LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAICN 220.7 J24 V.3 The person charging this material is re- sponsible for its return to the library from which it was withdrawn on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 977 ■7 LI6I — O-1096 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/commentarycritic03jami_0 1 ] I i j 1 i j 1 i i i 1 A COMMENTARY, CRITICAL, EXPERIMENTAL, AND PRACTICAL, ON THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS, r,V THE REV. ROBERT JAMIESON, D.D., ST. PAUL'S, GLASGOW; REV. A. R. FAUSSET, A.M., ST. CUTHBERT'S, YORK; AND THE REV. DAVID BROWN, D.D., PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY, ABERDEEN. VOL. Ill JOB — IS AI AH. BY THE EEV. A. R FAUSSET, A.M. GLASGOW: WILLIAM COLLINS, SONS, AND COMPANY; LONDON: JAMES NISBET AND CO. PEET ACE. IfY AIM in the following Commentary is not so much to give my comments ■^^^ on Holy Writ as to make the Word of God its ov/n interpreter. Scripture is self-contained, and, in so far as it is understood aright, is independent of external aids. The best commentary on the Bible is that which will clear out of the way of the English reader all such impediments to our perception of the sense as arise out of our human ignorance. To remove such impediments, and to let Scripture speak for itself, is the aim of the present undertaking. One hindrance arises from the fact that the Word of God was originally given in languages which are distinct, in many of their idioms and modes of thought, from our mother-tongue. It is true that no book suffers so little from faithful translation as the Bible, owing to its being adapted to the universal family of man, in all times and places. Nevertheless, even the Bible, and especially the Old Testament, presents many idiomatic phrases, figurative modes of speech, and allusions to Hebrew usages which need explanation to the English reader. Modern research has put within our reach many means for the elucidation of such difficulties, and it is right that not merely the learned, but also the general readers and lovers of the Bible, should enjoy the benefit. The books of ancient and modern writers have accordingly been freely used in this Commentary, each in that department in which the writer is most eminent. Some names will be seen quoted in these volumes with whose rationalistic principles I have not the least sympathy. They are simply quoted for that wherein they have rendered help to the understanding of Scripture, though in other respects they^ have "darkened counsel by words." Some of them have suggested valuable criticisms on the Hebrew words: others have thrown light upon questions of history and antiquities; and for this alone I quote them. Rationalists and deniers of inspiration have been constrained, b}^ the overruling Providence of God, to subserve the cause of truth, which they have vainly attem,pted to overthrow. Honey is produced in the carcase of the slain lion, and " out of the eater comes forth meat." My experience in the careful comparison of the English version with the original has been that, for the most part, our authorized version is the best rendering. There are, however, many passages in v/hich it is desirable that the. intelligent English reader shall know what is the various translation proposed by some able critics. Let him, on the one hand, remember that not the English, version, but the original autograph, is strictly the infallible Word of God in its minutest words. On the other hand, let him rest assured that, in the main, the English version is a most faithful rendering, made by some of the ablesfc'and 129606 iv PREFACE, most devoufc scholars who have ever lived, and is practically, and with the exception of some possible and other probable corrections, the infallible Word of God to us. Once for all, let me state my unhesitating conviction of the plenary and verbal inspiration of "all Scripture," and of Holy Scripture alone. Not that the sacred writers were mere machines: they retained their individuality and conscious agency (1 Cor. xiv. 82); but their words were so controlled by the superintending agency of the Spirit that all their words were sanctioned by God for the purposes of His revelation. " It came not by the will of man ; but holy men of God sjc^alce as they were moved by the Holy Ghost" (2 Pet. i. 21). The apostles spake, and their speeches were afterwards embodied in writing, " not in the words which man's wisdom teacheth, but which the Holy Ghost teacheth" (1 Cor. ii. 13). If the Apocrypha be quoted in this Com- mentary, it is quoted, not as Holy Scripture, but as a valuable human history, to elucidate the Word of God. In the Old Testament I have scarcely ever recommended any reading as preferable to that of the Hebrew MSS. used by our English version, except that occasionally where the Chetib, or old Hebrew text, reads differently from the Keri, or Hebrew margin, I have sometimes preferred the former as tlie more genuine. In the New Testament there is greater ground, in several passages, for an alteration of the text so as to accord with older Greek MSS,,, versions, and authorities, which were not so much attended to, or known, when the English version was made, as they are in our days. The more firmly we believe in verbal inspiration, the more interest we have in the restoration, even in minor details (which are all that are in question in the case), of the exact words of the original autographs. In consonance with the principle that Scripture is its own best commentator, I have made frequent reference to parallel passages — not seeming or super- ficial parallels, which often mislead — but such as appear to me real parallels. Let me urge the reader always to take the trouble of searching them out, and judging for himself the reality and suggestiveness of the parallelism. A. R FAUSSET. St. Cuthbert's, York, Juli/, ISGG. INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. HEBREW poetry is unique in its kind : in essence, the most sublime ; in form, marked by a simplicity and ease which flow from its sublimity. ^ The Spirit of the Lord spake hy the Hebrew poet, and His word was upon his tongue ' (2 Sam. xxiii. 2). Even the music was put under the charge of spiritually gifted men; and one of the chief musicians, Heman, is called "the king's seer in the words of God" (1 Chr. xxv. 1, 5). King David is stated to have invented instruments of music (Amos vi. 5). There is not in Hebrew poetry the artistic rhythm of form which appears in the classical poetry of Greece and Rome; but it amply makes up for this by its fresh and graceful naturalness. Early specimens of Hebrew poetry occur — e. g., Lamech's sceptical parody of Enoch's prophecy, or, as others think, lamentation for a homicide committed in those lawless times in self-defence (Gen. iv. 23 : cf. Jude 14; Exod. xxxii. 18; Num. xxi. 14, 15, 17, 18, 27; xxiii. 7, 8, 18 ; xxiv. 3, 15). The poetical element appears much more in the Old than in the New Testament. The poetical books are exclusively those of the Old Testament ; and in the Old Testament itself the portions that are the most funda- mental {e. g., the Pentateuch of Moses, the lawgiver, in its main body) are those which have in them least of the poetical element in form. Elijah, the father of the prophets, is quite free of poetical art. The succeeding prophets were not strictly poets, except in so far as the ecstatic state in inspiration lifted them to poetic modes of thought and expres- sion. The prophet was more of an inspired teacher than a poet. It is when the sacred writer acts as the representative of the p>^^^sonal experiences of the children of God and of the Church that poetry finds its proper sphere. The use of poetry in Scripture was particularly to supply the want not provided for by the law, viz., of devotional forms to express in private, and in public joint worship, the feelings of pious Israelites. The schools of the proi)hets fostered and diff'used a religious spirit among the people ; and we find them using lyric instruments to accompany their prophesyings (1 Sam. x. 5). David, however, it was who specially matured the lyric efi'usions of devotion into a perfection which they had not before attained. Another purpose which Psalmody, through David's inspired productions, served, was to draw forth from under the typical forms of legal services their hidden essence and spirit, adapting them to the various spiritual exigencies of individual and congregational life. Nature, too, is in them shown to speak the glory and goodness of the invisible yet ever- present God. A handbook of devotion was furnished to the Israelite whereby he could enter into the true spirit of the services of the sanctuary, and so feel the need of that coming Messiah, of whom especially the Book of Psalms testifies throughout. We also, in our Christian dispensation, need its hel^^ in our devotions. Obliged as we are, not- withstanding our higher privileges in most respects, to walk by faith rather than by sight in a greater degree than they, we find the Psalms, with their realizing expression of the felt nearness of God, the best repertory whence to draw divinely -sanctioned language, wherewith to express our prayers and thanksgivings to God, and our breathings after holy communion with our fellow- saints. As to the objection raised against the spirit of revenge which breathes in some psalms, the answer is, a wide distinction is to be drawn between personal vindictiveness and the desire for God's honour being vindicated. Personal revenge, not only in the other parts of Scripture, but also in the Psalms, in theory and in practice, is alike repro- bated (Exod. xxiii. 4, 5 ; Lev. xix. 18 ; Job xxxi. 29, 30 ; Ps. vii. 4, 5, 8, 11, 12 ; Prov. xxv. 21, 22), which corresponds to David's practice in the case of his unrelenting enemy (1 Sam. xxiv. 5, 6 ; xxvi. 8-10). On the other hand, the i:>eople of God have always desired that whatever mars the cause of God — as, for instance, the prosperity of the enemies of God and His Church— should be brought to an end (Ps. x. 12 ; xxx. 27 ; vi INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. xJ. 16; Ixxix. 6-10). It is well for us, too, in our dispensation of love, to be reminded by these psalms of the danger of lax views as to God's hatred of sin ; and of the need there is we should altogether enter into the mind of God on such points, at the same time that we seek to convert all men to God (cf. 1 Sam. xvi. 1; Ps. cxxxix. 21; Isa. Ixvi. 2i; Rev. xiv. 10). Some psalms are composed of twenty-two parallel vsentences, or strophes of verses, beginning with words of which the initial letters correspond with the Hebrew letters (twenty-two), in their order, (cf Ps. xxxvii. and cxix.) So Lamentations. This arrange- ment was designed as a help to the memory, and is only found in such compositions as handle not a distinct and progressive subject, but a series of pious reflections, in the case of which the precise order was of less moment. The Psalmist, in adopting it, does not slavishly follow it; but, as in the 25th Psalm, deviates from it, so as to make the form, when needful, bend to the sense. Of these poems there are twelve in all in the Hebrew Bible, (Ps. XXV., xxxiv., xxxvii., cxi., cxii , cxix., cxlv. ; Prov. xxxi. 10-31 ; Lam. i., ii., iii., iv.) The great excellence of the Hebrew jjrinciple of versification — viz., parallelism, or ^ thonght-rhythm ' (Eicald) — is, that whilst the poetry of every other language whose versification depends on the regular recurrence of certain sounds suffers considerably by translation, Hebrew poetry, whose rhythm depends on the parallel correspondence of similar thoughts, loses almost nothing in being translated — the Holy Spirit having thus presciently provided for its ultimate translation into every language without loss to the sense. Thus, our English version Job and Psalms, though but translations, are eminently poetical. On parallelism, see Introduction to Job. Thus, also, a clue is given to tlie meaning in many passages, the sense of the word in one clause being more fully set fortli by the corresponding word in the succeeding parallel clause. In the Masoretic punctua- tion of the Hebrew the metrical arrangement is marked by the distinctive accents. It accords with the Divine inspiration of Scripture poetry that the thought is more pro- minent than the form, the kernel than the shell. The Hebrew poetic rhythm resembled our blank verse, without, however, metrical feet. There is a verbal rhythm above that of prose; but as the true Hebrew pronunciation is lost, the rhythm is but imperfectly recognized. The peculiarity of the Hebrew poetical age is, that it was always historic and true, not mythical, as the early poetical ages of all other nations. Again, its poetry is dis- tinguished from prose by the use of terms decidedly poetic. David's lament over Jonathan furnishes a beautiful specimen of another feature found in Hebrew poetry, the strophe — three strophes being marked by the recurrence three times of the dirge sung by the chorus ; the first dirge sung by the whole body of singers, representing Israel ; the second, by a chorus of damsels ; the third, by a chorus of youths (2 Sam. i. 17-27). The lyrical poetry, which is the predominant style in the Bible, and is especially terse and sententious, seems to have come from an earlier kind, resembling the more modern Book of Proverbs (cf Gen. iv. 23, 24). The Oriental mind tends to embody thought in pithy gnomes, maxims, and proverbs. * The poetry of the Easterns is a string of pearls. Every word has life. Every proposition is condensed wisdom. Every thought is striking and epigrammatical ' {Kitto, * Biblical Cyclop£Bdia'). We are led to the same inference from the term Maschal, *a proverb' or 'similitude,' being used to designate poetry in general. * Hebrew poetry, in its origin, was a painting to the eye, a ])arable or teaching by likene.sses discovered by the po])ular mind, expressed by the popular tongue, and adopted and polished by the national poet.' Solomon, under inspiration, may have embodied in his Proverbs such of the pre-existing popular wise sayings as were sanctioned by the Spirit of God. The Hebrew title for the Psalms, Tehilim, means hymns, i.e., joyous praises (aomG- times accompanied with dancing, Exod. xv. ; Judg. v.), not exactly answering to the I>XX. title. Psalms — i.e., lyrical odes, or songs accompanied by an instrument. Tlie title Tehilim, 'hymns,' was ])robably ado])ted on account of the use made of the Psalms in divine service, though only a part can be strictly called songs of praise, others being dirges^ and very msiny prayers (whence, in Ps. Ixxii. 20, David styles all his previous composi- tions " the prayers of David"). Sixty-five bear the title, lyrical odes {MizmoHin), whilst INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. vii only one is styled Tehilah or hymn. From the title being Psalms in the LXX. and New- Testament, and also the Peshito, it is probable that Psalms (Mizmorim), or lyrical odes, was the old title before Teliilim. Epic poetry, as having its proper sphere in a mythical heroic age, has no place among the Hebrews of the Old Testament Scripture age. For in their earliest ages, viz., the patriarchal, not fable, as in Greece, Rome, Egypt, and all heathen nations, but truth and historic reality reigned ; so much so that the poetic element, which is the offspring of the imagination, is less found in those earlier than in the later ages. The Pentateuch is almost throughout historic prose. In the subsequent uninspired age, in Tobit, we have some approach to the Epos. Drama, also, in the full modern sense, is not found in Hebrew literature. This wa3 due, not to any want of intellectual culture, as is fully shown by the high excellence of their lyric and didactic poetry, but to their earnest character, and to the solemnity of the subjects of their literature. The dramatic element appears in Job more than in any other book in the Bible; there are the dramatis personoi, a plot, and a 'denouement' prepared for by Elihu, the fourth friend's speech, and brought about by tlie interposition of Jehovah himself. Still, it is not a strict drama, but rather an inspired debate on a difficult problem of the Divine government exemplified in Job's case, with historic narra- tive, prologue, and epilogue. The Song of Solomon, too, has much of the dramatic cast. See Introductions to Job and Song of Solomon. The Style of many psalms is very dramatic, transitions often occurring from one to another person, without introduction, and especially from speaking indirectly of God to addresses to God ; thus, in Psalm xxxii. 1, 2, David makes a general introduction, " Blessed is the man whose iniquity is forgiven," &c. ; then, at vv. 3-7, he passes to addressing God directly ; then, in v. 8, without preface, God is introduced, directly speaking, in answer to the previous prayer ; then, vv. 10, 11, again he resumes indirect speaking of God, and addresses himself in conclusion to the righteous. These quick changes of person do not startle us, but give us a stronger sense of his habitual converse with God than any assertions could do. Cf also^ in Psalm cxxxii. 8-10, the prayer, "Arise, O Lord, into thy rest ; thou, and the ark of thy strength. Let thy priests he clothed with righteousness ; and let thy saints shout for joy. For thy servant David's sake turn not away the face of thine anointed," with God's direct answer, which follows in almost the words of the prayer, " The Lord hath sworn unto David, &c. This is my rest for ever {v. 14). I will clothe her priests with salvation ; and her saints shall shout aloud Jor joy'^ Thus, also, in Psalm ii., various personages are introduced dramatically acting and speaking — the confederate nations, Jehovah, the Messiah, and the Psalmist. A frequent feature is the alternate succession of parts, adapting the several psalms to alternate recitation by two semi-choruses in the temple worship, followed by a full chorus between the parts or at the end. So Ps. cvii. 15, 21, 31. De Burgh, in his valuable commentary on the Psalms, remarks, ' Our cathedral service exemplifies the form of chanting the Psalms, except that the semi-chorus is alternately a whole ve7'se, instead of alternating, as of old, the half verse; while the full chorus is the "gloria" at the end of each Psalm.' In conclusion, besides its unique point of excellence, its Divine inspiration, Hebrew poetry is characterized as being essentially national, yet eminently catholic, speaking to the heart and spiritual sensibilities of universal humanity. Simple and unconstrained, it is distinguished by a natural freshness, which is the result of its genuine truthfulness. The Hebrew poet sought not self, or his own fame, as all heathen poets, but was inspired by the Spirit of God to meet a pressing want, which his own and his nation's spiritual aspirations after God made to be at once a necessity and a delight. Cf. 2 Sam. xxiii. 