, and specially Virgile; whiche, in his warke called EneidoSy is most lyke to Homere, and all moste the same Homere in latine.^ Also, by the ioynynge to gether of those autours, the one shall be the better understande by the other.® And verily (as I before saide) none one autour serueth to so diuers witts as doth Virgile. For there is nat that affect or desire, wherto any childes fantasie is disposed, but in some of Virgils warkes may be founden matter therto apte and propise.^ • See the Glossary. ‘ Perhaps Chapman has gone too far when he says, “Virgil hath nothing of his own, but only elocution ; his invention, matter and form being all Homer’s.” Yet no small part of this sweeping proposition can undoubtedly be made good. With an extraordinary amount of admitted imitation and of obvious similarity on the surface, the yEneid stands, as to almost every fundamental particular, in the strongest contrast with the Iliad. As to metre, figures, names, places, persons, and times, the two works, where they do not actually concur, stand in as near re lations one to another, as seems to be attainable without absolute identity of subject; yet it may be doubted whether any two great poems can be named, which are so profoundly discordant upon almost every point that touches their interior spirit; upon everything that relates to the truth of our nature, to the laws of thought and action, and to veracity in the management of the higher subjects, such as history, morality, polity, and religion .’—Studies on Horner^ vol. iii. p. 502. ' ‘ Virgil is at once the copyist of Homer, and for the generality of educated men, his interpreter. In all modern Europe taken together, Virgil has had ten who read him, and ten who remember him, for one that Homer could show. Taking this in conjunction with the great extent of the ground they occupy in common, we may find reason to think that the traditional and public idea of Homer’s works, throughout the entire sphere of the Western civilisation, has been formed, to a much greater degree than could at first be supposed, by the Virgilian copies from him.’— Ibid.'voX. iii. p. 512. ^ *The variety of incidents,’ says Professor Browne, ‘ the consummate skill in the arrangement of them, the interest which pervades both the plot and the episodes, fully compensate for the want of originality—a defect of which none but learned readers would be aware. What sweeter specimens can be found of tender pathos than the legend of Camilla, and the episode of Nisus and Euryalus? Where is the turbulence of uncurbed passions united with womanly unselfish fond¬ ness and queenlike generosity, painted with a more masterly hand than in the cha¬ racter of Dido ? Where, even in the Iliad, are characters better sustained and more happily contrasted than the weak Latinus, the soldier-like Turnus, the 62 THE GOVERNOUR. For what thinge can be more familiar than his bucolikes ? ^ nor no warke so nighe approcheth to the commune daliaunce and maners of children, and the praty controuersies of the simple shepeherdeSjtherin contained, wonderfully reioyceth the childe that hereth hit well declared, as I knowe by myne owne experience. In his Georgikes ^ lorde what pleasaunt varietie simple-minded Evander, the feminine and retiring Lavinia, the barbarian Me- zentius, who to the savageness of a wild beast joined the natural instinct which warmed with the strongest affection for his son ?. In personification nothing is finer than Virgil’s portraiture of Fame, except perhaps Spenser’s Despair. In de¬ scription the same genius which shone forth in the Georgies embellishes the Hineid also; and both the objects and the phenomena of nature are represented in language equally vivid and striking.’— Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. pp. 260, 261. * ‘ The characters in Virgil’s Bucolics are Italians, in all their sentiments and feelings, acting the unreal and assumed part of Sicilian shepherds.Even the scenery is Sicilian, and does not truthfully describe the tame neighbourhood of Mantua. So long as it is remembered that they are imitations of the Syracusan poet, we miss their nationality, and see at once that they are untruthful and out of keeping ; and Virgil suffers in our estimation, because we naturally compare him with the original, whom he professes to imitate, and we cannot but be aware of his inferiority; but if we can once divest ourselves of the idea of the outward form which he has chosen to adopt and forget the personality of the characters, we can feel for the wretched outcast exiled from a happy though humble home, and be touched by the simple narrative of their disappointed loves and child-like woes ; can appreciate the delicately veiled compliments paid by the poet to his patron ; can enjoy the inventive genius and poetical power which they display ; and can be elevated by the exalted sentiments which they sometimes breathe. We feel that it is all an illusion ; but we willingly permit ourselves to be transported from the matter of fact realities of a hard and prosaic world.’— Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. p. 244-246. A modern scholar says, ‘The great merit of the Georgies consists in their varied digressions., interesting episodes, and sublime bursts of descriptive vigour, which are interspersed throughout the poem. The first book treats of tillage; the second of orchards ; the subject of the third, which is the noblest and most spirited of them, is the care of horses and cattle ; and the fourth, which is the most pleasing and interesting, describes the natural instincts as well as the management of bees. Dunlop has well observed that Virgil’s descriptions are more like landscape-paint¬ ing than any by his predecessors, whether Greek or Roman ; and that it is a re¬ markable fact that landscape-painting was first introduced in his time. Pliny, in his Natural History, informs us that Ludius, who flourished in the lifetime of Augustus, invented the most delightful style of painting, compositions introducing porticoes, gardens, groves, hills, fish ponds, rivers, and other pleasing objects, en¬ livened by carriages, animals, and figures. Thus perhaps art inspired poetry.’— Browne, Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. pp. 255, 256, 263. THE GOVERNOUR. 63 there is : the diuers graynes, herbes, and flowres that be there described, that, reding therin, hit semeth to a man to be in a delectable gardeine or paradise. What ploughe man knoweth so moche of husbandry as there is expressed ? who, delitynge in good horsis, shall nat be therto more enflamed, reding there of the bredyng, chesinge, and kepyng, of them ? In the de¬ claration whereof Virgile leaueth farre behynde hym all breders, hakneymen,^ and skosers.^ Is there any astronomer that more exactly setteth out the ordre and course of the celestiall bodies: or that more truely dothe deuine in his pronostications of the tymes of the yere, in their qualities, with the future astate of all thinges prouided by husbandry, than Virgile doth recite in that warke } ° If the childe haue a delite in huntyng, what pleasure shall he take of the fable of Aristeus semblably in the huntynge * See the Glossary. See the Glossary. ® Professor Conington says, ‘ In the Phsenomena and Diosmeia, or Prognostics, of Aratus, we have a specimen of the didactic poetry of the earlier Alexandrian school. Cicero, who translated both works, speaks of him in a well-known passage as a writer who, though ignorant of astronomy, made an excellent poem about the heavenly bodies.Of the two poems now in question, if they are to be regarded as two, and not as one falling into two parts, Virgil has been but sparingly indebted to the first, the plan of the Georgies not leading him to attempt any de¬ scription of the stars as they appear in heaven, which is the subject of the Phseno- mena. But the other work, the Diosmeia, has been laid under heavy contribu¬ tions to furnish materials for that account of the prognostics of the weather which occupies the latter part of Virgil’s first book.The whole of the prognostics, signs of wind, signs of rain, signs of fair weather, signs from sounds by land or by sea, signs from the flight, the motion, or the cry of birds, signs from the actions of beasts, reptiles, and insects, signs from the flames of lamps, and the appearances on water, signs from the sun and moon at their rising and at their setting, are all given nearly as Aratus has given them, though the manner in which they are dealt with is Virgil’s own.’— Iniroductio 7 i to Georgies, pp. 126, 127. ^ The story of Aristaeus occupies a great portion of the 4th Georgic, v. 317-558. Professor Conington says, ‘ Whence Virgil derived the story is unknown. Heyne thinks, from the elaboration, that it must have been closely imitated from some Alexandrian writer—possibly from a poem which was extant under the name of Eumelus Bovyoj/ia, as we learn from the Chroiiicon of Eusebius. A brief version of the tale is given by Ovid. ’— Ubi supra. The different accounts of Aristaeus, who once was a mortal and ascended to the dignity of a god through the benefits he had con¬ ferred upon mankind, seem to have arisen in different places and independently of 64 THE GOVERNOUR. of Dido and Eneas, whiche is discriued moste elegantly in his boke of Eneidos.^ If he haue pleasure in wrastling, rennyng, or other lyke exercise, where shall he se any more plesant esbatementes,^ than that whiche was done by Eurealus and other troyans, whiche accompanyed Eneas ? ® If he take solace in hearynge min-strelles, what minstrell may be compared to Jopas, whiche sange before Dido and Eneas ?or to blinde Demodocus, that played and sange moste swetely at the dyner, that the kynge Alcinous made to Ulisses :® whose dities and melodie excelled as farre the songes of our minstrelles, as Homere and Virgile excelle all other poetes/ one another, so that they referred to several distinct beings, who were subsequently identified and united into one. Aristaeus is one of the most beneficent divinities in ancient mythology ; he was worshipped as the protector of flocks and shepherds, of vine and olive plantations ; he taught men to hunt and keep bees, and averted from the fields the burning heat of the sun : he was debs vS/xios, aypevs, d\e^7jT7jp. “ jEneid^ iv. 117 foil. ’’See the Glossary. • Eneid^ v. 291 foil. d ‘ Cithara crinitus lopas Personal aurata, docuit quern maximus Atlas. Hie canit errantem lunam solisque labores ; Unde hominum genus et pecudes ; unde imber et ignes ; Arcturum pluviasque Hyadas geminosque Triones ; Quid tantum Oceano properent se tingere soles Hiberni, vel quae tardis mora noctibus obstet; Ingeminant plausu Tyrii, Troesque sequuntur.’— En. i. 740-747. The name ‘ lopas ’ does not occur anywhere else in Virgil, and Professor Coning- ton suggests that if this is not an error for ‘ larbas,’ we must suppose that Virgil here, as elsewhere, has chosen to take a hint from chroniclers, to whom it did not suit him to incur a larger debt. The above passage is referred to by Quintilian lib. i. cap. 10, § 10. « Odyssey, viii. 62, foil. ^ ‘ Ages elapsed ere Homer’s lamp appeared, And ages ere the Mantuan swan was heard ; To carry nature lengths unknown before. To give a Milton birth, asked ages more.’—Cowper’s Table Talk. These lines are quoted by Mr. Gladstone in the 3rd volume of his Studies on Homer, where he enters at great length into the question of the relative position of Homer to some of his successors in epic poetry, in particular Virgil and Tasso. With regard to the former his opinion is thus graphically expressed : ‘ Homer walks in the open day, Virgil by lamplight. Homer gives us figures that breathe THE GOVERNOUE. 65 If he be more desirous, (as the most parte of children be,) to here thinges marueilous and exquisite, whiche hath in it a visage of some thinges incredible, wherat shall he more wonder, than whan he shall beholde Eneas folowe Sibille in to helle ? What shal he more drede, than .the terrible visages of Cerberous,^ Gorgon,® Megera,‘^ and other furies and monsters ? Howe shall he abhorre tyranny, fraude, and auarice, whan he doth se the paynes of duke Theseus,® Prometheus,^ Sisiphus,®^ and suche other tourmented for their dissolute and vicious lyuyng. Howe glad soone after shall he be, whan he shall beholde, in the pleasant feldes of Elisius,^ the soules of and move, Virgil usually treats us to waxwork. Homer has the full force and play of the drama. Virgil is essentially operatic. From Virgil back to Homer is a greater distance than from Homer back to life.* With regard to the latter he says, ‘ There is, it must be confessed, a great and sharp descent from the stature of Homer, as a creative poet, to that of Tasso. Yet he, too, is a classic of Italy, and a classic of the world ; and if for a moment we feel it a disparagement to his coun try that she suffers in this one comparison, let her soothe her ruffled recollection by the consciousness that though Tasso has not become a rival to Homer, yet he shares this failure with every epic writer of every land.’—pp. 512, 554. • Mneid^ vi. 42-55. Mn. vi. 417-423. • ‘ Gorgones, Harpyiaeque et forma tricorporis umbrae.’—vi. 289. ' Dicuntur geminae pestes cognomine Dirae Quas et Tartaream Nox intempesta Megaeram Uno eodemque tulit partu, paribusque revinxit Serpentum spiris, ventosasque addidit alas.’—xii. 845—848. • ‘ Sedet aeternumque sedebit Infelix Theseus.’— Hin. vi. 617. Professor Conington says that the ordinary legend of Theseus was that having been fixed in a chair in the shades for his attempt to carry off Persephone, he was re¬ leased by Heracles, leaving some of his flesh behind him; Virgil, however, has varied the story or followed another. • ‘ Caucasiasque refert volucres furtumque Promethi.’— Ed. vi. 42. Hesiod and ^Fschylus are the authorities for the well known story of Prometheus. « ‘Saxum ingens volvunt alii.’— /En. vi. 616. The traditional punishment of Sisyphus. ** ‘ Devenere locos Isetos et amoena vireta Fortunatorum nemorum sedesque beatas ♦ # * F 66 THE GOVERNOUR. noble princes and capitaines which, for their vertue, and labours in aduancing the publike weales of their countrayes, do lyue eternally in pleasure inexplicable. And in the laste bokes of Eneidos shall he finde matter to ministre to hym audacite, valiaunt courage, and policie, to take and susteyne noble enterprises, if any shall be nedefull for the assailynge of his enemies.^ Finally (as I haue saide) this noble Virgile, like to a good norise, giueth to a childe, if he wyll take it, euery thinge apte for his witte and capacitie: wherfore he is in the ordre of lernyng to be preferred before any other autor latine.^ I wolde set Hie genus antiquum Teucri, pulcherrima proles, Magnanimi heroes, nati melioribus annis, Ilusque Assaracusque et Troias Dardanus auctor. * * * Hie manus ob patriam pugnando vulnera passi, Quique saeerdotes easti, dum vita manebat, Quique pii vates et Phoebo digna loeuti, Inventas aut qui vitam exeoluere per artes, Quique sui memores alios feeere merendo, • Omnibus his nivea einguntur tempora vitta,’— xEn. vi. 638 foil. Aeeording to Professor Conington, Elysium is not a natural plaee for purgation ; it is evidently the everlasting reward of a good life, not a plaee of temporary sojourn previous to a return to earth. And this view seems to have been anti- eipated by our author in the text. “ Evidently alluding to sueh passages as that in whieh Virgil narrates the eourageous example exhibited by the heroine Camilla, who undertook to engage the whole Trojan army, and the spirit-stirring speech addressed by her to the commander of the Rutulian troops.— ^n. xi. 502 foil. The ‘ policie ’ probably refers to the description of the stratagem devised by Turnus for the purpose of surprising the enemy’s forces.—xi. 511 foil. By Saint Augustine he is called ‘ Poeta magnus omniumque proeclarissimus atque optimus. ’ But though this tribute is as exaggerated as that paid by Proper¬ tius, who considered Virgil superior to Homer, it is not difficult to understand the preference expressed by the author in the text. ‘ Want of originality,’ says Professor Browne ‘ was not considered a blemish in an age, the taste of which, notwithstanding all its merits, was very artificial ; whilst the exquisite polish and elegance which constitute the charm of Latin poetry recommended it both for admiration and imitation. Hence English poets have been deeply indebted to the Romans for their most happy thoughts, and our native literature is largely im¬ bued with a Virgilian and Horatian spirit. The Geoi'gics have been frequently taken THE GOVERNOUR. 67 nexte unto hym two bokes of Ouid, the one called Metamor- phosios,^ whiche is as moche to saye as, chaungynge of men in to other figure or fourme : the other is intitled De fastis where the ceremonies of the gentiles, and specially the Romanes, be expressed : bothe right necessary for the understandynge of other poetes. But by cause there is litell other lernyng in them, concernyng either vertuous maners or policie, I suppose it were better that as fables and ceremonies happen to come in a lesson, it were declared abundantly by the maister than that in the saide two bokes, a longe tyme shulde be spente and almost lost: which mought be better employed on suche autors that do minister both eloquence, ciuile policie, and ex¬ hortation to vertue. Wherfore in his place let us bringe in as a model for imitation, and our descriptive poets have drawn largely from this source.’— Hist. ofRojn. Class. Lit. p. 256. From the expressions in the text it would rather seem as if the author’s grounds for recommending Virgil as a text book were the same as those of his contemporary Sturm, the rector of the college at Strasbourg, who, we are told, ‘ asserted that the proper end of school education is eloquence, or in modern phrase a masterly command of language ; and, at the same time, assumed that Latin is the language in which eloquence is to be ac¬ quired.’ One of the most recent, and, at the same time, most severe critics of Virgil, is nevertheless constrained to call the HCneid ‘ perhaps, as a whole, the most majestic poem that the European mind has in any age produced.’— Studies on IIo 7 ner., vol. iii. p. 503. “ Professor Browne calls this poem ‘ Ovid’s noblest effort : ’ and says that in it ‘ may be traced that study and learning by which the Roman poets made all the treasures of Greek literature their own. In fact, a more extensive knowledge of Greek mythology may be derived from it than from the Greeks themselves, because the books which were the sources of his information ai'e unfortunately no longer extant.’— Hist, of Ro 7 n. ClasSi Lit. p. 322. ^ ‘ The Lasti is an antiquarian poem on the Roman Calendar. It is a beautiful specimen of simple narrative in verse, and displays, more than any of his works, his power of telling a story, without the slightest effort, in poetry as well as prose. As a profound study of Greek mythology and poetry had furnished the materials for his Meta 77 iorphoses and other poems, so in this he drew principally from the legends which had been preserved by the old poets and annalists of his own country.’— Ibid,'^. 323. ‘ With these fair and sounding verses,’says Dr. Merivale, ‘the poet satisfied the ecclesiastical spirit of the times, which leant with fond reli¬ ance on forms and traditions, and was less a thing to be felt than to be talked about.’— Hist, of Ro 77 ie, vol. iv. p. 605. F 2 68 THE GOVERNOUR. Horace, in whom is contayned moche varietie of lemyngeand quickenesse of sentence."^ This poet may be enterlaced with the lesson of Odissea of Homere, wherin is declared the wonderfull prudence and fortitude of Ulisses in his passage from Troy. And if the childe were induced to make versis by the imitation of Virgile and Homere, it shulde ministre to hym moche dilectation and courage to studie ne the making of versis is nat discom- * ‘ It is in his inimitable Odes that the genius of Horace as a poet is especially displayed. They have never been equalled in beauty of sentiment, gracefulness of language, and melody of versification. They co 77 ip'ehend every va 7 'iety of subject suitable to the lyric 77 mse. They rise without effort to the most elevated topics— the grandest subjects of history, the most gorgeous legends of mythology, the noblest aspirations of patriotism ; they descend to the simplest joys and sorrows of every-day life. At one time they burn with indignation, at another they pour forth accents of the tenderest emotions. They present in turn every phase of the author’s character ; some remind us that he was a philosopher and a satirist ; and although many are sensuous and self-indulgent, they are full of gentleness, kind¬ ness, and spirituality,’— Hist, of Ro 77 t. Class, Lit. p. 291. *> Verse composition formed an important part of the curriculum in Germany as well as in England in the sixteenth century ; thus, as Mr. C. S. Parker tells us, Melanchthon, in his report on schools (1528), recommended this exercise as ‘a great help to understanding the writings of others, makes the boys rich in words, and gives dexterity in many things and while Sturm presided over the school at Strasburg (1538-1583) we find that ‘the practice of composition is incessant. Verses aie begun in the fifth; the upper forrrs transpose odes of Horace and Pindar into other metres, and produce poems of their own. . . . Materials as well as models for composition are furnished by constantly reading and learning by heart the best authors, and by systematic excerption of phrases and “flowers.”’ At Eton, under Udall, in 1560, Latin verses were written on subjects such as might still be set in the lower forms. What a change has come over the spirit of modern schoolmasters and tutors with regard to verse-making as an educational implement we may learn from Mr. Sidgwick’s essay on the Theory of Classical Educatio 7 t, in which he says, ‘ Perhaps the most singular assumption is that it is an essential part of the study of Greek and Latin to cultivate the faculty of writing what ought to be poetry in these tongues . . . the imitation that is encouraged at schools in the process of verse-writing is the very worst sort of imitation ; it is something which, if it were proposed in respect of any other models than these, we should at once reject as intolerably absurd. ’ But ‘ vixere fortes ante Agamemnona, ’ and as the most recent opponent of the system reminds us, ‘ Names of the most splendid eminence over a space of two centuries can be quoted in its condemna¬ tion ; Cowley, Milton, Bacon, Locke, Coleridge, Wordsworth, Macaulay, Thirl- wall, Ruskin, Mill—some of our most learned poets, some of our deepest meta- THE GOVERNOUR. 69 mended in a noble man ; sens the noble Augustus and almost all the olde emperours made bokes in versis.^ The two noble poetis Silius,^ and Lucane,® be very ex¬ pedient to be lerned: for the one setteth out the siiius. emulation in qualities and prowesse of two noble and Lucanus. valiant capitaynes, one, enemy to the other, that is to say, Siiius writeth of Scipio the Romane, and Haniball duke of physicians, some of our most classical historians, some of our most brilliant scholars —are unanimous in speaking of it with indifference or with contempt.’ “ ‘ Poeticam summatim attigit. Unus liber.extat, scriptus ab eo hexametris versibus, cujus et argumentum et titulus est “Sicilia.” Extat alterseque modicus “ Epigrammatum,” quae fere tempore balnei meditabatur.’—Sueton, Octavius^ 85. ** The great work of Siiius Italicus, entitled Punica, has been described by a modern writer as ‘the dullest and most tedious poem in the Latin language.’ Professor Browne says, ‘the criticism of Pliny the Younger is upon the whole just, “ Scribebat carmina majori curd qiidm ingenio for although it is impossible to read his poem with pleasure as a whole, his versification is harmonious, and will often in point of smoothness bear comparison with that of Virgil.’— Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. p. 464. The Punica was first brought to light after the revival of letters by Poggio, the Florentine, who was born in 1381, and died in 1459, having been discovered by him while attending the Council of Constance, 1414-1418 It was, perhaps, owing to its comparatively recent acquisition that Sir Thomas Elyot attached what may appear to modem scholars a somewhat exaggerated importance to this ‘ponderous’ work. Niebuhr calls him ‘the most wretched of all poets,’ and says that he ‘ made only a paraphrase of Livy. ’ ' By modern writers Lucan has been assigned a place at the head of the epic poets who flourished during the silver age. Professor Browne considers the Pharsalia (the only one of the poet’s works which survives) to be defaced witli great faults and blemishes. ‘ Its arrangement, ’ he says, ‘ is that of annals, and therefore it wants the unity of an epic poem ; it has not the connectedness of his¬ tory, because the poet naturally selected only the most striking and romantic in¬ cidents, and yet, notwithstanding these defects in the plan, the historical pictures themselves are beautifully drawn. The characters of Caesar and Pompey, for example, are masterpieces.Description forms the principal feature in the poetry of Lucan ; it occupies more than one-half of the Pharsalia^ so that it might almost as appropriately be termed a descriptive as an epic poem.Owing to the enthusiasm with which Lucan throws himself into this kind of writing, he abounds in minute detail.He is not content, as Virgil is, with a sketch — with broad lights and shadows ; he delights in a finished picture ; he possesses the power of placing his subject strongly before the eyes, leaving little or nothing for the imagination to supply.Virgil sketches, Lucan paints; the latter describes physically, the former philosophically.’— Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. PP- 455 . 459 - 70 THE GOVERNOUR. Cartaeinensis : Lucane declareth a semblable mater, but moche more lamentable : for as moche as the wanes were ciuile, and, as it were, in the bowelles of the Romanes, that is to say, under the standerdes of Julius Cesar and Pompei. Hesiodus, in greke, is more briefe than Virgile, where he writeth of husbandry, and doth nat rise so high in philosophie, but is fuller of fables: and therfore is more illecebrous.^ And here I conclude to speke any more of poetis, necessary for the childehode of a gentill man : for as moche as these, I doubt nat, will suffice untill he passe the age of xiii yeres. In which time childhode declineth, and reason waxeth rype, and deprehendeth thinges with a more constant iugement. Here I wolde shulde be remembred, that I require nat that all these warkes shud be throughly radde of a childe in this tyme, whiche were almost impossible. But I only desire that they haue, in euery of the saide bokes, so moche instruction that they may take therby some profite. “ A modern writer has used very similar language with regard to Hesiod. ‘ As the poet’s object v^as not to describe the charms of a country life, but to teach all the means of honest gain which were then open to the Ascrsean coun¬ tryman, he proceeds after having completed the subject of husbandry, to treat with equal detail that of navigation.All these precepts relating to the works of industry interrupt somewhat suddenly the succession of economical rules for the management of a family.Mythical narratives, fables, descriptions, and moral apophthegms partly of a proverbial kind, are ingeniously chosen and com¬ bined so as to illustrate and enforce the principal idea.The opinion that Hesiod received the form of his poetry from Homer cannot well be reconciled with the wide difference which appears in the spirit and character of the two styles of epic poetry.The Homeric poems among all the forms in which poetry can appear possess in the greatest degree what in modern times is called odjtr- tivity ; that is, a complete abandonment of the mind to the object, without any intervening consciousness of the situation or circumstances of the subject, or the individual himself. Homer’s mind moves in a world of lofty thoughts and energetic actions, far removed from the wants and necessities of the present. There can be no doubt that this is the noblest and most perfect style of composition and the best adapted to epic poetry. Hesiod, however, never soars to this height. He prefers to show us his own domestic life, and to make us feel its wants and priva¬ tions. ’— Hist, of Gr. Lit. vol. i. pp. no, 112, 113. THE GOVERNOUR. 7 ^ Than the childes courage, inflamed by the frequent redynge of noble poetes, dayly more and more desireth to haue experience in those thinges, that they so vehe- fended and mently do commende in them, that they write of. pressed. Leonidas, the noble kynge of Spartanes, beinge ones demaunded, of what estimation in poetry Tirtaeus, (as he sup¬ posed,) was, it is writen that he answeryng saide, that, for sterynge the myndes of yonge mbn he was excellent, for as moche as they, being meued with his versis, do renne in to the bataile, regardyng no perile, as men all inflamed in martiall courage.® And whan a man is comen to mature yeres, and that reason'^ in him is confirmed with serious lerning and longe experience, than shall he, in redyng tragoedies, execrate and abhorre the intollerable life of tyrantes : and shall contemne the foly and dotage expressed by poetes lasciuious. Here wyll I leaue to speake of the fyrste parte of a noble mannes studie : and nowe wyll I write of the seconde parte, which is more serious, and containeth in it sondry maners of lernynge. “ Aecoj/iSav fkv yap rhy iraXaihu XeyovCiv eTrepwrrjOevTa, no76s ns aur^ (pa'ivfrai Tzon)TT]s y^yovivai Tupraios, elireiy * ‘ ’AyaOhs vdwu \pvxas KaKKavriv.' 'E/xirnrAdiiievoi yap vTrh rwy Tvoi'pp.dTwv ivdov(na(Tp.ov irapd rds p-axo-s 7](pdi^ovv kavrwv. —Pint. Cleo- 7 nenes, 2. Compare Horace in the Ars Poetica : ‘ Tyrtaeusque mares animos in Martia bella Versibus exacuit.’ K. O. Muller says ; ‘ When the Spartans were on a campaign, it was their custom, after the evening meal, when the paean had been sung in honour of the gods, to recite these elegies. On these occasions the whole mess did not join in the chant, but individuals vied with each other in repeating the verses in a manner worthy of their subject. This kind of recitation was so well adapted to the elegy that it is highly probable that Tyrtaeus himself first published his elegies in this manner.’— Hist, of Gr. Lit. vol. i. p. 150. It may be observed that the practice of singing patriotic songs has been retained by soldiers down to our own time ; thus the ‘Wacht am Rhein’ was constantly heard at Prussian bivouacs during the cam¬ paign of 1870, whilst the ‘Marseillaise’ was the favourite song of the French army. 1 72 THE GOVERNOUR. CHAPTER XI. The moste commodious and necessary studies succedyng ordinatly the lesson of poetes. After that xiv. yeres be passed of a childes age, his maister if he can, or some other, studiouslye exercised in the arte of an oratour, shall firste rede to hym some what of that parte of Logike. logike that is called Topical eyther of Cicero, or els Topica, of that noble clerke of Almaine, which late floured, called Agricola whose warke prepareth inuention, tellynge the places from whens an argument for the profe of any mater may be taken with litle studie : and that lesson, with moche and diligent lernyng, hauyng mixte there with none other exercise, will in the space of halfe a yere be perfectly kanned. Immediately after that, the arte of Rhetorike wolde Rhetoyik. semblably taught, either in greke, out of Hermo- * ‘ C. Trebatius, the celebrated jurisconsult, having found himself unable to comprehend the Topics of Aristotle, which treat of the invention of arguments, and having failed in procuring any explanation from a celebrated rhetorician whose aid he sought, had frequently applied to Cicero for information and assistance. Cicero’s incessant occupations prevented him for a long time from attending to these soli¬ citations ; but when he was sailing towards Greece, the summer after Caesar’s death, he was reminded of Trebatius by the sight of Velia, a city with which the lawyer was closely connected, and accordingly, while on board ship, he drew up from recollection the work called Topica and dispatched it to his friend from Rhegium, B.C. 44. It is in fact an abstract of the original expressed in plain familiar terms, illustrated by examples derived chiefly from Roman law instead of from Greek philosophy. The editio princeps is believed to have been published at Venice about A.D. 1472.’—Smith’s Diet, of Biography. ^ Rodolph Agricola of Groningen was born in 1442. There are but two works of his extant, De Inventione DialecticA, printed at Louvain, 1516, and an abridg¬ ment of ancient history under the title of Agricol(2 Lucubrationes, published at Cologne in 1539. About 1482 Agricola was invited to the court of the elector- palatine at Heidelberg. He seems not to have been engaged in public instruction, but passed the remainder of his life, unfortunately tooshoi't—for he died in 1485— in diffusing and promoting a taste for literature among his contemporaries. ‘ No German,’ says Hallam, ‘ wrote in so pure a style or possessed so large a portion of classical learning.’ Erasmus calls him ‘ virum divini pectoris, eruditionis recon- ditse, stylo minime vulgari, solidum, nervosum, elaboratum, compositum. In Italia summus esse poterat, nisi Germaniam praetulisset. ’ THE GOVERNOUR. 73 gines,'^ or of Quintilian^ in latine, begynnyng at the thirde boke,® and instructyng diligently the childe in that parte of rhethorike, principally, whiche concerneth persuation for as moche as it is most apte for consultations. There can be no shorter instruction of Rhetorike than the treatise that Tulli wrate unto his sonne, which boke is named the partition of rhetorike.® And in good faythe, tq speake boldly that I thinke : for him that nedeth nat, or doth nat desire, to be an exquisite oratour, the litle boke made by the famous Erasmus, /y 'yfiS7}ltiS (whom all gentill wittis are bounden to thanke and * This celebrated rhetorician flourished in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. His works, five in number, which are still extant, form together a complete system of rhetoric, and were for a long time used in all the rhetorical schools as manuals. It may be mentioned as an interesting fact that the treatise Hepl roov hTaa-euv was first printed at Paris the same year in which T/ie Governour was published. The work treats of the points and questions which an orator in civil cases has to take into his consideration, and is a useful guide to those who prepare themselves for speak¬ ing in the courts of justice. Another treatise, Ilepl TSewv, was also printed at Paris in the year 1531, and no doubt Sir Thomas Elyot had access to both these works. A modern writer considers Quintilian far superior to Cicero as a teacher, although he was inferior to him as an orator, and says, ‘ He has left, as a monument of his taste and genius, a text-book of the science and art of nations as well as a masterly sketch of the eloquence of antiquity.’— Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. p. 540. His works were discovered by Poggio in the monastery of St. Gall, near Constance, during the sitting of the celebrated council, 1418. Niebuhr considers Quintilian the restorer of a good and pure taste in Roman literature. ® ‘ In the third book, after a short notice of the principal writers on rhetoric, he divides his subjects into five parts, viz. invention, arrangement, style, memory both natural and artificial, and delivery or action. Closely following Aristotle, he then discusses the three kinds of oratory, the demonstrative, deliberative, and judicial.’— Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. p. 537. ^ ‘ Affectus ut quae maxime postulat; nam et concitanda et lenienda frequenter est ira, et ad metum, cupiditatem, odium, conciliationem, impellendi animi; non- nunquam etiam movenda miseratio, sive ut auxilium obsessis feratur, suadere opcrtebit, sive socise civitatis eversionem deflebimus . . . quare in suadendo et dissuadendo tria primum spectanda erunt—Quid sit de quo deliberetur ; Qui sint qui deliberent; Qui sit qui suadeat.’— Instit. Orat. lib. iii. cap. 8, §§ 12, 15. ® The De Partitione Oratorid has been correctly described as a catechism of Rhetoric, according to the method of the Middle Academy, by way of question and answer, drawn up by Cicero for the instruction of his son Marcus. The earliest edition of this work in a separate fox'm which bears a date is that by Gabriel Fontana, printed a.d. 1472. Smith’s Diet, of Biography. 74 THE GOVERNOUR. supporte), whiche he calleth Copiam Verborum et Renim^ that is to say, plentie of wordes and maters, shall be sufficient. Isocrates,^ concerning the lesson of oratours, is euery where wonderfull profitable, hauynge almost as many wyse sentences as he hath wordes : and with that is so swete ® and delectable to rede, that, after him, almost all other seme unsauery and “ The full title of this work is De Duplici Copia Verborum ac Rerum Com- mentani duo. It was written expressly for Colet’s school, as we learn from the preface, which bears the date 1512, though the work itself was probably not published till two years later. The author says : ‘ Ego sane non ignarus et quantum Angliae debeam publice et quantopere tibi (Colet) privatim sim obnoxius, ofhcii mei sum arbitratus literarium aliquod munusculum in ornamentum scholae tuse conferre. Itaque duos novos De Copid commentarios nov£e scholse nuncupare visum est opus, videlicet cum aptum pueritias turn non infrugiferum ni fallor futurum ; sed quantum habeat eruditionis, quantumve sit utilitatis allaturus hie labor meus, aliorum esto judicium.’ St. Paul’s school was founded 1510. In a letter (Epist. lib. x. 18) from Erasmus to Colet, dated Cambridge, Oct. 29, 1513, the former says; ‘ In absolvenda Copid mea nunc sum totus, ut jam aenigmatis instar videri possit me simul et in media copid et in summa versari inopia. Atque titinam liceat utramque pariter finire ; nam Copicz brevi finem imponam, si modo Musae melius fortunarint studia quam hactenus Eortuna rem. Atque id quidem in causa fuit quo et brevius et indiligentius tuis literis responderim. ’ Mr, Seebohm {Oxford Reformei^s., p. 216, n.) says the De Copid was printed May, 1512, but this is evidently a mistake, and he was probably misled by the date at the end of the preface mentioned above, Mr. Seebohm gives, however, a reference to the letter No. 4528, in Mr. Brewer’s collection, which should have precluded the pos¬ sibility of such an error, inasmuch as the date assigned by the latter to Erasmus’s letter, corresponds with that given above. The book was several times reprinted. ^ ‘ Over and above the great care which he took about the formation of his style, Isocrates had a decided genius for the art of rhetoric j and when we read his periods, we may well believe what he tells us, that the Athenians, alive as they were to beauties of this kind, felt a real enthusiasm for his writings, and friends and enemies vied in imitating their magic elegance. When we read aloud the panegyrical orations of Isocrates, we feel that, although they want the vigour and profundity of Thucydides or Aristotle, there is a power in them which we miss in every former work of rhetoric—a power which works upon the mind as well as upon the ear ; we are carried along by a full stream of harmonious diction, which is strikingly different from the rugged sentences of Thucydides and the meagre style of Lysias. The services which Isocrates has performed in this respect reach far beyond the limits of his own school. Without his reconstruction of the style of Attic oratory we could have had no Demosthenes and no Cicero; and through these the school of Isocrates has extended its influence even to the oratory of our own day.’—Muller, Ilisi. of Gr. Lit. vol. ii. p. 153, ® Cicero, De Orat. iii. 7, attributes ‘ sweetness ’ to Isocrates. THE GOVERNOUR. 75 tedious : and in persuadynge, as well a prince, as a priuate persone, to vertuc, in two very litle and compendious warkes, wherof he made the one to kynge Nicocles,"^ the other to his frende Demonicus, wolde be perfectly kanned, and had in con¬ tinual memorie. Demosthenes^ and Tulli,®by the consent of all lerned men, “ iYz.ci Nicocles IS, an exhortation to* the Salaminians to obey their new ruler ; and his harangue To Nicocles is an exhortation addressed to the young ruler on the duties and virtues of a sovereign. — Hist, of Gr. Lit. vol. ii. p. 150, n. ^ ‘ The style and characteristics of Demosthenes have furnished the ancient critic Dionysius of Halicarnassus with the materials for a special treatise; and a great modern orator, Lord Brougham, has made this master of ancient eloquence the theme of more than one glowing tribute of praise. As Thucydides was t/ie historian and Homer the poet of the old grammarians in a special and em¬ phatic sense, so Demosthenes was their orator par excellence. Hermogenes places him at the head of all political speakers, and the same was the opinion of Theon. Cicero calls him the prince of orators, and declares that nothing was wanting to his perfection. ... It appears to us that the main charac¬ teristic of the eloquence of Demosthenes—that, in fact, which explains the wonderful effects produced by it on popular assemblies—is this, that he used the common language of his age and country, that he took the greatest pains in choosing and arranging his words, that he aimed at the utmost conciseness, making epithets, even common adjectives, do the work of a whole sentence; and that he was enabled by a perfect delivery and action to give the proper emphasis and the full effect to the terms which he had selected with so much care, so that a sentence composed of ordinary terms sometimes smote with the weight of a sledge¬ hammer.’— Hist, of Gr. Lit. vol. ii. pp. 342, 344. Almost exactly the same thing has been said of an eminent living speaker, Mr. Bright. ® Professor Browne says : ‘ As oratory gave to Latin prose-writing its elegance and dignity, Cicero is not only the representative of the flourishing period of the language, but also the instrumental cause of its arriving at perfection. Circum¬ stances may have been favourable to his influence. The national mind may have been in that stage of progress which only required a master-genius to develop it ; but still it was he who gave a fixed character to the language, who showed his countrymen what eloquence especially was in its combination of the precepts of art and the principles of natural beauty; what the vigour of Latin was, and of what elegance and polish it was capable.Compared with the dignified energy and majestic vigour of the Athenian orator, the Asiatic exuberance of some of his orations may be fatiguing to the sober and chastened taste of the modern classical scholar ; but in order to form a just appreciation, he must transport himself men¬ tally to the excitements of the thronged Forum—to the Senate composed not of aged venerable men, but statesmen and warriors in the prime of life, maddened with the party spirit of revolutionary times—to the presence of the jury of judices as numerous as a deliberative assembly, whose office was not merely calmly to 76 THE GOVERNOUR. haue preeminence and soueraintie oner all oratours: the one reignyng in wonderfull eloquence in the publike weale of the Romanes, who had the empire and dominion of all the worlde : the other, of no lasse estimation, in the citie of Athenes, whiche of longe tyme was accounted the mother of Sapience, and the palaice of musis and all liberall sciences. Of whiche two oratours may be attayned, nat onely eloquence, excellent and perfecte, but also preceptes of wisedome, and gentyll maners : with most commodious examples of all noble vertues and pollicie. Wherfore the maister, in redynge them, muste well obserue and expresse the partis and colours of rhetorike in them contayned, accordynge to the preceptes of that arte before lerned. The utilitie that a noble man shall haue by redyng these oratours, is, that, whan he shall happe to reason in counsaile, or shall speke in a great audience, or to strange ambassadours of great princes, he shall nat be constrayned to speake wordes sodayne and disordred, butshal bestowe them aptly and in their places. Wherfore the moste noble emperour Octauius is highly commended, for that he neuer spake in the Senate, or to the people of Rome, but in an oration prepared and purposely made.^ Also to prepare the childe to understandynge of histories, whiche, beinge replenished with the names of countrayes and townes unknowen to the reder, do make the historic tedious or Cos7no- the lasse pleasant, so if they be in any wyse graphic, knowen, it encreaseth an inexplicable delectation. ^^oimnoditie It shall be therfore, and also for refreshing the witte, therof. a conuenient lesson to beholde the olde tables of Octauius. give their verdict of guilty or not guilty, but who were invested as representatives of the sovereign people with the prerogative of pardoning or condemning. Viewed in this light, his most florid passages will appear free from affectation—the natural flow of a speaker carried away with the torrent of his enthusiasm.’— Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. pp. 328, 342. “ ‘ Nam deinceps neque iiv Senatu, neque apud populum, neque apud milites locutus est unquam, nisi meditata et composita oratione, quamvis non deficeretur ad subita extemporali facilitate.’—Sueton. Octavius, 84. THE GOVERNOUR. 11 Ptholomee,“ where in all the worlde is paynted, hauynge firste some introduction in to the sphere, wherof nowe of late be made very good treatises, and more playne and easie to lerne than was wonte to be. All be it there is none so good lernynge as the demon¬ stration of cosmographie by materiall figures and instrumentes, hauynge a good instructour. And surely this lesson is bothe pleasant and necessary. For what pleasure is it, in one houre, to beholde those realmes, cities, sees, ryuers, and mountaynes, that uneth in an olde mannes life can nat be iournaide and pursued what incredible delite is taken in beholding the diuersities of people, beastis, foules, fisshes, trees, frutes, and herbes : to knowe the sondry maners and conditions of people, “ ‘ The system of maps described at the end of Ptolemy’s geography exists in some of the manuscripts of the work, in which they are attributed to Agatho- daemon of Alexandria, supposed to have lived in the fifth century, and to have derived his materials from the maps drawn up by Ptolemy himself. These maps, which are twenty-seven in number, are elaborately coloured, the sea being green, the mountains red or dark yellow, and the land white.’— Hist, of Gr. Lit. vol. iii. p. 269. The climates, parallels, and the hours of the longest day are marked on the east margin of the maps, and the meridians on the north and south. Various errors having in the course of time crept into the copies of the maps, Nicolaus Donis, a Benedictine monk, about A.D. 1470, restored and corrected them, substi¬ tuting Latin for Greek names. His maps are appended to the Ebnerian MS. of Ptolemy. — Smith’s Diet, of Biog. Agathod(2mon. ‘ The art of engraving figures on plates of copper was nearly coeval with that of printing, and is due either to Thomas Finiguerra about 1460, or to some German about the same time. It was not a difficult step to apply this invention to the representation of geographical maps ; and this we owe to Ai'nold Buckinck, an associate of the printer Sweyn- heim. His edition of Ptolemy’s geography appeared at Rome in 1478.’— Lit. of Europe, vol. i. p. 188. Hallam attributes the increasing attention bestowed upon geographical delineations during the fifteeenth century to two causes, besides the increase of commerce and the gradual accumulation of knowledge ; ist. The translations made early in the century from the cosmography of Ptolemy ; 2nd. The discoveries of the Portuguese on the coast of Africa under the patronage of Don Henry, who founded an academy in which nautical charts were first delineated in a manner more useful to sailors by projecting the meridians in parallel right lines instead of curves on the surface of the sphere .—Ubi supra. ** Hallam says : ‘ Though these early maps and charts of the fifteenth century are to us but a chaos of error and confusion, it was on then^that the patient eye of Columbus had rested through long hours of meditation, while strenuous hope and unsubdued doubt were struggling in his soul.’— Lit. of Europe^ vol. i. p. 189. 78 THE GOVERNOUR. and the varletie of their natures, and that in a warme studie or perler, without perill of the see, or daunger of longe and paynfull iournayes: I can nat tell what more pleasure shulde happen to a gentil witte, than to beholde in his owne house euery thynge that with in all the worlde is contained. The commoditie therof knewe the great kynge Alexander, as some writars do remembre. For he caused the countrayes wherunto he purposed any enterprise, diligently and counningly to be discribed and paynted, that, beholdynge the picture, he mought perceyue whiche places were most daungerous : and where he and his host mought haue most easy and couenable passage.® Semblably dyd the Romanes in the rebellion of France, and the insurrection of theyr confederates, settynge up a table openly, wherin Italy was painted, to the intent that the people lokyng in it, shuld reason and consulte in whiche places hit were best to resiste or inuade their ennemies.^ * Presumably this must be taken to refer to the statement of Strabo,” who says, in speaking of the amount of credit to be given to Patrocles : OwSc toGto 8e airi- davov Tov UarpoKXeovs, Sri (pTjal tovs 'AKe^dvSpcp avaTpareixTauTas iTTL^pojxdZriv i(TTopri(Tai e/cao'ra, avrhu 8e 'A\e^apBpov aKpi^Sorrai, avaypai^idpToov y, "Ore yovy VaXXos eirripx^ ttjs Alyvirrov, (TvySures avr^ Kal ffvyayafiayres p-expi '2,vi}yi]s Kal Tuy AldiOTTLKcov Upwy laropodpLey, Sri Kal eKarhy Kal e’lKoa'i yrjes irKeoiey e/c Mubj Sp/xov irphs r)]y 'IvdiK-fiy, TrpSrepov enl ruy TlroXefiaiKcoy fiaaiXecoy oXiywy Ttavratraffi Qappovy- ruy TrXely Kal rhy 'lydiKhy ipLiropeveaOai aA.7jpei/s nroAc- lbLal(p rcf fiaaiAet iraprjvei ra irepl fiacriXeias Kal ^yefioi/las KraaQai Ka\ avayipdi- cKeiv' t yap ot (piAoi rois fiacriKcvffiv oh da^povai irapaivGv, ravra iv rots y^ypairrai. — Reg. et Imp. Apophtheg. 189, D. ed. Didot p, 227. Pliny, eulogising Cicero, says: ‘ Salve primus omnium parens patriae ap¬ pellate, primus in toga triumphum linguaeque lauream merite, et facundiae Latiarum- que literarum parens.’— Nat. Hist. lib. vii. cap. 31. ® ‘ Historia vero testis temporum, lux veritatis, vita memoriae, magistra vitae, nuntia vetustatis.’— De Oral. lib. ii. cap. 9. ^ BoiKov ras eiKbyas rrjs aperris vTr6fipr][xa fiaWop i) rod (Td^fiaros Kara\ivf?p, Ad Nicoclem, § 36, ed. Didot, 1846. ® Ego optimos quidem, et statim, et semper, sed tamen eorum candidissimum quemque, et maxime expositum, velim, ut Livium a pueris magis, quam Sallustium; et hie historiae major est auctor, ad quern tamen intelligendum jam profectu opus sit.— Instit. Orat. lib. ii. cap. 5, § 19. Niebuhr isof the same opinion. ‘You cannot study Livy too much, ’ he says, ‘ both as scholars and as men who seek and love that which is beautiful.’— Lectures on Rom. Hist, xlvii. ed. 1870. THE GOVERNOUR. m ilke : ® but also for as moche as by redynge that autor he maye knowe howe the mooste noble citie of Rome, of a small and poure begynnynge, by prowes and vertue, litell and litell came to the empire and dominion of all the worlde.^ Also in that citye he maye beholde the fourme of a publike' weale : whiche, if the insolencie and pryde of Tarquine had nat excluded kynges out of the citie, it had ben the most noble and perfect of all other.® * Quintilian’s phrase is, ‘ Livii lactea ubertas.’— Inst, Orat. lib. x, cap. i, §32. A modern writer says : ‘ Rome was now the mistress of the world: her struggles with foreign nations had been rewarded with universal dominion ; so that when the Roman empire was spoken of, no title less comprehensive than ‘ ‘ the world ” {orbis) would satisfy the national vanity. The horrors of civil war had ceased, and were succeeded by an amnesty of its bitter feuds and bloody animosi¬ ties. Liberty, indeed, had perished, but the people were no longer fit for the en¬ joyment of it; and it was exchanged for a mild and paternal rule, under which all the refinements of civilization were encouraged and its subjects could enjoy undis¬ turbed the blessings of peace and security. Rome, therefore, had rest and breath¬ ing-time to look back into the past—to trace the successive steps by which that marvellous edifice, the Roman empire, had been constructed. She could do this, too, with perfect self-complacency, for there was no symptom of decay to check her exultation, or to mar the glories which she was contemplating. Livy the good, the affectionate, the romantic, was precisely the popular historian for such times as these,’—Browne, Hist, of Rom. Class. Lit. p. 397. ' ‘ Sallust, who in the introduction of his lost history of the period subsequent to the death of Sulla gave, like Thucydides, a brief survey of the moral and poli¬ tical history of his nation, which is preserved in St. Augustin, says that Rome was ruled fairly and justly only so long as there was a fear of Tarquinius ; but that as soon as this fear was removed, the patres indulged in every kind of tyranny and arrogance, and kept piebes in servile submission by the severity of the law of debt. In like manner Livy states that the plebes who, down to the destruction of of the Tarquins, had been courted with the greatest care, were immediately after¬ wards oppressed ; that until then the salt which belonged to the publicum had been Bold at a low price, that tolls had been abolished, and that the king’s domain had been distributed among the plebeians ; in short, the (piXdvQpuTra SUaia of Servius Tullius had been restored .... As long as Tarquinius, who was personally a great man, lived, the patricians hesitated to go to extremes in their innovations, though they insulted the plebeians and deprived them of the imperia ; they may even have expelled them from the senate, and they certainly did not fill up with plebeians those places which became vacant by death. But the real oppression did not begin till the fear of an enemy from without was removed.’—Niebuhr, LecUives on Ro 7 n. Hist. .xxvi. ed. 1870. THE GOVERNOUR. ’ 84 Xenophon, beynge bothe a philosopher ® and an excellent capitayne,^ so inuented and ordred his warke named Pcedia Cyri, whiche may be interpreted the Childe- hode or discipline of Cyrus, that he leaueth to the reders therof ait incomparable swetenes and example of lyuynge, specially for the conductynge and well ordring of hostes or armyes.® And therfore the noble Scipio, who was called Affricanus, as well in peace as in warre was neuer seene without this boke of Xenophon.*^ With hym maye be ioyned^ Quintus Curtius,® who writeth “ Col. Mure says ; ‘ In the allusions to Xenophon’s literary character, he is perhaps as frequently honoured with the title of “Philosopher” as with that of “ Historian.” His pretensions to the former are however feeble, and have been omitted in our catalogue of his sources of celebrity. He is not the author of any properly philosophical work ; and the doctrines interspersed in his miscellaneous writings are little remarkable for novelty or depth. His philosophy, if such it can be called, is like his style, simple and familiar; consisting in a pleasing mode of shaping popular views, rather than attempts at original theory.’— La^tg. aitd Lit. of Greece, vol. v. p. 260. The author last quoted says : ‘ As a soldier he deservedly enjoys a brilliant reputation, in the peculiar kind of warfare in which he is known to have been actively engaged. But it was one affording little opportunity for the highest exercise of strategic talent. His campaigns, however ably conducted, were in so far as known to fame, fought against barbarous enemies. There is no record of his having ever held the responsible command of a large body of regular troops against equally well trained and appointed adversaries.’— Ibid. p. 250. ® ‘ The Cyropoedia has been commonly assigned by modern critics, to the branch of composition entitled in our own day Historical romance ; and this is perhaps as near a definition of its character as our own stock of such technical terms sup¬ plies. Of romance, indeed, in the familiar sense, the work contains but little. The main narrative is devoted to affairs of state, civil and military. The illustra¬ tive materials, which engross the greater part of the text, consist of disquisitions on the art of war, on political government, and social economy. . . . The main scope of the work is to present the reader with the author’s idea of a perfect sys¬ tem of monarchical government. This system he has figured as created or ma¬ tured by a no less perfect monarch and military commander; with whose life and influence it is so closely identified that as it grew with his youth and manhood, with his death it begins to decay.’— Ibid. p. 378. ^ Sir Thomas Elyot has slightly improved upon Cicero’s statement, which is merely ‘Itaque semper Africanus Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus habebat.’ — Tusc. Qucest. lib. ii. cap. 26. ^ Modern scholars cannot agree as to the time when Quintus Curtius Rufus THE GOVERNOUR. the life of kyng Alexander elegantly and swetely. In whom may be founden the figure of an excellent prince, as he that incomparably excelled al other kinges and emperours in wysedome, hardynes, strength, policie, agilite, valiaunt cou¬ rage, nobilitie, liberalitie and curtaisie : where in he was a spectakle or marke for all princes to loke on.^ Contrarye wise whan he was ones vainquisshed with voluptie and pride his tiranny and beastly crueltie abhorreth all reders.’^ The comparison of the vertues of these two noble princes, equally described by two excellent writars, well expressed, shall pro- uoke a gentil courage to contende to folowe their vertues. Julius Cesar and Salust® for their compendious writynge wrote his work. From the internal evidence Gibbon came to the conclusion that it must have been in the reign of the emperor Gordian. Niebuhr would prefer the reign of Aurelian ‘ if it were possible that a person could at that time have written such elegant Latin as that of Curtius ; but this is impossible. ’ And he decides eventually on the evidence afforded by the reference to Tyre (lib. iv. 4) in favour of the time of Septimius Severus and Caracalla .—Lectures on Rom. Hist. cxL Professor Browne thinks upon the whole it is most probable that he lived towards the close of the first century. * Arrian has summed up his character as follows; To re (Tw^a ndWicnos Kal (piXoTTovctiTaros Kal o^vtutos r^u yvwixT^v yevSfieros, Kal dvdpeiSraTos, Kal (piXoripidTaTOS Kal (piXoKLuSvuSjaTos Kal rod Oe'iov iiriixeKiaTaTos ' ^Sovwv Se toov fxkv rov crwfxaTOS eyKpaTeffTaTos, tccv 5e ttjs yrdp-ips iiraiyov jxdvov aTTX'qcTrdraros ’ ^vpide7u de rh Seov eri iv T(p acpavelov SeivoTaros, Kal e/c rcov (paivo/xivcDV rh elKhs ^vpL^aXeiv eTriTvx^o'Ta- Tos, Kal rd^ai arpaTidv Kal oTrAiVat re Kal Koaixrjffai har]p.ovi(naros‘ Kal rhv Qv/ibu Tois (XTpaTidrais iirdpai Kal eATrfScov dyadwv iixir\ri(rai Kal rh 5e7p,a iv ro7s Kivdvvois Ty dSeet T(^ auTOv dcpavlffai, ^vfjLiravTa ravra yevvaioraros. Kat ovv Kal Haa iv T

Chron. and Mem. Wace calls him ‘ Willame li Ros ’ in Le Roman de Rou, tom ii. p. 304, ed Pluquet. Robert of Gloucester, ‘ Wyllam ye rede Kyng,’ p. 383, ed. 1724. It is probable that the character of Rufus has received a deeper tinge than it deserved, in consequence of his having incurred the hatred of the clergy, who were also his biographers ; thus the French abbot Suger, speaking of his death, says : ‘ Divinatum est virum divina ultione percussum, assumpto veritatis argumento, eo quod pauperum exstiterat intolerabilis oppressor, ecclesiarum crudelis exactor, et si quando episcopi vel prselati decederent, irre- verentissimus retentor et dissipator. ’— Vita Liidovici Grossi, cap. i. See Migne’s Pat. Curs. tom. clxxxvi. p. 1257. Fabyan calls him ‘ Robert the eldest sone of Kynge Wyllyam, the whiche was surnamed Curthose or Shorthose, and Shorte Bote also.’—Cap. ccxxii. p. 245, ed. 1811. And the reason of this nickname being given to him is thus stated by Vitalis; ‘ Facie obesa, corpore pingui, brevique statura, unde vulgo Gambaron cog- nominatus est et Brevis-Ocrea.’—Lib. iv. cap. 25. Migne, Patrol. Curs. tom. 188. And in another place he says; ‘Corpore autem brevis et grossus, ideoque Brevis- Ocrea (Gallice Courte-Heuse) patre est cognominatus. ’—Lib. viii. cap. i. ubi supra. Wace gives a somewhat similar explanation of the name: Peti fu mult, maiz fu gros, Jambes out cortes, gros les os ; Li Reis por 90 le sornomout E Corte-Hose I'apelout ; De cortes hoses ert hosez E Corte-Hose ert apelez. Zr Roman de Rou, tom. ii. p. 304, ed. Pluquet. THE GOVERNaUR. lOI semblable lernyng with the sayd Henry, the one for his dis¬ solute lyuyng and tyranny beynge hated of all his nobles and people, finally was sodaynely slayne by the shotte of an arowe,"^ as he was huntynge in a forest, whiche to make larger and to gyue his deere more lybertie, he dyd cause the houses of Hi parisshes to be pulled downe, the people to be expelled, and all beyng desolate to be tourned in to desert, and made onely pasture for beestes sauage whiche he wolde neuer haue * Sir Thomas Elyot, it will be seen, gives Walter Tyrrel the benefit of the doubt which arose almost immediately, and was subject of grave discussion by subsequent historians. John of Salisbury, who wrote not many years afterwards, says : ‘ Quis alterutrum miserit telum, adhuc incertum est quidem. Nam Walterus Tyrrellus ille, qui regiae necis reus a plurimis dictus est, eo quod illi familiaris erat et tunc in indagine ferarum vicinus, et fere singulariter adhoerebat, etiam cum ageret in extremis, se a coede illius immunem esse, invocato in animam suani Dei judicio, protestatus est. Fuerunt plurimi qui ipsum regem jaculum quo interemptum est misisse asserunt et hoc Walterus ille, etsi non crederetur ei, constanter asserebat. ’— — Vita S. Anselmi, ed. Migne, p. 1031. The French abbe Suger, who was himself a contemporary of Tyrrell says: ‘ Imponebatur a quibusdam cuidam no- bilissimo viro Galterio Tirello quod eum sagitta perfoderat. Quern cum nec timeret, nec speraret, jurejui'ando scepius audivimus, et quasi sacrosanctum asserere quod ea die nec in earn partem silvae in qua rex venabatur venerit, nec eum in silva omnino viderit .’—Vita Liidovici Grossly cap. i. ubi supra. Ordericus Vitalis, who was born in 1075 and died in 1141, and was therefore also a contemporary, attributes the king’s death to misadventure. His account is as follows ; ‘ Cumque Rex et Gualterius de Pice cum paucis sodalibus in nemore constituti essent, et armati praedam avide exspectarent, subito inter eos currente fera, rex de statu suo recessit, et Gualterius sagittam emisit. Quae super dorsum ferae setam radens rapidevolavit, atque regem eregione stantem lethaliter vulneravit.’—Lib. x. cap. 12, ed Migne; and it must be admitted that this account is very rational and bears the marks of truth on the face of it. On the other hand it was only natural, from the hatred with which he was regarded, especially by the clergy, who were also the historians of the event, that his death should be assumed to have been premeditated. Turner says ‘ It was the misfortune of Rufus that his death benefited so many— Henry, France, and the clergy—that no critical inquiry w'as made into its cause.’ — Hist, of Eng. vol. iv. p. 168. This is exactly the account given by Knyghton, canon of Leicester in the reigns of Edward HI., Richard 11 ., and Henry IV., who says: ‘ Hie Willielmus fecit forestas in multis locis per medium regni et inter Southamtonam et Prioraturii de Twynam qui nunc vocatur Crystischyrke prostravit et exterminavit viginti duas ecclesias matrices, cum villis, capellis, et maneriis atque mansionibus, secundum vero quosdam Hi ecclesias parochiales., et fecit de loco illo Forestam novam quam vocavit 102 THE GOVERNOUR. done if he had as moche delyted in good lerning as dyd his brother. The other brother, Robert le Courtoise, beyng duke of Normandie, and the eldest sonne of wylliam Conquerour, all be it that he was a man of moche prowesse, and right expert in martial affayres, wherfore he was electe before Godfray of Boloigne to haue ben kyng of Hierusalem ; ^ yet natwith- suum novum herbarium et replevit earn cervis, damis, et aliis feris parcens illi per vii annos primes, venatus gratia. Quae vastavenmt blada et segetes in magnum gravamen compatriotis. Et tantam exercuit per forestas duritiam quod pro dama hominem suspenderet, pro lepore xxs plecteretur, pro cuniculo xs daret.’— Dece 7 nSa'iptores, fo. 2373, ed. 1652. Ordericus Vitalis makes the number of depopulated parishes still larger: ^phis qimm lxparochias ultro devastavit, ruricolas ad alia loca transmigrare compulit, et silvestres feras pro hominibus, ut voluptatem venandi haberet ibidem constituit.’—Lib. x. cap. ii, ed. Migne. But he attributes the creation of the forest to the first William, whereas Knyghton distinctly states, as we have just seen, that it was made by Rufus ; it is evident, therefore, that Sir Thomas Elyot has adopted his account rather than that of Vitalis. Wilhelmus Gemiticensis, who had been chaplain to the Conqueror, says that Richard, brother to Rufus, had been killed in the lifetime of his father ‘ in eadem silva, dum simili modo venaretur, ictu arboris male evitatse,’ and he adds that it was the common opinion that the sins of the father were visited upon the children, ‘ quoniam multas villas et ecclesias propter eandem forestam amplificandam in circuitu ipsius destruxerat.’—Lib. vii. cap. 9. Camden’s Anglica Scripta,Qd.. 1603. William of Malmesbury mentions the circum¬ stance of Richard’s death in the New Forest, which, however, hesays ‘ tabidiaeris ne¬ bula incurrisse’; and after charging William the Conqueror with the act of devasta¬ tion, he recounts further proofs of the divine judgment; ‘ ibi multa regio generi con- tigere infortunia, quas habitatorum praesens audire volentibus suggerit memoria ; nam postmodum in eadem silva Willelmus filius ejus, et nepos Ricardus, filius Robert! comitis Normannise, mortem offenderint: severe Dei judicio ille sagitta pectus, iste collum trajectus, vel, ut quidam dicunt, arboris ramusculo equo per- transeunte fauces appensus.’— Gesta Reg. Angl. lib. hi. § 275, ed. Migne. “ This passage seems to furnish additional proof of what was suggested above, that the author had consulted Knyghton’s history for the events of this reign, although the story, as reproduced by the learned canon, bears rather a different complexion from that which it originally had. ‘ In teiTa sancta,’ says Knyghton, ‘ multa egregia gessit. Ita ubique mirabilis ut nunquam per Christianum aut Paganum de equo dejici potuit. Denique cum in Sabbato Paschali apud lerosolymam inter caeteros astaret Christianos, expectans ignem more solito de supernis in cereum alicujus descendere, cereus ejus divinitus accensus est, unde et ab omnibus in regem lerosolynioruni electus est.’—Twysden, Deceiii Scrip, fo. 2375. Mat. Paris, who narrates the story of the election, embellishes it with the curious addition that on Robert’s refusal of the honour, the Crusaders elected Godfrey, THE GOVERNOUR. 103 standynge whan he inuaded this realnie with sondrie puis- saunt armies, also dyuers noble men aydinge hym, yet his noble brother Henry beau clerke, more by wysdome than power, also by lernynge, addyng polycie to vertue and courage, often tymes vaynquisshed hym, and dyd put him to flyght. And after sondry victories finally toke him and kepte hym in prison, hauyng none other meanes to kepe his realme in tranquillitie.^ It was for no rebuke, but for an excellent honour, that the emperour Antonine ^ was surnamed philosopher, for by his moste noble example of lyuing, and Industrie incomparable,® and conducted him with due solemnity to the Holy Sepulchre, erubescente duce Roberto. — Hist. Anglorum, vol. i. p. 150. * Vitalis narrates at length the interview at Gisors in Normandy between the Pope Calixtus II. and Henry, when the latter sought to justify the detention of his brother in close custody. He is made to say, ‘ Frater enim meus incentores totius nequitiae tuebatur, et illorum concilia, per quos vilis et contemptibilis erat, admodum amplectebatur. Gunherius nimirum de Alneio, et Rogerius de Laceio, Robertas quoque de Belismo, aliique scelesti Normannis dominabantur, et sub imaginatione ducis prsesulibus omnique clero cum inermi populo principabantur. Illos siquidem quos ego de transmarina regione pro nefariis exturbaveram factionibus, intimos sibi consiliarios, et colonis praesides prasfecit innocentibus. Innumeras caedes et incendia passim agebantur, et dira facinora, quae inexperti pene incredibilia putant. Fratri meo mandavi saepius ut meis uteretur consultibus eique totis adminicularer nisibus. Sed ille me contempto meis contra me potitus est insidiatoribus.’—Lib. xii. cap. 12, ed. Migne. The author has confounded the Emperor Antoninus Pius with his successor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus ; it was the latter to whom the epithet of ‘ the philo¬ sopher ’ was applied. But the mistake is not very surprising, because Victor says of the former., ‘ adeo aequalis, probisque moribus, uti plane docuerit, neque jugi pace, ac longo otio absoluta ingenia corrumpi: eoque demum fortunatas urbes fore, si regna sapientiae sint .’—De Ccssaribus, cap. xv. While on the other hand the biographer of the latter says : ‘ Sententia Platonis semper in ore illius fuit, Florere civitates, si aut philosophi imperarent, aut imperatores philosopharentur.'^—Historia Augusta, tom. i. p. 394, ed. 1671. Eutropius says of Aurelius: ‘ Philosophiae deditus Stoicae, ipse etiam non solum vitae moribus, sed etiam eruditione Philoso- phus.’—Lib. viii. cap. ii. And he goes on to tell us; ‘ Institutus est ad philoso- phiam per Apollonium Chalcedonium, ad scientiam literarum Graecarum per Sextum Chaeronensem, Plutarchi nepotem.’ ® ‘The Stoic philosophy,’ says Niebuhr, ‘opened to M. Aurelius a com¬ pletely new world. The letters of Fronto, which are otherwise childish and trifling, throw an interesting light upon young M. Aurelius’ state of mind at the 104 THE GOVERNOUR. he during all the tyme of his reigne kept the publike vveale of the Romanes in suche a perfecte astate, that by his actes he confirmed the sayeng of Plato, That blessed is that pub¬ like weale wherin either philosophers do reigne, or els kinges be in philosophie studiouse.^ These persones that so moche contemne lernyng, that they wolde that gentilmen’s children shulde haue no parte or very litle therof, but rather shulde spende their youth alway (I saye not onely in huntynge and haukyng,^ whiche moderately time when he cast ihetoric aside and sought happiness in philosophy; not, indeed, in its dialectic subtleties, but in its fahh in virtue and eternity. He bore the burdens of his exalted position in the manner in which, according to the precepts of pious men, we ought to take up our cross and bear it patiently. Actuated by this sentiment, M. Aurelius exerted all his powers for the good of the empire, and discharged all his duties, ever active, no less in the military than in the civil administration of the empire. He complains of want of time to occupy himself with intellectual pursuits ; but then he consoles himself again with the thought that he is doing his duty and fulfilling his mission .’—Lectures on Rom. Hist, cxxxiii. ed. 1870. Another modern historian says: ‘The habits of mind which Aurelius had cultivated during the period of his pro¬ bation were little fitted perhaps to give him a foresight of the troubles now impending. In presiding on the tribunals, in guiding the deliberations of the senate, in receiving embassies and appointing magistrates, he had shrunk from no fatigue or responsibility ; but the distaste he expressed from the first for his politi¬ cal eminence continued, no doubt, to the end : his heart was still with his chosen studies, and with the sophists and rhetoricians who aided him in them. Hadrian, in mere gaiety of heart, turned the prince into an academician, but it was with genuine reluctance and under a strong sense of duty that Aurelius converted the academician into the prince. But the hope that his peculiar training might render him a model to sovereigns—the recollection of the splendid fallacy of Plato, that states would surely flourish were but their philosophers princes or were but their princes philosophers—sustained him in his arduous and unwelcome task, and contributed to his success in it.’—Merivale, Hist, of Rome, vol. vii. p. 565. ® ’Ea^' ?iv S’ 67^', ^ ot (piXSaocpoi fiaariAevo'coa'iv iu rats irSXeaiv ^ oi ^acriAris T€ vvv \€y 6 fj.(voi Kul dupdcTTai (pi\o(ro(p'ii(Tco(ri yur}(r'icos re Ka\ LKauus, Kal tovto els ravTbu ^v/uTrecrp .... ovk ecrri kukcov iravKa, Si (piXe VXavKwv, rats irSXeai, SokcS Se ov 5 e dvdpwTrLPCj} yevei. — De Rep. lib. v. cap. 18. It may be here remarked that William of Malmesbury has applied the same sentiment to the reign of Henry the First, whom he evidently regarded as another Antoninus. ^ ‘ Hunting and hawking skilfully,’says Strutt, ‘were also acquirements that he {i.e. an accomplished gentleman) was obliged to possess, and which were usually taught him as soon as he was able to endure the fatigue that they required. Hence it is said of Sir Tristram, a fictitious character held forth as the mirror of THE GOVERNOUR. 105 used, as solaces ought to be, I intende nat to disprayse) but in those ydle pastymes, whiche, for the vice that is therin, the commaundement of the prince, and the uniuersall consent of the people, expressed in statutes and lawes, do prohibite, I meane, playeng at dyce, and other games named unlefull.^ chivalry in the romance intituled The Death of Arthur, that “as he growed in might and strength he laboured ever in hunting and in hawking, so that never gentleman more that ever we heard tell of. And, as the book saith, he began good measures of blowing of beasts of venery and beasts of chase, and all manner of vermains ; and all these terms we have yet of hawking and hunting, and there¬ fore the book of venery of hawking and hunting, is called the book of Sir Tristram.’”—Introduction io Sports and Pastimes, pp. vii. viii. Strutt also quotes from a document of the time of Henry the Seventh (Hark MS, 69), the preamble of which states, ‘ Whereas it ever hath bene of old antiquitie used in this realme of most noble fame, for all lustye gentlemen to passe the delectable season of summer after divers manner and sondry fashions of disports, as in hunting the red and fallowe deer with hounds, greyhounds, and with the bowe : also in hawking with hawks of the tower, and other pastimes of the field,’— Ibid. p. xii, Henry the Eighth was exceedingly fond of hunting, hawking, and other field sports. Thus Hall, recording the events of the eighteenth year of his reign, says, ‘ All this sommer the kyng tooke his pastyme in huntyng. ’— Chron. fo. cxlix. ed. 1548. Sir Thomas More makes a young gallant say, ‘ Manhod I am, therefore I me delight To hunt and hawke, to nourishe up and fede The grayhounde to the course, the hawke to the flyght, And to bestryde a good and lusty stede : These thynges become a very man in dede,’ See Warton’s Hist, of Eng. Poetry, vol. iii. p. 97. Hawks M’ere the subject of legislation in the I'eign of Edw. I. ; thus in the Carta de foresta it was enacted that ‘ every freeman shall have within his own woods ayries of hawks, sparrow-hawks, faulcons, eagles, and herons.’ The reader will find more information on this subject in the notes to Chapter XVHI. infra. * The thirty-eighth canon of the Council of Worcester, held in 1240, contains the following prohibition : ‘ Prohibemus etiam clericis ne intersint ludis inhonestis vel choreis vel ludant ad aleas vel taxillos, nec sustineant ludos fieri de Rege et Regina, nec arietes levari nec palrestras publicas fieri.’—Du Cange, sub Ludo. Ordericus Vitalis tells us that in his time even the prelates of the church were in the habit of playing at dice. A still more celebrated writer, John of Salisbury, who lived a little later in the same century, speaks of dice-playing as being then extremely prevalent, and enumerates no less than ten different games, which he names in Latin. See De nugis Curialium, lib. i. c. 5. A great deal of curious information on the subject of dice may be found in a treatise called ‘ Palamedes, sive de tabula lusoria et aleatoribus,’ written by one Daniel .Souter in 1622, and to6 THE GOVERNOUR. These persones, I say, I wolde shulde remembre, or elles nowe lerne, if they neuer els herde it, that the noble Philip kyng of Macedonia, who subdued al Greece, aboue all the good for¬ tunes that euer he hadde, most reioysed that his sonne Alex¬ ander was borne in the tyme that Aristotle the philosopher flourisshed, by whose instruction he mought attaine to most excellent lernynge.^ Also the same Alexander often tymes sayd that he was dedicated to Sir Edward Zouche, who was then Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of Dover Castle. By 12 Ric. II. c. 6, servants were prohibited from playing ‘ at tennis or football, and other games called coits, dice, casting of the stone, kailes, and other such importune games.’ And by ii Hen. VII. c. 2, it was en¬ acted that ‘ noon apprentice, ne servaunt of husbondry, laborer, ner servaunt artificer pley at the Tables from the xth day of January next commyng, but onely for mete and drinke ; ner at the Tenys Closshe, Dise, Cardes, Bowles, nor any other un¬ lawful! game in no wise out of Cristmas, and in Cristmas to pley oonly in the dwelling house of his maister, or where the maister of any the seid servauntes is present.’ In the eighteenth year of Henry the Eighth, according to Hall, ‘ In the moneth of Maie, was a proclamacion made against al unlawfuil games accordyng to the statutes made in this behalf, and commissions awarded into every shire for the execution of the same ; so that in all places Tables, Dice, Cardes, and Boules wer taken and brent. Wherfore the people murmured against the Cardinall, saying that he grudged at every mannes pleasure savyng his owne ; but this Pro¬ clamacion small tyme endured, and when young men were forbidden Boules and such other games, some fell to drinkyng, and some to ferettyng of other mennes conies and stealyng of dere in Parkes, and other unthriftiness.’— Chronicle^ fo. cxlix. ed. 1548 ; and see further on this subject in the notes to Chapter XX. infra. “ Aulus Gellius is the authority for this assertion. He says : ‘ Is Philippus, cum in omni fere tempore negotiis belli victoriisque affectus exercitusque esset, a liberali tamen Musa et a studiis humanitatis nunquam abfuit ; quin lepide comiterque pleraque et faceret et diceret. Feruntur adeo libri Epistolarum ejus munditiae et venustatis et prudentiae plenarum : velut sunt illae literse, quibus Aristoteli philosopho natum esse sibi Alexandrum nuntiavit. Ea Epistola, quoniam curae diligentiaeque in liberorum disciplinas hortamentum est, exscribenda visa est ad commovendos parentum animos. Exponenda igitur est ad hanc ferme sententiam: “Philippus Aristoteli salutem dicit. Filium mihi genitum scito. Quod equidem Dis habeo gratiam: non proinde quia natus est, quam pro eo quod eum nasci contigit temporibus vitae tuae. Spero enim fore, ut eductus eruditusque abs te dignus existat et nobis et rerum istarum susceptione. ” Ipsius autem Philippi verba haec sunt: ^lAnnros ’ApiffToriKei ''la '61 fioi. yeyou 6 Ta vlov. ttoW^v oZv ro7s 6eo7s Xaplj' exw, ovx ouTcos eVl rf} tov ttoiS^s, d's cttI rip Kara ^XiKidv aurriu yeyouei ai. iXir'i^u yap avThu, virh (Tov rpaTa pijT eyKecpaXop ex<^v. The word Trerpns is used in a somewhat similar way in a fragment of Sotion, vo(p Trerpos 6 Triffbe iridiv where irerpos is said to mean dvai.fdpTiop &p 5 pa. ^> AI . rbp XPV^ ‘ Xeyeis Qeobcopop; a passage which is referred to by Cicero in his Orator, cap. 12, as follows : ‘ Hsec tractasse Thrasymachum Chalcedonium primum et Leontinum ■ ferunt Gorgiam ; Theodorum inde Byzantium, multosque alios, quos XoyobaihdKovs appellat in Phsedro Socrates.’ And also by Quintilian, who says, ‘ Et Theodoras Byzantius, ex iis et ipse, quos Plato appellat KoyobaibaXovs ' — Instit. Orat. lib. iii. cap. i. § II . ^ So ^neas Sylvius, in his Tractatus deLiberortmi Educatione, after mentioning Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, and Statius, says ; ‘ Caeteri qui carmine scribunt heroico, remo- tissimiabhis sunt, versificatorumque rnagis quajn poetarum nomine sunt appellandi.’ — Opera, 984, ed. 1551. Puttenham, however, ajaplies the term to ‘translators,’ as distinguished from poets. ‘ Euen so the uery Poet makes and continues out of his owne braine both the verse and matter of his poeme, and not by any foreine copie or example, as doth the translator; who, therefore, may well be sayd a versifer, but not a poet.’— The Arte of English Poesie, lib. i. chap. i. Quintilian, who calls Cornelius Severus ‘versificator quam poeta melior,’ may perhaps be the ancient writer referred to by the author. « Even fifty years after ‘ the Governour ’ was published. Sir Philip Sidney, in his Apologie for Poetrie, laments that he is obliged ‘ to make a pittiful defence of THE GOVERNOUR. I 2 I estimation ; in so moche that all wysdome was supposed to be therein included, and poetry was the first philosophy that euer was knowen wherby men from their cliildhpde were poore Poetry, which from almost the highest estimation of learning is fallen to be the laughing stocke of children.’ He is driven to inquire ‘why England (the Mother of excellent mindes) should bee growne so hard a step-mother to Poets, Avho certainly in wit ought to passe all other ; ’ and complains ‘ that Poesie thus em¬ braced in all other places should onely finde in our time a hard welcome in Eng¬ land, I thinke the very earth lamenteth it, and therfore decketh our soyle with fewer laurels than it was accustomed.’ Puttenham, writing about the same time, says : ‘ But in these dayes (although some learned Princes may take delight in them) yet uniuersally it is not so. For as well Poets as Poesie are de¬ spised, and the name become of honorable infamous, subiect to scorne and derision, and rather a reproch than a prayse to any that useth it; for com¬ monly who so is studious in th’ Arte or shewes him selfe excellent in it, they call him in disdayne a phaiitasticall ; and a light headed or phantasticall man (by conversion) they call a Poet. And this proceedes through the barbarous ignoraunce of the time and pride of many gentlemen and others, whose grosse heads not being brought up or acquainted with any excellent Arte, nor able to contriue or in manner conceiue any matter of subtiltie in any businesse or science they doe deride and scorne it in all others as superfluous knowledges and vayne sciences, and whatsoeuer deuise be of rare inuention they terme it phantasticall, construing it to the worst side : and among men such as be modest and graue, and of little conuersation, nor delighted in the busie life and vayne ridiculous actions of the popular, they call him in scorne a Philosopher or Poet, as much to say as a phantasticall man very iniuriously (God wot) and to the manifestation of their own ignoraunce, not making difference betwixt termes. ’— Arte of Eng. Poesie, lib. i. chap, viii,, and, strangely enough, he seems to consider that poets were in higher estimation at the beginning of the century, for he mentions Sternhold and. ‘ one Gray ’ as enjoying especial favour under Henry the Eighth. “ Puttenham uses very similar language. He says : ‘ So as the Poets were also from the beginning the best perswaders, and their eloquence the first Rethoricke of the world. Then, forasmuch as they were the first obseruers of all naturall causes and effects in the things generable and corruptible, and from thence mounted up to search after the celestiall courses and influences, and yet penetrated further to know the diuine essences and substances separate, as is sayd before, they were the first Astronomers and Philosophists and Metaphisicks. Finally, because they did altogether endeuor them selues to reduce the life of man to a certaine method of good maners, and made the first differences betweene vertue and vice, and then tempered all these knowledges and skilles with the exercise of a delecta¬ ble musicke by melodious instruments, which withall serued them to delight their hearers and to call the people together by admiration to a plausible and vertuous conversation, therefore were they the first Philosophers Ethick, and the first artificial musicians of the world. Such was Linus, Orpheus, Amphion, and Museus, the 122 THE GOVERNOUR. brought to the raison howe to lyue well, lernynge therby nat onely maners and naturall affections, but also the wonderfull werkes of nature, mixting serious mater with thynges that were pleasaunt: as it shall be manifest to them that shall be so fortunate to rede the noble warkes of Plato and Aristotle, wherin he shall fynde the autoritie of poetes frequently alleged : ye and that more is, in poetes was supposed to be science misticall and inspired, and therfore in latine they were called VateSy which worde a. Tusc. signifyeth as moche as prophetes.'^ And therfore Quest, i. Tulli in his Tusculane questyons supposeth that a poete can nat abundantly expresse verses sufficient and com¬ plete, or that his eloquence may flowe without labour wordes wel sounyng and plentuouse, without celestiall instinction,^ whiche is also by Plato ratified.® most ancient Poets and Philosophers of whom there is left any memorie by the prophane writers.’— Arte of English Poesie, lib. i. chap. iv. “Sir Philip Sidney says : * Among the Romans a Poet was called Votes, which is as much as a Diuiner, Fore-seer, or Prophet, as by his conioyned wordes Vaticinium and Vaticinari is manifest : so heauenly a title did that excellent people bestow upon this hart-rauishing knowledge. . . For that same exquisite obseruing of number and measure in words, and that high-flying liberty of conceit proper to the poet, did seeme to haue some dyuine force in it.’— Apologie for Poetrie, p. 23. ‘ Ut ego aut poetam grave plenumque carmen sine coelesti aliquo mentis instinctu putem fundere, aut eloquentiam sine quadam vi majore fluere, abundantem sonantibus verbis, uberibusque sententiis.’—Cic. Tusc. Qucest. lib. i. cap. 26. Compare with the above passage De Oratore, lib. ii. cap. 46: ‘Ssepe enim audivi poetam bonum neminem (id quod a Democrito et Platone in scriptis relictum esse dicunt) sine inflammatione animorum existere posse, et sine quodam afflatu quasi furoris.’ ® Uai/Te? 7 ap oL re roSu iircSv woiriTal ol ayadol ovk ck rex^rjs, aW’ ei'Oeoi oures Kal Karex^fjievoi, irdvra ravra rd KaXd Xeyovai TroiijixaTa, Kal ol ixeXoiroiol ol ayadol wffavTws, oScTTrep ol Kopv^avTLoSvTes ovk e/acppoves opres opxovprai, outcd Kal ol fxeAo- TToiol OVK epL^poves ovres ra KaXd fieXT] ravra ttoiovctiv, dxR eTreiSav ip-^waiv els r^v dpfxoviav Kal els rhu pvQixSv, Kal jSa/cxeuouo't Kal Karex^p-evoi, Sxnrep al fiaKxai dpvrov- rai eK rwv Trorap.tov p.eXi Kal ydXa Karex^pLemi, ep-cppoves 5e ovcrai ov, Kal roSv jueXo- TTOiau 7] rpvxh ^ovro epyd^erai, oirep avrol Xeyovcri . KOV(pop yap T^oirirris eari Kal irrrjvhv Kal lep6v, Kal ov Trporepov olos re Troieiv, irplv dv evdeos re yevrjrai KOI eK(ppu3p Kal 6 vovs ixr)Keri ev avrcp evfi ' ews S’ dp rovrl ex^l rh Kr^jxa, ddvvaros itds TTOLelu effrip dpdpwiros Kal —Plato, Ion, cap. v. THE GOVERNOUR. 123 But sens we be nowe occupied in the defence of Poetes, it sliall nat be incongruent to our mater to shcwe what profitc may be taken by the diligent reding of auncient poetes, con¬ trary to the false opinion, that nowe rayneth, of them that suppose that in the warkes of poetes is contayned nothynge but baudry, (suche is their foule worde of reproche,) and un¬ profitable leasinges.^ But first I wyll interprete some verses of Horace, wherin he expresseth the office of poetes, and after wyll I resorte to a more playne demonstration of some wisdomes and counsayles contayned in some verses of poetes. Horace, in his seconde booke of epistles, sayth in this wyse or moche lyke : The poete facyoneth by some plesant mene The speche of children tendre and unsure ; Pullyng their eares from wordes unclene, Gyuing to them preceptes that are pure : Rebukying enuy and wrath e if it dure : Thinges wel done he can by example commende : The nedy and sicke he dothe also his cure To recomfort, if aught he can amende.** But they whiche be ignoraunt in poetes wyll perchaunce obiecte, as is their maner, agayne these verses, sayeng that in Therence and other that were writers of comedies, also Guide, Catullus, Martialis, and all that route of lasciuious poetes that wrate epistles and ditties of loue, some called in latine Elegies ® So half a century later, Sir Philip Sidney tells us, the critics said, ‘ How much it (poetry) abuseth men’s wit, trayning it to wanton sinfulnes and lustfull loue : the Comedies rather teach than reprehend amorous conceits ; the Lirick is larded with passionate sonnets. The Elegiack weepes the want of his mistresse, and euen to the Pleroical Cupid \v2eCa. ambitiously dimed .’—Apologia for Roetrie^ P- 53 - • ** ‘ Os tenerum pueri balbumque poeta figurat; Torquet ab obscasnis jam nunc sermonibus aurem ; Mox etiam pectus prasceptis format amicis, Asperitatis et invidim corrector et irae ; Recte facta refert; orientia tempora notis Instruit exemplis ; inopem solatur et aegrum.’ Hor. Epist. lib. ii, i. 126-131.. Horat. ep. lib, ii. ep'la, ad Augus- tum. THE GOVERNOUR. 1 24 and some Epigramniatay is nothyng contayned but incitation to lechery.^ First, comedies, whiche they suppose to be a doctrinall of rybaudrie,^ they be undoutedly a picture or as it were a mir- roLir of man’s life,® wherin iuell is nat taught but discouered ; “ Thus it is related of Ignatius Loyola, by his biographer, that ‘ in scholis Terentium explicari, (ni perpurgatus esset,) quamquam optimum Latinitatis auc- torem et Romanm Comoedim principem, vetuit nominatim, quod eum videlicet parum verecundum ac parum pudicum arbitraretur. Noluit igitur ea lectione puerorum animos imbui ne plus moribus noceret quam prodesset ingeniis.’— Maffei in Vita Ignatii, lib. iii. cap. 8, p. 432, ed. 1590. And yEneas Sylvius, in an essay entitled De Liberoriun Edncatione, which he wrote A. D. 1450J and dedicated to Ladislaus, King of Hungaiy and Bohemia, says of Ovid, ‘ Ubique tristis, ubique dulcis est, in plerisque tamen locis nimium lascivus.’ He recommends Horace, but adds ‘sunt tamen in eo quaidam quse tibi nee legere voluerim, nee interprsetari; ’ and in marking out a course of study for boys he says, ‘ Martialis perniciosus quamvis floridus et ornatus, ita tamen spinis densus est ut legi rosas absque punctione non sinat. Elegiam qni scribtait omnes pnero negari debent, nimhun enim snnt molles. Tibullus, Propei'tius, Catul¬ lus, et quae translata est apud nos Sapho, raro namque non amatoria scribunt, desertosque conqueruntur amores. Amoveantur igitur, aut ad firmius aetatis robur reserventur.’ It is curious to observe the consideration, which induces him to except Juvenal from this category : ‘Juvenalis alto ratis ingenio pleraque nimis licenter locutus est in aliquibus autem satyris, tarn religioswn se prcebuit ut nostrce Jidei doetoribus in nidlo cedere judicattir' — Opera, p. 984, ed. 1551. Ludovicus Vives. would find consolation even in the loss of some of the elegiac poets. ‘ Imo vero amissa sunt tot philosophorum et sacrorum autorum monimenta, et grave erit ac non ferendum facinus, si Tibullus pereat aut Ars Amandi Nasonis?’— De Tra dendis Disciplinis, p. 474, ed. 1555. ** John Heyv^ood, who was beloved and rewarded by Henry the Eighth for his buffooneries, has been styled the first writer of English comedies; but Warton points out that this distinction can only be conferred upon him by those who ‘ confound comedies with moralities and interludes.’ His comedies, most of which appeared before 1534, are ‘destitute of plot, humour, or character, and give us no very high opinion of the festivity of this agreeable companion. They consist of low incident and the language of ribaldry.’— of Ejtgl. Poetry, vol. ■ iii. p. 86. To Udall, the head-master of Eton, must be attributed the production of the first real comedy in the English language, which was certainly in existence, as Mr. Collier points out, in 1551, if not earlier, flist. of Dram. Poetry, vol. ii. p. 445.) For though Wood in his ‘ Athense Oxon.’ mentions a comedy called * Piscator, or the Fisher Caught,’ written by one John Hoker about 1540, Warton suspects this to have been written in Latin. {Hist, of Engl. Poetry, vol. iii. p. 83.) ® Ludovicus Vives gives a sketch of the rise and development of comedy, which, as coming from the pen of a contemporary, is worth quoting : ‘ Venit in THE GO FEE HO HE. f 25 to the intent that men beholdynge the promptnes of youth unto vice, the snares of harlotts and baudes laide for yonge myndes, the disceipte of seruantes, the chaunces of fortune contrary to mennes expectation, they beinge therof warned may prepare them selfe to resist or preuente occasion. Sem- blably remembring the wisedomes, aduertisements, counsailes, dissuasion from vice, and other profitable sentences, most eloquently and familiarely shewed in those comedies, un¬ doubtedly there shall be no litle frute out of them gathered.^ scenam poesis populo ad spectandum congregato, et ibi sicut pictor tabulam pro- ponit multitudini spectandam, ita poeta imaginem qtiandam vit(e, ut merito Plu- tarchus de his dixerit, poema esse picturam loquentem, et pictiiram poema tacens, ita magister est populi, et pictor, et poeta, Corrupta est haec ars quod ab insecta- tione flagitiomm et sceleram transiit ad obsequium pravae affectionis, ut quemcunque odisset poeta, in eum linguae ac styli intemperantia abuteretur. Cui injuria atque insolentiae itum est obviam, primum a divitibus potentia sua et opibus : hinc legibus, quibus cavebatur, ne quis in ahum noxium carmen pangeret. Turn involucris coepit tegi fabula : paulatim res tota ad ludicra, et in vulguin plausibilia est traducta ad amores, ad fraudes meretricum, ad perjuria lenonis, ad militis ferociam, et glorias : qum quum dicerentur cuneis refertis puerorum, puellarum, mulierum, turba opificum hominum et rudium, mirum quam vitiabantur mores civitatis admonitione ilia et quasi incitatione ad flagitia : preesertim quum comici semper catastrophem laetam adderent amoribus et impudicitiae. Nam si quando addidissent tristes exitus deterniissent ab Us actibus spectatores, quibus eventus esset paratus acerbissimus. In quo sapientior fuit qui nostra lingua scripsit Celestinain tragi-comoediam. Nam progressui amorum et illis gaudiis voluptatis exituni annexuit amarissimum, nempe amatorum, lenae, lenonum, casus et neces violentas. Neque vero ignorarunt olim fabularum scriptores turpia esse quae scriberent et moribus juventutis damnosa. Recentiores in linguis vernaculis multo, mea quideni sententia, excellunt veteres in argumento deligendo. Ntdlcs fere exhibentur nunc publico; fabtdce quce non delectationem titilitate conjungant.''—De Causis Corrupt. Artium, p. 367, ed. 1555. The play referred to by Vives is evidently the same as that mentioned in the following passage, which occurs in a treatise called ‘ A Second and Third Blast of Retrait from Plaies and Theaters,’ published in 1580 : ‘ The nature of these comedies are for the most part after one manner of nature, like the Tragical Comedie of Calistus, where the bawdresse Scelestina inflamed the maiden Melibeia with her sorceries.’— English Drama and Stage, by W. C. Hazlitt, p. 143, ed. 1869, “ Sir P. Sidney says : ‘Comedy is an imitation of the common errors of our life, which he representeth in the most ridiculous and scornefull sort that may be. So as it is impossible that any beholder can be content to be such a one. Now, as in Geometry, the oblique must bee knowne as wel as the right, and in Arith- THE GOVERNOUR, I 26 And if the vices in them expressed shulde be cause that myndes of the reders shulde be corrupted : than by the same argumente nat onely entreludes in englisshe, but also sermones, wherin some vice is declared, shulde be to the beholders and herers like occasion to encreace sinners.^ metick the odde as well as the euen, so in the actions of our life who seeth not the filthiness of euil wanteth a great foile to perceiue the beauty of vertue. This doth the Comedy handle so in our priuate and domestical matters as with hearing it we get as it were an experience what is to be looked for of a nigardly Deinea : of a crafty Davus : of a flattering Gnato : of a vaine glorious Thraso : and not onely to know what effects are to be expected, but to know who be such by the signi¬ fying badge giuen them by the comedian. And little reason hath any man to say that men learne euill by seeing it so set out: sith as I sayd before, there is no man lining but by the force trueth hath in nature, no sooner seeth these men play their parts but wisheth them in Pistrimim : although perchance the sack of his owne faults lye so behinde hys back that he seeth not himselfe daunce the same measure, wherto yet nothing can more open his eye^ then to finde his own actions con¬ temptibly set forth. ’— Apologie for Poetrie. * That sermons of the period were often of a questionable character appears pretty plain from iiurnet’s account of Bonner’s ‘Injunctions,’ which were published in 1542. ‘These Injunctions,’ he says, ‘especially when they are considered at their full length, will give great light into the temper of men at that time, and particularly inform us of the design and method in preach¬ ing as it was then set forward ; concerning which the reader will not be ill-pleased to receive some information. In the time of popery there had been few sermons but in Lent, for their discourses on the holy days were rather panegyrics on the saint, or the vain magnifying of some of their relics which were laid up in such or such places. In Lent there was a more solemn and serious way of preaching ; and the friers, who chiefly maintained their credit by their performances at that time, used all the force of their skill and industry to raise the people into heats by passionate and affecting discourses. And the design of their sermons was rather to raise a present heat, which they knew afterwards how to manage, than to work a real reformation on their hearers.’— Hist, of the Refor 77 iation, vol. i. p. 500, ed. 1865. One of the Injunctions above referred to expressly forbade the acting of plays cr interludes ‘ in the churches. ’ Another directed ‘ That there should be no sermons preached that had been 77 tade withhi these two hii 7 id 7 ’ed or three hu 7 idredyears. But when they preached they should explain the whole Gospel and Epistle for the day, according to the mind of some good doctor allowed by the Church of England. And chiefly to insist on those places that might stir up the people to good works ard to prayer, and to explain the use of the ceremonies of the Church. That there should be no railing in sermons ; but the preacher should calmly and discreetly set forth the excellencies of virtue and the vileness of sin, and should also explain the prayers for that day, that so the people might pray with one heart. And should teach them the use of the sacra- THE GOVERNOUR. 1 27 And that by comedies good counsaile is ministred : it appiereth by the sentence of Pafmeno, in the seconde comedie of Therence In this thinge I triumphe in myne owne conceipte, That I have founden for all yonge men the "way Howe they of harlottes shall knowe the deceipte, Their wittes, their maners, that therby they may Them perpetually hate ; for so moche as they Out of theyr owne houses be fresshe and delicate, Fedynge curiousely ; at home all the daye Lyuinge beggarly in moste wretched astate. * * There be many mo words spoken whiche I purposely omitte to translate, nat withstandynge the substance of the hole sentence is herin comprised. But nowe to come to other poetes, what may be better saide than is written by Plautus in his firste comedie 'i Verily .Vertue dothe all thinges excelle. For if libertie, helthe, lyvyng and substance, Our countray, our parentes and children do well It hapneth by vertue ; she doth all aduance. Vertue hath all thinge under gouernaunce. Plautus in A mphit. Ale. loq'tur. Therent. hi Eunai. ments, particularly of the mass, but should avoid the reciting of fables or stories fot TV hie h no good writer could be vouched ' — Ibid. Wilson, in his Arte of Rhethoryke^ throws some light on this subject. He says: ‘ Euen these auncient Preacher must now and then plaie the fooles in the pulpit to seme the tickle eares of their Acting audience, or els they are like sometymes to preache to the bare walles,’ p. 3. ed. 1584. * ‘ Id vero est, quod ego mihi puto palmarium. Me reperisse, quo modo adolescentulus Meretricum ingenia et mores posset noscere ; Matui'e ut cum cognorit, perpetuo oderit. Quae dum foris sunt, nihil videtur mundius ; Nec magis compositum quicquam, nec magis elegans ; Quae, cum amatore suo cum coenant, liguriunt. Harum videre ingluviem, sordes, inopiam ; Quam inhonestae solae sint domi, atque avidae cibi; Quo pacto ex jure hesterno panem atrum vorent; Nosse omnia haec, salus est adolescentulis. ’ Ter. Eunuch, act v. sc. iv. 1 . 8-18. THE GOVERNOUR. I 28 And in whom of vertue is founden great plentie, Any thinge that is good may neuer be deintie. “ Also Ouidius, that semeth to be moste of all poetes lasciuious, in his mooste wanton bokes hath righte commend¬ able and noble sentences ; as for proufe therof I will recite some that I haue taken at aduenture. Time is in medicine if it shall profile ; Wyne gyuen out of tyme may be anoyaunce. A man shall irritate vice if he prohibite Whan tyme. is nat mete unto his utterance. Therfore, if thou yet by counsaile arte recuperable, Flee thou from idlenesse and alway be stable.’’ Martialis, whiche, for his dissolute wrytynge, is mooste seldome radde of men of moche grauitie, hath nat with- standynge many commendable sentences and right wise counsailes, as amonge diuers I will reherce one whiche is first come to my remembrance. If thou wylte eshewe bytter aduenture, And auoide the gnawynge of a pensifull harte, Sette in no one persone all holy thy pleasure, The lasse ioy shalte thou haue but the lasse shalt thou smarte. ® Martialis li. xii. ad Julium. Ouidius de reme. amoris. a ‘ Virtus praemium est optimum : Virtus omnibus rebus anteit profecto. Libertas, salus, vita, res, parentes, Patria et prognati tutantur, servantur : Virtus omnia in se habet : omnia assunt bona, quern penes est virtus.’—Plaut. Amphitruo, act ii. sc. ii. 1 . 17-21. ^ ‘Temporis ars medicina fere est : data tempore prosunt, Et data non apto tempore vina nocent. Quin etiam accendas vitia, irritesque vetando ; Temporibus si non aggrediare suis. Ergo, ubi visus eris nostrae medicabilis arti, Fac monitis fugias otia prima meis.’—Ovid. Rem. Amor, i^i-136. « ‘ Si vitare velis acerba quaedam, Et tristes animi cavere morsus, Nulli te facias nimis sodalem. Gaudebis minus, et minus dolebis.’ Martial. Epigram, lib. xii. 34. THE GOVERNOUR. I 29 I coulde recite a great nombre of semblable good sentences out of these and other wanton poets, who in the latine do expresse them incomparably with more grace and de¬ lectation to the reder than our englisshe tonge may yet comprehende.®' Wherfore sens good and wise mater may be picked out of these poetes, it were no reason, for some lite mater that is in their verses, to abandone therefore al their warkes, no more than it were to forbeare or prohibite a man to cofne into a faire gardein, leste the redolent sauours of swete herbes and floures shall meue him to wanton courage, or leste in gadringe good and holsome herbes he may happen to be stunge with a nettile. No wyse man entreth in to a gardein but he sone espiethe good herbes from nettiles, and treadeth the nettiles under his feete whiles he gadreth good herbes. Wherby he taketh no damage, or if he be stungen he maketh lite of it and shortly forgetteth it. Semblablye if he do rede wanton mater mixte with wisedome, he putteth the warst under foote and sorteth out the beste, or, if his courage be stered or prouoked, he remembreth the litel pleasure and gret detriment that shulde ensue of it, and * Puttenham has a higher appreciation of his own language. ‘ If th’ art of Poesie, ’ he says, ‘ be but a skill appertaining to utterance, why may not the same be with us as wel as with them, our language being no lesse copious, pithie, and significatiue than theirs, our conceipts the same, and our wits no lesse apt to de- uise and imitate than theirs were ? If, againe, Art be but a certaine order of rules prescribed by reason and gathered by experience, why should not Poesie be a vulgar Art with us as well as with the Greeks and Latines, our language admitting no fewer rules and nice diuersities than theirs ? But, peradventure, moe by a peculiar, which our speech hath in many things differing from theirs: and yet in the generall points of that Art allowed to go in common with them: so as if one point perchance which is their feete whereupon their measures stand, and, in deede, is all the beautie of their Poesie, and which feete we haue not, nor as yet neuer went about to frame, (the nature of our language and wordes not permitting it,) we haue in stead thereof twentie other curious points in that skill more than they euer had, by reason of our rime and tunable concords or symphonic, which they neuer obserued. Poesie, therefore, may be an Art in our vulgar, and that verie methodicall and commendable .’—The Arte of English Poesie^ lib. i. chap, ii, K 130 THE GOVERNOUR. withdrawynge his minde to some other studie or exercise shortly forgetteth it. And therfore amonge the iewes, though it were prohibited to children untill they came to rype yeres to reade the bokes of Genesis, of the iuges, Ca7ttica Canticoriim, and some parte of the boke of Ezechiel the prophete, for that in them was contayned some matter whiche moughte happen to incense the yonge mynde. Wherin were sparkes of carnall con¬ cupiscence, yet after certayne yeres of mennes ages it was lefull for euery man to rede and diligently studie those warkes.^ * Jerome, in the preface to his commentaries upon Ezekiel, says : ‘ Aggrediar Ezechielem prophetam cujus diffi,cultatem Hebrceorum probat traditio. Nam nisi quis apud eos aetatem sacerdotalis ministerii, id est, tricesimum annum impleverit, nec principia Geneseos nec Canticum Canticorum, nec hujus voluminis exordium et finem legere permittitur ; ut ad perfectam scientiam et mysticos intellectus plenum humanse naturae tempus accedat.’— Opera^ tom. iv, p. 434. Ed. 1571. Romas. It will be seen from this that the author has interpolated the book of Judges amongst the prohibited writings, Jerome making no mention of it, and that he has assigned a totally different reason for such prohibition to that given by the father. Mr. Horne says: ‘Ezekiel is more vehement than Jeremiah in reproving the sins of his fellow-countrymen, and abounds more in visions, which render some passages of his book exceedingly difficult to be understood.’— Introd. to Old Test. p. 829. ‘It is remarkable,’ says Professor Bush, ‘ that Daniel is excluded from the number of prophets, and that his writings, with the rest of the Ha- giographa, were not publicly read in the Synagogues, as the Law and the Prophets were. This is ascribed to the singular minuteness with which he foretold the coming of the Messiah before the destruction of the city, and the apprehension of the Jews lest the public reading of his predictions should lead any to embrace the doctrines of Chi'istianity.’— Notes on Genesis, Introduction, p. 8. It is not unlikely that some such ‘ apprehension ’ may have had as much to do with the prohibition mentioned by Jerome in the case of Ezekiel, as the intrinsic difficulty of the inter¬ pretation, inasmuch as a portion of his book is filled with denunciations against the Jewish people ; and he foretold the destruction of Jerusalem and its inhabi¬ tants. With regard to Canticle?, Origen says : ‘ Aiunt enim observari etiam apud Hebrseos quod nisi quis ad astatem perfectam maturamque pervenerit libellum hunc ne quidem in manibus tenere permittatur. Sed et illud ab eis accepimus custodiri, quandoquidem moris est apud eos omnes scripturas a doctoribus et a sapientibus tradi pueris simul et eas quas 5 evTepdi'(Teis appellant, ad ultimum quatuor ista reservari, id est Principium Genesis, in quo mundi creatura describitur, et Ezechielis Prophetae principia, in quibus de Cherubim refertur, et finem in quo templi sedificatio continetur, et hunc Cantici Canticorum librum.’— Prologus n Cantica Canticorum. It is not a little remarkable that neither this passage from Origen nor the one quoted above from Jerome is referred to by Whiston, THE GOVERNOUR. 131 So all thoughe I do nat approue the lesson of wanton poetes' to be taughte unto all children, yet thynke I conuenient and necessary that, whan the mynde is become constante and courage is asswaged, or that children of their naturall disposi¬ tion be shamfaste and continent, none auncient poete wolde be excluded from the leesson of suche one as desireth to come to the perfection of wysedome. But in defendynge of oratours and poetes I had all moste forgoten where I was. Verily there may no man be an • excellent poet nor oratour unlasse he haue parte of all other doctrine, specially of noble philosophie. And to say the trouth, no man can apprehende the very delecta- ^ tion that is in the leesson of noble poetes unlasse he have radde very moche and in diuers autours of diuers lern- ynges. Wherfore, as I late said, to the augmentation of understandyng, called in latine Intellectiis et mens, is re¬ quired to be moche redyng and vigilaunt studie in euery science, specially of that parte of philosophie named morall, whiche instructeth men in vertue and politike gouernaunce. Also no noble autour, specially of them that wrate in greke or latine before xii. C. yeres passed, is nat for any cause to be omitted. For therin I am of Quintilianes opinion, that there is fewe or none auncient warke that yeldethe nat some frute or commoditie to the diligent reders.^ And it is a very grosse or obstinate witte that by readyng moche is nat some what amended. Concernynge the election of other autours to be radde I haue (as I truste) declared sufficiently my conceipt and opinion in the x and xi chapiters of this litle treatise.'^ who wrote an essay expressly to prove that ‘ this book was written by Solomon in the loose and wicked part of his life,’ and that consequently it ought to be ex¬ cluded from the canon. See A Szipplement to an Essay towards Restoring the True Text of the Old Testament, 1723. “ ‘ Paucos et vix ullum ex his, qui vetustatem pertulerunt, existimo posse reperiri, quin judicium adhibentibus allaturus sit utilitatis aliquid.’— Inslit. Orat, ib. X. cap. I, § 40, ^ In the original, as printed, this paragraph ended as follows: ‘in the firste 132 THE GOVERNOUR. Finally, like as a delicate tree that cometh of a kernell, whiche as sone as it burgeneth out leues, if it be plucked uppe or it be sufficiently rooted, and layde in a corner, it becometh drye or rotten and no frute cometh of it, if it be remoued and sette in an other ayre or erthe, which is of contrary qualities where it was before, it either semblably diethe or beareth no frute, or els the frute that cometh of it leseth his verdure and taste, and finally his estimation. So the pure and excellent lerning wherof I haue spoken, thoughe it be sowen in a childe neuer so tymely, and springeth and burgeneth neuer so pleasauntly, if, by fore it take a depe rote in the mynde of the childe, it be layde a syde, either by to moche solace or continuall attendaunce in seruice, or els is translated to an other studie whiche is of a more grose or unpleasaunt qua- litie before it be confirmed or stablisshed by often reding or diligent exercise, in conclusion it vanissheth and cometh to no thing. Wherfore lete men replie as they list, but, in myne opinion, men be wonderfully disceyued nowe a dayes, (I dare nat saye with the persuasion of auarice,) that do put their children at the age of xiiii or xv yeres to the studie of the lawes of the realme of Englande.® I will shewe to them reasonable causes boke of this little treatise,’ but the correction appears among the errata of the first edition, and for the reason given in note p. 47 ante, has been inserted in its pro¬ per place in accordance with the author’s directions. * Was this, as Blackstone would seem to suggest, out of deference to the ex¬ ample of ancient Rome, where, as Cicero informs us {De Legg. lib. ii. cap. 23), the very boys were obliged to learn the'twelve tables by heart as a carmen neces- sarium or indispensable lesson, to imprint on their tender minds an early knowledge of the laws and constitution of their country? Fortescue, who was Lord Chief Justice and afterwards Lord Chancellor, shows us that at any rate in his time [i.e. in the reign of Henry VI.) the Inns of Court were more like Univer¬ sities than they have ever been since, and that only the sons of rich men could afford such an expensive education. He says ; ‘ Sunt namque in eo decern Hospitia minora, et quandoque vero plura, quse nominantur Hospitia Cancellariae. Ad quorum quodlibet pertinent centum studentes ad minus, et ad aliqua eorum major in multo numerus, licet non omnes semper in eis simul conveniant. Studentes etenim isti, pro eorum parte majori, juvenes sunt. Originalia et quasi Legis Elementa addisceutes, qui in illis proficientes, ut ipsi maturescunt, ad majora THE GOVERNOUR. 133 why, if they wyll paciently here me, infourmed partely by myne owne experience. CHAPTER XIV. Howe the stiideiites iti the lawes of this realme mdye take excellent coinmoditie by the lessons of sondrie doctrines. It may nat be denyed but that al lawes be founded on the depest parte of raison,^ and, as I suppose, no one lawe so Hospitia studii illius, quae Hospitia Curice appellantur, assumuntur. Quorum majorum quatuor sunt in numero et ad minimum eorum pertinent in forma praenotata ducenti studentes aut prope. In his enim majoribus Hospitiis, nequaquam potest studens aliquis sustentari minoribus expensis in anno quam octoginta scutorum (= 20 marks), et si servientem sibi ipse ibidem habuerit ut eoi*um habet pluralitas, tanto tunc majores ipse sustinebit expensas. Occasione vero suniptuum hujusmodi ipsi nobilium filii tantum in Hospitiis illis Leges addiscunt. . Cu77i pauperes et vulgares p7'o filiorum siioru77i exhibitione ta7ttos siwiptus nequeant suffei're. Et mercatores raro cupiant tantis oneribus annulis attenuare Mercandisas suas. Quo fit ut vix doctus hi Legibus illis reperiatur in regno, qui non sit nobilis et de nobilium geiiere eg 7 'essus. Unde magis aliis consimilis status hominibus ipsi nobilitatem curant et conservationem honoris et famse suse. In his revera Hospitiis majoribus etiam et minoribus, ultra studium Legum, est quasi Gymnasium omnium morum qui nobiles decent. Ibi cantare ipsi addiscunt similiter, et se exercent in omni genere Harmoniae. Ibi etiam tripudiare ac jocos singulos nobilibus convenientes, qualiter in Domo Regia exercere solent, enutriti, Inferialibus diebus, eorum pars major legalis disciplinae studio, et in Festivalibus Sacrae Scripturae et Cronicorum lectioni post divina obsequia se confert, Ibi quippe disciplina virtutum est, et vitiorum omnium exilium. Ita ut propter virtutis acquisitionem, vitii etiam fugam, Milites, Barones alii quoque Magnates, et nobiles regni, in Hospitiis illis ponunt filios suos, quamvis non gliscunt eos Legum imbui disciplina, nec ejus exercitio vivere, sed solum ex patrociniis suis .’—De Laud. Leg. Angl. cap. 49. * Cicero’s definition of the law of nature is as follows : ‘ Lex est I'atio summa insita in natura, quae jubet ea quae facienda sunt prohibetque contraria. Eadem ratio quum est in horninis mente confirmata et confecta Lex est .’—De Legg. lib. i, cap. 6. Blackstone says ; ‘ This law of nature, being coeval with mankind and dictated by God himself, is, of course, superior in obligation to any other. It is binding over all the globe, in all countries, and at all times : no human laws are of any validity if contrary to this, and such of them as are valid derive all their force and all their authority mediately or immediately from this original. But in order to apply this to the particular exigencies of each individual, it is still neces- 134 THE GOVERNOUR. moche as our owne;*^ and the deper men do inuestigate raison the more difficile or harde muste nedes be the studie. Also that reuerende studie is inuolued in so barbarouse a langage, that it is nat onely voyde of all eloquence,^ but also beynge sary to have recourse to reason ; whose office it is to discover, as was before observed, what the law of nature directs in every circumstance of life, by consider¬ ing what method will tend the most effectually to our own substantial happiness. And if our reason were always, as in our first ancestor before his transgression, clear and perfect, unruffled by passions, unclouded by prejudice, unimpaired by disease or intemperance, the task would be pleasant and easy—we should need no other guide but this. But every man now finds the contrary in his own experi¬ ence ; that his reason is corrupt and his understanding full of ignorance and error. This has given manifold occasion for the benign interposition of divine providence, which, in compassion to the frailty, the imperfection, and the blindness of human reason, hath been pleased at sundry times and in divers manners to discover and en¬ force its laws by an immediate and direct revelation. The doctrines thus delivered we call the revealed or divine law, and they are to be found only in the Holy Scrip¬ tures. Upon these two foundations, the law of nature and the laAV of revelation, depend all human laws : that is to say, no human laws should be suf¬ fered to contradict these.’— Cotnmentaries, p. 40, 15th ed. “ ‘ The first ground of the law of England is the law of reason . It is not used among them that be learned in the laws of England to reason what thing is commanded or prohibited by the law of 7 tdture^ and what not, but all the reasoning in that behalf is under this manner. As when anything is grounded upon the law of nature they say that reason will that such a thing be done ; and if it be prohibited by the law of nature they say it is against reason, or that reason will not suffer that to be done.’— Doctor and Student, chap. v. By Coke the common law of England is called ‘the absolute perfection of reason;’ [Second Instit. cap. xii.) and in another place the same learned judge says, ‘ This is another strong argu¬ ment in law, nihil quod est contra ratione 7 n est licitum ; for reason is the life-of the law, nay, the common law itselfe is nothing else but reason ; which is to be understood of an artificial! perfection of reason, gotten by long study, observation, and experience, and not of every man’s naturall reason.’— Co. Litt. 97 b. Plow- den asserts that the common law ‘is no other than pure and tried reason.’— Case of Mines, Rep. p. 316. Fulbecke, who wrote in 1599 the earliest treatise in English on the study of the law, says : ‘ Cicero, when he treateth of matters of law, speaketh like a lawyer, and a lawyer must speak as the law doth speak ; therefore Baro saith well the writers of the law would not have left to posterity so many law books if they had affected a choice phrase of speech. And surely if when the Latin tongue did^ most flourish the Caesars and Cicero himself did not use any gorgeous and filed kind of speech in matters of law, shall we desire it of Bartolus, Bracton, Britton, and Glanvill, when eloquence was in the eclipse or wane, and exceedingly decayed ? Varro saith that by the diverse mixtures of people and THE GOVERNOUR. 135 separate from the exercise of our lawe onely, it serueth to no commoditie or necessary purpose, no man understandyng it but they whiche haue studyed the law-es.*^ nations old words grow out of use and are changed, and new do take place : how can it then be but that the common law should have harsh, obscure, difficult, and strange terms by the commixtion of the several languages of the Saxons, Danes, and Normans, the authors of the same?’— Prepa7ative to the Study of the Law, p. 54 > 1829. Sir John Doderidge, a sixteenth century lawyer, defending the use of Law Latin, says ; ‘ Secondly may be objected that since the time that the Latine tongue was vulgarly used among the Romans and other the nations that they subdued to that empire (for they much endeavoured the pro¬ pagation of their language), sundry new things have beene invented, whereof those ancient people had either no intelligence or no use ; and, therefore, where such things doe occurre there doe want words proper and peculier in the Latine tongue to denote the same, and men must of necessity bee enforced either to use barbarous words, farre from the purity of the Latine speech, or to invent new to express their meaning. Lastly, there remaineth this scruple : where it hath been affirmed that there is much respect had of the true propriety of Latine words, it seemeth nothing lesse, for those formes are conceived in a base stile, farre removed from purity of speech ; so that the professors of law within this land can challenge no great commendation in this kinde. To this is answered that the Lawes of this Land neither doe nor desire to affect Eloquence in the Latine tongue, for wee have no use of the speech thereof in , our arguments, for as much as the statute made 36 E, III. cap. 15, hath ordained that all pleadings and all arguments and disputations of Law should thenceforth be performed in the English tongue ; whereas formerly, as it seemeth, it was put in ure in the French, remaining untill that time as a badge of the Norman captivity, whereof there is now no use but in the arraigning of an Assize and an Appeale, and such French arguments as are used for exercise in the Houses and Societies of Court and Chancery.’— The Eng¬ lish Lawyer^ p. 49, edn. 1631. • ‘ From the conquest till the latter half of the fourteenth century the pleadings in courts of justice were in Norman French ; but in the 36 Ed. HI. it was ordained by the king “ that all plees which be to be pleded in any of his courts, before any of his justices, or in his other places, or before any of his other ministers, or in the courts and places of any other lords within the realm, shall be pleded, shewed, and defended, answered, debated, and judged in the English tongue, and that they be entred and enrolled in Latine.” Long before this wise measure of reform was obtained by the urgent wishes of the nation, the French of the law courts had become so corrupt and unlike the language of the invaders, that it was scarcely more intelligible to educated natives of France than to most Englishmen of the highest rank. A jargon, compounded of French and Latin, none save professional lawyers could t7'anslate it with readiness or accuracy. And, whilst it unquestionably kept suitors in ignorance of their own affairs, there is reason to believe that it often perplexed the most skilful of those official interpreters who were never weary of extolling its lucidity and precision. ’- - THE GOVERNOUR. Than children at xiiii or xv yeres olde, in whiche tyme springeth courage, set all in pleasure, and pleasure is in nothyng that is nat facile or elegaunt, beyng brought to the moste difficulte and graue lernyng whiche hath no thynge illece- brouse or delicate to tickyll their tender wyttes and alure them to studie, (onles it be lucre, whiche a gentyll witte lytle estemeth,) the more parte, vainquisshed with tediousenesse, either do abandone the lawes and unwares to their frendes do gyue them to gamyng and other (as I mought saye) idle busynesse nowe called pastymes or els if they be in any wyse therto constrayned, they apprehendyng a piece therof, as if they beyng longe in a derke dungeon onely dyd se by the light of a candell,^ than if after xx or xxx yeres studie they Jeaffreson’s Book about Lawyers, vol. ii. p. 98. Fabyan says that in 38 Ed. III. an ordinance was made that serjeants and ‘prentyses of the lawe’ should plead their pleas in their i 7 iother tongue, but adds that ‘this stood but a short while.’— Chron. p. 247, ed. 1559 - ^ What the pastimes were to which the students of the Author’s day were addicted we learn from Dugdale, who, speaking of the Inner Temple, says : ‘ In 13 Hen. VIII. it was ordered that none of the society should, within this House, exercise the play of Shoffe-grote or Slyp-grote upon pain of 6^. 8^/.’— Origines, p. 149. The following passage in the Archa:o/ogia, under date 1763, may perhaps be consi¬ dered to support the strictures of the author unless we refer the ‘ pastime, ’ of which such conclusive proof is given, to the latter half of the succeeding century, when the ruling passion was probably still stronger ; ‘ In new paving the hall of the Middle Temple in London, abo7/t forty years ago, was taken up a silver gilt enamelled box containing near one hundred pair of small ivory dice, scarce more than two- thirds of the modern size.’—Vol. viii. p. 427. Dugdale, speaking of Lincoln’s Inn, says: ‘Touching their sports and corporal exercises, it was ordered in 32 Eliz. that not only all the sportings, late watchings, and exercises before that time yearly used on the Hunting Night, but also their repair usually at a cer¬ tain day yearly to Kentish Town, and the Dining, with sports and assemblies, before that time used, should be taken away■ and no more exercised.’— Origines, p. 245, ed. 1680. From the same source we learn that the members of the Middle Temple were ‘ wont to be entertained with Post Revels, performed by the better sort of the young gentlemen of the Society, with galliards, corrantoes, and other dances, or else with stage playes.’— Ibid. p. 205. Sir William Blackstone, in his inaugural lecture ‘On the Study of the Law,’ delivered at Oxford, 25 Oct., 1758) uses very similar language with regard to the preparation for the profession in his own time. ‘ We may appeal,’ he says, ‘ to the experience of every sensible lawyer whether anything can be more hazardous or discouraging than the usual entrance on the study of the law. A raw and un- THE GOVERNOUR. 137 happen to come amonge wyse men, hering maters commened of concerning a publike weale or outwarde affaires betwene princes, they no lasse be astonied than of commyng out of a darke house at noone dayes they were sodaynly striken in the eyen with a bright sonne beame.^ But I speke nat this in re- proche of lawyers, for I knowe dyuers of them whiche in con¬ sultation wyll make a right vehement raison, and so do some other whiche hath neither lawe nor other lernyng, yet the one and the other, if they were fournisshed with excellent doctrine, their raison shulde be the more substanciall and certayne.'^ experienced youth, in the most dangerous season of life, is transplanted on a sudden into the midst of allurements to pleasure, without any restraint or check but what his own prudence can suggest; with no public direction in what course to pursue his inquiries ; no private assistance to remove the distresses and difficulties which will always embarrass a beginner. In this situation he is expected to sequester himself from the world, and, by a tedious, lonely process, to extract the theory of law from a mass of undigested learning ; or else, by an assiduous attendance on the courts, to pick up theory and practice together sufficient to qualify him for the ordinary run of business. How little, therefore, is it to be wondered at that we hear of so frequent miscarriages: that so many gentlemen of bright imaginations grow weary of so unprotnising a search, and addict themselves wholly to a?nnsements or other less innocent pursuits; and that so many persons of moderate capacity cotifuse themselves at first setting out, and contimte ever dark and puzzled during the remainder of their livesd — Co}?imentaries, vol. i. p. 31, 15th edition. “ Speaking of the custom that prevailed more than two hundred years later, Blackstone says ; ‘If practice be the whole he is taught, practice must also be the whole he will ever know ; if he be uninstructed in the elements and first principles upon which the rule of practice is founded, the least variation from established precedents will totally distract and bewilder him : ita lex scripta est is the utmost his knowledge will arrive at; he must never aspire to form, and seldom expect to comprehend, any arguments drawn a priori from the spirit of the laws and the natural foundations of justice.’— Commentaries, vol, i. p, 32, 15th edn. The reproach of the sixteenth century has, it is to be feared, not been entirely removed in the nineteenth. Witness the evidence given before the Royal Commission appointed (1854) to inquire into the arrangements of the Inns of Court. ‘ One of the gentlemen who was thought worthy of passing by the Council had never heard of the Spanish Armada; another, who had never heard ‘of Lord Clarendon, was selected some time ago for an honourable notice. The gentleman who had never heard of the Spanish Armada was allowed to hold rank in a profession supposed to consist of educated men.’— Rep. p. 122. ^ The most distinguished lawyer of this time was, undoubtedly, Sir Thomas THE GOVERNOUR. 138 There be some also whiche by their frendes be coarted * to aplye the studie of the lawe onely, and for lacke of plen- tuouse exhibition be let of their lybertie, wherfore they can nat resorte unto passetyme ; these of all other be moste caste awaye, for nature repugnyng, they unneth taste any thing that may be profytable, and also their courage is so mortifyed (whiche yet by solace perchaunce mought be made quicke or apte to some other studie or laudable exercise) that they lyue euer after out of all estimation.^ Wherfore Tulli sayeth we shulde so indeuour our selfes that we striue nat with the uniuersall nature of man, but that beynge conserued, lette us folowe our owne propre na¬ tures, that thoughe there be studies more graue and of more importaunce, yet ought we to regarde the studies wherto we be by our owne nature inclined.® And that this sentence is More, who was appointed Lord Chancellor three years previous to the publica¬ tion of The Governour. Amongst other celebrated contemporaries were Shelley, Brooke, Cholmley, Fitz-Herbert (the author of various legal works), Chiis- topher Hales, who was Attorney-General, and afterwards Master of the Rolls, 1536, and Fitz-James, Chief Justice of the King’s Bench, whose character Mr. Foss shows to have been unjustly depreciated by Lord Campbell. It is possible that the insinuation in the text, of lack of learning, coupled with vehemence, may be intended to apply to such men as Lord Rich, of whom Mr. Foss says: ‘As his name is not to be discovered in the Year-Books or in any other reports, it is difficult otherwise to attribute his advancement to the bench of that society (the Middle Temple), than to the influence of opulent friends and a mixture of that subtleness and insolence in his bearing which he exhibited in after life.’— Judges of England, vol. v. p. 318. • See the Glossary. Dugdale, in describing how at this time {i.e. temp. Hen. VIII.) the practice of the law was commenced too early, quotes a passage from a MS. in the Cotton Library curiously resembling that in the text: ‘ First, there is no land nor revenues belonging to the House whereby any learner or student mought be holpen and encouraged to study, by means of some yearly stipend or salary ; w’hich is the occasion that many a good witt, for lack of exhibition, is compelled to give over and forsake study before he have any perfyt knowledge in the law, and to fall to practising, and become a Typler in the Law.’— Origines, p. 193, ed. 1680. ® ‘ Sic enim est faciendum, ut, contra universam naturam nihil contendamus ; ea tamen conservata, propriam naturam sequamur; ut, etiam si sint alia graviora atque meliora, tamen nos studia nostra nostrse naturae regula metiamur.’—Cic. De Officiis, lib. i. cap. 31. It must never be forgotten that unless Gibbon had THE GOVERNOUR, 139 true we haue dayly experience in this realme specially. For how many men be there that hauyng their sonnes in child- hode aptly disposed by nature to paynte, to kerue, or graue, to embrawder, or do other lyke thynges, wherin is any arte commendable concernynge inuention, but that, as sone as they espie it, they be therwith displeased, and forthwith byndeth them apprentises^ to taylours, to wayuers,^ to towkers,® and somtyme to coblers,^ whiche haue ben the inestimable losse of acted on the principle mentioned in the above passage, literature would have been bereft of one of her most brilliant ornaments. The historian himself tells us, ‘ Mrs. Gibbon, with seeming wisdom, exhorted me to take chambers in the Temple, and devote my leisure to the study of the law. I cannot repent of having neglected her advice. Few men, without the spur of necessity, have resolution to force their way through the thorns and thickets of that gloomy labyrinth. Nature had not endowed me with the bold and ready elo¬ quence which makes itself heard amidst the tumult of the bar. And I should probably have been diverted from the labours of literature without acquiring the fame or fortune of a successful pleader.’— Memoirs, p. 59. * It is clear, however, that this was not in former times considered derogatory, for in the Liber Albas, which was compiled in 1419, we read; ‘Antiquitus nullus factus fuit apprenticius, nec saltern admissus fuit in libertatem dictae civitatis, nisi cognitus fuerat esse libene conditionis ; sive, si postquam liberatus fuerat, innotesceret quod erat servilis conditionis, eo ipso civitatis perdidit libertatem.’— Chron. and Mem. p. 33. And Stow, in his Survey, which was written in 1598, says : ‘But because the apprentices of London were often children of gentlemen and persons of good quality, they did affect to go in costly apparel, and wear weapons, and frequent schools of dancing, fencing, and music; therefore, by an Act of Common Council in May, anno 1582, these things were thought fit to be forbidden.’— Vol. ii. p. 329. ‘’See note p. 7 ante. • See the Glossary. ^ Mr. Froude would apparently consider this as an additional proof of the national hatred of the ‘ abominable sin of idleness; ’ but it hardly supports to the full extent his view that it w^as ‘ the State, which promising for itself that all able-bodied men should be found in work, and not allowing any man to work at a business for which he was unfit, insisted as its natural right that children should not be allowed to grow up in idleness, to be returned at mature age upon its hands. Every child, so far as possible, was to be trained up in some business or calling, idleness ‘ being the mother of all sin,’ and the essential duty of every man being to provide honestly for himself and his family. The educative theory, for such it was, was simple but .effective : it was based on the single principle that, next to the know¬ ledge of a man’s duty to God, and as a means towards doing that duty, the first essential of a worthy life was the ability to maintain it in independence. Varieties 140 THE GOVERHOUR. many good wittes, and haue caused that in the said artes englisshmen be inferiors to all other people, and be con- strayned, if we wyll haue any thinge well paynted, kerued, or embrawdred, to abandone our owne countraymen and resorte unto straungers,^ but more of this shall I speke in the nexte volume. of inapplicable knowledge might be good, but they were not essential. Such knowledge might be left to the leisure of after years, or it might be dispensed with without vital injury. Ability to labour could not be dispensed with, and this, therefore, the state felt it to be its own duty to see provided.’— Hist, of Eng. vol. i. p. 43. It is abundantly clear from the evidence not only of Sir Thos. Elyot, but of other i6th century writers, that it was not the State acting upon the general principle that idleness is abominable and sinful, but the parents themselves, acting from merely selfish motives, who apprenticed their children to trades. It must be remembered that in pre-Reformation times the Universities offered fewjnducements to any but members of the monastic orders. The Inns of Court, as Fortescue tells us, were expensive, and frequented exclusively by the rich and noble. One result of the Reformation was to divert the stream which had hitherto flowed through the Inns of Court into another channel flowing through the Universities to the secure haven of clerical preferment bestowed by lay patronage. The Universities now held out inducements to the scions of'noble houses; per contra the middle classes were attracted to the Inns of Court. Feme, writing at the end of the i6th century, complains that ‘ A worthy maintenaunce of the yonger brethren of Gentle and ISo\Ae.