1, 2, "The sweet Psalmist of Israel said. The Spirit of the Lord spake by me," &c. Ewald rightly remarks, as several odes of the highest poetic excellence are not included (e. g., the songs of Moses, Exod. xv. and xxxii. ; of Deborah, Judg. v. ; of Hannah, 1 Sam. ii. 1-10 ; of Hezekiah, Isa. xxxviii. 9-20 ; of Habakkuk, Hab. iii. ; and even David's dirge over Saul and Jonathan, 2 Sam. i. 17, 18), * The selection of the Psalms collected in one book was made not so much with reference to the beauty of the pieces, as to their adaptation for public worship. Still, one overruling Spirit ordered the selection viii INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. and arriingement of the contents of the book, as one pervading tone and subject appear throughout, — Christ in His own inner life as the God-man, and in His past, present, and future rehitions to the Cliurcli and the world.' Isaac Taylor well calls the Psalms ' The Liturgy of the spiritual life and Luther, * A Bible in miniature.' The of the order in which the Psalms, though not always discoverable, is in some cases clear, and shows the arrangement to be unmistakably the work of the Spirit, not merely that of the collector. Thus, Ps. xxii. plainly portrays the dying agonies of Messiah ; Ps. xxiii.. His peaceful rest in Paradise after His death on the cross ; and Ps. xxiv., His glorious ascension into heaven. THE BOOK OF JOB. Job A Beal Persoit. — It has been supposed by some that the Book of Job is an allegory, not a real narrative, on account of the artificial character of many of its statements. Thus, the sacred numbers, thi'ee and seven, often occur. He had seven thousand sheep, seve7i sons, both before and after his trials ; his three friends sit down with him seven days and seven nights ; both before and after his trials he had th'ee daughters. So, also, the number and form of the speeches of the several speakers seem to be artificial. The name of J ob, too, is derived from an Arabic word signifying repentance. But Ezek. xiv^l4 (cf. v. 16-20) speaks of "Job" in conjunction with "Noah and Daniel," real persons. St. James (v. 11) also refers to Job as an example of "patience;" which he would not have been likely to do had Job been only a fictitious person. Also, the names of persons and places are specified with a particularity not to be looked for in an allegory. As to the exact doubling of his possessions after his restoration, no doubt the rou7icl number is given for the exact number, as the latter approached near the former; this is often done in undoubtedly historical books. As to the studied number and form of the speeches, it seems likely that the arguments were substantially those ' which appear in the Book, but that the studied and poetic form were given by Job himself, guided by the Holy Spirit. He lived 140 years after his trials, and nothing would be more natural than that he should, at his leisure, mould into a perfect form the arguments used in the momentous debate, for the instruction of the Church in all ages. Probably, too, the debate itself occupied several sittings ; and the number of speeches assigned to I each was arranged by preconcerted agreement, and each was allowed the interval of a I day or more io prepare carefully his speech and replies : this will account for the speakers bringing forward their arguments in regular series, no one speaking out of his turn. As to the name Job — repentance (supposing the derivation correct) — it was common in old times to give a name from circumstances which occurred at an advanced period of life, and this is no argument against the reality of the person. Where Job Lived. — Uz, according ta Gesenius, means a light sandy soil, and was in the North of Arabia Deserta, between Palestine and the Euphrates, called by Ptolemy ('Geography,' 19) Ausitai, or Aisitai. In Gen. x. 23 ; xxii. 21; xxxvi. 28; and 1 Chr. i. 17-42, it is the name of a man; in Jer. xxv. 20; Lam. iv. 21 ; and Job i. 1, it is a country. Uz, in Gen. xxii. 21, is said to be the son of Nahor, brother of Abraham, a diftcrent person from the one mentioned in Gen. x. 23, a grandson of Shem. The probability is, that tlie country took its name from the latter of the two ; for tliis one was the son of Aram, from whom the Arameans take their name; and those dwelt in Mesopotamia, between the rivers Euphrates and Tigris. Cf as to the dwelling of the sons of Shem in Gen. x. 30, "a mount of tJie East," answering to "men of the East'' (Job i. 3). Raiolinson, in his deciphering of the Assyrian inscriptions, states, that ' Uz is the jn-evailing name of tlie country at the mouth of tlie Euphrates.' It is probable tliat Eliphaz the Temanite I and the Sabeans dwelt in that quarter ; and wo know that the Clialdeans resided there, and not near Idumea, whicli some identify with Uz. The tornado from " the wilder- I nesrt" (ch. i. 19) agrees with tlie view of it being Arabia Deserta. Job (ch. i. 3) is ' called "tlie greatest of the men of the East;" but Idumea was not East, but South of Palestine; therefore, in Scrif)ture language, the phrase cannot aj)})ly to that country; but : probably refers to the Noith of Arabia Deserta, between I*alestine, Idumea, and the THE BOOK OF JOB. Euphrates. So the Arabs still show in the Houran. a place called Uz, as the residence oi Job. I The Age when Job Lived. — Eusebius fixes it two ages before Moses — i. e., about the time of Isaac — eighteen hundred years before Christ, and six hundred after the deluge. I Agreeing with this are the following considerations: — 1. Job's length of life is patriarchal, 200 years. 2. He alludes only to the earliest form of idolatry — viz., the worship of the sun, moon, and heavenly hosts (called Saha, whence arises the title Lord of Sabaoth, a? opposed to Sabeanism) (ch. xxxi. 26-28). 3. The number of oxen and rams sacrificed, seven, as in the case of Balaam. God would not have sanctioned this after the giving of the Mosaic law, though He might graciously accommodate himself to existing customs be/ore the law. 4. The language of Job is Hebrew, interspersed occasionally with Syriao and Arabic expressions, implying a time when all the Shemetic tribes spoke one common tongue, and had not branched into different dialects, Hebrew, Syriac, and Arabic. 5. He speaks of the most ancient kind of writing, viz., sculpture. Riches, also, are reckoned by cattle. The Hebrew word translated a piece of money, ought rather to be rendered a : lamb. 6. There is no allusion to the exodus from Egypt and to the miracles that accom- panied it; nor to the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah {Patrick, however, thinks there is) ; though there is to the flood (ch. xxii. 1^) ; and these events, happening in Job's vicinity, would have been striking illustrations of the argument for God's interposition in destroying the wicked and vindicating the righteous, had Job and his friends known of them. Nor is there any undoubted reference to the Jewish law, ritual, and priesthood. 7. The religion of Job is that which prevailed among the patriarchs previous to the Law : sacrifices performed by the head of each family ; no ofl&ciating priesthood, temple, or con- secrated altar. The Whiter. — All the foregoing facts accord with Job himself having been the author. The style of thought, imagery, and manners, are such as we should look for in the work of an Arabian emir. There is precisely that degree of knowledge of primitive j tradition (see ch. xxxi. 33, as to Adam) which was universally spread abroad in the days of Noah and Abraham, and which was subsequently embodied in the early chapters of Genesis. Job, in his speeches, shows that he was much more competent to compose the w^ork than Elihu, to whom Lighffoot attributes it. The style forbids its being attributed to Moses, to whom its composition is by some attributed, ' whilst he was among the Midianites, about B. c. 1520.' But the fact that it, though not a Jewish book, appears among the Hebrew sacred writings, makes it likely that it came to the knowledge of Moses during tlie forty years which he passed in parts of Arabia, chiefly near Horeb; and that he, by Divine guidance, introduced it as a sacred writing to the Israelites, to whom, in their affliction, the patience and restoration of Job were calculated to be a lesson of especial utility. That it is inspired appears from the fact that Paul (1 Cor. iii. 19) quotes it (Job v. 13) with the formula, "It is written." Our Saviour, too (Matt» xxiv. 28), plainly refers to Job^xix. 30. Cf. ako Jas. iv. 10, and 1 Pet. v. 6, with Job xxii. 29; Pom. xi. 34, 35, with Job xv. 8. It is probably the oldest book in the world. It stands among the Hagiographa in the three-fold division of Scripture into the Law, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa ("Psalms," Luke xxiv. 44). Design of the Book. — It is a public debate in poetic form on an important question concerning the Divine government ; moreover, the prologue and epilogue, which are in prose, shed the interest of a living history over the debate, which would otherwise be but a contest of abstract reasonings. To each speaker of the three friends three speeches are assigned. J ob having no one to stand by him, is allowed to reply to each speech of each of the three. Eliphaz, as the eldest, leads the way. Zophar, at his tldrd turn, failed to speak, thus virtually owning himself overcome (ch. xxvii.) ; and therefore Job continued his reply, which forms tJiree speeches (chs. xxvi., xxvii., xxviii., xxix.-xxxi.). Elihu (ch. xxxii.-xxxvii.)is allowed four speeches. Jehovah makes three addresses, (chs. xxxviii.-xli.) Thus, throughout there is a tripartite division. The whole is divided into three parts : — the prologue, poem proper, and epilogue. The poem into three : — 1. The dispute of Job and his three friends; 2. The address of Elihu; 3. The address of God. There are three series in the controversy, and in the same order. The epilogue (ch. xlii.) also is three- fold : Job's justification, reconciliation with his friends, restoration. The speakers also, INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. in their successive speeches, regularly advance frmn less to greater vehemence. "With all this artificial compositiou everything seems easy and natural. The question to be solved, as exemplified in tlie case of Job, is, AVhy are the righteous afilicted consistently with G-od's justice? The doctrine of retribution after death, no doubt, is the great solution of the difficulty. And to it Job plainly refers in ch. xiv. 14, and ch. xix. 25. The objection to this, that the explicitness of the language on the resurrection in Job is inconsistent with the obscurity on the subject in the early books of the Old Testament, is answered by the fact, that Job enjoyed the Divine vision (ch. xxxviii. 1 ; xlii. 5), and therefore, hy inspiration, foretold these truths. Next, the reve- lations made outside of Israel being few, needed to be the more explicit; thus, Balaam's prophecy (Num. xxiv. 17) was clear enough to lead the wise men of the East by the star (Matt, ii.); and in the age before the written law, it was the more needful for God not to leave himself without witness of the truth. Still, Job evidently did not fully realize the significance designed by the Spirit in his own words (cf. 1 Pet. i. 11, 12). The doctrine, though existing, was not plainly revealed, or at least understood. Hence he does not mainly vQ^ev to this solution. Yes, and even now, we need something in addition to this solution. David, who firmly believed in a future retribution (Ps. xvi. 10; xvii. 15), still felt the difficulty not entirely solved thereby, (Ps. Ixxxiii.) The solution is not in Job's or in his three friends' speeches. It must, therefore, be in Elihu's. God will hold a final judgment, no doubt, to clear up all that seems dark in his present dealings; but He also 7iow providentially and morally governs the world, and all the events of human life. Even the comparatively righteous are not without sin whicli needs to be corrected. The justice and love of God administer the altogether deserved and merciful correction. Affliction to the godly is thus mercy and justice in disguise. The afiBlicted believer, on repentance, sees this, ' Via crucis, via salutis.' Though afflicted, the godly are happier even now than the ungodly, and when affliction has attained its end, it is removed by the Lord. In the Old Testament, the consolations are more temporal and outward; in the New Testament, more spiritual; but in neither to the entire exclusion of the other. 'Prosperity,' says Bacon, 'is the blessing of the Old Testament; adversity that of the New Testament, which is the mark of God's more especial favour. Yet even in the Old Testament, if you listen to David's harp, you shall hear as many hearse-like airs as carols ; and the pencil of the Holy Ghost has laboured more in describing the afflictions of Job than the felicities of Solomon. Prosperity is not without many feai-s and distastes; and adversity is not without comforts and hopes.' This solution of Elihu is seconded by the addresses of God, in which it is shown that God must be just (because He is God), as Elihu had shown how God can be just, and yet the righteous be afilicted. It is also acquiesced in by Job, who makes no reply. God reprimands the three friends, but not Elihu. Job's general course is approved; he is directed to intercede for his friends; and is restored to double his former prosperity. Poetry. — In all countries poetry is the earliest form of composition, as being best retained in the memory; and in the East especially it was customary to preserve their sentiments in a terse, proverbial, and poetic form (called maschal). Hebrew jioetry is not constituted by the rhythm or metre, but in a form ])eculiar to itself: — 1. In an alpha- V)etical arrangement, somewhat like our acrostic; for instance. Lam. i. 2. The same verse repeated at intervals, as Ps. xlii., cvii. 3. Rhythm of gradation : Psahns of degrees (cxx.-cxxxiv.), in which the expression of the j^revious verse is resumed and carried forward in the next, (Ps. cxxi.) 4. The chief characteristic of Hebrew poetry parallelism, or the con-cHpondence of the same ideas in the parallel clauses. The earliest instance is Enoch's prophecy (Jude 14), and Lamech's parody of it (Gen, iv. 23). These kinds occur: — (1). The synonymous parallelism, in which the second is a repetition of the first, with or without increase of force (Ps. xxii. 27; Isa. xv. 1); sometimes with double parallelism (Isa. i. 15). (2). The antithetic, in which the idea of the second cla\ise is the converse of tliat in the first (Prov. x. 1). (3). The synthetic, where there is a correspon- dence Ixitween different propositions, noun answering to noun, verb to verb, member to m<;ni})er; the sentiment, moreover, being not merely echoed, or put in contrast, but enforced by accessory ideas (Job iii. 3-9). Also alternate (Iwa. li. 19), "Desolation and destruction, famine and sword" — i. e., desolation by famine, and destruction by the sword. THE BOOK OF PSALMS. XI Introverted; where the fourth answers to the first, and the third to the second (Matt. vii. 6). Parallelism thus often affords a key to the interpretation. For fuller information, see Lowth ('Introduction to Isaiah,' and 'Lecture on Hebrew Poetry'); and 'Spirit of Hebrew Poetry,' by Herder, translated by Marsh. The simpler and less artificial forma of parallelism prevail in J ob — a mark of its early age. THE BOOK OF PSALMS. The Hebrew title of this book is Tehilim — Praises, or Hymns — for a leading feature in its contents is praise, though the word occurs in the title of only one Psalm, (cxlv.) The Greek title (in the Septuagint, a translation made 200 years before Christ) is Psahnoi, whence our word Psalms. This corresponds to the Hebrew word Mizmoi, by which sixty-five psalms are designated in their inscriptions, and which the Syriac, a language like the Hebrew, nses for the whole book. It means, as does also the Greek name, an ode, or song, whose singing is accompanied by an instrument, particularly the harp (cf. 1 Chr. xvi. 4-8; 2 Chr. v. 12, 13). To some psalms the Hebrew word Sliir, a song, is prefixed. Paul seems to allude to all these terms in Eph. v. 19, "singing ... in Psalms and Hymns and spiritual Songs''' Titles. — To more than a hundred psalms are prefixed inscriptions, which give one or more (and in one case, Ix., all) of these particulars: the direction to the Musician, the name of the author, or the instrument, the style of the music or of the poetry, the subject or occasion. The authority of these inscrijjtions has been disputed by some writers. They say that the earliest translators, as the Greek and Syriac, evince a disregard for their authority, by variations from a proper translation of some, altering others, and, in several instances, supplying titles to psalms which in Hebrew had none. It is also alleged that the subject of a psalm, as given in the title, is often inconsistent with its contents. But those translators have also varied from a right translation of many passages in the Bible, which all agree to be of good authority; and the alleged incon- sistency may be shown, on more accurate investigation, not to exist. The admitted antiquity of these inscriptions, on the other hand, and even their obscurity, raise a pre- sumption in their favour, while such prefaces to a composition accord with the usages of that age and part of the world (cf. Isa. xxxviii. 