\iOViS&?> {especiallye since the desolncion that 'was instly layd upon Collegiat Churches and Chapters) is mightely diminished. For by that free accesse, now permitted to yeomamye and Merchauntes, to set their broode to the studye of common lawes, that faculty is so pestered, yea many worthy offices, and places of high regarde in that vocation (in olde time left to the support of gentle linage) are now preoccupated and usurped by ungentle and base stocke.’— The Blazon of Gentrie, p. 93, ed. 1586. ® Another cause has, however, been assigned for this lack of native talent, and perhaps a more probable onei ‘ When we look into the history of the great schools of Italy, and consider how much they are indebted for their rise and prosperity to the influence of the Roman Church, it may account in some degree for the stagna¬ tion of the Arts in England, that this source of encouragement was cut off when it might have been an important aid to the favourable circumstances in which they were at length placed by the patronage of the sovereign, and the more general desire to cultivate them for their own sake, which would necessarily follow the spread of literature and refinement. ... In the gradual development of the arts of painting and sculpture England had taken no share ; and as regards the former especially, our history presents a total blank during the whole period of its ad¬ vancement in Italy. When, therefore, an epoch at length arrived favourable to the appreciation of the art, it presented itself for the first time in a perfect form to THE GOVERNOUR. I4I But to resorte unto lawyars. I thinke verily if children were broughte uppe as I haue written, and continually were retayned in the right studie of very philosophy untyll they passed the age of xxi yeres, and than set to the lawes of this realme ® the few in whom superior education and wealth united the will with the means of encouraging it. In the eyes of this class, who may rather be said to have pur¬ chased than patronised it, art assumed the character of a foreign luxury, and they were at first too impatient, and soon learned to be too fastidious, to attend to the tedious process of cultivating what they could readily import. Thus was established, and thus has been perpetuated, the predilection for foreign art and foreign artists, which so long pressed like an incubus upon native talent, and condemned it to move in the humble track of imitation. Walpole designates the state of native art in the sixteenth century as genius struggling with barbarism. He should have said genius struggling with prejudice, the influence of which he might have extended down to his own time.’— PicL Hist, of Engl. vol. ii. p. 851. The king was himself a munificent patron of the arts ; his connexion with Holbein is well known, and he likewise employed Raphaell, Pietro Toi'regiano, a Florentine i^culptorof very supe¬ rior talent; Benedetto Rovezzano, who was selected to design a magnificent royal tomb, which was never completed; Jerome de Trevisi, Luca Penni, and other artists of less note. • Blackstone, addressing the University of Oxford, says ; ‘The inconveniences here pointed out {j..e. of justice being administered by illiterate persons) can never be effectually prevented but by making academical education a previous step to the profession of the common law, and at the same time making the rudiments of the law a part of academical education. For sciences are of a sociable disposition, and flourish best in the neighbourhood of each other ; nor is there any branch of learning but may be helped and improved by assistances drawn from other arts. If, therefore, the student in our laws hath formed both his sentiments and style by penisal and imitation of the purest classical writers, among whom the historians and orators will best deserve his regard; if he can reason vdth precision, and separate argument from fallacy, by the clear, simple rules of pure unsophisticated logic ; if he can fix his attention and steadily pursue truth through any the most intricate deduction by the use of mathematical demonstrations ; if he has enlarged his con¬ ceptions of nature and art by a view of the several branches of genuine experi¬ mental philosophy if he has impressed on his mind the sound maxims of the law of nature, the best and most authentic foundation of human laws ; if, lastly, he has contemplated those maxims reduced to a practical system in the laws of Imperial Rome; if he has done this or any part of it (though all may be easily done under as able instructors as ever graced any seats of learning), a student thus qualified may enter upon the study of the law with incredible advantage and reputation. And if at the conclusion or during the acquisition of these accomplishments he will afford himself here a year or two’s farther leisure, to lay the foundation of his future labours in a solid, scientifical method, without thirsting too early to attend that practice whicli it was impossible he should rightly comprehend, he will after- 142 THE GOVERNOUR. (being ones brought to a more certayne and compendiouse studie, and either in englisshe, latine, or good french, written in a more dene and elegant stile undoughtedly they shuld wards proceed with the greatest ease, and will unfold the most intricate points with an intuitive rapidity and clearness.’— Commentaries, vol. i. p. 33, 15th edn. ‘Lord Bolingbroke enunciates the same sentiments in his Letters on the Study and Use of History ; he says, ‘ A lawyer now is nothing more, I speak of ninety-nine in a hundred at least, to use some of Tully’s words, ‘ nisi legideius quidam cautus, et acutus prceco actionum, cantorfornmlarum, auceps syllabarumd But there have been lawyers that were orators, philosophers, historians ; there have been Bacons and Clarendons, my Lord. There will be none such any more, till, in some better age, true ambition or the love of fame prevails over avarice ; and till men find leisure and encouragement to prepare themselves for the exercise of this profession, by climbing up to the vantage ground, so my Lord Bacon calls it, of science, instead of grovelling all their lives below, in a mean, but gainful application to all the little arts of chieane. Till this happen, the profession of the law will scaree deserve to be ranked among the learned professions : and whenever it happens, one of the vantage grounds to which men must climb is metaphysical, and the other historical, knowledge. They must pry into the secret recesses of the human heart, and become well acquainted with the whole moral world, that they may discover the abstract reason of all laws ; and they must traee the laws of partieular states, especially of their own, from the first rough sketches to the more perfect draughts, from the first causes or occa¬ sions that produced them, through all the effects, good and bad, that they pro¬ duced.’—P. 132, ed. 1777 ' “ The lawyers generally, however, were quite contented with their barbarous jargon. Fulbeeke, writing quite at the end of the century, says in his Direction or Preparative to the Study of the Law, ‘ If the received words of the Law should be altered it may well be presumed that many ancient books of the Civil law, and the old year books, would in short time be hardly understood. And I am surely persuaded that if the ancient terms of the law should be changed for more polite and familiar novelties, the new terms would be nothing so emphatical and significant as the old.The fine Rhetorician will say Absurda consuetudo disrumpenda est; the Lawyer, he will say Ustis contra 7'ationem a^imtllandtcs est; he will say that it is not Roman Latin ; it is most true, therefore, will he conclude it is not w^ell spoken nor congrue. The argument halteth. The Muscovite will speak of a thing after one sort; the Fleming after another sort will utter the same thing : neither of them speak in Latin, but in their own language. Do they not, therefore, speak right ? Yes, they speak right and congrue in their own language, and so do the lawyers in their own dialect and language proper to their art. Doth any man think that these words, Bellwyi, Exul, Sylva, Proscriptio, nianus mjectio, were unknown to the ancient writers of the law ? Yet sometime they do not use these, but instead of them they say Guerra, Bannitus, Boscus, Attinctura, Arrestum. But it is convenient that they should use these latter words, being proper to their art or science. Neither is it meet that they should change them for the words of THE GOVERNOUR. 143 become men of so excellent wisedome that throughout all the worlde shulde be founden in no commune weale more noble counsaylours,^ our lawes nat onely comprehendyng most ex- a strange language. . " . . And the common law being derived from the Normans and other nations, doth conveniently retain the words of the first inventors. And because amongst lawyers Latin words be used many times in -another sense than they are vulgarly and commonly taken, it is not good to have the interpre¬ tation of such words from any other than the lawyers themselves. . . I do not think any exquisite skill of the Latin tongue to be necessary in a lawyer; but hold it sufficient if he know so much thereof, and in such manner, as the common sort of men which are conversant in the reading of Latin books. . . The ancient reporters and handlers of the Law, whilst they wrote of Fines, Vouchers, Remitters, Restitution, Releases, and such intricate matters, had no leisure to note the proper¬ ties and rules of the Latin tongue in Cicero, Pliny, Plautus, and Varro ; they inquired not what was good Latin, but what was good law.’— Preparative to the Study of the Law, pp. 56, 57. Roger North, the younger brother of the Lord Keeper Guild¬ ford, at a still later period preferred the old style, for in his Discourse on the Study of the Laws, he insists upon the necessity of a student’s early application to learn the old law French. ‘Some may think that because the law French is no better than the old Norman corrupted, and now a deformed hotch¬ potch of the English and Latin mixed together, it is not fit for a polite spark to foul himself with ; but this nicety is so desperate a mistake that lawyer and law French are coincident—one will not stand without the other. All the ancient books that are necessary to be read and understood are in that dialect; and the law itself is not in its native dress, nor is, in truth, the same thing in English. During the English times as they are called, when the Rump abolished Latin and French, divers books were translated, as the great work of Coke’s Reports, &c.; but upon the revival of the law, those all died, and are now but waste paper. Even the modern Reports mostly are in French, and, as I said, all the ancient as well as divers authentic tracts, as Fitz-Herbert’s Natura Brevium, Staunford’s Pleas of the Crown, Crompton’s furisdiction of Courts, &c., are only to be had in French, and will any man pretend to be a lawyer without it, when that language should be as familiar to him as his mother-tongue? Now it is not the least use of these initiatory books that they are to be read in Freneh, for thereby a student with his slow steps gains ground in the language as well as in the law ; and by that time as he shall be capable to understand other books, he will be capable to read them, therefore I should absolutely interdiet reading Littleton, &c., in any other than French ; and, however it is translated and the English con-columned with it, it should be used only as subsidiary, to give light to the French where it is obscure, and not as a text. For really the Law is scarce expressible properly in English, and when it is done it must be Fran^oise or very uncouth.’—P. ii, ed. 1824. * Sir Edward Coke says there are two things to be avoided by the student ‘ as enemies to learning —prcepostera lectio and prapropera praxis.' — Co. Litt. 70 b, 144 THE GOVERxNOUR. cellent raisons, but also beyng gadred and compacte (as 1 mought saye) of the pure mele or floure syfted out of the best lawes of all other countrayes, as somwhat. I do intende to proue euidently in the nexte volume,^ wherin I wyll rendre myne offyce or duetie to that honorable studie wherby which he also assigns in another place [Pref to N’inth Reports) as ‘ two causes of the uncertainty of the law. ’ That by the former phrase he means to imply a desultory mode of reading appears pretty plain from his use of a similar expression in the Institutes, part ii. cap. 46, where, in his note on the Statute of Westm. ist, he says, ‘ The mischief before this statute was in respect of preposterous or disor¬ derly hearing of causes.’ With regard to the latter phrase, preepropera praxis, it may be observed that Sir Edward Coke’s own career affords the best commentary to his text, for we are told that after being six years a student, ‘ in consideration of his great proficiency in the law, he was permitted to be called to the bar, though the usual period of probation was then eight years. The flattering com¬ pliment thus paid by the heads of his profession to his learning and talents was, of itself, a sufficient recommendation to ensure him early opportunities for bringing himself further into notice. Accordingly, we find him engaged "as counsel in a case of some importance so early as 1578, that is, in the twenty-eighth year of his age. -He was also appointed reader or lecturer at Lyon’s Inn, an office which he held during three years; and his readings (which were not given as it is usual to give them at present, merely for the sake of observing an antiquated form) were so assiduously attended and so generally admired that he rapidly attained a degree of repute much greater than that of any other barrister of the same age and standing at the bar.’— Library of Useful Knowledge. Blackstone says, with refer¬ ence to the study of the Law in his own time, ‘ The evident want of some assist¬ ance in the rudiments of legal knowledge has given birth to a practice which, if ever it had grown to be general, must have proved of extremely pernicious conse¬ quence. I mean the custom by some so very warmly recommended, of dropping all liberal education, as of no use to students in the law : and placing them in its stead at the desk of some skilful attorney, in order to initiate them early in all the depths of practice, and render them more dexterous in the mechanical part of business. A few instances of particular persons (men of excellent learning and unblemished integrity) who, in spite of this method of education, have shone in the foremost ranks of the bar, have afforded some kind of sanction to this illiberal path to the profession, and biassed many parents of short-sighted judgment in its favour ; not considering that there are some geniuses formed to overcome all disadvantages, and that from such particular instances no general rules can be formed ; nor observing that those very persons have frequently recommended, by the most forcible of all examples, the disposal of their own offspring, a very different foundation of legal studies—a regular academical education.’— Commentaries, vol. i. p. 31, 15th edn. • This intention, however, as the reader will presently see, was not carried out by the author. THE GOVERNOUR. 145 my father was aduaunced to a iuge, and also I my selfc haue attayned no lytle commoditie.®' I suppose dyuers men ther be that will say, that the swet- nesse that is contayned in eloquence and the multitude of doctrines, shulde utterly withdrawe the myndes of yonge men from the more necessary studie of the lawes of this realme. To them wyll I make a briefe answere, but true it shalbe, and I trust sufficient to wise men. In the gret multitude of yonge men, whiche alway will repayre, and the lawe beinge ones brought in to a more certayne and perfect langage, will also increase in the reuerent studie of the lawe, undoughtedly there shall neuer lacke but some by nature inclyned, dyuers by desyre of sondrie doctrines, many for hope of lucre or some other aduancement,^ will effectuelly studie the lawes, ne will be therfrom withdrawen by any other lesson whiche is more eloquent. Example we haue at this present tyme of diuers excellent lerned men, bothe in the lawes ciuile as also in phisike, whiche being exactly studyed in all partes of elo¬ quence, bothe in the Greeke tonge and latine,® haue nat wit- ® See the Life of the Author, prefixed to the present edition. Wilson says : ‘ After we haue perswaded our freend that the lawe is honest, drawyng our argumentes from the heape of vertues, wee must goe further with hym, and bryng hym in good beleeue that it is very gainfull. For many one seeke not the knowledge of learning for the goodnesse sake, but rather take paines for the gaine which thei see doeth arise by it. Take awaie the hope of lucre, and you shall see fewe take any paines ; no, not in the Vineyarde of the Lorde. For although none should followe any trade of life for the gaine sake, but euen as he seeth it is most necessarie for the aduauncement of God’s glorie, and not passe in what estimation thynges are had in this worlde, yet because we are all so weake of witte in our tender yeres, that wee cannot weigh with our selues what is best, and our bodie so neshe, that it looketh euer to be cherished, we take that whiche is moste gainefull for us, and forsake that altogether whiche wee ought moste to followe. So that for lacke of honest meanes, and for want of good order, the best waie is not used, neither is God’s honour in our first yeares remembred. I had rather (saied one) make my childe a Cobler, then a Preacher, a Tankerd bearer, then a Scholer. For what shall my sonne seeke for learning when he shall neuer gett thereby any liuyng ? Sett my sonne to that whereby he male get some what. The law, therfore, not onely bringeth much gaine with it, but also aduanceth men both to worship, renowne, and honour .’—Arte of Rhet. p. 36. « The honour of restoring Greek learning in England must be divided between L THE GOVERNOUR. 146 standing raddc and perused the great fardelles and trusses of the most barbarouse autours, stuffed with innumerable gloses,^ Linacre, Grocyn, and William Lilye. ‘Their claims,’ says the biographer of the first-named, ‘are nicely balanced. In the year 1518 letters patent were granted to John Chamber, Thomas Linacre, and Fernandas de Victoria, the acknowledged physicians to the king, together with Nicholas Halsewell, John Francis, Robert Yaxley, and all men of the same faculty in London, to be incorporated as one body and perpetual community or college.’— IAfe of Linacre, 150, 279, ed. 1835. This was the foundation of theCollegeof Physicians, of which Linacre was the original president. ‘ His primary object,’ says Flallam, ‘ was to secure a learned pro¬ fession, to rescue the art of healing from mischievous ignorance, and to guide the industrious student in the path of real knowledge, which at that time lay far more through the regions of ancient learning than at present. It was important, not for the mere dignity of the profession, but for its proper ends, to encourage the cultiva¬ tion of the Greek langage, or to supply its want by accurate versions of the chief medical writers.’— Lit. of Europe, vol. i. p. 459, 4th ed. Even at this early stage of medical science there were some ladies who made it their study ; thus we are told that in the household of Sir Thomas More, ‘ Margaret Gige, though not one of his naturall children, yet brought up with his other children even from her youth, was furnished with the knowledge of both the Greek and Latin tongues, and had good skill in phisicke, as by this you may see. It happened that Sir Thomas, some yeares before his death, had an ague, and had passed two or three fitts. After, he had a fitt out of course, so strange and merveilous, that a man would thinke it impossible ; for he felt himself at one time bothe hote and cold, through- oute all his bodie, and not in one part hote, and in another colde, for that is not strange; but he felt sensiblie and painfullie, at one time in one place, both contrarie qualities. He asked the physitians how it might be possible. They answered it covdd not be. Then this little maide (for then-shee was verie younge, yet had read Galen) told Sir Thomas, that there was such a kind of fever ; and forthwith she shewed a book of Galen, De Differentiis Febriuni, where he avoucheth as much. This gentlewoman after married Doctor John Clement, famous for his singular skill in Greek, and in phisicke.’—Wordsworth’s Biog. vol. ii. p. 122, 4th. ed. ® Sir John Doderidge, speaking of the commentators, says : ‘ What horrid and incompt words hath Logicke and Philosophy endured, introduced by their Dunces devices, as Ens, entitas, quidditas, causalitas, with a multitude of others impertinent to be remembered ? With what improper tearmes and bar¬ barous speeches have the schoolmen daubed Divinity? What hath beene in this kinde brought in upon the pure and cleare fountaines of the Digests of the Civill Lawes ? which being compiled out of sundry most excellent sentences, drawne out of the workes and passages of the ancient Romane lawyers, doe retaine the same purity and conformity of a cleane and neat stile, as though all had beene pemied by one 9 nan ; and yet are in a manner defiled by the Feudary Tenurist writers of the middle age in their Glosses and commentaries, as those learned Lawyers of this latter age, Alciatus, Budaeus, Cujacius, and the rest have undergone an Herculean THE GOVERNOUR. H7 wherby the moste necessary doctrines of lawe and phisike be mynced in to fragmentes, and in all wise mens opinions, do perceyue no lasse in the said lernynges than they whiche neuer knewe eloquence, or neuer tasted other but the fecis or dragges of the sayd noble doctrines. And as for the multi¬ tude of sciences can nat indamage any student,^ but if he be labour to dense the same.’— The English Lawyer, p.52, ed. 1631. Theidea contained in the sentence marked by italics in this passage had been already anticipated by Laurentius Valla, who says: ‘ Cui {i.e. the general conformity of the Roman law writers) simile quiddam (ut de^ultima tantum parte quae ad nos pertinet dicam), in epistolis Ciceronis admirari solebam, quae quum a pluribus scribantur, omnes tamen ab uno eodemque audacius dixerim, si personas sustuleris, ab uno Cicerone scripts judicentur, ita verba ac sententise characterque ipse dicendi ubique sui est similis. C>uod eo magis Jurisconsultis est admirandum ; quod illi eadem setate cuncti ex- titerunt, in eodem quasi ludo ac schola instituti, hi vero inter se etiam seculis distant, licet omnes post Ciceronem, ideoque quibusdam in verbis ab eo differentes, quales omnes a Virgilio usque ad Livium fuerunt.’— Elegantiarnm, lib. iii. in proce?}iio, ed. 1562. Selden in his Preface to the Titles of Honour criticises the labours of the commentators upon the Civil Law in the following terms ; ‘ In things of this nature, to be extracted out of story and philology, they cease to be Doctors, nay, are scarce Alphabetarians, even the whole rank of them, until you come to the most learned Bude, Alciat, Hotomon, Cujas, Wesenbeck, Brisson, the Gentiles, and some few more of this age, before whom the body of that profession was not amiss compared to a fair robe of cloth of gold, or of richest stuff and fashion, qui fust (saving all mannerly respect to you, reader) bt'odee de merde. The reason of the similitude is known to any who sees such impudent barbarism in the glosses on so neat a text, which from Justinian (he died 565) until Lothar II. (he was emperor 1125) lay hidden and out of use in the Western Empire, nor did any there all that time profess or i-ead it.’— Opera, tom. iii. pars, i, p. 95, ed. 1726. Hallam says that ‘ the labours of the older jurists in accumulating glosses or short marginal interpretations were more calculated to multiply than to disentangle the ' intidcacies of the Pandects.’— Lit. of Europe, vol. i. p. 409, 4th ed. » Sir John Doderidge was equally in favour of a liberal education for a lawyer. ‘ It may well bee affirmed that the knowledge of the Law is truly stiled Rerum divinarum hu 7 nanarumque scientia, and worthily imputed to be the Science of Sciences ; and that therein lies hid the knowledge almost of every other learned science. But yet I pray consider, that those forraine knowledges are not inherent or inbred in the Lawes, but rather as a borrowed light, not found there, but brought thither, and learned elsewhere by them that have adorned and polished the studies of the Lawes. For since the materiall subject of the Law is so ample (as indeed it is), containing all things that may be controverted, the study of the Lawes, then, must of necessity stretch out her hand and crave to be holpen and assisted almost of all other sciences. Therefore this objection may well bee in- 148 THE GOVERNOUR. meued to stiidie the lawe by any of the sayd motions by me before touched, he shal rather increase therin than be hyn- dred, and that shall apere manifestly to theym that either will gyue credence to my reporte, or els will rede the warkes that I wyll alledge ; whiche if they understande nat, to desyre some lerned man by interpretinge to cause them perceyue it. And first I wil begyn at oratours, who beare the principall tytle of eloquence. It is to be remembred that in the lernyng of the Vf^Reto- l^wes of this realme, there is at this daye an exercise, rycke in wherin is a maner, a shadowe, or figure of the auncient mooitng. j nieane the pleadynge used in courte and Chauncery called motes where fyrst a case is appoynted verted against them that doe urge the same, and proveth rather that the Professor of the Lawes should be furnished with the knowledge of all good literature of most of the Sciences liberall; for if a man may observe the use of those sciences to lie hidden in the Law, who then may better use them or observe them, then he which is already furnished with them. And if the knowledge of the Law doe re¬ ceive ornament by those eruditions (as I think no man can denie), it shall be very expedient and well befitting the student of the Lawes to have first familiarity and acquaintance with them, and to bee instructed in the same. Lawyer, p. 34. Coke was quite of the same opinion :—‘ Now what arts and sciences are necessary for the knowledge and understanding of these laws ? I say that, seeing these laws do limit, bound and determine all other human laws, arts and sciences, I cannot exclude the knowledge of any of them from the professors of these laws ; the knowledge of any of them is necessary and profitable.’— Pref. to Reports, Part III. ® From Chamberlayne’s Present State of England we learn that ‘ Utter Bar¬ risters are such as from their learning and standing are called by the Benchers to plead and argue in the society doubtful cases and questions which are called Moots (from meeting, the old Saxon word for the French assemble, or else from the French mot, a word). And whilst they argue the said cases they sit iittermost on the forms or benches which they call the Bar. Out of these Mootmen are chosen Readers for the Inns of Chancery belonging to the Inns of Court, whereof they are Members, where in Term time and grand Vacations they argue cases in the presence of attorneys and clerks. All the rest are accounted Inner Barristers, who for want of learning or time are not to argue in these Moots. And yet in a Moot before the Benchers two of these Inner Barristers, sitting on the same form with the Utter Barristers, do for their exercises recite by heart the pleading of the same Moot case in Law French, which Pleading is the Declaration at large of the said Moot case, the one taking the part of the Plaintiff and the other of the De¬ fendant,’ Part 11 . p. 225, ed. 1679. THE GOVERNOUR. 149 to be moted by certayne yonge men, contaynyng some doubte- full controuersie, which is in stede of the heed of a declama¬ tion called iJieina. The case beinge knowen, they whiche be appoynted to mote, do examine the case, and inuestigate what they therin can espie, whiche may make a contention, wherof may ryse a question to be argued,^ and that of Tulli is called constitutio,^ and of Quintilian status caus(E!^ Also they consider what plees on euery parte ought to be made, and howe the case maye be reasoned, whiche is the fyrste parte of Rhetorike, named Inuention ; than appoynte they howe many plees maye be made for euery parte, and in what formalitie they shulde be sette, whiche is the seconde parte of Rhetorike, called disposition, wherin they do moche approche unto Rhetorike: than gather they all in to perfecte remem¬ brance, in suche ordre as it ought to be pleaded, whiche is the parte of Rhetorike named meniorie. But for as moche as the tonge wherin it is spoken, is barberouse, and the sterynge of affections of the mynde in this realme was neuer used,*^ ther- ® Fulbecke, writing in 1599, recommends this practice as a preparation for the profession. He says : ‘ Gentlemen students of the Law ought by domes- ticall Moots to exercise and conforme themselves to greater and waighter attempts, for it is a point of warlike policie, as appeareth by Vegetius, to traine younge souldiours by sleight and small skirmishes for more valorous and haughty proceedings, for such a shadowed kind of contention doth open the way and giue courage unto them to argue matters in publicke place and Courts of Recorde. ’— Preparative to the Study of the Law, p. 41, ed, 1620, In practice, indeed, it was found, at a time when books were scarce and beyond the reach of many, the readiest way to acquire a sound knowledge of law. Thus Wilson says : ‘ I haue knowne diners, that by familiar talking and nioutyng together, haue come to right good learnyng, without any greate booke skill, or muche beatyng of their braine by any close studie or secrete musing in their Chambers,’— Arte of Rhet. p, 39 . ^ ‘ Omnis res quse habet in se positam in dictione aut disceptatione aliquam con- troversiam, aut facti, aut nominis, aut generis, aut actionis continet quaestionem. Earn igitur qusestionem, ex qua causa nascitur, Constitutionem appellamus.’— De Inventione, lib. i. cap, 8. ® ‘ Quod nos statum, id quidam constitutionem vocant, alii qucestionem, alii quod ex quxstione appareatt— Instit. Orat. lib. iii. cap, 6, § 2. ^ Wilson, in his Arte of Rhet orique, says : ‘There are three maner of stiles or inditynges. The great or mightie kinde, when we use greate wordes or vehe¬ ment figures. The small kinde, when wee moderate our heate by meaner THE GOVERNOUR. 150 fore there lacketh EloqiuLtion and Pronunciatio7i, two the principall partes of rhetorike.^ Nat withstanding some law- yars, if they be well retayned, wyll in a meane cause pronounce right vehemently.^ Moreouer there semeth to be in the sayd wordes, and use not the moste stirryng sentences. The latve hinde, when we use no Metaphores nor translated wordes, nor yet use any amplifications, but goe plainly to worke, and speake altogether in common wordes. ’—P. 172. But he was quite aware of the advantage of appealing to the passions, for he says elsewhere, ‘ Now in mouyng pitie, and stirryng men to mercie, the wrong done must first bee plainly tolde ; or if the Judges haue sustained the like extremitie, the best were to wil them to remember their owne state, how they haue beene abused in like maner, what wronges they haue suffered by wicked doers, that by hearyng their owne, they maie the better hearken to others.’— Ubi supra, p. 135. “ The above passage is quoted by Mr. Forsyth {Horteiisms, p. 314) in con¬ firmation of his statement that forensic eloquence was at a very low ebb in England at this period ; but, curiously enough, he misquotes it, and substitutes ‘ nature ’ for ‘ realme, ’ thereby weakening the force of what he intended for (as it is in fact) an apt illustration of his position. Mr. Forsyth says in another place : ‘ It must indeed be admitted that eloquence has always been rare amongst the advo¬ cates of England, and it may be interesting to consider whether there have been causes to account for this. Perhaps one reason is the excessive degree of technicality which formerly pervaded every part and parcel of the English law. Of all the systems that ever were invented to cramp and confine the intellect, that of special pleading seems to have been the most admirably adapted to attain that end. We need not deny that its principles were based in rigid logic, but the development of those principles produced such a luxuriant crop of artificial and wiredrawn distinctions, that the most subtle intellect found it difficult to understand them. It was a miserable exercise of perverted ingenuity to make plain statements unintelligible by involved verbiage, and while affecting to exclude all ambiguity of expression, to ransack the English language for expletives and synonyms, the result of which was a mass of obscure phraseology such as even a tutored intellect could hardly comprehend.’— Ubi supra, p. 341. ^ Under the head of ‘Ambiguities,’ Wilson gives us a picture of the way in which cases were got up in his day. ‘ The Lawiers lacke no cases to fill this parte ful of examples. For rather then fade, they will make doubles oftentymes, where no doubt should be at all. “ Is his Lease long enough ?” (quoth one). “Yea, sir, it is very long, ” saied a poore Housbandman. “Then (quoth he) let me alone with it; I will finde a hole in it I warrant thee.” ’ He is careful to add, however, ‘ In all this talke I excepte alwaies the good Lawiers, and I maie wel spare them, for they are but a fewe.’— Arte of Rhet. p. 98. Some idea of the fees paid to counsel may be culled from the ‘ Household and Privy Purse Expenses of the Le Stranges of Hunstanton,’ published in the Archceologia. Amongst other items is a fee of 6^. %d. paid to Mr. Serjeant Spelman (afterwards one of the Judges of the King’s Bench), ‘ for his counsell in putting in of the THE COVERNOUR. 151 pledinges certayne partes of an oration, that Is to say for Narrations, Partitions, Confirmations and Confutations, named of some Reprehensions^ they haue Declarations, Barres, Replications and Reioyndresp onely they lacke pleasaunt answer,’ Similar fees of ^s. are afterwards given to Mr, Knightley and Mr, Whyte for ‘counsell,’ but in 1534 Mr, Yelverton had 20s. ‘for his coun¬ sell, ’ Sir Thomas More was made under sheriff of London at the age of twenty- eight, and we are told that ‘ by this office and learned counsaile, (for there was not any matter of weight or importance in any of the prince’s courts that he Was not retained for counsaile on the one partie or the other) without grudge of conscience, or injurie to anie man, he gained above four hundred pounds yearlie,’— Wordsworth Eccles. Biog. vol, ii. p, 57, 4th ed, * According to Quintilian’s definition, ‘ Nunc de judiciali genere , . , , cujus partes, ut plurimis auctoribus placuit, quinque sunt, prooemium, narratio, probatio, refutatio, peroratio. His adjecerunt quidam partitionejn, propositionem, excessum, quarum prioresduseprobationi succedunt,’— Orat. lib, iii, cap, 9, § i, Cicero says: ‘ Reprehensio est, per quam argumentando adversariorum confirmatio diluitur, aut infirmatur aut allevatur,’— De Invent, lib. i, cap, 42, Wilson divides an oration into seven parts as follows, viz, ‘i. The Enterance or beginnyng, 2, The Nar¬ ration, 3, The Proposition, 4, The Deuision or seuerall partyng of thinges, 5, The Confirmation, 6, The Confutation, 7, The Conclusion,’ And he ex¬ plains each part seriatim thus ; i ‘ is the former parte of the Oration, whereby the will of the standers by, or of the Judge, is sought for and required to heare the matter.’ 2 is ‘ a plaine and manifest pointyng of the matter, and an euident settyng forth of all thynges that belong unto the same, with a breefe rehersall grounded upon some reason.’ 3 is ‘ a pithie sentence comprehended in a smal roome, the somme of the whole matter. ’ 4 is ‘ an openyng of thynges, wherein wee agree and rest upon, and wherein wee sticke and stande in trailers, shewyng what we haue to saie in our owne behalfe.’ 5 is ‘ a declaration of our owne rea¬ sons, with assured and constant proofes.’ 6 is ‘ a dissoluyng or wyping awaie of all suche reasons as make against us.’ 7 is ‘ a darkly gatheryng of the matter spoken before and a lappyng up of it altogether.’— The Arte of Rhetoriqite, p. 7. One of the earliest books on pleading is called Novee Na^-rationes, or ‘ the newe tales,’ evidently deriving its title from the Latin name of the plaintiff’s formal allegation, narratio, which was called coimte or conte in French. We see from the text that the rules of oratory laid down by Cicero and Quintilian must have exercised considerable influence upon the forms and terminology of the early English pleaders. ^ Rastell, in 1564, published-his ‘ Colleccion of entrees, of declaracions, barres, replicacions, reioinders, issues, verdits, iudgementes, executions, proces, contynuances, essoynes, and diuers other matters.’ The modern editor of the year books confirms Mr. Stephens’s view that the reign of Edward I. marks the period at which pleading was ‘ first methodically formed and cultivated as a science.’ Mr. Ilorwood thinks that the writings of Duns Scotus (who lectured at 152 THE GOVERNOUR. fourme of begynnyng, called in latine Exordiiim^^ nor it maketh therof no great mater; they that haue studied rhe- Oxford) and of Alexander de Hales, to say nothing of Thomas Aquinas and other foreign schoolmen, must have been a good preparation for the subtleties of pleading. Sir Matthew Hale says that ‘ tho’ pleadings in the time of Hen. VI., Edw. IV., and Hen. VH. were far shorter than afterwards, especially after Henry^ V///., yet they were much longer than in the time of King Edw. HI., and the Pleaders, yea, and the Judges too, became somewhat too curious therein, so that art or dexterity of pleading, which in its use, nature, and design was only to render the fact plain and intelligible, and to bring the matter to judgment with a convenient certainty, began to degenerate from its primitive simplicity and the true use and end thereof, and to become a piece of nicety and curiosity.’— Hist, of the Common Law, p. 173. ^ The pleadings down to the time of Edward HI. were viva voce, and those who pleaded orally would no doubt pursue the method first I'ecommended by Quintilian in his Institutes, and afterwards adopted by later Rhetoricians. Thus Wilson says, ‘ An enteraunce (i.e. exordium) is two waies deuided. The first is called a plaine beginning, when the hearer is made apt to giue good eare out of hande, to that whiche shall followe. The seconde is a priuie twining, or close creep¬ ing in, to win fauour with muche circumstaunce, called insinuation. For in all matters that men take in hande, this consideration ought first to be had, that we first diligently expend the cause, before we go through with it, that we maie be assured whether it be lawfull or otherwise. And not onely this, but also wee must aduisedly marke the men before whom wee speake, the men against whom we speake, and al the circumstaunces which belong unto the matter. If the matter be honest, godly, and such as of right ought to be wel liked, we maie use an open beginning, and wil the hearers to reioyce, and so go through with our parte. If the cause be lothsome, or suche as vdll not be well borne with all, but needeth much helpe and fauour of the hearers, it shal be the speaker’s part priuely to get fauour, and by humble talk to win their good willes. First requiryng them to giue hym the hearyng, and next not streightly to giue iudgement, but with mercie to mitigate all rigour of the Lawe.Notwithstandyng I thinke it not amisse often to rehearse this one point, that euermore the beginnyng be not ouer- muche laboured, nor curiously made, but rather apt to the purpose, seeming upon present occasion, euermore to take place, and so to bee deuised, as though wee speake altogether, without any greate studie, framing rather our tale to good reason than our tongue to vaine painting of the matter. In all which discourse I haue framed all the lessons and euery enterance properly serue for pleading at the barred — A 7 'te of Rhetorique, pp. loi, 107. When written pleadings were introduced there was no longer any necessity for a ‘pleasant form of beginning,’ because the count or declaration then became, as Sir E. Coke tells us, ‘ an exposition of the writ, and addeth time, place, and other necessary circumstances, that the same may be triable. The count must be agreeable and conforme to the writ, the barre to the count, &c., and the judgement to the count, for none of them must be narrower or broader than the other.’— Co. Litl. 303 a, b. THE GOVERNOUR. 153 torikc shal perceyue what I meane. Also in arguynge their cases, in myn opinion, they very litle do lacke of the hole arte; for therin they do diligently obserue the rules of Con¬ firmation and Confutation, wherin resteth proufe and dis- proufe,*^ hauyng almoste all the places wherof they shall fetche their raisons, called of Oratours loci comimmes^ which I omitte to name, fearinge to be to longe in this mater. And verily I suppose, if there mought ones happen some man, hauying an excellent wytte, to be brought up in suche fourme as I haue hytherto written, and maye also be exactly or depely “ Wilson defines Confirmation thus: ‘When we haue declared the cheef pointes whereunto we purpose to referre all our reasons, wee must heape matter, and finde out argumentes to confirme the same to the uttermoste of our power, making first the strongest reasons that wee can, and next after, gathering all the probable causes together, that being in one heape, they maie seeme strong and of gi'eat waight. And whatsoeuer the aduersarie hath said against us, to answere thereunto as tyme and place maie best serue. That if his reasons bee light, and more good maie bee done in confuting his, than in confirming our owne, it were best of all to set upon him, and put awaie by arte all that he hath fondly saied without wit. Now in trying the troth, by reasons gathered of the matter, we must first mark what was done at that time by the suspected person ; when suche and suche offences were committed yea, what he did before this act was done. Againe the tyme must be marked, the place, the maner of doyng, and what harte he bare him. As the oportunitie of doyng, and the power he had to doe this deede. The which, all set together, shall either acquit him, or finde him giltie. These arguments serue to confirme a matter in iudgement for any hainous offence. In confuting of causes, the like maie bee had as we used to proue, if we take the contrary of the same. For as thinges are alledged, so they may be wrested, and as houses are builded, so they be ouerthrowen. What though many coniectures bee gathered, and diuers matters framed to ouerthrowe the defendant, yet wit maie finde out bywaies to escape, and suche shiftes maie be made, either in auoiding the daunger by plaine deniall, or els by obiections, and rebounding againe of reasons made, that small harme shall turne to the accused person, though the presumptions of his offence bee greate, and bee thought by good reason to be faultie .’—Arte of Rhetorique, pp. 114, 115. ** ‘ Hgec ergo argumenta, quae transferri in multas causas possunt, locos communes nominamus : nam locus communis aut certae rei quandam continet amplificationem, ut si quis hoc velit ostendere, eum, qui parentem necarit, maximo supplicio esse dignum : quo loco, nisi perorata et probata causa, non est utendum ; aut dubiac, quae ex contrario quoque habeat probabiles rationes argumentandi ; ut sus- picionibus credi oportcre, et contra, suspicionibus credi non oportere.’— Cic. de I vent. lib. ii. cap. 15. 154 THE GOVERNOUR. lerned in the arte of an Oratour, and also in the lawes of this realme, the prince so willyng and therto assistinge, undought- edly it shulde nat be impossible for hym to bring the pleadyng and reasonyng of the lawe, to the auncient fourme of noble oratours;^ and the lawes and exercise therof beyng in pure latine or doulce frenche, fewe men in consultations shulde (in myne opinion) compare with our lawyars, by this meanes beinge brought to be perfect orators, as in whome shulde “ Sir Henry Maine says : ‘ It is not because our own jurisprudence and that of Rome were once alike that they ought to be studied together—it is because they will be alike. It is because all laws, however dissimilar in their infancy, tend to resemble each other in their maturity; and because we in England are slowly, and perhaps unconsciously or unwillingly, but still steadily and certainly accustoming ourselves to the same modes of legal thought, and to the same conceptions of legal principle, to which the Roman jurisconsults had attained after centuries of accumulated experience and unwearied cultivation.’— Cambridge Essays, 1856, p. 2. Mr. Stephen has pointed out that the oratorical analysis of Quintilian exhibits exactly the principle of the English pleading, ‘ and when,’ he says, ‘ it is considered that the logic and rhetoric of antiquity were the favourite studies of the age in which that science was principally cultivated, and that the Judges and pleaders were doubtless men of general learning according to the fashion of their times, it is perhaps not improbable that the method of de¬ veloping the point in controversy was improved from these ancient sources.’— Principles of Pleading, Appendix, note 23, ed. 1843. This position is further con¬ firmed if we refer to the earliest English writers on Rhetoric. Thus Wilson says: ‘ In matters criminall, where iudgement is required, there are two persones at the least, whiche muste through contrarietie stande and reste uppon some issue. As for example, a seruyng man is apprehended by a Lawier for Felonie, uppon suspition. The Lawier saieth to the seruing manne, thou hast dooen this roberie. Naye (saieth he), I haue not doen it. Upon this conflicte and matching together ariseth this State, whether this seruing man hath doon this robberie or no. Upon whiche pointe the Lawier must stand and seeke to proue it to the uttermoste of his power. A State therfor, in matters of Judgement, is that thyng whiche doeth arise upon the first demaunde, and deniall made betwixt men, whereof the one part is the accuser, and the other part the persone or persones accused. It is called a State, because we doe stande and rest upon some one poincte, the which must wholie and onely be proued of the one side, and denied of the other, I can not better terme it in Englishe then by the name of an Issue, the whiche not onely ariseth upon much debatyng, and long trailers used, whereupon al matters are saied to come to an issue, but also els where an issue is saied to be then and so often as bothe partes stande upon one pointe, the whiche dooeth as well happen at the first beginnyng, before any probations are used, as it dooeth at the latter endyng, after the matter hath at large been discussed.’ —Arte of Rhetorique, p 90. THE GOVERNOUE. 155 than be founden the sharpe wittes of logitians, the graue sen¬ tences of philosophers, the elegancie of poetes, the memorie of ciuilians, the voice and gesture of them that can pronounce commedies, which is all that Tulli, in the^^^^j li-i- person of the most eloquent man Marcus Antonius, coulde require to be in an oratour.^ But nowe to conclude myne assertion, what let was elo¬ quence to the studie of the lawe in Quintus Sceuola, whiche being an excellent autour in the lawes ciuile, was called of al lawiars moste eloquent ? ^ Or howe moche was eloquence minisshed by knowlege of the lawes in Crassus, whiche was called of all eloquent men the beste lawiar ? ® Also Seruus Sulpitius, in his tyme one of the moste noble oratours next unto Tulli, was nat so let by eloquence but that on the ciuile lawes he made notable commentes, and many noble warkes by all lawyars approued.*^ Who redeth the text ® ‘ In oratore autem acumen dialecticonmi, sententiae philosophorum, verba prope poetamm, niemoria jurisconsultorum, vox tragaedorum, gestus paene sum- morum actorum est requirendus.’— Oratore, lib. i. cap. 28. ** Cicero says of him : ‘ Q. Scaevola, sequalis et collega mens, homo omnium et disciplina juris civilis eruditissimus, et ingenio prudentiaque acutissimus, et ora- tione maxime limatus atque subtilis, atque, ut ego soleo dicere, juris peritorum eloquentissimus, eloquentium juris peritissimus.’— De Oratore, lib. i , cap. 39. ' Lucius Licinius Crassus was born B.c. 150. Cicero institutes the following comparison between him and Scaevola : ‘Hie ego, Noli, inquam. Brute, existimare his duobus quicquam fuisse in nostra civitate prsestantius : nam, ut paulo ante dixi, consultorum alterum disertissimum, disertorum alterum consultissimum fuisse ; sic in reliquis rebus ita dissimiles erant inter sese, statuere ut tamen non posses, utrius te malles similiorem. Crassus erat elegantium parcissimus, Scsevola parcorum ele- gantissimus. Crassus in summa comitate habebat etiam severitatis satis, Sc£evolse multa in severitate non deerat tamen comitas.’— De Claris Orator., cap. 40. ^ Servius Sulpicius Rufus was consul b.c. 51. Cicero says: ‘Fuit enim Sulpicius vel maxime omnium, quos quidem ego audiverim, grandis et, ut ita dicam, tragicus orator ; vox cum magna, turn suavis, et splendida : gestus et motus corporis ita venustus, ut tamen ad forum, non ad scenam institutus videretur; in- citata et volubilis, nec ea redundans tamen nec circumfluens, oratio ’ {De claris Orator, cap. 55), and asserts that he had often heard Sulpicius declare that he was not accustomed and was unable to write. Pomponius, however, tells quite a dif¬ ferent tale. ‘ Servius, cum in causis orandis primum locum aiit pro certo post Plarcuni Tullium obtineret, traditur ad consulendum Quintum Mucium de re amici sui pervenisse ; cumque eum sibi respondisse de jure Servius parum intel- THE GOVERNOUR. 156 of Ciuile, called the Pandectes or Digestes,^ and hath any commendable iugement in the latine tonge, but he wyll afhrme that Ulpianus, Sceuola, Claudius, and all the other there named, of whose sayenges all the saide textis be assembled, were nat only studious of eloquence, but also wonderfull exercised : for as moche as theyr stile dothe approehe nerer to the antique and pure eloquence, than any other kinde of writars that wrate aboute that tyme ? ^ lexisset, itertim Quintum interrogasse, et a Quinto Mucio responsum esse, nec tamen percepisse, et ita objurgatum esse a Quinto Mucio ; namque eum dixisse, turpe esse patricio et nobili, et causas oranti, jus in quo versaretur ignorare. Ea velut contumelia Servius jactatus operam dedit juri civili, et plurimum eos, de quibus locuti sumus, audiit; institutus a Balbo Lucilio, instructus autem maxime a Gallo Aquilio, qui fuit Cercinse ; itaque libri complures ejus exstant Cercinas confecti. Hie cum in legatione perisset, statuam ei populus Romanus pro rostris posuit et hodieque exstat pro rostris Augusti. Htijus voluviina coinplura exstant; reliquit autemprope centum et octoginta libras.'’—De Orig. Juris. § 43, ed. 1848. ® Hallam says : ‘ The general voice of Europe has always named Andrew Alciati of Milan as the restorer of the Roman law. He taught from the year 1518 to his death in 1550, in the Universities of Avignon, Milan, Bourges, Paris, and Bologna. Literature became with him the handmaid of law ; the historians of Rome, her antiquaries, her orators and poets, were called upon to elucidate the obsolete words and obscure allusions of the Pandects ; to which, the earlier as well as the more valuable and extensive portion of the civil law, this method of classical interpretation is chiefly applicable. Alciati was the first who taught the lawyers to write with purity and elegance. Erasmus has applied to him the eulogy of Cicero on Scaevola, that he was the most jurisprudent of orators and the most eloquent of lawyers.’— Lit. of Europe, vol. i. p. 411, 4th ed. ^ Sir Henry Maine says : ‘Those who have penetrated deepest into the spirit of the Ulpians, Papinians and Pauluses are ready to assert that in the produc¬ tions of the Roman lawyers they discover all the grand qualities which we identify with one or another in the list of distinguished Englishmen. They see the same force and elegance of expression, the same rectitude of moral view, the same immunity from prejudice, the same sound and masculine sense, the same sensibility to analogies, the same keen observation, the same nice analysis of generals, the same vast sweep of comprehension over particulars. Unless we are prepared to believe that for five or six centuries the world’s collective intellect was smitten with a paralysis which never visited it before or since, we are driven to admit that the Roman jurisprudence may be all which its least cautious enco¬ miasts have ventured to pronounce it, and that the language of conventional pane¬ gyric may even fall short of the unvarnished truth.’— Cam. Essays, 1856, p. 29. Gibbon passes almost the same judgment as our author. ‘ Perhaps if the pre- THE GOVERNOUR. T 57 Semblably Tulli, in whom it scmeth that Eloquence hath sette her glorious Throne, most richely and preciousely adourned for all men to wonder at, but no man to approche it, was nat let from beinge an incomparable oratour, ne was nat by the exacte knowlege of other sciences withdrawen from pleadyng infinite causes before the Senate and iuges, and they beinge of moste waightye importance.^ In so moche as Cornelius Tacitus, an excellent oratour, historien, and 7-^ lawiar, saithe. Surely in the bokes of Tulli, men may de Orator. deprehende, that in hym lacked nat the knowlege of geome- trye, ne musike, ne grammer, finally of no maner of art that was honest: he of logike perceiued the subtiltie, of that ceptors and friends of Cicero were still alive, our candour would acknowledge that, except in purity of language, their intrinsic merit was excelled by the school of Papinian and Ulpian.’— Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. v. p. 284. Laurentius Valla held the same opinion ; ‘ Nam Servii Sulpicii atque Mutii Scasvoloe nihil extat, sed alterius Mutii recentioris. Et prisci illi quidem Juris- consulti quales quantique in eloquendo fuerint, judicare non possumus, quippe quorum nihil legimus. His autem, qui inter manus versantur, nihil est, mea sententia, quod addi adimive posse videatur, non tarn eloquentiae (quam quidem materia ilia non magnopere patitur) quam Latinitatis atque elegantiae, sine qua caeca omnis doctrina est, et illiberalis, praesertim in jure civili,’— Elegant., lib. iii, p. 200, ed. 1562. “ ‘He had learnt the rudiments of Grammar and languages from the ablest teachers, gone through the studies of humanity and the politer letters with the poet Archias, been instructed in Philosophy by the principal Professors of each sect, Phaedrus the Epicurean, Philo the Academic, Diodotus the Stoic, acquii-ed a perfect knowledge of the law from the greatest lawyers as well as the greatest statesmen of Rome, the two Scaevolas, all which accomplishments were but minis¬ terial and subservient to that on which his hopes and ambition were singly placed —the reputation of an Orator. Thus adorned and accomplished he offered him¬ self to the Bar about the age of twenty-six, not as others generally did, raw and ignorant of their business, and wanting to be formed to it by use and experience, but finished and qualified at once to sustain any cause which should be committed to him . . , After he had given a specimen of himself to the City in this (cause of P. Quinctius) and several other private causes, he undertook the celebrated defence of S. Roscius of Ameria in his twenty-seventh year . . . Roscius was acquitted to the great honour of Cicero, whose courage and address in defending him was applauded by the whole city, so that from this moment he was looked upon as an Advocate of the first class, and equal to the greatest causes.’—Middleton’s Life of Cicero, vol. i. p. 36-39, ed. 1755. THE GOVERNOUR. 158 parte that was morall all the commoditie, and of all thinges the chiefe motions and causis.^ And yet for all this abundance, and as it were a garnerde heaped with all maner sciences, there failed nat in him sub- stanciall lernying in the lawes Ciuile,^ as it may appiere as wel in the bokes, whiche he him selfe made of lawes,® as also and most specially, in many of his most eloquent orations ; whiche if one well lerned in the lawes of this realme dyd rede and wel understande, he shulde finde, specially in his orations called Actiones agayne Verres,*^ many places where he shulde espie, by likelihode, the fountaynes, from whense proceded diuers groundes of our commune lawes.® But I wyll nowe leue to speake any more therof at this tyme. ‘ Itaque Hercule in libris Ciceronis deprehendere licet, non geonietri£e, non musicse, non grammatics, non denique ullius ingenus artis scientiam ei defuisse. Ille dialectics subtilitatem, ille moralis partis utilitatem, ille rerum motus causasque cogiiovit.’— De Oratoribus^ cap. 30. ‘ He studied civil law under the able guidance of Q. Mucius Scsvola, whose house was thronged by clients who resorted to the great jurist for advice in legal difficulties.’— Hortensius, p. 146, 2nd ed. ® ‘ These laws are generally taken from the old constitution or custom of Rome, with some little variation and temperament contrived to obviate the disorders to which that Republic was liable, and to give it a stronger turn towards the Aristo- cratical side ; in the other books which are lost, he had treated, as he tells us, of the particular rights and privileges of the Roman people.’—Middleton’s Life of Cicero, vol. ii. p. 162, edn. 1755 - ^ Mr. Forsyth considers that ‘ the great case against Verres, of all the trials of antiquity, bears the nearest resemblance to the impeachment of Warren Hastings.’ — Hortensius, p. 139, 2nd ed. ® ‘ The historical connexion between the Roman jurisprudence and our own, appears to be now looked upon as furnishing one very strong reason for increased attention to the civil law of Rome. The fact, of course, is not now to be ques¬ tioned. The vulgar belief that the English Common Law was indigenous in all its parts was always so easily refuted by the most superficial comparison of the text of Bracton and Fleta with the Corpus "Juris, that the honesty of the historians who countenanced it can only be defended by alleging the violence of their preju¬ dices ; and now that the great accumulation of fragments of ante-Justinianean com¬ pendia, and the discovery of the MSS. of Gains, have increased our acquaintance with the Roman law in the only form in which it can have penetrated into Britain, the suspicion of an earlier filiation amounts almost to a certainty.’— Carnb. Essays, 1856, p. i. Mr. Finlason has written an elaborate essay on this THE GOVERNOUR. 159 All'”^ that I haue writen well considered, it shall seme to wise men, that neither eloquence, nor knowlege of sondry doctrines, shall utterly withdrawe all men from studie of the lawes. But all though many were allected unto those doc¬ trines by naturall disposition, yet the same nature, whiche wyll nat (as I mought saye) be circumscribed within the boundes of a certayne of studies, may as well dispose some man, as well to desire the knowlege of the lawes of this realme, as she dyd incline the Romanes, excellently lerned in all sciences, to apprehende the lawes ciuile ; ^ sens the lawes subject. He says ; ‘ It is the opinion of those whose researches into our early histoiy give their opinions highest authority, that after the decline of the Roman Empire, and the withdrawal of the Roman legionaries, the Romanised Britons (the two races having been so long together that they must to a great extent have become blended) retained, as might be expected, the Roman ideas of government, and the Roman laws and institutions, and that these were likewise in a similar way transmitted to subsequent races of barbarian invaders, who, before their con¬ quests were complete, became blended with the Romanised inhabitants of the island. Nothing is more remarkable in the history of this country than the gradual blending of the successive races' and their laws and institutions, and one of the most remarkable, though perhaps least recognised illustrations of this is afforded by the manner in which the Roman occupation paved the way for the Saxon invasion, and, on the other hand, prepared the way for the adoption by the Saxons of the Roman institutions. There would therefore, it is manifest, be every reasonable probability that the Roman laws and institutions would be adopted in this country, and would continue to exist here even after the Roman rule was at an end. Nor is it left to probability ; it is converted to the positive certainty of historic truth by the actual existence of the laws of the Romanised Britons, com¬ piled at a period posterior to the termination of the Roman rule in the island, and anterior to the later Saxon laws.’— Reeves^ Hist, of Engl. Law, Introduc. p. xxxvi. ed. 1869. Mr, Stephen has pointed out (what M. Houard had previously noticed) the resemblance between the forms of the precepts given by Marculfus in the 7th century and the forms of the writs of our own courts, and he justly thinks that the pedigrees of our forms may be traced up to the old Roman for¬ mulae. See Year Books 32-33 Ed, I., Preface, p, xi. Sir John Doderidge, at the end of the sixteenth century, had already remarked ‘the great conformity’ between the Roman law and our own, but he seems to have thought that this w^as merely a coincidence arising from the fact that the ‘ laws of the Empire ’ and the ‘ Law of this Land’ agreed ‘in the principles of nature and reason.’— The English Lawyer, p. 158. “ The following passage, down to the words ‘heedes of the lawes,’ is omitted in all the subsequent editions. *> Blackstone, in recommending a more general study of the law, says in his i6o THE GOVERNOUR. of this realme, beinge well gathered and brought in good latine,^ shal be worthy to haue like praise as Tulli gaue to the lawes comprehended in the xii tables, from whens all ciuile lawe flowed, whiche praise was in this wise. A1 inaugural address as Vinerian Professor, ‘ The Roman Pandects will furnish us with a piece of history not unapplicable to our present purpose. Servius Sulpicius, a gentleman of the patrician order, and a celebrated orator, had occasion to take the opinion of Quintus Mutius Scoevola, the then oracle of the Roman law, but for want of some knowledge in that science, could not so much as understand even the technical terms which his friend was obliged to make use of. Upon which Mutius Scsevola could not forbear to upbraid him with this memorable reproof : ‘ ‘ That it was a shame for a patrician, a nobleman, and an orator of causes to be ignorant of that law in which he was so peculiarly concerned.” This reproach made so deep an impression on Sulpicius that he immediately applied himself to the study of the law, wherein he arrived to that proficiency that he left behind him about an hundred and fourscore volumes of his own compiling upon the sub¬ ject, and became, in the opinion of Cicero, a much more complete lawyer than even Mutius Scsevola himself. I would not be thought to recommend to our English nobility and gentry to become as great lawyers as Sulpicius, though he together with this character sustained likewise that of an excellent orator, a firm patriot, and a wise indefatigable senator ; but the inference which arises from the story is this, that ignorance of the laws of the land hath ever been esteemed dis¬ honourable in those who are entrusted by their country to maintain, to ad¬ minister, and to amend them.’— Comment, vol. i. p, ii, 15th ed, “ Before the end of the century, however, the lawyers defended the barbarisms which passed current in the profession for Latin words. Thus Sir John Doderidge says : ‘ The entries and enrollments of our Writs, Pleas, and all other our Law proceedings are neither base, abject, or horrid, as hath beene imported, for our Originall Writs of set forme are from ancient memory, have ever beene preserved in the booke called the Register, from the which our Clerkes may not swerve, to avoyd the infinite variety of formes which might otherwise ensue, and were first conceived and devised in as proper Latine, as the times wherein they were first in¬ vented, and the matter it selfe was able to beare. And as touching the other mentioned proceedings entered in the Latine tongue, although not eloquent, yet satis laudato forensi stilo as in any other kingdome perspicuous and significant. ’ —The Engl. Lawyer, p. 52. Fulbecke did ‘not thinke any exquisite skill of the Latine tongue to bee necessary in a Lawyer ; ’ and Selden, whose own Latin was remarkably uncouth, excuses the usage of such peculiar forms as ‘ implacitare, alodium, forisfacta et ejusmodi forsan paucula alia quas fastidientis forsan sto- machi grammaticis, qui ad nascentis Csesariani imperii aevum ita omnia ridicule exigunt, ut res ipsas imprimis utiles, libentius ignorari velint quam delicatulis auribus per vocabula Cicerone, Salustio, Tacito, Livio, aut aliis scriptoribus qui tunc floruere classicis, minime reperta immitti.’— Opera, tom. ii. pais. 2, col. 1594, ed. 1726 THE GOVERNOUR. l6l though men will abraide at it, I wyll say as I thinkc, the one litle boke of the xii tables semeth to me to surmounte the libraries of all the philosophers in waighty auto- ci.deora- ritie, and abundance of profite, beholde who so wyll the fountaines and heedes of the lawes.^ More ouer, whan yonge men haue radde lawes, expouned in the orations of Tulli, and also in histories of the begyn- nynge of lawes, and in the warkes of Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotell, of the diuersities of lawes and publike weales, if nature (as . I late saide) wyll dispose them to that maner studie, they shall be therto the more incensed, and come unto it the better prepared and furnisshed. And they whom nature therto nothinge meueth, haue nat only saued all that time, which many now a dayes do consume in idlenesse,^ but also haue wonne suche a treasure, wherby they shall alway be able to serue honourably theyr prince, and the publike weale of theyr countray, principally if they conferre al their * ‘ Fremant omnes licet: dicam quod sentio ; bibliothecas, mehercule, omnium philosophorum unus mihi videtur xii tabularum libellus, si quis legum fontes et capita viderit, et auctoritatis pondere, et utilitatis ubertate superare, ’—De Oratore^ lib. i. cap. 44. The laws of the Twelve Tables ‘ were compiled by the Decem¬ virs at the beginning of the fourth century of Rome, and consisted of a revision of the then existing laws, and some new ones which, according to a very ques¬ tionable tradition, had been imported from Greece by three Commissioners, who had been sent there for the purpose of collecting notices of such laws and customs as might be useful to the Romans, In the adaptation of these they are said to have been assisted by an Ionian Greek, named Hermodorus of Ephesus. The new code, when completed, was engraved on twelve tablets of ivory or brass, and set up publicly in front of the Rostra in the Comitium, that the enact¬ ments might be seen and read by all the citizens. These were in the strictest and most technical sense leges^ and may be considered as the early statute law of Rome.’— Hortensius, p. 56, 2nd ed. ” ‘Idleness,’ according to Mr. Froude, was the crying evil of that age. Wil¬ son, writing in 1553, says, ‘ Mary, unto them that had rather slepe all dale then wake one hour, chosing for any labour slothful idlenesse, thinkyng this life to be none other but a continuall restyng place, unto such pardie it shall seeme painefull to abide any labour. To learne Logiqiie, to learne the lawe, to some it semeth so harde that nothyng can enter into their heddes, and the reason is that thei want a will and an earnest minde to doe their endeuour .’—Arte of Rhetorique, p. 31. M i 62 THE GOVERNOUR. doctrines to the moste noble studie of morall philosophie, whiche teacheth both vertues, manors, and ciuile policier'^ wherby at the laste we shulde haue in this realme sufficiencie of worshypfull laA^yars, and also a publike weale equiualent to the grekes or Romanes.^ " ‘ And as the study and practice of Morall Philosophy (as Art doth witnesse) it not fittest for men over yong, so likewise the study of the Law, which hath his foundation in Morall Philosophy {both having one end generall, najnely the rectifying of our manners) doth require some maturity of yeeres, and not to bee set upon by infants in yeeres, judgment, and carriage.’— English Lawyer, p. 38, ed. 1631. Sir John Doderidge, writing at the end of the century, says : ‘ In our owne times in scorne some have called the crew of unlearned Lawyers, doctum q2ioddam genus indoctorum hominum. But to returne that reproach from whence it sprang, to the honour of the study of our Lawes be it spoken, that the Profession of our Lawes hath no%u, and formerly hath had, great numbers of students that have had as long and as ample institution in those sciences, called liberall, as any of them. And if I might remember old Originalls, from the time of the Norman Conquest untill the latter dayes of King Henry the third, as well the Judges itinerate through the counties, as those that were sedentarie in the King’s High Courts of Justice, (which then for the most part followed his person,) were men excellently skilled in all generall good learning, as doe witnesse the works of that worthy Judge Henry de Bracton, and John Britton, sometimes a learned Bishop of Here¬ ford, skilfull in the Lawes of this Realme, who writ a treatise by commandement, and writ of King Edward the first, as an Institution to the study of the Lawes of this Realme, serving that time. So also was Martyn de Patchull, sometimes Deane of Paul’s in London, of whom the said Bracton maketh honourable mention, together with divers other noted men of rare learning, not only in the Lawes of this Realme, but in all forraine knowledge fit for their places. And these men exercised Ju¬ dicial! functions in the Temporall Courts of this Realme, whereof our records, being et vetustatis et veritatis vestigia, the lively representations of time and truth, and reputed the Treasures of the Kingdome, doe yeeld plentifull testimony. What should I further commemorate the names and revive the memories of our worthy ancestors, Herle, Bereford, Thorpe, Finden, Belknap, flourishing in the victorious times of King Edward the Third ? whose deepe, short, subtile, pithie and learned I.aw-Arguments argue moreover thus much, that they were sufficiently furnished in that schoole learning which in those times was in most esteeme. Let me not here forget or passe over in silence those excellent Judges in the raigne of King Henry the sixt, Newton, Prisott, P'ortescue, which man last named was first Chauncellor to the Prince, and after Chiefe Justice of the King’s Bench, and was excellently learned in Divinity, Philosophy, Law both Ecclesiasticall and the Lawes of this Realme, as the little Treatise written by him in the praise of our Lawes in the Latine tongue, and some other Manuscripts I have seene of his worke of a higher subject doe, evidently declare.’— English Lawyer, p. 33. THE GOVERNOUR. I 6 0 CHAPTER XV. For wJiai cause at this day there be in this realme fcwe perfecte schole maisters. Lorde god, howe many good and dene wittes of children be nowe a dayes perisshed by ignorant schole maisters.^ Howe litle substandal doctrine is apprehended by the fewenesse of good gramariens Not withstanding I knowe that there be some well lerned, whiche haue taught, and also do teache, but god knoweth a fewe, and they with small effecte, hauing therto no comforte, theyr aptist and moste propre scholers, after they be well instructed in speakyng latine, and understanding some poetes, being taken from theyr schole by their parentes,^ and either be brought to the courte, and made lakayes or pages, or els are bounden prentises wherby the worshyp that the ® This is confirmed by Ascham, who says : ‘ There is no one thing that hath more either dulled the wits, or taken away the will of children from learning, than the care they have to satisfy their masters in the making of Latins. For the scholar is commonly beat for the making, when the master were moz'e worthy to be beat for the mending, or rather marring of the same, the master many times being as ignorant as the child what to say properly and fitly to the matter.’— Works^ vol, iii. pp. 88, 89, ed. 1864. Erasmus complains of the brutality and ignorance of schoolmasters of the period in language almost identical with that in the text. ‘ Jam hinc mihi conjecta, vir egregie, quam multa felicissima ingenia perdantisti carnifices indocii; sed doctrinae persuasione tumidi, morosi, vino- lenti, truces, et vel animi gratia caedentes, nimirum ingenio tarn truculento, ut ex alieno cruciatu capiant voluptatem. Hoc genus homines lanios aut carnifices esse decuit, non pueritiae formatores. Nec ulli crudelius excarnificant pueros, quam qui nihil habent quod illos doceant. Hi quid agant in scholis nisi ut plagis et jurgiis diem extrahant ? ’ — De Pueris Instit. Opera, tom. i. p, 435, ed. 1540. While Peacham says ‘For one discreete and able Teacher, you shall finde twenty igno¬ rant and carelesse, who (among so many fertile and delicate vfits as England affoordeth) whereas they make one Scholler, theymarre Ten.’— The Coinpleat Gen¬ tleman, p. 22, ed. 1622. From Erasmus we learn that the masters were frequently changed. ‘ Nihil inutilius quam frequenter mutare prseceptorem. Ad eum enim modum Penelopes tela texitur ac retexitur. At ego novi pueros, qui ante annum duodecimum, plusquam quatuordecim praeceptoribus usi sunt, idque parentum incogitanti^.’— Opera, tom i. p. 429. ® Ascham also refers to this custom of the times. ‘ And when this sad-natured and M 2 164 THE GOVERNOUR. maister, aboue any reward, couaiteth to haue by the praise of his scholer, is utterly drowned ; wherof I haue herde schole maisters, very well lerned, of good righte complayne. But yet (as I sayd) the fewenesse of good gramariens is a great im¬ pediment of doctrine.^ (And here I wolde the reders shulde marke that I note to be fewe good gramariens, and not none.) I call nat them gramariens, whiche onely can teache or make rules, wherby a childe shall onely lerne to speake congrue latine,^ or to make sixe versis standyng in one fote, wherin perchance shal be neither sentence nor eloquence.® But I hard-witted child is bet from his book, and becometh after either student of the com¬ mon law, or page in the eourt, or serving man, or bound prentice to a merchant or to some handicraft, he proveth in the end wiser, happier, and many times honester too, than many of those quick wits do by their learning.’— Schoolmaster, p. 102, ed. 1864. ® ‘ The last act of Erasmus’s kindness to the dean’s (Colet) school was to find out at Cambridge (where he then was) an usher, or second master, according to the founder’s desire, to be under Mr. William Lilye. He inquired among the masters of arts there ; but could meet with none, it seems, that cared for, or were fit for that place, who would engage in it. They did not affect so laborious an employment, however honourable the terms might be. One of the seniors said in a flouting way, ‘ ‘ Who wotcld lead such a slavish life among boys in a school if he can have any other way of living —Knight’s Life of Colet, pp. 147, 148. ^ Erasmus gives the following picture of these grammarians. ‘ Nunc quibus ambagibus ac difficultatibus excruciantur pueri, dum ediscunt literarum nomina priusquam agnoscant figuras, dum in nominum ac verborum inflexionibus coguntur ediscere quot casibus modis ac temporibus eadem vox respondeat, veluti Musse, genitivo et dativo singulari, nominative et vocative plurali. Legeris a legor, a lege- rim, et a legero. Quae cai'nificina turn perstrepit in ludo quum hsec a pueris exi- guntur.’— Opera, tom. i. p. 441. And Pace takes evident pleasure in ridiculing the labours of these precisians.- ‘ Ad ultimum de Grammaticis (adeo in omnibus et verbis et dictionibus dissident) piget loqui. Nam aliqui admittunt verba neu- tralia, aliqui excludunt. Aliqui diphthongos in scribendo apponunt, aliqui detra- hunt. Aliqui in scribendis dictionibus duplicibus utuntur literis, aliqui simplicibus ; adeo ut in ipsa quoque litera scribenda dissensio sit inter eos qualis est inter omnes, et Aldum solum in scribenda causa, nam is solus alteram addit S.’— De Fructu, P- 53 - ® Erasmus seems to allude to this practice : ‘ L. Arbitror tibi frequenter ex majoi'ibus auditum, fuisse tempus quo pueri multis annis discruciabantur modis significandi, et quaestiuneulis ex qua vi, et aliis indoctissimis naeniis, magnaque am- bitione dictabatur, ediscebatur, exponebatur Ebrardus et Florista, quod supererat temporis ridicidis versiculis transigebaturd — Dial, de Pronuntiatione, Opera, tom. THE GOVERNOUR. 165 name hym a gramarien, by the autoritie of Quintilian, that speakyng latine elegantly, can expounde good au- tours, expressynge the inuention and disposition of u. i. the mater, their stile or fourme of eloquence, explicating the figures as well of sentences as wordes, leuyng nothyng, persone, or place, named by the autour, undeclared or hidde from his scholers.^ Wherfore Quintilian saith, it is nat inough for hym to haue rad poetes, but all kyndes of writyng must also be sought for ; nat for the histories only, but also for the propretie of wordes, whiche communely do receiue theyr auto¬ ritie of noble autours. More ouer without musike gramer may nat be perfecte; for as moche as therin muste be spoken of metres and harmonies, called rythfni in greke. Neither if he haue nat the knowlege of sterres, he may understande poetes, whiche in description of times (I omitte other things) they traicte of the risinge and goinge downe of pianettes. Also he may nat be ignorant in philosophie, for many places that be almooste in euerye poete fetched out of the most subtile parte of naturall questions. These be well nighe the wordes of Quintilian.’^ Than beholde howe fewe gramariens after this description be in this realme. Undoubtedly ther be in this realme many well lerned, i, p. 773. And in another place he exclaims. ‘Deum immortalem ! quale secu- lum erat hoc, quum magno apparatn disticha Joannis Garlandini adolescentibus, operosis ac prolixis commentariis, enarrabantur. Quum ineptis versiculis dictandis, repetendis, et exigendis magna pars temporis absumebatur .’—De Pueris Tnstit.y Opera, tom, i. p. 444, ed. 1540. We learn from Harrison that in his day (i.e. about 1577), ‘‘the rules of versifieng’ formed part of the curriculum at the public schools.— Descript, of Eng. p. 151. “ See Quiiitil. Instit. Orat. lib. i. ‘ Nec poetas legisse satis est : executiendum omne scriptorum genus, non propter historias modo, sed verba, quae frequenter jus ab auctoribus sumunt. Turn nec citra musicen grammatice potest esse perfecta, quum ei de metris rhythmisque dicendum sit: nec si rationem siderum ignoret, poetas intelligat ; qui ut alia mittam, toties ortu occasuque signorum in declarandis temporibus utuntur : nec ignara philosophic, cum propter plurimos in. omnibus fere, carminibus locos, ex intima quaestionum naturalium subtilitate repetitos.’— Instit. Orat. lib. i. cap. 4, §4. i66 THE COVERNOUR. whiche if the name of a schole maister were nat so moche had in contempte,^ and also if theyr labours with abundant sala¬ ries mought be requited,^ were righte sufficient and able to induce their herers to excellent lernynge, so they be nat plucked away grene, and er they be in doctrine sufficiently rooted. But nowe a dayes, if to a bachelar or maister of arte studie of philosophie waxeth tediouse, if he haue a spone full of latine, he wyll shewe forth a hoggesheed without any lernyng, and offre “ Erasmus, in his Dialogue De Pronuntiatione, says : ‘ L. Plerique turpe putant quenquam semper in grammatices professione manere. U. Quinam id turpius quam pictorem nihil aliud profiteri qu^im pictorem ? Quanquam fieri non potest ut grammaticus nihil sit quam grammaticus, etiamsi in caeteris disciplinis non perinde excellat . . . . Et pulchrum est probri causa dicere grammatico nihil aliud es quam grammaticus ? Est aliquid et ventre contemptius, per quod ejiciuntur crassiora corporis excrementa. Contemnat hoc qui volet, et videat quam floreant caetera membra.’— Opera, tom. i. p, 771, ed. 1540. ** Ascham says that grooms were better paid than schoolmasters. ‘ It is pity that commonly more care is had, yea and that among very wise men, to find out rather a cunning man for their horse than a cunning man for their children. They say nay in word, but they do so in deed, for to the one they will gladly give a stipend of two hundred crowns by the year, and loth to offer to the other two hundred shillings. God that sitteth in heaven laugheth their choice to scorn, and rewardeth their liberality as it should, for he suffereth them to have tame and well- ordered horses, but wild and unfortunate children, and therefore in the end they find more pleasure in their horse than comfort in their children. ’— Schoolmaster, p. 104, ed. 1864. Erasmus makes the same comparison as Ascham: ‘ Sunt quos animus sordidus deterret a conducendo praeceptore idoneo, et pluris educitur equiso quam filii forriatord—De Pueris Instit., Opera, tom. i. p. 428. And in another place he says, ‘ Ad hujus aut illius commendationem quemvis ludo prseficimus, fere indoctum, interdum et moribus improbis, non hue spectantes, ut rei charissimae civium liberis omnibus consulamus, sed ut unius famelici ventriculo prospiciamus. Accuratius circiimspicientes ad conanittamus muwi eqtmm, atit canem venatorem, quam ctd ci'edamus totius civitatis pignorad —Opera, tom. i. p. 766. Mulcaster, the head master of St. Laurence Pountney School, pleading fifty years afterwards the cause of his profession, says: ‘For whom in consideration of sufficient abilitie and faithfull trauell I must still pray for good entertainement, which will alway procure most able persons. For it is a great daunting to the best able man, and a great cutting off of his diligent paynes, when he shall finde his whole dayes trauell not able to furnish him of necessarie prouision, to do good with the best, and to gaine with the basest, nay, much lesse than the lowest, who may entend to shift, when he must entend his charge ; and enrich himselfe, nay, hardly feede himselfe, with a pure and poore conscience.’— Positions, p. 237, ed. 1581. rilE GOVERNOUR. 167 to teache grammer and expoune noble writers, and to be in the roome of a maister: he wyll, fora small salarie,sette a false colour of lernyng on propre wittes, whiche wyll be wasshed away with one shoure of raine.^ For if the children be absent from schole by the space of one moneth, the best lerned of them will uneth tell wheder Fato, wherby Eneas was brought , 1 Verg-ibus in to Itah, were other a man, a horse, a shyppe, Aeneid or a wylde goose.^ A1 thoughe their maister wyll , JO o j secundo, perchance auaunte hym selfe to be a good philosopher. Some men perauenture do thinke that, at the begynning “ Erasmus draws a still more painful picture of the schoolmasters of the period; ‘ Quam igitur belle prospicitur his pueris, qui vix dum quadrimi mittuntur in ludum literarium, ubi praesidet prasceptor ignotus, agrestis, ac moribus parum sobriis, inter- dum ne cerebri quidem sani, frequenter lunaticus, aut morbo comitiali obnoxius, aut leprae, quam nunc vulgus scabiem gallicam appellat. Neminem enim hodie tarn ab- jectum, tarn inutilem, tarn nullius rei videmus, quern vulgus non existimet idoneum moderando ludo literario.’— De Pueris Instit.^ Opera, tom. i. p, 434. Mulcaster advocated the foundation of a college for training masters : ‘ Why should not teachers be well px'ouided for, to continue their whole life in the schoole, as Diuines, Lawyers, Physicians do in their seuerall professions ? Thereby iudgement, cunning, and discretion will grow in them: and maisters wouldproue olde men, and such as Xenophon setteth ouer children in the schooling of Cyrus. Wheras now, the schoole being used but for a shift, afterward to passe thence to the other professions, though it send out very sufficient men to them, itselfe remaineth too too naked, considering the necessitie of the thing. I conclude, therfore, that this trade requireth a particular college.’— Positions, p. 251. In another place Erasmus says: ‘Jam illud in psedagogiis pene solenne est, ut aut tenues, quibus non est unde vivant, aut puerum aliquem nudiustertius magistelli nomine donatum, pueris grammaticen docendis prseficiant, tantum in hoc ut vivat.’— Dial, de Pronuntiatione, Opera, tom. i. p. 771. Erasmus says : ‘ Pueros nostros ultra pubertatem domi detinemus, ac otio, luxu, deliciisque corruptos, vix tandem in scholam publicam mittimus. Illic ut res bene cedat, degustant aliquid grammatices, mox simul atque norunt inflectere voces, et suppositum apposito recte jungere, perdidicere grammaticam, et ad per- turbatam dialecticen admoventur, ubi si quid etiam recte loqui didicerunt, dediscant oportet. Sed infelicior erat setas, quos me puero modis significandi et questiun- culis ex qua vi, pueros excarnificabat nec aliud interim docens quam perperam loqui. Nimirum prseceptores illi nepuerilia docere viderentur, grammaticen, dialectices ac metaphysices difficultatibus obscurabant, nimirum ut pracpostere jam provectiores post majores disciplinas grammaticen discerent. Quod nunc videmus aliquod Theologis evenire cordatioribus, ut post tot laureas, post omnes titulos, ut jam illis liberum non sit quicquam nescire, ad eos libros redire cogantur, qui pueris solent praelegi.’— De Pueris Instil. Opera, tom. i.. p. 443. i68 THE COVERNOUR. V of lernynge, it forceth nat, all thoughe the maisters haue nat so exacte doctrine as I haue reherced ; but let them take good hede what Quintilian saith, that it is so moche the Quint. better to be instructed by them that are beste lerned, lib i .... for as moche as it is difficultie to put out of the mynde * that whiche is ones settilled, the double bourden beinge painfull to the maisters that shal succede, and verily moche more to unteache than to teache. Wherfore it is writen that Timothe, the noble musitian, demaunded alway a gretter rewarde of them whom other had taught, than of them that neuer any thinge lerned. These be the wordes of Quintilian or like.^ Also commune experience teacheth that no man will put his sonne to a botcher to lerne, or he bynde hym prentise to a taylour: or if he wyll haue hym a connyng goldsmith, wyll bynde hym firste prentise to a tynkar : in these thynges poure men be circumspect, and the nobles and gentilmen, who wolde haue their sonnes by excellent lerning come unto honour, for sparynge of coste, or for lacke of diligent serche for a good schole maister, wilfully distroy their children, causinge them to be taught that lerninge, whiche wolde require sixe or seuen yeres to be forgoten^ : by whiche tyme the more parte of * ‘ Quanto sit melius optimis imbui, quantaque in eluendis, quae semel inse- derint, vitiis, difbcultas consequatur; quum geminatum onus succedentes premat, et quidem dedocendi gravius ac prius, quam docendi. Propter quod Timotheum clarum in arte tibiarum, ferunt duplices ab iis, quos alius instituisset, solitum exi- gere mercedes, quam si rudes traderentur. ’— Instil. Oral. lib. ii, cap. 3, § 2. ^ Some parents, indeed, considered that learning was altogether an unfit occu¬ pation for a gentleman. Pace, in his letter to Colet, in which he dedicates to the latter his book De Friictu, published at Basle in 1517, tells a story characteristic of some of the foxhunting squires of that day. ‘ Quum duobus annis plus minus jam prreteritis, ex Romana urbe in patriam rediissem, interfui cuidam convivio multis in- cognitus. Ubi quum satis fuisset potatum, unus, nescio quis, ex convivis, non im- prudens, ut ex verbis vultuque conjicere licuit, coepit mentionem facere de liberis suis bene instituendis. Et primum omnium bonum prseceptorem illis sibi quaerendum, et scholam omnino frequentandam censuit. Aderat forte unus ex his, quos nos generosos vocamus, et qui semper cornu aliquod a tergo pendens gestant, acsi etiam inter prandendum venarentur. Is, audita literarum laude, percitus repentina ira furibundus prorupit in hsec verba. “ Quid nugaris,” inquit, “ Amice ? Abeant in raalam rem istae stultae literas; omnes docti sunt mendici j etiam Erasmus ille doc- THE QOVERNOUR. 169 that age is spente, wherin is the chiefe sharpnesse of witte called in latine acumen, and also than approcheth the stubborne age, where the childe broughte up in pleasure disdayneth correction. Nowe haue I all declared (as I do suppose) the chiefe im- pechementes of excellent lernynge: of the reformation I nede nat to speake, sens it is apparant, that by the contraries, men pursuinge it ernestly with discrete iugement and liberalitie, it wolde sone be amended. CHAPTER XVI. Of sondry fourmes of exercise 7iecessary for eiiery gentih^ian. All thoughe I haue hitherto aduaunced the commendation of lernyng, specially in gentil men, yet it is to be considered that continuall studie without some maner of exercise, shortly exhausteth the spirites vitall,^ and hyndereth naturall decoction and digestion, wherby mannes body is the soner corrupted and brought in to diuers sickenessis, and finallye the life is therby made shorter: where contrayrye wise by exercise, whiche is a vehement motion (as Galene prince of phisitions' defineth) the helthe of man is preserued, and his strength increased: for as moche^the membres by meuyng and mutuall touching, do waxe more harde, and naturall heate in all the body is therby augmented. More ouer it maketh the spirites of a man more stronge and valiant, so that, by the hardnesse of the membres, tissimus (ut audio) pauper est, et in quadam sua epistola vocat tV Kardparou ireviav uxorem suam, id est, execrandam paupertatem, et vehementer conqueritur se non posse illam humeris suis usque in jSaOu/c^Teo tt6vtov, id est, profundum mare, ex- cutere. (Corpus Dei juro) volo filius mens pendeat potius quam literis studeat. Decet enim generosorum filios apte inflare cornu, perite venari, accipitrem pulchre gestare et educare. Studia vero literartem rusticorum filiis sunt relinquenday ’ P. 15. “ This was also the opinion of Montaigne, who says: ‘ Nostre le^on, se passant comme par rencontre, sans obligation de temps et de lieu, et se meslant a toutes nos actions, se coulera sans se faire sentir : les jeux mesmes et les exercices seront une bonne partie de I’estude ; la course, la luicte, la musique, la danse, la chasse, le maniement des chevaulx et des armes.’— Essais, tom. i, p. 229, ed. 1854. THE GOVERNOUR. I 70 all labours be more tollerable ; by naturall hete the appetite is the more quicke ; the chaunge of the substance receiued is the more redy ; the nourisshinge of all partes of the body is the more sufficient and sure. By valiaunt motion of the spirites all thinges superfluous be expelled, and the condutis of the body densed.^ Wherfore this parte of phisike is nat to be contemned or neglected in the education of children, and specially from the age of xiiii yeres upwarde, in whiche tyme strength with courage increaseth.^ More ouer there be diuers maners of exercises ; wherof some onely prepareth and helpeth digestion ; some augmenteth also strength and hardnesse of body; other serueth for agilitie and nymblenesse; some for celeritie or spedi- nesse.® There be also whiche ought to be used for necessitie “ ‘Nam quoniam vehementior motus exercitatio est, necesse quidem est tria haec ab ea perfici in corpore exercitando, membrorum duritiem ex mutuo ipsorum attritu, genuini caloris augmentum, et spiritus citatiorem motum. Sequi vero haec reliqua omnia privatim commoda quae corpus exercitiis accepta refert : utique ex membrorum duritia, turn ut minus ex labore afficiantur, turn ad labores robur. Ex calore, turn deducendorum in corpus validum attractum, turn immutationem magis expeditam, turn nutritionem magis fselicem, turn ut singulae corporis partes sint (ut ita dicam) perfusae. Cujus affectus beneficio et solida mollescere, et humida tenuari et exiguos corporeae molis meatus laxiores fieri accidit. At ex spiritus valentiore impetu et purgari hos omnes meatus necesse est,et excrementa expelli.’— De Sanitate tuendd^ lib. ii. fo. 19, ed. 1538. ^ ‘ Cui vero optimi status corpus contigit, is ad quartumdecimum usque annum, jam traditam victus rationem observet, illo tamen in exercitatione servato modo, ut neque immodice se neque violenter exercitet, ne corporis id incremento sit in mora. Hoc aetatis animum quoque finxisse aptissimum est, idque potissimum probis con- suetudinibus, et gravibus disciplinis, quae animo modestiam pariant. Quippe ad ea quae sequente aetate circa corpus ejus moliri oportebit,maximo compendio sit animi modestia, et ad parendum facilitas. A secundo vero septennio usqiie ad expletum tertium, si quidem ad robustissimum corporis habitum provehere hominem cupis, aut militem eum strenuum, aut luctatorem, aut alias viribus insignem destinans, utique de iis animi dotibus quae ad scientiam sapientiamque pertinent minus laborabis. Quae enim ad mores spectant : hac maxime aetate perfici absolvique convenit.’— De San. tuend. lib. i. fo. 13 a. ® ‘Jam siiigulas exercitationum seorsum persequi tempestivum videtur ; illo praesertim prius significato quod in his quoque complures differentiae inveniantur. Quippe interim aliam partem aliud alio magis exercitium fatigat. Et quaedam lente motis fiunt, quaedam ocyssime agitatis, et quaedam robore ac nixu adhibitis, quaedam sine his. Ad haec, quaedam cum robore pariter et celeritate, quaedam languide. Ac quod violenter quidem sine velocitate exercetur, ^vtovov, id est valens, THE GOVERNOUR. 171 only. All these ought he that is a tutor to a noble man to haue in remembrance, and, as opportunitie serueth, to put them in experience. And specially them whiche with helth do ioyne commoditie (and as I moughte say) necessitie: consideryng that be he neuer so noble or valiant, some tyme he is subiecte to perile, or (to speake it more pleasauntly) seruant to fortune. Touching suche exercises, as many be used within the house, or in the shadowe, (as is the olde maner of speking ^), as deam¬ bulations, laborynge with poyses made of leadde or other me- tall, called in latine Alteres'^^ liftynge and throwyng the heuy stone or barre, playing at tenyse, and diuers semblable exer¬ cises, I will for this tyme passe ouer; exhortyng them which do understande latine, and do desire to knowe the commodities of sondrye exercises, to resorte to the boke of Galene, of the gouernance of helth, called in latine De Sanitate tnendd^ where they shal be in that mater abundantly satisfied, and finde in the readynge moche delectation ; whiche boke is translated in to latine, wonderfull eloquently by doctor Linacre, late mooste worthy phisition to our mooste noble soueraigne lorde kynge Henry the VI1 voco; quod violenter et cum celeritate crcptSpop, id est, vehemens. Violenter autem robusteve dicere, nihil referat. Fodere ergo, valens robustaque exercitatio est. Simili modo et si quis quatuor simul equos habenis coerceat, impense robusta exercitatio est, non tamen celeris. Superest ut de iis dicamus quse celeritate peraguntur citraque robur et violentiam. Id genus sunt cursus, et umbratilis armorum meditatio, et cum duo summis manibus concertant, owpoxeiplcr/tous Grseci vocant, turn quse per corycum et pilam exercitatio fit, utique cum a distantibus et currentibus adminis- tratur .’—De San. tuend. lib. ii. fo. 30, 31. “ ‘ Quae vero ab iis quae extrinsecus sunt posita, ducuntur, ejusmodi sunt, quod aut sub dio exercitatio fit, aut sub tecto, aut in mista umbra quam {moffvp.pu'Y^ Graeci vocant, ’—De San. ttiend. lib. ii. fo. 29 b. ‘ Quid pereunt stulto fortes altere lacerti ? Exercet melius vinea fossa viros.’— Martial^ lib. xiv. 49. ‘ Gravesque draucis Alteras facili rotat lacerto.’— Ibid. lib. vii, 67. ‘ Idque multo certe magis fiet, seorsum si quis summis manibus, utraque apprehenso pondere (cujusmodi sunt qui in palaestra Alteres dicuntur), porrectishis aut in sub¬ lime erectis, eodem habitu persistat.’—Galen, De San. tnen. lib. ii. fo. 30 b. ® Thomas Linacre was born in 1460, and died in 1524. Paulus Jovius, a con- THE GOVERNOUR. I 72 And I wyll nowe only speake of those exercises, apt to the furniture of a gentilmannes personage, adapting his body to hardnesse, strength, and agilitie, and to helpe therwith hym selfe in perile, whiche may happen in warres or other necessitie. temporary, pays him the following compliment: ‘ Inter alia vero praeclara ejus ingenii monumenta vel illud Galeni De Sanitate tuend&^ opus e Graeco summa Latini sermonis elegantia felicissime traductum, immortalem sibi apud posteros laudem comparavit.’— Descript. Brit. p. 49. And Pace, the friend of Colet, also shows in what high estimation the learned Doctor was held. ‘ Est enim is summus medicus, et par orator, ut turn experientia turn libris felicissime editis, manifestum fecit omnibus, et te non nisi aliud agens, et eV irapcpycp, id est horis supervacaneis, ag- gressus est, ac quidam ex amantissimis ejus perssepe sunt mirati, quod quum natus sit ad altissima quaeque, non recusaverit ad ista infima descendere,ut contenderet cum Tryphone, vel nescio quo alio grammatico, de quibusdam minutiis casus vocativi. Contendit turn ille feliciter, quia vicit. Sed mallem victoriam fuisse illustriorem et similem illi quern Patavii olim reportavit. Nam quum in gymnasio Patavino professionis artis medicae ei (ut nunc moris est) darentur insignia, publice non sine summa laude disputavit, et seniorum medicorum adversaria argumenta acutissime refellit.’— De Fructu^ p. 76. It is stated by Johnson, Linacre’s biographer, that the first edition of the translation referred to in the text was printed at Paris by Guil¬ laume Rube, in 151 7 > and that presentation copies of the same edition were sent to Wolsey, and Fox, Bishop of Winchester, of vEich one is still preserved in the British Museum, and the other in the College (of Physicians ?) Library. The author of the Repertorium Bibliographicum has fallen into an error (which has been perpetuated by M. Brunet in his valuable Manuel du Libraire)^ in saying that there are two presentation copies on vellum of Linacre’s translation of the Methodus Medendi in the Brit. Mus,, one dedicated to Henry VIII. and the other to Wolsey. The fact is only one of the volumes referred to is a copy of this work, the other being a translation of the De Sanitate tuendA, but both are dedicated to the king, although it appears from the prefatory epistle inscribed in each copy that both were presented to the Cardinal. Johnson’s description of the latter volume as ‘ a magni¬ ficent specimen of the art of embellishment in the i6th century ’ is far more appli¬ cable to the copy of the Methodus Medendi. It is rather surprising to find that Hallam, who refers to Johnson’s Life of Linacre on more than one occasion, says in view of the above facts, ‘ Though a first edition of his translation of Galen has been supposed to have been printed at Venice in 1498, it seems to be ascertained that none preceded that of Cambridge in 1521 ;’ Lit. of Eur. vol. i. p. 321, for, as we have seen, Linacre’s translation of the De Sanitate tuenda was printed in 1517 at Paris, and this was quickly followed by a translation of the Methodiis Medendi, published at Paris in 1519 : a translation of the De Temperamentis, published as early as 1498, is ascribed to Linacre by Hoffmann (see Bibliographisches Lexicon, Part. ii. p. 134), who, however, makes no mention of the famous Cambridge edition of 1521. And it was probably this omission on the part of Hoffmann which caused Hallam to make the remark above quoted. THE GOVERNOUR. 173 CHAPTER XVH. Exercises wherhy shiilde growe both recreation a7idpi'ofite. Wrastlynge is a very good exercise in the begynnynge of youthe, so that it be with one that is equall in strengthe, or some what under, and that the place be softe, that in fallinge theyr bodies be nat brused.^ There be diuers maners of wrastlinges, but the beste, as well for helthe of body as for exercise of strengthe, is whan layeng mutually their handes one ouer a nothers lynge. necke, with the other hande they holde faste eche other by the arme, and claspyng theyr legges to gether, they inforce them selfes with strengthe and agilitie to throwe downe eche other, whiche -is also praysed by Galene.^ And undoubtedly it shall be founde profitable in warres, in case that a capitayne shall be constrayned to cope with his aduer- sary hande to hande, hauyng his weapon broken or loste. Also it hath ben sene that the waiker persone, by the sleight of “ Strutt says, ‘ The citizens of London in times past are said to have been expert in the art of wrestling, and annually upon St. James’s day they were accustomed to make a public trial of their skill.’ Sports arid Pastimes, p. 63, ed..i8oi. The amuse¬ ment seems to have been carried on to such an extent as to become a public nuisance, for in the twelfth year of Henry IV., A.D. 1411, proclamation was made on the Friday next before the feast of St. Bartholomew (the 24th August) in the following form : ‘ That no manere man ne child, of what estate or condicioun that he be, be so hardy to wrestell, or make ony wi'estlyng, within the Seintuary ne the boundes of Poules, ne in non other open place within the Citee of Londone, up peyne of emprisonement of fourty dayes, and makyng fyn unto the Chaumbre, after the discrecioun of the Mair and Aldermen.’—Riley’s Memorials of London, p. 580, ed. 1868. ‘ Quae vero luctantes inter se moliuntur cum robori augendo student, haec aut pulverem altum, aut palestram desiderant. Ea sunt ejusmodi : cum uterque luctantium ambobus cruribus alterum alterius crus complectitur, deinde manibus inter se collatis, altera cervici violenter incumbat, utique quae e regione impediti cruris est, altero brachio. Licebit et circa summum caput manibus injectis violenter retrorsum se agat ac revellat. Ejusmodi lucta utriusque luctatoris robur exercet : quemadmodum et ea quae altero alterum cruribus cingente, vel ambo per ambo mittente, hunt. Nam haec quoque utrumque ad robur praeparant. Infinitae aliae ejusmodi robustae exercitationes in palestra sunt .’—De San. tuend. lib. ii. fo. 31a. 174 THE GOVERNOUR. wrastlyng, hath ouerthrowen the stranger, almost or he coulde fasten on the other any violent stroke. Also rennyng is bothe a good exercise and a laudable solace.^ It is written of Epaminondas the valiant capi- tayne of Thebanes, who as well in vertue and prowesse as in lerninge surmounted all noble men of his tyme, that daily he exercised him selfe in the mornyng with rennyng and leaping, in the euening in wrastling, to the intent that likewise in armure he mought the more strongly, embracinge his aduer- sary, put hym in daunger. And also that in the chase, rennyng and leaping, he mought either ouertake his enemye, or beyng pursued, if extreme nede required, escape him.^ Semblably be- “ Galen explains the foot-races in vogue in his own day. ‘ Est autem iKTrXeOpi- eiv cum in plethro, id est in sexta parte stadii, quis prorsum retrorsumque vicissim, idque saepe, in utramque partem sine flexu cursitans, unoquoque cursu breve quiddam de spatio demit, quoad denique inunicogressuconstiterit .’—Re San. tuend. lib. ii, fo. 31. Strutt quotes from an ancient MS. entitled Of Knyghthode and Batayle, supposed to have been written early in the 15th century, and nowin the Cottonian Library, Titus, A. xxiii. pt. i. p. 6, the following verses in praise of this exercise: ‘ In rennynge the exercise is good also. To smyte first in fight, and also whenne To take a place our foemen will forrenne. And take it erst; also to serche or sture. Lightly to come and go, rennynge is sure. Rennyng is also right good at the chace; And for to lepe a dike is also good : For mightily what man may renne and lepe. May well devict, and safe his party kepe.’ A comparison with the following passage of Vegetius would seem to show that the writer of the MS. borrowed largely from this source : ‘ Sed ad cursum pr^ecipue assuefaciendi sunt juniores, ut majore impetu iuhostes procurrant, ut loca opportuna celeriter, quum usus venerit, occupent : vel adversariis idem facere volentibus prreoc- cupent : ut ad explorandum alacriter pergant, alacrius redeant : ut fugientium terga facilius comprehendant. Ad saltum etiam quo vel fossse transiliuntur, vel impediens aliqua altitude superatur, exercendus est miles. ’— De Re Militari, lib. i. cap. 9. ^ ‘Postquam ephebus factus est, et palsestrag dare operam csepit: non tarn magnitudini virium servivit, quam velocitati. Illam enim ad athletarum usum ; hanc ad belli existimabat utilitatem pertinere. Itaque exercebatur plurimum currendo et luctando, ad eum finem, quoad stans complecti posset, atque con¬ tendere. In armis plurimum studii consumebat.’—Corn. Nepos, Epaminon. cap. 2. It will be seen from the account given in the text that the Author’s translation THE GOVERNOUR. 175 fore him dyd the worthy Achilles, for whiles his shippes laye at rode, he suffred nat his people to slomber in ydlenesse, but daily exercised them and himselfe in rennyng, wherin he was most excellent and passed all other, and therforeHomere, throughout all his warke, calleth hym swifte foote Achilles.^ The great Alexander beyng a childe, excelled all his com¬ panions in rennyng; wherfore on a tyme one demaunded of hym if he wolde renne at the great game of Olympus, wherto, out of all partes of Grece, came the moste actife and valiant per¬ sons to assay maistries ; wherunto Alexander answered in this fourme, I wold very gladly renne ther, if I were sure to renne with kinges, for if I shulde contende with a priuate person, hauing respect to our bothe astates, our victories shulde nat be equall.^ Nedes muste rennynge be taken for a laudable exercise, sens one of the mooste noble capitaynes of all the of the above passage is enriched with some details which were apparently unknown to Nepos. It is not a little remarkable that Plutarch has given us a description the very reverse of this ; for in comparing the great Theban captain with Pelopidas, he says, 5e koX irphs izaffav aperTjv TTfcpvKSres bfxoLm, oti rep yvixvd(ecr6ai fidWou exfftpe neXoTrlSas, Se ixavOdveip 'ETrafjLeLVdovdas, Kal rds Siarpi^as iv ry (rxoAaCetv 6 p-lv Trepl iraXaiarpas Kal Kvprjyiffia, 6 Se aKOvcov ri Kal ’ rjAiKias yeuS/jL^vos viuiv, Kal t5>v kraipoiv avrhv eV' ^OAvp-iria TzapoppLwvrwv, f / pc ^ T 7 j ( rej /, et ^aaiXdis ayoovi^ovrai • rcov 5e oh (pafievaiv, &5lkov e/Trei/ eJpai dp.iXXau, iv p VLK'i}a'^L piku iSicoras, piK7]Qi]v Set rovs tinreas av acTKrjTeov, TvpuTov piev ottus ini robs 'IniTovs avanri^au Zvvoivrai' noKKois yap ijSr) rj (Tiorr^pia napa rovro iyevero. —Cap. i. § 5. Sir Thomas Wilson, in speaking of the education of a nobleman, says : ‘ Againe I male commende hym for plaiyng at weapons, for runnyng uppon a great horse, for chargyng his staffe at the Tilt, for vawting, for playing upon instrumentes, yea, and for paintyng, or drawyng of a Plat, as in olde tyme noble Princes muche delited therein .’—Arte of Rhetorique, p. 13. THE GOVERNOUR. 187 Cirus and other auncient kynges of Persia (as Xenophon writeth) ^ used this maner in all their huntyng-. , . 1 , The hun- First, where as it semeth, there was in the realme of tynge of Persia but one citie, whiche as I suppose, was called Tersmns. Persepolis, there were the children of the Persians, from their infancie unto the age of seuentene yeres, brought up Xemphon in the lernyng of iustice and temperance, and also pedia Cyri to obserue continence in meate and drinke : in so moche that, whyder so euer they went, they toke with them for their sustenaunce but onely breed and herbes, called Kersis, in latine NastiLrtmni, and for their drinke, a disshe to take water out of the ryuers as they passed. Also they lerned to shote and to caste the darte or iauelyn. Whan they came to the age of xvii yeres, they were lodged in the pa- laises that were there ordayned for the kynge and his nobles, whiche was as well for the sauegarde of the citie, as for the example of temperance that they dayly had at their eyes gyuen to them by the nobles, whiche also mought be called Peeres, by the signification of the greeke worde, wherin they were called, Oinothni. More ouer they were accustomed to ryse alway in the first spring of the day, and paciently to sus- tayne alwaye bothe colde and heate. And the kyng dyd se them exercised in goynge and also in rennyng. And whan he ® Ai5a(T/cov(rt Se rovs TraiSas Kal (rw(ppocrvp7)v • /x^ya Se avfx^aAAeTai tls tS fiavQd- veLU aco(ppou(7u avrohs 8ti Kal tovs TrpecrfivTepovs opcoaiv apa Traaap Tjudpap (Taxppopus hiayovras. AiddaKovai Se avTovs Kal ireiOeaQai roh dpxovcn • p.4ya Se Kal els tovto (rv/jL^dWeTaL 8 ti opwcri robs irpea^vrepovs TreiOofxepovs ro7s dpxovaip Icrx^P^^- Ai8d- aKouai Se Kal iyKpareTs eluai yaarphs Kal ttotov’ pceya Se Kal els tovto (rv/x^dWeTaL Sri bpwcTL TOVS Trpea^vTepovs ov irpScrdep dirdiPTas yao'Tphs eveKa irplp du d 'H Se Kpoppvwpia crvs, ^P ^aictp irpocrccpSpaCop, ov (pavXop hv Qr\plop, aXXd paX^jJ-ov Kal KpaTr]Qr\pai. l!avrr\p, 6Sov irdpepyop, us p^ SokoIt] irdpra vpbs dpdjKrjp TTopeiP, wiroo'Tas dpe7Xe’ Kal &pa, tup pep dpQpdnrup roiis iroPT)po7s dpvvdpepop oUpepos Selp rhp dyaOhp irpoo'cpepea'dai, tup Se Oripiup Kal npoeTrixeipodPTa tois yep- palois SiaKipSvpeveip .— Plut. Theseus, 9. Crommyon was on the border dividing Corinth from Megara. THE GOVERNOUR. 190 Meleager likewise for sleyng of the great bore in Calidonia, whiche in greatnesse and fiercenesse exceded all other bores, and had slayne many noble and valiaunt persones.^ The great Alexander, in tymes vacaunt from bataile, delyted in that maner huntinge. On a tyme he faughte alone with a lyon wonderfull greatte and fierce, beinge present amonge other straungers, the ambassadour of Lace- demonia, and, after longe trauaile, with incredible might he ouerthrewe the lyon, and slewe him ; wherat the said am¬ bassadour wondring meruaylously sayde to the kinge, I wolde to god (noble prince) ye shulde fight with a lyon for some great empire.^ By whiche wordes it semed that he nothing approued the valiaimtnesse of a prince by fighting with a wylde beest, wherin moche more was aduentured than mought be by the victorie goten. A1 be it Pompei,® Sertorius,^ and diuers other noble * *H 8e yoXoiffa.ix.kv'T], 57 op yepos lox^c’^tpa, "^Upcrep eVl xAGuj/rji/ (rvv &ypLop, apyiSdopra, "Os KUKa epde(TK€P, e 6 up Olp^os aXu-fiP * noAAa S’ S76 irpodeXvp.pa fidXe Sepdpea p.aKpd AvT’pcrip p'l^rjai, Kal avrois dpOecri fx^Xwp. TSv 8’ i/i'by Olprios dn^KTeiPfP MeXeaypos, * IloXXeccp iK TToXiwp Orip'fjTopas dpdpas dyelpas, Kal Kvpas’ ov fihp ydp K€ ^dp/i] Tvavpaitri fipoTolaip • Tbortros er]P, ttoXXovs Se irup^s eTre^rja' &XeyeLp^s, Homer, Iliad, ix. 534-542. According to Strabo, the dam of this boar was the sow slain by Theseus. 'H Se KpopLpLvdop iari Koop.’f} ttjs KopipOias, TrpSTepop Se ttjs Me7aptSos, ep p juvOeuovcri rd Trepl T7]P Kpop-p-vcopiap vp, %p p-prepa rod KaXvdccp'iov Kdirpou }P ierripipcrap. — De Nat. Animal, lib. ii. cap. 42. “ Ailian, however, on the authority of Ctesias, says that hares and foxes were hunted in India by means of falcons. Tous Aayds Kal rds aAdoTreKas drjpdo'ip ol ’'Ipdoi rhp rpdTTop rovrop. Kvpdp els r^p dypap ov 5eoprai,dAAdpeorrobs (rvAAa^byres derdv Kal KopaKap Kal iKriPap 'irpr’creri, rpeepovci, Kal iKTTaidevovffi r)]P O-ppap. Kal efTTi rh pdOrjpa' Trpdcp Aaya Kal aAdoireKi ridaa^ Kpeas irpocrapraffi, Kal peOidcri 6e?p^ Kal robs bppidas avrots Kara TrdSas iTTLTrepxpapres, rh Kpeds depeAecQai (Tvyx(»}pov(np • Ol Se dpd Kpdros hidKova’i, Kal eAopres ^ rhp ^ rijp, exova'ip virep rod KaraAa^eTp dOAop rh Kpeds Kal rovro pep avrols heAedp ierri Kal pdAa i^oAKdp. Ovkovp orau aKpifideraai r^p aoeplap OrjparLKriP, iirl robs opelovs Aayebs pedidffip avrobs Kal ixl rds aAcvTreKas rds dypias. Ol Se iAirlSi rov del-rpov rov avpdidovs, ’6rav ri rovrav epaPT], peraOeovai Kal alpovaip ioKiffra, Kal to7s deenrSraLS d’Koepepova'ip, dsAeyei Krtpcrlas. Kal hri vtrep rov reas irpoff'ppr'qpevov Kpeas avrols rd cnrAdyxPO- tSip 'ppTipipoov rh deirrpop imp, iKeiOep Kal rovro itrpep. — De Nat. Animal, lib. iv. cap. 26, ‘ It seems, therefpre, that the Greeks received from India and Thrace the first informa¬ tion respecting the method of fowling with birds of prey ; but it does not appear THE GOVERNOUR. 199 doubt nat but many other, as wel as I, haue sene a semblable experience of wilde hobies,^ whiche, in some countrayes that be champaine, wyll sore and lie a lofte, houeringe ouer larkes and quailes, and kepe them downe on the grounde, whiles they whiche awayte on the praye do take them. But in what wise, or where so euer, the beginninge of hauking was, suerly it is a right delectable solace,^ thoughe therof com- that this practice was introduced among them at a very early period. In Italy, however, it must have been very common, for Martial and Apuleius speak of it as' a thing everywhere known. The former calls a hawk a fowler’s servant, and the latter makes use of a kind of pun on the word accipiter^ which signified also a species of fish. It cannot, indeed, be said that this art was ever forgotten, but, like other inventions, though at first much admired, it was afterwards neglected, so that it remained a long time without improvement. It is, however, certain that it was at length brought to the utmost degree of perfection. It is mentioned in the Roman laws, and in writers of the fourth and fifth centuries.’—Beckmann’s History of Inventions^ vol. i. p. 201, ed. 1846. “ ‘ The hobbie is the least of all haukes, in respect of bodie, except the merlin, and is likewise for the lure and not for the fist, being of the number of those that sore aloft, as the faulcon, the lanier, and the sacre. This birde is sufficiently knowne euerie where, for there is not any countrie where the hobbies do not follow the hunters, inasmuch as it is the proper worke of the hobbie to make her praie of the little birdes as they file, as by name, the larke; this is his speciall propertie, that hauing founde the hunters in the fielde, going to hunt the hare or the partridge, he keepeth them companie, still flying ouer their heades, hoping to meete with some one little birde or other which the dogs shall put up \ but for the most part these little birds doe rather choose to become a praie unto the dogges, or else to find out some meanes to saue themselues amongst the horses, or to be taken aliue, then to commit themselues to the mercie of the hobbie, their mortall aduersarie. But, howsoeuer, the hobbie will not followe the hunters longer than a certaine time, as though he had his homes limited him: for leauing them he goeth to looke out the place of his rest amongst the woodes of high timber trees, where they keepe and pearch ordinarilie. He hath a blewe beake, yellow legs and feete, the feathers under his eies verie blacke, the top of his head betwixt blacke and a darke yellow, two white spots aboue his necke, but underneath his throat and on either side of his temples russet ones, his wings very blew, his backe, traine, and wings blacke on the upper side, his traine very much consisting of variable colours underneath by reason of red spots traced ouerthwart amongst the blacke. If you see him flying in the aire he may be perceiued to be somewhat red under his traine and betwixt his legs. The hobbie is so quicke and swift, as that he dare aduenture upon the rauen, and giue him many a drie bob in the aire .’—The Countrie Rarme, p. 876, ed. 1600. ** The English translator of a French treatise, written in 1582, says : ‘This skill 200 THE GOVERNOUR. meth nat so moche utilitie, (concerning exercise,) as there clothe of huntinge.^ But I wolde our faukons mought be satisfied with the diuision of their pray, as the faukons of Thracia were; that they neded nat to deuour and consume the hennes of this realme in suche nombre, that unneth it be shortly considred, and that faukons be brought to a more ho¬ mely diete, it is right likely that, within a shorte space of yeres, our familiar pultrie shall be as scarce ^ as be nowe partriche and fesaunt.® I speake nat this in dispraise of the faukons, is now a daies so highly honored, as that the great nobles of the worlde will that it should be consecrated wholie to themselues, as reseruing it for a pastime onely beseeming them ; and in this our countrie of France it is had in such price, as that the gentleman which is ignorant in this skill, and that other of hunting, is lightly prized, as though he lackt the two things which of all other (chiualrie and martiall skill excepted) are the most rare and excellent.*— Maison Rtisiique, p. 870. “ It was probably because this sport did not entail any violent exercise that ladies frequently took part in it. Thus Paulus Jovius describing the manners and customs of the English, says, ‘ Adservare et ardeas mos est, quibuscum hiero- falcones volatu et unguibus contendant, et in stagnis passim atque fluviolis magnus anatum pictarum numerus reperitur, quae inde adnatantium canum assultu latra- tuque exturbatae, opimam jucundamque praedam falconibus praebent, neque ulla est in his exercitationibus plenior voluptas, nisi foeminae laboris et praedae comites ac- cesserint.’— Descript. Britaiin. p. 16, ed. 1548. Harrison mentions the ravages committed by numerous birds of prey, which must have been more dreaded by farmers’ wives than foxes are now. ‘ Of other rauenous birds we haue also verie great plentie, as the bustard, the kite, the ringtaile, dunkite, and such as often annoie our countrie dames by spoiling of their young breeds of chickens, duckes, and goslings, whereunto our verie rauens and crowes haue learned also the waie ; and so much are our rauens giuen to this kind of spoile that some idle and curious heads of set purpose haue manned, reclaimed, and used them in steed of hawkes, when other could not be had.’— Description of Eng¬ land, p. 227. We learn from the Northumberland Household Book, that at this period the price of chickens was ‘one obol apiece,’ and of good hens ‘twopence apiece.’ ® The writer above quoted declares ‘ that there is no nation under the sunne which hath alreadie in the time of the yere more plentie of wild foule than we, for so manie kinds as our Hand doth bring forth, and much more would haue, if those of the higher soile might be spared but one yeare or two from the greedie engins of couetous foulers, which set onlie for the pot and purse,’ and he enumerates a great many, among which he specifies ‘ the woodcocke, partrich, and feasant; ’ and then he con¬ cludes, ‘ but as these serue not at all seasons, so in their seuerall turnes there is no plentie of them wanting, whereby the tables of the nobilitie and gentrie should seeme at anie time furnisht.’— Ubi supra, p. 222. The English translator of La Maison THE GOVERNOUR. 201 but of them wliiche kepeth them like coknayes.^ The meane gcntilmen and honest housholders, whiche care for the gentill entertainement of their frendes, do finde in their disshe that I saye trouthe, and noble men shall right shortly espie it, whan they come sodainly to their frendes house, unpuruaied for lacke of longe warning.^ Ricstique, which was written by M. Liebault, in 1582, says ; ‘ It is a point of great curiositie to keepe feasants, which Columella calleth hens of Numidia, but he that can do it, hath both pleasure and profit. Men of old time were woont to fat their fesant cocks and hens for feastiuall daies, or bankets and feastes onely, and not for broode, and gaue unto them the first day honied water and strong wine, to cause them to forget their naturall place ; after that, of the flowre of barlie, tem¬ pered with water, of ground beanes, and of cleane barley, of whole millet, of turnip seede, and linseed boiled and dried, mixt with the flowre of barlie ; and for to heate and dense their stomackes they gaue them mustard seed for flue daies, and so fatted them up in their coupes for threescore daies. This is the thing that diuers cookes of Paris, with certaine other rich vittailers, do know very well to do ; and they must (as saith Columella) giue them their meate to eate to the end they may be fat when they are used in bankets, for but few of these'wilde fesant hens dogiuethemseluesto lay, and bear the yoke of seruitudeboth togither.’—Pp. 112,113. This allusion to the skill of the Parisians in preparing pheasants for the table will perhaps explain the following item in the Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII ., under date 22 Dec., 1532, ‘Paid to the frenche Preste, the fesaunt breder, for to bye him a gowne and other necesarys . . . xk.’ In this and other similar books of the period there are many entries of payments to persons who brought presents of pheasants and partridges to the royal larder; but we may believe our author, when he says they were a rarity at ordinary tables, for, as a celebrated ornitholo¬ gist says, ‘ Phasiani itaque cum quia rari sunt, turn quia sapore jucundissimi, ditissimorum mensis duntaxat nati videntur, fuerunt enim semper in supremo honoris culmine habiti.’ At an earlier period these birds would appear to have been much more scarce, for Mr. Thorold Rogers, who has carefully investigated the domestic economy of the fourteenth century, says, ‘ I have never found any entry of the sale or purchase of hares or pheasants;’ but, he adds, ‘I do not doubt that they existed, as they are mentioned in chronicles and recited in deeds, but they never form part of the accounts which have come before me.’— Agricul¬ ture and Prices^ vol. i. p. 33, ed. 1866. He says, however, that at the same period ‘ Partridges were plentiful enough, and were, it appears, generally captured by hawks, and occasionally in nets.’— Ibid. p. 65. The English probably learned in their French campaigns to appreciate these delicacies, for, according to Willough¬ by, ‘ Galli certe perdicum carnes tanti faciunt, ut si hae defuerint, instructissimas etiam mensas et lautissimos conviviorum apparatus nihili ducant.’— Ornithologia^ p. 120, ed. 1676. * See the Glossary. All the old writers bear witness to the profuse hospitality of the time ; thus 202 THE GOVERNOUR, But nowe to retourne to my purpose: undoubtedly haukyng, measurably used, and for a passetyme, gyueth to a man good appetite to his souper. And at the leest waye withdraweth hym from other daliance, or disportis dishonest, and to body and soule perchance pernicious.^ Nowe I purpose to declare somthyng concerning daunsing,'^ wherin is merite of prayse and dispraise, as I shall expresse it in suche forme, as I trust the reder shal finde therin a rare and singuler pleasure, with also good lerning in thinges nat yet communely knowen in our vulgare.® Which if it be radde of Harrison, who was evidently a bon viva^it, complacently protests, ‘ We are not so miserable in England (a thing onelie granted unto us by the especiall grace of God and libertie of our Princes), as to dine or sup with a quarter of a hen, or to make so great a repast with a cocks combe, as they do in some other countries, but if occasion serue, the whole carcasses of manie capons, hens, pigeons, and such like do oft go to wracke, beside beefe, mutton, veale, and lambe ; all whiche at euerie feast are taken for necessarie dishes amongest the communaltie of England.’— Descriptmi of England, p. 223. “ Peacham in the same way strongly recommends hunting for the same reason ; ‘ for there is no one exercise,’ he says, ‘ that enableth the body more for the warre than hunting, by teaching you to endure heate, cold, hunger, thirst, to rise early, watch late, lie and fare hardly.’— The Compleat Gentleman, p. 182. But this exercise was not considered necessary for any but noblemen and rich men, for Surflet says, ‘ there is no neede that a good housholder should trouble his braine with much hunting.’— The Countrie Farme, p. 3. James I. recommended hawking as a pastime for his son, in the cautious tone adopted by Sir T. Elyot : ‘ As for hawkinge, I condemn it not; but I must praise it more sparingly, because it neither resembleth the warres so neere as hunting doeth, in making a man hardie and skilfully ridden in all grounds, and is more uncertain and subject to mis¬ chances ; and, which is worst of all, is there through an extreme stirrer up of the passions.’— Basilikon Doron, lib. iii. p. 122. ^ Ascham, in his Schoolmaster, recommends the same course of exercises as Elyot. He says : ‘ Therefore, to ride comely, to run fair at the tilt or ring, to play at all weapons, to shoot fair in bow or surely in gun, to vault lustily, to run, to leap, to wrestle, to swim, to dance comely, to sing and play on instruments cunningly, to hawk, to hunt, to play at tennis, and all pastimes generally which be joined with labour (used in open place and on the daylight), containing either some fit exercise for war or some pleasant pastime for peace, be not only comely and decent but also very necessary for a courtly gentleman to use.’—Vol. iii. p. 139, ed. 1864. “ As might be expected, the art of dancing as an accomplishment was imported from France, for, as Mr. Wright says, ‘We know little of the Anglo-Saxon mode THE GOVERNOUR. 203 hym that hath good opportunitie and quiete silence, I doubt nat, but he shall take therby suche commoditie, as he lokcd nat to haue founden in that exercise, whiche of the more parte of sadde men is so litle estimed. CHAPTER XIX. That all daunsinge is 7iat to he reproiied. I AM nat of that opinion that all daunsinge generallye is repugnant unto vertue : al though some persones excellently lerned, specially diuines,^ so do affirme it, whiche alwaye haue of dancing, but to judge by the words used to express this amusement, hoppan (to hop), saltian and stellan (to leap), and Hunbian (to tumble), it must have been accompanied with violent movements,’ However, very soon after the Norman invasion, ‘ the girls and women seem to have been passionately fond of the dance, which was their common amusement at all public festivals. ’— Domestic Alanners in England during the Middle Ages, pp, 35, iii. Under these circumstances it is not surprising to find that the earliest printed treatise on the art is a translation from the French, entitled, ‘ The maner of dauncynge of base daunces after the use of fraunce and other places, translated out of frenche in englysshe by Robert Coplande, 1521.’ Dibdin calls this ‘without doubt a very curious as well as uncommon volume,’ a remark justified by the fact that no copy of this work is to be found in the British Museum. No English writer had attempted to treat the subject ab ovo until Sir Thomas Elyot devoted to it this and the six following chapters of The Governour\ while the learned treatise of Meursius, De Saltationibus Veterum, was not published till 1618, and is only a detailed list of the dances known to the ancients, not entering at all into the histoiy or ethics of the art. The most im¬ portant of the early works on this subject is the Orchesographie of Thoinot Arbeau, or rather of one Jean Tabourot, who wrote under the former nom de phime. This book, which is now very rare, was published in 1589. In more recent times M. Burette, in his ‘ Memoires pour servir a I’histoire de la danse des anciens,’ printed in the 1st vol. of the Acadeinie des Insci'iptions, 1719, and M. de Cahusac, vaLa Danse Ancienne et Moderne, 1754, have treated the subject fully, in a critical and philosophical spirit. “ Whether Sir Thomas Elyot had any particular preachers in his mind it is of course impossible to say, but Prynne, in his Histriomastix, pp. 226, 227, gives a long list of writers and preachers who denounced the passion for dancing. This list includessuch names as Erasmus, Ludovicus Vives, Rodolphus Gualteiais, and Calvin, besides a host of less note. It is most probable, indeed, that the righteous horror 204 THE GOVERNOUR. in theyr mouthes (whan they come in to the pulpet) the sayeng of the noble doctor saincte Augustine, That better it were to delue or to go to ploughe on the sonday than to daunse: ^ which moughte be spoken of that kynde of daunsinge whiche was used in the tyme of saincte Augustine,^ whan euery thing with which some of the clergy regarded dancing was due to the influence of Geneva; for, as Fuller tells us, dancing was held as ‘a grievous crime in that church, and condemned by their last form of discipline.’— Church Hist. vol. v. p. 112, ed. 1845. And it is curious to note how the Puritan doctrines, which were destined to prevail during a considerable part of the next century, were already giving indications of their gathering strength. But even the church itself was not averse from indulging in the popular pastime, for Alexander Barclay tells us that— ‘ The prestis and clerkes to daunce haue no shame; The frere or monke in his frocke and cowle Must daunce in his dortor dormitory), lepynge to play the foie.’ Ship of Fools, vol. i. p. 294, ed. 1874. * ‘Melius est enim arare quam saltare.’— In Fsalmum y.c\., ( 9 /.tom. viii. p. 212, ed. 1531. ‘Melius enim utique tota die foderent, quam tota die saltarent.’— In Psal. xxxii., ibid. p. 44. Migne’s ed. tom. iv. coll. 281, 1172. All the fathers of the church condemned dancing. Thus St. Ambrose says : ‘ Debet igitur bene conscim mentis esse laetitia, non inconditis comessationibus, non nuptialibus excitata symphoniis ; ibi enim intuta verecundia, illecebra suspecta est, ubi comes deliciarum est extrema saltatio. Ab hac virgines Dei procul esse desidero. Nemo enim, ut dixit quidam saecularium doctor, saltat sobrius nisi insanit. Quod si juxta sapientiam ssecularem, saltationis aut temulentia auctor est aut amentia, quid divinarum scripturarum cautuni putamus exemplis, cum Joannes prcenuntius Christi, saltatricis optione jugulatus, exemplo sit plus nocuisse saltationis illecebram quam sacrilegi furoris amentiam?’— De Virginibus, lib. iii. cap. 5, Chrysostom says : ''Ev 9 a yap opxV(^^s eKei did/ 3 o\os * ovde yap els tovto edwKei/ tjiuv TrdSas <5 Qehs, aAX’ ’iva eijraKTO ^ad'i^wfjiev’ oux ’iva daxVf^ovcofJ.ej/, oux "Iva Kara ras Kafx^Xovs irrf^wfxev [Ka\ yap /cal iKeivai, arjSeis opxovfxeuai, [x-fiTiyed^ yvpalKes), aW’^lua avu dyyeXoLS xop^vaifi^v. Et yhp rb crcbpLa alcrxpbv roiavra aaX'^P-ovoiiv, ttoXK^ fidWov ^ ^pvx’f]. Toiavra opxovyrai 01 daijuoyes' roiavra iiriTwdd^oua'ip ol ruvbaipibvoovbidKovoi .— In Matt. Homil. xlviii, Migne’s ed. tom. vii. And Augustine says : ‘ Melius feminse eorum die sabbati lanam facerent, quam toto die in mmnianis suis impudice saltarent.’ —Sermo ix. cap. 3. Migne’s ed. tom. v. col. 77. And again, ‘ Isti enim infelices et miseri homines, qui balationes et saltationes ante ipsas basilicas sanctorum exercere nec metuunt nec erubescunt, etsi christiani ad ecclesiam venerint, pagani de ecclesia revertuntur, quia ista consuetude balandi de paganorum observatione remansit.’— Sermo de Tempore, 215 {Migne’s ed. tom. v. Appendix, Sermo cclxv.) It may be observed that from this verb, balare or bailore { = saltare), is derived our substan¬ tive Ball, through the French le bal. The Greek fiaWiC^iv was used in a kindred sense, which Suicer explains thus: ‘) 3 aA.Al^etv proprie est jacere vel jactare. Hinc THE GOVERNOUR. 205 with the empire of Rome declined from their perfection, and the olde maner of daunsinge was forgoten, and none remayned but that whiche was lasciuiouse,^ and corrupted the myndes ^aX\(C^iv et $d\\€iu manus jactare, quod saltantes faciunt. Manus enim jactare, saltare est. Ovidius : “ Et faciles jactant ad sua verba manus.” ’— Thesam'tis Ecclesiastiais, sub voc. The 53rd canon of the Council of Laodicea decrees, "On oh Set Xpicrriayous els ydfious dTrepxO/ueVous dpxfta' 0 at, dXKd (TefxvZs SejTTf/etv ^ hpicrrav, uts TTperrei XpicrriauoTs .— Bingham’s Antiq. of Christian Ch. vol. vi. p. 448, note, ed. 1855. And in the royal edict confirming the Third Council of Toledo we read, ‘ Quod ballimathise et turpia cantica prohibenda sunt a sanctorum solenniis.’—Crabbe, Concilia^ tom. ii. p. 172, ed. 1551, where balli- mathise — saltationes. * Juvenal and Martial describe the character of the dancing which was in vogue in their day. ‘ Forsitan expectes, ut Gaditana canoro Incipiat prurire choro, plausuque probatae Ad terram tremulo descendant dune puellae, Irritamentum Veneris languentis, et acres Divitis urticae.’— Sat. xi. 162. ‘ Nec de Gadibus improbis puellae Vibrabunt sine fine prurientes Lascivos docili tremore lumbos.’—Martial, Epig. lib. v. 78. What it became afterwards we learn from later writers. Thus Arnobius, who wrote at the close of the third century, says : ‘ Idcirco animas misit, ut res sancti atque augustissimi nominis symphoniacas agerent et fistulatorias hie artes, ut inflandis bucculas distenderent tibiis, dantionibus ut praeirent obscoenis, numerosos iterarent scabillorum concrepationibus sonores, quibus animarum alia lasciviens multitude incompositos corporum dissolveretur in motus, saltitaret et cantaret, orbes saltatorios verteret, et ad ultimum clunibus et coxendicibus sublevatis lumborum crispitudine fluctuaret ? ’— Adv. Gentes, lib. ii. § 42, Migne’s ed. col. 881. The same writer gives us a picture of the stage dancing which found favour in his day. ‘ Sedent augures interpretes divinae mentis et voluntatis, necnon et castae virgines, perpetui nu- trices et conservatrices ignis, sedet cunctus populus et senatus. Consulatibus functi patres Diis proximi, atque augustissimi reges, et quod nefarium esset auditu, gentis ilia genitrix Martiaeregnatoris et populi procreatrix amans saltatur Venus, et per affec- tus omnes meretriciae vilitatis impudica exprimitur imitatiune, bacchari. Saltatur et Magna sacris compta cum infulis Mater, et contra decus aetatis ilia Pessinuntia Din- dymene in bubulci unius amplexu flagitiosa fingitur appetitione gestire.’— Ubi supra^ lib. iv. § 35, Migne’s ed. We may compare with this the remarks of Saint Augustin, who says : ‘ Quid sunt ad hoc malum Mercurii furta. Veneris lascivia, stupra ac turpitudines caeterorum, quae proferremus de libris, nisi quotidie cantarentur et salta- rentur in theatris ? ’— DeCivit. lib. vii. cap. 26, Migne’s ed. tom. vii. col. 216. And Jerome says: ‘ Quomodo in theatralibus scenis unus atque idem histrio, nunc Her- 206 THE GOVERNOUR. of them that daunsed, and prouoked sinne, as semblably some do at this day.^ Also at that tyme Idolatry was nat clerely culeni robustus ostendit, nunc mollis in Venerem frangitur, nunc tremulus in Cybelem,’— Epist. xliii. AdMarcellam, Migne’s ed. tom. i. § 193. Another writer, we are told by Gibbon, ‘ complains with decent indignation that the streets of Rome were filled with crowds of females, who might have given children to the state, but whose only occupation was to curl and dress their hair, and “jactari volubilibus gyris, dum exprimunt innumera simulacra, quoe finxere fabulae theatrales.” ’— Decline and Fall of Rom. Empire., vol. iv. p. 87, note. “ Amongst other contemporary writers, Ludovicus Vives, complaining of this amusement, says : ‘ What good dothe all that daunsynge of yonge women, holden upon men’s armes that they may hop the hygher ? What meaneth that shakynge unto mydnyght, and neuer wery, whiche if they were desyred to go but to the nexte churche, they were nat able, except they were caryed on horse backe or in a charette ? Who wolde nat thinke them out of their wyttes ? I remembre that I harde upon a tyme saye, that there were certeyne men brought out of a farre countrey into our partes of the worlde, whiche whan they sawe women daunce, they rounne away wondersly afrayde, cryeng out that they thought the women were taken with an unked kynd of fransy. And to say good sothe, who wolde not reken women frantycke whan they daunce, if he had neuer sene women daunce before? And it is a worlde to se, how demurely and sadly some syt beholdyng them that daunce, and with what gesture, pase, andmouynge of the body, and with what sobre fotynge som of them daunce.’— Instrtution of a Christian Woman, p. 47, ed. 1541. Erasmus also, in his Conte 7 npUi Mundi, says : ‘ Postea ubi eos epularum satietas cepit, ad choreas surgitur. Cujus animus sic compositus, sic firmus, sic niarmoreus, quern lascivi illi motus, agitataque in numerum brachia, citharae cantus, voces puellares, non corrumpant, non labefactent, non emolliant? Adde quod ea saepe carmina sunt quibus incendi jam frigidus aevo Laomedontiadis et Nestoris hernia possent. At ubi choraules (cithara ex more tacta) quiescendi signum dedit, rusticus habeberis, ni earn cujus Isevam complexus saltasti, disuaviatus fueris. Coeteri lusus his impudentiores, atque ad meram lasciviam excogitati, a me non dicentur, utinam ab illis non agerentur.’