9). ^^The Chief Musician" was the Superintendent of the Music, (cf. 1 Chr. xv. 21, marg.) prefixed to this, means pertomm^^ to in his official character. This inscrip- tion is found in fifty-three psalms, and is attacked to Habakkuk's prayer, (Hab. iii.) The same Hebrew preposition is prefixed to the name of the author, and translated of, as, "a Psalm o/ David;" "o/ Asaph," etc.; except that to "the sons of Korah," it is trans- lated for, which is evidently wrong, as the usual direction, " to the chief Musician," is given, and no other authorship intimated. Authors. — This book is usually called "The Psalms of David," he being the only author mentioned in the New Testament (Luke xx. 42), and his name appearing in more titles than that of any other writer. Besides about one-half of the psalms in which it thus appears, the ii. and xcv. are ascribed to him (Acts iv. 25, and Heb. iv. 7). He was probably the author of many others which appear without a name. He used great efforts to beautify the worship of the Sanctuary. Among the 288 Levites he appointed for singing and performing instrumental music, we find mentioned the "sons of Korah" (1 Chr. ix. 19); including Heman (1 Chr. vi. 33-38); and also Asaph (1 Chr. ix. 39- 44); and Ethan (1 Chr. ix. 15-19). God was doubtless pleased to endow these men with the inspiration of His Spirit, so that they used those poetic talents which their connection with the kindred art of Music had led them to cultivate, in the production of compositions like those of their king and patron. To Asaph are ascribed twelve psalms; to the sons of Korah eleven, including the Ixxxviii., which is also ascribed to Heman, that being the only instance in which the name of the"50?i" (or descendant) is mentioned; and to Ethan one. Solomon's name appears before the Ixxii. and cxxvii. ; and that of Moses before the xc. Contents. — As the book contains 150 independent compositions, it is not susceptible INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. of any logical analysis. The Jews having divided it into five books, corresponding to the five books of Moses (1st, i.-xlii. ; 2d, xliii.-lxxii. ; 3d, Ixxiii.-lxxxix. ; 4th, xc.-cvi. ; 5tli, cvii.-cl.), many attempts have been made to discover, in this division, some critical or practical value ; but in vain. Sundry efforts have been made to classify the psalms by subject. That of Angus's Bihle Hand-Book is perhaps the most useful, and is appended. Still, the psalms have a form and character peculiar to themselves ; and with indi- vidual diversities of style and subject, they all assimilate to that form, and together constitute a consistent system of moral truth. They are all poetical, and of that peculiar parallelism {Introduction to Poetical Books) which distinguished Hebrew poetry. They are all Ip-ical, or songs adapted to musical instruments ; and all religious lyrics, or such as were designed to be used in the Sanctuary worsliip. The distinguishing feature of the psalms is their devotional character. "Whether their matter be didactic, historical, prophetical, or practical, it is made the ground or subject of prayer, or praise, or both. The doctrines of theology, and precepts of pure morality, are here inculcated. God's nature, attributes, perfections, and works of creation, providence, and grace, are unfolded. In the sublimest conceptions of the most exalted verse, His glorious supremacy over the principalities of heaven, earth, and hell, and His holy, wise, and pow-erful control of all material and immaterial agencies, are celebrated. The great covenant of grace, resting on the fundamental promise of a Redeemer, both alike the provisions of God's exhaustless mercy, is set forth in respect of the doctrines of regeneration by the Spirit, forgiveness of sins, repentance toward God, and faith toward Jesus Christ ; while its glorious results, involving the salvation of men from " the ends of the earth," are proclaimed in believing, prophetic prayer and thankful praise. The personal history of the authors, and especially David's, in its spiritual aspects, is that of God's people generally. Christian biography is edifying only as it is truth illustrated in experience, such as God's Word and Spirit produce. It may be factitious in origin, and of doubtful authenticity ; but here the experience of the truly pious is detailed, under Divine influence, and ' in words which the Holy Ghost ' taught. The whole inner life of the pious man is laid open, and Christians of all ages have here the temptations, conflicts, perplexities, doubts, fears, penitent meanings, and over- whelming griefs, on the one hand, and the joy and hope of pardoning mercy, the victory over the seductions of false-hearted flatterers, and deliverance from the power of Satan, on the other, with which to compare their own spiritual exercises. Here, too, are the fruits of that sovereign mercy so often sought in earnest prayer, and w^hen found, so often sung in rapturous joy, exhibited by patience in adversity, moderation in prosperity, zeal for God's glory, love for man, justice to the oppressed, holy contempt for the proud, magnanimity towards enemies, faithfulness towards friends, delight in the prosperity oi Zion, and believing prayer for her enlargement and perpetuity. The historical summaries of the psalms are richly instructive. God's choice of the patriarchs, the sufferings of the Israelites in Egypt, their exodus, temptations of God, rebellions and calamities in the wilderness, settlement in Canaan, backslidings and reformations, furnish illustrations of God's providential government of His people, individually and collectively, tending to exalt His adorable grace and abase human pride. But the promises and prophecies connected with these summaries, and elsewhere pre- sented in the psalms, have a far wider reach, exhibiting the relations of the book to the great theme of promise and pro])hecy, — The Messiah and His Kingdom. — David was God's chosen servant to rule His people, as the head at once of the State and the Church, the lineal ancestor, according to the flesh," of His adorable Son, and His type, in His olficial relations, both in Kiiffering and in triumph. Generally, David's trials by the ungodly depicted the trials of Christ, and His final success the success of Christ's kingdom. Typically, he uses language describing his feelings, which only finds its full meaning in the feelings of Christ. As such, it is quoted and applied in the New Testament. And further, in view of the great promise (2 Sam. vii.) to him and his seed, to which such fniquent reference is made in the psalms, David was ins})ired to know, that though liis earthly kingdom should perish, his sj)nitual would ever endure in the power, beneficence, and glory of Christ's. In repeating and ampliiying that promise, ho speaks not only as a type, but THE BOOK OF PSALMS. XIU " being a prophet, and knowing that God had sworn with an oath to him, that of the fruit of his loins, according to the flesh, he would raise up Christ to sit on his throne," he ' foretold the sufieriugs of Christ and the glory that should follow. His incarnation, humiliating sorrows, persecution, and cruel death, are disclosed in the plaintive cries of a despairing sufferer ; and his resurrection and ascension, his eternal priesthood, his royal dignity, his prophetical ofiice, the purchase and bestowal of the gifts of the Spirit, the conversion of the nations, the establishment, increase, and perpetuity of the Church, the end of time, and the blessedness of the righteous who acknowledge, and the rwin of the wicked who reject, this King in Zion, are predicted in the language of assured confidence and joy.' While these great themes have supplied the people of God with a popular theology, and a guide in religious experience and Christian morality, clothed in the language of devotion, they have provided an inspired liturgy, in which the pious of all creeds and sects have, for nearly three thousand years, poured out their prayers and praises. The pious Jew, before the coming of Christ, mourned over the adversity, or celebrated the future glories, of Zion in the words of her ancient king. Our Saviour, with His disciples, sung one of these hymns on the night on which He was betrayed; he took from one the words in which he uttered the dreadful sorrows of His soul, and died with those of another on His lips. Paul and Silas in the dungeon, primitive Christians in their covert places of worship, or the costly churches of a later day, and the scattered and feeble Christian flocks in the prevalence of darkness and error through the Aliddle Ages, fed their faith and warmed their love with these consoling songs. Now, throughout the Christian world, in untold forms of version, paraphrase, and imitation, by Papists and Protestants, Prelatists and Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists, Methodists, men of all lands and all creeds, in public and private worship, God is still adored in the sentiments expressed in these venerable psalms. From the tone of sorrow and suffering which pervade their earlier portions, we are gradually borne on amid alternate conflicts and triumphs, mournful complaints and awakening confidence : as we approach the close the tones of sorrow grow feebler, and those of praise wax louder and stronger, till, in the exulting strains of the last pscilm, the chorus of earth mingles with the hallelujahs of the multitude which no man can number in the Sanctuary above. Angus's or Bickerstetli's arrangement may be profitably used as a guide for finding a psalm on a special topic. It is a little modified, as follows : — 1. Didactic — Good and bad men : Ps. i., v., vii,, ix.-xii., xiv., xv., xvii., xxiv., XXV., xxxii., xxxiv., xxxvi., xxxvii., 1., lii., liii., Iviii., Ixxiii. Ixxv., Ixxxiv., xci., xcii., xciv., cxii., cxxi., cxxv., cxxvii., cxxviii., cxxxiii. — God's Law: Ps. xix., cxix. — Human life vain: Ps. xxxix., xlix., xc. — Duty of Pulers : Ps. Ixxxii., ci. 2. Praise — (1.) For God's goodness generally to Israel: Ps. xlvi., xlviii., Ixv., Ixvi., Ixviii., Ixxvi., Ixxxi., Ixxxv., xcviii., cv., cxxiv., cxxvi., cxxix., cxxxv., cxxxvi., cxlix, — (2.) To good men : Ps. xxiii., xxxiv., xxxvi., xci., c, ciii., cvii., cxvii., cxxi., cxlv., cxlvi. — (3.) Mercies to individuals : Ps. ix., xviii., xxii., xxx., xl., Ixxv., ciii., cxiii., cxvi., cxviii., cxxxviii., cxliv. — (4.) For His attributes generally : -Ps. viii., xix., xxiv., xxix., xxxiii., xlvii., 1., Ixv., Ixvi., Ixxvi., Ixxvii., xciii., xcv.-xcvii., xcix., civ., cxi., cxiii.- cxv., cxxxiv., cxxxix., cxlvii., cxlviii., el. 3. Devotional — expressive of (1.) Penitence : Ps. vi., XXV., xxxii., xxxviii., li., cii., exx., cxliii.; (2.) Trust in trouble : Ps. iii., xvi., xxvii., xxxi., liv., Ivi., Ivii., Ixi., Lxii., Ixxi., Ixxxvi. ; (3.) Sorrow with hope: Ps. xiii., xxxii., Ixix., Ixxvii., Ixxxviii. ; (4.) Of deep distress : Ps. Iv., xv., xi., xxviii., xli., Ix., lix., Ixiv., Ixx., cix., exx., cxl., cxli., cxliii. ; (5.) Feelings when deprived of religious privileges: Ps. xlii., xliii,, Ixiii., Ixxxiv.; (6.) Desire for help: Ps. vii., xvii., xxvi., xxxv., xliv., Ix., Ixxiv., Ixxix., Ixxx., Ixxxiii., Ixxxix., xciv., cii., cxxix., cxxxvii.; (7.) Intercession : Ps. xx., Ixvii., cxxii., cxxxii., cxliv. 4. Historical : Ps. Ixxviii., cv., cvi. 5. Prophetical : Ps. ii., xvi., xxii., xh, xlv., Ixviii., Ixix., Ixxii., xcvii., ex., cxviii. INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. THE BOOK OF PROVERBS. T. — The Nature and Use of Proverbs. — A proverb is a pithy soiitence, concisely expressing some well-established truth, susceptible of various illustrations and applica- tions. The word is of Latin derivation, literally meaning for a word, speech, or discourse, i. e., one expression for many. The Hebrew word for proverb {mashal) means a com- parison. Many suppose it was used because the form or matter of the proverb, or both, involved the idea of comparison. Most of the proverbs are in couplets or trijDlets, or some modifications of them, the members of which correspond, in structure and length, as if arranged to be compared one with another. They illustrate the varieties of * parallelism, a distinguishing feature of Hebrew poetry. Many also clearly involve the idea of comparison in the sentiments expressed (cf. chs. xii. 1-10 ; xxv. lO-lo ; xxvi. 1-9). Sometimes, however, the designed oniission of one member of the comparison exercising the reader's sagacity or study for its supply, presents the proverb as a " riddle," or " dark saying" (cf. chs. xxx. 15-33; i. 6; Psalm xlix. 4). The sententious form of expression, which thus became a marked feature of the proverbial style, was also adopted for con- tinuous discourse, even when not always preserving traces of comparison, either in form or matter, (cf. chs. i.-ix.) In Ezekiel xvii. 1 ; xxiv. 3 we find the same word properly translated parable, to designate an illustrative discourse. Then the Greek translators have used a word, parabola (parable), which the Gospel writers (except John) employ for our Lord's discourses of the same character, and which also seems to involve the idea of com- parison, though that may not be its primary meaning. It might seem, therefore, that the proverbial and parabolic styles of writing were originally and essentially the same. The proverb is a ' concentrated parable, and the parable an extension of the proverb by a full illustration.' The proverb is thus the moral or theme of a parable, which sometimes precedes it, as Matt. xix. 30 (cf. ch. xx. 1); or succeeds it, as Matt. xxii. 1-16 ; Luke xv. 1-10. This st3de being poetical, and adapted to the expression of a high order of poetical sentiment, such as prophecy, we find the same term used to designate such compositions (cf Num. xxiii. 7 ; Micah ii. 4 ; Hab. ii. 6). Though the Hebrews used the same term for proverb and parable, the Greek employs two, though the sacred writers have not always appeared to recognize a distinction. The term for proverb is 2^(^'>'oimia, which the Greek translators employ for the title of this book, evidently with special reference to the later definition of a proverb, as a trite sententious form of speech, which appears to be the best meaning of the term. John uses the same term to designate our Saviour's instructions, in view of their characteristic obscurity (cf ch. xvi. 25-29, Greek), and even for his illustrative discourses (ch. x. 6), whose sense M^as not at once obvious to all his hearers. This form of instruction was well adapted to aid the learner. The parallel structure of sentences, the repetition, contrast, or comparison of thought, were all calculated to facilitate the efforts of memory; and precepts of practical wisdom which extended into logical discourses, might have failed to make abiding impressions by reason of their length or complicated character, were tlius compressed into pithy, and, for the most part, very plain statements. Such a mode of instruction has distinguished the written or traditional literature of all nations, and was, and still is, peculiarly current in the East. In this book, however, we are supi)lied with a proverbial wisdom commended by the seal of Divine inspiration. God has condescended to become our teacher on the practical affairs belonging to all the relations of life. He has adapted His instruction to the plain and unlettered, and presented, in this striking and impressive method, the great principles of duty to Him and to our fellow-men. To the prime motive of all right conduct, the fear of God, arc added all lawful and subordinate incentives, such as honour, interest, love, fear, and natural affection. Besides the terror excited by an apprehension of God's justly ]jn;voked judgments, we arc warned against evil-doing by tlie exhibition of the inevitable temjx^ial results of ini])iety, injustice, j)rofIigacy, idleness, laziness, indolence, drunkenness, and debauchery. To the rewards of true piety which follow in eternity, are THE BOOK OF PROVERBS. XV promised the peace, security, love, and approbation of the good, and the comforts of a clear conscience, which render this life truly happy. II. — Inspiration and Authorship. — With no important exception, Jewish and Christian writers have received this book as the inspired production of Solomon. It is the first book of the Bible prefaced by the name of the author. The New Testament abounds with citations from the Proverbs. Its intrinsic excellence commends it to us as the production of a higher authority than the apocryphal writings, such as Wisdom or Ecclesiasticus. Solomon lived 500 years before the " seven wise men " of Greece, and 700 before the age of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle. It is thus very evident, whatever theory of his sources of knowledge be adopted, that he did not draw upon any heathen repositories with which we are acquainted. It is far more probable, that by the various migrations, captivities, and dispersions of the Jews, heathen philosophers drew from this inspired fountain many of those streams which continue to refresh mankind amidst the otherwise barren and parched deserts of profane literature. As, however, the Psalms are ascribed to David, because he was the leading author, so the ascription of this book to Solomon -is entirely consistent with the titles of chs. xxx. and xxxi., which assign those chs. to Agur and Lemuel respectively. Of these persons we know nothing. This is not the place for discussing the various speculations respecting them. By a slight change of reading some propose to translate ch. xxx. 1 : ' The words of Agur, the son of her who was obeyed (^. e., the Queen of Massa);' and ch. xxxi. 1 : ' The words of Lemuel, king of Massa.' But to this the earliest versions are contra- dictory; and nothing other than the strongest exegetical necessity ought to be allowed to justify a departure from a well-established reading and version, when nothing useful to our knowledge is gained. It is better to confess ignorance than indulge in useless conjectures. It is probable that out of the "three thousand proverbs" (1 Ki. iv. 32) which Solomon spoke, he selected and edited chs. i.-xxiv. during his life. Chs. xxv.-xxix. were also of his production, and copied out in the days of Hezekiah by his "men" — perhaps the prophets Isaiah, Hosea, and Micah. Such a work was evidently in the spirit of this pious monarch, who set his heart so fully on a reformation of God's worship. Learned men have endeavoured to establish the theory that Solomon himself was only a collector, or that the other parts of the book, as these chapters, were also selections by later hands ; but the reasons adduced to maintain these views have never appeared so satisfactory as to change the usual opinions on the subject, which have the sanction of the most ancient and reliable authorities. III. — Divisions op the Book. — Such a work is, of course, not susceptible of any logical analysis. There are, however, some well-defined marks of division, so that very generally the book is divided into five or six parts. L The first contains nine chapters, in which are discussed and enforced, by illustra- tion, admonition, and encouragement, the principles and blessings of wisdom, and the pernicious schemes and practices of sinful persons. These chapters are introductory. With few specimens of the proper proverb, they are distinguished by its conciseness and terseness. The sentences follow very strictly the form of parallelism, and generally, of the synonymous species, only forty of the synthetic and four (ch. iii. 32-3-5) of the antithetic, appearing. The style is ornate, the figures bolder and fuller, and the illustra- tions more striking and extended. 2. The antithetic and synthetic parallelism, to the exclusion of the synonymous, distinguish chs. x.