—Cap. vii. Sebastian Brant devotes a special place to dancers in his Ship of Fools. Henry Cornelius Agrippa, styled by Hallam a ‘ meteor of philosophy, ’ devotes a chapter of his De Vanitate Scientiarum to this subject. He says : ‘ Itaque saltationem necesse est omnium vitiorum esse postre- mum, neque enim facile dictu quDS mala hie visus hauriunt et auditus quae pariant colloquia et tactus. Saltatur inconditis gestibus, et monstroso pedum strepitu, ad molles pulsationes, ad lascivas cantilenas, ad obscoena carmina, contrectantur ma- tronae et puellae impudicis manibus, et basiis, meretriciisque complexibus, et quae abscondit natura, velavit modestia, ipsa lascivia tunc saepe nudantur, ludi tegmine obducitur scelus. Exercitium profecto non a caelis exortum, sed a malis daemonibus excogitatum in injuriam Divinitatis.’—Cap. xviii. ed. 1531. This list of witnesses to the character of the dancing which prevailed in the l6th century may be fitly closed with the evidence of one whose sympathies would naturally be enlisted on THE GOVERNOUR. 207 cxtincte, but diucrs fragmentes therof remained in euery region.^ And perchance solempne daunsis, whiche were cele¬ brate unto the paynyms false goddes, were yet continued;^ for as moche as the pure religion of Christe was nat in all places consolidate,® and the pastors and curates dyd wynke at suche the side of youth and gaiety, and whose evidence is therefore doubly valuable—the poet Petrarch. He says: ‘Veneris praeludium illud quidem ; sono stupidas ac misellas circumducere, atque urgere, et stringere, ac specie urbanitatis atterere, liberce ibi manus, liberi oculi, liber® volant voces, pedum strepitus, et multorum cantus dissoni et tubarum clangor, concursatio, et pulvis et qu® s®pe ludis additur, hostis pudiciti® et arnica scelerum, nox ipsa. H®c sunt qu® timorem ac pudorem pellunt, hi sunt libidinum stimuli, h®c laxamenta licenti®. Et h®c est, ni me falli facilem putes, ilia delectatio, quam simpliciter et velut innocue, chorearum appellatione profitemini et, ludi tegmine, crimen obnubitis. Tolle radicitus hanc speciem ingeniosam, atque improbam : tolle libidinem, sustuleris et choream. ’— Deremed. jitriusque fortuncB, lib. i. dial. 24. “ Theodosius died A.D. 395, St. Augustin not till A. D. 430 ; and, according to Gibbon, ‘ so rapid, yet so gentle, was the fall of Paganism, that only twenty-eight years after the death of Theodosius the faint and minute vestiges were no longer visible to the eye of the legislator. ’— Decline and Fall of Rom. Empire., vol. iii. p. 426. But Dean Milman has pointed out that Paganism maintained its ground for a considerable time in the rural districts, and that in the middle of the fifth century Maximus, Bishop of Turin, wrote against the heathen deities, as if their worship was still in full vigour in the neighbourhood of his city.’— Ubi supra, p. 422, note. ‘ The Pagans traced the calamities of the empire to the prevalence of Christianity, and to confute this accusation against Christianity was the design of Augustine’s twenty two books, De Civitate Dei, addressed to Marcellus.’— Mosheim’s Eccles. Hist. vol. i. p. 413, note, ed. 1845. ‘ After the conversion of the Imperial city, the Christians still continued, in the month of February, the annual celebration of the Lupercalia ; to which they ascribed a secret and mysterious influence on the genial powers of the animal and vegetable world. The bishops of Rome were solicitous to abolish a profane cus¬ tom so repugnant to the spirit' of Christianity, but their zeal was not supported by the authority of the civil magistrate ; the inveterate abuse subsisted till the end of the fifth centujy, and Pope Gelasius, who purified the capital from the last stain of idolatry, appeased by a formal apology the murmurs of the senate and people. ’ —Decline and Fall of Rom. Empire, vol. iv. p. 282. ® Amongst other instances of the vitality of Pagan ceremonies, M. Beugnot mentions the fact that the worship of Bacchus continued throughout the sixth century, but had assumed at this late epoch the character of mere rustic revelry and sport. ‘ Les fetes de Bacchus continuerent pendant toute la duree de ce siecle a etre celebrees dans la Gaule ; mais il faut reconnaitre que le caractere religieux de ces fetes avait presque totalement disparu ; elles n’existaient plus que comme 2o8 THE GOVERNOUR. recreations, fearyng that if they shulde hastily haue remeued it, and induced sodaynely the seueritie of goddis lawes, they shulde stere the people therby to a generall sedition; to the im¬ minent daunger and subuertion of Christis hole religion, late sowen amonge them, and nat yet sufficiently rooted.^ But the wyse and discrete doctor saincte Augustine, usinge the arte of an oratour, wherin he was right excellent, omitting all rigo¬ rous menace or terrour, dissuaded them by the moste easiste way from that maner ceremony belonging to idolatrie; prefer¬ ring before it bodily occupation; therby aggrauatyng the offence to god that was in that ceremonie, sens occupation, which is necessary for mannes sustinance, and in due tymes vertuous, is nat withstanding prohibited to be used on the sondayes.^ And yet in these wordes of this noble doctor is nat so generall dispraise to all daunsinge as some men do une occasion fournie aux paysans de deployer, k I’epoque des vendanges, leur gofit pour une joie licencieuse et grossiere.’— Destitidion du Paganisme, tom. ii. p. 324. “ This view is quite confirmed by modern writers, M. Beugnot, for example, says : ‘ Quand le christianisme devint la religion dominante, ses docteurs com- prirent qu’ils allaient etre forces de ceder egalcment sur la forme exterieure du culte,et qu’ils ne seraient pas assez forts pour contraindre cette multitude de pai'ens qui embrassaient le christianisme avec une sorte d’enthousiasme irreflechi et peu durable, ^oublier un systmne d’actes, de ceremonies, et de fetes, dont I’empire sur leurs idees et leurs moeurs etait immense.’— Ubi sup 7 'a, tom. ii. p. 261. The list of festivals for the whole Christian Church was swelled by the conseci'ation of the day of the purification of the Holy Virgm Mary, that the people might not miss their Lupercalia, which they were accustomed to celebrate in the month of Feb¬ ruary, and by the day of our Saviour's co 7 iception, the birthday of St. John, and some others.—Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. p. 49, ed. 1845, And Schlegel points out that the Romans had been accustomed about this time (the 24th of June), to keep the feast of Vesta with kindling a new fire, amid daiices and other sports.— Ubi supra, note 9. According to Gibbon, ‘ the most respectable bishops had persuaded themselves that the ignorant rustics would more cheerfully renounce the supersti¬ tions of Paganism, if they found some resemblance, some compensation, in the bosom of Christianity.’— Decline and Fall of Rom. Empire, vol. iii. p. 433. •> ‘ Observemus ergo diem dominicam, fratres, et sanctificemus illam, sicut antiquis praeceptum est de sabbato, dicente Legislatore, A vespet'e usque ad ves- perani celebrabitis sabbata vestra. Videamus ne otium nostrum vanum sit, sed a vespera diei sabbati usque ad vesperam diei dominici, sequestrati k rurali opere et ab Omni negotio, soli divino cultui vacemus.’— Serm. de Tempore, 251, Migne’s ed. tom. v. Appendix, Semno cclxxx. THE GOVERNOUR. 209 suppose. And that for, two causis. Firste in his comparison he preferreth nat before daunsing or ioyneth therto any vi- ciouse exercise, but annecteth it with tillynge and diggynge of the erthe, whiche be labours incident to mannes lyuynge, and in them is contained nothynge that is vicious. Wherfore the preeminence therof aboue daunsing qualifieng the offence, they beinge done out of due tyme, that is to say, in an holy day, concludeth nat daunsinge to be at all tymes and in euery maner unlaufull or vicious, considerynge that in certayne casis of exstreme necessitie menne mought bothe ploughe and delue without doinge to god any offence.^ Also it shall seme to them that seriousely do examine the said wordes that therin saincte Augustine doth nat prohibite daunsinge so generally as it is taken, but onely suche daunsis whiche (as I late saide) were superstitious and contained in them a spice of idolatrie,^ or els dyd with unclene motions or coun- tinances irritate the myndes of the dauncers to venereall lustes, wherby fornication and auoutrie were daily in¬ creased.'^ Also in those daunces were enterlased dities of * The Code of Justinian, although prohibiting business in the city, permitted agricultural operations to be carried on in the countiy, if necessary, on the Lord’s day. ‘ Omnes judices, urbanseque plebes, et cunctarum artium officia venerabili die solis quiescant. Ruri tamen positi agrorum culturae libere licenterque inserviant : quoniam frequenter evejiit, ut non aptius alio die frumenta sulcis, aut vineae scrobibus mandentur: ne occasione momenti pereat commoditas coelesti provisione concessa.’—L. 3, tit. 12, de Feriis, leg. 3. ** Thus Augustine mentions the dancing at the tomb of St. Cyprian, the first African bishop who obtained the crown of martyrdom, which was evidently of this nature. ‘ Istum tarn sanctum locum, ubi jacet tarn sancti Martyris corpus, sicut meminerunt multi qui habent setatem, locum, inquam, tarn sanctum invaserat pesti- lentia et petulantia saltatorum. Per totam noctem cantabantur hie nefaria, et cantantibus saltabatur. Quando voluit Dominus per sanctum fratrem nostrum episcopum vestrum, ex quo hie caeperunt sanctae vigilise celebrari, ilia pestis ali- quantulum reluctata, postea cessit diligentiae, erubuit sapientiae.’— Sermo ceexi, Migne’s ed. tom. v. col. 1415* ** « Cyril of Alexandria, speaking of the dancing of his day, says : ‘ UopyiKhu Se rh eTTiTrjdevjua, Kal ^de\vp'ias awoSei^is rrjs eerx^Tyjs. "Ottov yap 6 twv nodwy KTVTTOS evpuOfjLOLS a(rp.a(TL (TvvrixG, iKei ttov irdurctis Kal avrhs 6 did x^'-P^^ dvaKTvaG KpoTOS, Kai irdv elSoi aiaxp'^v eTrtTrjSeuyuaTcov, Kal irpoKXijais lots P 2 10 THE GOVERNOUR. wanton loue^ or ribaudry, with frequent remembrance of the moste vile idolis Venus and Bacchus, as it were that the daunce were to their honour and memorie, whiche most of all abhorred from Christes religion, sauerynge the auncient errour or paganysme.^ I wolde to god those names were nat at this bpSoaiv els aKadapcTLav.’—In Isaiaf?i, lib. i. orat. 3, Migne’s ed, tom. iii. § 69. And Salvian of Marseilles, speaking of the stage in the fifth century, says : ‘Talia enim sunt quae illic hunt, ut ea non solum dicere, sed etiam recordari aliquis sine pollu- tione non possit. Quae quidem omnia tarn flagitiosa sunt, ut etiam explicare ea quispiam atque eloqui, salvo pudore, non valeat. Quis enim integro verecundiae statu dicere queat, illas rerum turpium imitationes, illas vocum ac verborum obscaeni- tatis, illas motuum turpitudines, illas gestuum foeditates ? Itaque in illis imaginibus fornicationum omnis omnino plebs animo fornicatur. Et qui forte ad sjaectaculum puri venerant, de theatro adulteri revertuntur. ’— De Guhernatione Dei^ lib. vi. Migne’s ed. §117. Gibbon tells us that at this time ‘the vast and magnificent theatres of Rome were filled by three thousand female dancers. ’ “ Quintilian, describing the manners and morals of his age, says: ‘ Omne convivium obscoenis canticis strepit.’— Instit. Orat. lib, i. cap. 2, § 8. Compare Horace : ‘ Ludisque, et bibis impudens, Et cantu tremulo pota Cupidinem Lentum sollicitas.’— Carm. lib. iv. 13. And Juvenal; ‘ Nota Bonae secreta Dese, cum tibia lumbos Incitat, et cornu pariter vinoque feruntur, Attonitae, crinemque rotant, ululantque Priapi Maenades.’— Sat. vi. 314-317. Also Persius ; ‘ Hie neque more probo videas neque voce serena Ingentes trepidare Titos, cum carmina lumbum Intrant, et tremulo scalpuntur ubi intima versu.’— Sat. i. 20, Theodosius endeavoured to purify the Roman entertainments by getting rid of the professional singers ; ‘ Prohibueritque lege ministeria lasciva psaltriasque com- messationibus adhiberi.’—Victor, Epit.., cap. xlviii, § 10. These names were therefore most repugnant to the fathers of the Church. Tertullian says : ‘ Theatrum proprie sacrarium Veneris est. Hoc denique modo- id genus opens in saeculo evasit. Nam ssepe censores renascentia cum maxime theatra destruebant, moribus consulentes, quorum scilicet periculum ingens de lascivia providebant, ut jam hinc ethnicis in testimonium cedat sententia ipsorum nobiscum faciens, et nobis in exaggerationem disciplinae etiam humanae praero- gativa. Itaque Pompeius Magnus solo theatro suo minor, cum illam arcem omnium turpitudinem extruxisset, veritus quandoque memoriae suae censoriam animadversionem. Veneris aedem superposuit, et ad dedicationem edicto populum THE GOVERNOUR. 2 I I day used in balades® and ditties in the courtes of princes and noble men, where many good wittes be corrupted with sem- blable fantasies, whiche in better wise employed mought haue bene more necessarye to the publike weale and their princes honour.^ But nowe wyll I leue this seriouse mater to diuines vocans, non theatrum, sed Veneris templum nuncupavit. Cui subjecinius, inquit, gradus spectaculoiaim, ita dainnatuin et damnandum opus teinpli titulo praetexit,et disciplinam superstitione delusit. Sed Veneri et Libero convenit. Duo ista diemonia conspirata et conjurata inter se sunt, ebrietatis et libidinis. Itaque theatrum Veneris, Liberiquoque domusest. Nam et alios ludos scenicos Liberalia proprie vocabant, preeterquam Libero devotos, quod sunt Dionysia penes Grsecos, etiam a Libero institutos. Et est plane in artibus quoque scenicis Liberi et Veneris patrocinium. Quae privata et propria sunt scenae de gestu et flexu corporis mollitiae Veneris et Liberi immolant: illi per sexum, illi perluxum, dissolutis quae vero voce, et modis, et organis, et lyris transiguntur. Appollines, et Musas, ^t Minervas, et Mercuries mancipes habent.’— De Spectaciilis, cap. lo. “ Gascoigne, in his Notes of Instruction concerning the making of Verse or Rhyme in English, which was published in 1575, says this ‘ propre name was (I thinke) deriued of this worde in Italian Ballare, whiche signifieth to daunce. And indeede those kinds of rimes seme beste for daunces or light matters.’—p. 10. Puttenham tells us that ‘the Lord Nicholas Vaux, a noble gentleman and much delighted in vulgar making, and a man otherwise of no great learning, but hailing herein a maruelous facillitie, made a dittie representing the battayle and assault of Cupide excellently well.’— Arte of English Poesie, lib. iii. p. 200. From the same source we learn that in this reign there ‘ sprong up a new company of courtly makers, of whom Sir Thomas Wyat th’ elder and Henry Earle of Surrey were the two chieftaines, who hailing trauailed into Italie, and there tasted the swete and stately measures and stile of the Italian poesie, as nouices newly crept out of the schooles of Dante, Arioste, and Petrarch, they greatly pollished our rude and homely maner of vulgar Poesie, from that it had been before, and for that cause may iustly be sayd the first reformers of our English meeter and stile.’ —Ubi supra, lib. i. chap. 31. Warton remarks that ‘So many of the nobility, and principal persons about the court, writing sonnets in the Italian style, is a cir¬ cumstance which must have greatly contributed to circulate this mode of compo¬ sition, and to encourage the study of the Italian poets,’ and adds to the list of courtiers already mentioned the name of Edmund Lord Sheffield, created a baron by King Edward the Sixth, and said by Bale to have written sonnets in the Italian manner.— Hist, of Engl. Poet 7 y, vol. iii. p. 63, ed. 1840. The author’s strictures in the text may possibly refer to the unfortunate Earl of Surrey, though he was not beheaded till I 547 > time of the publication of The Govejmour must have been at the zenith of his fame; but the example set by this distinguished man of fashion was doubtless followed at a great distance by a whole host of cour¬ tiers of lesser note,to whom Sir Thomas Elyot’s remarks would more appropriately apply. p 2 212 THE GOVERNOUR. to persuade or dissuade herein accordinge to their offices.® And sens in myn opinion saint Augustine that blessed clerke reproueth nat so generally all daunsinge, but that I may laufully reherce some kynde therof whiche may be necessary and also commendable, takyng it for an exercise,^ I shall nowe procede to speake of the firste begynnynge therof, and in howe great estimation it was had in diners regions. “ In the latter half of the i 6 th century dancing was severely animadverted upon by the clergy, perhaps the best known work being that of John .North- brooke, a preacher at Bristol, who in 1578 published A treatise wherein Dicingy Datincmg, Vaine Playes or Enterluds, with other idle pastimes, &^c., commonly zised on the Sabbath Day, are reproved by the Authoritie of the Word of God and Auncient Writers. This was quickly ioWoY^tdhy th.Q Schoole of Ab2ise, first pub¬ lished in 1579, by Stephen Gosson, Rector of Great Wigborough, in Essex. The sermons of the period were also directed against dancing as an accompaniment of wakes and May games. In France the Protestant clergy inveighed strongly against the practice, and the subject is elaborately handled in a work entitled fPraite des Danses auquel est a 77 iplement resolue la questio 7 i h sauoir s'il estper 77 iis aux Chrestie 7 is de danser, published in 1580. There is a very curious chapter on this head in the English translation of Perrin’s Histo 7 y of the Walde/tses, but modern investigations, particularly those of Mr. Bradshaw, the University librarian, at Cambridge, have gone far to depreciate this history as a vmrk of authority, and the articles of Discipline especially (in which the chapter against dancing ap¬ pears), are said to be much garbled by Perrin. The old French writer, Thoinot Arbeau, makes the following remarks upon the practice of this art : ‘ La dance ou saltation est un art plaisant et profh table, qus rend et conserue la sante, convenable aux ieusnes, aggreable aux vieux, et bien seant atous, pourueu qu’on en use modestement, en temps et lieu, sans affectation vicieuse ; je dis en temps et lieu, parce qu’elle apporteroit mespris a celluy qui, comme un pillier de salle, y seroit trop assidu.’— Orchesog 7 'aphie, 'p. 5, ed. 1588. Galen notices the advantages of dancing as an exercise: ‘ Veluti statim saltantium prae- vegeti motus, in quibus nimirum quam maxime saliunt, ac celerrime circumacti vertuntur, et genu prius posito mox emicant, et crura turn attrahunt, turn maxime divaricant, et summatim in quibus ocyssime moventur, gracile, musculosum, durum, compactum, prseterea vegetum, corpus reddunt.’— De San. tne 7 td. lib. ii. fo. 33, b. THE GOVERNOUR. 213 CHAPTER XX. Of the firste begynnyng of daunsing ajid the olde estimation ther of There be sondry opinions of the originall begynnyng of daunsing.^ The poetes do faine that whan Saturne, whiche deuoured diners his children, and semblably wolde haue done with Jupiter, Rhea the mother of Jupiter deuised that Ciiretcs^ (whiche were men of armes in that countray) shuld • • C ll’T'CtdS daunse in armour,® plainge with their swordes and sheldes, in suche fourme as by that newe and pleasant deuise they shulde assuage the melancoly of Saturne, and in the meane tyme Jupiter was conuaied in to Phrigia,w]iQYQ Saturne also *pursuyng hym, Rhea semblably taught the people there called Coribantes,^ to daunse in a nother chori- fourme,wherwith Saturne was eftsones demulced and ® Lucian for example says : Kal irpwTSu ye eKelvo Trdvv ^yporjKevai /jlol So/cets, ws ov vedorepov rh rrjs 6px't}0'eus i'n'ir’f]Sevpi.a tovt6 iariv ovSe Kal TTpcpr]V dpldpi,evou, oiov Kara rods Trpoirdropos ^p.oov rovs eKe'ivcov, aAA’ oX ye raXT^decrrara opx^o'^oijs Trepl yeveaKoyovvres dp.a rfj npdiT'p yeveaei rwv oKwv pv'y(a peyTOvs Kopv/3ayTas, ey Kprjrrj 5e tovs KovprjTas opx^a^ 0cii KeXevcrai, Kal ov to, perpia tavarro Trjs rexi'rjs avTwy, ol ye irepiopxovpeyoL BLecrcacrayTO avrp Thy Aia, cScrre Kal awcTTpa elKbrcos dy 6 Zeus ocpeiXeiy opoXoyoiT] auroTs iK(pvycby did T^y eKelyooy opx'pf^i-v tovs iraTpcpovs oddyras.—De Saltatione, § 8. Music seems to have been somewhat neglected a few years later, for Ascham says in his Toxophilus, ‘ Of them that come daily to the University where one hath learned to sing six hath not.’ And Puttenham complains in his Arte 0 / Poesie ‘ that it is hard to find in these dayes of noblemen or gentlemen any excellent musitian.’ P. 16. Yet, according to Peacham, Henry the Eighth ‘could not only sing his part sure, but of himself composed a service of four, five, and six parts, as Erasmus in a certain epistle testifieth of his own knowledge.’— Gentleman, p. 99, ed. 1622. THE GOVERNOUR. 215 god also had predestinate to be a great kyng, and a great prophete. And for the soueraigne gyftes of grace and of nature, that he was endowed with, All mightye god sayde of him that he had founde a man after his harte and pleasure. But nowe to retourne to speake of daunsinge. Some interpretours of poets do imagine that Proteus, who is supposed to haue turned him selfe in to sondry fi¬ gures, as some tyme to shewe him selfe like a serpent, some tyme like a lyon, other whiles like water, a nother time like the flame of fire, signifieth to be none other, but a deliuer and crafty daunser, which in his daunse coulde imagine the in¬ flexions of the serpente, the softe and delectable flowynge of the water, the swiftnes and mounting of the fire, the fierce rage of the lyon, the violence and furie of the libarde f which ex¬ position is nat to be dispraised, sens it discordeth nat from reason. But one opinion there is whiche I wyll reherce, more for the mery fantasie that therin is contained, than for any faithe or credite that is to be giuen therto.’^ ® £^oK€ 7 yap p .01 6 iraXaihs pvdos Kal Upwrea rhp Alyvirriou ouk &Wori ^opxW'<"i^v riva yepeaOaL Xtynv, [xip-r^rLKou aOpoorrov naX irphs irdura KaX p-era^dX- XecrOai duvdpevov^ ws koX v^aros vypoTTjra pip€7a6ai KaX Trvphs o^vTr/Ta iv tj7 ttjs Kipi](rep Koipwp'ia Kal evraKTOS appopia rr/s TrpccroySpov opx^o’^o^s 8 e[y- para eari. Kar oXlyop Se avlapopept] Kal ttjs Tvpbs rb fieXriop del irpoaOijK-ps rvyx<^vovaa pvp eoiKev es rb aKp 6 rarop airorereXeaOai Kal yeyefiiaOai itoiklXop ri Kal TTapappSpiop Kal rroXvpovaop ayaOSp .— Lucian, de Saltat. § 7. M, Burette, how¬ ever, thinks there is no need to resort to these fanciful analogies, and that the origin of dancing is to be found in the natural and invincible tendency of man to movement and imitation. The first dances were probably nothing more than mere gestures—the outward expression of mental excitement. ‘ Mais on ne tarda gueres a assujettir ces mouvements aux loix d’unemesure, et d’une cadence reglee, qui a sa source dans la Nature, c’est-a-dire, dans une certaine disposition machinale de nos organes, d’ou depend cette inclination k repeter avec quelque sorte d’egalite, les THE GOVERNOUR. 2 19 Other fables there be whiche I omitte for this present time. And nowe I will expresse in what estimation daunsing was had in the auncient time. And also sondry fourmes of daunsinge, nat all, but suche as had in them a semblance of vertue or kunnyng. Whan the arke of god (wherin was put the tables of the commaundementes, the yerde wherwith Moisis deuided ^rcha the redde see, and dyd the miracles in the presence of federis. Pharao, kynge of Egypte, also a parte of manna, wherwith the children of Israel were fedde fourtie yeres in deserte), was recouered of the Philisties, and broughte unto the citie of Gaba,^ the holy kynge Dauid, wearing on him a Daitid linen surplesse, daunsed before the saide arke, folowing daunsing him a great nombre of instrumentes of musike. Wherat his wife Micol, the daughter of kyng Saule, dis¬ dained and scorned him, wherwith (as holy scripture saith^) all mighty god was moche displeased. And Dauid, not cessinge, daunsed ioyousely through the citie, in that maner memes sons et les ir ernes gestes, comme on pent I’observer dans les enfans, et dans les animaux memes. On marqua d’abord cette cadence on par le son de la voix on par la percussion de quelque corps, et c’est une espece de cadence qui n’est pas ignoree encore aujourd’hui des peuples les plus barbares.’—Academie des Inscript. Mem- de Lit. tom. i. p. 131. A. D. 1719. This view of the origin of dancing has been also adopted by M. Blasis. See The Art of Dancing, translated by R. Barton, p. 6, ed. 1830. It ought to be observed, however, that this theory had been antici¬ pated ages before by Plato, who says in the Latas ; 4>7j(rl Se nh veov airav ws evos elnelp Tois re adoixaffi Koi rdis (pcovdis &yeij/ ov Svj/ap ktvttwv ir&pep^ yoi' Ti rhp opxV^'^W Aval, p.T]d€V avrhv irpos rh Spa/xa (TvvTeXovvTa, Kivoi/x^vov de aAoyov IxWus Kiviqaiv Ka\ p-draiov, ovdevhs avrfj vov iTpoabvTOs, twv S’ dvdpwiruv to7s irepl rh irpayixa yorjTevojxevuv, eaOrjri ^rjpiKr/ koI TrpoawTreiip evirpeire?, av\^ re Kal THE GOVERNOUR. 227 daunsed the aduoutry of Mars and Venus, and therin ex¬ pressed howe Vulcane, husbonde of Venus, therof beyng ad- uertised by the sonne, layde snares for his wife and Mars ; also howe they were wounden and tyed in Vulcanes nette ; more ouer howe all the goddes came to the spectacle ; finally howe Venus, all ashamed and blusshing, ferefully desired her louer Mars to delyuer her from that perill, and the residue contayned in the fable ; whiche he dyd with so subtile and crafty gesture, with such perspicuitie and declaration of euery acte in the mater (whiche of all thing is moste difficile) with suche a grace and beautie, also with a witte so wonderfull and pleasaunt, that Demetrius, as it semed, therat reioysing and deliting, cried with a loude voice, O man, I do nat only se, but also here, what thou doest, and it someth also to me that with thy handes thou spekest. Whiche sayinge was con¬ firmed by all them that were at that tyme present. The same yonge man songe and daunsed on a time before the emperour Nero,^ whan there was also present a' straunge Tep^rlcryiaoi kuI Trj ruv (^S 6 vtwv evcpwuia, oTs Kocrjueia'Oai hv rh rov opX'Q^TOv TTpayixa' 6 Tt^re Kara rhy Nepwm evdoKipLccy 6pxv<^Th^ ovk aavyeros, S)5 (baciy, el Kai Tis &\Kos ey re tcrroplas wal Kiyi\(Teus KdWei SteyeyKuy iSerjOr] rod Arjjur]- rpiov evyyot}jxoye(rTdTT]v^ olixai, r^y Serjcriv, lde7u op^ov/xeyoy, eireira KaTriyope7y avrov, /col virea'x^'^^ di'ev avKov /col dajxdTcoy eTridei^aadai ai/Tip ’ Kal outcos iTroLrjcrey" ^(rvxiay yap rois re Krinrovai Kal ro7s avKovai Kal avrtp Trapayye'iXas r^ CLvrhs e(p^ eavTOv upxho’aro r^y ’A(ppoMrr}s Kal ‘'Apeas fioixelau, ‘'HAioy fxriyvoira nal ^'H-CpaLCTToy eTTL^ovAevoyra koI ro7s 5e(Xixo7s d/Kporepovs, r^y re ’Aare rhy Ar)p.’f)rpioy vireprjaOepra ro7s yiyyojueyois rovroy erraiyoy drroSovyai rby /xeyiaroy rp op^Tjcrr^ • dyeKpaye yap Kal /ueyaAp rfj ptavp dyepdey^aro, ’Akovw, &y6pcinr€, d TroteTs, ovx dpw jxdyoy, dwd iJLOiboKe7s rots ^eptrit' avra7s KaXe7y. — Lucian, de Saltatione, § 63 . * ’E/rel Se Kara rby Hepwyd eapL^y rp \6y^, ^odXofxai Kal ^ap^dpov dydpbs rb errl rov avrov opX'n^^'^ov yeySp-eyoy elrTe7v, Hrrep fxeyiaros erraiyos op^TjcrTi/cijs yeyoir' &y ' ruy yap e/c rov USyrov ^ap^dpay ^ariAiKbs ns dyOpcorros Kurd ri XP^^^ rjKcoy d)S rby Nepwi^o ededro fierd ruy dWay rby opxy]0'r^y eKe7yoy ovrw aapcbs opxov/jLeyoy, ws Kalroi jxr) irraKodoyn a rPy pbop.eywy — r)yLieKKr\y ydpris tiv ervyxo-ye — avye7yai dndyrwy' Kal St; dmwy i)br) es r^y olKe'iay, rov Nepwi^os Se^ioo/xeyov Kal b ri ^ovKoiro alre7v KeAevoyros Kal bPaeiy vmcrxvovixeyov, TSj/ opxv^^'^P^t ^Pv, Sobs rd fieyicrra evppaye7s. ToDSe Nepo/voy ipop.eyov, Ti dy ffoi xp'^'^t/J-os yevoiro e’/ce?; npotro^/coi/s, epr], Pap^dpovs Q 2 2 28 THE GOVERNOUR. kynge, whiche understode none other langage but of his owne countray; yet nat withstanding the man daunsed so aptely and playnely, as his custome was,that the straunge kynge, all thoughe he perceiued nat what he said, yet he understode euery dele of the mater. And whan he had taken his leue of the emperour to departe, the emperour offered to gyue to hym any thynge that he thoughte mought be to his commoditie. Ye may (sayd the kynge) bounteousely rewarde me, if ye lende me the yonge man that daunsed before your maiestie. Nero won- dring and requiring of him why he so importunately desired the daunser, or what commodite the daunser mought be unto him. Sir, said the king, I haue diuers conhns and neighbours that be of sondry languages and maners, wherfore I haue often tymes nede of many interpretours. Wherfore if I had this man with me, and shulde haue anything to do with my neighbours, he wolde so with his facion and gesture expresse euery thinge to me, and teche them to do the same, that from hensforth I shulde nat haue nede of any interpretour. Also the auncient philosophers commended daunsing ; in so moche as Socrates, the wysest of all the grekes in his time, and from whom all the sectes of philosophers, as from a foun- taine, were deriuied, was nat ashamed to account daunsinge amonge the seriouse disciplines, for the commendable beautie, for the apte and proportionate meuinge, and for the craftie disposition and facionyng of the body.^ It is to be considered that in the saide auncient tyme there were diuers maners of daunsing,^ whiche varied in the names, lyke wyse as they dyd exw, o^X oixoy\(aT 70 vs, /cal ov pdZiov evTropelp Trphs avTovs • fju oZv Tivos Seufxai, Siapevav ovtos eKacTTci {xoi Ip/xrjj/euo'ei . Tonovrov &pa KaOiKeTO avrov ^ piipiTj/ris T^s opxh^^^^^j iTrlarjpZs re /cal (pavelaa. —Lucian, de Saltatione, § 64. 'O ^uKpdrrjs Se (TocpdraTOS a.vi]p ov jxdvov iirrjvei rqv bpxvo'TLK^v, dWd /cal iKfxaQeiv auT V piiyi(TTov diroveixccv (vpvdixiq, /cal euixovcla /cal KLp{](r€i Kol evfTxVt^orrvvp Tov Kivovjxivov, /cal ovk rjbeiTO yepwv dvrjp ev rS>v a’lrov^aioTdTwv fxa6r]~ fidrcov /cal tovto ^yoipL^vos etvai. — Lucian, de Saltatione, § 25 * ^ Meursius, in his treatise entitled Orchestra sive de Saltationibus Vetermn, published A.D. 1618, and which is printed in the 8th volume of the Thesatirus Grcecarum Antiqtdtatum of Gronovius, has collected with infinite pains 189 different THE GOVERNOUR. 229 in tunes of the instrument, as semblably we haue at this daye.^ But those names, some were general!, some were speciall the generall names were gyuen of the uniuersall fourme of daunsinge, wherby was represented the qualities or conditions of sondry astates ; as the maiestie of princes was shewed in that daunse whiche was named Eumelia^ and be¬ longed to tragedies; dissolute motions and wanton counte- naunces in that whiche was called Cordax?- and pertained to names of dances known to the Greeks. But Meursius had been anticipated by many writers of antiquity, even before Lucian, whose writings have not come down to us. Ou yap /xe KeA-qOev on ttoWo'i irph ^p-oov Trepl opx^o'^d'is (TvyyeypacpSTes tt]v TrAeicTTTjv diarpifi^ju rrjs ypa(prjs iiroiTjcravTO irdvra t^s opx^crecos rd Ka\ ov 6 p.ara avrwp KaraXeyouTes Kal oXa iKdarT] /cal v(p’ Stov evpedi], iroKvpiaQdas TavT'qv iTTiSei^Lv r)yovp.€poi 7rape|etv.—Lucian, de Saltat. § 33. Athenaeus and Julius Pollux have preserved for us the names of several kinds of dances, but they have not thrown much additional light upon the subject. The elder Scaliger also devoted a chapter (the i8th) of his first book of Poetics to the enumeration of the various kinds of ancient dances ; and, according to M. Burette, he specifies some which have escaped the attention even of Meursius, and it is consequently to be regretted that he has not left us a more complete treatise upon the subject. ® ‘ II y en avoit qui regloient leur Cadence et leur Mesure, tantot sur celle du Chant, tantot sur celle de quelque instrument de musique, tel que la flute ou la lyre, quelquefois sur le Chant souteriu de la Symphonie. II y en avoit d’autres qui n’etoient accompagnees ni du Chant, ni des Instruments. I..es unes etpient graves, serieuses, et modestes, les autres gayes, folatres, et deshonnetes.’—Acad, des Inscriptions, Mem. de Lit. tom. i. p. 152, Hague, ed. 1719. Speaking of the dances in vogue in the i6th century, Arbeau says: ‘ II y auoit deux sortes de basses dances, les unes communes et regulieres, les aultres irregulieres. Les regulieres estoient appropriees aux chansons regulieres et les irregulieres aux chansons irregulieres.’— Orchesographie, fo. 24 b. ^ M. Burette divides the ancient Greek dances into four principal classes, ‘ selon qu’elles etoient destinees: i, aux Ceremonies de la Religion ; 2, aux Exercices de la Guerre ; 3, aux Spectacles du Theatre; 4, aux Noces, aux Festins, et a semblables rejouissances. ’— Mem. de Lit., ubi supra, p. 153. ° Aok^is 84 fxoL, ‘drav Kwp.(p8'iap Kal rpaycoSiau i-irdipijs, eVtAeA-^crGat '8n Kal ip e/carepa iKeipup opxvo'^d^^ X8 l6p tj eiSds ianp, olop rpayiKp pikp ^ ip.p.4Keia, KcoixcpSiKfj 84 6 KbpSa^, ipiore 84 Kal rpirTjs aiKipibos TrpocrAap.fiapop.4pr]s .— Lucian, de Saltat. § 26. Athenaeus thus distinguishes these dances : 'O pl4p /cdp8a| Trap’ ‘'EAA7](ri cpopn- Khs, 7) S’ ip-p-iheLa (nrov8aia. — Lib. xiv. cap. 30. And Demosthenes evidently ' considered the Cordax indecent, for he says, Et 84 tis awcppaip ^ SiKaios dWoos, t^p KaO' 7]p4pav aKpaaiap rod fiiou Kal p.4dr}P Kal Kop8aKiv TrapaSoTeov ev re v6p.(p Kal X6ycp. —Lib. vii. cap. 10. 802 E. It remained for a Frenchman, cele¬ brated par excellence for his skill and proficiency in that accomplishment which has been described by another of his countrymen as ‘ un art charmant, un art tout fran9ais,’ to assign a reason, far from spirituel, for the associating of man and woman in dancing. According to this authority, ‘ Les danses sont practiquees pour cognoistre si les amoureux sont sains et dispos de leurs membres, a la fin desquelles il leur est permis de baiser leurs maistresses, affin que respectiuement ilz puissent sentir et odorer I’un I’aultre, silz ont I’alaine souefu 5 , et silz sentent une senteur mal odorant, que I’on nomme I’espaule de mouton, de fa5on que de cet endroict, oultre plusieurs commoditez qui reussissent de la dance, elle se treuve necessaire pour bien ordonner une societe.’— Orchesographie, fo. 2 b. The old French writer last quoted has some very practical ideas upon this point. He says quaintly enough,. ‘ Naturellement le masle et la femelle se recher- chent, et n’y a chose qui plus incite I’homme a estre courtois, honneste, et faire acte genereux que I’amour, et si voulez vous marier, vous debuez croire qu’une maistresse se gaigne par la disposition et grace qui se voit en une dance, car quant a I’escrime et au ieu de paulme, les dames n’y veuillent assister de craincte d’une espee rompue, ou d’un coup d’estoeuf, qui les pourroit endommager.’— Orchesographie, fo. 2 b. The Reformers, however, retorted that the practice of dancing involved something less innocent than is here implied. ‘ Deinde aiunt matrimonia nonnun- quam hac occasione honesta conciliari. Non pia haec est atque honesta matrimonia 234 THE GOVERNOUR. moditie of that sacrament make intiere volumes, if it were nat so communely knowen to all men, that almoste euery frere lymitour carieth it writen in his bosome.^ Wherfore, ineundi ratio : quin contra ipsa experientia docet ws eVl rb x^etcrroi/ (id quod in omnibus rebus potissimum est considerandum), hujusmodi saltationibus et multa temeraria atque illegitima matrimonia contrahi, et juste contracta foedari, et stupra atque adulteria ex iis promanare.’—Stuckius, Antiq. Conviv. lib. iii. cap. 2I, p. 615, ed. 1695. And Lambert Daneau, writing in 1580, says: ‘Mais entre tons les proufits et commoditez de la danse, il n’y en a point qu’ils magnifient da- uantage que ceste cy, as9auoir, que c’est I’acheminement et preparatif a beaucoup de mariages, pour ce que les ieunes gens et autres se voyent la de pres, et s’amou- rachent tant que Ion vient a en parler, que les bons baladins maintesfois y ont este desirez, etpar la sont paruenus a de grands partis, les filles semblablement. Voila les belles utilitez que les meres principalenient nous chantent tous les iours, pour auoir licence d’apprendre a leurs filles a bien danser et les produire la comme sur un theatre. Or ils ne nous S9auroyent mieux dire, et en plus clair langage, qu’il n’y a rien plus propre a remuer les coeurs et affections des personnes, et enflamm’er les conuoitises que les danses.’— Traite des Danses, p. 76, ed. 1580. “ Chaucer gives us a striking picture of these friars. ‘ I speak of many hundred years ago, For now can no man see non elves mo. For now the great charity and prayers Of lymytours and other holy freres. That serchen every land and every stream. As thick as motis in the sunne-beam. Blessing halls, chambers, kitchens, and bowers, Cities and burghs, castles high and towers, Thorps and barns, shippons and dairies, This maketh that there been no fairies. For there as wont to walken was an elf. There walketh now the ly 7 nytour himself, In undermeles and in morwenings. And sayeth his matins and his holy things As he goeth in his lymytacion,''—Wife of Bath's Tale. And Spenser says : ‘ I mean me to disguise, In some strange habit after uncouth wize,” Or like a pilgrim or a ly 7 nytour. ’— Hiibb. Tale. Mr. Cutts, in his sketch of the religious orders, says; ‘ The constitutions required that no one should be licensed as a general preacher until he had studied theology for three years ; then a provincial or general chapter examined into his character and learning, and, if these were satisfactory, gave him his commission, either liTTtitmg his ministry to a certain district (whence he was called in English a Iwti- THE GOVERNOUR. 235 lest in repetyng a thinge so frequent and commune my boke shulde be as fastidious or fulsome to the reders as suche mar chaunt preachours ^ be nowe to their custumers, I wyll reuerently take my leue of diuines. And for my parte I wyll endeuour my selfe to assemble, out of the bokes of auncient poets and philosophers, mater as well apte to my purpose as also newe or at the lest waies infrequent, or seldome herde of them that haue nat radde very many autours in greke and latine. But nowe to my purpose. In euery daunse, of a moste auncient custome, there daunseth to gether a man and a woman, holding eche other by the hande ^ or the arme, whiche tour, like Chaucer’s Friar Hubert), or allowing him to exercise it where he listed (when he was called a lister').'^—Scenes and Characters of Mid. Ages, p, 38, ed, 1872. In a sermon preached before Edward VI. at Greenwich, 1552, Bernard Gilpin, the Rector of Houghton, in Durham, said: ‘ A thousand pulpits in England are covered with dust; some have not had foure sermons these fifteene or sixteene yeares since Friers left their limitations, and few of these were worthy the name of sermons.’ “ So called because, as belonging to the mendicant orders, they begged alms and thus made merchandise of their preaching. ‘ I found ther the fryers, all the four orders. Preached to the people for profite of themselves.’ —Piers Plowman. The Dominicans were specially distinguished by the title of‘Friars Preachers.’ ‘The authority to preach,’ says Mr. Cutts, ‘and exercise other spiritual functions necessarily brought the friars into collision with the parochial clergy; and, while a learned and good friar would do much good in parishes which were cursed with an ignorant, or slothful, or wicked pastor, on the other hand, the inferior class of friars are accused of abusing their position by setting the people against their pastors, whose pulpits they usurped, and interfering injuriously with the discipline of the parishes into which they intruded.’— Scenes, &=c., of the Middle Ages, p. 38. Matthew Paris, who, as a Benedictine of the great Monastery of St. Albans, delights in denouncing the faults of the new orders, tells us that the mendicants, within a quarter of a century of their first settlement in England, had degenerated more than any of the older monastic orders in three or four centuries ; and a letter written in the name of the secular clergy to Henry HI. contrasts their profes¬ sion with their practice by saying that ‘ although having nothing they possess all things, and although without riches they grow richer than all the rich.’—Robert¬ son’s ZTzj-/. of the Chitrch, vol. hi. p. 593, ed. 1866. It may well be doubted, however, if the custom of men and women dancing together z.% ancient as the author supposes. The Puritan writers, at any rate, 236 THE GOVERNOUR. betokeneth concorde. Nowe it behouethe the daunsers and also the beholders of them to knowe all qualities incident to a man, and also all qualities to a woman lyke wyse apper- taynynge. A man in his naturall perfection is fiers, hardy, stronge in opinion, couaitous of glorie, desirous of knowlege, appetiting by generation to brynge forthe his semblable. The good nature of a woman is to be milde, timerouse, tractable, benigne, of sure remembrance, and shamfast. Diuers other qualities of eche of them niought be founde out, but these be moste apparaunt, and for this time sufficient. Wherfore, whan we beholde a man and a woman daun- were at great pains to disprove this assertion. Thus Northbrooke says : ‘ Also here is to be noted in these examples, that you alledge for Dauncing, that Miriam and the other women, and Jephtah his daughter, the women that daunced in meeting Saul, and Judeth that daunced with the other women of Israel for ioye of their delivery, &c., daunced not with yong men, but apart by themselues, among women and maydens (which celebrated their victories), but seuerally by them selues among men ,’—Treatise agamst Dauncing, p. 117. Another writer says ; ‘ Praeterea pleraeque Christianorum saltationes mixtim hunt confuso sexu, quales pleraeque veterum non erant (seorsim enim viri, seorsim mulieres saltabant), ac proinde multo majora sunt lasciviae. Veneris, atque libidinum irritamenta quam illae veterum fuerint.’—Stuckius, Antiq. Conviv. lib. hi. p. 613, ed. 1695. Prynne, who investigated the subject most carefully from the Puritan point of view, says : ‘ These dances which we read of in Scripture were all single, consisting altogether of men, or of women only (which kind of single mea¬ sures were anciently in use among the Persians and Grecians, and are yet retained among the Brasilians and others); whereas our moderne dances are for the most part mixt, both men and women dancing promiscuously together by selected couples,’— Histriofnastix, p. 252, ed. 1633. It is probable that the age of chivalry, which did so much to render the position of women more tolerable, encouraged them to employ this new means of asserting their superiority in a pastime common to both sexes. Arbeau recognises the advantage of dancing as an exercise for women in the following quaint manner; ‘ Elle sert grandement a la sante, mesmement des ieusnes filles, lesquelles estans ordinairement sedentaires, et ententiues a leur lanifice, broderies, et ouurages desguille, font amas de plusieurs mauluaises humeurs, et ont besoing de les faire exhaler par quelque exercice tempere. La dance leur est un exercice propre, car elles n’ont pas liberte de se promener, et aller 9a et la dehors et dedans les villes, ainsi que nous pouuous faire sans reprehension, tellement que n’en auons besoing comme elles.’— Orcheso- graphie, fo. 6 b. THE GOVERNOUR. 237 singe to gether, let us suppose there to be a Concorde of all the saide qualities, ^ beinge ioyned to gether, as I haue set them in ordre. And the meuing of the man wolde be more vehement, of the woman more delicate, and with lasse ad- uauncing of the body,^ signifienge the courage and strenthe that oughte to be in a man, and the pleasant sobrenesse that “ ‘ The richest Jewell iaall the heau’nly Treasure, That euer yet unto the Earth was showne, Is perfect Concord, th’ onely perfect pleasure That wretched Earth-home men haue euer knowne, For many harts it doth compound in one, That what so one doth will, or speake, or doe. With one consent they all agree thereto. Concord’s true Picture shineth in this Art, Where diners men and women ranked be. And euery one doth daunce a seuerall part. Yet all as one in measure doe agree, Obseruing perfect uniformitie : All turne together, all together trace. And all together honor and embrace.’ Sir John Davies, Orchestra, ed. 1622. This was quite in accordance with the strict rules of the art, as laid down by its professors. ‘ Capriol: Vous me venez de proposer six manieres de contenances et mouuements, lesquelles treuuez vous les plus decentes? Arbeau: L’une de celles qui ont le pied oblique me semble plus belle, car nous voyons es medalles et statues antiques, que les Monopodes sont treuuez plus artistes et plus aggreables. Et quand aux pieds ioincts ou aux pieds eslargis directement, ils sentent leur contenance foeminine. Et tout ainsi qu’il est mal-sceant a une Damoiselle d’auoir une contenance hommace, aussi doibt I’homme euiter les gestes muliebres. Ce que vous pouuez aperceuoir aux reuerences, car a les faire, les hommes portent brusquement le pied croise en derrier, et les Damoiselles plient les deux genoulx doulcement et se releuuent de mesme.’— Orchesog. fo. 42 b. M. Burette has ex¬ pressed very nearly the same idea in enumerating the advantages ‘of dancing. ‘ La Danse, de meme que la Poesie, la Musique, la Peinture, et la Sculpture n’etant qu’une veritable imitation, et ne se proposant pour but principal, que de representer au naturel les diverses actions des Hommes, et de peindre par des gestes mesurez les differentes Passions qui les agitent : qui ne voit, qu’en tournant cette imitation du cote des actions vertueuses, et n’exposant aux yeux, dans cette Peinture mobile et animee, que des Tableaux de Passions utiles a la Societe, on n’en puisse faire tin usage merveilleux, pour reveiller, dans les coeurs, des sentimens de Piete, de Compassion, de Courage, de Generosite et d’autres vertus sem- blables, ’—Acad, des Inscript. Man. de Lit. tom. i. p. 129, Hague, ed. 1719. 238 THE GOVERNOUR. shulde be in a woman. And in this wise fierse7iesse ioyned with mildenesse maketh Seiieritie; Aiidacitie with thnerositie maketh Magnmiimitie \ wilfull opinion and Tractabilitie (which is tO' be shortly persuaded and meued) makethe Co7istaitce a vertue ; Cotiaitise of Glorie, adourned with be- 7iig7iitie causeth honour; desire of k7iowlege with sii7^e re77ie77ibra7ice procureth Sapie7iee; Sha77ifast7ies ioyned to Appetite of ge7ieratio7i maketh Co7itme7icey whiche is a meane betwene CJiastitie and i7i07^dmate histe. These qualities, in thiswise beinge'knitte to gether, and signified in the per¬ sonages of man and woman daunsinge, do expresse or sette out the figure of very nobilitie; whiche in the higher astate it is contained, the more excellent is the vertue in estimation. CHAPTER XXII. ■ Ho7oe daimsing 7/iay he an mti'oductiofi u7ito the firste 7norall vertue^ called prudence. As I haue all redye affirrned, the principall cause of this my litle enterprise is to declare an induction or meane, howe chil¬ dren of gentill nature or disposition may be trayned in to the way of vertue with a pleasant facilitie. And for as moche as it is very expedient that there be mixte with studie some honest and moderate disporte, or at the lest way recreation, to recomforte and quicken the vitall spirites,’^ leste they longe * ‘ Lo this'is Dauncing’s time nobilitie^ Dauncing, the child of Musicke and of Loue, Dauncing it selfe both loue and harmony. Where all agree, and all in order moue ; Dauncing the Art that all Arts doe approue. The faire caracter of the World’s consent, The Heau’n’s true figure, and th’ Earth’s ornament.’ , Sir John Davies, Orchestra. Ascham lays great stress upon this in his Schoolmaster. ‘ Some men will say that children, of nature, love pastime and mislike learning ; because, in their kind, the one is easy and pleasant, the other hard and wearisome. Which is an THE GOVERNOVR. 239 trauailyng, or beinge moche occupied in contemplation or remembrance of thinges graue and seriouse, moughte happen to be fatigate, or perchance oppressed. And therfore Tulli, who uneth founde euer any tyme vacaunt from ^ studie, permitteth in his firste boke of offices that men maye use play and disporte, yet nat withstandinge in suche wyse as they do use slepe and other maner of quiete, whan they haue sufficiently disposed ernest maters and of waighty im- portaunce.^ Nowe by cause there is no passe tyme to be compared to^ that, wherin may be founden both recreation and meditation ' of vertue, I haue amonge all honest passe times, wherin is exercise of the body, noted daunsinge ^ to be of an excellent utilitie, comprehendinge in it wonderfull figures, or, as the grekes do calle them, Ideae^ of vertues and noble qualities, and specially of the commodiouse vertue called prudence, whom Tulli defineth to be the knowlege of thinges whiche oughte to be desired and folowed, and also of ^ them whiche ought to be fledde from or exchewed.® And opinion not so true as some men ween. For the matter lieth not so much in the disposition of them that be young, as in the order and manner of bringing up by them that be old ; nor yet in the difference of learning and pastime. For, beat a child if he dance not well, and cherish him though he learn not well, you shall have him unwilling to go to dance and glad to go to his book ; knock him always when he draweth his shaft ill, and favour him again though he fault at his book, you shall have him very loth to be in the field, and very willing to go to school.’— P. 115, ed. 1864, So Montaigne says, ‘ Les ieux mesmes et les exercices seront une bonne partie de I’estude ; la course, la luicte, la musique, la danse, la chasse, le maniement des chevaulx et des armes.’— Essais, tom, i. p. 229, ed. 1854. * ‘ Ludo autem et joco uti illo quidem licet; sed (sicut somno, et quietibus ceteris) turn, cum gravibus seriisque rebus satisfecerimus .’—De Officiis, lib. i. cap. 29. A modern writer has expressed precisely the same opinion : ‘ Outre que la danse donne au corps les dispositions les plus convenables, pour mieux reussir a presque tous les exercises utiles dans la Paix et dans la Guerre, elle a encore cet avantage, qu’en offrant aux Hommes im honnete amusement, elle pent aider a leur inspirer les passions les plus louables, et par la contribuer en quelque fa^on au reglement des Moeurs.’—Burette, Acad, des Inscript. Mem. de Lit. p. 128. ® ‘ Princepsque omnium virtutum est ilia sapientia, quam aocplw Graeci vocant: 240 THE GOVERNOUR. it is named of Aristotel the mother of vertues ; ^ of other philosophers it is called the capitayne or maistres of vertues ; of some the house wyfe, for as moche as by her diligence she doth inuestigate and prepare places apt and conuenient, where other vertues shall execute their powers or offices.^ Prouerb Whcrforc, as Salomon saithe, like as in water be xxvii. shewed the visages of them that beholde it,® so unto men that be prudent the secretes of mennes hartes be openly discouered. This vertue beinge so commodiouse to man, and, as it were, the porche of the noble palaice of mannes reason, wherby all other vertues shall entre, it semeth to me right expedient, that as sone as oportunitie may be founden, a childe or yonge man be therto induced. And by cause that the studie of vertue is tediouse for the more parte to them that do florisshe in yonge yeres, I haue deuised howe in the fourme of daunsinge, nowe late used in this realme amonge gentilmen,^ the hole description of this vertue prudence may prudentiam enim, quam Grreci (ppSurjcnv dicunt, aliam quandam intelligimus; quae est rerum expetendarum fugiendarumque scientia.’— Off. lib, i. cap. 43, * Apparently this refers to the following passage ; ’AAAa, outt? iirLfxeAe?- rai TrdvTWV, koX Kvpia icrrl vpoffTaTTOvcra. ’AAA’ ftrcDS Siffirep Iv oiKia 6 eirirpoTros. OuTOS yap TrdvTcop KVpLOS Kal irdvra diOLKe?' aAA’ oijTrcc ovros &px^^ irdvrcav, aAAct TrapacTKevd^ei SeuTroTT? o'^oA^i', Httccs tcv iKelvos KcoXvopfpos vTrh rtov avayKaicov eKKXei'fjTai tov rwu KaX&v ti Kal irpocfipKovTuiv vpdTTeiv, Oi/Tco Kal opolas Tovrcp rj , ^ dpaovs aTpaTTjAdrrjs, et ‘ Sat celeriter fieri, quicquid fiat satis bene.’—Sueton. Oct. 25. Aulus Gellius says, ‘ Illud vero Nigidianum rei atque verbi temperamentum Divus Augustus duobus Grsecis verbis elegantissim^ expri- mebat : nam et dicere in sermonibus et scribere in epistolis solitum esse aiunt, o-TTcOSe jSpaSews.’— Noct. Att. lib. x. cap. II. 246 THE GOVERNOUR. CHAPTER XXIII. Sengles m daunsitig. The thirde and fourth braimches of prudence. The thirde motion, called singles,^ is of two unities seperate in pasinge forwarde ; by whom may be signified proui- dence and industrie; whiche, after euerye thinge maturely achieued, as is before writen, maketh the firste pase forwarde in daunsinge. But it shall be expedient to expounde what is the thing called Prouidence, for as moche as it is nat knowen to euery man. Prouidence is wherby a man nat only foreseeth com- moditie and incommoditie, prosperitie and aduersitie, but also consulteth, and therewith endeuoureth as well to repelle anoyaunce, as to attaine and gette profite and aduauntage. And the difference betwene it and ^ , consideration is that consideration only consisteth in Lonstae- ^ ^ ^ ration, pondering and examining thinges conceiued in the what It IS. Prouidence in helpinge them with counsaile Proid- dence, %vhat it is. ® A translation of the French simples, which was the third movement in the basse dance. ‘ La troisieme sorte de mouuement sont deux simples. Capriol. Deux simples suyuent le branle, comment fault-il les faire? Arbeau. Vous marcherez en auant du pied gauche pour la premiere mesure. Puis mettrez le pied droit ioinct auec ledict gauche pour la deuxieme mesure. Puis auancerez le pied droit pour la troisieme mesure : et a la quatrieme mesure et battement ioindrez le pied gauche auec le diet pied droit, et ainsi sera parfaict le mouuement des deux simples. Et se fault donner garde de faire les auonces des pieds si grandes qu’il semble qu’on veuille mesurer la longueur de la salle, ioinct que la Damoiselle ne pourroit honnestement faire de si grandes passees comme vous feriez. Arena et aultres de sa sequelle font le simple d’un mesme pied, marquant pour la premiere mesure du pied gauche a couste du droit, puis aduanceant le dit gauche. Et aultant du pied droit. Mais il me souuient que mon maistre de Poictiers impreuuoit ceste mode, disant qu'il estoit plus decent de finir les deux simples par les pieds ioincts, que par I’aduance de I’un des pieds.’— Orchesographie, ff. 26, 27. ^ The following is a modern definition of this faculty ; ‘That man has some power over his own thoughts is evident. He can retain an object of thought in his mind, contemplate it in various aspects and bearings, scrutinize it, deliberate lipon it. This is Inquiry and Consideration, and by this proceeding he can often discover means to an end, and consequences of an act, which escape his notice in THE GOVERNOUR, 247 and acte. Wherfore to consideration pertaineth excogitation and aduisement, to prouidence prouision and execution. For like as the good husbande, whan he hath sowen his grounde, settethe up cloughtes * or thredes, whiche some call shades,’’ some blenchars,® or other like showes, to feare away birdes, a more rapid and slight mode of regarding the subject.’—Whewell, Elements of Morality, p. 136, 4th ed. “ This word is more often spelt clout, and, according to Richardson, is derived from cleofian~^x\A^x^, and means anything cloven or torn into small pieces. In Johnson’s Diet., the first meaning assigned to this word is ‘a cloth for any mean use,’ and the following illustration from Spenser’s Fairy Queen is given : ‘ His garment, nought but many ragged clouts. With thorns together pinn’d and patched was.’ In Cotgrave’s Diet, the word Espoventail is translated ‘ a man of clouts to feare birds with.’ Is it not possible that there is some connection with the French word clouet, a little nail or tin-tack, as pieces of tin or nails are often seen strung on threads at the present day for the very purpose described in the text ? It is remarkable that though Somner in his Diet. Sax.-Lat.-Angl., and Skinner in his Etymologicon Linguee A 7 iglicanee both derive from the A. S. Clut— Pittacium, Sutura, the latter says, ‘Clouted shoon, i.e. vir rusticus a Fr. G. clouet, clavulus seu parvus clavus diminutivo tov clou, clavus, et inde clouette, q. d. qui calceos parvis clavis confixos habet,’ a derivation which seems to some extent to justify the present suggestion. In Sherwood’s Eng.-Fren. Diet., ed. 1650, the equivalent given for the word ‘shales’ is cossats or fiiifreluches, meaning husks or shells of beans, &c. In John¬ son’s Diet. ‘ shale ’ is said to be a corruption for shell, but this seems to have been doubted by Grose. It is worthy of note that the spelling in the text is shall, not shale, and it would seem therefore to be connected with the French ecaille, which is in German schale. Now ecaille or escaille = haillofi ; and Cotgrave translates the latter ‘ a clowt, a tatter, a rag, ’ which is precisely the meaning attached to the word ‘ shade ’ by Sir Thos. Elyot. ® It is worthy of note that one of the meanings in Johnson’s Diet, assigned to the word ‘ clout’ is ‘the mark of zuhite cloth at which archers shot’ (Fr. clouette), and an illustration is given from Shakespeare’s Hen. IV., ‘ he would have clapt in the clout at twelve score.’ Mr. Todd, in his edition of Johnson’s Diet., derives blenchars from the verb to ble 7 tch, and explains it as ‘ that which may frighten or cause to start,’ and cites the passage in the text and one other from Beaumont and Fletcher’s Love's Pilgrwiage. Is not blenchar, however, merely the French bla 7 icheur, bla 7 ichet? Cotgrave translates the latter ‘ a woollen cloth,’ but Du Cange gives also as a meaning of Bla 7 ichet, ‘ blanc, butaziquel 071 vise en tira 7 it,'tom. vii. p. 64, and, in the Glossary, vmAer bla 77 chetus, quotes the following passage from a writer of the 15th century: ‘ Le suppliant joua et 248 THE GOVERNOUR. whiche he foreseeth redy to deuoure and hurte his come. Also perceiuinge the improfitable weedes apperynge, whiche wyll anoye his come or herbes, forthewith he wedeth them dene out of his grounde, and wyll nat suffre them to growe or encrease. Semblably it is the parte of a wyse man to forsee and prouide, that either in suche thinges as he hath acquired by his studie or diligence, or in suche affaires as he hath in hande, he be nat indomaged or empeched by his aduersaries. In lyke maner a gouernour of a publike weale ought to prouide as well by menaces, as by sharpe and terrible punisshementes, that persones iuell and improfitable do nat corrupte and deuoure his good subiectes.® Finally there is in prouidence suche an admiration and maiestie, that nat tira d’un arc . . . par deux ou trois cops oupres du Blanchd^ qui estoit oppose esdites butes, ainsi qu’il est accoustume. Ubi album seu scopus est vulgo Blanc. ’ It would seem from the context that blenchars might be interpreted as ‘ rags of white cloth ’ used as ‘ scarecrows,' and if this suggestion be adopted, then it would hardly be going too far to assume that clouts, skailes, and blenchars are all of them adaptations from the French, which at this period was, as has been already noticed, a very common practice with English writers. In Cowel’s Law Diet. ‘ Blench ’ is said to be ‘a kind of tenure of land, as to hold land in blench is by payment of a sugar-loaf, a bever*hat, a couple of capons, and such like, if it be demanded in the narne of blench, i.e. nomine albce firmce.^ The blenchar may, therefore, have been the name jocularly applied to the man of clouts, crowned with an old bever hat, by whom the land was defended against the birds. It seems, however, on the whole, clear that the notion of a white colour is implied, as being most effective for the purpose described. Cotgrave says that Blanchards were ‘ an ordre of Friers who go ordinarily in ivhite sheets, and wear neither hats nor shoes.’ Noav a scarecrow consisting of a white sheet stretched on a pole might easily be imagined to bear a fanciful resemblance to a member of this order, and as friars were constantly a subject of derision, it is possible the word so used 00k its origin from this fact. It must be confessed, however, that both deriva¬ tions seem rather far fetched. ® ‘ He who has authority ought to issue commands, not only kind, but also prudent and wise. He has faculties by which he is enabled to judge of such characters in Rules of Action, and he is bound to employ these faculties as M^ell as his Affections in the performance of his Duty. Thus there are Duties which belong to these faculties. We may term them generally Duties of the Intellectual Faculties, but we may conveniently distinguish among them the Duty of Pru¬ dence and the Duty of Wisdom' —Whewell’s Elements of Morality, p. 135. THE GOVERNOUR, Industrie, 249 onely it is attributed to kinges and rulers, but also to god, creatour of the worlde.^ Industrie hath nat ben so longe tyme used in the englisshe tonge as Prouidence ; wherfore it is the more straunge, and requireth the more plaine exposition.^ It is a qualitie procedyng of witte and experience, by the whiche a man perceyueth quickly, inuenteth fresshly, and counsayleth spedily. Wherfore they that be called Industrious, do moste craftily and depely understande in all affaires what is expe¬ dient, and by what meanes and wayes they maye sonest exploite them.*^ And those thinges in whome other men trauayle, a person industrious lightly and with facilitie spedeth, and fyndeth newe wayes and meanes to bring to effecte that he desireth. “ ‘We must conceive ourselves and the world to be under the government of God. God must be the Governor, as he is the Creator, of the world ; for as the Creator, he formed and placed in it those springs of Progress by which its course is carried on and regulated. We cannot help believing that, like all other parts of the Creation, the course of the world of human doing and suffering, must have a Purpose, and this Purpose must be in harmony with the Moral Government of God. The course of this world, we cannot but believe, is directed by God’s Providence.' — Ele 7 nents of Morality, pp. 256, 257, 4th ed. ^ It is a curious coincidence that this word appears conspicuously in the Statutes of the Realm of this very year (1532), with the modern meaning of occupation or handicraft, a meaning which does not appear to have been previously implied in such records. Thus the preamble of the 24 Hen. VIII. cap. 4, after noticing the fact of the increasing importation of linen cloth, runs as follows : ‘ By reason wherof not only the said straunge Countres where the seid Lynnen Clothe is made, by the policie and indusUie of makyng and ventyng therof are greateiy enriched, and a mar¬ velous greate nombre of theyr peple, men, women and children, sett on work and occupacion and kepte from idelnes, but also contrarie wise the inhabitauntez and subjectes of this Realme, for lake of like policie and hidushde aboute the invent¬ ing, practisyng, and puttyng in exercise like occupacion, beyng compelled to bye all or the moost parte of the said Lynnen Clothe, &c.’ But, in 26 Hen. VIII. cap. 19, the preamble recites that the King’s most loving subjects ‘consyderyng the great industrye, labor, peyne and travayle, with the excessive and inestimable charges whiche his Highness hath bene att,’ &c.; have granted to the King’s Highness one whole 15th and loth. Where the word is used in its ordinary sense, it, however, does not appear often in the Statute Book during this reign. ® It will be noticed that the author employs this word in a sense quite different to that which we are accustomed to ascribe to it. It is not so much the exercise 250 THE GOVERNOUR, Amonge diuers other remembred in histones, such one Alcibia- amonge the grekes was Alcibiades, who being in childehode moste amiable®^ of all other, and of moste subtile witte, was instructed by Socrates.^ The saide Alcibia¬ des, by the sharpnesse of his witte, the doctrine of Socrates, and by his owne experience in sondrie affaires in the com¬ mune weale of the Athenienses, became so industrious, that were it good or iuell that he enterprised, no thinge almoste eskaped ° that he acheued nat, were the thing neuer so difficile (or as who saythe) impenitrable, and that many sondrie thinges, as well for his countray, as also agayne it, after that he, for his inordinate pride and lechery, was out of Athenes exiled.*^ of volition as an intellectual faculty. It is an efficient rather than an instrumental cause. So used it answers as nearly as possible to what would now be called ‘ cleverness, ’ a word unknown in the author’s day. In Elyot’s own Dictionary the meaning assigned to industria is ‘ a vertue comprehendynge bothe study and diligence,’ and hidustrius is translated, ‘ He that is Wytty and actyue.’ * ‘Affabilis, blandus, temporibus callidissime inserviens.’—Corn. Nep. Alcibiades, i. ** 'Ytt’ (Vcpvias l^wKpdrn) Ka\ TrpQai]iCaTO SiacrxlcV robs irKovaiovs Koi ivbS^ovs epaards. Ta^i^ iroiria'dp.ivos (rvi"f}6r} /cal XSywv aKovaas ovx T)bov)]v duauBpou ipacTTOv Orjp^bovros ovde pr]a'i, Kai -irXeiocri. — CcBsar, 17. The same feat has been accomplished in modern times by an eminent English states¬ man. We are told in the Greville Memoirs that ‘Canning’s industry was such that he never left a moment unemployed ; and such was the clearness of his head that he could address himself almost at the same time to several different subjects with perfect precision, and without the least embarrassment. He wrote very fast, but not fast enough for his mind, composing much quicker than he could commit his ideas to paper. He could not bear to dictate, because nobody could write fast enough for him ; but on one occasion when he had the gout in his hand and could not write, he stood by the fire and dictated at the same time a despatch on Greek affairs to George Bentinck and one on South American politics to Howard de Walden, each writing as fast as he could, while he turned from one to the other without hesitation or embarrassment.’—Vol. i. p. 106, 1st ed. Mr. George Long says; ‘ His literary occupations were continued during his campaigns, and employed his leisure hours. He was the most diligent of men, always busy with something. . . . He must have had plenty to do in looking after his commissariat, raising money and troops among his Gallic allies, forming his plans, and corresponding with his friends in Rome ; but he found leisure to write also the history of his campaigns, to which he gave the modest title of Comment- arii.’— Decl. of Ro 7 n.Rep.., vol. v. pp. 472, 473. THE GOVERNOUR. 253 facions of imbatailynge, he semeth to put all other writers of like mater to silence,^ Here is the perfecte paterne of Industrie, whiche I trust shal suffice to make the propre signification therof to be un- derstande of the reders. And consequently to incende them to approche to the true practising therof. So is the sengles declared in these two qualities, Proui- dence and Industrie; which, seriousely noted and often remembred of the daunsers and beholders, shall acquire to them no litle frute and commoditie, if there be in their myndes any good and laudable mater for vertue to warke in. CHAPTER XXIV. Of the fifthe braunche, called circimispection^ shewed in repidnse. COMUNELY nexte after sengles in daunsing is a reprinse, whiche is one mouing only, puttynge backe the ryght fote to his felowe. And that may be well called cir- indaun- cumspection,whiche signifieth as mocheas beholdynge * Montaigne was of the same opinion. ‘ On recite de plusieurs chefs de guerre, qu’ils ont eu certains livres en particuliere recommendation, comme le grand Alexandre, Homere ; Scipion Africain, Xenophon ; Marcus Brutus, Polybius ; Charles cinquieme, Philippe de Comines ; et diet on, de ce temps, que Machiavel est encores allieurs en credit. Mais le feu mareschal Strozzi, qui avoit prins Caesar pour sa part, avoit sans doubte bien mieulx choisi; car a la verite, ce deburoit estre le breviaire de tout homme de guerre, comme estant le vray et souverain patron de I’art militaire ; et Dieu S9ait encores de quelle grace et de quelle beaute il a farde cette riche matiere, d’une fa9on de dire si pure, si delicate, et si parfaicte, qu’a mon goust il n’y a aulcuns escripts au monde qui puissent estre comparables aux siens en cette partie.’— Essais, tom. hi. p. 212, ed. 1854. Cicero himself paid a high compliment to Caesar’s ability as a writer when he said, ‘ Sanos quidem homines a scribendo deterruit. Nihil enim est in historia pura et illustri brevitate dulcius.’— De ClaHs Orat. cap. 75. ^ In Cotgrave’s Dictionary one of the meanings assigned to this word is ‘ a turn in the dauncing of a measure.’ Neither Johnson nor Richardson, however, though referring constantly to The Governour for illustrations, notice this use of the word 254 THE GOVERNOUR. on euery parte, what is well and sufficient, what lackethe, howe and from whens it may be prouided. Also what hath caused profite or damage in the tyme passed, what is the astate of the tyme present, what aduauntage or perile maye succede or is imminent. And by cause in it is contained a deliberation, in hauing regarde to that that foloweth, and is also of affinitie with prouidence and industrie, I make hym in the fourme of a retrete.^ In this motion a man may, as it were on a mountaine or place of espial,^ beholde on euery syde farre of, measuring and estemyng euery thing, and eyther pursue it, if it be commend¬ able, or abandone it or escheue it, if it be noyfull. This qualite (lyke as prouidence and industrie be) is a braunche of Prudence, whiche some calle the princesse of vertues ; ® and it is nat onely expedient, but also nedefull to euery astate and degree of men, that do contynue in the lyfe called actife. In the Iliados of Homere, the noble duke Nestor, a man Nestor, of maruaylous eloquence and longe experience, as Reprise, and it is probable, therefore, that both these authorities considered that it had never become naturalised in the English language. It is equally ignored by Furetiere, Larousse, and even Littre, and it is only in the work of Thoinot Arbeau that we find an interpretation parallel to that in the text. The writer last men¬ tioned says in his Orchesogi'aphie : ‘ Le mouuement appelle reprise, precede ordinairement le branle, et quelquesfois le double, et tient quatre mesures du tabourin aussi bien comme les aultres mouuements, lequel vous ferez en remuant un peu les genoux, ou les pieds, ou les arroils seullement, comme si les pieds vous fremioient. S9auoir sur la premiere mesure les arroils du pied droit, puis encor les dits arroils du pied droit sur la second mesure, puis les arroils du pied gauche sur la troisieme mesure, et les arroils du dit pied droit sur la quatrieme mesure. Et en ces quatre mouuements demeure accomplie la rep 7 'ise, et le danceur prest a faire le branle ou les aultres mouuements qui suyuent.’—Fo. 28. “ This word seems to be merely a translation of, or at any rate a synonym for, reprinse. •* This word is sometimes used pro persond ; thus Holinshed in his ‘ History of Henry the Seventh’ says: ‘The king then aduertised not onelie by his espials upon their returne, but also from other his trustie freends, determined with all speed to haue the fraud published.’— Chron. vol. hi. p. 777. ® Justice is called by Cicero ‘ Haec enim una virtus omnium est domina et regina virtutum.’— De Off. lib. iii. cap. 6. THE GOVERNOUR. 255 he that lyued thre mennes lyues,^ as he there auaunteth in the counsayle that he gaue to Agamemnon, to reconcile to him Achilles, the moste stronge of all the grekes, he per- suadyd Agamemnon specially to be circumspect; declaringe howe that the priuate contention betwene them shulde re- plenisshe the hooste of the grekes with moche dolour,^ wherat kynge Priamus and his children shulde laughe, and the resydue of the Troyanes in their myndes shulde reioyce and take courage.® Amonge the Romanes Quintus Fabius for this qualitie is soueraignely extolled amonge historiens ; and for that cause he is often tymes called of them Fabius cunc- tator,^ that is to saye the tariar or delayer, for in the warres * Tv S’ ^Stj Suo fx\v yevea) fiepSiruv avBpc^Trwu ’E({)6(ad% oL ol 7rp6a6ev apa rpdcp^v ■^S’ iyevovTO ’Eu nvAcp riyade'p, perb. 5 e rpiTdroicriv dmcrcrev. — II. i. 25O-253. And in the Odyssey we are told ' Tpls yap Stj piv (paalv avdlacrdai yeue' ap'Spiav. —Lib. iii. 245, Mr. Gladstone arrives at the conclusion that by y^v^^ a term of about thirty years is implied, and says that ‘ Homer has been careful to mark, by an appropriate change of expressions, the difference between Nestor’s age in the two poems respectively. In the Iliad he is exercising the kingly office among the third generation since his birth. In the Odyssey he is said to have exhausted the three terms. ’ — Studies on Ho^ner.^ vol. iii. p. 450. TLoWdiv S’ aypopeuup, rip TreiVeai, ’6s Kev dpicTT’pv BovX^v fiov\€va‘p‘ pdXa Se irduras ’A%otoi/s ’E(r0A.T7s Kal TrvKivrjs, ’671 S'f]i‘oi iyyvOi prjoUp Kaiovcrtv irvpa iroWd ’ r'ls bp rdSe yrjOricrete ; S’ ^S’ f/e Siappaiff^i arpaThp, 7]€ cradicTei. — 11. ix. 74-78. * These words are an addition of the author by way of antithesis, a practice to which, as we have seen, he was much addicted. ^ ‘Ut Fabius inter plures imperatorias virtutes Ctinctator est appellatus,’— Quintil. Instit. Oral. lib. viii. cap. 2, § ii, Cicero says : ‘Hie et bella gerebat, ut adolescens, quum plane grandis esset; et Hannibalem juveniliter exsultantem pa- tientia sua molliebat; de quo prseclare familiaris noster Ennius : ‘ Unus, qui nobis cunctando restituit rem. Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem. Ergo postque, magisque viri nunc gloria claret.’ De Senect. cap. 4. 256 THE GOVERNOUR. bytwene the romanes and Anniball, he knowynge all costes*^ of the countray, continuelly kept him and his hoste on moun- taynes and high places, within a small distaunce of Hanni- balles armie ; so that neither he wolde abandon his enemies nor yet ioyne with them batayle. By whiche wonderfull policie he caused Anniball so to trauayle, that some tyme for lacke of vitayle and for werynesse, great multitudes of his hoste perisshed. Also he oftentymes awayted them in daungerous places, unredy, and than he skirmisshed with them, as longe as he was sure to haue of them aduauntage ; and after he repayred to the hyghe places adioyning, usyng his accustomed maner to beholde the passage of Anniball.^ And by this meanes this moste circumspecte capitaine Fabius wonderfully infeblyd the powar of the said Anniball: whiche is no lasse estemed in praise, than the subduing of Cartage by the valiaunt Scipio.® For if Fabius had nat so fatigate Anniball and his hoste, he had shortly subuerted the cite of Rome, and than coulde nat Scipio haue ben able to attayne that entreprise. What more clere mirrour or spectacle can we desire of Kyn^e circumspection,than kyng Henry the seuenth, of Hem'y most noble memorie, father unto our mooste dradde the vtt. soueraigne lorde, whose worthy renome, like the sonne * I.e. coasts. Aurbs Se 'a&.aa.s de/xevos iy avr^ ras rris vIkt^s eXTrtSas, Kal tov 6eov T^t-s fU7rpa|tos Sr aperrjs Kal (ppov^crecos TrapadiSSyros, rpeTrerai Trphs ^Kvvlfiav. ovx as SiafiaxovfjLevos, aK\a XP^^V aKpeqv avrov Kal tV airopiav Kal TroKvay- 6p Puttenham, in his Arte of Roesie, says : ‘ Utterance also and language is giuen by nature to man for perswasion of others, and aide of them selues, I meane the first abilitie to speake. For speech it selfe is artificial! and made by man, and the more pleasing it is, the more it preuaileth to such purpose as it is intended for. ’ —Lib. i. chap. iv. p. 5, ed. 1811. ® A distinguished modern writer has drawn attention to the immense im¬ portance of speech in the earliest ages, and the degree in which the faculty was cultivated by the specimens exhibited in the poems of Homer. ‘ The trait,’ says Mr. Gladstone, ‘ which is truly most worthy of note in the polities of Homeric Greece, is also that which is so peculiar to them ; namely, the substantive weight and influence which belonged to speech as an instrument of government; and of this power by much the most remarkable development is in its less confined and more popular application to the Assembly. This power of speech was essentially THE GO VERNO UR. 265 shulde be acquired by suche declaration, if it shulde nat be experienced with diligence ? The philosopher Socrates had nat bene named of Appollo the wyseste man of all Gracia,^ if he had nat daylye ^ ^ practised the vertues, whiche he in his lessons com¬ mended. Julius Caesar, the firste emperour, all thoughe there were in hym moche hydde lernynge ; in so moche as jtaius he firste founde the ordre of our kalandre, with the CcEsar. Cikle and bisexte, called the lepe yere yet is he nat so moche honoured for his lernynge as he is for his diligence, wherwith he exploited or brought to conclusion those counsailes, whiche as well by his excellent lerning and wisedome, as by the ad- uise of other experte counsailours were before traited, and (as I mought saye) ventilate.® a power to be exercised over numbers, and with the safeguards of publicity, by man among his fellow men. It was also essentially an instrument addressing itself to reason and free will, and acknowledging their authority. No government which sought its power in force, as opposed to reason, has at any time used this form of deception. The world has seen absolutism deck itself with the titles and mere forms of freedom, or seek shelter under its naked abstractions ; but from the exercise of free speech as an instrument of state, it has always shrunk with an instinctive horror.’ The speeches in Homer, says the same writer, ‘contain spe¬ cimens of transcendant eloquence which have never been surpassed, they evince the most comprehensive knowledge, and the most varied and elastic use, of all the resources of the art.’— Studies on Homer, vol. hi. pp. 102, 107, ed. 1858. * Tijs 7 ap e/x7js, el 5ij rls icrri ffocpia kclL dia, ixdprvpa vjxiu irape^opiai rhy 6ehv rhv iv Ae\ ‘ Otia si tollas, periere Cupidinis arcus, Contemptaeque jacent, et sine luce, faces.’ Rem. Amor. 139. ® From the following passage in Northbrooke’s Treatise against Idlenesse the reader will see how much the Puritan divine was indebted to Sir Thomas Elyot: ‘ Idlenesse is a wicked will giuen to rest, and slothfulnesse, from all right neces- sarie, godly, and profitable works. Also ydlenesse is not onely of the body or tnyitde to cease from labotir, but especially an omission or letting passe negligentlye all hottest exercises ; ’ for no day ought to be passed ouer without some good profitable exercises to the prayse of God’s glorious name, to our brethrens profite, and to our selues commoditie and learning.’—P. 50. In this very year (1530-1) an Act (22 Hen. VHI. cap. 12) was passed for the punishment of beggars and vagabonds, the preamble of which ran as follows ; ‘ Where in all places throughe out this realme of Englande vacabundes and beggers have of longe tyme increased, and dayly do increase, in great and excessyve nombres by the occasyon of ydlenes, mother and rote of all vyces, whereby hathe insurged and spronge, and dayly insurgeth and spryngeth contynuall theftes, murders, and other haynous offences and great enormytes, to the high displeasure of God, the inquyetacion and damage of the Kyngs people, and to the marvaylous disturbance of the Comon Weale of this realme.’ ^ I.e. recreation. The word in its original sense, as used by Latin writers, signified a recovery from sickness ; thus Pliny says : ‘ Ab aegritudine recreationi efficax in cibo.’— Nat. Hist. lib. xxii. cap. 49. But by the end of the 15th century the modern signification had become well established. Chaucer, Gower, &c., employ the word in its present sense. The following passage in Locke’s Thoughts on Education seems so nearly identical with that in the text that it may fitly be presented here for comparison : ‘ Recreation is not being idle (as every one may observe), but easing the wearied part by change of business.’—P. 245, ed. 1693. THE GOVERNOUR, 271 It is writen to the praise of Xerxes ^ kynge of Persia, that in tyme vacaunt from the affaires of his realme, Kynge he with his owne handes hadde planted innumerable R^erxes. trees, whiche longe or he died brought fourth abundance of frute ; and for the craftie and dilectable ordre in the settyng of them, it was to al men beholdyng the princes industrie, exceding maruailous.'^ But who abhorreth nat the historie of Serdanapalus, kynge of the same realme ? ® whiche hauynge in de- serda- testation all princely affaires, and leuynge all company napalus. of men, enclosed hym selfe in chambers with a great multi¬ tude of concubynes. And for that he wolde seme to be some time occupied, or els - that wanton pleasures and quietnesse became to hym tediouse, he was founde by one of his lordes “ This is a mistake of the author; the story is told not of Xerxes, but of Cyrus. Northbrooke has copied this passage word for word in his Treatise against Idlenesses p, 49. OvTos Toivvv 6 Kvpos Xeyerac Ava’di'dpca, Sre dyuv aurcp rd Trapd twu (Tu/i/icixwv dujpa, &Wa re (piAocppopeiaOai, ws avrhs e(pr} d AvrapSpos ^epcp Trore ripi ip Meydpois 5n]yov/jLepos, Kol rhp ip hdpdeai irapdSeKrop iinSeiKPvpai avrhp ecprf. ’EttcI Se iQavjxa^ep avrhp 6 AixrapSpos ws KaXd /xep rd Bepdpa eirj, Si’ l. ed. 1531. The casuistical writers of the 15th and i6th centuries condemned it as a diabolical invention. Thus Angelus de Clavasio, one of the most famous, who died 1495, says : ‘ EsW et tertius Indus qui est diabolicus, quod operatione diabolica est in¬ ventus ad inducendos homines ad peccatum. Et iste est in triplici differentia. Primus consistit in ludibriis, quod ludibria sunt rerum inhonestarum demonstra- tiones. Secundus Indus est Indus aleae, et sub isto comprehenditur omnis Indus qui innititur solum fortunae, ut Indus chartarum, taxillorum, et hujusmodi. Tertius Indus est mixtus, quod partim innititur fortunae et partim industriae, ut Indus tabulamm cum taxillis.’— 8 umma Angelica, tit. Ludus, § 3, ed. 1513. In The Ship of Fools a terrestrial fury, more wicked than the infernal trio, is represented as being responsible for the mischief. ‘ Sayth poetis that in hell ar Furyes thre. The folys to punysshe that ar sende to the same, For theyr nat lyuynge here in equyte. It nedyth nat them here to count by name. The fourth Fury is encresyd by this game. Which (than the other) is more furious and bad. For here in erth it makyth folys mad.’—Vol. ii. p. 70, ed. 1874. The author of The Gaming Table tells us that gambling-houses first received the name of Enfers in France, in the reign of Louis XV., and were soon after desig¬ nated by the name of ‘ Hells ’ in England. They were previously known as ‘ Ordinary-Tables.’ ^ The author had evidently studied the works of the learned monk John of Salisbury, who wrote in the I2th century and who is responsible for the fol- THE GOVERNOUR. 275 For what better allectiue coulde Lucifer deuise to allure or bringe men pleasauntly in to damnable seruitude, than to purpose to them in fourme of a playe, his principall tresory ; wherin the more parte of synne is contained, and all goodnesse and vertue confounded ? The firste occasion to playe is tediousnes of vertuous^ occupation.^ Immediately succedeth couaiting of an other mans goodes, whiche they calle playinge ; therto is annected auarice and straite kepynge, whiche they call wynnyng; sone after cometh sweryng in rentyng the membres of god,^ whiche they name noblenesse, (for they wyll say he that swereth depe, swereth like a lorde); than folowethe furye or rage, whiche they lowing statement : ‘ Attains Asiaticus, si gentilium historiis creditur, hanc ludendi lasciviam dicitur invenisse, ab exercitio numerorum paululum deflexa materia.’— Polycraticus, lib. i. cap. 5. Northbrooke has copied, verbatim, this passage in his Treatise against Dice Play., See pp. 87, 88, 89. “ Nicolas de Lyra, a celebrated Franciscan of the 14th century, in a work called Prceceptorium, which was, however, not printed till 1505, alleges nine specific reasons for prohibiting dice-play amongst Christians : ‘ i. Est desiderium lucrandi,ecce cupiditas, quae est radix omnium malorum. 2. Est voluntas spoliandi proximum, ecce rapina. 3. Est usura maxima, quae attendit non solum in anno vel in mense, sed in eodem die. 4. Est multiplicia mendacia et verba vana et ociosa, quae in talibus ludis frequenter contingunt. 5- Est execrabilis juratio et blas- phemia, quae in talibus ludis frequenter in Deum et in sanctos refunditur, ecce heresis. 6. Est corruptio multiplex proximorum, qui ad ludum de mala consue- tudine conveniunt et respiciunt. 7. Est scandalum bonorum, quod ex praedictis conditionibus nephandis incurritur. 8. Est contemptus prohibitionis sanctae matris ecclesiae, nam glosa dicit quod hujusmodi ludi sunt prohibit! non tantum dissuasi. 9. Est amissio temporis et omnium actuum bonorum, quod in illo tempore quis facere -poim'&'&tt.’ —Septimzim Prcecept. Northbrooke has translated this passage of the Prceceptorium at p. lOi of his Treatise. ^ ‘ But in the mean season, if that any discorde Amonge them fall, the woundes of God ar sworne. His armys, herte and bonys, almost at euery worde Thus is our Sauyour amonge these caytyfs tome. And wordes of malyce, myschefe, and great scorne They thro we to God, renounsynge oft his name, Whan that mysfortune doth bacwarde gyde theyr game.’ Skip of Fools, vol. ii. p. 72. More than a century after the publication of The Governour, the game seems to have retained the same accompanyment. ‘ Blaspheming, drunkenness, and swearing are here so familiar that civility is, by the rule of contrarieties, accounted T 2 276 THE GOVERNOUR. calle courage ; ^ amonge them cometh inordinate watche,^ whiche they name paynfulnesse ; he bringethe in glotonie, and that is good fellowshippe ; and after cometh slepe superfluous, called amonge them naturall reste; and he some tyme bringeth in lechery, whiche is nowe named daliance.® The name of this Tresorie is verily idlenesse, the dore wherof is lefte wyde open to dise plaiers ; but if they happe to bringe in their company, lerninge, vertuouse busines, liberalitie, pacience, charitie, temperance, good diete, or shamefastnes, they muste leue them without the gates. For Euill custome, which is the porter, will nat suffre them to entre. Alas what pitie is it that any christen man shulde by wanton company be trayned,'^ I will no more saye in to this Treasorie, but in to this lothesome dungeon where he a vice, I do not mean swearing, when there is occasion to attest a truth, but upon no occasion, as “ God damn me, how dost? What a clock is it, by God?” &c.’— Hie Nicker Nicked, printed in-1669 ; see Harl. Miscell. vol. ii, p. 109, * Northbrooke says : ‘ It is a world to see and to behold the wicked people, how they wrest and turne the names of good things unto the names of vices. If a man can dice-play and daunce hee is named a proper and a fyne nimble man ; if he wil loyter and liue idlely upon other men’s labours, and sit al day and night at cards and dice, he is named a good companion and a shopfellow; if he can sweare and stare they say he hath good courage.’— Treatise against Dicing, Introduction, p, 2. ^ ‘ Exces of watchynge doth players great damage. And in that space oft Venus doth them blynde, Makynge them hoore longe or they come to age. ********* Watchynge without season tyll theyr wyt be past. Ye two nyghtes or thre, as folys voyde of grace. No thyrst nor hunger can moue them from that place.’ Skij!) of Fools, vol. ii. p. 71. ' In the original there is a side note here, followed a few lines lower by two other side notes, but as they are merely an exact repetition of the first three side notes of Chap, xxiii. it is manifest that they have simply been misplaced by an error in printing ; and it has therefore not been thought worth while to reproduce them n this edition. ^ Johannes Gallensis, otherwise Gualensis or Wallensis (see Oudin. De Script. Eccles. tom. iii. col. 494), but who is styled by Dupin John of Galles of the order of Minor Friars Eccles. Writers, vol. ii, p. 437, ed. 1724), a writer of the 13th century, complains in his Communiloquinm or Summa Collationum of the bad THE GOVERNOUR. 277 shal lye fetored in giues of ignorance, and bounden with the stronge chayne of obstinacie, harde to be losed but by grace ? The^ most noble emperour Octauius Augustus, who hath amonge writers in diuers of his actes an honorable remem- braunce, only for playing at dise’’ and that but seldome, sus- taineth note of reproche. The lacedemones sent an ambassade to the citie of Corinthe,® to haue with them aliaunce ; but whan the am- example set by the magnates moderni, and says : ‘ Et non solum nobiles intendentes talibus sibi nocent, sed etiam multis aliis, quibus dant audaciam et exemplum talibus vacandi, et etiam liberos suos et heredes exemplo suo ad talia provocant. ’— Pars i. distinc. 10, cap. 7 j 1489' Cornelius Agrippa, in his treatise De Vanitate Scientiarum, which was published in the same year as The Governour, says : ‘ Hodie regum et nobilium hie exercitatissimus Indus est.’—Cap. xiv. “ Northbrook has copied this passage almost word for word at p. 99 of his Treatise against Diceplay. ‘ Aleoe rumorem nullo modo expavit, lusitque simpliciter et palam oblecta- menti causa, etiam senex, ac, prseterquam Decembri mense, aliis quoquefestis pro- festisque diebus.’—Sueton. Octav. 71. ® The only authority for this story appears to be John of Salisbury, already referred to, who relates it as follows : ‘ Chilon Lacedsemonius jungendae so- cietatis causa missus Corinthum, duces et seniores populi ludentes invenit in alea. Infecto itaque negotio reversus est, dicens se nolle ’gloriam Spartanorum, quorum virtus constructa Byzantio clarescebat, hac maculare infamia, ut dicerentur cum aleatoribus contraxisse societatem.’— Tolycraticus, lib. i. cap. 5. , Chaucer ex¬ panded John’s account in a metrical version in The Pardoneres Tale :— ‘ Stilbon, that was i-holde a wis embasitour, Was sent unto Corinthe with gret honour Fro Lacidome, to make hir alliaunce ; And whan he cam, him happede par chaunce^ That alle the grettest that were of that lond Playing atte hasard he hem fond. For whiche, as soone as it mighte be, He stal him hoom ayein to his contre. And saide ther, “ I nyl nought lese my name, I nyl not take on me so gret diffame, Yow for to allie unto noon hasardoures. Sendeth othere wiser embasitoures. For by my trouthe, me were lever dye. Than I yow scholde to hasardours allye. 278 THE GOVERNOUR. bassadours founde the princes and counsailours playeng at dyse, they departed without exploytinge their message, sayeng that they wolde nat maculate the honour of their people with suche a reproche, to be sayde that they had made aliaunce with disars. Also to Demetrius the kynge of Parthians sent golden dise in the rebuke of his litenesse.^ Euerything is to be estemed after his value. But who hering a man, whom he knoweth nat, to be called a disar, anone supposeth him nat to be of light credence,'^ dissolute. •For ye, that ben so glorious in honoures, Schal not allie yow with hasardoures, As by my wil, ne as by my trete.” This wise philosophre thus sayd he.’ Poetical Works, vol. iii. p, 94, ed. 1866. It is curious to observe the change which the original Greek name has undergone in the hands of the English poet. In a Treatise tottching Dyceplay, written by a Frenchman, Lambert Daneau, and translated by Thomas Newton, which was published in 1586, Chilo is further metamorphosed into Gobilo (see chap, vii.), a mistake apparently copied from the De Vanitate Scientiarum of H. Cornelius Agrippa. * ‘ Tunc quoque uxori et liberis donatus, in Hyrcaniam, poenalem sibi civitatem, remittitur, talisque aureis ad exprobrationem puerilis levitatis donatur.’— yustin. lib. xxxviii. cap. 9. Our author, however, has evidently derived this story from the same source as the last, viz. the Polycraticiis of John of Salisbury, where the two narratives follow each other in the precise order adopted in the text. This will at once appear on comparing John’s version, which is as follows : ‘ Regi quoque Demetrio in opprobrium puerilis levitatis, tali aureia rege Parthorum dati sunt.’ — Lib. i. cap. 5. It is very remarkable that Chaucer had, in the Pardoneres Tale, observed the same sequence .• ‘ Loke eek that to the king Demetrius The king of Parthes, as the book saith us. Sent him a paire dees of gold in scorn. For he had used hasard there to-forn ; For which he hield his gloir and his renoun At no valieu or reputacioun .’—Ubi stipra, vol. iii. p. 95. ^ Northbrooke quotes this passage in extenso at pp. 90, loi of his Treatise, but, contrary to his usual practice, with an acknowledgment of the author. Stubbs also refers to it at p. 132 of his Anatomic of Abuses. THE GOVERNOUR, 279 vayne, and remisse ? ® Who almoste trusteth his brother, whom he knoweth a dise player ? Ye among themselfes they laugh, whan they perceyue or here any doctrine or vertuouse worde procede from any of their companyons, thynking that it be- commeth nat his persone, moche more whan he dothe any thing with deuotion or wisedome.® Howe many gentilmen, howe many marchauntes, haue in this damnable passe tyme consumed their substaunce,^^ as well by their owne labours, as ® Publius Syrus had said long before, ‘Aleator quanto in arte est melior tanto est nequior,’ An opinion erroneously attributed to Seneca by John of Galles in the work before mentioned. Alexander of Hales tells us the same thing, and that gamblers were not content until they had literally denuded those with whom they played of every¬ thing. ‘ Vult enim aleator spoliare proximum suum, immo et amicum, et magistrum vel dominum suum, rebus suis, scilicet auro, argento, tunica immo, et si potest camisia et bracis, quod non faceret aliquis de latronibus qui spoliant peregrinos in nemoribus .’—Destructorium Vitioruin, pars iv. cap. 23, ed. 1496. Mr. Wright, in his Domestic Manners^ has a woodcut which represents this process very literally. ‘ One, who is evidently the more aged of the two players, is already perfectly naked, whilst the other is reduced to his shirt .’—Ubi supra, p. 216. Vives quotes the gambler’s proverb, ‘ Ibi quaerendam esse togam, ubi amiseris.’— Opera, tom. i. p. 48, ed. 1555. ® Northbrooke bears testimony to the same thing ; ‘ If a gentleman haue in him any humble behauiour, then the Roysters cal such a one by the name of a Loute, a Clinchpoup, or one that knoweth no fashions : if a man talke godly and wisely, the worldlings deride it, and say the yong Fox preacheth, beware your geese, and of a yong saint groweth an old deuil; if a man will not dice and play, then he is a nigard and a miser, and no good fellow .’—Treatise against Diceplay, Introd. ^ ‘ There is almoste no maner of degre, Man, childe, woman, pore man, or estate, Olde or .yonge, that of this game ar fre. Nor yet the clargy, both pore preste and prelate, They use the same almoste after one rate. Whan by great los they brought ar in a I'age, Right fewe haue reason theyr madnes to asswage.’ Ship of Fools, vol. ii. p. 72. Mr. Wright says : ‘ The pernicious rage for gambling had been extending itself ever since the beginning of the 15th century.’— Dom. Man, in Eng. p. 483. The king himself was addicted to the game, for a writer in the succeeding century declared, ‘ You may read in our histories how Sir Miles Partridge played at dice, with King Plenry the Eighth, for Jesus Bells so called, which were the greatest in THE GOVERNOUR. 2S0 by their parentes,^ with great studie and painfull trauaille in a longe tyme acquired, and fynisshed their lyfes in dette and penurie ? Howe many goodly and bolde yemen hath it brought unto thefte, wherby they haue preuented the course of nature, and dyed by the ordre of lawes miserably?’^ These be the frutes England, and hung in a tower of St. Paul’s Church, and won them ; whereby he brought them to ring in his pocket ; but the ropes afterwards catched about his neck, for in Edward the Sixth’s days he was hanged for some criminal offences.’— Harl. Miscel. vol. ii. p. no. * Whetstone, writing at the end of the i6th century, complains bitterly of the allurements held out to the young students of the Inns of Court by the proximity of the gambling houses. ‘ By reason of Dicyng houses and other .allectiues to unthriftinesse, the good father which is at charge to make his sonne a Lawier to do his country seruice, throughe the loosenesse of the sonne, many times spendeth his money to the undooyng of his posterytie. ’ And he asserts that ‘ These wicked houses first nusleth our young gentlemen in pride, and acquainteth them with sundrie shifting companions, whereof one sort couseneth him at dice and cardes, an other sort consume him with lecherie, an other sort by brocadge bringeth him in debt and out of credit, then awayteth couetousnesse and usurie to sease upon his lining, and the unciuill Sergeant upon his libertie. To mine is thus brought the gentleman, a great estate and strength of this Realme, principally by the frequenting of dicing houses .’—Alirrorfor Magistrates^ ff. 25 b., 31. And Daneau, writing about the same time, says; ‘We haue heard of some, read of others, yea and knowen not a few, that by this wicked game haue played away their Lordshippes, Dukedomes, Seigniories, manners, houses, and landes, ouer and besides their horses, apparell, gold, silver, jewelles, houshold stuffe, and all that they had beside or could borrowe. Yea we reade of some that haue set their own bodies at the stake, and throwen for the propertie of their owne selues at a cast at Dyce in steede of money when they haue lacked it, and loosing the chaunce, and thereby themselues, haue afterwarde lead the remaunder of their daies, as slaues, in miserable seruitude at the discretion of the winners .’—A Treatise touching Dyce- play, cap. ix. ed.''i586. ** ‘ And to be playne, great inconuenyences Procedyth to many by this unlawfull game. And by the same oft youth doth sue offences To his destruccion and all his frendes shame. ^ For whan all theyr good is wastyd by the same Often some by foly fallyth to be a thefe. And so ende in shame sorowe and myschefe.’ Ship of Fools^ vol. ii. p. 73. THE GOVERNOUR. 281 and reuenues of that diuilysshe marchandise, besyde the fynall rewarde, whiche is more terrible ; the reporte wherof I leaue to diuines, suche as fere nat to showe their lerninges,^ or fille nat their mouthes so full with swete meates, or benefices, that their tonges be nat let to speake trouth for that is their duetie and office, excepte I with many other be moche dis- ceyued. “ Such as Latimer, who Strype tells us, ‘ being a bold man, would speak his mind with great freedom. His practice was, in his sermons at Court, to declaim against the vices there. And against the vices of the common people, when he happened to preach before them in London and elsewhere. And against the vices of the ecclesiastics, when he came up before them.’— Eccles. Mem. vol. i. pt. i. p. 261. It was Latimer who, being at Cambridge at Christmas, 1527, preached his famous ‘ card-sermons,’ making use of the game which was especially in vogue at that season to point his moral, but it does not appear that he expressed any dis¬ approbation of this form of amusement. In opposition to Latimer, the prior of the Black Friars, one Buckenham, ‘thinking,’ as Foxe says, ‘ to make a great hand against Master Latimer, brought out his Christmas dice, casting there to his audience, cinque and quatre ; meaning by the cinque five places in the New Testa¬ ment, and the four doctors by the quatre ; by which his cmque quatre he would prove that it was not expedient the Scripture to be in English, lest the ignorant and vulgar sort, through the occasion thereof, might haply be brought in danger to leave their vocation, or else to run into some inconvenience.’— Acts and Monu¬ ments, vol. vii. p. 449, ed. 1847. The reader will find a more modern parallel to this in Mr. Chatto’s book, at p. 321, ed. 1848. That there were many of the clergy to whom this insinuation was ap¬ plicable appears certain. Strype says: ‘ The great neglect of their parishes added also to their disrepute. For they made them only serve as means to accumulate wealth to themselves, without any conscience to discharge their duties there. For they for the most part followed divers trades and occupations secular, some were surveyors of lands, some receivers, some stewards, some clerks of the kitchen, many gardeners, and orchard makers. And commonly this was the trade ; the better the benefice, and the cure the more, the seldomer was the Parson or Vicar resident at home. If they wanted now and then ser¬ mons to be preached in their churches, they got friars to do it for them.’— Eccles. Mem. vol. i. pt. i. p. 607. While the latter, to gain the favour of their audience, too often ‘suppressed the truth, taught fables and falsehoods, and to extort money preached the matters contrary to the true faith.’—Fosbroke’s Brit. Monachism, p. 170, ed. 1843. Half a century later, indeed, we find the clergy, such men as Northbrooke, Stockwood, Spark, Rainolds, Gosson, &c., preaching against card-playing and stage-playing indiscriminately. 282 THE GOVERNOUR. Playing at cardes ^ and tables ^ is some what more Mr. Barrington cannot have been acquainted with this passage, or he would hardly have said that ‘ during the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. this amusement (card-playing) seems not to have been very common in England.’ — ArchcBologia, vol. viii. p. 141. And Mr. Chatto, although dissenting from this view, appears equally to have overlooked such an excellent opportunity for supporting his assumption that ‘ card-playing was common in England, both in the cottage and the palace,’ at this period. These omissions furnish a con¬ vincing proof of the neglect with which this work has been treated by writers professing to give an insight into the life and manners of the time in which the author lived. Ludovicus Vives gives us a graphic picture of a game as played at this time, and from him we learn that the cards used were either of French or Spanish make. ‘ Chartae enim Hispanae, quemadmodum et Gallicae, in quatuor sunt genera seu familias divisae. Hispanae habent aureos nummos, carchesia, baculos, enses; Gallicae corda, rhombulos, trifolia, vomerculos, seupalas,seuspicula. Est inquaque familia rex, regina, eques,monas, dyas, trias, quaternio, pentas, senio, heptas, ogdoas, enneas. Gallicae habent etiam decades ; et Hispanis aurei et car¬ chesia potiora sunt pauciora, contra enses et baculi ; Gallis autem plura sunt semper meliora.’— Opera, tom. i. p. 48, ed. 1555. Northbrooke says : ‘The Kings and Coate cardes that we use nowe, were in olde time the images of idols and false gods, which since they that woulde seeme Christians haue chaunged into Charlemaine, Launcelot, Hector, and such like names, bicause they would not seeme to imitate their idolatrie therein.’—P. in. The King himself was passionately fond of cards, and ‘ to show the extent to which that passion Was carried, it is sufficient to state that the whole amount paid for his losses at cards, dice, tennis and other games, together with those lost in wagers, amounted in three years to 3,243/. 5.?. lod' —Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIIL Introd. p. xxiii. ^ A game called tabula or tabulae was known to the ancients. Thus Juvenal says: ‘Neque enim loculis comitantibus itur Ad casum tabulae, posita sed luditur area.’— Sai. i. 89, 90. One of Martial’s epigrams is devoted to Tabula lusoria, which is thus described: ‘ Hie mihi bis seno numeratur tessera puncto : Calculus hie gemino discolor hoste perit. ’— Epig. lib. xiv. 1 7 - Seneca mentions a game by this name. ‘ Ludebat latrunculis; quum centurio, agmen periturorum trahens, ilium quoque excitari jubet. Vocatus numeravit calculos, et sodali suo ; “Vide,” inquit, “ne post mortem meam mentiaris te vicisse.” Turn annuens centurioni, “Testis,” inquit, “eris, uno me antecedere.” Lusisse tu Canum ilia tabula putas? Illusit.’— De Tranquill. Animi, cap. 14. Isidore, who lived early in the 7th century after Christ, says: ‘Tabula luditur pyrgo, calculis, tesserisque’ and ‘Tabulam ternis descriptam dicunt lineis.’— Etymologiarum, lib. xviii. cap. 60, 64. By Justinian’s law, the penalty for playing at tables is changed from deprivation to a triennial suspension into a monastery for the performance of repentance. Some, perhaps, will wonder at the severity THE GOVERNOUR. 283 tollerable, only for as moche as therin wytte is more used, and lasse truste is in fortune,^ all be hit therin is neither laudable study nor exercise. But yet men delitinge in vertue mought with cardes and tables deuyse games, where in moughte of these laws in prohibiting the exercise of the tables under such a penalty, but their wonder will cease when they are told that it was equally prohibited to the laity under pain of excommunication. For the Council of Eliberis (about A. D. 305) orders ‘ that a Christian playing at dice or tables shall not be admitted to the holy communion, but after a year’s penance and abstinence, and his total amendment.’—Bingham’s Antiq. of Christian Church, \o\. ii. p. 205. At first the game appears to have been played with only one board, but at a later period with two. ‘ It was probably this construction which caused the name to be used in the plural; and as the Anglo-Saxons always used the name in the singular, as is the case also with John of Salisbury in the 12th century, whilst the plural is always used by the writers of a later date, we seem justified in concluding that the board used by the Anglo-Saxons and Anglo-Normans consisted of one table, and that this was afterwards superseded by the double board.’ —Domestic Manners in England, p. 218, ed. 1862. Mr. Wright adds: ‘ It is hardly necessary to point out that the mediaeval game of tables was identical with our modern backgammon, or rather, we should perhaps say, that the game of backgammon as now played is one of the games played on the tables. ’ In the Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII. we find an entry on one occasion of the sum of 4/. 13J. ‘delivered to the King’s grace to playe at tabullswith maister Weston,’ and another entry of the same sum for the King to play with Robert Sejmiore, at Dover. * This is quite in accordance with the view of the casuists. Thus John Bap- tista Trovamala in Summa Rosella, printed about 1483, says, ‘Tressunt species ludi. Nam quidamest consistens in ingenio, ut Indus scachorum ; quidam est con- sistens in fortuna, ut Indus azarri; quidam est mixtus,participans de utroque, ut Indus tabularum cum taxillis.’— Sub voc. Ludus, §1. It was doubted at one time by casuists whether games of skill were lawful or not, and whether the winner at such games was bound (as in games of chance) to make restitution, but in the Summa Rosella, we find the first point resolved in the affii-mative and the second in the negative. ‘ Concessus videtur omnis ludus qui fit gratia virtutis experiendae. Et dicunt quidam quod in hoc casu, id quod vincitur non subjacet restitutioni, cum non submittunt se homines fortunas, immo bonum exinde provenit cum exerceant se ingenio.’— Sub voc. Ludus, § II. Northbrooke says: ‘ Playing at Tables is farre more tollerable (although in all respectes not allowable) than dyce and cardes are, for that it leaneth partlye to chaunce, and partly to Industrie of the mynde. For although they cast indeed by chaunce, yet the castes are gouerned by industrie and Mutte. In that respecte Plato affirmed that the life of manne is lyke unto the playe a^Tables. For euen as (sayeth he) in Table playe, so also in the lyfe of man, if anye thinge go not verye well, the same must bee by arte corrected and amended, as when a caste is euill it is holpen agayne by the wysedome and cunning of the player.’—P. iii. 284 THE GOVERNOUR. be moche solace, and' also study commodiouse ; as deuising a bataile, or contention betwene vertue and vice, or other like pleasaunt and honest inuention.^ The chesse, of all games wherin is no bodily exercise, is mooste to be commended ; for therin is right subtile engine, wherby the wytte is made more sharpe and remembrance quickened.^ And it is the more commendable and also com¬ modiouse if the players haue radde the moralization of the * Ludovicus Vives recommends cards as combining amusement and instruction for boys, ‘ Permittendus interdum quoque lusus foliorum longiusculus, qui in- genium, et judicium, et memoriam exerceat, quemadmodum etiam latrunculorum et acierum.’— Opera, tom. i. p. 472, ed, 1555. And Peacham declares that he had seen Prench cards, the four suits of which represented the four quarters of the globe, the court cards being portraits of the sovereigns, &c,, in appropriate costume, ‘ which ingenious deuice,’ he says, ‘ cannot be but a great furtherance to a young capacitie,’ and adds with less show of reason, ‘and some comfort to the infortunate gamester when what he hath lost in money he shall have dealt him in land or wit.’— The Co 7 npleat Gentle?nan,^. 65. Lambert Daneau tells us that in his day the ‘ coatcards ’ were called by the name of Charlemagne, Lancelot, &c. ^ Burton, in the Anatomy of Melancholy, says ; ‘ Chesse play is a good exercise of the minde for some kinde of men, and fit for such melancholy, as Rhasis holds, as are idle, and haue extravagant impertinent thoughts or are troubled with cares, nothing better to distracte their mind and alter their medi¬ tations ; invented (some say) by the generall of an army in a famine, to keepe his souldiers from mutiny. But if it proceed from ouermuch study, in such a case it may doe more harme then good \ it is a game too troublesome for some men’s braines, too full of anxiety, all out as bad as study, and besides it is a testy cholericke game, and very offensiue to him that looseth the Mate.’—P. 230, ed. 1624. The Rhasis here mentioned is doubtless the Arabian writer referred to by Dr. Hyde, who, in his elaborate work on the origin and etymology of the game of chess, quotes two books, one entitled Apologeticus pro ludentibus al Shatrangj, and the other, De Arte Nerdiludii, the author of each being a certain ‘ Al Razi, qui vulgo Rasis dictus,’— Historia Shahiludii, pp. 182, 275, ed. 1694. James I. was apparently much of the same opinion as Burton, for in his instructions to his son he says: ‘ As for the chesse, I thinke it ouer fonde, because it is ouer wise and philosophicke a follie. For where all such light plaies are ordained to free men’s heads for a time from the fashions thoughts on their affaires, it by the contrarie filleth and troubleth men’s heads with as many fashions toyes of the playe, as before it was filled with thoughts on his affaires.’ — Ba at p. 425, ‘ sont les ceuls qui fassent mention de cet ouvrage.’ —Diet. Hist, sub voc, Murner, tom. ii. p. 98 note. Mr. Twiss says that these MSS. agree with one in the Brit. Mus. (Bibl. Reg. 12 E. xxi. P. 210), which ‘ appears to have been written about the year 1400,’ and ‘as it is the earliest MS. on the subject extant,’ he inserts a translation. The Editor, however, believes he is in a position to show that this ‘ moralisation,’ which has always hitherto been attributed toTnnocent III., was not in reality the work of that Pontiff. Dr. Hyde says ; ‘ Moralizatio Scaccarii quae ^^^^r^Innocentio HI. tribuitur, proculdubio scripta est ab aliquo ejusdem nominis Monacho Anglo, uti constat tarn ex aliis quam ex vocibus check et niayte, &c., quae Angliam, non vero Italiam redolent. ’•—P. 179. And he says that the Moralization is printed by Dr. Prideaux at the end of his Logic. This last appears to be a scarce work, and there is no copy of it in the B. M. Library, but by the courtesy of Mr. H. O. Coxe of the Bodleian Library the Editor has had an opportunity of seeing the passage referred to by Hyde, which is at p. 375 of Dr. Hypomnemata, Logica, Rhetorica, &c. Mr. Coxe, in answer to the Editor’s inquiries on the subject, says, ‘ There is no date to the work, but as it was printed by Lichfield it was probably between 1645-55.’ Hyde’s own book was printed in 1694. Dr. Prideaux says : ‘ Ob argumenti-similitudinem visum est subjicere Innocentii HI. de Scaccario Moralitates ex MSo. publicae Bibliothecae Oxoniensis, nunquam (quod sciam) antehac excusas,’ and then he gives in extenso^ ‘ Moralitas de Scaccario secundum Dominum Innocentium Tertium.’ Twiss gives at pp. 4-7 of vol. ii. of his work on chess a translation of the Brit. Mus. MS. above mentioned, and the Editor finds, on comparing this translation with the Oxford copy, that there are several points of difference. The Editor, however, on examining the work called Comtmmiloquium of Johannes Gallensis before men¬ tioned (pars i. distinctio 10, cap. 7) has discovered what he believes to be the original of the Morality attributed to Innocent. It is almost exactly like the MS. in the Brit. Mus., and differs but little from the Oxford. The whole passage occurs again in the Destrtcctorium of Alexander of Hales, who quotes it as the composition of a writer whom he calls indifferently Ruallensis and Vuallerensis (pars iv. cap. 23, fo. 124). Now this is especially interesting, for John of Galles has hitherto been assumed to have lived ‘about 1260,’ but Alexanderin 1245, therefore Johannes Gallensis must certainly have written the above work anterior to this latter date. Innocent HI. died in 1216, and the Moralization was no doubt written between 1216 and 1245 ; and as we know that John passed a considerable 288 THE GOVERNOUR. of more .estimation.^ Wherfore it is writen of Alexander, emperour of Rome, for his grauitie called SeueruSy'^ that in his chyldehode, and before he was taught the letters of greke or latine, he neuer exercised any other play or game, but only one, where in was a similitude of iustice, and therfore it was called in latine Ad Judices, whiche is in englisshe to the iuges.® But the forme therof is nat expressed by the sayde autor,^ portion of his life abroad, it is not unlikely that it should have been ascribed to the Pope, who was himself the author of numerous works. Anyhow, the author of the unhesitatingly ascribes the authorship of it to ‘ Vuallerensis,’ and on comparing the passage in the former with that in the Communiloquhim, no one can doubt that ‘Vuallerensis,’ ‘ Pmallensis ’ and ‘Gallensis’ are the same person. Moreover Oudin writes the same name indifferently Gualensis and Wallensis. It is not a little curious that on looking at the MS. in the B. M. the Editor found that it was bound up with another work of Johannes Gallensis, the Tractatus de Virtutibus. This, of course, maybe merely accidental. But it will be a satisfaction to the Editor if his researches are the means of showing, after the lapse of nearly two centuries, that the learned Dr. Hyde was right in suspecting the Pope’s Mora¬ lity to have been written by an Englishman, though not of the same name as the Pontiff. “ ‘Neque enim ita generati a natura sumus, ut ad ludum et jocum facti esse videamur, sed ad severitatem potius, et ad qusedam studia graviora atque majora.’ Cic. de Off. lib. i. cap 29. ^ This is a mistake of the author; the story is told by ^Elius Spartianus of Septimius Severus, not Alexander Severus. ® ‘ In prima pueritia priusquam Latinis Graecisque literis imbueretur, quibus eruditissimus fuit, nullum alium inter pueros ludum nisi ad judices exercuit, quum ipse prselatis fascibus ac securibus, ordine puerorum circumstante, sederet ac judicaret.’— His^. Ang. tom. i. p. 589, ed. 1671. ^ Although we do not know the precise nature of this game, yet from other sources we learn that it was the habit of children, then as now, to mimic the actions of their elders. Thus Trebellius Pollio uses the expression ‘ Pueri fingunt per ludibria potestates.’ See Hist. August, tom. ii. p. 194, ed. 1671. And Suetonius tells us that Nero ordered his stepson Rufius Crispinus to be drowned, ‘impuberem adhuc, quia ferebatur ducatus et imperia ludere.’— Nero,'^'^. Again, Plutarch in his life of Cato gives us a picture of the precocity of the children of those days. riaAiJ/ Se truyyevoDs twos kv yevedXlois KaX4aavTos 4 ttI Setirvov &\\ovs T€ TToidas Ka] tovs irep) Karcaua, crxoX^jv &yovT€S ep rwi fiepei rrjs oiKias iirai^ov avrol KaO’ eavTOvs ci.vapLepLiyp.4voi vedirepoi Ka\ TTpea^iTepoi, rh Se Trai^Spevov ^v Sfnai Kal Kareyoptai Koi aywyal rwv aXi(TKop4vc»}v .— Cato Minor, 2. This would seem to have resembled the ‘ playing at judges ’ alluded to in the text. Seneca enumerates various childish games. ‘ Non ideo quidquam inter illos puerosque interesse quis dixerit, quod illis talorum nucumque et seris minuti avaritia est, his auri THE GOVERNOUR. 289 nor none other that I haue yet radde; wherfore I wyll repaire aeaine to the residue of honest exercise. And for as moche as Galene, in his seconde boke of the preseruation of helth, declareth to be in them these qualities or diuersities, that is to say, that some be done with extendinge of myght, and as hit were violently, and that is called valiaunt exercise; some with swyfte or hasty motion, other with strength and celerite, and that maye be called vehement.^ The particular kyndes of euery of them he describethe, whiche were to longe here to be rehersed. But in as moche as he also saithe, that he that is of good astate in his body, ought to knowe the power and efifecte of euery exercise, but he nedethe nat to practise any other but that whiche is moderate and meane betwene euery extremite ; ^ I wil now brefely declare in what exercise nowe in custome amonge us, maye be mooste founde of that mediocritie, and maye be augmented or mynysshed at the pleasure of hym argentique et urbium ; quod illi inter ipsos magistratus gerunt, et prsetextam fascesque ac tribunal imitantur, hi eadem in canipo, foroque, et in curia serio ludunt; illi in litoribus arense congestu simulacra domuum excitant, hi ut magnum aliquid agentes, in lapidibus ac parietibus, et tectis moliendis occupati, ad tutelam corporum inventa in periculum verterunt?’— De Constantia Sapientis, cap. 12. And Chrysostom alludes to the ever favourite pastime of ‘ playing at soldiers ’ in his Homilies on the Corinthians. Ovx opare robs Traidas, orav Trai^ovres rd^iv TTOLwa'i, Koi (fTparidjTas, Kal Trpor]’yS>TaL auTOor, Ki^pvKes Koi pafibovxoi, Kol fiiaos 6 Trals eV ws TvaiBiKa, ra •yiuSpL^va ; —In Epist. I. ad Cor. Horn. i. (Migne ed. tom, x. p. i6,) “ ‘Jam singulas exercitationum seorsum persequi tempestivum videtur : illo proesertim prius significato, quod in his quoque complures differentiae inveniantur. Quippe interim aliam partem aliud alio magis exercitium fatigat. Et quaedam lente motis hunt, quondam ocyssime agitatis, et quaedam robore ac nixu adhibitis, quaedam sine his. Ad haec quaedam cum robore pariter et celeritate, quaedam languide. Ac quod violenter quidem sine velocitate exercetur, evTouov, id est valens voco ; quod violenter et cum celeritate, (T(pobp 6 v, id est vehemens.’’—De Sanit. tuend. lib. ii. fo. 30, ed. 1538. ^ ‘ Ergo gymnastes propositi nobis adulescentis utique qui optimum corporis statum est sortitus, omnium quidem exercitationum vires pernovit, deligit vero ex omni genere quod moderatum, mediumque inter utrumque excessum est .’—Did supra^ fo. 33, 1. 71. U 290 THE GOVERNOUR. that clothe exercise, without therby appairinge any part of dilectatioii or commodite therof. And in myn oppinion none may be compared with shoot- The com longe bowe, and that for sondry utilities vicndation that come therof, wherin it incomparably excelleth ofshottng. other exercise.^ For in drawyng of a bowe, easie “ Ascham in his Toxophilus, which was not written till several years after the publication of The Governour, credit to himself for being the first who had composed a treatise on the subject of archery. He says, complacently enough, ‘I am (I suppose) the first which hath said anything in this matter.’— Toxophilns, p. 5, ed. 1864. But it is not unreasonable to suppose that Sir Thomas Elyot’s commendation of the exercise, and the large space he devoted to it in his popular work, inspired Ascham with a desire to employ his own pen in furtherance of the same object, viz., the rescue of archery from the decay which was then imminent. This is, indeed, placed almost beyond doubt by the fact that he records a conver¬ sation on the subject with the author of The Governour. ‘As I was once in company with Sir Thomas Elyot, knight (which surely for his learning in all kind of knowledge, brought much worship to all the nobility of England), I was so bold to ask him, if he at any time had marked any thing as concerning the bringing in of shooting into England. He answered me gently again, he had a work in hand, which \iQ wxmQih. De rebus memorahilibus AngRce, which. I trust we shall see in print shortly, and for the accomplishment of that book, he had read and perused over many old monuments of England, and in seeking for that purpose he marked this of shooting in an exceeding old chronicle, the which had no name, that what time as the Saxons came first into this realm, in King Vortiger’s days, when they had been here a while, and at last began to fall out with the Britons, they troubled and subdued the Britons with nothing so much as with their bow and shafts, which weapon being strange and not seen here before, was wonderful terrible unto them : and this beginning I can think veiy well to be true, ’ — Toxophilus, p, 77. Upon this passage Mr. Roberts remarks in his English Bow¬ man, ‘ In support of what Sir Thomas Elyot notices, we may refer to an authority (probably the very authority alluded to by him), which is Henry of Huntingdon, who informs us that in the twenty-second year of the reign of Kenrick and Ceaulin (Saxon monarchs) a great battle was fought between the Saxons and English, in which the English disposed their archers {viris sagittariis) and light armed troops after the manner of the Romans ; this battle happened about the year 560.’— P. 10, ed. 1801. Mr. Roberts, however, must surely be mistaken in thinking that Henry of Huntingdon was the authority alluded to by Sir Thos. Elyot, for in the first place it is to be observed that the latter says it was ‘in King Vortiger’s days.’ Now Vortigern was killed A,D. 455, whereas the battle mentioned by Henry of Huntingdon was not fought till A.D, 552, and in the second place, the chronicle, according to Elyot, said it was the Saxons who subdued the Britons with their bow and shafts, and gave as a reason that it was ‘ a new and strange weapon ; ’ THE GOVERNOUR. 291 and congruent to his strength, he that shoteth dothe mode¬ rately exercise his armes, and the* ouer parte of his body ; and if his bowe be bygger, he must adde to more strength ; wherin is no lasse valiaunt exercise than in any other wherof Galene writeth. In shootynge at buttes, or brode arowe markes, is a me- diocritie of exercise of the lower partes of the body and legges, by goinge a litle distaunce a mesurable pase. At rouers dr prickes,^ it is at his pleasure that shoteth, but Henry says that it was the Britons who employed archers against the Saxons. Independently of these contradictions, however, it is hardly likely that Sir Thos. Elyot would speak of Henry of Huntingdon’s work, which was well known to, and much read by historians of the i6th century, although it was not printed till 1596, as ‘an exceeding old chronicle which had no name.’ But this description exactly applies to a translation of Higden’s Polychronicon, the Latin text of which, according to Dr, Babington, was never printed till it formed a part of the series of publications now being brought out under the direction of the Master of the Rolls, except certain portions which were printed by Gale in 1691, and which, therefore, were of course unknown in that form to Sir T. Elyot. Now in the i6th century the author of Polychronicon was ‘unknown.’ Dr. Babington says: ‘We may mention the names of Wycliffe, Purvey, and Thorpe among the Lollards ; also of John Capgrave, Richard of Cirencester, and Thomas of Elmham, among the chroniclers ; all of whom wrote before Caxton’s edition appeared in 1482. None of these authors, however, so far as I know, mention Higden by name.’—Introduc¬ tion, p, xliv. In Trevisa’s translation ‘ the name of Higden is not so much as mentioned in the MS. at all.’— Ubi supra^ p. Ivi. This MS., which is now printed by Dr. Babington for the first time, is preserved in the library of St. John’s College, Cambridge ; and the present Editor thinks it not unlikely that this may be the ‘ exceeding old chronicle ’ referred to by Sir Thos. Elyot, who, as the reader will see on referring to the life prefixed to the present work, must have had ample opportunity for ransacking the Cambridge libraries. Now there is a passage in Trevisa’s translation (vol, v. p. 263 Chron. and Mem. ed.) which, although really bearing quite a different interpretation, from the difficulty of reading it in the MS. may have appeared to Sir T. Elyot to refer to weapons of war. Moreover, at p. 273 of the same vol. it is said : ‘ Hengistus usede a newe manere of tresoun,’ and these passages occur before the narration of the death of Vortigern. For these reasons it seems probable that the chronicle referred to was not that of Henry of Huntingdon, but a translation of Polychronicon “ Carew, in his Survey of Cornwall, says : ‘To give you some taste of the Cornishmen’s former sufficiency that way, for long shooting, their shaft was a cloth yard, their pricks twenty-four score ; for strength they would pierce any ordinary armour: and one Master Robert Arundell (whom I well knew) could shoot twelve u 2 292 THE GOVERNOUR. howe faste or softly he listeth to go. And yet is the praise of the shooter neither more ne lasse, for as farre or nighe the marke is his arowe, whan he goethe softly, as whan he run¬ neth, Tenese, seldome used, and for a little space, is a good exer¬ cise for yonge men, but it is more violent than shoting, by reason that two men do play. Wherfore neither of them is at his owne libertie to measure the exercise.^ For if the one score with his right hand, with his left, and from behind his head. Lastly, for near and well-aimed shooting, buts made them perfect in the one, and roving in the other, for pricks, the first corrupter of archery, through too much preciseness, were then scarcely known, and little practised.’—P. 194, ed. 1811. Gervase Markham, who wrote in the reign of Elizabeth, says : ‘ The markes to shoote at are three—Butts, Pricks, or Roauers. The Butte is a leuell marke, and therefore would haue a strong arrowe with a very broad feather; the Pricke is a mark of compasse, yet certaine in the distance, therefore would have nimble, strong arrowes with a middle feather, all of one weight and flying ; and the Roauer is a marke incertaine, sometimes long, sometimes short, and therefore must haue arrowes lighter or heauier, according to the distance of place.’— Counhy Contentments, p. 108, ed. 1615. And Ascham says : ‘Methinks that the customable shooting at home, specially at butts and pricks, make nothing at all for strong shooting, which dotli most good in war.’— Toxophilus, p. 82, ed. 1864. Drayton, describing Robin Hood and his band, says : ‘ Of archery they had the very perfect craft. With Broad-arrow, or But, or Prick, or Rouing shaft. At Markes full fortie score, they used to Prick and Roue, Yet higher then the breast, for Compasse neuer stroue.’ Polyolbion, Song xxvi. p. 122, ed. 1622. The prick or(Saxon) was the mark in the centre of the target, and prick- shafts are arrows considerably lighter than those used in other kinds of shooting. By Statute 33 Henry VIII. cap. 9 it was enacted, ‘that noe man under thage of xxiv yeres shall shoote at any standinge pricke except it be at a Rover, whereat he shall chaunge at every shoote his marke, uppon payne for everye shoote doinge the contrarie fower pence ; and that noe person above the saide age of xxiv yeres shall shoote at any marke of a leaven (xi) score yardes or under, with anye prick shafte or height, under the peyne to forfeyt for everie shoote six shillings and eight pence.’ Sir John Maundevile, who wrote in the fourteenth century, in his description of Tartary, says : ‘ Men of that contree ben alle gode Archeres, and schooten righte welle, bothe men and women, als wel on Hors bak, prykynge, as on Fote, rennynge.’— Voiage and Travaile, p. 301, ed. 1727. “ This seems always to have been a fashionable game. Henry VHI. was veiy fond of this, as he was of all manly sports. Sebastian Giustinian, in his report of ' THE GOVERNOUR. 293 stryke the balle harde, the other that intendeth to receyue him, is than constrained to use semblable violence, if he wyll England to the Venetian Senate, speaking of the king, who was then twenty-nine years old (a.d. 1519), says, after describing his passion for field sports : ‘ He was also fond of tennis, at which game it was the prettiest thing in the world to see him play ; his fair skin glowing through a shirt of the finest texture.’— Cal. of Slat. Papers {^Venetian), vol. ii. p, 559. In the Privy Purse Expenses there are nu¬ merous items of sums lost by the king at this game. And Hall tells us that in the second year of his reign he ‘ was moche entysed to playe at tennes and at dice, which appetite certayn craftie persones about hym perceyuynge, brought in Fi'ench- men and Lombardes, to make wagers with hym, and so he lost moch money ; but when he perceyued their crafte, he exchuyd their compaignie, and let them go. ’ However, twelve years latex*, the same chronicler recoi'ds the fact that ‘ the kyng and the Emperor played at tennice, at the Bayne, against the pi'inces of Oi*enge and the Marques of Brandenborow, and on the Princes syde stopped the Erie of De- uonshyi-e, and the lorde Edmond on the other syde, and they departed euen handes on bo the sydes after eleven games fully played,’— Chronicle, vol. ii. fo, 98 b. ed. 1548. The Emperor above-mentioned was Chas. V,, for whom the king had i-e- built his ‘newe palace of Brydewell,’ of which ‘ the Bayne’ formed a part. When Whitehall become a royal residence, the king, according to Stow, built ‘ divei's fair Tennis-courts, Bowling-allies, and a cock-pit out of certain old tenements,’— Survey of London, lib. vi. p. 6, ed. 1720. But the royal example notwithstanding, we find tennis enumerated amongst the ‘ unlawful games ’ which were prohibited by statute in 1541. The reason of this sevei'ity was doubtless the excessive gambling which the game encouraged, and which is so strongly I'eprobated by Pm-itan wi*iters at the end of the century, Northbi'ooke, however, whilst inveighing against cards, dice, &c., classes tennis with chess amongst ‘ hoixest and lawful games,’ so that they be played ‘ at conuenient times and that modei*ately without any excesse,’— Treatise against Dieeplay, p. 98. Peacham, describing the amuse¬ ments of the French, says : ‘Their exercises are for the most part Tennise play, Pallemaile, shooting in the Crossebow or Peece, and Dancing,’— Compleat Gentle¬ man, p. 204. TheyW^ de paume, howevei*, which answered to our Fives, was more popular in France than tennis. James the First, amongst the exercises which he would have his soix ‘ to use, although but moderately, not making a craft of them,’ recommends ‘playing at the caitche or tennise.’ —BaaiAiKhu Acopor, lib. iii. p. 121, ed. 1603. Daneau, the Fi'ench wi’iter previously quoted, whose ti'eatise was translated by Thomas Newton in 1586, after laying it down that money won at play could not be recovered at law, makes an exception in favour of money won at ‘ the Tenise play, (which hath found so much fauour to be spe¬ cially pi'iuiledged in some cities and places, by the priuate lawes of their countrey) that if a man do winne thereat some little portion or smal pittaunce of money (as namely a groate, or sixe pence, or thereaboutes), he may iudicially demaund and recouer the same. Which Play seemeth hei*eupon to haue found this special 1 fauour, for that there is in it (as Galene affirmeth) an excellent good and wholesome 294 THE GOVERNOUR. retourne the balle from whens it came to him. If it trille fast on the grounde, and he entendeth to stoppe, or if it rebounde a great distaunce from hym, and he wolde eftesones retourne it, he can nat than kepe any measure in swiftnesse of mocion. Some men wolde say, that in mediocritie, whiche I haue so exercise of the bodie, and no lesse Industrie of the mynde.’— Treatise touch¬ ing Dyceplay. As showing how popular the game once was in this country, the reader will be surprised to find an allusion to it in a most unlikely quarter, viz, the dry and somewhat pedantic work of Nathaniel Bacon, intitled An His¬ torical and Political Discourse of the Laws and Government of England, where, speaking of the changes introduced by the Danes into the Saxon commonwealth, he says : ‘ And as at Tennis, the Dane and Bishop “ served” each other with the fond countryman, that whether Lord Dane or Lord Bishop was the greater burthen is hard to be determined.’—P. 69, ed. 1760. Ludovicus Vives gives the fol¬ lowing description of the game as played in Spain in the i6th century : ‘ Cabanillius. “ Hac inde ad sphseristerium Barzii, seu mavis Masconorum.” Borgia, “ In Gallia habetisne ad hunc modum ludos in publico?” Scintilla. “De aliis Gallise urbibus non possem tibi respondere; Lutetiae scio nullum esse, sed in private multa, velut in suburbiis Divi Jacobi, D, Marcelli, D. Germani.” Cab. ‘ ‘ Et in ipsa civitate famosissimum, quod vocant Bracchae. ” Bor. ‘ ‘ Luditur eadem illic ratione, qua hic?” S. “ EMem prorsum, nisi quod magister ludi praebet illic calceos et pileos lusorios.” B, “ Cujusmodi sunt ? ” S. “ Calcei sunt coactilitii.” B. “Non essent hlc utiles.” C. “Videlicet in via lapidosa, in Erancia vero et Belgica luditur super pavimenlum lateribus constratum, planum, et aequabile.” S. “ Pilei sunt aestate leviores, in hyeme autem crassi, profundi, cum offendice sub mento, ne in agitatione vel elabantur ex capite, vel decidant in oculos.” B. “ Offendimento hic non utimur, nisi quum est ventus vehementior, sed quales habent pilas?” S. “Nullos fere folles ut hic ; sed sphaerulas minores vestratibus, et multo duriores, ex corio albo ; tomentum est, non ut in vestris, lanugo e pannis tonsa, sed pili fere canini, eamque ob causam raro luditur palma.” B. “ Quomodo ergo percutiunf pilam ? pugno ut folles?” S. “ Ne sic quidem sed reticulo.” B. “ Confecto ex filo?” S. “Ex fidibus crassiusculis, quales fere sunt sextae in testudine, habent funem tensum et reliqua ut hic in ludis domes- ticis. Sub funem misisse globum, vicium est seu peccatum. Signa sunt bina, seu mavis metas. Numeri quaterni, quindecim, triginta, quadraginta quinque, seu ante- gressio, ^qualitas numerorum ; victoria quae est duplex, ut cum dicitur vicimus sig- num, et vicimus ludum. Pila autem vel ex volatu remittitur, vel ex primo resultu, ex secundo enim ictus est invalidus, et ibi fit signum, ubi pila est percussa.” ’— Opera, tom, i. p. 5I5 ed- 1555 ’ somewhat singular that Strutt makes no allusion to this chapter of The Governour, and indeed, like many other modern writers, he seems to have overlooked this most interesting picture of i6th century life and manners. THE GOVERNOUR. 295 moche praised in shootynge, why shulde nat boulynge, claisshe, pylines, and koytyng be as mocHe commended ? ^ Verily as for two the laste, be to be utterly abiected of al noble men, in like wise foote balle,^ wherin is nothinge but beastly furie “ The origin of the word ‘ claisshe ’ or ‘ closh ’ is lost in obscurity. Strutt says it was exceedingly like the game called kayles, which seems to have re¬ sembled that now known as ‘ nine pins, ’ and which is probably referred to by Sir Thomas Elyot under the designation of ‘pynnes.’ For ‘bowlinge, Coytinge, Cloyshe and Gayles ’ are mentioned together as ‘ unlawfull games ’ in 33 Hen. VIII. cap. 9. In another section of the same statute this word is spelt ‘ clashe.’ In 1389 an Act was passed (12 Ric. II. cap. 6) forbidding ‘les jeues as pelotes si bien a meyn come a pice, etles auti'es jeues appellez coytes, dyces, gettre de pere, keyles et autres tielx jeues importunes,’ which in the English translations of the statutes appears as ‘ all playing at Tennis or Football and other games called Coits, Dice, Casting of the Stone, Kailes, and other such importune games.’ This prohibition was re-enacted by 2 Henry IV. cap. 4, but in 17 Edw. IV. cap. 3, Closh and Kailes are described as being ‘ new imagined games. ’ In Cotgrave’s Diet, the French word Quille is translated ‘a keyle, a big peg, a pin of wood used at ninepins or keyles,’ which sufficiently indicates the origin of the term. ^ James I., whilst commending some athletic exercises to the notice of his son as suitable for a young Prince, says, ‘ But from this count I debarre all rough and violent exercise, as the foot ball, meeter for laming than making able the users thereof .’