-xxii. 16 ; and the verses are entirely unconnected, each containing a complete sense of itself. 3. Chs. xxii. 16-xxiv. present a series of admonitions, as if addressed to a pupil, and generally each topic occupies two or more verses. 4. Chs. xxv.-xxix. are entitled to be regarded as a distinct portion, for the reason above given as to its origin. The style is very much mixed ; of the peculiarities, cf. parts 2 and 3. 5. Ch. xxx, is peculiar, not only for its authorship, but as a specimen of the kind of proverb which has been described as "dark sayings," or "riddles." 6. To a few pregnant but concise admonitions, suitable for a king, is added a most nimitable portraiture of female character. In both parts 5 and G the distinctive pecu- iarity of the original proverbial style gives place to the modifications already mentioned, xvi INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. as markiug a later composition, tlioiigli both retain the concise and nervous method of stating truth, eqiially valuable for its deep impression and permanent retention hy the memory. ECCLESI ASTES; (OR, THE rREACHER), THE GREEK TITLE IN THE LXX. The Hebrew title is Koheleth, which the speaker in it applies to himself (ch. i. 12), "I, Koheleth, was king over Israel." It means an Assembler or Convener of a meeting, and a Preacher to such a meeting. The feminine form of the Hebrew noun, and its con- struction once (ch. vii. 27) with a feminine verb, show that it not only signifies Solomon, the Preacher to assemblies (in which case it is construed with the verb or noun mascu- line), but also Divine ivisdom (feminine in Hebrew) speaking by the mouth of the inspired king. In six cases out of seven it is construed with the masculine. Solomon was endowed with inspired wisdom (1 Ki. iii. 5-14; vi. 11, 12; ix. 1, &c. ; xi. 9-11), specially fitting him for the task. The Orientals delight in such meetings for grave discourse. Thus the Arabs formerly had an assembly yearly, at Ocadh, for hearing and reciting poems. "The Preacher taught the people knowledge," probably viva voce; 1 Ki. iv. 34 ; x. 2, 8, 24 ; 2 Chr. ix. 1, 7, 23, plainly refer to a somewhat public divan met for literary discussion. So "spake," thrice repeated (1 Ki. iv. 32, 33), refer not to written compositions, but to addresses spohen in assemblies convened for the purpose. The Holy Ghost, no doubt, signifies also by the term, that Solomon's doctrine is intended for the " great congregation," the Church of all places and ages (Ps. xxii. 25 ; xlix. 2-4. Solomon was jolainly the author (chs. i. 12, 16; ii. 15; xii. 9). That the Eabbins attribute it to Isaiah or Hezekiah is explicable by supposing that one or the other inserted it in the canon. Tlie difference of its style, as compared with Proverbs and Song of Solomon, is due to the difference of subjects, and the different period of his life in which each was written : the Song, in the fervour of his first love to God ; Proverbs, about the same time, or somewhat later ; but Ecclesiastes in late old age, as the seal and testimony of repentance of his apostasy in the intervening period (Ps. Ixxxix. 30, 33), proves his penitence. The substitution of the title Koheleth for Solomon (that is ijeace)^ may imply that, having troubled Israel, meantime he forfeited his name of peace, (1 Ki. xi. 14, 23); but now, having repented, he wishes to be henceforth a Preacher of righ- teousness. The alleged foreign expressions in the Hebrew may have been easily imported, through the great intercourse there was with other nations during his long reign. More- over, supposed Chaldaisms may be fragments preserved from the common tongue, of which Hebrew, Syriac, Chalclce, and Arabic were offshoots. The Scope of Ecclesiastes is to contrast the vanity of all mere human pursuits, when made the chief end, as contrasted with the real blessedness of true luisdom — i. e., religion. The immoitality of the soul is dwelt on incidentally, as subsidiary to the main scope. Moses' law took this truth for granted, but drew its sanctions of rewards and punish- ments, in accordance with the theocracy, which was under a special providence of God as the temporal King of Israel, from the p)resent life, rather than the future. But after that Israel chose an earthly king, God withdrew, in part, his extraordinary providence, so that under Solomon temporal rewards did not invariably follow virtue, and punishments vice, (cf chs. ii. IG ; iii. 19 ; iv. 1 ; v. 8 ; vii. 15 ; viii. 14 ; ix. 2, 11). Hence the need arises to show that these anomalies will be rectified hereafter; and this is the grand "con- clusion," therefore, of the "whole" book, that, seeing there is a coming judgment, and seeing that present goods do not satisfy the soul, "man's whole duty is to fear God and keep his comTiiandments" (ch. xii. 13, 14), and meanwhile, to use, in joyful and serene sobriety, and not abuse, the present life (ch. iii. 12, 13). It is objected that sensual epicurism s(!ems to be inculcited (ch. iii. 12, 13, 22, ^'c); but it is a contented, thankful enjoyment of God's present gifts that is taught, as opposed to a murmuring, anxious, avaricious spirit, as is proved by ch. v. 18, cf with 11-15, not making them the cJiief end of life; not the joy of levity and folly; a misunderstanding which he guards against in chs. vii. 2-G ; xi. 9; xii. 1. Again, chs. vii. IG; ix. 2-10, THE SONG OP SOLOMON. xvii raiglit seem to teach fatalism and scepticism. But these are words put in the mouth of an'objector, or rather, were the language of Solomon himself during his apostasy, finding an echo in the heart of every sensualist, who wishes to be an unbeliever, and who, there- fore, sees difficulties enough in the world around wherewith to prop up his wilful unbelief The' answer is given chs. vii. 17, 18 ; ix. 11, (fee. ; xi. 1, 6 ; xii. 13. Even if these passages be taken as words of Solomon, they are to be understood as forbidding a self-made " righ- teousness," which tries to constrain God to grant salvation to imaginary good_ works and external strictness, with which it wearies itself; also, that speculation which tries to fathom all God's inscrutable counsels (ch. viii. 17), and that carefulness about the future forbidden in Matt. vi. 25. The Chief Good is that, the possession of which makes us happy, to be sought as the end^ for its own sake ; whereas, all other things are but mieans towards it. Philo- sophers who made it the great subject of inquiry restricted it to the present life, treating the eternal as unreal, and only useful to awe the multitude with. But Solomon shows the vanity of all human things (so-called philosophy included) to satisfy the soul, and that heavenly wisdom alone is the chief good. He had taught so when young (Prov. i. 20; viii. 1, &c.); so, also, in Song of Solomon, he had spiritualized the subject in an allegory; and now, after having long personally tried the manifold ways in which the worldly seek to reach happiness, he gives the fruit of his experience in old age. It is divided into two parts, — chs. i.-vi. 10, showing the vanity of earthly things ; ch. vi. 10, to ch. xii., the excellency of heavenly wisdom. Deviations from strict logical method occur in these divisions, but in the main they are observed. The deviations make it the less stiff and artificial, and the more suited to all capacities. It is in poetiy ; the hemistichal division is mostly observed, but occasionally not so. The choice of epithets, imagery, inverted order of words, ellipses, pamllelism, or, in its absence, similarity of diction, mark versification. THE SONG OF SOLOMOK The Song of Solomon, called in the Yulgate and LXX., *The Song of Songs,' from the opening words. This title denotes its superior excellence, according to the Hebrew idiom : so holy of holies, equivalent to most holy (Exod. xxix. 37); the heaven of heavens, equivalent to the highest heavens (Deut. x. 14). It is one of the five volumes {megilloth) placed immediately after the Pentateuch in MSS. of the Jewish Scriptures. It is also fourth of the Hagiographa (' Cetubim,' wi^itings), or the third division of the Old Testament, the other two being the Law and the Prophets. The Jewish enumeration of the Cetubim is. Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Puth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra (including Nehemiah), and Chronicles. Its canonicity is certain ; it is found in all Hebrew MSS. of Scripture; also in the Greek LXX.; in the cata- logues of Melito, bishop of Sardis, a.d. 170 (Eusebius, H. E., iv. 26), and of others of the ancient Church. Origen and Jerome tell us that the Jews forbade it to be read by any until he was thirty years old. It certainly needs a degree of spiritual maturity to enter aright into the holy mystery of love, which it allegorically sets forth. To such as have attained this maturity, of whatever age they be, the Song of Songs is one of the most edifying of the sacred writings. Rosenmiiller justly says, the sudden transitions of the bride from the court to the grove are inexplicable on the supposition that it describes merely human love. Had it been th»i latter, it would have been positively objectionable, and never would have been inserted in the holy canon. The allusion to "Pharaoh's chariots " (ch. i. 9) has been made a ground for conjecturing that the love of Solomon and Pharaoh's daughter is the subject of the Song. But this passage alludes to a remarkable event in the history of the Old Testament Church — the deliverance from the hosts and chariots of Pharaoh at the Bed Sea. The other allusions are quite opposed to the notion ; the bride is represented at times as a shepherdess (ch. i. 7), "an abomination to the Egyptians" (Gen. xlvi. 34); so also chs. i. 6; iii. 4 ; iv. 8 ; v. 7, are at variance with it. The Christian Fathers, Origen and Theodoret compared the teaching of Solomon to a Xviii INTRODUCTION TO THE POETICAL BOOKS. ladder with three stej)s : Ecclesiastes, natural (the nature of sensible things, vain); Proverbs, moral ; Canticles, mystical (figuring the union of Christ and the Church). The Jews compared Proverbs to the outer court of Solomon's temple, Ecclesiastes to the holy place, and Canticles to the holy of holies. Understood allegorically, the Song is cleared of all difficulty. ' Shulamith ' (ch. vi. 13), the bride, is thus an ai^propriate name, Daughter of Peace being the feminine of Solomon, equivalent to the Prince of Peace. She by turns is a vinedresser, shepherdess, midnight enquirer, and prince's consort and daughter; and He a suppliant drenched with night-dews, and a king in His palace, in harmony with the various relations of the Church and Christ. As Ecclesiastes sets forth the vanity of love of the creature. Canticles sets forth the fulness of the love which joins believers and the Saviour. The entire economy of salvation, says Harris, aims at restoring to the world the lost spirit of love. God is love, and Christ is the embodiment of the love of God. As the other books of Scripture present severally their own aspects of divine truth, so Canticles furnishes the believer with language of holy love, wherewith his heart can commune with his Lord, and portrays the intensity of Christ's love to him. The affection of love was created in man to be a transcript of the Divine love, and the Song clothes the latter in words. Were it not for this, we should be at a loss for language, having the Divine warrant, wherewith to express, without presumption, the fervour of the love between Christ and us. The image of a bride, a bi-idegroom, and a marriage, to represent this spiritual union, has the sanction of Scrip- ture throughout ; nay, the spiritual union was the original fact m the mind of God ^ of which marriage is the transcript (Isa. liv. 5 ; Ixii. 5; Jer. iii. 1, (fee; Ezek. xvi. and xxiii.; Matt. ix. 15; xxii. 2; xxv. 1, &c.; John iii. 29 ; 2 Cor. xi. 2 ; Eph. v. 23-32, where Paul does not go from the marriage relation to the union of Christ and the Church, as if the former were the first ; but comes down from the latter, as the first and best recognized fact, on which the relation of mariage is based; Pev. xix. 7; xxi. 2; xxii. 17). Above all, the Song seems to correspond to, and form a trilogy with, the 45th and 72d Psalms, which contain the same imagery; just as Ps. xxxvii. answers to Proverbs, and Ps. xxxix. and Ixxiii. to Job. Love to Christ is the strongest, as it is the purest, of human passions, and therefore needs the strongest language to express it: to the pure in heart the phraseology, drawn from the rich imagery of Oriental poetry, will not only appear not indelicate or exaggerated, but even below the reality. A single emblem is a type — the actual rites, incidents, and persons of the old Testament were appointed types of truths afterwards to be revealed. But the allegory is a continued metaphor, in which the circumstances are palpably often purely imagery, whilst the thing signified is altogether real. The clue to the meaning of the Song is not to be looked for in the allegory itself, but in other parts of Scripture. ' It lies in the casket of revelation an exquisite gem, engraved with emblematical characters, with nothing literal thereon to break the consistency of their beauty ' [Bui-roioes). This accounts for the name of God not occurring in it. Whereas in the parable the writer narrates, in the allegory he never does so. The song throughout consists of immediate addresses either of Christ to the soul, or of the soul to Christ. 'The experimental knowledge of Christ's loveliness and the believer's love is the best commentary on the whole of this allegorical Song ' {LeigJiton). Like the curiously wrought Oriental lamps, which do not reveal the beauty of their transparent emblems until lighted up within, so the types and allegories of Scripture, ' the lantern to our path,' need the inner light of the Holy Spirit of Jesus to reveal their significance. The details of the allegory are not to be too minutely pressed. In the Song, with an Oriental profusion of imagery, numbers of lovely sensible o})jects are aggregated, not strictly congruous, but portraying jointly, by their very diversity, the thousand various and seemingly opposite beauties which meet together in Christ. The unity of subject throughout, and the recurrence of the same expressions (chs. ii. G, 7; iii. 5; viii. 3, 4; ii. IG, and vi. 3; vii. 10; iii. G; vi. 10; viii. 5), prove the unity of the poem, in oj)position to those who make it consist of a number of se])arate erotic songs. Tlie sudden transitions — e. y., from the midnight knocking at a humble cottage to a glorious d(!Kcri[)tion of the King — accord with the altcTuations in the believer's expe- lience^ However various the divisions assigned be, most commentators have observed THE SONG OP SOLOMON. XIX four breaks (whatever more they have imagined), followed by four abrupt beginnings (chs. ii. 7 ; iii. 5; v. 1; viii. 4). Thus there result tive parts, all alike ending in full repose and refreshment. We read (1 Ki. iv. 32) that Solomon's Songs were "a thousand and five^ The odd number j^re, added over the complete thousand^ makes it not unlikely that the " five " refers to the Song of Songs, consisting of five parts. It answers to the idyllic poetry of other nations. The Jews explain it of the union of Jehovah and ancient Israel ; the allusions to the temple and the wilderness accord with this; some Christians, of Christ and the Church; others, of Christ and the individual believer. All these are true ; for the Church is one in all ages, the ancient typifying the modern Church, and its history answering to that of each individual soul in it. Jesus 'sees all, as if that all were one; loves one, as if that one were all.' ' The time suited the manner of this revelation; because types and allegories belonged to the old dispensa- tion, which reached its ripeness under Solomon, when the temple was built ' (^Moody Stuart). 'The daughter of Zion at that time was openly married to Jehovah;' for it is thenceforth, that the j^rophets, in reproving Israel's subsequent sin, speak of it as a breach of her marriage covenant. The songs heretofore sung by her were the preparatory hymns of her childhood: 'the last- and crowning " Song of Songs" was prepared for the now mature maiden against the day of her miirriage to the King of kings' {Origen). Solomon was peculiarly fitted to clothe this holy mystery with the lovely natural imagery with which the Song abounds; for "he spake of trees, from the cedar in Lebanon, even unto the hyssop that springeth out of the wall" (1 Ki. iv. 33). A higher qualification was his knowledge of the eternal Wisdom or Word of God (Pro v. viii.), the heavenly bridegroom. David, his father, had prepared the way in Ps. xlv. and Ixxii.; the son perfected the allegory. It seems to have been written in early life, long before his declension ; for after it a song of holy gladness M^ould hardly be appropriate. It was the song of his first love, in the kindness of his' youthful espousals to Jehovah. Like other inspired books, its sense is not to be restricted to that local and temporary one in Avhich the writer may have understood it. It extends to all ages, and shadow^s forth everlasting truth (1 Pet. i 11, 12; 2 Pet. i. 20, 21). 'Oh that I knew how all thy lights combine, and the configurations of their glorie, Seeing not only how each verse doth shine, but all the constellations of tlie storie." — Herbert. Three notes of time occur : 1. The Jewish Church speaks of the Gentile Church (ch. viii. 8), towards the end ; 2. Christ speaks to the apostles (ch. v. 1), in the middle; 3. The Church speaks of the coming of Christ (ch. i. 2), at the beginning. Thus we have, in direct order, Christ about to come, and the cry for the advent; Christ finishing his work on earth, and the last supper; Christ ascended, and the call of the Gentiles. In another aspect, we have — 1. In the individual soul the longing for the manifestation of Christ to it, and the various alternations in its experience (chs. i. 2, 4 ; ii. 8; iii. 1, 4, 6, 7) of His manifestation. 