—BaenMKhv Aoipou, lib. hi. p. 120, ed. 1603. It is'curious that Strutt, who quotes this passage twicej viz. at pp. xv. and 80, prints ‘ court ’ for ‘ count, ’ which seems a very unnecessary correction ; as the game, quite apart from the King’s dis¬ couragement of it, is unlikely to have been patronised by courtiers. The King, however, had manifestly read, marked, and inwardly digested T/ie Governoiir before sitting down to transcribe these precepts for the benefit of his son. Carew, whose S2irvey of Cornwall was first published in 1602, gives an elaborate descrip¬ tion of ‘ Hurling,’ which appears to have resembled the game of Football, as played at Rugby in the nineteenth century, and he calls it ‘ A play, verily, both rude and rough, and yet such as is not destitute of policies, in some sort resembling the feats of war ; for you shall have companies laid out before, on the one side, to encounter them that come with the ball, and of the other party to succour them, in manner of a foreward.The ball in this play may be compared to an infernal spirit, for whosoever catch eth it, fareth straightways like a madman, struggling and fight¬ ing with those that go about to hold him; and no sooner is the ball gone from him, but he resigneth this fury to the next receiver, and himself becometh peaceable as before. I cannot well resolve, whether I should more commend this game for the manhood and exercise, or condemn it for the boisterousness and harms which it begetteth ; for as on the one side it makes their bodies strong, hard, and nimble, and puts a courage into their hearts to meet an enemy in the face, so on the other j)art it is accompanied with many dangers, some of which do ever fall to the players share: for proof whereof, when the Huriing is ended, you shall see them retiring 296 THE GOVERNOUR. and exstreme violence ; wherof procedeth hurte, and conse¬ quently rancour and malice" do remaine with them that be wounded ; wherfore it is to be put in perpetuall silence.^ In classhe is emploied to litle strength ; ^ in boulyng often times to moche ; ® wherby the sinewes be to moche strayned, and the vaines to moche chafed. Wherof often tymes is sene to ensue ache, or the decreas of strength or agilitie in the armes : where, in shotyng, if the shooter use the strength of home as from a pitched battle, with bloody pates, bones broken, and out of joint, and such bruises as serve to shorten their days ; yet all is good play, and never attorney nor coroner troubled for the matter.’—Pp. 197, 198. “ In Scotland it was thought necessary to suppress football and golf, in order to promote the practice of archeiy. The Parliament of James II., in 1458, ‘ decreed and ordained that the displays of weapons be held by the lords and barons, spiritual and temporal, four times in the year, and that the foot ball and golf be utterly cried down, and not to be used.’—Pinkerton’s Hist, of Scot. vol. i. p. 426, ed. 1797- Misson, who travelled in England in the 17th cen¬ tury, and afterwards published the result of his observations, says : ‘ En hyver le Foot-ball est un exercise utile et charmant. C’est un balon de cuir, gros comme la tete, et rempli de vent; cela se balotte avec le pied dans ies rues par celui qui le pent attraper ; il n’y a point d’autre science.’— Memoires et Observations faitespar tm Voyagenr, p. 255, ed. 1698. Strutt says that this game was ‘ played with pins, which were thrown at with a bowl instead of a truncheon, and probably differed only in name from the nine¬ pins of the present time.’— Sports and Pastimes, p. 202, ed. 1801. ® Markham says : ‘ There is another recreation, which howsoeuer unlawfull in the abuse thereof, yet exercised with moderation is euen of Physicions them- selues helde exceeding wholsome, and hath beene prescribed for a recreation to great Persons, and that is bowling ; in which a man shall finde great art in choosing out his ground, and preuenting the winding, hanging, and many turning ad- uantages of the same, whether it bee in open wilde places or in close allies ; and in this sport the chusing of the bowle is the greatest cunning ; your flat bowles being the best for allies, your round byazed bowles for open grounds of aduan- tage, and your round bowles like a ball for green swarthes that are plaine and leuell.’— Country Contentments, lib. i. p. 108, ed. 1615. The game, however, seems to have been attended with certain disadvantages when played in town, for Gosson says, ‘ Common Bowling Allyes are priuy Mothes that eate uppe the credite of many ydle Citizens, whose gaynes at home are not able to weighe downe theyr losses abroade, whose shoppes are so farre from maintaining their play, that their wiues- and children cry out for bread and go to bed supperlesse ofte in the yeere. ’ —Schoole of Abuse, p. 45. And Whetstone speaks of ‘ these shames of good citi¬ zens’ who ‘ trade but to a dyeing house, or at the furthest trauail to a bowling alley.’ —Mirronrfor Magistrates, p. 29, ed. 1584. THE GO VERNOUR. 297 his bowe within his owne tiller,“ he shal neiier be therwith grieued or made more feble. Also in shootyng is a double utilitie, wherin it excelleth all other exercises and games incomparably.^ The one is that it is, and alway hath ben, the moste excellent artillerie for warres,® wherby this realme of Englande hath bene “ Barwick, ‘un vieux mousqvietaire ’ of the sixteenth century, who advocated the use of firearms in opposition to Sir John Smythe, says ; ‘But as touching the certaintie of shooting at markes or enemies, let it be with Harquebuze or musket, considered but with the archer himselfe -.whether a Cros-bowe or a Long-bowe in a Tyller shoot more certainely, either at marke orpricke, than dooth the Long-bowe that from the hand of the bowman is deliuered ; and then I thinke it will be allowed, that when the Harquebuze or musket do take the leuel from the button of his sight unto the pin in the fore ende of his peece, that he may shoote with more and surer leuell then can either loose Long-bowe, Tillcr-bavoe, or Cros-bowe, and spe« cially the musket, who hath his rest to stay his peece upon right steadfastly.’— Discourse concerning Weapons of Fire, p. 11. In an account of a procession Sept. 17, 1583, we are told that there were forty pages, ‘ every one bearing a tiller- 60ZU or cross-bow, and broad arrows in their hands.’—Roberts, English Bozvman, p. 261, ed. 1801. ^ The King himself was a first-rate shot, a fact which is corroborated by several independent witnesses. Paulus Jovius the Italian says: ‘Nemo ipso Rege Britannicum ingentem arcum contentius flexit, nemo certius atque validius sagit- tavit.’— Descript. Brit. fo. i 8 b. And John Taylor, clerk of the Parliament, tells us in his Diary which he kept whilst he was with the English army in France, in 1513, that three ambassadoi's came to the king, ‘ who was practising archery in a garden with the archers of his guard. He cleft the mark in the middle, and surpassed them all, as he surpasses them in stature and personal graces.’—Brewer’s Lett, and Pa. vol. i. p. 623. These archers were part of the king’s bodyguard, every gentleman ‘ spere ’ being obliged to furnish ‘ two good archers, well horsed and harnessed,’ and these archers were only to be appointed after personal presentation to His Majesty. See Grose’s Mil. Antig'. vol. i. p. no, note, ed. 1812. ' Ascham, in the Toxophihis, says : ‘ Artillery, now-a-days, is taken for two things, guns and bows.’—P. 55, ed. 1864. In the old ballad of Robin Hood and the Curtail Fryer it is said— ‘ Then some would leape, and some would runne, And some would use artillery ; “ Which of you can a good bow draw, A good archer for to be ? ’ ”—Ritson’s Collect, vol. ii. p. 62, ed. 1832. The word was, of course, introduced from France. So far as the editor has been able to ascertain, the first occasion on which it is used in the Statutes of the Realm is in the title of the Act 33 Hen. VHI. cap. 9, which was passed in 1541- The origin of the Artillery Company shows that the word v-as at first applied to 298 THE GOVERNOUR. nat only best defended from outwarde hostilitie, but also in other regions a fewe englisshe archers haue ben seene to preuayle agayne people innumerable,^ also wonne 7 nanual weapons, for Stow informs us that ‘King Hen. VIII., anno regni 29, granted by patent to Sir Christopher Morris, Maister of his Ordinance, Anthony Knevyt and Peter Mewtas, Gentlemen of his Privy Chamber (who were overseers of the Fraternity or Guild of St. George), that they should be overseers of the science of artillery, that is for long bows, cross bows, and hand guns.’—Stow’s Smvey of I.ondon, lib, i, p. 250, M. Daniel traces the origin of the word to the Latin ars, artis, ‘parce qu’il y avoit beaucoup d’artifice dans ces machines,’ and he quotes from a document which he calls a ‘ statute ’ of Edward II, King of England, but which in the margin is styled De Officio SenescaUi Aqtiitanice, the follovang ap¬ plication of the term : ‘ Item ordinatum est, quod sit unus artillator, qui faciat ballistas, carellos, arcos, sagittas, lanceas, spiculas, et alia arma necessaria pro garnisionibus castrorum.’ And he calls attention to the fact that in France the title of Grand Master or Master of Artillery was in use long before the invention of fire-arms.’— Hist, de la Milice Franqoise, tom. i. p. 143, ed. 1724, “ Sir John Smythe, a veteran of the i6th century and an enthusiastic admirer of the long bow, gives in his Discourses upon Weapons,, published in 1590, several instances of this, begimring with the battle of Crecy, where the French ‘ were six at the least, for euerie one of the English; ’ Poitiers, where the English army num¬ bered only 8,000, ‘of the which there were 6,000 Archers and 2,000 armed men,’ whilst the French army consisted of ‘ aboue threescore thousand horsemen and footmen, of the which there were aboue 10,000 men at armes, and of horsemen of all sorts aboue 30,000.’ ‘ The famous victorie and battaile of Agincourt also, of later years fought by King Henry the fift against the whole power of France, doth euidentlie shewe the most excellent effectes and execution of Archers, where with the grace of God and incredible voices of arrowes, the French king’s army was ouei'thrown, which consisted of aboue 40,000 horsemen and footmen, of the which there were 10,000 men at armes, all knightes, esquiers, and gentlemen; whereas King Henrie’s army did consist but of 10,000 Archers, 1,500 Launces, and 2,000 footmen of other weapons. ’ To descend to skirmishes, this writer tells us Jhat ‘ in King Henrie the Sixts time, John Lord of Bellay, being accompanied with 200 Launces at the least, and taking his way to a towne called Mans, met by chaunce with an English Captaine, called Berry, that had to the number ,of fourscore Archers, who, perceiuing the French men, presentlie reduced his men into a “hearse,” turning their backes to a hedge, because the Launces might not charge them in back, but onlie in frunt, and so giuing their voices of arrowes at the French Launces charging, did so wound and kill their horses, that they ouerthrewe them, and slewe and tooke diuers of them prisoners.’ On another occasion, ‘ Sixe score (French) launces charged sixteene or twentie English archers, when the voices of arrowes of those fewe Archers wrought such notable effect against the French horsmen that they brake and ouerthrew them, in such sort that there were diuers of the French slaine and taken prisoners.’—P. 31-34. THE GOVERNOUR. 299 inpreignablc cities and stronge holdes, and kepte them in the myddes of the strength of their enemies. This is the feate, wherby englisshe men haue ben most dradde and had in estimation with outwarde princes, as well enemies as alies.^ And the commoditie therof hath bene approued as “ Philip de Comines, in the preceding century, speaking of archers, said ; ‘ Mon ad vis est que la souveraine chose du mondepour les batailles, sont les Archiers; mais qu’ils soient a milliers (car en petit nomhre ne valent rien), et que ce soient gens mal montez, a ce qu’ils n’ayent point de regret k perdre leurs chevaux, ou du tout n’en ayent point : et valent mieux pour un jour en cet office ceux qui jamais ne veirent rien, que les bien exercitez. Et aussi telle opinion tiennent les Anglois, qiii sont la fleur des Archiers dti 7?ionde.'’ — Afhnoires, tom. i. p. 22, ed. 1706. Barbaro, the Venetian ambassador at the Court of Henry VIII., in his report to the Senate on the English army, wrote that ‘ The infantry is formed of taller men (than the light cavalry), and divided into four sorts. The first is of archers, who abound in England, and are very excellent both by nature and from practice, so that the archers alone have often been seen to rout armies of 30,000 men.’— Cal. St. Fap. {Venetian), vol. v. p. 350. In 1507 the Spanish ambassador in England wrote to Ferdinand that ‘ the manner of fighting as practised by the English is very pecu¬ liar, and very well calculated for a war in Africa. They use bows and arrows with wonderfull dexterity. It is believed in England that the English bowmen could, in a few years, conquer the whole of Africa.’— Cal. St. Pa. {Spanish), vol. i. p. 438. It is curious, however, to read King Ferdinand’s opinion a few years afterwards, viz., in 1513, that ‘ English soldiers are strong and courageous, but for a long time past they have not been accustomed to warlike operations. If English archers were intennixed with German pikemen, they would certainly render good service; but it is not probable that English archers alone could resist German troops in a pitched battle .’—Ubi supra, vol. ii. p. 94. The French historian, Gabriel Daniel, in his description of the battle of Agincourt, calls the English archers ‘ milice redoubtable, et qui n’avoit point d’egale en son espece dans les autres nations,’ and says that they received the charge of the French cavalry '^avec une grele effroyable de fleches.’ He also mentions that ‘ Ces Archers etoient armez a la legere, etmarchoient lestement,’— Histoh'e de France, tom. iii. pp. 873, 874, ed. 1720. The Italian, Paulus Jovius, in his Description of Britain, written in 1548, says : ‘Hac una proelii ratione Joannes Gallim Rex, apud I’ictavos ingenti praelio victus captusque est, et Philippus ad Sammorabrinam accepta magna clade profligatus, apparuitque ea in pugna sagittarios Figures, qui scorpionibus arc^uferreis uterentur, quo teli genere atque animis hostibus pares videri possent, neque vi neque celeritate Anglis fuisse comparandos. ’—P. 17. In 1554 Giacomo Soranzo, who had been ambassador at the court of Edw. VI,, reports to the Venetian Senate, that the English army consists of archers, ‘all the English being, as it were by nature, most expert bowmen, inasmuch as not only do they practise archery for their pleasure, but also to enable them to serve 300 THE COVERNOUR. ferre as Hierusalem ; as it shall appiere in the lines of Richarde the firste, and Edwarde the firste, kynges of Englande, who made seuerall iournayes to recouer that holy citie of Hieru¬ salem in to the possession of christen men, and achieued them honorablye, the rather by the powar of this feate of shootynge.^ their King, so that they have often secured victory for the armies of England.’— Cc7l. SL Pa. {Venetian), vol. v. p. 548, ® The Itinerariwn Regis Ricardi, which was formerly attributed to Geoffrey Vinsauf, but is now considered to have been written by Richard, Canon of the Holy Trinity in Aldgate, and formerly in the service of the Tem¬ plars, contains the most complete account in existence of the Crusade in which Richard took part, and was clearly the work of an eye-witness. . Archers are frequently mentioned, armed both with long bows and cross-bows. The King himself appears to have been as expert with the latter weapon as he was with the sword, and there is a graphic account of an incident which occurred during the siege of Acre, when a sort of duel took place between a Parthian archer and a Welshman, originating in the admiration of the latter’s skill by his adversary, who challenged the crusader to mortal combat, the result being that the challenger was slain. The author of the Itinerariwn bears frequent testimony to the value of the archers, and especially at the battle of Arsuf, Sept. 7, A.D. 1191, when, acting as rear-guard, they faced about and repelled the attack of the Turks. His description is as follows : ‘ O quam necessarii fuerunt ea die validis- simi balistarii et sagittarii, satellites rigidissimi, qui concludentes extremitatem exercitus, continuis pilorum jactibus, in quantum dabatur, Turcorum retundebant pertinaciam. Tota quidem ilia die, quia Turci imminebant a tergo, apud eos versa facie itinere prsepostero potiiis viam carpendo quam eundo proficiebant. ’— Chron. and Mem. of Rich. I. vol. i. pp. 263, 264. The nationality, however, of the bowmen, except in the instance mentioned above, is not recorded. It is probable, however, that they were English or Normans, and there is a description of the disposition of the troops at the battle of Joppa, Aug. 5, A.D. 1192, which seems to anticipate the plan pursued by the English infantry in the present century, when the rear rank men in squares loaded the muskets of their front rank : ‘ Rex, armorum peritissi- mus, inter quoslibet duos sic se clypeis protegentes unum statuit balistarium, et alterum juxta ipsum, qui protensam expeditius jugiter aptaret balistam, ut videlicet unius esset officium balistam tendendi, et alterius jugiter pila jaciendi.’— Ubi supra, p. 416. The Editor has been unable to find any account of feats performed by archers in the Crusade of Edw. I. None such are mentioned by Matthew of West¬ minster. Maimbourg says that Edward arrived at Ptolemais in May, A.D. 1271, with only 300 Knights, English and French {Hist, of the Crtcsades, p. 402, ed. 1686). Marinus Sanutus, speaking of the same campaign, says : ‘ In ipso itinere Anglici, calore nimio, et intemperantia fructuum et mellis gravati nimis, in multi- tudine periere.’— Lib. Secret. Fidel. Crncis, p. 224, ed. vi6ii. Dr. Idngard says : ‘ With every exertion he could never collect more than seven thousand men under THE GOVERNOUR. 301 The premisses considered, O what cause of reproche shall the decaye of archers be to us nowe liuyng? Ye what irre- cuperable damage either to us or them in whose time nede of semblable defence shall happen ? Whiche decaye,though we all redy perceiue, feare, and lament, and for the restauryng therof cesse nat to make ordinances, good lawes, and statutes,’’ his standard, a force too inconsiderable to venture far from the coast.’— Hist, of Eng. vol. ii. p. 505. The fact is our accounts of Edward’s Crusade are singularly meagre, and we have nothing at all like the interesting memorial of the first Richard’s expedition. Sir John Smythe says : ‘I might also alledge, for the ex- cellencie of Archers, the most wondei'full victorie wonne by King Richard the first in the holy land ; where, being Generali of the Christian armie, by the grace of God and wonderfull effect of his English Archers, he in a most famous battaile ouerthrewe that braue Saladin, Souldan of Egipt, with his notable milicia of Mamelucks (by many called Sarasins) and all the rest of his armie, which did consist of an innumerable number of horsemen and footmen, Turks and Arabians.’ —Discotirses on Weapons, p. 33, ed. 1590. Gibbon says that when Richard re¬ lieved Jaffa, ‘ sixty thousand Turks and Saracens fled before his arms. The dis¬ covery of his weakness provoked them to return in the.morning ; and they found him carelessly encamped before the gates with only seventeen knights and three hundred archers.’— Decline and Fall of Rom. E^np. vol. vii. jd. 265, ed. 1855. “ Harrison, in his Description of England, which was written in 1587, be¬ moans this sad fact. ‘In times past,’ he says, ‘the cheefe force of England consisted in their long bowes. But now we haue in maner generallie giuen ouer that kind of artillerie, and for long bowes in deed doo practise to shoot com- passe for our pastime: which kind of shooting can neuer yeeld anie smart stroke, nor beate downe our enemies, as our countrie men were woont to doo at euerie time of need. Certes the Frenchmen and Rutters {i.e. Routiers or foreign mercenaries, see Hist, de la Milice Fran^oise, tom. i. p. 104) deriding our new archerie in respect of their corslets, ^vill not let in open skirmish, if any leisure serue, to turne up their tailes and crie. Shoot, English, and all bicause our strong shooting is decaied and laid in bed. But if some of our Englishmen nowe lined that serued King Edward the third in his warres with France, the breech of such a varlet should haue beene nailed to his bum with one arrow, and an other fethered in his bowels, before he should haue turned about to see who shot the first.’—P. 198. Even twenty years before the publication of The Goventour, viz. in 15 ii, an act had been passed ‘Concerning shooting in Longe Bowes,’ the preamble of which asserted that ‘ Archerie and shotyng in long bowes is right litell used, but dayly mynessheth, decayth, and abateth more and more,’ and the cause is stated to be ‘ that much partey of the comminalte and parell of the Realme, wherby of old tyme the grete nombreand substaunce of Archers hath growen and multiplied, be not of power nor abilite to bye theym longbowes of ewe to excersice shotyng 302 THE GOVERNOUR. yet who effectuelly puttethe his hande to continual execution of the same lawes and prouisions ? or beholdyng them dayly in the same, and to susteyne the contynuall charge therof,’ for, it is also alleged that ‘bymeanesand occasion of custuniable usaige of Teynes Play, Bowles, Classhe, and other unlawfull games, prohibett by many good and beneficiall esta- tiites by auctorite of parliament in that behalf provided and made, grete im- poverisshement hath ensued.’ But towards the end of this reign the increased use of crossbows and handguns caused practise with the long bow to fall into still greater disuse, so that it was deemed necessary again to interfere and endeavour to revive the ancient exercise by legislation. Accordingly, in the 33rd year of the King’s reign, A.D. 1541, two statutes directed to this object were passed, the first being entitled an ‘ Acte concerning Crossbows and Handguns,’ and the second an ‘ Acte for mayntenance of artyllarie and debarringe of unlawful games. ’ In the preamble to the former it is stated that ‘ divers gentlemen, yomen and servingmen nowe of late have layde aparte the good and laudable exercise of the longebowe, whiche alwaye heretofore hathe bene the suertie, savegarde, and contynuall de fence of this Realme of Englande, and an inestimable dread and terror to the enemyes of the same’ (33 Hen. VHI. c. 6). Previously, however, to these statutes, viz. in 1514, an act (6 Hen. VHI. cap. 13) had been passed ‘for avoidyng shoting in Crosbowes, ’ the preamble of which states that ‘the King’s subjects daily delite them selfes in shoting of Crosbowes, wherby shoting in long bowes is the lesse iised, and diverse good estatutes for reformacion of the same have been made and had, and that notwithstanding, many and diverse, not regarding nor fering the penalties of the said estatutes, use daily to shote in Crosbowes and hand gonnes, wherby the King’s dere and other Lords of this his Realme ar distroid, and shalbe daily more and more onlesse remedie therfore be provyded.’ Lord Her¬ bert of Cherbury makes the following comment upon this : ‘Notwithstanding the use of Caleevers or Hand-guns (for muskets were not yet known), it was thought fit to continue the Bow. Wherein I cannot but commend the constancy, if not wisdom of those times ; it being certain that when he that carries the Ca- leever goes unarm’d, the arrow will have the same effect within its distance that the bullet, and can again for one shot return two. Besides, as they used their Halberts with their Bow, they could fall to execution on the enemy with great advantage. I cannot deny yet but against the Pike they were of less force than the Caleevers. Therefore I believe the meaning of these times was, to command it as an exercise to the common people, and for the rest reserve it for those occasions when they might be of use. Howsoever, Hand-guns and Cross-bows were forbidden under certain penalties to all men that had less than 500 marks per annum .’—Life of Henry VIII. p. 23, ed. 1706. In another place the author last quoted puts into the mouths of some of those who spake at ‘the council table’ when the question of a war with France was discussed in 15ii, the fol lowing arguments : ‘What though with our 12,000 or 15,000 we have oft de¬ feated their armies of 50,000 or 60,000? Stands it with reason of war to expect the like success still? Especially since the use of arms is changed, THE GOVERNOUR. 303 broken, wynketh nat at the offendours ? O mercifull god, howe longe shall we be mockers of our selfes ? Howe longe shall we skorne at our one calamitie ? whiche, bothe with the eien of our mynde, and also our bodily eien, we se.dayly im¬ minent, by neglectyng our publike weale, and contemnynge the due execution of lawes and ordinaunces. But I shall herof more speake in an other place; and retourne nowe to the seconde utilitie founde in shotyng in the longe bowe, whiche is killyng of deere, wilde foule, and other game, wherin is bothe profite. and pleasure aboue any other artillery. And verily I suppose that before crosse bowes and hand gunnes were brought into this realme, by the sleighte of our enemies,^ to thentent to destroye the noble defence of archery, continuell use of shotynge in the longe bowe made the feate and for the Bow (proper for men of our strength) the Caleever begins to be generally received. Which, besides that it is a more costly weapon, requireth a long practice, and may be managed by the weaker sort.’— Ubi supra^ p. 8. It appears that the price of a ‘ hand gun, with a bottle and mould to each, ’ was ‘ qj’. the piece ’ (Brewer, vol. i. p. 432), whilst in 1541 it was enacted that no bowyer should sell any bow ‘of Ewe ’ for boys between the ages of eight and fourteen above the price of I2d,, but bowyers were to have bows ‘of ewe’ of all prices from sixpence to twelve pence ‘ for youthe ’ {i. e. from seven to fourteen), and for youths between the ages of fourteen and twenty-one they were to provide bows of yew ‘ at reasonable prices.’ It is obvious, however, that ‘ arms of precision ’ were gradually usurping the place of the once famous long bowe. ‘On se servitbeaucoup plus des Arbaletes que des Arcs, parce que les fleches etoient lancees avec plus de force par I’Arbalete.’— Hist, de la Milice Fran^oise, tom. i. p. 309. “ Iklr. Grose tells us that ‘ the first introduction of hand-guns into this kingdom was in the year 1471, when King Edward IV., landing at Ravenspurg, in York¬ shire, brought with him, among other forces, three hundred Flemings, armed with “ Hange-gunnes.” ’— Milit. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 292, ed. 1812. M. Daniel says that the crossbow was used in Fi'ance and England a long time before the reigns of Philip Augustus and Richard (1190 A.D.). ‘II avoit ete aboli dans les deux Royaumes pendant plusieurs annees qu’on observa le canon du second Concile de Latran (the loth general council) et cet usage fut retabli d’abord en Angleterre par Richard, qui fut imite en France par Philippe Auguste.’— Hist, dela MiliceFramboise, tom. i. p. 309. Mr. Barrington, in his ‘ Essay on Archery,’ in the 7th vol. of Archcsologia says that the long ‘bow was called the English bow in early statutes, but he attributes its introduction to Edw. I., ‘ who must have seen its superiority to the cross bow in the Crusades. ’ Mr. Roberts, in The English Bowman, has, however, shown 304 THE GOVERNOUR. so perfecte and exacte amonge englisshe men, that they than as surely and soone killed suche game, whiche they listed to haue, as they now can do with the crosse bowe or gunne,fand more expeditely, and with lasse labour they dyd it.^ ^For beinge therin industrious, they kylled their game further from them (if they shotte a great strength) than they can with a crossebowe,^ excepte it be of suche waighte, that the arme that this is erroneous, and that the long bow was a weapon familiar to Englishmen nearly two centuries earlier. It is curious that neither Mr, Barrington nor Mr. Roberts (who styles the former’s essay ‘ a very imperfect history of the English long bow ’) had apparently perused this chapter of The Governour, which contains so much that is intei'esting on this subject, and would have confirmed the view taken by the last-named writer, that ‘ the English archers of Richard I, used no other than the English long bow.’ The conjunction of the words ‘ balistarii ’ and ‘ sagittarii ’ in the passage already quoted from the Itinerariwii Ric. I. is sufficient to prove the presence of long-bow archers in the Cmsade of the I2th century. Paulus Jovius, the Italian historian, and a contemporary of Sir Thos. Elyot, says : ‘ Apud Anglos in sagittis unica spes, et praecipua gloria crebris victoriarum proventibus parta, eas minimo digito crassiores, bicubitalesque, et hamato praefixas ferro, ingentibiis ligneis arcubus intorquent, tanta viarteque, ut ad primes pi-aesertim ictus squamosum thoracem aut loricam facile penetrent.’— Descriptio Britannia;^ fo. i6 b, ed. 1548. This latter fact indeed is corroborated by another Italian writer, Francesco Patrizi, who must not be confounded with his namesake, the Bishop of Gaeta, who says: ‘Nelle saette degli Inglesi, che postavi un poco di cera alia sua punta, passava ogni fine corsaletto.’— Paralleli Milit. par. ii. lib. 2, p. 37, ed. 1594. Clement Edmonds says: ‘In the times that our English nation carried a scourging hand in France, the matter between us and them touching Archery stood in such terms as gave England great advantage: for I have not heard of any Bow men at all amongst them ; whereas our nation hath heretofore excelled all other, as well in number of Bow-men, as in excellent good shooting.’— Casar's Commentaries Banslated, p, 137, ed. 1695. “ Sir John Smythe calls the Long Bow ‘our peculiar and singular weapon, wherein our people and nation, of a singular gift of God, and as it were by a naturall inclination, with good execution of lawes, came to be so perfect and excel¬ lent, without anie publique cost and charges either to King or realme.’— Discourses on Weapons, p. 27, ed. 1590. b ‘ The excellency of the cross-bow was the great exactness of its shot, cross¬ bow men being much more certain of hitting their mark, than archers with the long bow; but, on the other hand, it would not carry to so great a distance, neither could it be so often discharged in the same time.’—Grose’s Milit. Antiq. vol. ii. p. 290. M. Daniel, comparing the ancient weapons with the firearms of the 18th century, says: ‘ Les fleches portoient plus loin que nos fusils ne portent, et je pouiTois apporter des temoignages d’anciens Auteurs, qui disent qu’elles alloient s THE GOVERNOUR 305 shall repente the bearyng therof twent yeres after. More ouer in the longe bowe may be shotte mo arowes, and in lasse time, ne by the breakynge therof ensueth so moche harme as by the breakynge of the crossebowe. Besides that all tymes in bendynge, the crossebowe is in perile of breakyng. But this sufhseth for the declaration of shootyng, wherby it is sufficiently proued that it incomparably excelleth all otlier exercise, passetyme, or solace.^ And hereat I conclude jutqu’i quatre, et jusqu’a six cent pas .’—de la Millet, tom. ii, p. 432, ed. 1724. Mr. Moseley, in his Essay on Arche>y (at p. 266, note), remarks that il by this is meant common military paces (each of two feet) the range mea- tk ntd ■= 400 yards. In The Instructions for the J'Varres of M. du Bellay, trans¬ lated into English in 1589, it is said that ‘although the Harquebusier may shootc further, notwithstanding the Archer and Crossebow man will kill a hundred or two hundred pases off, as well as the best Harquebusier.’—P. 25. According to the above computation the extreme range would = 133 yards, I foot. The range of a bow, according to Neade, who lived in the reign of Charles I. and endeavoured to revive the use of this ancient weapon of war, was from six to eighteen or twenty score yards. See the Double-armed Man, ed. 1625. Strutt says : ‘ How far the archers with the long bow could send an arrow, is not certain, but with the crossbow they would shoot forty rod, for in the Dunstable Chronicle we are told that Henry V. “came near to the city of Roan by forty rodes of lengthe, within shotteof quarrell.”’— Man. and Oust. vol. ii. p. 44. Mr. Moseley says : ‘ The Cross-bow, as it is capable of being managed with greater accuracy than the Long-bow, has been in all times used in the chase, and even long after the construction of the musket was highly improved, the silent discharge of the Arbalest rendered it more valuable in the pursuit of timorous animals than any other weapon .’—Esmy on Archery, p. 308, ed. 1792. This was obviously one e reasons why it was prohibited by statute in the i6th century. Mr. Froude says that from his own experience of modern archery he found a difficulty in believing that the range of archery was formerly 220 yards. But there is abundant evidence to show that this was not considered an impossibility. Shakspeare, speaking of a good archer, observes that ‘ he would clap in the clout at twelve score, and cany a forehand shaft a fourteen and fourteen and a half .’—Kmg Hen. IV. Pt. II. act iii. sc. 2. Mr. Roberts records two extraordinary feats in the years 1795 1798. In the former year the secretary to the Turkish Ambassador shot an arrow with a Turkish bow 482 yards, and in the latter year the Sultan himself surpassed this by shooting an arrow (in the presence of Sir Robert Ainslie) to a distance which when measured was found to be 972 yards, 2 inches, and three-quarters .—English Bowman, p. 100, note. • It was even recommended from the pulpits. Thus Latimer in one of his Lent sermons, preached before King Edw. VI. at Westminster, in 1549, said: ‘ Menne of Englande in tymes paste, when they woulde exercysc the}m selues (fur X 3o6 THE GOVERNOUR. to write of exercise, whiche appertaineth as well to princis and noble men, as to all other by their example, whiche de¬ termine to passe furth their Hues in vertue and honestie. And hereafter, with the assistence of god, unto whom I rendre this myn account (for the talent I haue of hym re- ceiued), I purpose to write of the principall and (as I mought say) the particuler studie and affaires of him, that by the prouidence of god, is called to the mooste difhculte cure of a publike weale. fiitirt primi we must nedes haue some recreation—oure bodyes canne not endure wythoute some exercyse) they were wonte to goo a brode in the fyeldes a shootynge, but nowe is turned in to glossyng, gullyng, and whoring wythin the housse. The arte of shutynge hath ben in tymes past much estemed in this realme ; it is a gyft of God that he hath gyuen us to excell all other nacions wyth all. It hath bene Goddes instrumente, whereby he hath gyuen us manye victories agaynste oure enemyes. But nowe we haue taken up horynge in tounes, in steede of shutyng in the fyeldes; a wonderous thynge that so excellente a gift of God shoulde be so lytle estemed. I desyer you, my lordes, euen as ye loue the honoure and glory of God and entende to remoue his indignacion, let there be sente fourthe some proclimacion—some sharp proclimacion—to the iustices of peace, for they do not their dutye. Justices nowe be no iustices ; ther be manye good actes made for thys matter already. Charge them upon theyr allegiaunce that this singular benefit of God maye be practised, and that it be not turned into bollying, glossyng, and whoryng w)thin the townes, for they be negligente in executyng these lawes of shutyng. In my tyme, my poore father was as diligent to teach me to shote, as to learne anye other thynge, and so I thynke other menne dyd theyr children. He taught me how to drawe, how to laye my bodye in my bowe, and not to drawe wyth strength of armes, as other nacions do, but with strength of the bodye. I had my bowes bought me accordyng to my age and strength. As I encreased in them so my bowes were made bigger and bigger, for men shal neuer shot well excepte they be broughte up in it. It is a goodly art, a holsome kynde of exercise, and much commended in phisike. Marcilinus Sicinus, in hys boke de Triplici Vitd (it is a greate while sins I red hym nowe), but I remembre he commendeth this kinde of exercise, and sayth that it wrestleth agaynst manye kyndes of diseases. In the reuerence of God let it be continued. Let a proclamation go furth, chargynge the justices of peace that they se suche Actes and statutes kept as were made for this purpose .’—The Sixth Sermony p. i6i. END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. APPENDICES. I I J s \ I- \ J* .> k ■ \3 A %• •1 APPENDIX A. WILL OF SIR RICHARD ELYOT. (See p. xxvi.) In the name of Almighty God, Amen. On the day of Octobre, in the yere of our Lord God a thousande fyve hundred and twentye, I, Sir Richard Elyot, knyght, one of the Kinges Justices of his common benche, beyng hole of body and of mynde, thanked be God, nevertheles servyng the uncerteyn houre of deth, and for that I may be the more redyer at the callyng of Almighty God of me from this present lyfe, I make this my last will concernynge my soule, body, goodes and catall, in forme following, revoking all other willes and testamentes made by me afore this sayd tyme concernyng the premisses or any parte thereof, ffirst I bequeth my soule to God the holy Trinitie, fader, sonne, and holy goost, and to the blessed Virgyn Mary, the moder of Crist Jesu, God and man, and Quene of hevyn, and to all saintes. And my body to be buried in the Cath. Church of Sarum, in the place there prepared for me and my wife, or elles in some other place after the discrecion of myn executours. Item I make myn executour of this my will, my sonne Thomas Elyot only, and my daughter Margery, wife of Robert Putten- ham, Esquier, I will to be overseer of the same. Item I will, that after my dettes paide, and after the charges of myn exequies doon at myn enteryng and my moneth mynde and yeres mynde, be delivered to the reparacion of the said Cathedrall Church, xx®. And to every of the parishe Churches of Saint Thomas, Saint Edmond, and of Saint Martyns, of the Citie of New Sarum, to the reparacion of them, to be delivered to the handes of the Church Wardeyns of the said parishe Churches, vi® viii^ And to the reparacyon of the parishe Church of Saint Dunstone, in fflete streete, of London, iii® iv^, to be delivered to the vicar of the same Church. And to the Church Wardeyns of the parishe Church of Longe Combe, in the countie of Oxon, for the reparacion therof, xiii® iv**. And to the provest and felowes of Lincoln College, in Oxon, for the reparacion of the Chauncell of the said Church of Long Combe, vi® viii''. And to every felowc of the said College there abydyng to pray for me, xii'*. And to THE GOVERNOUR. 310 every ffelowe of Allsowlen College, in Oxon, xii'*. And to the Maister of the Churche of Temple, within Temple Barr at London, vi* viii*^. And to the reparacion of the parishe Churche of Estshifford in Berks, xx*. And to the parson of the same Churche every weke by one hole yere to pray for me, iv^ Item I will that the prest executing the service at myn enteryng, moneth mynde, and yeres mynde, have at every of the same tymes for his labour and payne, xx**. And every other of the same Churche where I shalbe buryed saying for me there placebo, dirige, and Masse, iv^. And every clerk of the same Church where I shall be buried for every of the said tymes synging for me, iv^. And every querester, ii^. Item, I will that every of the places of the ffreres obser- vauntes of Grenewich and Richemond, of the ffreres prechours, Mynours, Carmelites, and Austeyns in London, Oxford, Sarum, and ffisherton, have at my burying or moneth mynde to kepe dirige and Masse for me, iii® iv*^. Item I will that every pour man that berith torches for me at my burying have a blak gowne of fryse or blak lynyng of brode cloth, ii yardes and iii quarters for a gowne and hode, of xvi^ le yarde or there aboute. And that every pour man and woman lying sike in their lodging, or bedride in the towne where I shall be buried or decesse, have delivered ii**. And every other pour man and childe of the same have so that the nombre excede not two thousande. And yf pour people of other townes come to the doole to make up the nombre, than they to have as the other have. Item I will that myn enterynge, moneth mynde, and yeres mynde, be doon without any pompe or feste, and that noo Tombe be made upon my grave, but a flat stone with convenyent writing. Item I will that all my kynnesmen and women, and my nere alliances comyng to my burying or moneth mynde, by the desire of myn executour, have gownes or cotes, after the discretion of my executour, of blak cloth, and all my servauntes likewise. Item I will that the Abbesse of Shaftisbury and of Barking have every of theym one of my gilt spones, with these lettres R and E gravyn in their endes, to remembre me in their praiers, and to leve them to their successours. And every of their Mynchyns have iv^ and their prioresses viii^ to synge a dirige and a ma-^se for me, and the prest that syngith the masse have vi**. And that every Mynchyn in Amesbury and Wilton have iv*^, and their prioresses have viii**, and the prest vi* to synge ut supra. Item, I will that Alice Wymbourne have a gowne, a kirtell, ii smokke of Lakeram,® hosis, and shois, and a white bonet and a kerchief, after the discrecion of my executour. Item I will that my daughter Elynour, Mynchyn of Shaftis¬ bury, have ii sponys and a litell maser,** and xx® in money, and everv • A cheap kind of linen. ** A bowl or goblet. Nares is clearly wrong in saying that ‘ great magnitude seems always one property attributed to them.’ Glossary, ed. 1822. APPENDIX A. 3^1 yere after as is provyded for hir by my wille of my landes. Item I will that my sonne, John Fetiplace the elder, Esquier, have the beddyng that I leve at Estshefford a yere after my decesse. And then I wille he have also the hangings of the Chambers there, and of the hall, and cusshyns, hordes, fformys, and chaiers there, shetes, napry there, not by me bequethed, brasse pottes and pannys, cawdrons, brochis,® spyttis, chaffers, and pewter vessell and other implementes of the Brewhouse then remayn- yng at Shefford and not by me bequeathed, to be delivered after the said yere after my decesse to the said John Fetiplace, by the discrecion of my said executour. Item I will yf my said executour be disposed, and will sell any of my shepe remaynyng at Shefford or at Petwike, or any catall there beyng, then I will that as many as he will sell be solde to my said sonne, John Fetiplace, by paying for theym as other will geve, yf he will have the same shepe or catell. Provided alwey yf the same John or any persons for him interupt the possession of myn executour, or of any of his executours of the Mannour of Est Shefford \\ith thappurtenaunces, by the space of oon yere after my decesse, except the mylle there, and the ferme of John Floode, or that the said John take from myn executour, or of any of his executours, any thinge of my goodes nat to him bequethed by this my wille, then I will that all my bequestes made to him be void. Item I will that after my decesse immediately [undecipherable] at Petwik, sevyntene score of ewes for the childre of my wife Elizabeth, late the wife of Richard Fetiplace, Esquier, according to oon Indenture therof made, or elles to be paid for every ewe, then at the tyme of my deth lacking thereof that nombre by myn executour or assign, xvi^. And also the ferme of Petwik to be lefte to them according to the same Indenture. Item I will that every of my sonnes, John Fetiplace thelder, Edward Fetiplace, and John Fetiplace the younger, have a blak gowne cloth yf they be at myn enteryng or moneth mynde. And that every of my sonnes, Anthony and Thomas Fetiplace, have a blak gowne cloth yf they be at myn enteryng or moneth mynde. And at the day of their mariages every of theym to have xl% so that they interupt not the execution of my will nor trouble not myn executour. Item I will that my cosyn Agnes Brice, the doughter of Jamys Brice, have at the day of her manage solempnysed x'* ; and Jone Dodyngton have at the day of her marriage v“ ; and Jone Godard have at the day of her mariage xl*; and all other mayden servauntes beyng with me in service atte tyme of my decesse, have at the day of their mariage xx®. Item I will that James Bryce have my gowne furred with ffichowe, and Richard Crouche have oon of my rydyng gownes and oon of my masters, and every of their wifes a gowne cloth. Item I will that my cosyn Margaret, somtyme wife of Richard Haukyns, have the lest of my The French \\or 6 i troche answers to our spit. THE GOVERNOUR. 3^2 standyng gilt cuppes with the cover, she to leve hit after hir decesse to Jone hir daughter, wife of John Barowe, gentilman, of the coimtie of Gloucestre. And I will that the same Jone and hir husbonde have every of theym one gilt spone. Item I will that John Mychell, oderwise called Elyot, dwelling at Coker, in the countie of Somerset, have a gowne cloth, and his wife an other, and his sonne William, sumtyme my clerk, have a gown cloth and a gilt spone. Item I will that Henry Pauncefote, Charles Bulkley, David Brokeway, Thomas Mayre, and John Dyer, which have ben my clerkes, have every of them a gilt spone and a blak gowne cloth. Item I will that my servaunt Edward Harrison have oon of my litill masers, ii silver spones, and xx v/eders of my shepe, and oon kowe ; and every other not my clerk of my men servauntes beyng with me in house- holde service atte tyme of my decesse, and have ben with me ii yeres, have for every yere that they have contynued in my service without departing, a weder of my shepe. Item I will that John Colpres, William White, and Thomas Tegan have every of theym a cote cloth, and every of their wifes a white petycote. Item I will that Margery my doughter, wife of Robert Puttenham, have ii lesse gilt saltes with a cover of the newe facion, ii standyng cuppis gilte with ii covers, ii litill gilt pottes for ale with ii covers, ii playn bolles of silver with a cover, ii nuttes garnysshed with silver and gilt, ii gilt sponys and vi silver sponys, and al my beddyng and naprye that I have at London in my chambre, except my ioyned presse, whiche I will Thomas Elyot have to the Temple, and there to leve it after his decesse, for there I had it. And I will that my said doughter after hir decesse leve all the said plate to hir childern. And yf she doo dye without childre, to my sonne Thomas Elyot, or to his childre. Item I will that my said daughter have the sparver ^ of my bedde at London, with the hanging of my chambre, except I will that my sonne Thomas Elyot have the border therof. And I will that my said doughter have my faire great prymer with silver claspe, and that my said sonne have my fair great sawter*” written, and my prymer that I wrote myself, and my litell prymer that I occupie daily. And I will that my said doughter have all myn Englisshe bokes, and my said sonne my latyn bokes and frenche bokes. Item I will that my said doughter have delivered to her by my said executour or his executours whan she begynneth housholde, oon hundred of my best weders or xih‘ for them, ii oxen, iv bullokes, iii kyen, iii hogges or swyn, as she will desire. All my • The canopy or tester of a bed. ‘ At home in silken sparvers, beds of down We scant can rest, but still tosse up and down : Here we can sleep, a saddle to our pillow A hedge the curtaine, canopy a willow.’ Sir John Harington Epig. lib. iv. 6 ed. 1633. *’ Lc. Psalter. APPENDIX A. 313 other catell, horses, shepe, oxen, bullys, kyen, and swyn, all my plate money, and juelles not by me bequethed, I will my said sonne Thomas Elyott have, except I will that my doughter Margery have a cheyne of golde and a pair of beades of golde, which cheyne and bedes my wife Elizabeth desired me that my said doughter shoulde have. And I will that my said doughter, after hir decesse, leve all the said plate to hir childre, or -yf they dye to my said sonne. Also I will that my said doughter have an ambling nag next the best of theym I have. Item I will that my said sonne have my ferme of Wynterslowe and all my shepe there. And I will that he have all my stuffe of housholde, naprye, vessell, beddyng in Sarum, London, Shifford, or elleswhere not by me bequeathed. Item I will that my sonnes wife have at libertie a brode gilt cupp with a cover and with a lowe foot, and that she have my best rynge of golde. Item I will myn executour bestowe amonge my pour servauntes or pour tenauntes, lynnen cloth of canvas and lokeram for shetes and smockes and shirtes after their discrecions, and blanket cloth for blankettes to the value of xl®. Item I will Thomas Stopeham have one of my gownes furred with ffoynes and two silver sponys and one of my litill masers garnisshed with silver and gilt, and at his mariage x’‘. Item, I will- Ballard, the sonne and heire of Robert Ballard, Esquier, of Kent, and thre doughters of the same Robert whiche be maryed, or have be maried, have every of theym fyve poundes, and the doughter of the same Robert, being a mynchyn at Barking, in Essex, have xx®, soe that they trouble not myn executour. And I will that all obligacions that I have in pos¬ session concernyng the said Robert be delivered to his said children. And yf they or any of theym wille sue at their cost for any duetie due their said fader, that then myn executours suffre the sute to be taken in their name to the use of the said childre. And I will that the casket with evidences of the londes in More lane or elleswhere be delivered to the next heire of the same Robert, or to their moder. Provided that if any of the said children trouble myn executours for the execution of the wille of their fader, to whom I was oon of the executours, than not they nor noon of theym to have any of the money by me before bequethed. Item I will that my doughter in lawe Elynour, doughter of Richard Fetiplace, Esquier, have after hir marriage celebrate fourty poundes to hir exhibicion yerely iii'’ vi® viii^, till she be professed in religion. And at suche tyme as she shalbe professed to the said xP' as moche as shalbe necessary in bokes or apparell to that entent. Provided always that yf she or any of her bredern or susters or any parsone for theym trouble myn executour and heire for any goodes or catalles that were their said faders, or of his moder late my wife, then this bequest made to hir and to all the other to be voide. Ultima voluntas ejusdem Ricardi. This is the last wille of me 314 THE GOVERNOUR, Richard Elyot, Knyght, oon of the Kynges Justices, concernyng my manours, landes, and tenementes, made the day of Octobre, the xii“* yere of the reigne of Kyng Henry the VIIAnd be it knowen to al men, that all my manours, londes, and tenementes stande in feoffees handes, or in the handes of Recoverers, to the use of me and of myn heires, to the performaunce of my last wille. ffirst, I will that all my said manours, londes, and tenementes stande alwey still in my said feoffees and Recoverers handes, or in any other feoffees handes, to be made by theym or by their heires and the feoffmentes to be renewed as ofte as it may be perceyved by any of myn heires, or by any of my said feoffees or their heires, that the feoffees therof be decessed to the nombre of vi survivours of theym, they to make astate in fee to two other discrete persones, and forthwith to take astate ageyn to theym and to xii moo, wherof viii to be of the citie of Newe Sarum, suche as have ben Mayres of the same Citie, or be of the xxiv^* Citezeins and likely to be Maires there, they to stonde seised and their heires to the use aforesaid. Item I will that my said feoffees and their heires and assignes after my decesse stande seased of the premisses to the use of my sonne Thomas Elyot, and of his heires males of his body commyng, and for defawte of such heires to the heires males of my body commyng, and for defaute of suche heires to all my doughters and to all the doughters of the said Thomas, and to the heires of their bodies commyng. And for defawt of suche heires I will that my Manour of Longcombe, and all my londes and tenementes in Longe Combe and Wotton, in the Countie of Oxon, remayn to my cosyn Thomas Fyndern, in the countie of Cambridge, lorde of the manor of Carleton, and to the heires males of his body cornyng, and for defawte of such heires to the right heires of me the said Richard. Item I will that for defawt of suche heires as is aforesaid of me the said Richard and Thomas, and of our said doughters, that all my tenementes without Temple Barre of London, and in Staines, in the Countie of Middx, remayn to John Gilpurne, sonne of my suster Alice, and to the heires of his body comyng, and for defaute of suche heires to the heires of my said susters body comyng, and for defaute of such heires to Richard Crouche, sonne of my suster Johanne, sumtyme of the towne of Wyncalton, in the Countie of Somerset, and to the heires of his body comyng, and for defaute of suche issue to the right heires of me the said Richard, Thomas my sonne, and of our doughters as is aforesaid, to remayn to Thomas Somer my cosyn, son of Isabell, doughter of Kateryn, suster of my mother Johanne, doughters of John Bryce, otherwise called Basset, and to the heires males of his body begotten. And for defaute of suche heires of me the said Richard, and Thomas my sonne, and of our doughters as is aforesaid, remayn to James Brice, sonne of myn uncle John Brice, sonne of the said John Basset, sonne of Bryce Basset, my APPENDIX A. 3*5 great grauntfader of my modersyde, and to the heires of the body of the same James begotten, and for defaute of suche heires to my right heires. And all my landes, tenementes, rentes, and services that I have in the counties of Wiltes, Southampton, and Dorset, except the said londes and tenementes intailled to the said James, and except the tenement and londes in Chalk, whiche I will that the profites therof be expended for my soule and my frendes soules and all cristen soules, as more largely apperith by an Indenture tripartite,® wherof the one parte remayneth with myn heire, an other parte in the Cathedrall Church at Sarum, and the thirde with the Maire and cominaltie of the Citie of New Sarum, for defawte of suche heires of me the said Richard, and of Thomas my sonne, and of our doughters, remayn to the said John Gilpurne and Richard Crouche, and to the heires of the bodyes of my said susters Johane and Alice, and to the heires of their bodies comyng. And for defawte of such heires, to John Michell, otherwise called Elyot of Coker, in the countie of Somerset, sonne of Philip, sonne of Michell Elyot, my grauntfader, and to the heires of his body comyng, and for defaute of suche issue to John Huet, of Tawnton, and to John Soper, sonnes of Alice daughter of Kateryn-Lydford, suster of my fader Symon Elyot, and to the heires of their bodies begotten, and for defaute of suche heires to my right heires forever. Item I will that notwithstanding this intaill by this my wille made in fourme aforsaid, yf it fortune after my decesse that my sonne or any of myn heires of my body will eschaunge any of my said manors, landes, or tenementes, (except afore except) for any other manners, londes, or tenementes of like value or better, with any persone, and leve the said manours, londes, and tenementes so exchaunged to my said heires or other accordyng to this my will, and to be intailled by will in forme aforesaid with the remayners by wille as is aforsaid, and stondyng in like feoffees handes still for the sure perfourmaunce therof, then it to be lefull to theym so to doo. Item I will that notwithstanding the said entailles and remayners afore declared, it be lefull to my said sonne and to every of the heires males of my body begotten after my decesse, to make a joyuntour lo his wife of any of the premisses except as afore except for terme of his lyfe, to the yerely value of xx'*, in recompens of all other joyuntours and dowrie therof by her to be claymed or had, and also to make a will for terme of x yeres after his decesse of part of the premisses to the yerely value of xx'* for paymente of his dettes, mariage of his doughters, exibicion and avauncement of hys yong children not beyng his heire or heires. Item I will that my cosyn Alice Wymbourne have during hir lyfe the tenement that she dwellith in [in] Sarum, and yerely xiii* iv‘‘ of my heires as of my feoffees of the issues and profites of my • See ante, p. xlv, note b. 3 i6 THE GOVERNOUR. said londes during hir lyfe. Item I will that my doughter Elynour, Mynchyn of Shaftisbury, have yerely of my said heire or feoffees during hir lyfe xiii® iv^ of the profites of my said londes. Probatum fuit testamentum suprascripti defunct! coram Domino apud Lamehith xxvi die mensis Maii anno domini millimo quingen- tisimo xxii° juramento Thome Elyot executoris in hujusmodi testamento nominati ac approbatum et insumatum. Et commissa fuit administracio omnium et singulorum bonorum et debitorum diet! defunct! prefato executor! de bene [et] fideliter administrando ac de pleno et fideli inven- torio citra festum nativitatis .Sancti Johannis Baptiste proximurn futurum exhibendo, necnon de pleno et vero compoto reddendo ad Sancta Dei Evangelia in debita juris forma jurato.® H M. Court of Probate (Mainwariiig fo. 24). APPENDIX B. APPENDIX B. (See p. xxviii.) Inquisicio indentata capta apud Ambrusbury in comitatu Wilts vicesimo die Aprilis anno regni Regis Henrici octavi sexto coram Willielmo Rownde Escaetore dicti domini Regis in comitatu predicto virtute officii sui per sacramentum Roberti Nicolas, &c. Qui dicunt super sacra- mentum suum quod per quendam actum in Parliamento domini Henrici nuper Regis Anglias septimi, patris dicti domini Regis nunc, tento apud Westmonasterium septimo die Novembris anno regni dicti nuper Regis Henrici septimi primo inactatum et ordinatum fuit quod Franciscus Lovell miles nuper vicecomes Lovell alias dictus Franciscus Lovell nuper vicecomes Lovell de alta prodicione attinctus foresfecit dicto nuper Regi et heredibus suis omnia honores castra dominia maneria messuagia terras tenementa redditus reversiones servicia ac alia hereditamenta quecumque que ideiii Franciscus aut aliquis alius sive aliqui alii ad ejus usum habuit aut habuerunt dicto septimo die Novembris anno primo ejusdem nuper Regis aut unquam postea, Et ulterius Juratores dicunt quod dictus Franciscus fuit seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo dicto septimo die Novembris anno primo ejusdem nuper Regis de et in manerio de Wan- borough cum pertinentiis in dicto comitatu Wiltes ac de libertatibus subscriptis videlicet de letis visus franci plegii in Wanborough in eodem comitatu post festum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli et Pascbe bis in anno annuatim tenendis cum omnibus eidem letis et visibus franci plegii pertinentibus ac (de) warrennis in dominicis ejusdem manerii et thesauris inventis in manerio et villa predicta ac de catallis felonum de se fugi- tivorum utlagatorum ac de Weaff et Straefif infra manerium predictum. Et quod manerium predictum et cetera premissa valent per annum in omnibus exitibus ultra reprisas xxxix vi et viii \ Et ulterius iidem Juratores dicunt super sacramentum suum quod Johannes Cheyne miles jam defunctus omnia exitus et proficua manerii predicti cum perti¬ nentiis a tempore attincture predicti Francisci usque xxx diem Maii anno regni nuper Regis Henrici septimi xiv° quo die prefatus Johannes Cheyne obiit percepit et habuit set quo titulo Juratores predicti penitus ignorant. Et quod Ricardus Elyot ad tunc serviens ad legem a dicto xxx'"" die 318 THE GOVERNOUR. Mail dicto anno xiv® prefati nuper Regis omnia exitus et proficua manerii predicti cum pertinentiis usque quintum diem July anno dicti domini Regis nunc tercio ad usum domini Regis percepit et eidem nuper Regi et domino Regi nunc per manus Johannis Heyron unius Receptoris dicti nuper Regis et domini Regis nunc solvit. Et quod Edwardus Darelle miles a dicto quin to die July anno tercio dicti Regis nunc omnia exitus et proficua manerii predicti cum pertinentiis usque diem hujus Inquisi- cionis capte cepit et habuit. In cujus rei, &c.* ‘ Excheq. Inquis. post mort. (Southampton and Wilts) 6 Hen. VIII. Wm. Pounde Esc. m. 2. P.R.O. APPENDIX C. 319 APPENDIX C. (See p. xxxiii.) In The Topographer and Genealogist^ Sir Richard Elyot’s first wife Alice, is stated to have been the daughter of Sir Thomas Delamare, of Aldermaston, in Berks, and widow of Thomas Dabridgecourt, of Strat- field Say, who died October 10, 1495.^ This fact was not brought to the notice of the Editor until the Life of Elyot was already in print. In Berry’s Hampshire Genealogies^ the same lady is said to have remarried Nicholas Elliott. If the former statement be correct, our author’s birth must be postponed to a somewhat later date than we had assigned to it. * Vol. i. p. 198. 320 THE GOVERNOUR. APPENDIX D. (See p. Iviii.) Rex omnibus ad quos &c. salutem. Sciatis qu6d cum nos ■ per literas nostras patentes quarum data est vicesimo primo die Octobris anno regni nostri quarto dederimus et conces- serimus dilecto nostro Ricardo Eden, clerico, officium clerici Gonsilii nostri habendum occupandum et exercendum dictum officium prefato Ricardo Eden per se aut ejus deputatum sive deputatos sufficientes durante vita sua cum vadio et feodo quadraginta marcarum per annum eidem officio pertinenti cum omnibus aliis feodis commoditatibus et emolumentis predicto officio spectantibus sive pertinentibus prout in eisdem literis nostris patentibus plenius continetur. Et quia dictus Ricardus Eden diversis negociis suis implicitus non solum [non] possit commode operam suam impendere officio predicto sine imminenti jactura rerum suarum aut gravi ac periculosa negligencia rerum (et) nostrorum negociorum officio predicto incumbentium, sed nec alium suo loco obeundum et exercendum officium predictum ex omni parte idoneum prout officium illud exigit et requirit deputare nedum invenire queat, ob quod dictus Ricardus cunctis consideracionibus eum moventibus predictas literas nos¬ tras patentes in Cancellaria nostra inmanus nostras reddidit cancellandas et ibidem jam cancellate existunt. Nos officium predictum nolentes esse vacuum debito ministerio quo minus cause in Consilio nostro in dies emergentes debite curentur exequantur et exerceantur ducti considera¬ cionibus ante dictis nos impense moventibus de gracia nostra speciali ac ex certa scientia et mero motu [literis] nostris dedimus ac per presentes damns et concedimus dilecto nostro Thome Elyot, armigero, officium clerici nostri Gonsilii eundemque Thomam clericum Gonsilii nostri facimus ordinamus et constituimus per presentes habendum occupandum et exercendum dictum officium prefato Thome Elyot per se aut ejus deputatum sive deputatos suos sufficientes durante vita sua cum vadio et feodo quadraginta marcarum per annum habendum et annuatim perci- piendum ad festum sancti Michaelis Archangeli et festum Pasche per equales porciones de Thesauro nostro ad receptum Scaccarii nostri per manus Thesaurariorum et Gamerariorum nostrorum pro tempore existen- tium necnon liberatam nostrum de vestura nostra pro temporibus estatis I'ro 1 nome Elyot de Con. APPENDIX D. 321 et hiemis eidetn officio debitam et consuetam prout Robertas Rydon, Johannes Baldiswell aut aliquis alius unquam habuit annuatim perci- piendam ad magnam garderobam nostram per manus custodis ejusdem pro tempore existentis unk cum omnibus et omnimodis aliis feodis pro- ficuis commoditatibus muneribus emolumentis et advantagiis eidem officio pertinentibus sive spectantibus in tarn amplis modo et formk prout prefatus Ricardus Eden aut Robertas Ridon aut aliquis alius sive aliqui alii dictum officium antehac exercens sive occupans exercentes sive occu- pantes habuit et percepit habuerunt et perceperunt. Eo quod expressa mentio, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. Per ipsum Regem, &c. The following memorandum appears on the margin of the roll:— Vacat irrotulamentum harum literarum patentium pro eo quod per con- sideracionem Curie Cancellarie litere ille adjudicate fuerunt nullius esse vigoris eo quod infrascriptus Ricardus Eden non sursum reddidit literas patentes sibi de officio infrascripto factas ad intencionem infrascriptam. Ideo istud irrotulamentum cancellatur et dampnatur.