2. The abundant enjoyment of His sensible consolations, which is soon withdrawn through the bride's carelessness (ch. v. 1-3, &c.), and her longings after Him, and reconciliation (chs. v. 8-16; vi. 3, &c. ; vii. 1, &c.); 3. Effects of Christ's manifestation on the believer, — viz., assurance, labours of love, anxiety for the salvation of tlie impenitent, eagerness for th^ Lord's second coming (chs. vii. 10, 12; viii. 8-10, 14), INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. THE SECOND DIVISION OF SCRIPTURE; the others being the Law and Hagiographa. It included Joshua, Judges, 1st and 2nd Samuel, 1st and 2nd Kings, called the former 'pro'pliets'y and Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, tfcc, to Malachi, the latter "pro- phets. Daniel is excluded ; because, though highly endowed w^ith prophetic gifts, he luid not filled the lorophetic office : his book is therefore classed with the Hagiograplia. Ezra probably commenced, and others subsequently completed, the arrangement of the canon. The prophets were not mere predictors. Their Hebrew name, Nahi, comes from a root to hoil up as a fountain; hence the fervour of inspiration (2 Pet. i. 21); others interpret it as from an Arabic root (Exod. iv. 16), spokesman of God, the Holy Ghost supplying him with words; communicated by dreams (Joel ii. 28; Job xxxiii. 14-17), (no instance of this occurs in Isaiah) ; or visions, the scene being made to pass before their mind (Isa. i. 1); or trance, ecstas?/ (Num. xxiv. 4, 16; Ezek. i. 3; iii. 14); not depriving them, however, of free conscious agency (Jer. xx. 7, 9 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 32). These peculiar forms of inspiration distinguish 2)rophets, strictly so called, from Moses and others, though inspired (Num. xii. 6-8). Hence their name seers. Hence, too, the poetical cast of their style, though less restricted, owing to their practical tendency, by the outward forms observed in strictly poetical books. Hence, too, the union of music with prophesying (1 Sam. x. 5). This ecstatic state, though exalted, is not the highest ; for Jesus Christ w^as never in it, nor Moses. It w^as rendered necessary by the frailty of the prophets and the spiritual obtuseness of the people. It, accordingly, predominates in the Old Testament, but is subordinate in the New Testament, where the Holy Ghost, by the fulness of His ordinary gifts, renders the extraordinary less necessary. After the time of the Mosaic economy, the idea of a prophet was regularly connected with the prophetic office, — not conferred by men, but by God. In this they differ from mystics, whose pretended inspiration is for themselves. Prophetism is 2^ractical, not dreamy and secluded : the proi)hets' inspiration is theirs only as God's messengers to the people. His ordinary servants and regular teachers of the people w^ere the priests; the prophets, dis- tinguished from them by inspiration, were designed to rouse and excite. In Israel, how^- ever, as distinguished from Judah, as there was no true ])riesthood, the prophets were the rerjular and only ministers of God. Prophecy in Israel needed to be supported more ])owerfully : therefore, the " schools " were more established, and more striking prophetic deeds {e.g., Elijah's and Elisha's) are recorded, than in Judah. The law was their basis (Isa. viii. 16, 20); both its form and spirit (Deut, iv. 2 ; xiii. 1-3). At times they looked forward to a day when its ever-living spirit would break its then imperfect form for a freer and more perfect development (Jer. iii. 16 ; xxxi. 31); but they altered not a tittle in their own days. Eichorn well calls Moses' song (Deut. xxxii.) the Magna Charta of proi)hecy. The fulfilment of tlieir predictions was to be the sign of their being real prophets of God (Deut, xviii. 22). Also, their speaking in the name of no other but tlie true God (Deut. xviii. 20). Prophecy was the only sanctioned indulgence of the craving after knowledge of future events which is so prevalent in the East (Deut. xviii. 10, 11). For a momentary insi)iration, the mere beginning of spiritual life sufficed, as in Balaam's case ; but for a continuous mission, the pro})liet must be converted (Isa. vi. 7). In Samuel's days (1 Sam. x. 8; xix. 20) b(>gin tlie prophetic "schools." These were associations of men, more or less endowed with the Spirit, in which the feebler were helped by those of greater si)iritual powers : so at Beth-el and Gilgal (2 Ki. ii. 3 ; iv. 38 ; vi. 21). Only the leaders stood in immediate communion with God, whilst the rest were joined to Him through their mediation (1 Ki. xix. 15 ; 2 Ki. viii. 13); the former acted through the latter as their instruments (1 Ki. xix. 16; 2 Ki. ix. 1, 2). Tlio bestowal of prophetic gifts was not, however, limited to these schools (Amos vii. 14, 15). THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET ISAIAH. Xxi As to Symbolic Actions, many of them are not actual, but only parts of the \)io- phetic visions ; internal, not external facts, being impossible or indecent (Jer. xiii. l-.dO ; XXV. 12-38; Hosea i. 2-11), Still, the internal actions, when possible and proper, were often expressed externally (1 Ki. xxii. 11). Those purely internal express the subject more strikingly than a naked statement could. Other Criteria of a true prophet, besides the two above, were, the accordance of his addresses with the laio; his not j^romising prosioerity ivithout repentance ; his own assurance of his Divine mission {sometimes Yeceiyed reluctantl}^, Jer. xx. 8, 9), Jer. xxvi. 12, pro- ducing that inward assui-ance of the truth in others, which is to them a stronger proof from the Spirit of God than even outward miracles and arguments: his pious life, fortitude in suffering, and freedom from fanaticism, confirm these criteria. Miracles, though proofs, are not to be trusted without the negative criteria (Deut. xiii. 2). Predictions fulfilled in the prophet's lifetime established his authority thenceforth, (1 Sam. iii. 19; Jer. xxii. 11, 12 , Ezek. xii. 12, 13 ; xxiv.) As to their Promulgation, it was usually oral, before the assembled people, and afterwards revised in writing. The second part of Isaiah, and Ezekiel xl.-xlviii., were probably not given orally, but in writing. Before Isaiah's and his contemporaries' time jDrophecies were not icritten, as not being intended for universal use. Bub now a larger field was opened. To the worldly power of heathen nations, which threatened to destroy the theocracy, is henceforth opposed the kingdom of God, about to conquer all through Messiah, whose coming concerns all ages. The lesser prophets give the quintessence of the pro2)hecies of their respective authors. An instance of the mode of collecting and publish- ing prophecies occurs, Jer. xxxvi. 4-14. Those of the later prophets rest on those of the earlier (Zech. i. 4 ; vii. 7, 12). Ewald fancies that a great number of proj^hetic rolls have been lost. But the fact of the prophets often alluding to writings which we have, and never to those which it can be proved we have not, makes it likely that we have all those predictions which were committed to writing : the care bestowed on them as divine, and the exact knowledge of them long after (Jer. xxvi. 18, 19), confirm this view. The Arrangement is chronological; but as the twelve lesser prophets are regarded as one work, and the three last of them lived later than Jeremiah and Ezekiel, the former are put after the latter. The lesser prophets are arranged chronologically, except Hosea, who, being the largest, is placed first, though some were earlier than he : also Jonah, who seems to have been the earliest of the latter prophets. As to THE Messiah, no single prophet gives a complete view of Him : this is made up of the various aspects of Him in different prophecies combined ; just as His life in the Gospels is one under a fourfold aspect. In the first part of Isaiah, addressed to the whole people, the prominent idea is His triumph as King, the design being there to remove their fears of the surrounding nations ; in the second, addressed to the elect remnant. He is exhibited as Prophet and Priest, Himself being the sacrifice. THE BOOK OF THE PKOPHET ISAIAH. Isaiah, son of Anioz (not Amos), contemporary of Jonali, Amos, Hosea, in Israel, but younger than they ; and of Micah, in Judah. His call to a higher degree of the prophetic office (ch. vi.) is assigned to the last year of Uzziah — i.e., 754 B.C. The chapters i.-v. belong to the closing years of that reign, not, as some think, to Jotham's reign. In the reign of tlie latter he seems to have exercised his office only orally, and not to have left any record of his prophecies, because they were not intended for all ages. Clis i.-v. and vi. are all that was designed for the Church universal of the prophecies of the first twenty years of his office. New historical epochs, such as occurred in the reigns of Ahaz and Hezekiah, when the affairs of Israel became interwoven with those of the Asiatic empires, are marked by prophetic writings. The prophets had now to interpret the judgments of the Lord, so as to make the people conscious of His punitive justice, as also His mercy. Chs, vii,-x. 4, belong to the reign of Ahaz, Chs. xxxvi. -xxxix. are historical, reaching to the fifteenth year of Hezekiah; probably chs. x.-xii,, and all from ch. xiii. to xxvi., inclusive, belong to the same reign, the historical XXil INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. section being appended, to facilitate the riglit understanding of these prophecies : thus we have Isaiah's office extending from about 760 to 713 B.C. — forty-seven years. Tradition (Talmud) represents him as having been sawn asunder by Manasseh with a wooden saw ! for having said that he had seen JehoA'ah (Exod. xxxiii. 20 ; 2 Kings xxi. 16; Heb. xi. '67). 2 Chr. xxxii. 32 Beems to imply that Isaiah survived Hezekiah, but "first and last " is not added, as in 2 Chr. xxvi. 22, which makes it possible that his history of Hezekiah was only carried up to a certain point. The second part (chs. xl.-lxvi.) containing complaints of gross idolatry, needs not to be restricted to Manassch's reign, but is applicable to previous reigns. At the accession of Manasseh he would be eighty- four; and if he pro])hesied for eight years afterwards, he must have endured martyrdom at ninety-two : so Hosea prophesied for sixty years. And Eastern tradition reports that he lived to 120. The conclusive argument against the tradition is that, according to the inscription, all Isaiah's prophecies are included in the time from Uzziah to Hezekiah, and the internal evidence accords with this. His Wife is called the prophetess — i. 6., endowed, as JMiriam, with a prophetic gift. His Children were considered by him as not belonging merely to liimself In their names, Shear-jashub, 'the remnant shall return,' and Mahar-shalal-hash-baz, ' speeding to the spoil, he hasteth to the prey,' the two chief points of his prophecies, are intimated to the people — the judgments of the Lord on the people and the Avoiid, and yet His mercy to the elect. His Garment of sackcloth (ch. xx. 2), too, was a silent preaching by fact; he appears as the embodiment of that repentance which he taught. His Historical Works. — History, as written by the prophets, is retroverted prophecy. As the past and future alike proceed from the essence of God, an inspired insight into the past implies an insight into the future, and nice versd. Hence most of the Old Testament histories were written by prophets, and are classed with their writings : the Chronicles being not so classed, cannot have been written by them, but are taken ' from historical monograpliies of theirs — e. g , Isaiah's life of Uzziah (2 Chr. xxvi. 22), also of Hezekiah (2 Chr. xxxii. 32). Of these latter all that was important for all ages has been preserved to us, whilst the rest, which was local and temporary, has been lost. The Inscription (ch. i. 1) applies to the whole book, and implies that Isaiah is the author of the second part (chs. xl.-lxvi.) as well as of the first. Kor do the words, concerning Jiidah and Jerusalem," oppose the idea that the inscri})tion applies to the whole ; for whatever he says against other nations, he says on account of their relation to Judah. So the inscripti). Among the first cliarges to him was one that he should go and l»roclaim God's message in Jerusalem (cli. ii. 2), He also took an ofiicial tour to announce to the cities of Judah the contents of the book of the law, found in the temple (ch. xi. C), five years aft(;r his call to projjhesy. On his return to Anathoth, his countrymen, offended at Ids reproofs, consi)ired against his life. To escape tlutir persecutions (ch. xi. 21), as well as those of his own family (ch. xii. G), he left Anathoth and resided at Jerusalem. During the eighteen years of his ministry in THE BOOK OP THE PROPHET JEREMIAH. XXV J osiali's reign he was unmolested ; also during the three months of Jehoahaz or Shallum's reign (ch. xxii. 10-12). On Jehoiakim's accession it became evident that Josiah's refor- mation efiected nothing more than a forcible repression of idolatry, and the establishment of the worship of God outwardly. The priests, prophets, and people then brought Jeremiah before the authorities, urging that he should be put to death for his denuncia- tions of evil against the city (ch. xxvi. 8-11). The princes, however, especially Ahikam, interposed in his behalf (ch. xxvi. 16-24); but he was put under restraint, or at least deemed it prudent not to appear in public. In the fourth year of Jehoiakim (GOG B.C.) he was commanded to write the predictions given orally through him, and to read them to the jieople. Being '^shut up," he could not himself go into the house of the Lord (ch. xxxvi. 5); he therefore deputed Baruch, his amanuensis, to read them in public on the fast-day. The princes thereupon advised Baruch and Jeremiah to hide themselves from the king's displeasure. Meanwhile they read the roll to the king, who was so enraged that he cut it with a knife and threw it into the fire ; at the same time giving orders for the appre- hension of the prophet and Baruch. They escaped Jehoiakim's violence, which had already killed the prophet Urijah (ch. xxvi. 20-2.J). Baruch rewrote the words, with additional prophecies, on another roll (ch. xxxvi. 27-32). In the three months' reign of Jehoiachin or Jeconiah, he prophesied the carrying away of the kiug and the queen- mother (ch. xiii. 18; xxii. 24-30: cf. 2 Ki. xxiv. 12). In this reign he was imprisoned for a short time by Pashur (ch. xx.), the chief governor of the Lord's house ; but at Zedekiah's accession he was free (ch. xxxvii. 4), for the king sent to him to " enquire of the Lord," when Nebuchadrezzar came up against Jerusalem (ch. xxi. 1-3, &c.; xxxvii. 3). The Chaldeans drew off on hearing of the approach of Pharaoh's army (ch. xxxvii. 5); but Jeremiah warned the king that the Egyptians would forsake him, and the Chaldeans return and burn up the city (ch. xxxvii. 7, 8). The princes, irritated at this, made the departure of Jeremiah from the city during the respite a pretext for imprison- ing him, on the allegation of his deserting to the Chaldeans (ch. xxxviii. 1-5). He would have been left to perish in the dungeon of Malchiah, but for the intercession of Ebed-melech, the Ethiopian (ch. xxxviii. 6-13). Zedekiah, though he consulted Jeremiah in secret, yet was induced by his princes to leave Jeremiah in prison (ch. xxxviii. 14-28), until Jerusalem was taken. Nebuchadrezzar directed his captain, Nebuzaradan, to give him his freedom, so that he might either go to Babylon, or stay with the remnant of his people, as he chose. As a true patriot, notwithstanding the forty and a-half years during which his country had repaid his services with neglect and persecution, he stayed with Gedaliah, the ruler appointed by Nebuchadnezzar over Judea (ch. xl. 6). After the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael, Johanan, the recognized ruler of the people, in fear of the Chaldeans avenging the murder of Gedaliah, fled with the people to Egypt, and forced Jeremiah and Baruch to accompany him, in spite of the prophet's warning, that the people should perish if they went to Egypt, but be preserved by remaining in their land, (chs. xli., xlii., and xliii.) At Tahpanhes, a boundary city on the Tanitic or Pelusian branch of the Nile, he prophesied the overthrow of Egypt (ch. xliii. 8-13). Tradition says he died in Egypt. According to the Pseudo-Epiphanius, he was .stoned at Taphnre or Tahpanhes. The Jews so venerated him that they believed he would rise from the dead and be the forerunner of Messiah (Matt. xvi. 14). IIaver7iick observes, that the combination of features in Jeremiah's character proves liis Divine mission : mild, timid, and susceptible of melancholy, yet intrepid in the dis- charge of his prophetic functions, not s])aring the prince any more than the meanest of his subjects — the Spirit of prophecy controlling his natural temper, and qualifying him for his hazardous undertaking, without doing violence to his individuality. Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Daniel, and Ezekiel, were his contemporaries. The last form^s a good con- trast to Jeremiah — the Spirit, in his case, acting on a temperament as strongly marked by firmness, as Jeremiah's was by shrinking and delicate sensitiveness. Ezekiel views the nation's sins as opposed to righteousness; Jeremiah, as productive of misery: the former takes the objective, the latter the subjective view of the evils of the times. Jeremiah's style corresponds to his character. He is peculiarly marked by pathos, and sympathy with the wretched ; his Lamentations illustrate this ; the whole series of elegies has but one object — to express sorrow for his fallen country ; yet the lights and xxvi INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. images in which he presents this are so many, that the reader, so far from feeling it monotonous, is charmed with the variety of the plaintive strains throughout. The language is marked by Aramseisms, which, probably, was the ground of Jerome's charge, that the style is " rustic." Lowth denies the charge, and considers him in portions not inferior to Isaiah. His heaping of phrase on phrase, the repetition of stereotyped forms — and these often three times — are due to his affected feelings, and to his desire to intensify the expression of them : he is at times more concise, energetic, and sublime, especially against foreign nations, and in the rhythmical parts. The 23i'inci2)le of the arrangement of his prophecies is hard to ascertain. The order of kings was Josiah (under whom he prophecied eighteen years); Jehoahaz (three months) ; Jehoiakim (eleven years) ; Jeconiah (three months); Zedekiah (eleven years). But his prophecies under Josiah (chs. i.-xx.) are immediately followed by a portion under Zedekiah, (ch. xxi.) Again, ch. xxiv. 8-10, as to Zedekiah, comes in the midst of the section as to Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, and Jeconiah, (chs. xxii., xxiii., xxv., v. 1, &c.) So chs. XXXV., xxxvi., as to Jehoiakim, follow chs. xxvii., xxviii., xxix., xxxiii., xxxiv., as to Zedekiah ; and ch. xlv., dated the fourth year of Jehoiakim, comes after predictions as I to the Jews who fled to Egypt after the overthrow of Jerusalem. Ewald thinks the j present arrangement substantially Jeremiah's own : the various portions are prefaced by the same formula, "The word which came to Jeremiah from the Lord" (chs. vii. 1; xi. 1 ; xviii. 1; xxi. 1; xxv. 1; xxx. 1; xxxii. 1; xxxiv. 1, 8; xxxv. 1; xl. 1; xliv. 1: cf chs. xiv. 1; xlvi. 1; xlvii. 1; xlix. 34). Notes of time mark other divisions more or less historical (chs. xxvi. 1; xxvii. 1; xxxvi. 1; xxxvii. 1). Two other portions are distinct of themselves (chs. xxix. 1; xlv. 1). Ch. ii. has the shorter introduction, which marks the beginning of a strophe ; ch. iii. seems imperfect, having as the introduction merely "saying" (Hebrew, ch. iii. 1). Thus, in the poetical parts there are twenty- three sections, divided into strophes of from seven to nine verses, marked someway thus, " The Lord said also unto me." They form five books : I. The Introduction, ch. i. 11. Re- proofs of the Jew^s, chs. ii.-xxiv., made up of seven sections — (1.) chs. ii. ; (2.) iii.-vi. ; (3.) vii.-x. ; (4.) xi.-xiii. ; (5.) xiv.-xvii. ; (6.) xvii.-xix., xx. ; (7.) xxi.-xxiv. III. Review of all nations, in two sections — (1.) chs. xlvi.-xlix. ; (2.) xxv. IV. An historical appendix, in ! three sections — (1.) chs. xxxiv. 1-7 ; (2.) xxxiv. 8-22 ; (3.) xxxv. Y. The conclusion, in two sections — (1.) chs. xxxvi. 2; (2.) xlv. Subsequently, in Egypt, he added ch. xlvi. 13-2G to the [)revious prophecy as to Egypt; also the three sections, chs. xxxvii.-xxxix. ; xl.-xliii., and xliv. Ch. Hi. was probably (see ch. li. 64) an ai)pendix from a later hand, i taken from 2 Ki. xxiv. 18, &c. ; xxv. 30. The prophecies against the several foreign ! nations stand in a different order in the Hebrew from that of the LXX. ; also the pro- j phecies against them in the Hebrew (chs. xlvi.-li.) are in the LXX. placed after ch. I "xxv. 14, forming chs. xxvi.-xxxi, ; the remainder of ch. xxv. of the Hebrew is ch. xxxii. I of the LXX. Some passages in the Hebrew (chs. xxvii. 19-22; xxxiii. 4-26; xxxix. j 4-14; xlviii. 45-47) are not found in the LXX.; the 6^ree/?; translators must have had a different recension before them ; probably an earlier one. The Hebrew is probably the latest and fullest edition from Jeremiah's own hand. See note, ch. xxv. 13. The canonicity of his prophecies is established by quotations of them in the New Testament (see Matt. ii. 17 ; xvi, 14; Heb. viii. 8-12 : on Matt, xxvii. 9, see Introduc- tion to Zechariah)) also by the testimony of Ecclus. xlix. 7, which quotes Jer. i. 10 ; of Philo, who quotes his word as an " oracle ;" and of the list of canonical books in Melito, Oriyen, Jerome, and the Talmud. THE LAMENTATIONS OF JEREMIAH. In the Ilebr(;w I3ible these Eh^gics of Jeremiah, five in number, are j)laccd among the Clietuvim, or Holy Writimjs (" the Psalms," tire. ; Luke xxiv. 44), between Ruth and EcclosiastcH. But tliougli in classification of comi)Ositions it belong to the Chetuvim, it j*robably followed the j)roj)h(!cics of Jcremiali originally. For thus alone can we account S >rthe propluitical }K><>ks l)eing enumerated hy Josephus (c. A pioii) i\H t/driee7i : he must have reckoned Jeren)iah and Lamentations as one book, as also Judges and Ruth, tliu THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET EZEKIEL. xxvii two books of Samnel, &c., Ezra and Neliemiah. The Lamentations naturally follow the book which sets forth the circumstances forming the subject of the Elegies. Similar lamentations occur, 2 Sam. i. 19, &c. ; iii. 33. The Jews read it in their synagogues on the ninth of the month Ab, which is a fost for the destruction of their holy city. As in 2 Chr. XXXV. 25, " lamentations " are said to have been " written " by Jeremiah on the death of Josiah ; besides, it having been made " an ordinance in Israel " that " singing women" should "speak" of that king in lamentations; »/ose/?/ms (' Antiquities,' i, 6), Jerome, &c., thought that they are contained in the j^resent collection. But plainly the subject here is the overthrow of the Jewish city and people, as the LXX. expressly state in an introductory verse to their version. The probability is, that there is embodied in these Lamentations much of the language of his original Elegy on Josiah, as 2 Chr. xxxv. 25 states ; but it is now applied to the more universal calamity of the whole state, of which Josiah's sad death was the forerunner. Thus ch. iv. 20, originally applied to Josiah, was " written," in its subsequent reference, not so much of him as of the throne of Judah in general, th^ last representative of which, Zedekiah, had just been carried away. The language, which is true of good Josiah, is too strong in favour of Zedekiah, except when viewed as representative of the crown in general. It was natural to embody the language of the Elegy on Josiah in the more general lamentations, as Ms death was the presage of the last disaster that overthrew the throne and state. The title more frequently given by the Jews to these Elegies is " How " (Hebrew, Eechalt), from the first word, as the Pentateuch is similarly called by the first Hebrew word of Genesis i. The LXX. call it " Lamentations," from whom we derive the name. It refers not merely to the events which occurred at the capture of the city, but to the sufferings of the citizens (the penalty of national sin) from the very beginning of the siege; and, perhaps, from before it, under Manasseli and Josiah (2 Chr. xxxiii. 11; xxxv. 20-25); under Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, and Zedekiah, (2 Chr. xxxvi. 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 11, kc.) Lowth says, 'Every letter is written with a tear, every word the sound of a broken heart.' The style is midway between the simple elevation of prophetic writing, and the loftier rhythm of Moses, David, and Habakkuk. Terse conciseness marks the Hebrew original, notwithstanding Jeremiahs diffuseness in his other writings. The Elegies are grouped in stanzas as they arose in his mind, without any artificial system of arrangement as to the thoughts. The five Elegies are acrostic : each is divided into twenty-two stanzas or verses. In the first three Elegies, the stanzas consist of triplets of lines (excepting Elegy i. 7, and ii. 19, which contain each four lines), each beginning with the letters of the Hebrew alphabet in regular order (twenty-two in mumber). In three instances (Elegy ii. 16, 17; iii. 46-51; iv. 16, 17) two letters are transposed. In the third Elegy, each line of the three forming every stanza begins with the same letter. The stanzas in the fourth and fifth Elegies consist of two lines each. The fifth Elegy, though having twenty-two stanzas (the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet), just as the four first, yet is not alphabetical; and its lines are shorter than those of the others, which are longer than are found in other Hebrew poems, and contain twelve syllables, marked by a csesura about the middle, dividing them into two somewhat unequal parts. The alphabetical arrangement was adopted originally to assist the memory. Grotius thinks the reason for the inversion of two of the Hebrew letters in Elegy ii. 16, 17; iii. 46-51; iv. 16, 17, is, that the Chaldeans, like the Arabians, used a dififerent order from the Hebrews. In the first Elegy, Jeremiah speaks as a Hebrew ; in the following ones, as one subject to the Chaldeans. This is doubtful. THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET EZEKIEL. The name means '(whom) God will strengthen' {Gesenius); or, 'God will prevail' (Rosenmiiller). His father was Busi (ch. i. 3), a priest, and he probably exercised the priestly office himself at Jerusalem, previous to his captivity, as appears from the matured priestly character to be seen in his prophecies, — a circumstance which much increased his influence with his captive fellow-countrymen at Babylon. Tradition represents Sarera as the land of his nativity. His call to proj)hecy was in the fifth year from the date of xxviii INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. liifj being carried away with Jehoiachin (see 2 Ki. xxiv. 11-15), by Nebuchadnezzar, 599 B.C. The best portions of the people seem to have been among the first carried away (ch. xi. 16; Jer. xxiv. 2-7, 8, 10). The ungodly were willing to do anything to remain in their native land; whereas the godly believed the prophets, and obeyed the first sum- mons to surrender, as the only path of safety. These latter, as adhering to the theocratic principle, were among tlie earliest to be removed by the Chaldeans, who believed that, if they were out of the way, the nation would fall to pieces of itself. They were despised by their brethren in the Holy Land not yet captives, as having no share in the temple sacrifices. Thus Ezekiel's sphere of labour was one happier and less impeded by his countrymen than that of Jeremiah at home. The vicinity of the river Chebar, which flows into the Euphrates near Circesium, was the first scene of his prophecies (ch. i. 1). Tel-abib there (now Thelaba) was his place of residence (ch. iii. 15), whither the elders used to come to enquire as to God's messages through him. They w^ere eager to return to Jerusalem, but he taught them that they must first return to their God. He continued to prophesy for at least twenty-two years — i. e., to the twenty-seventh year of the captivity (ch. xxix. 17) — and probably remained with the captives by the Chebar the rest of his life. A treatise, falsely attributed to Epiphanius, states a tradition that he was killed at Babylon by a prince of his people whom he had reproved for idolatry. He was contemj)orary with Jeremiah and Daniel. The former had prophesied for tliirty-four years before Ezekiel, and continued to do so for six or seven years after him. The call of Ezekiel followed the very next year after the communication of Jeremiah's ])redictions to Babylon (Jer. li. 59), and was divinely intended as a sequel to them. Daniel's predictions are mostly later than Ezekiel's, but his piety and wisdom had become proverbial in the early part of Ezekiel's ministry (chs. xiv. 14, 16; xxviii. 3). They much resemble one another, especially in the visions and grotesque images. It is a remarkable proof of genuineness, that in Ezekiel no prophecies against Babylon occur among those directed against the enemies of the covenant people. Probably he desired not to give needless ofience to the government under which he lived. The effect of his labours is to be seen in the im2:)roved character of the people towards the close of the captivity, and | their general cessation from idolatry and return to the law. It was little more than j thirty years after the close of his labours when the decree of the Jews' restoration was i issued. His leading characteristic is realizing, determined energy : this admirably adapted him for opposing the "rebellious house" "of stubborn front and hard heart," and for maintaining the cause of God's Church among his countrymen in a foreign land when the external framework had fallen to pieces. His style is plain and simple. His conceptions are definite, and the details even of the symbolical and enigmatical parts are given with life-like minuteness. The obscurity lies in the substance, not in the form of his communications. The priestly element predominates in his prophecies, arising from his previous training as a priest. He delights to linger about the temple, and to find in its symbolical forms the imagery for conveying his instructions. This was divinely ordered to satisfy the spiritual want felt by the people in the absence of the outward temple and its sacrifices. In his images he is magnificent, though austere and somewhat harsh. He abounds in repetitions, not for ornament, but for force and weight. Poetical parallelism is not found except in a few portions, as chs. vii., xxi., xxvii., xxviii., xxix.- xxxi. His great aim was to stimuhite the dormant minds of the Jews. For this end nothing was better suited than the use of mysterious symbols expressed in the plainest words. The superficial, volatile, and wilfully unbelieving, would thereby be left to judicial blindness (Isa. vi. 10; Matt. xiii. 11-13, &c.); whereas the better disposed would be awakened to a deeper searcli into the things of God by the very obscurity of the symbols. Inattention to this divine purpose has led the modern Jews so to magnify this obscurity as to ordain t]iat no one shall read this book till he has passed his thirtieth year. Pabbi Hananias is said to have satisfactorily solved the difficulties (Mischna) which were alleged against its canonicity. Ecclesiasticus xlix. 8 refers to it, and Josephus, 'Antiquities,' x. 5, sec. 1. It is mentioned as part of the canon in Melito's catalogue, (Eusehius, ' H. E.,' iv. 26); also in Origen, Jerome, and the Talmud. The oneness of tone throughout, and tlie repetition of favourite expressions, exclude the suspicion that THE BOOK OF DANIEL. xxix separate portions are not genuine. The earlier portion (chs, i -xxxii.), which mainly treats of sin and judgment, is a key to interpret the latter portion, which is more hopeful and joyous, but remote in date. Thus a unity and an orderly pi-ogressive character are imparted to the whole. The destruction of Jerusalem is the central point. Previously to this, he calls to repentance, and warns against blind confidence in Egypt (ch. xvii. 15- 17: cf. Jer. xxxvii. 7), or other human stay. After it, he consoles the captives by promising them future deliverance and restoration. His prophecies against foreign nations stand between these two great divisions; and were uttered in the interval between the intimation that Nebuchadnezzar was besieging Jerusalem, and the arrival of the news that he had taken it (ch. xxxiii. 21). Havernick marks out nine sections : — 1. Ezekiel's call to prophesy, (chs. i.-iii. ; xv.) 2. Symbolical predictions of the destruction of Jerusalem (chs. iii. 16-vii.) 3. A year and two months later, a vision of the temple polluted by Tammuz or Adonis worship ; God's consequent scattering of fire over the city, and forsaking of the temple to reveal Himself to an enquiring people in exile; happier and purer times to follow, (chs. viii.-xi.) 4. Exposure of the particu- lar sins prevalent in the several classes — priests, prophets, and princes, (chs. xii.-xix.) 5. A year later, the warning of judgment for national guilt repeated with greater distinctness as the time drew nearer, (chs. xx.-xxiii.) 6. Two years and five months later, the very day on which Ezekiel speaks, is announced as the day of the beginning of the siege: Jerusalem shall be overthrown, (ch. xxiv.) 7. Predictions against foreign nations during the interval of his silence towards his own people: if judgment begins at the house of God, much more will it visit the ungodly world, (chs. xxv. -xxxii.) Some of these were uttered much later than others; but they all began to be given after the fall of Jerusalem. 8. In the twelfth year of the captivity, when the fugitives from Jerusalem (ch. xxxiii. 21) had appeared in Chaldea, he foretells better times, and the re-establishment of Israel, and the triumj^h of God's kingdom on earth over its enemies, Seir, the heathen, and Gog, (chs. xxxiii. -xxxix.) 9. After an interval of thirteen years, the closing vision of the order and beauty of the restored kingdom, (chs. xl.-xlviii.) The particularity of details as to the temple and its offerings, rather discountenances the view of this vision being only symbolical, and not at all literal. The event alone can clear it up. At all events it has not yet been fulfilled : it must be future. Ezekiel was the only prophet (in the strict sense) among the Jews at Babylon. Daniel was rather a seer than a prophet, for the spirit of prophecy was given him, to qualify him, not for a spiritual office, but for disclosing future events. His position in a heathen king's palace fitted him for revelations of the outivard relations of God's kingdom to the kingdoms of the world, so that his book is ranked by the Jews among the Hagiographa, or " Sacred Writings," not among the prophetical Scriptures. On the other hand, Ezekiel was distinctively a prophet, and one who had to do with the inward concerns of the Divine kingdom. As a priest, when sent into exile, his service was but transferred from the visible temple at Jerusalem to the spiritual temple in Chaldea. THE BOOK OF DANIEL. Daniel, i. e., God is my judge; probably of the blood royal (cf. ch. i. 3 with 1 Chr. iii. 1, y^here a son of David in named so). Jerusalem may have been his birthplace (though ch. ix. 24, " thy holy city," does not necessarily imply this). He was carried to Babylon among the Hebrew captives brought thither by Nebuchadnezzar at the first deportation in the fourth year of Jehoiakim. As he and his three companions are called (ch. i. 4) " children," he cannot have been more than about twelve years old when put in training, according to Eastern etiquette, to be a courtier (ch. i. 3, 6). He then received a new name, by which it was usual to mark a change in one's condition (2 Ki. xxiii. 34; xxiv. 17 ; Ezra v. 14; Esth. ii. 7) — Belteshazzar, i. e., a prince favoured by Bel. His piety and wisdom were proverbial among his countrymen at an early period, probably owing to that noble proof he gave of faithfulness, combined with wisdom, in abstaining from the food sent to him from the king's table, as being polluted by the idolatries usual at lieathen banquets (ch. i. 8-16). Hence Ezekiel's reference to him (Ezek. xiv. 14, 20; XXX INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. xxviii. 3) is precisely of that kind we should expect — a coincidence which must be undesigned. Ezekiel refers to him not as a writer, but as exhibiting a character righteous and wise in discerning secrets, in those circumstances now found in his book, which are earlier than the time when Ezekiel wrote. As Joseph rose in Egypt by interpreting Pharaoh's dreams, so Daniel, by interpreting Nebuchadnezzar's, was pro- moted to be governor of Babylonia, and president of the Magian priest-caste. Under Evil-merodach, Nebuchadnezzar's successor, as a change officers often attends the accession of a new king, Daniel seems to have had a lower post, which led him occasion- ally to be away from Babylon (ch. viii. 2, 27). Again he came into note when he read the mystic writing of Bekhazzar's doom on the wall on the night of that monarch's impious feast. Berossus calls the last Babylonian king Naboneddus, and says he was not killed, but had an. honourable abode in Carmania assigned to him, after having surrendered voluntarily in Borsippa. Rawlinson has cleared up the discrepancy from the Nineveh inscriptions. Belshazzar was joint-king with his fiither, Evil-merodach, or Naboneddus (called Minus in the inscriptions), to whom he was subordinate. He shut himself up in Babylon, whilst the other king took refuge elsewhere — viz., in Borsippa. Berossus gives the Chaldean account, which suppresses all about Belshazzar, as being to the national dishonour. Had Daniel been a late book, he would no doubt have taken up the later account of Berossus. If he gave a history different from that current in Babylonia the Jews of that region would not have received it as true. Darius the Mede, or Cyaxares II., succeeded, and reigned two years. The mention of this monarch's reign — almost unknown to profane history — being eclipsed by the splendour of Cyrus, is an incidental proof that Daniel wrote as a contemporary historian of events which he knew, and did not borrow from others. In the third year of Cyrus he saw the visions (chs. x.