* ‘ Pat. Roll 19 Hen. VIII. pt. i. m. ii. P.R.O, Y 322 THE GOVERNOUR. APPENDIX E. (See p. clxxxi.) INQUISICIONE indentat^ capt4 apud Newemarket in comitatu predicto septimo die Septembris anno regni Henrici octavi dei gratii Anglie Francie et Hibernie Regis fidei defensoris et in terrS. ecclesie Anglicane et Hibernice supremi capitis tricesimo octavo coram Thoma Bowles, Armigero, Escaetore dicti domini Regis de comi¬ tatu predicto virtute brevis ejusdem domini Regis de die7n clausit extre7num post mortem Thome Eliott militis defuncti eidem Escae- tori directi et huic Inquisicioni annexi per sacramentum Willielmi Ruse junioris, generosi, Willielmi Wyse, Johannis Caverell, Johannis Curde, Ricardi Simondes, Galfridii Thornebacke, Johannis Hasill, Willielmi Sterne, Thome Smithe, Willielmi Battell, Johannis Webbe, et Thome Hinton. Qui dicunt super sacramentum suum quod predictus dominus Henricus octavus dei gratia Anglie Francie et Hibernie Rex fidei defensor et in terra ecclesie Anglicane et Hibernice supremum caput fuit seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo racione attincture Thome Crumwell nuper Comitis Essex de et in maneriis de Carleton et Wil¬ lingham cum pertinentiis in dicto comitatu Cantebrigie ac de et in advo- cacionibus ecclesie parochialis de Carleton predicto cum capelld de Willyngham eidem annexa ac de advocacione ecclesie parochialis de Weston Colevyle in dicto comitatu Cantebrigie unk cumquadam pensione duorum solidorum et sex denariorum annuatim percipienda de Rectore de Weston Colevyle predict! et successoribus suis et de alia pensione duorum solidorum annuatim percipienda de Rectore Ecclesie parochialis de Carleton predict! et successoribus suis in capella predicta necnon de et in decimis et porcionibus decimarum vocatis Barbedors ac decimis et porcionibus decimarum in Weston Colevyle predicto ac eciam de et in viginti messuagiis quingentis acris terre quadraginta acris prati centum acris pasture ducentis acris bosci decern libris redditus ac de diversis aliis proficuis et hereditamentis cum pertinentiis que fuerunt predict! Thome Crumwell in Carleton Brinkley, Carleton Barbedors, Weston Colevyle et Wyllingham in comitatu predicto prout per recordum inde plenius patet. Et predictus Dominus Rex sic inde seisitus existens per literas suas patentes gerentes datam quarto die August! anno regni sui tricesimo secundo pro APPENDIX E. 323 diversis consideracionibus in eisdem litteris patentibus specificatis de gratia sua speciali ac ex certi scientia et mero motu suis dedit et concessit prefato Thome Elyott militi in dictobrevi nominate et domine Margarete uxori ejus predicta maneria de Carleton et Willyngham necnon advoca- ciones et jus patronatus predicte ecclesie parochialis de Carleton cum predicta capella de Willyngham et predicte ecclesie de Weston Colevyle in predicto comitatu Cantebrigie ac predictas decimals et porciones deci- marum vocatas Barbedors ac decimas et porciones decimarum in Weston Colevyle predicto necnon omnia et singula premissa et hereditamenta sua quecunque cum suis pertinentiis situata jacentia et existentia in villis paro- chiis hamletis et campis de Carleton Brinkley, Carleton Barbedors, Wes¬ ton Colevyle et Wyllingham predictis in comitatu predicto que fuerunt pre- dicti nuper Comitis Essex ac que ad manus predicti domini Regis nunc devenerunt aut devenire debuerunt et que inmanibus ejusdem domini Regis tunc fuerunt racione attincture aut forisfacture predicti nuperComitis Essex, habendum tenendum et gaudendum predicta maneria advocaciones deci¬ mas et porciones decimarum ac omnia et singula premissa prefato Thome Elyott et domine Margarete uxori ejus heredibus et assignis suis imperpe- tuum proutin eisdem litteris patentibus Juratoribus predictis super capeione hujus Inquisicionis in evidencia ostensis plenius continetur. Virtute qua- rum quidem litterarum patencium predictus Thomas Elyot et Margareta fuerunt conjunctim seisiti de et in predictis maneriis et ceteris omnibus et singulis premissis in dominico suo ut de feodo. Ipsisque sic inde seisitis existentibus prefatus Thomas Elyott obiit et prefata Margareta eundem Thomam supervixit et se tenuit intus in maneriis predictis et ceteris pre- missis cum pertinentiis et adhuc tenet et est inde seisita in dominico suo ut de feodo per jus accrescendi. Et dicunt eciam Juratores predicti quod predictus dominus Rex fuit seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo de et in manerio de Histon Evesham cum suis membris et pertinentiis universis in Histon Evesham, Histon Deny, Hoggyngton, Impington, Evvton, Milton et Landebeche in dicto comitatu Cantebrigie ac de et in Rectoriis appropriatis de Histon Evesham predicto in dicto comitatu Cantebrigie una cum advocacione donacione et libera disposicione vicarie ecclesie parochialis de Histon Evesham predicto. Et idem dominus Rex sic inde seisitus existens per litteras suas patentes gerentes datam quinto die Decembris anno regni ejusdem domini Regis nunc tricesimo primo pro diversis consideracionibus in eisdem litteris patentibus specificatis ex gratia sua speciali ac ex certa scienti4 et mero motu suis dedit et concessit predicto Thome Eliott et Domine Margarete uxori ejus predictum manerium de Histon Evesham cum suis pertinentiis in Histon Evesham, Histon Deny, Hoggington, Impington, Ewton, Milton et Landebeche pre¬ dictis in dicto comitatu Cantebrigie ac eciam predicta Rectoria appro- priata de Histon Evesham predicto necnon advocacionem donacionem et Y 2 324 THE GOVERNOUR. jus patronatus vicarie ecclesie parochialis de Histon Evesham predicto habendum tenendum et gaudendum predictum manerium de Histon Evesham cum suis pertinentiis necnon Rectoriam et advocacionem vicarie ecclesie de Histon Evesham predicto et cetera premissa prefato Thome Elyott et Domine Margarete uxori ejus et heredibus ipsius Thome Elyott prout per easdem litteras patentes Juratoribus predictis in evidencia similiter ostensas plenius patet. Quarum quidem litterarum patencium pretextu predictus Thomas Eliott et Margareta fuerunt seisiti de et in manerio predicto et ceteris premissis conjunctim sibi et heredibus ipsius Thome Elyott. Ipsisque sic inde existentibus seisitis predictus Thomas Elyott obiit et prefata Margareta eundem Thomam Eliott super- vixit et se tenuit intus in predicto manerio de Histon Evesham et ceteris premissis et adhuc tenet et est inde seisita in dominico suo ut de libero tenemento per jus accrescendi. Et ulterius Juratores predicti super sacra- mentum suum predictum dicunt quod diu ante obitum predicti Thome Eliott quidam Johannes Rowe, serviens ad legem, Johannes Graynfeld et Edwardus Hasilwoode, armigeri, fuerunt seisiti de et in maneriis de Weston Colevyle, Moynes, et parva Carleton alias Loppams cum pertinentiis ac de et in viginti et quinque messuagiis sexcentis acris terre centum acris prati trescentis acris pasture quingentis acris bosci et sexaginta solidis redditus et redditibus decern caponum duarum librarum piperis et duarum librarum cumini cum pertinentiis in Weston Colevyle, Carleton, West Wrattyng, Baburham, Balssham, et Wickham in dicto comitatu Cantebrigie ac de et in advocacione ecclesie de Weston Colevyle in dominico suo ut de feodo ad usum predicti Thome Eliott et heredum suorum et ad inde perimplendam ulti- mam voluntatem ipsius Thome Eliott. Ipsisque sic inde seisitis existenti¬ bus per quasdam indenturas inter Willielmum Pawlet, militem, Dominum Seynt John,pro nomine Willielmi Pawlet militis honorabilis hospiciidomini Regis, ex una parte, et predictum Thomam Eliott ex altera parte confectas, quarum data est secundo die Januarii anno regni dicti domini Regis nunc vicesimo quinto dictus Thomas Eliott tarn in consideracione augmenta- cionis joincture dicte Domine Margarete tunc uxoris ejusdem Thome quhm pro diversis aliis bonis consideracionibus ipsum Thomam tunc specialiter moventibus convenit et concessit per easdem Indenturas cum predicto Willielmo Pawlett quod idem Thomas faceret ac fieri causaret Roberto Norwiche, militi, Nicholao Carewe, militi, Egidio Alington, militi, Johanni Harcot, militi, Edwardo Knyghtley, servientiad legem, Edmundo Marvyn, servienti ad legem, Rogero Chomley, servienti ad legem, Johanni Hynde, servienti ad legem, Johanni Pawlett, armigero, Thome Hutton, Willielmo Paris, Francisco Barentine et Roberto Southwell unum sufficientem et legittimum statum in lege in feodo simplice de et in predictis maneriis de Carleton, Weston Colevyle, ac de et in omnibus et singulis premissis APPENDIX E. 325 cum pertinentiis in Carleton, Weston, Wyllingham, West Wrattyng, Babur- ham, Balssham et Wickham in dicto comitatu Cantebrigie ad usum pre- dicti Thome Eliott et dicte domine Margarete uxoris ejus et heredum de corpore ipsius Thome Eliott legitime procreatorum et pro defectu talis exitus post mortem predictorum Thome Eliott et dicte domine Margarete ad usum heredum de corpore Ricardi Eliott, militis, patris predicti Thome Eliott, legittime procreatorum, et pro defectu talis exitus remanere inde rectis heredibus ipsius Thome Eliott in feodo simplice prout per easdem Indenturas Juratoribus predictis super capcione hujus Inquisicionis in evidencia similiter ostensas inter alia continetur. Et postea predictus Johannes Rowe et ceteri predicti Cofeoffatores sui ad specialem requisi- cionem predicti Thome Eliott per cartam suam gerentem datam quarto die Maii anno regni dicti domini Regis vicesimo sexto tradiderunt et demiserunt Johanni Alington et Nicholao Stutfeld, generosis, predicta maneria de Weston Colevile, Moynes, et parva Carleton ac cetera pre- missa cum pertinentiis in Weston, Carleton, West Wratting, Baburham, Balssham et Wickham habendum et tenendum predicta maneria et cetera premissa predictis Johanni Alington et Nicholao Stutfeld heredibus et assignis suis imperpetuum ad solummodo usum dicti Thome Eliott et heredum suorum imperpetuum prout per eandem cartam Juratoribus pre¬ dictis in evidencia ostensam plenius patet. Pretextu cujus iidem Johannes Alington et Nicholaus Stutfeld fuerunt de predictis maneriis et ceteris premissis seisiti in dominico suo ut de feodo ad solummodo usum dicti Thome Eliott et heredum suorum imperpetuum. Ipsisque sic inde seisitis existentibus predictus Robertus Norwiche, Nicholaus Carewe, Egidius Alington, Johannes Harcot, Edwardus Knyghtley, Edmundus Mervyn, Rogerus Chamley, Johannes Hynde, Johannes Pawlet, Thomas Hutton, Willielmus Paris, Franciscus Barantine et Robertus Southwell, ex assensu et procuracione predicti Thome Eliott ac in complementum convencionum in predicta Indentura specificatorum Termino Pasche anno regni domini Regis nunc vicesimo sexto per quoddam breve de ingressu super disseisi- nam in le post recuperaverunt omnia predicta maneria terras tenementa et cetera omnia premissa cum pertinentiis per nomina in recordo illo specificata versus predictos Johannem Alington et Nicholaum Stutfeld ipsis Johanne Alington et Nicholao tempore ejusdem recuperacionis de eisdem maneriis et ceteris premissis seisitis existentibus in dominico suo ut de feodo. Virtute cujus recuperacionis predicti Robertus Norwiche, Nicholaus Carewe, Egidius Alington, et alii recuperatores prenominati in predicta maneria et cetera premissa intraverunt et inde seisiti fuerunt in dominico suo ut de feodo ad usum predictorum Thome Eliott et dicte domine Margarete uxoris ejus et heredum de corpore ipsius Thome Eliott legittime procreatorum et pro defectu talis exitus ad usus supra dictos. Et sic fuerunt inde seisiti ad usus supradictos quousque in THE GOVERNOUR. 326 J^arliamento ten o anno vicesimo septimo dicti domini Regis nunc quod- dam Statiitum de Usibus fuit editum et ordinatum per quod quideni stalutum predictus Thomas Eliott et Domina Margareta fuerunt in possessione dictorum maneriurum et ceterorum premissorum in loco usus predict! et inde seisiti sibi et heredibus de corpore ipsius Thome legittime procreatis remanere inde secundum usus superius declaratos ipsisque Thoma Eliott et Domina Margareta inde de tali statu seisitis existentibus itlem Thomas Eliott obiit et prefata Domina Margareta eundem Thomam supervixit et se tenuit intus in maneriis predictis et ceteris premissis cum pertinentiis et adhuc tenet et est inde seisita in dominico suo ut de libero tenemento per jus accrescendi. Et dicunt ulterius Juratores predict! super sacramentum suum predictum quod predictus Thomas Eliott obiit apud Carlcton predictam in predicto comitatu Cantebrigie xxvi° die Marcii ultimo preterito sine heredibus de corpore suo legittime procreatis. Et quod Ricardus Puttenham, armiger, est consanguineus et proximus heres predict! Thome Eliott videlicet filius Margerie Puttenham sororis pre¬ dict! Thome. Et quod predictus Ricardus Puttenham fuit tempore mortis dicti Thome Eliott plene etatis videlicet xxvi annorum et am- plius. Et dicunt ulterius Juratores predict! quod predict a maneria de Carleton et Willingham et cetera premissa cum pertinentiis in Carleton Brinkley, Carleton Barbedors, Colevile, et Willingham tenentur de dicto domino Rege in capite per servicium iv*® partis unius feodi militis pro omnibus aliis serviciis exaccionibus et demandis. Et valent per annum ultra reprisas xlviii “ xviii ®. Et quod predictum manerium de Histon Evesham et cetera premissa in Histon Evesham, Histon Deny, Hog- ginton, Impington, Ewton, Milton et Landebeche tenentur de predicto domino Rege in capite per servicium vicesime partis unius feodi militis ac per redditum quatuor librarum et sex solidorum ad Curiam ejusdem domini Regis Augmentacionum Corone sue singulis annis solvendum pro omnibus aliis redditibus serviciis et demandis quibuscumque. Et valent per annum ultra repiisas quadraginta libras et decern solidos. Et quod predicium manerium de Moynes tenetur de dicto domino Rege ut de honore suo Richemonde per fidelitatem et redditum sex solidorum et sex denariorum pro omnibus aliis redditibus serviciis et demandis. Et quod predicta maneria de Weston Colevile et parva Carleton ac advoca- ciones de Weston Colevile et cetera premissa in Weston Colevile, Carleton, West Wrattyng, Raburham, Balssham, Willingham, et Wickham tenentur de Episcopo Eliensi per fidelitatem tantiim pro omnibus aliis redditibus serviciis et demandis, Et quod predictum manerium 'de Moynes et predicta maneria de Weston Colevyle et parva Carleton et cetera premissa in Weston Colevyle, Carleton, West Wrattyng, Baburham, Balssham, Willyngham, et Wickham valent per annum ultra reprisas sexaginta et decern libras. Et dicunt Juratores predict! quod predictus APPENDIX E. 327 Thomas Elyott in dicto brevi nominatus nulla alia sive plura dominica maneria terras sive tenementa in dicto comitatu Cantebrigie die quo obiit tenuit de dicto domino Rege in capite ne aliquo alio modo nec de aliquo alio in dominico nec in servicio. In cujus rei testimonium uni parti hujus Inquisicionis penes predictum Escaetorem remanenti tarn predictus Escaetor quam predicti Juratores sigilla sua apposuerunt alteri vero parti penes predictos Juratores remanenti predictus Escaetor sigil- lum suum apposuit. Data apud Newemarket predictam die et anno supra dicto.^ • Chancery Inquis. post mortem 38 Hen. VIII. pt. i, No. 16. P.R.O. THE GOVERNOUR. Q O APPENDIX F. The Editor not having discovered the relation between Patrizi’s work and The Governour^ in time for the following passages to be inserted in their proper places, they are collected here in order that the reader may compare them with the corresponding passages in the text. Page 40, note d. ‘Nam cum victor I lion ingrederetur, multa oculis et animo lustravit illectus Homerica lectione et vetustissima quamplurima perquisivit : quod cernens quidam eum rogavit, Velletne Paridis citharain cerriere ? Turn comiter ridens respondit, Ea 7 n nequaquam sibi cordi esse, sed Achillis cithara 7 }i videre TTialle, qua ille noTt Veneris illecebras, sed fortissiTnorum Ducu 77 i gesta et res mclytas ca 7 iere consueverat.^—De Regno et Regis Instit. lib. ii. tit. 8. Page 42, ttote a. ‘ Philippus Macedonum Rex, (ut Plutarchus refert), cum accepisset filium suum suaviter ac scite aliquando cecinisse, placide ilium objurgavit dicens : Nonne te pudet quod scienter ac pulchre ca 7 tere sciasf Satis enim regi putabat esse Philippus si canentibus aliis adesset, ubi ocium ei sup- peteret, et certantibus inter se musicis spectatorem ac judicem se praeberet. Artem vero illam profiteri humile quippiam et abjectum esse existimabat.’ ^Ibid. lib. ii. tit. 15. Page 44, note a. ‘ M. quidem Vitruvius affirmat bellica omnia tormenta vel h Regibus, Ducibus, Imperatoribusve inventa extitisse : vel si qua ab aliis accepissent, fecisse ea longe meliora.’— Ibid. lib. ii. tit. 14. Page 46, fiote b. Cernebatur illic Alexander qui leonem adoriebatur, et juxta eum aderat Craterus inter canes et alios venatores. Expressit enim Lysippus simili- APPENDIX F. 329 tudinem Alexandri et amicorum ejus adeo ut pene spirantes vivique esse viderentur/— Ibid. lib. ii. tit. i. Page 47, note b. ‘ Simulacrum Jovis Olympii quod ex ebore fecerat Phidias Athenien- sis, quo nihil praestantius in eo genere omnes fer^ scriptores extitisse testantur, cum intueretur Pandenus pictor eximius, admiratione magn 4 ductus artificem rogavit unde tarn praeclari operis exemplar accepisset ? Turn Phidias ex tribus Homeri versibus ejusmodi imaginem delibasse respondit, qui sunt ad hanc ferm^ sententiam : Inde superciliis jam Jupiter annuit atris, Concussitque comam pulchro de vertice rector .^thereus, nutu et summum tremefecit Olympum.’ — Ibid. lib. ii. tit. 4. Page 59, notes b and c. ‘ Hos itaque Homeri libros tanta aviditate edidicit Alexander, ut parvo tempore ad parem usque tanti prasceptoris eruditionem prope accederet, eosque semper sub pulvino habebat, horasque aliquot per noctem somno sibi eripiebat, utcumsummo poetarum aliquamdiu vigilaret. . . . Utrasque Homeri rapsodias ei perdiscendas prsebuit {i.e. Aristoteles), ut ex Iliade quidem corporis vires, superbamque in hostem iracundiam quandam sumeret : ex Odyssea vero animi virtutes eliceret, versutias caliditatesque hominum cavere disceret.’— Ibid. lib. iv. in prooem. Page 78, notes a and b. ‘ Alexandrum, quern ex virtute magnum nuncupaverunt, ut nonnulli scriptores perhibent, summa diligentia scrutari solitum aiunt loca in quibus bellum esset gesturus, semperque eadem picta intueri voluisse, ut picturam illam legendo ea dignosceret quae cavenda quaeve adeunda essent. Romani etiam idem facere consueverant, et regiones in quibus pugnaturi essent, antequam bellum decernerent, pictas ostendere. Ingru- ente enim Gallico tumultu vel Social! bello pictam praebebant Italiam.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 14. Page 174, note b. ^ Epaminondas Thebanus vir fuit omni virtute praestantissimus, omnesque artes ac disciplinas calluit quae ad summum quemque imperatorem pertinent. Is postquam adolevit palaestrae dare operam coepit, non tarn magnitudini virium inserviens quam velocitati agilitati- 330 THE GOVERNOUR. que corporis, illam quidem ad athletarum usum, hanc autem ad belli iitilitatem existimans pertinere. Exercebatur igitur quotidie mane cur- rendo desiliendoque, vesperi autem luctando, ut stans aliquando in armis hostem contra se stantem complecti locoque exturbare posset vel terras iliidere, sive fugientem saltu cursuve assequi.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 3. Page 175, note a. ^ Piratica nam classe Ponticum mare aliquandiu infestaverat, et ubi segnitiem pelagi aut reflantes ventos cernebat, non sinebat socios ignavii torpere. Hinc Homerus Actiillem dxvnoda, hoc est velocem pedibus, saepe appellat.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 3. Page 175, note b. ‘Alexander Macedo prseter caeteros aequales suos currendi celeritate praestitit; et quum aliquando rogaretur k familiari quodam suo num quid in stadio certare vellet Olympiaco, respondit: Ageretn id quidem qucim libentisshnb si 7 nihi certamen cum regibus essei, veriim si cum privatis decernerein iniqua ad 7 nodum victoria esseti — Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 3. Page 176, note b. ‘ Marius quum septimum iniret consulatum jamque maximi esset senectute quotidie in campo cum adolescentibus exercebatur, agilitatem- que corporis ad arma tractanda et ad equitandum in tanta aetate (annum enim octogesimum agebat) omnibus ostendebat. Ad cujus rei specta- culum complures concurrebant, non tarn exercitum visuri qukm vires ac robur grandaevi consulis cum juvenibus congredientis.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 3. Page 177, note a. ‘ Campum Martium Romani, in quo juvenes exercerentur, juxtaTiberim elegerunt, in quern post gymnica certamina se mergerent, non modo ut pulverem sudoremve abluerent et k lassitudine aquae beneficio recrea- rentur, verum ut nandi quoque usum perdiscerent, cui non tantum equites peditesque consuescerent, sed etiam equi ipsi, qui long^ aptius liberiusque flumina trajiciunt si natare consueverint, nec undarum vorticibus faciR cedunt nec terrentur aquarum impulsu. Multos enim in historiis legimus beneficio optima nantis equi vitae periculum evasisse, et ex contrario nandi imperitia complures parva etiam altiiudine APPENDIX F. 331 impeUive aquarum obrutos ac demersos. Nec mirandum id quidem est, ut primum enim umbilico tenus abluuntur, vix gradum figere possunt vel rapaciore unda vestigium subducente vel lubricis saxis fallentibus.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 4. Page 179, note a. ‘Ju’ius Caesar quum ad Alexandriam pugnans irruente hostium multitudine solus k suis in ponte destitutus impetum ulterius ferre non posset, et multis missilibus impeteretur, in mare se mersit, ac nando per ducentos passus ad proximam navem evasit, elata laeva, ne libelli quos tenebat perfunderentur, paludamentum verb mordicus trahens, ne hostis spolio illo potiretur, utque tutior aliquantulum k telis esset.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 4. Page 179, 7 iote b. ^ Admirantur summopere historici virtutem ac robur Sertorii, eumque omnium bellatorum pugnacissimum fuisse affirmant et alterum Han- nibalem k Celtiberis appellatum. Ejus prima militia sub Scipione fuit adversus Cimbros, qui in Galliam transierant, in quo bello quum infeliciter pugnatum esset Sertorius graviter vulneratus equum amisit et indutus thoraca et scutum atque arma tenens Rhodanum fluvium rapacissimum, qui inter Rhetos Noricosque fluit, per ad versos fluctus nando trajecit et non sine magna hostium admiratione ad suos pervenit.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 4. Page 180, note a. ‘ Qua quidem {i.e. peritia) se carere iniquo animo ferebat Alexander. Et quum aliquando maximum flumen cum omni exercitu transmittere opus esset, paucos equitum adtentandum vadum prsemisit: cujus altitude primum summa equorum pectora adsequabat, mox ut in medium alvetim ventum est cervice tenus equi abluebantur, turn milites omnes pavore torpebant, et nemo audebat in fluvium se mergere. Hoc quum cerneret Alexander, O me deterrimmn^ gui mmguam nare didicerim! Deinde confestim rapto incumbens clypeo audacter trajecit. Cujus exemplum alii secuti, partim nando, partim equitibus hserendo, partim autem sublatis in verticem sarcinis, hastisque nitentes pedibus transmisere, adeo ut ex tanto exercitu nihil praster pauculas sarcinulas desideratum sit.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 4. Page 181, note a. Quanto etiam usui fuerit nandi peritia in prime Punico bello ex hoc videri potest. Concitaverant Poeni classem remisque impellebant earn, ut 332 THE COVERNOUR. a Romana classe per fugam evaderent. Hoc quum cernerent compliires Romani juvenes cuncti se e transtris in altum precipitant, et subit6 adnantes magna vi hostiles naves in portum pellunt retrahuntque; et hoc pacto Imperatori suo Luctatio capiendas parvo cum labore pre- buerunt.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 4. Page 183, note a. ‘ In Thebarum enim expugnatione quum graviter vulneratus esset, Alexandrum in alium equum transilire neutiquam est passus, sed dolorem contemnens fortiter in officio permansit.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 2. Page 186, note a. ‘ Equitandi ratio a teneris annis percipienda est, antequam corpus obdurescat, obstipumve fiat, dum nervi sine rigore sunt et membra facile quoscunque usus accipiunt.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 2. Page 190, note b. ‘Alexander Macedo ubi ab acie et armis quies aliqua aderat assidua venatione oblectabatur. . . . Et illi quidem aliquando colluctatio fuit adversus maximum ferocissimumque leonem, quern post magnam difficilemque pugnam summis viribus tandem stravit. Forte turn aderat Spartanorum legatus, qui vehementer admiratus dixit : Utmmn., Rex inclyte., pro magno aliquo hnperio cum leo 7 ie tibi esset certameti / ’ — Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 6 ; lib. ii. tit. i. Page 197, note b. ‘ Proinde hoc genus aucupii nequaquam priscis seculis notum fuisse arbitror, quum de eo nihil clar^ nec Grece nec Latine scriptum invenerim. Plinius tamen refert in Thracie parte super Amphipolim homines atque accipitres societate quadam aucupari, et illos ex harun- dinetis ac silvis aves excitare, accipitres autem supervolantes deprimere illas captas aves, deinde aucupes cum illis partiri. Qua ex re suspicari possumus initium fortasse hujus aucupii a Thracibus manasse.’— Ibid. lib. iii. tit. 7. INDEX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. ABA BARROW, John, father-in-law to Sir T. Elyot, Ixii Abiron, the punishment of, 13 Achilles, excelled Agamemnon in prowess, 16 ; taught to play the harp by Chiron, 39 ; excelled in running, 175 Acumen^ the meaning of the word, 169 Ad judices, the game called, 288 - anecdote of, erro¬ neously attributed by Elyot to Xerxes, 271 and not& D ACRE, Lord, Warden of the Marches, lii Dacres, Robert, succeeds Elyot as Clerk of Assize, Ivi Daliance, meaning of the word, 276 Dancing, the art of, imported from France, 202, note c ; early works on 202, note c; condemned by the clergy, 203 ; by Saint Augustine, 204; by the Fathers, 204, note b; in vogue at Rome during the decline of the empire, 205 and 7 tote a; indecent fashion of, in the sixteenth century, 206 and note a ; idolatrous pagan, 207 ; reason of Saint Augustine’s ob¬ jection to, 208 ; his objection did not extend to all, 209 ; recommended by Sir T. Elyot as an athletic exer¬ cise, 202, 212 ; and by Thoinot Arbeau for the same reason, 212, note b ; the supposed origin of, 213 ; Pro¬ teus supposed to represent, 215; supposed to have been first intro¬ duced at Syracuse, 217; mentioned by Orpheus and Musaeus, 217 ; how practised in India, 218 ; supposed to be imitated from the motion of the planets, 218 ; of David before the ark, 219 ; warlike, of the Lacedae¬ monians, 221; of the Ethiopians, 221 ; circular, as practised atErdeven in Brittany, 221, note a ; of the Greeks, 222 ; and Romans, 222 ; of the Salii, 223 ; pantomimic, at Rome in the time of Nero, 224; account of, by M. Baron, 224, note a; com¬ mended by Socrates, 228; various manners of, practised by the ancients, 228 ; in the author’s own time, 230 ; comparison instituted by Arbeau be¬ tween ancient and modern, 231, note'., revival of, in Europe, 232, note a; represents matrimony, 233; by a concord of the masculine and feminine qualities, 237; the first figure in, called honour, 241 ; the second the brawle, 242 j description of the Die brawle in Sir John Davies’s Orchestra, 243, note ; the third called singles, 246 ; the figure called reprinse, 253; the double, 262 Darrell, Sir Edward, of Littlecote, xxviii, xlii Dathan, the punishment of, 13 David, King, his delight in music, 39 ; his dancing before the ark, 219 Deer, red and fallow, hunting of, 193 ; hunted by Henry V., 193, note a ; by Henry VIII, 193, note a; by Charles the Fifth, 193, notez.-, kill¬ ing, by shooting or coursing not re¬ commended, 196 ; shooting, with the long-bow, 303 Defence of Good Women, The, cxliii. Delos, dancing in, 217 Demaus, Mr., his Biography of Tyn- dale, Ixxvi Demetrius, the Phalerian, his advice to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, 81 — the Cynic philosopher, 224 — King of Parthia, golden dice sent to, 278 Democracy, of the Athenians, 9 ; the disadvantages of, 11 Demodocus, the blind bard, 64 Demonicus, the oration to, when pub¬ lished, evi; ought to be learned by heart, 75 Demosthenes, the orations of, 75 Denny, Antony, gentleman of the Privy Chamber, cxxxiv Derbyshire, the family of Fynderne seated in, xlvi Dice, children taught to play with, in the sixteenth century, 34, 105 ; playing, declared illegal, 105, and note a, 272 note a ; found in Middle Temple Hall, 136, Jiote a; a sign of idle¬ ness, 272 ; the evils accompanying, 273 ; supposed to have been invented by Lucifer, 273; or Attalus, 274; cheating with, how practised in the sixteenth century, 273, note a ; con¬ demned by theologians, 274, note a, 275, note a, 276, note a; the Emperor Octavius Augustus blamed for playing with, 277 ; story of the Lacedaemonians finding the Co¬ rinthians playing with, 277; Chaucer’s version of the same story, 277, note INDEX. 339 Die c ; golden, sent to Demetrius, 278 ; Chaucer’s version of this story, 278, note a ; ruinous consequences of, in the sixteenth century, 280, and note a Dictator, when elected by the Romans, 19 ; the temporary character of the office, 20 Dictionary, the first Latin-English, com¬ piled by Elyot, cxxxix Diogenes, the Cynic, a saying errone¬ ously attributed to, 112, note b Dionysius, king of Sicily, reduced to teach grammar while in exile, 34 — of Halicarnassus, his works, 81 Dioscorides, the works of, read by Sir T. Elyot, xxxix Discretion, the meaning of the word, 267 Divines, mealy-mouthed, 281 Dixie, Wolstan, Lord Mayor of Lon¬ don, clxxxviii Doctrinal of Princes, The, cV Dodieu, Claude, le sieur de Vely, Ixxviii, note b ; exxi, cxxii, cxxiii Double, the figure called, in dancing, 262 Dowsing, William, the iconoclast, clxxix Drawing, the various advantages of, 45 Dugdale, his error in the Origines respecting Sir R. Elyot, xxix Dulverton, Sir Richard Elyot’s estate at, xlii Dumb-bells, exercise with, 171 Dyer, Sir James, married SirT. Elyot’s widow, clxxxi E ast, one of the printers of The Governour, Ixix Ecclesiastes, the book of, recommended to be read, 94 Ecclesiasticus, the book of, recom¬ mended to be read, 94 Eden, Richard, Clerk to the Privy Council, li, lx — Thomas, letters patent granted to, lx Edgar, king, the government of, 23 Education of Children, The, Elyot’s book called, cxlii Election, a part of prudence, 263 Elements, the four, the order of, 4 ELY Eliot, Sir John, said to be allied to Sir Thomas Elyot, lx Eloquence, the definition of, 116; the language of the law devoid of, 134 ; forensic, unknown in England, 149, and 150, note a ; of Q. Scaevola, 155 ; of Cicero, 157 Elyot, Sir Richard, his pedigree, xxvii; practises at the bar, xxvii; holds the manor of Wanborough for the Crown, xxviii; a Commissioner for Wiltshire, xxix, Serjeant-at-law, xxix; At¬ torney-General to the Queen Consort, XXX; his marriage, xxxi, and App. C.; a trustee for Sir John Kingston’s son, xxxii; issue of his marriage, xxxiv; his chambers in the Inns of Court, xxxiv; his estates in Wilt¬ shire, xxxiv ; his visit to the mona¬ stery of Ivy Church, xxxv ; Justice of Assize, xxxvi; in the commission of the peace for Cornwall, xxxvi ; death of his wife, xli; his second marriage to the widow of Richard Fetiplace, xli; in the commission of the peace for Berkshire, xlii; Judge of the Common Pleas, xlii; knighted, xliii; summoned to Parliament, xliii; one of the arbitrators in a Norwich case, xliv ; the part he took in the trial of the Duke of Buck¬ ingham, xliv ; goes the Western Circuit for the last time, xlv ; his will, xlv, and App. A,; his grave unknown, xlv Elyot, Sir Thomas, erroneously called Sir fohn, xx, note a; ignorance of writers respecting him, xxii; pro¬ bable date of his birth, xxx; accom¬ panies his father to Ivy Church, xxxv ; the friends of his youth, xxxvii; studied neither at Cambridge nor Oxford, xxxviii ; studies medical treatises, xxxix; his acquaintance with Linacre, xl; Clerk of Assize on the Western Circuit, xl; his salary, xl ; inherits estates in Cam¬ bridgeshire, xlvi ; involved in a law suit, xlvii ; inherits estates in Oxfordshire, 1 ; Clerk of the Privy Council, 1 ; his duties, liii; his name mentioned in the statutes of the realm, liii; Sheriff of Oxfordshire 340 ELY THE GOVERNOUR. ELY and Berkshire, liv; writes to Crom¬ well, liv; mentioned by John Knolles, Ivi; resigns the Clerkship of Assize, Ivi; his successor in that office, Ivi; his salary as Clerk of the Privy Council withheld, Ivii; his health injured, Ivii; the patent of his office cancelled, Iviii,; his services unacknowledged, lix; buys the wardship of Erasmus Pym, lix ; supposed to be allied to Sir John Eliot’s family, lx; knighted, lx; com¬ pelled to pay Sir W. Fynderne’s ex¬ ecutor, lx ; in the Commission for Oxfordshire and Cambridgeshire, Ixi; also in the Commission upon Wolsey, Ixi ; his marriage, Ixii; publishes The Governour, Ixii; his obligation to Patrizi, Ixv; his desire to augment the English language, Ixvi; his critics, Ixvii ; his object in writing The Governour, Ixviii; his imitators, Ixx; appointed Ambassador to Charles V., Ixxi ; his instructions, Ixxii ; ordered to arrest Tyndale, Ixxv; goes to Tournai, Ixxv; communicates with Stephen Vaughan, Ixxv; goes to Ratisbon, Ixxvii; his account of Worms, ixxvii; of Spire, Ixxviii; of Nuremburg, Ixxviii, Ixxix; his friend¬ ship with Augustine, Ixxxi; returns to England, Ixxxii ; has an interview with Chapuys, Ixxxiii; ruinous ex¬ pense of his embassy, Ixxxiv ; Sheriff of Cambridgeshire, Ixxxv; letter to Cromwell, Ixxxv ; his salary as Am¬ bassador, Ixxxvii; letter to Cromwell, Ixxxix ; erroneously said to have been sent to Rome, xci ; probable cause of the error, xci ; payment made to him as Sheriff, xciii ; letter to Sir John Hacked, xciv ; and to Cromwell, xevi; publishes Pasqtiil^ xcviii; and Of the Knowledge which maketh a Wise Man, xeix; letter to Lady Lisle, cii; publishes a Sermon of St. Cypjian and The^ Rules of a Christian Life, civ ; de¬ dicates them to his step-sister Susan Kingstone, civ; publishes The Doctrinal of Princes and The Castle of Health, cv, evi; presents a copy of the latter to Cromwell, cix ; his answer to his critics, cxi; publishes The Banquet of Sapience, cxv; a Commissioner to inspect monasteries, cxvi; letter to Cromwell, cxvi; absent from England at the time of More’s execution, cxvii; hears the news from Charles V., cxviii; the probable cause of his absence from England, cxix ; may have joined the African expedition, cxxiii; letter to Cromwell about the Royal Proclamation, exxv ; letter to Cromwell asking for some of the lands of suppressed mo¬ nasteries, cxxix ; the cause of his ap¬ parent neglect, cxxxii; Yds Dictionary, cxxxiv ; receives assistance from the King,cxxxiv; his remarks on previous lexicographers, cxxxv; his Latin letter to Cromwell, cxl ; publishes The Education of Children, cxlii ; dedicates it to Margery Puttenham, cxliii ; publishes The Defence of Good Women, cxliii; present at the reception of Anne of Cleves, cxliv; publishes The Image of Governance, cxiv ; is denounced by Bale as an impostor, cxlv ; and by Dr. Wotton, cxlvi; this charge examined, cxlvii ; the authenticity of the work dis¬ cussed by Dr. Hody, clviii; the real interest of the work to modern rea ffirs, clxii ; purchases an estate in Cambridgeshire, clxiv ; author of How 07 ^e may take profit of his ene 7 ?iies, clxv ; M.P. for the borough of Cambridge, clxvi ; a second time Sheriff of Cambridgeshire, clxvi; publishes A Preservative against Death, and dedicates it to Sir Edward North, clxvii; his reasons for writing it, clxviii; his work De rebus Aftglice memorabilibus, clxxii; inquiry whether this was ever pub¬ lished, clxxiii; credited with other works, clxxvi; his state of health, clxxvi; his death, clxxviii; buried at Carleton, clxix; his monument, clxxix ; his grave unknown, clxxx; apathy of the inhabitants of Carleton with regard to his memory, clxxx ; his intestacy, clxxx ; re-mai'riage of his widow, clxxx ; inquisition upon his death, clxxxi; his heir, clxxxi; INDEX. 341 EMM supposed allusion to, in The Arte of English Poesie, clxxxiv. ’E/i^eAcia, the Greek dance called, 229 Emperors, Roman, why called Divi, 49 Encolpius, The Image of Governance supposed to be a translation from the Greek text of, cxlvi Encyclopaedia, meaning of the word, 118 England, condition of, under the Saxons, 22 Enoplice, Greek dances called, 230 Epaminondas, the learning of, 107 ; his athletic exercises, 174 Erasmus, his treatise De duplici copid Verborum, 73; the date of its publication, 74, note a; his Institntio Principis Christiani, commended by Elyot, 95; some account of this work, 95, note f Euryalus, the story of, 64 Exercises, athletic, why necessary, 169; indoor, different kinds of, 171 ; wrest¬ ling, 173; running, 174; swimming, 176; fencing, 181 ; riding, 181 ; hunting, 186; coursing, 195; shoot¬ ing, 196; hawking, 197; dancing, 203; archery, 290; tennis, 292; quoits, 295 ; foot-ball, 295 ; classhe, 296; bowling, 296 Experience, why necessary, 264 Ezekiel, the book of, forbidden by the Jews to be read by children, 130 F ABIUS, Q. Maximus, styled Cunc- tator^ 255 Falconers, questions put to, on being hired, 114; wages paid to, in the sixteenth century, 114, note a Falconry, the origin of, not known, 197; mentioned by Pliny, 197; by Aristotle, 198, note\ by ^lian, 198, note\ was probably introduced from India, 198, note a Falcons, damage done by, in the six¬ teenth century, 200 Fawley South, the manor of, xxxii, xxxiii, xlii Fees, paid to counsel in the sixteenth century, 150, note b Fencing, a necessary accomplishment, 181 FRE Ferdinand, brother of Charles V,, Ixxx note a Ferrara, the condition of, in the six¬ teenth century, 22 Festus, Sextus Pompeius, the gramma¬ rian, cxxxv Fetiplace, the family of, now extinct, xxi, xxxii, 1 — Edmund, xlix — Eleanor, cv Fetiplace, Elizabeth, wife of Sir Richard Elyot xli, xlii, 1 — John, xxxii, xli, xlviii, cv — Richard, xxxii, xxxiii, xli, xlii — Sir John, xlix — Thomas, xlviii — William, xxxii, xli Field, Richard, printer of The Arte of English Poesie, clxxxiii Findern, the village of, in Derbyshire, xxxi; flowers, legend respecting, xxxi Fineux, Sir John, Chief Justice of the King’s Bench, xl Finlason, Mr., on the Roman law in Britain, 158, note e Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester, his death reported to Charles V., cxviii; his sermon prohibited by Royal Proclamation, cxxiv, cxxv; his sermon translated by Pace, cxxvi, cxxviii Fitzwalter, Lord, son of the Earl of Sussex, Ixx Florence, condition of, in the sixteenth century, 21 Football, the game of, objections to, 295; observations of James I. on, 295, noteh ; how played in Cornwall, 295, note b; suppressed in Scotland byjames II., 296, notea ; M. Misson’s remarks on, 296, note a P'orsyth, Mr., his quotation from The Governour, 150, note a Foxhunting, as an exercise, 194; not mentioned in the Book of St. Albans, 194, note c; remarks on, in The Country Farm, and in Turberville’s Book of Hunting, 194, note c Francis I., his interview with Henry VIII., Ixxxv ; complaint made against, by Charles V., cxxiv, note a French grammar, in the sixteenth cen- tury, 55 ; Palsgrave’s, 55, note a 342 THE GOVERNOUR. FRO Frontinus, Julius, erroneously called Fronto, by Sir T. Elyot, 52, note d Froude, Mr., his description of ‘the English pale ’ in Ireland, 88 7 iote b; his view of the national hatred of idleness, 139, note d Fuller, author of The Worthies of Eng¬ land, xxii, cxxxix, cxliii, clxv Fynderne, the family of, extinct, xxi, xxxii, xlvii Fynderne, George, xlvii — Thomas, xxxiii, xlvi — Sir Thomas, xxx, xxxiii — Sir William, xxx, xxxiii, xxxiv, xlvi, xlvii, lx, Ixi C '' ALEN, the works of, studied by y Sir T. Elyot, xxxix, clxxvi; Lin- acre’s translation of, xl; forbids wine unmixed to be given to children, 97 ; recommends, athletic exercises, 169; his De Sanitate tuendd, 171 ; recom¬ mends wrestling as an exercise, 173; his remarks on various kinds of exercise, 289 Gallensis, Johannes, his remarks on dice-playing, 276, note d; shown to be the real author of a work attri¬ buted to Pope Innocent III., 287, note Galliard, the dance called, 230 note Gambling, in the sixteenth century, 136 Gardening, in the sixteenth century, 28, 129, 132 Genesis, the book of, forbidden by the Jews to be read by children, 130 Genoa, condition of, in the sixteenth century, 21 Gentlemen, the reasons for preferring, as magistrates &c., 27 ; learning sup¬ posed to be unfit for, 99, 168, noteTo Geography, the study of, recommended, 77; of Strabo, 80; of Solinus, 80; of Mela, 81 ; of Dionysius, 81 Georgies, the, of Virgil, to be read by children, 13, 62 Germanicus, the Emperor, the learning of, 109 Germany, ancient, compared with mo¬ dern, by yEneas Sylvius, 87, note d Gibeah, the town of, called Gaba, 95, 219 HAL Gleek, a game of cards, called, ci Glosses, the, of the commentators upon the Civil Law, 146, and note a Gnatho, one of the characters intro¬ duced in Pasquil the plain, xeix Godfrey de Bouillon, elected King of Jerusalem, 102 Golden Book, The, written by Guevara, cxlv Governess, a nursery, necessary for children, 29 Governors, inferior, called Magistrates, 25 ; why they are necessary, 26 Grammar, Greek and Latin, in the six¬ teenth century, 33; not to be made irksome to children, 55 ; French, 55 Grammarians, good, scarcity of, in the sixteenth century, 163; who ought not to be called, 164; described by Erasmus, 164 note b; and by Pace, 164 note b; Quintilian’s definition of, Granvelle, de, the Cardinal, exxi Granville, Sir Thomas, father of Lady Lisle, civ Greek, why it should be learned before Latin, 54; grammars in the sixteenth century, 55; knowledge of, in Eng¬ land in the sixteenth century, 145 Greeks, the ancient, various forms of government amongst, 8; advantage as regards education possessed by, over modern nations, 32; their love of dancing, 222 Grevile, Sir William, a Judge of the Common Pleas, xlii Guevara, Antonio de, his Dial for Princes or The Golden Book, cxlv Guns, hand, introduction of, into Eng¬ land, 303 ACKETT, Sir John, English Ambassador in the Low Coun¬ tries, xciv Hadrian, the Emperor, his taste for the fine arts, 44; his learning, 108 Hales, Sir Christopher, Attorney-Gene¬ ral, Ixi Hallam, Mr., his remarks on The Go- vernour, Ixviii, 50, note c Halyabbas, an Arabian writer, studied by Sir T. Elyot, xxxix INDEX, 343 HAR Hardy, Richard, sold Sherfield to Richard Puttenham, clxxxi Hare-huiiting, with grey-hounds, 195 Harpocrates, one of the characters in Pasquil, xcix Hawking. See Falconry Haywood, Mr. John, a friend of Sir T. Elyot, cxviii Henne, M., his history of the reign of Chas. V., cxxiii Henry I., called Beauclerk, 99; his character drawn by the Abbe Suger, 99, 7 iote b; by Fabyan, 99, note c; by Matthew Paris, ibid. \ by Orderi- cus Vitalis, ibid. ; by William of Malmesbury, ibid, Henry VII., a pattern of circumspec¬ tion, 256; the troubles of his reign, 257; the character of his laws, 258; the estimation in which he was held by foreign princes, 259 Henry VIII., his opinion of The Go- vernour.^ Ixviii; his instructions to Sir T. Elyot, Ixxii; his interview with Elyot on his return, Ixxxiii; his visit to Calais, Ixxxv.; his instructions to his Ambassador at Rome, xcii; his It'itroduction into Grammar^ cxii; his loan of books to Elyot when com¬ piling his Dictionary., cxxxiv ; his expedition to Boulogne, clxxiii; in¬ herited his father’s good qualities, 260; his character drawn by Ful- well, 260 note c; by Cardinal Pole, ibid', by Mr. Turner, 261, note a; by Mr. Froude, ibid.', his fondness for the game of tennis, 292, note a; a first-rate shot with the long bow, 297, note b Hermogenes, the Greek rhetorician, 72 : his works published, 73, note a Herodian, Sir T. Elyot acquainted with, clvii Herriard, in Hampshire, the seat of P. Coudray, father of Lady Windsor, clxxxii Hesiod, the poet. Sir T. Elyot’s opi¬ nion of, 70 Hierarchy, the order of the heavenly, 4, note a Hiero, story illustrating the tyranny of, 216; the introduction of the name, accounted for, 216, note lOP Plistory, the study of, recommended, 81; Cicero’s description of, 82; of Rome, by Livy to be read first, 82; superior to every other study, 91 Hobby, the hawk called, description of, 199 and note a Hody, Dr. Humphrey, his criticism of The Image of Governance, clix Homer, verses of, translated by Elyot, 47 ; the works of, Elyot’s opinion of, 58; studied by Alexander the Great, 59; resemblance between Virgil and, 61; mention of dancing in, 217, 222 Honour, to whom it appertains, 6; the first step in dancing called, 241; of what it is composed, 242 Horace, Sir T. Elyot’s opinion of, 68 ; verses of, translated by Elyot, 123 Hormus, the Greek dance called, 230 Horses, Virgil’s accurate knowledge of, 63 ; use of, for war, 182 Hozi) One may take Profit of his Ene¬ mies, Elyot’s book called, clxv Hunting, the favourite amusement of the sixteenth century, 104; an imi¬ tation of war, 186; as practised by the Persians, 187 ; the Greeks, 189; and Romans, 191; of deer, 193; fox, 194; hare, 195 T CKNIELD STREET, in Wiltshire, the old Roman road called, xxxii Idleness, children allowed to grow up in, in the sixteenth century, 115, 161; Sir T. Wilson’s remarks on, 161, note b; what it is, 270; Northbrooke’s Treatise against, 270, note c; dice¬ playing a mark of, 272 Image of Governa 7 ice, The, cxlv-clxiv India, hawking probably introduced from, 198, note a; the worship of the sun accompanied by dancing in, 218 Industry, what it is, 249; a word re¬ cently introduced into the language, 249; how used in the statutes of the realm, 249, note b Infants, signs of intelligence in, 29; their minds, how corrupted, 30; pre¬ cocity of, 30 Interludes, in English, 126 lopas, the minstrel, 64 344 THE GOVERNOUR. IRI Irish, the, rude character of, in the six¬ teenth century, 88 Isocrates, Sir T. Elyot’s opinion of, 74; his advice to Nicocles, 82 Issue, meaning of the word as used by pleaders, 154 note a Ivy Church, near Salisbury, visit of Sir T. Elyot to the monastery of, xxxv J EROBOAM, called Hieroboaz, 14; elected by nine out of ten tribes of Israel, 14 Jesus College, Cambridge, Sir T. Elyot erroneously said to have been edu¬ cated at, xxiv, xxxviii Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses, called Hietro, 14 Jews, governed by two kings, 14 j under the Roman government, 15 ; what books of Scripture were prohibited by, 130 Johannicius, the Introduction of, read by Elyot, xxxix John, King, his charter to the county of Devonshire when restored to its proper custody, 192, note a Joshua, the successor of Moses, 14 Jourdain, M. Brechillet, his account of the early translators of Aristotle, 92, note a Judges, the book of, placed by Sir T. Elyot among the books prohibited by the Jews, 130, note a; old Roman game called playing at, 288 Justice, potters and tinkers not fit persons to administer, 7; liable to be disregarded by a democracy, ii ; rulers of the Jews chosen for their excellence in, 14; subordinate of¬ ficers necessary to assist the sovereign in the administration of, 25 ; Henry VII. advanced, 258 K ings, government of the children of Israel by, 14 ; government of Romans by, 18 Kingstone, John, xxxii, xlii, cv Kirtling, the manor of, in Cambridge¬ shire, clxviii Knighthood and Battle^ the Cotton !^IS. LEG called, discovered to be a metrical translation of Vegetius De re militariy 177, note Knolles, John, mentions Elyot’s ap¬ pointment as clerk to the Privy Council, Ivi Kncavledge which maketh a Wise Man, Of the, Elyot’s work called, xcviii, xcix L ACED^MONIA, story of the embassy from, and the Co¬ rinthian gamblers, 277 Lactantius, Sir T. Elyot acquainted with the works of, 48 Laertius, Diogenes, his history of phi- osophy, c, note a Lampridius, quotations from, in The Image of Governance, civ, clvii Language, only without learning, evil result of, 116 ; the English, poverty of, 129, 243, 245, 268 Latin, children to be taught to speak, 33 , 54, 116 Law, the English Common, founded on reason, 134 ; the difficulty of studying, in the sixteenth century, 135 ; boys put to the study of, too early, in the sixteenth century, 132, 136 ; at what age study of, should commence, 141 ; derived from the best foreign laws, 144 ; Civil, study of, in England in the sixteenth cen¬ tury, 145 ; language of, barbarous, 134, 149; pleading, conforms to the ancient rules of rhetoric, 148, 151 ; capable of being brought to still greater conformity, 154 ; stile of the ancient writers on the Roman, 156 ; study of the ancient Greek and Roman, recommended, 161 Law-Latin, barbarous, in use in the sixteenth century, 134, 142, 149, 154, 160 _ Law-Students, given to gambling in the sixteenth century, 136, and note a; their studies made repugnant to, 138; the great number of, in the sixteenth century, 145 Lawyers, Sir T. Elyot’s opinion of, from his own experience, 137; re¬ quire to be well paid, 150 Legh, a writer of the sixteenth century, INDEX, 345 LEL his plagiarism from The Governour in his Accidens of Armory, 184, note a Leland, the antiquary, his notice of Elyot, XXXV, clxxiv Lenthall, William, Speaker of the Long Parliament, purchased Besselsleigh, 1 Leonidas, tutor to Alexander the Great, 37; alluded to by Hincmar, a writer of the ninth century, 37, note b — King of Sparta, his opinion of Tyrtseus the poet, 71 Library, Royal, of Henry VIII., cxxxiv Lily, William, Headmaster of St. Paul’s School, xxxvi Limitors, certain friars called, 234 Linacre, the founder of the College of Physicians, his translation of Gaien, xl, 171; notice of him by Paulus Jovius, 171, note a; and by Pace, ibid. Lisle, Lady, letter from Sir T. Elyot to, cii — Lord, Deputy of Calais, ciii Lister, Sir Richard, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, Ixi Littlecote, the seat of Sir E. Darrell, xxviii, xlii Livy, his history, should be read by boys before any other, 82; his third Decade, 89 Ao7oSot8aAot, rhetoricians called, 120 Lombeke, the Vicomte de. Ambassador of Charles V. in France, cxix, cxxi Lord, to swear like a, use of the phrase, Lovell, Lord, the attainder of, xxviii Luard, Rev. H. R., Registrary of Cam¬ bridge U niversity, his evidence as to Elyot, xxxix Lucan, his Pharsalia, why to be read, Lucas, Thomas, a Commissioner for Cambridgeshire, Ixi Lucca, Bartholomaeus of, his De Re- gimine Principum, Ixiv Lucian, his Dialogues, a selection from, to be read by boys, 57; but not the whole, 58 Lucifer, supposed to have invented dice-play, 273 Lucretia, the rape of, byAruncius, 18, 34 MON Lycon, the Grammarian, 50 Lycurgus, instituted war-dances, 221 Lysippus, his statue of Alexander the Great, 46 M ACHABEES, their government of the Jews, 15 Magistrates, the word employed by Sir T. Elyot to denote inferior governors, 25 Malshanger, the seat of Sir W. War- ham, clxxxii Man, the qualities natural to, 236 Mansuetude, the word, previously un¬ known in the English language, 268 Maps, use of, recommended, 45; of Ptolemy, 77; of Alexander the Grea% 78 ; of Italy, 78 Marforio, the statue called, at Rome, xcviii Marius, the Roman Consul, athletic exercises of, 176 Marsh, Thomas, one of the printers of The Governour, Ixix Marston, Long, the manor of, clxxxi Martial, Sir T. Elyot’s opinion of, 128; metrical translation of some verses of, 128 Master of the Rolls, Dr. John Taylor. Ivi; Cromwell, the first layman appointed, cxv Maturity, the word, newly-coined, 243 May-games, 266, and note a Meautys, John, Clerk to the Privy Council, li Mela, Pomponius, his geographical_ works, 81 Meleager, his fight with the boar of Calydonia, 190 Messengers, the name not applied to ambassadors, 119 Messina, Charles V. at, cxvii Michal, her contempt for David, 219 Mirandola, John Picus, Earl of, civ Modesty, Cicero’s definition of, 267; the word, not previously known in English, 268 Molembais, P. de Launay, seigneur de, xcv, and note d Monarchy, the best form of government, II ; examples of in nature, I2 Montpellier, the University of, cxiii 346 THE GOVERNOUR, MOO Moots, legal, in the sixteenth century, Sir T. Elyot’s description of, 148 More, Sir Thomas, his picture painted by Holbein, xliii ; Sir Thomas and Lady Elyot friends of, Ixii; his Utopia, Ixviii, Ixix; the news of his death communicated to Sir T. Elyot by Charles V., cxvii, cxviii ; effect upon Elyot’s career of his friendship for, cxxxii Morisco, the country of Morocco called, in the sixteenth century, 191 Morris, Francis, of Coxwell, son-in-law of Richard Puttenham, clxxxii Moses, a monarchical ruler, 13 Musseus, the poet, mentions dancing, 217 Music, a taste for, to be encouraged by a tutor, 38; but not to be indulged to excess, 41; miserable, of Nero, 41 ; the efficacy of, 214; remarks on by Ascham, 214, note a; by Put¬ tenham, ibid,', by Peacham, ibid, N aples, question whether Sir T. Elyot was at, cxx ; the family of Poderico of, cxlix Naturess, Hr., executor to Sir W. Fyn- derne, lx Negligence, of parents, one of the causes of the decay of learning, 98, Nero, the Emperor, the music of, 41; story of, and the pantomimist, 227 Nestor, Dionysius, the grammarian, cxxxv, and note d — the Homeric hero, his advice to Agamemnon, 254 Newmarket, inquisition taken at, on the death of Sir T. Elyot, clxxxi, and App. E. Nicholson, Dr,, Bishop of Carlisle, his notice of Sir T. Elyot, clxxiv Nobleman, a, exercises necessary for, 181 Nonius Marcellus, the grammarian, cxxxv Norfolk, His Grace the Duke of, his letter about Bevis, 185, note North, Sir Edward, Chancellor of the Court of Augmentations, clxvii; M.P. for Cambridgeshire, clxviii OXF Northbrooke, a writer of the sixteenth century, his plagiarism from The Governoiir, Tj 2 tiote a, 273, note b, 277 note a Nuremburg, the city of. Sir T. Elyot’s account of, Ixxviii, Ixxix Nurse, a wet, qualities indispensable in, 29; dry, or governess also re¬ quisite, 29; should be careful to speak good English, 35 O CTAVIUS, Augustus, the Em¬ peror, Rome not free from sedition until the time of, 20; his speeches always carefully prepared, 76 ; his use of the word matura, 245 Omitted, passages, in subsequent edi¬ tions of The Governonr, 27, 48, 49, 159, 160, 304, 305 Orators, Demosthenes and Cicero the most celebrated, 75; as defined by Cicero, 117 ; by Tacitus, 117 ; require a heap of all manner of learning, 118; ambassadors called, in the six¬ teenth century, 119 Order, consists in difference of degrees, 3; perceptible in the creation, 5; is absent, where all things are in com¬ mon, 7 Oribasius, the works of, read by Sir T. Elyot, xxxix Orpheus, mention of dancing in the poems of, 217 Ortus Vocabulorum, the work called, cxxxiii Orwin, Thomas, licence granted to, to print The Arte of English Poesie, clxxxvii Ovid, the Metamorphosis of. Sir T. Elyot’s description of, 67 ; the Fasti of, 67; Sir T. Elyot’s metrical trans¬ lation of the Rem, A?nor, (131-136), 128 Oxford, Sir T. Elyot erroneously stated to have been educated at, xxiii — Castle, commission of gaol delivery for, Ixi Oxfordshire, Sir T. Elyot in com¬ mission of the peace for, 1; Sheriff of, liv ; Cromwell’s visit to, Iv INDEX, 347 PAC ACE, Richard, his translation of Fisher’s sermon, cxxviii; his De Fructu, 164, note\)\ his opinion of grammarians, ibid ; his letter to Colet, 168, note b; his opinion of Linacre, 172, note Padua, the University of, cxiii Paget, Sir William, letter from, to Cromwell, cx; Ascham’s letter to, clxxiii Painting, a taste for, should be en¬ couraged in children, 43; its ad¬ vantages, 46; Englishmen inferior in the art of, to foreigners, 140 Palermo, Jean de Carondelet, Arch¬ bishop of, xcv, and note a Pandects, the, 156 Pandenus, the painter, his admiration of Phidias, 47 Parker, Richard, his Sceletos Cantahri- giensis, xxiv Parma, the Duchess of, Regent of the Low Countries, clxxxv Partridges, scarcity of, in England in the sixteenth century, 200 Pasqnil the plain. Sir T. Elyot’s work, xcviii Pasquinade, origin of the term, xcviii Patrizi, Francesco, Bishop of Gaieta, his De Regno et Regis Institutione, Ixv ; not to be confounded with the following, 304 note -the younger, his philosophical works, Ixv, his remarks on English archers, 304, note Paulet, Richard, husband of Lady Windsor, clxxxii Peacham, Henry, his Compleat Gentle¬ man, Ixx ; his plagiarism from The Governour, 181, note a Peleus, the father of Achilles, 36 Perotti, Nicolas, his Cornucopia, cxxxv Persia, the mode of hunting adopted in, 187 Pheasants, scarcity of, in England in the sixteenth century, 200 Phidias, the sculptor, his ivory statue of Jupiter, 47 Philip, King of Macedon, his early life, 36; his rebuke to his son Alex¬ ander, 42; his letter to Aristotle, 51; his wish that Alexander should be instructed by Aristotle, 106 POE Philosophy, moral, at what age to be studied, 91; education incomplete without the study of, 131 ; what it teaches, 162 Physic, Sir T. Elyot studied works on xxxix, cxi ; the study of, in England in the sixteenth century, cxi, 145 Physicians, indignant with Elyot for writing the Castle of Health, cxi; the College of, foundation of, 146, note Picus, John, Earl of Mirandola, civ Pins, a game played in the sixteenth century, 295 Pius 11 ., Pope, otherwise called .^neas Sylvius, 87, note d; his comparison of ancient with modern Germany, ibid. ; his De liberorum ediicatione, 124, note a Planets, the motion of the, supposed to have suggested dancing, 218 Plato, the works of, when to be read, 93; his celebrated saying, 104; his account of the origin of society, 117 ; on poets and poetry, 122 Plautus, Sir T. Elyot’s metrical trans¬ lation of A 7 nphitruo, iii, 2, 127 Playfellows, to be carefully chosen for children, 31 Playing, at dice, forbidden by law, 105; at judges, 288; at soldiers, 289, note Pleading, law, nomenclature of English, in the sixteenth century, 151; Wilson’s rules for, in his Art of Rhetoric, 152, note a; should be brought back to the ancient form used by the Romans, 154 Plebs, the Latin word, meaning of, 2 Pliny, mention of bees in, 13; of hawking, 197 Plutarch, a saying of, quoted by Sir T. Elyot in a letter, cxxxii; his Lives, 18 Pocock, Mr., assigns a wrong date to Elyot’s instructions, Ixxii; errone¬ ously attributes a letter of Sir T. Elyot to Augustine de Augustinis, Ixxxi, note Poderico, the family of, at Naples, cxlix Poets, contempt for, in England in the sixteenth century, 120; why called Vates, 122; ancient, false notion 348 THE GOVERNOUR. POE concerning, 123; how they should be read, 131 Poetry, the first philosophy, 121 Pointz, Sir Frances, his Table of Cedes^ clxvi Pollard, Lewis, serjeant-at-law, xxix; in the commission of the peace for Cornwall, xxxvi; knighted, xliii. Pompey, his passion for hunting, 190 Pontano, Giovanni, his De Principe^ Ixiv Poor, the, in what respect wiser than the rich, 168 Populus, the Latin word, meaning of, 2 Port, Sir John, of Etwall in Derbyshire, xlvii — Elizabeth, wife of George Fynderne, xlvii Portugal, King of, his illegitimate daughter, xlviii — Lady Talbot born in, xlviii; Royal Arms of, xlix Preachers, Mendicant, 235, and note a Preservative against Death, A, the last book written by Elyot, clxvii Prevost, Jean, brought Patrizi’s work to Paris, Ixv Pricks, shooting at marks called, 291 Pride, false, 9f parents, a cause of the decay of learning, 99 Piimero, a game of cards called, ci Privy Council, how constituted temp. Henry VIIL, li Probus, iEmilius, the works of, 18 — Aurelius, the learning of, no Proclamation, Royal, of Henry VHI, with regard to seditious books, cxxiv Proculus, tutor to M. Aurelius Anto¬ ninus, 52 Profit, the word, synonymous with weal, I Promptorium Parvulorum, the work called, cxxxiii Proteus, supposed to symbolise dancing, 215 Proverbs, the, of Solomon, to be read, 94 Providence, the definition of, 246 Ptolemy, Philadelphus, ordered the Scriptures to be translated, clviii — the maps of, 77; the advice given to, by Demetrius Phalareus, 82 Public weal, a, definition of, I; di- QUO vided by Sir T. Elyot into two branches, 24; contains a perfect har¬ mony of degrees, 43 Puebla, Fernando de la, Elyot’s cor¬ respondence with, Ixxxiii Puttenham, George, hitherto supposed to have writtm The Arte of English Poesie, clxxxii ; the authorship attri¬ buted to him by Mr. Haslewood, clxxxiii ; shown not to have been the author of that work, clxxxiv — Richard, heir to Sir T. Elyot, clxxxi ; purchases an estate at Sherfield, clxxxi; marries, clxxxii; travels on the continent, clxxxvi; ob¬ tains the royal pardon, clxxvi ; pre¬ sumably the author of The Arte of English Poesie, clxxxvi; in prison, clxxxviii; ill-treated by the Master of Requests, clxxxviii; his will, clxxxviii — Robert, marries Sir T. Elyot’s sister, xxxiv Pym, Erasmus, wardship of. Sir T. Elyot buys, lix — John, impeached by Charles I., lix Q uintilian, the third book of, recommended as a study, 73 Quoits, the game of, played in the sixteenth century, 295 ■Quotations from ancient authors — yElian, Var. Hist. (xiv. 22), 217 Aquinas, Summ. Theolog., 4, 6 Aristotle, Pol. {ni. ii [i6]j, 26; (vii. 15), 32; (viii. 2 [3]), 42 Augustan History, 52, 288 Augustine, Saint, 204, 208, 209 Aulus Gellius, JVoct. Att. (iv. 19), 97; (ix. 3), 106; (x. II), 244 Cicero, De Invent, (i. 8), 149; (ii. 15), 153 — DeOfficiis,(\. 29), 239, 288; (1. 31), 138; (i. 33). 260; (i. 40), 267; (i. 43), 240, 267 — De Oratore (i. 6), 118; (i. 12), 116 ; (i. 28), 15s; (i. 39), 155; (i. 44), 161; (ii. 9), 82, 117 — Tusc. Disp. (i. 26), 122; (ii. 26), 84; (hi. i), 29 Columella, De Re Rust. (xi. i), 270 Curtius, Q. (i. 2), 37, 51, 175 ; 0 - 3 )» 52, 107 INDEX. 349 QUO Quotations from ancient authors— Eutropius (viii. 5), 53; (viii. 7), 108 Galen, De sanitate tuendd, 98, 170, 171, 173. 174 Hieronymus, Saint, Coviment. in Ezekiel, 130 Homer,//?W(i. 250), 255; (i. 528), 47; (ix. 186), 40; (ix. 300), 40; (ix, 534), 190; (xiii. 730), 222 — Odyss. (iii. 245), 255 Horace, Epist. (ii. i), 123 Isocrates, ad NicocL, 82 John of Salisbury, Polycraticus, 277, 278 Justin, Historia (i. 3), 271; (xxxviii. 9) , 278 Lactantius (iii. 12), 49 Laertius, Diogenes, 51, 112 'Lvicxzxi, De Saltatione, 217, 218, 221, 222, 227, 228 Martial, Epigram (xii. 34), 128 Nepos, Cornelius, Epaminondas, 107, 174 Origen, Saint, Cantic. Cantic., 130 Ovid, Rem. Amor., 128, 270 Patrizi, De Regno et Reg. Inst., Ap¬ pend. F. Plato, De Rep. (v. 18), 104. — Phcedr. (51), 120 — Apol. (5), 265 Plautus, Amphitruo, 128 Pliny, Nat. Hist. (viii. 64), 183; (x. 10) , 198 Plutarch, Alexander {/^), 37; (5), 37; (8), 59, 107; (15), 40; (40), 190; (58), 180; (61) 183 — Apophth. Reg. et Imp., 82 — C^sar (49), 179 (59), 265 — Cleomenes {2), 71 — De Alex. Virt. (9), 175 — De Solert. Animal. (14), 183 — Numa (13;, 222 — Pericles (i), 42 — Pompeius (12), 190 — Poplicola (16), 178 — Sertorius (3), 180; (13), 191 — Theseus (9), 189 — Timoleon (15), 34 Proverbs (xxviii. 19), 240 Quintilian (i. i), 31, 32, 54; (i. 3), 51; (i. 4), 165; (ii. 3), 168; (ii. 5), 82; (iii. I), 120; (iii. 6), 149; (viii. 2), 255; (x. I), 131 RUF Sallust, Catilina (i), 244 Strabo (viii. 6), 190; (x. 3), 213 Suetonius, yulius (64), 179. — Octavius {6^), 33; (71), 277; (84), 76 ; (85), 69 Tacitus, de Oratoribus (30), 118, 158 Terence, Eunuch., 127 Valerius Maximus (iii. 2), 181 Vegetius, dereMilit. (i. 10), 177 Virgil, HEn. (i.), 64; (vi.)65; (xii.)65 Vitruvius, 44 Xenophon, Cyropced. (i. 2), 189 — CEconom. (4), 271 R AMPANES, the manor of, in Berkshire, xxxii Rapin, the historian, his error with respect to Sir T. Elyot, xci Rasis, an Arabian writer, his works read by Sir T. Elyot, xxxix; referred to by Burton in his Anatomy of Me¬ lancholy, 284, note b; and by Dr. Hyde, ibid. Raynsford, Mr., Ixxxix, xci, ciii Rebeck, the musical instrument called, 225 Rehoboam, called Roboaz, 14; the tyranny of, 14 Repetition, recommended for children as an exercise for memory, 57 Reprinse, the figure in dancing called, 253 Res, the Latin word, definition of, i Rhetoric, when to be taught, 72; what it is, 119; the formal divisions of, 149 Riding, a necessary exercise, 181 ; should be learned early, 185 ; at what age, according to Galen, 186, note a Robert, Duke of Normandy, styled Curthose, 100; elected King of Je¬ rusalem, 102; taken prisoner by Henry 1 , 103 Romans, governed by kings, 18; valued martial prowess, 177; delighted in dancing, 222 ; adopted Greek words into their language, 268 Rome, the history of, 83 Roper, William, his story about Elyot and Chas. V., cxviii Rounds, the dances called, 230 Rovers, shooting at marks called, 291 Rufus, William, his death, 101 350 THE GOVERNOUR. RUN Running, as an athletic exercise, 174 Rutters, meaning of the word, 301, 7iote^ Rydon, Robert, Clerk to the Privy Council, 1 Rymer, his MSS. used by Bishop Burnet, xcii S ALERNO, the school of medicine at, cxi, note Salii, the institution of the, 223 Salisbury, Sir Richard Elyot’s estate near, xxxiv Saluces, Fran9ois, Marquis de, cxxi Sandoval, the Spanish-historian, cxxiii Sardanapalus, the story of, 271 Saul, chosen king, 14; his evil spirit, 39 > 214 Savigny, Jean de, printed Patrizi’s work, Ixv Saxons, England under the, 22 Scsevola, Q., the Roman lawyer, 155 Scepeaux, Fran9ois de, Marechal de Vieilleville, clxxxvi Schoolmasters, their cruelty in the six¬ teenth century, 50; their small sala¬ ries, 113; their ignorance, 163; their occupation despised, 166 ; the de¬ scription of them given by Erasmus, 167, note a Scipio, Africanus, his fondness for Xenophon, 84 Scotch, character of the, in the sixteenth century, 88 Seckford, Mr., Master of Requests, clxxxviii Selden, his remarks on TAe Image of Governance, cli Senate, of Rome, instituted by Romulus, 20 Sermons, in England, in the sixteenth century, 126 Sertorius, called by the Spaniards the second Hannibal, 179; his feat of swimming, 179; his love of hunting, 190 Severus, Alexander, the Emperor, a letter alleged to have been written by him to the Bishop of Alexandria, cl; his Axiomata politica et ethica, clxi; his tutor, 52; his learning, no; confounded by Sir T. Elyot with Septimius Severus 288, note b TAB Shalm, the musical instrument called, 225 Shalstone, in Buckinghamshire, Sir T. Elyot’s step-sister buried at, xxxiii Shefford, East, the seat of the Fetiplace family, xli Sherfield upon Loddon, estate of, pur¬ chased by Richard Puttenham, clxxxi Silius Italicus, his Ftmica, recommended to be read, 69 Singles, the figure in dancing called, 246 Sirach, Jesus, quoted, 25 Sleep, what amount of, sufficient for children, 97 Socrates, his commendation of dancing, 228; called the wisest man in Greece, 265 Solinus, the geography of, 80 Solomon, the Proverbs of recommended to be read, 94 Speech, why given to man, 264 Sphere, treatises on the, 77 Spire, the city of, Sir T. Elyot’s de¬ scription of, Ixxviii Staughton, Great, Lady Elyot buried at, clxxxi Star Chamber, clerk of the, his salary, li Stonehenge, Sir T. Elyot’s acquaint¬ ance with, xxxvi Strabo, the Geography of, 80 Stiype, the historian, his errors with respect to Sir T. Elyot, xci, cxxviii Sturm, John, his De educandis Prin- cipum liberis compared with The Governour, Ixx; his remarks on the Latin language, 67 note Suger, the abbe, his character of Henry I., 99, note b Swear, to, like a lord, use of the phrase, 275 Swimming, long neglected as an athletic exercise, 176; practised by the Romans, 177; by Caesar, 179; by Sertorius, 179; Alexander the Great ignorant of, 180; advantages of, 181 Sylvius, .^neas. See Pius II., Pope T ables, the game called, in the sixteenth century, 282, and note b INDEX, 351 TAG Tacitus, the Emperor, learning of, no — the historian, his works, 90; his definition of an orator, 117 Talbot, Lady, married to Thomas Feti- place, xlviii Tarquinius, Superbus, his exile, 18, 20, 34 , 178 Tayler, Dr. John, Master of the Rolls, Ivi, cxv Tennis, the game of, 292 Terence, the false notion with respect to, in the sixteenth century, 123; Sir T. Elyot’s metrical translation of, 127 Tetrarchies, the form of government established by the Romans in Judea, 15 Theatre, the Roman, Elyot’s descrip¬ tion of, 41 Thebans, their aristocratical form of government, 9 Theodosius, the Emperor, learning of, III Theseus, his fight with Phera, 189 Throckmorton, Sir John, married Richard Puttenham’s sister, clxxxi; his epitaph written by Richard Put- tenham, clxxxiv Tildisley, William, Librarian to Henry VIII., cxxxiv Tillemont, M. de, alludes to The Image of Governance, clii Time, ancient. Sir T. Elyot’s definition of, 197 Titus, the Emperor, his taste for the fine arts, 43 Toppi, a Neapolitan writer, cxlix Tortelius, the Italian grammarian, cxxxv, and note e Tiagedies, at what age to be read, 71 Trajan, the Emperor, said to have been the pupil of Plutarch, 53 Trallianus, Alexander, his works read by Elyot, xxxix Translations, of foreign works, recom¬ mended by Elyot, 269 Treasurer of the king’s jewels, Crom¬ well styled, cx Tribunes, Roman, elected by the people, Tunis, the expedition of Chas V. to, cxxiii VIR Turgions, the dances called, 230 Tutor, the qualities necessary for a, 36; Phoenix, to Achilles, 36; Leonidas, to Alexander the Great, 37; the duties of his office, 38; should not fatigue his pupil, 38; should en¬ courage a taste for music, 42; Aris¬ totle, to Alexander the Great, 52 ; Proculus, to M. Aurelius Antoninus, 52; Frontinus, to Alexander Severus, 52 note d ; Plutarch, to Trajan, 53 ; should encourage athletic exercises, 171 ; Socrates, to Alcibiades, 250 Tyndale, William, Sir T. Elyot ordered to arrest, Ixxv, Ixxvii U LYSSES, the subject of the Odyssey, 60 Understanding, man approaches most nearly to God in, 5; those who excel in, ought to be highest in authority, 6 ; the Latin equivalent of, 131 . Uzza, called Oza, 95; the fate of, 95 V ALERIUS Maximus, copied by Patrizi, Ixiv Valla, Laurentius, his De Elegantid, cxxxv, note f; his remarks on the Commentators on the civil law, 14.7, note Vannes, Peter, Secretary to Henry VHL, cxxvii, cxxix Varro, Marcus Terentius, the gram¬ marian, cxxxv; his derivation of the word public, 2 Vaughan, Stephen, the English Re¬ sident at Antwerp, Ixxv; his letters to Cromwell, Ixxv, Ixxvi Vaulting, as an athletic exercise, 186 Vely, le Sieur de, Claude Dodieu, Ixxviii, note b ; cxxi, cxxii Venice, condition of, in the sixteenth century, 22 Venus, the Pagan worship of, 210 Verres, the Orations of Cicero against, 158 Verses, boys to be taught to make, 68 Versifiers, who were called anciently, 120 Virgil, resemblance between, and 352 THE GOVERNOUR. viv Homer, 6i; the Bucolics Georgies suitable for boys, 62; also the yEneid, 64; to be preferred before any other Latin author, 66 Vives, Ludovicus, recommends the compilation of a good Dictionary, cxxxiii, note a; tutor to Charles V. and the Princess Mary, daughter of Henry VIII., 92, note 2. \ on elegiac poets, 124, note a ; his sketch of the rise of comedy, 124, note c; on dancing, 206, note a W AR-HORSE, advantage of rid¬ ing a, in battle, 182; of Alex¬ ander the Great, 182; of Caesar, 183; of Bevis Earl of Southampton, 184 Water, to lay in, a proverbial expres¬ sion, 258 Weal, public. See Public Weight, putting the, as an athletic ex¬ ercise, 171 Weston Colville, the manor of, xlvi, lx William Rufus, his death, loi Willingham, the manor of, clxiv Willis, Browne, his references to Elyot, xxvi, lx, clxvi Wiltshire, Sir Richard Elyot’s estates in, xxxiv Winchcombe, family of, bought East Shefford, 1 Windsor, Lady, wife of George Put- tenham, clxxxii Wolsey, Cardinal, an arbitrator be- ZEN tween the Corporation of Norwich and the Monastery, xliii; hears the suit between the Fyndernes and Elyot, xlvii; appoints Thomas Elyot Clerk to the Privy Council, 1 ; in¬ creases the jurisdiction of the Star Chamber, li; his attainder, Ixi Wolman, Dr., Dean of Wells, li, lii; assigned to hear causes of poor suitors, lii Women, coursing a good exercise for, 195 Woodstock, men of, summoned to London by Elyot, Ivi Worms, the city of, described by Sir T. Elyot, Ixxvii Wotton, Dr. William, his censure of The Image of Governance^ cxlv-clxi Wrestling, as an athletic exercise, 173 Wynkyn de Worde, printed a sermon of John Fisher, exxv; his Ortus Voca- biUorum, cxxxiii ENOPHON, the Cyropaedia of, Guevara’s Golden Book re¬ sembles, cxlv; Sir T. Elyot’s opinion of, 84; on hunting, 186 Xerxes, story related of, by mistake for Cyrus, 271 and note a Z ENOBIA, one of the eharaeters introduced in The Defence of Good Women, cxliii LONDON : PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET '-' 4 , ^ - •- "■■' ■:, ■.-' :■ ■■ ry■' ’■' .. #<.. ■ ■ ■• ■-' ^ I ^ ■•’V'• '•:;■ ,,.’ri^ 'f' : • ■*' uT^ 'i^-V-'i ' * ’' i' '■ " *" > fi^.v ■'' iv . :^' ' J- ' Sv;-.-. if . ■* ‘ ;' -,,:* i3E#:..'iww ■ ; \ Be'..- 4<' j . ^'V,,» ■> <>>;« ■ ■ * ■ ,X’' ■? ' i|g