-xii.) relating to his people down to the latest days, and the coming resurrection. He must have been about eighty-four years old at this time. Tradition represents Daniel as having died and been buried at Shushan. Though his advanced age did not allow him to be among those who returned to Palestine, yet he never ceased to have his people's interests nearest to his heart (chs, ix. and x. 12). Authenticity of the Book of Daniel. — Ch. vii. 1, 28; viii. 2; ix. 2; x. 1, 2 ; xii. 4, 5, testify that it was composed by Daniel himself He does not mention himself in the first six chapters, which are historical ; for in these it is not the author, but the events which are the prominent point. In the last six, which are prophetical, the author makes himself known ; for here it was needed, prophecy being a revelation of words to particular men. It holds a third rank in the Hebrew canon, not among the prophets, but in the Hagiographa (Chetubim), between Esther and Ezra — books, like it, relating to the captivity — because he did not strictly belong to those who held exclusively the profession of "prophets" in the theocracy, but was rather a "seer," having the gift, but not the office of prophet. Were the book an interpolated one, it would have been doubtless placed among the prophets. Its present position is a proof of its genuineness, as it was deliberately put in a position different from that where most would expect to find it. Placed between Esther and Ezra and Nehemiah, it separated the historical books of the time after the captivity. Thus Daniel was, as Bengel calls him, the poli- tician, chronologer, and historian among the prophets. The Psalms, also, though many are prophetical, are ranked with the Hagiographa, not with the prophets; and the Reve- lation of John is separated from his epistles, as Daniel is from the Old Testament prophets. Instead of writing in the midst of the covenant people, and making them the foreground of his picture, he writes in a heathen court, the world-kingdoms occupying the foreground, and the kingdom of God, though ultimately made the most significant, the background. His peculiar position in the heathen court is reflected in his peculiar position in the canon. As the " prophets " in the Old Testament, so the epistles of the apostles in the New Testament, were written by divinely-commissioned persons for their contemporaries. But Daniel and John were not in immediate contact with the congre- gation, but isolated and alone with God — the one in a heathen court, the other on a lonely isle (Eev. i. 9). Porphyry, the assailant of Christianity in the third century, asserted that the book of Daniel was a forgery of the time of the Maccabees — 170-164 B.C. — a time when confessedly there were no prophets, written after the events as to THE BOOK OF DANIEL. ) xxxi Antiochus Epiplianes, which it professes to foretell, so accurate are the details — a con- clusive proof of Daniel's inspiration, if his prophecies can be shown to have been before the events. Now we know from Joseyhus that the Jews in Christ's days recognized Daniel as in the canon. Zechariah, Ezra, and Nehemiah, centuries before Antiochus, refer to it. Jesus refers to it in His characteristic designation, " Son of man," Matt, xxiv. 30 (Dan. vii. 13), also, expressly by name, and as a "prophet," in Matt. xxiv. 15 (cf. Matt. xxiv. 21, with Dan. xii. 1, &c.) and in the moment that decided His life (Matt. xxvi. 64) or death, when the high priest adjured Him by the living God. Also in Luke i. 19-26 "Gabriel" is mentioned, whose name occurs nowhere else in Scripture, save ch. viii. 16; ix. 2L Besides the references to it in Revelation, Paul confirms the prophetical part of it, as to the blasphemous king (Dan. vii. 8, 25; xi. 36), in 1 Cor. vi. 2 ; 2 Tlie.ss. ii. 3, 4 ; the narrative part, as to the miraculous deliverances from " the lions and the fire," in Heb. xi. 33, 34. Thus the book is expressly attested by the New Testament on the three points made the stumbling-block of neologists — the predic- tions, the narratives of miracles, and the manifestations of angels. An objection has been started to the unity of the book — viz., that Jesus quotes no part of the first half of Daniel; but Matt. xxi. 44 would be an enigma if it were not a reference to the "stone that smote the image " (Dan. ii. 34, 35, 44, 45). Thii^i the New Testament sanctions chs. ii., iii., vi., vii., and xi. The design of the miracles in the heathen courts where Daniel was, as of those of Moses in Egypt, was to lead the world-power, which seemed to be victorious over the theocracy, to see the essential inner superiority of the seemingly fallen kingdom of God to itself, and to show prostrate Israel that the power of God was the same as of old in Egypt. The first book of Maccabees (cf. 1 Mace. i. 24 ; ix. 27, 40 with Dan. xii. 1 ; xi. 26 of the LXX ) refers to Daniel as an accredited book, and even refers to the LXX. Alexandrian version of it. The fact of Daniel having a place in the LXX. shows it was received by the Jews at large prior to the Maccabean times. The LXX. version so arbitrarily deviated from the Hebrew Daniel that Theodotion's version was substituted for it in the early Christian Church. Josephus ('Antiquities,' vii. 11, 8) mentions that Alexander the Great had designed to punish the Jews for their fidelity to Darius, but that Jaddua (332 b. c.) the high priest met him at the head of a procession, and averted his wrath by showing him Daniel's prophecy that a Grecian monarch should overthrow Persia. Certain it is, Alexander favoured the Jews, and Josephus s statement gives an, explanation of the fact; at least, it shows that the Jews in Josephus's days believed that Daniel was extant in Alexander's days, long before the Maccabees. With Jaddua (high priest from B.C. 341-322) the Old Testament history ends (Neh. xii. 11). (The register of the priests and Levites was not written by Nehemiah, who died about 400 B.C., but was inserted, with Divine sanction by the collectors of the canon subsequently.) An objection to Daniel's authenticity has been rested on a few Greek words found in it. But these are mostly names of Greek musical instruments, which were imported by Greece from the East, rather than vice versd. Some of the words are derived from the common Indo-Germanic stock of both Greek and Chaldee, hence their appearance in both tongues. And one or two may have come through the Greeks of Asia Minor to the Chaldee. The fact that from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the end of the seventh the language is Chaldee, but the rest Hebrew, is not an argument against, but for its authenticity. So in Ezra the two languages are found. The work, if that of one author, must have been composed by some one in the circum- stances of Daniel — i.e., by one familiar with both languages. No native-born Hebrew who had not lived in Chaldea would know Chaldee so well as to use it with the same idiomatic ease as his native tongue; the very impurities in Daniel's use of both are just such as- were natural to one in his circumstances, but unnatural to one in a later age, or to one not half-Hebrew, half-Chaldean in residence, as Daniel was. Those parts of Daniel which concern the whole world are mostly Chaldee, then the language of the world-empire. So Greek was made the language of the New Testament, which was designed for the whole world. Those affecting the Jews, mostly Hebrew,, and this not so impure as that of Ezekiel. His Chaldee is a mixture of Hebrew and Aramaic. Two ])redictions alone are enough to prove — (1.) That Daniel was a true prophet; (2.) That his prophecies reach beyond Antiochus; viz., he foretells the rise of the four great XXXll INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. monarchies, Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece, and Rome (the last not being in Daniel's time known beyond tlie precincts of Italy, or rather of Latiura), and that no other earthly kingdom would subvert the fourth, but that it would divide into parts. Ail this has come to pass. No fifth great earthly monarchy has arisen, though often attempted, as by Charlemagne, Charles Y., and Napoleon. (3.) The time of Messiah's advent, as dated from a certain decree. His being cut off, and the destruction of the city. 'He who denies Daniel's prophecies,' says Sir Isaac Newton, 'undermines Christianity, which is founded on Daniel's prophecies concerning Christ.' Characteristics of Daniel. — The vision mode of revelation is the exception in other prophets, the rule in Daniel. In Zechariah (i.-vi.), who lived after Daniel, the same mode appears, but the other form from the seventh chapter to the end. The Revelation of St. John alone is perfectly parallel to Daniel, which may be called the Old Testament apocalypse. In the contents, too, there is the difference above noticed, that he views the kingdom of God from the standpoint of the world-kingdoms, the development of which is his great subject. This mode of viewing it was appropriate to his own position in a heathen coui-t, and to the i-elation of subjection in which the covenant people then stood to the world-powers. No longer are single powers of the world incidentally introduced, but the universal monarchies are the chief theme, in which the worldly»2:)rinciple, opposed to the kingdom of God, manifests itself fully. The near and distant are not seen in the same perspective ' as by the other prophets, who viewed the whole future from the eschatological point; but in Daniel the historical details are given of that development of the world-powers which must precede the advent of the kingdom. Significance of the Babylonian Captivity. — The exile is the historical basis of Daniel's prophecies, as Daniel implies in the first chapter, which commences with the beginning, and ends with the termination, of the captivity (ch. i.-l, 21 : cf ch. ix. 1, 2). A new stage in the theocracy begins with the captivity. Nebuchadnezzar made three incursions into Judah. The first, under Jehoiakim (606 b. c), in which Daniel was carried away, subjected the theocracy to the Babylonian world-power. The second (598 B.C.) was that in which Jehoiachim and Ezekiel were carried away. The third (588 B. c), in wldch Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem, and carried away Zedekiah. Oi'igiually Abraham was raised out of the " sea " (Dan. vii. 2) of the nations, as an island holy to God ; and his seed chosen as God's mediator of His revelations of love to mankind. Under David and Solomon, the theocracy, as o])posed to the heathen power, attained its climax in the Old Testament, not only being independent, but lord of the surrounding nations ; so that the period of these two kings was henceforth made the type of the Messianic. But when God's people, instead of resting on him, seeks alliance with the world-power, that very power is made the instrument of its chastisement. So Ej)hraim (722 b.c.) fell by Assyria ; and Judah also, drawn into the sphere of the world's movements from the time of Ahaz, who sought Assyrian help (740 B.C.; Isa. vii.), at last fell by Babylon, and thenceforth has been more or less dependent ou the world- monarchies, and so, till Messiah, was favoured with no revelations from the time of Malachi, 400 years. Thus, from the beginning of the exile, the theocracy, in the strict sense, ceased on earth ; the rule of the world-powers superseding it. But God's cove- nant with Israel remains firm (Rom. xi. 29); therefore a period of blessing under Messiah's kingdom is noio foretold as about to follow their long chastisement. The exile thus is the turning point in the history of the theocracy, which Roos thus divides : 1. From Adam to the exodus out of Egypt. 2. From the exodus to the beginning of the Babylonian captivity. 3. From the captivity to the millennium. 4, From the millennium to the end of the world. The 2?ositio7i of Daniel in the Babylonian court was in unison with the altered relations of the theocracy and the world-power, which new relation was to be the theme of his prophecy. Earlier prophets, from the standpoint of Israel, treated of Israel in its relation to the world-powers ; Daniel, from Babylon, the centre of the then world-power, treats of the world-powers in their relation to Israel. His seventy years' residence in Babylon, and his high official position there, gave him an insight into the world's politics, fitting him to be the recipient of political revelations. Whilst his spiritual experiences, gained through Nebuchadnezzar's humiliation, Bel- shazzar's downfall, and the rapid decay of the Babylonian empire itself, as well as the THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET HOSEA. XXX hi I miraculous deliverances of himself and his friends (chs. iii.-vi.), all fitted him for regard- ing things from the spiritual standpoint, from which the world's power appears transient, but the glory of God's kingdom eternal. As his political position was the hody, the school of magicians, in which he had studied for three years (ch. i. 4, 5), v/as the soul; and his mind, strong in faith and nourished by the earlier prophecies (ch. ix. 2), the \ spirit of his prophecy, which only waited for the spirit of revelation from above to kindle j it. So God fits His organs for their work, ^ttfeer/e/z compares Daniel to Joseph; the j one at the beginning, the other at the end of the Jewish history of revelation ; both j representatives of God and his people at heathen courts ; both interpreters of the dim ! presentiments of truth expressed in God-sent dreams, and therefore raised to honour by ! the powers of the world ; so representing Israel's calling to be a royal priesthood among the nations ; and types of Christ, the true Israel, and of Israel's destination to be a light to lighten the whole Gentile world, as Rom. xi. 12, 15 foretells. As Achilles at the beginning, and Alexander at the end, of Grecian history are the mirrors of the whole life I of the Hellenic people, so Joseph and Daniel of Israel. I Contents of the Book. — Historical and biographical inti^oduction in the first chapter, I Daniel, a captive exile, is representative of his nation in its servitude and exile ; while I his heavenly insight into dreams, far excelling that of the Magi, represents the Divine j superiority of the covenant-people over their heathen lords. The high dignities, even in I the world, which he thereby attained, typify the giving of the earth-kingdom at last " to the people of the saints of the Most High " (ch. vii. 27). Thus Daniel's personal history is the typical foundation of his prophecy. The prophets had to experience in themselves, and in their age, something of what they foretold about future times ; just as David felt much of Christ's sufierings in his own person, (cf Hos. i. 2-9, 10, 11; ii.; iii.) So Jonah L, &c. {Roos.) Hence biographical notices of Daniel and his friends are inserted among his prophecies. Chs. ii.-xii. contain the substance of the book, and consist of two parts. The first, viz., chs. ii.-vii., represent the development of the world-powers, viewed from a historical point. The second, chs. viii.-xii., their development in relation to Israel, especially in the future preceding Christ's first advent, foretold in the ninth chapter. But prophecy looks beyond the immediate future to the complete fulfilment in the last days, since tbe individual parts in the organic history of salvation cannot be understood except in connection with the whole. Also Israel looked forward to the Messianic time, not only for spiritual salvation, but also for the visible restoration of the kingdom, which even now we too expect. The prophecy which they needed ought, therefore, to comprise both, and so much of the history of the world as would elapse before the final consumma- tion. The period of Daniel's prophecies, therefore, ia that from the downfall of the theocracy at its captivity till its final restoration — yet future, the period of the dominion of the world-powers, not set aside b}^ Christ's first coming (John xviii. 36, for, to have taken the earth-kingdom tJien, would have been to take it from Satan's hands. Matt. iv. 8-10), but to be superseded by His universal and everlasting kingdom at His second coming (Rev. xi. 15). Thus the general survey of the development and final destiny of the world-powers (chs. ii.-vii.) fittingly precedes the disclosures as to the immediate future (chs. viii.-xii.) Daniel marks this division by writing the first part in Chaldee, and the second, and the introduction, in Hebrew ; the former, referring to the powers of the world, in the language of the then dominant world-power under which he lived ; the latter, relating to the people of God, in their own language. An interpolator in a later age would have used Hebrew, the language of the ancient prophets throughout, or if anywhere Aramaic, so as to be understood by his contemporaries, he would have used it in the second rather than in the first part, as having a more immediate reference to his own times. I HOSEA. The fii-st of the twelve minor prophets, in the order of the canon (called " minor," not as loes in point of inspired authority, but simply in point of size). The twelve are first men- tioned by Jesus the son of Sirach (Ecclus. xlix. 10). St. Stephen, in Acts vii. 42 (in referring to Amos v. 27), quotes them as forming one collective bodv of writings — " the xxxiv INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. book of the prophets," So Jerome ; and Melito, the first Greek father who has left us a catalogue of these books. The collection of the sacred books is, by Jewish tradition, attributed to the great synagogue of learned scribes formed by Ezra. Many think Nehemiah completed this collection, by adding to the books already in the canon those of his own times. Malachi, the last in the series, probably aided him in determining, with infallible authority, what books were entitled to be ranked in the inspired canon. The chronological order differs from the canonical : Joel, about 810 B. c. ; Jonah, about 810 B. c, or, as others, j^rs^, 862 b. c. ; Amos, about 790 b. c. ; Hosea, about 784 b. c. Hosea, the contemporary of Isaiah, Micah, and Amos, seems to have entered on his prophetical office in the last years of Jeroboam (contemporary in part with Uzziah), and to have ended it in the beginning of Hezekiah's reign, 722 b. c. — i. e., about sixty years in all, from 784 B.C. to 722 b. c. The prophets, however, were not uninterruptedly engaged in pro- phesying. Considerable intervals elapsed, though their office as divinely-commissioned public teachers was never wholly laid aside. The book of Hosea, which we have, con- stitutes only that portion of his public teachings which the Holy Spirit saw fit to pre- serve for the benefit of the Church. The cause of his being placed first of the twelve was probably the length, the vivid earnestness and patriotism of his prophecies, as well as their closer resemblance to those of the greater prophets. His style is abrupt, sen- tentious, and unrounded ; the connecting particles are few ; there are changes of person, and anomalies of gender, number, and construction. His name means Salvation. He was son of Beeri, of the tribe of Issachar, born in Beth-shemish. His mention, in the inscription, of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, is no proof that he belonged to J adah j for the prophets in Israel regarded its separation from Judah, civil as well as religious, as an apostasy from God, who promised the dominion of the theo- cracy to the line of David. Hence Elijah in Israel took twelve stones to represent Judah as well as Israel (1 Ki. xviii. 31). Hence Hosea dates from Judah's kings, as well as from Jeroboam of Israel, though he belonged to Israel, with whose sins and fates his book is chiefly occupied. He, however, makes incidental references to Judah. His first prophecy foretells the overthrow of Jehii's house, fulfilled on the death of Jeroboam, Jehu's great grandson (2 Ki. xv. 12), in Zechariah, Jeroboam's son, the fourth and last from Jehu, conspired against by Shallum. This first prediction was doubtless in Jero- boam's life, as Zechariah, his son, was only suffered to reign six months; thus the inscription is verified, that "the word of the Lord came unto him in the days of Jero- boam." Again, in ch. x. 14, Shalmaneser's expedition against Israel is alluded to as past — i. e., the first inroad against King Hoshea, who began to reign in the twelfth year of Ahaz; so that, as Ahaz's whole reign was sixteen years, the prophecy seems to have been given about the beginning of Hezekiah's reign. Thus the inscription is confirmed, that the exercise of his prophetical functions was of such a protracted duration. Hosea (ch. xi. 1) is quoted by Matt. ii. 15; also, ch. vi. 6, by Matt. ix. 13; xii. 7: cf. Bom. ix. 25, 26, quoting ch. i. 10; ii. 1, 23; 1 Cor. xv. 55, quoting ch. xiii. 14; 1 Peter ii. 10, quoting ch. i. 9, 10 ; ii 23. Messianic references are not frequent ; but the predictions of the future conversion of Israel to the Lord their God and David their king, and of the fulfilment of the promise to Abraham, that his spiritual seed should be as the sand of the sea (chs. i. 10 ; iii. 5), clearly refer to the New Testament dispensation. The first and third chapters are in prose ; the rest of the book is rhythmical. JOEL. Joel (meaning 'one to whom Jehovah is God' — i. e., a worshipper of Jehovah) seems to have belonged to Judah, as no reference occurs to Israel; whereas he speaks of Jeru- salem, the temple, the priests, and the ceremonies, as if he were intimately familiar with them (cf. chs. i. 14; ii. 1, 15, 32; iii. 1, 2, 6, 16, 17, 20, 21.) His predictions were probably delivered in the early days of Joash, b. c. 870-865. For no reference is made in them to the Babylonian, Assyrian, or even the Syrian invasion; and the only enemies mentioned are the Philistines, Phenicians, Edomites, and Egyptians (ch. iii. 4, 19). Had THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET AMOS. XXXV he lived after Joash, he would doubtless have mentioned the Syrians among the enemies whom he enumerates, since they took Jerusalem, and carried oflf immense spoil to Damascus (2 Chr. xxiv. 23, 24). No idolatry is mentioned; and the temple services, the priesthood, and other institutions of the theocracy, are represented as flourish- ing. This all answers to the state of thiugs under the high priesthood of Jehoiada, through whom Joash had been placed on the throne, and who lived in the early years of Joash (2 Ki. xi. 17, 18; xii. 2-16; 2 Chr. xxiv. 4-14). He was son of Pethuel. The first chapter describes the desolation caused by an inroad of locusts — one of the instruments of Divine judgment mentioned by Moses (Deut. xxviii. 38, 39), and by Solomon (1 Ki. viii. 37). The second chapter (vv. 1-11), the appearance of them, under images of a hostile army, suggesting that the locusts were symbols and forerunners of a more terrible scourge — viz., foreign enemies who would consume all before them. (The absence of mention of personal injury to the inhabitants is not a just objection to the figurative interpretation; for the figure is consistent throughout in attributing to the locusts only injury to vegetation, thereby injuring indirectly man and beast.) Ch. ii. 12-17, exhortation to repentance, the result of which will be, God will deliver His people, the former and latter rains shall return to fertilize their desolated lands, and shall be the pledge of the spiritual outpouring of grace, beginning with Judah, and thence extending to "all flesh." Ch. ii. 18-32; ch. iii., God's judgments on Judah's enemies, whereas Judah shall be established for ever. Joel's style is pre-eminently pure. It is characterized by smoothness and fluency in the rhythms, roundness in the sentences, and regularity in the parallelisms. With the strength of Micah, it combines the tenderness of Jeremiah, the vividness of Nahum, and the sublimity of Isaiah. As a specimen of his style take ch. ii., wherein the terrible aspect of the locusts, their rapidity, irresistible progress, noisy din, and instinct-taught power of marshalling their forces for their career of devastation, are painted with graphic reality. AMOS. Amos (meaning in Hebrew 'a burden') was (ch. i. 1) a shepherd of Tekoa, a small town of Judah, six miles south-east from Bethlehem, and twelve from Jerusalem, on the borders of the great desert, (2 Chr. xx. 20; cf. xi. 6, ibid.) The region being sandy was fitter for pastoral than for agricultural purposes. Amos therefore owned and tended flocks, and collected sycamore figs; not that the former was a menial office, kings them- selves, as Mesha of Moab (2 Ki. iii. 4), exercising it. Amos, however (from ch. vii. 14, 15), seems to have been of humble rank. Though belonging to Judah, he was commissioned by God to exercise his prophetical function in Israel; as the latter kingdom abounded in impostors, and the prophets of God generally fled to Judah through fear of the kings of Israel, a true prophet from Judah was the more needed in it. His name is not to be confounded with that of Isaiah's father, Amoz. The time of his prophesying was in the reigns of Uzziah, king of Judah, and Jeroboam II., son of Joash, king of Israel (ch. i. 1) — i.e., in part of the time in which the two kings were contemporary; probably in Jeroboam's latter years, after that monarch had recovered from Syria " the coast of Israel from the entering of Hamath to the sea of the plain " (2 Ki. xiv. 25-27) ; for Amos foretells that these same coasts, *' from the entering in of Hamath unto the river of the wilderness," should be the scene of Israel's being afflicted (ch. vi. 14); also, his references to the state of luxurious security then existing (ch. vi. 1, 4, 13), and to the speedy termination of it by the Assyrian foe (chs. i. 5; iii. 12, 15; v. 27 ; viii. 2), point to the latter part of Jeroboam's reign, which terminated in 784 b. c, the twenty-seventh year of Uzziah's reign, which continued down to 759 b. c. He was contemporary with Hosea, only that the latter continued to prophesy in reigns subsequent to Uzziah (Hos. i. 1), whereas Amos ceased to prophesy in the reign of that monarch. The scene of his ministry was Beth-el, where the idol-calves were set up xxxvi INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. (cli. vii. 10-13.) There his prophecies roused Amaziah the idol-priest to accuse him ol conspiracy, and to try to drive him back to Judah. The first six chapters are without figure ; the last three symbolical, but with the explanation subjoined. He first denounces the neighbouring peoples, then the Jews, then Israel (from ch. iii. to the end), closing with the promise of restoration under Messiah (ch. ix. 11-15.) His style is thought by t/erowe to betray his humble origin; but though not sublime, it is regular, perspicuous, and energetic; his images are taken from the scenes in nature with which he was familiar; his rhythms are flowing, his parallelisms exact, and his descriptions minute and graphic. Some peculiar expressions occur: " cleanness of teeth" — i.e., want of bread (ch. iv. 6); "the excellency of Jacob" (ch. vi. 8; viii. 7); "the high places of Isaac" (ch. vii. 9); "the house of Isaac" (ch. vii. 16); "he that createth the wind " (ch. iv. 13). Hengstenherg draws an able argument for the genuineness of the Mosaic records from the evidence in Amos, that the existing institutions in Israel, as well as Judah (excepting the calves of Jeroboam), were framed according to the Pentateuch rules. Two quotations from Amos occur in the New Testament (cf. Acts vii. 42, 43, with ch. V. 25, 26; and Acts xv. 16, 17, with ch. ix. 11). Philo, Josephus, Melitd's catalogue, Jerome, Justin Martyr (sec. 22, quoting the fifth and sixth chapters of Amos as * one of the twelve minor prophets '), and the 60th canon of the Laodicean council, support the canonicity of the book of Amos. OBADIAH. This is the shortest book in the Old Testament. The name means 'servant of Jehovah.' Obadiah stands fourth of the minor prophets according to the Hebrew arrangement of the canon, the fifth according to the Greek. Some consider he is the same as the Obadiah who superintended the restoration of the temple under Josiah, b. c. 627 (2 Chr. xxxiv. 12); but vv. 11-16, 20, imply that Jerusalem was by this time over- thrown by the Chaldeans; and that he refers to the cruelty of Edom towards the Jews on that occasion, which is referred to also in Lam. iv. 21, 22; Ezek. xxv. 12-14, and 35; Ps. cxxxvii. 7. From comparing v. 5 with Jer. xlix. 9; u 6 with Jer. xlix. 10; v. 8 with Jer. xlix. 7, it appears that Jeremiah embodied in his prophecies part of Obadiah's, as he has done in the case of other prophets also, (cf. Isa. xv. and xvi. with Jer. xlviii.) The reason for the present position of Obadiah before other of the minor prophets anterior in date, is, — Amos, at the close of his prophecies, foretells the subjugation of Edom hereafter by the J ews ; the arranger of the minor prophets in one volume, there- fore, placed Obadiah next, as being a fuller statement, and, as it were, commentary on the foregoing briefer prophecy of Amos, as to Edom (Maurer) (cf. Amos i. 11). The date of Obadiah's prophecies was, probably, immediately after the taking of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, 588 B. c. In five years afterwards (583 b. c.) Edom was con- quered by Nebuchadnezzar. Jeremiah must have incorporated part of Obadiah's prophecies with his own, immediately after they were uttered, thus stamping his canonicity. Jerome makes liim contemporary with iTosea, Joel, and Amos. It is an argument in favour of this view, that Jeremiah would be more likely to insert in his prophecies a portion from a preceding prophet than from a contemporary. If so, the allusion in vv. 11-14 will be to some one of the former captures of Jerusalem: by the Egyptians under Eehoboam (1 Ki. xiv. 25, 26; 2 Chr. xii. 2, &c.); or that by the Philistines and Arabians in the reign of Joram (2 Chr. xxi. 16, 17); or that by Joash, king of Israel, in the reign of Amaziah (2 Chr. xxv. 22, 23) ; or that in the reign of Jehoiakim (2 Ki. xxiv. 1, &c.); or that in the reign of Jehoiachin (2 Ki. xxiv. 8-16). On all occasions the Idumeans were hostile to the Jews; and the terms in which that enmity is char- acterized are not stronger in Obadiah than in Joel iii. 19 (cf. Obad. 10); Amos i. 11-12. The probable capture of Jerusalem, alluded to by Obadiah, is that by Joash and the Israelites in the reign of Amaziah. For as, a little before, in the reign of the same Amaziah, the Jews had treated harshly the Edomites after conquering them in battle THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET JONAH. xxxvii (2 Chr. XXV. 11-23), it is probable that the Edomites, in revenge, joined the Israelites in the attack on Jerusalem. The book may be divided into two parts — I. Vv. 1-16 set forth Edom's \'iolence towards his brother Israel in the day of the latter's distress, and his coming destruction with the rest of the foes of Jndah ; II. Vv. 17-21, the coming re-establishment of the Jews in their own possessions, to which shall be added those of the neighbouring peoples, and especially those of Edom. JONAH. Jonah was the son of Amittai, of Gath-hepher in Zebulun (called Gittah-hepher in Joshua xix. 10-13), so that he belonged to the kingdom of the Ten tribes, not to Judah. His date is to be gathered from 2 Ki. xiv. 25-27, " He (Jeroboam II.) restored the coast of Israel from the entering of Hamath unto the sea of the plain, according to the word of the Lord God of Israel, which he spake by the hand of his servant Jonah, the son of Amittai the prophet, which was of Gath-hepher. For the Lord saw the affliction of Israel, that it was very bitter : for there was not any shut up, nor any left, nor any helper for Israel. And the Lord said not that he would blot out the name of Israel from under heaven : but he saved them by the hand of Jeroboam the son of Joash." Now, as this prophecy of Jonah was given at a time when Israel was at the lowest point of depression — when 'there was not any shut up or left ' {i. e., confined or left at large), none to act as a "helper for Israel" — it cannot have been given in Jeroboam's reign, which was ' marked by prosperity ; for in it Syria was worsted, in fulfilment of the prophecy, and Israel raised to its former greatness. It must have been, therefore, in the early part of the reign of Joash, Jeroboam's father, who had found Israel in subjection to Syria, but had raised it by victories which were followed up so successfully by Jeroboam. Thus Jonah was the earliest of the prophets, and close upon Elisha, who died in Joash's reign, having just before his death given a token prophetical of the thrice defeat of Syria (2 Ki. xiii. 14-21). Hosea and Amos prophesied also in the reign of Jeroboam IL, but towards the closing part of his forty-one years' reign. The transac- tions in the book of Jonah probably occurred in the latter part of his life ; if so, the book is not much older than part of the writings of Hosea and Amos. The use of the third person is no argument against Jonah himself being the writer; for the sacred writers in mentioning themselves, do so in the third person (cf John xix. 26). Nor is the use of the past tense (ch. iii. 3, " Now Nineveh was an exceeding great city ") a proof that Nineveh's greatness was past when the book of J onah was being w^ritten ; it is simply used to carry on the narrative uniformly, " the word of the Lord came to J onah ... so Jonah arose . . . now Nineveh was," &c. The mention of its greatness proves rather that the book was written at an early date before the Israelites had that intimate knowledge of it which they must have had soon afterwards through frequent Assyrian inroads. As early as J ulian and Porphyiy, pagans ridiculed the credulity of Christians in believing the deliverance of Jonah by a fish. Some infidels have derived it from the heathen fable of the deliverance of Andromeda from a sea monster by Perseus (Appol- lodius, ii. 4, 3); or from that of Arion the musician, thrown into the sea by sailors and carried safe to shore on a dolphin {Herodotus, i. 24); or from that of Hercules, who sprang into the jaws of a sea monster, and was three days in its belly, when he undertook to save Hesione {Diodorus Siculus, iv. 42; 'Iliad,' xx. 145; xxi. 442). Probably the heathen fables are, vice versa, corruptions of the sacred narrative, if there be any connec- tion. Jerome states that near Joppa lay rocks pointed out as those to which Andromeda was bound when exposed to the sea monster. This fable implies the likelihood of the story of Jonah having passed through the Phoenicians in a corrupted form to Greece. That the account of Jonah is history, and not parable, as rationalists represent, appears from our Lord's reference to it, in which the personal existence, miraculous fate, and prophetical office of Jonah are explicitly asserted, " No sign shall be given but the sign of t}(^ prophet Jonas ; for as Jonas was three days and three nights in the whale's belly. xxxviii INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. SO shall the Son of man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth." The Lord recognizes his being in the belly of the fish as a "sign," i. e., a real miracle, typical of a similar event in His own history, and assumes the execution of the prophet's com- mission to Nineveh — ^' The men of Nineveh . . . repented at the preaching of Jonas ; and, behold, a greater than Jonas is here" (Matt, xii, 39-41). It seemed strange to Kimchi, a Jew himself, that the book of Jonah is among the Scriptures, as the only prophecy in it concerns Nineveh, a heathen city, and makes no mention of Israel — which is referred to by every other prophet. The reason seems to be — a tacit reproof of Israel is intended — a heathen people were ready to repent at the first preaching of the prophet, a stranger to them ; but Israel, who boasted of being God's elect, repented not, though warned by their own prophets at all seasons. This was an anticipatory streak of light ere the dawn of the full " light to lighten the Gentiles." Jonah is a strange paradox himself : a prophet of God, yet a runaway from God ; a man drowned, and yet alive ; a preacher of repentance, yet one that repines at repentance. Yet Jonah, saved from the jaws of death himself, on repentance, was the fittest to give a hope to Nineveh, doomed though it was, of a merciful respite on its repentance. The patience and pity of God stand in striking contrast with the selfishness and hard-heartedness of man. Nineveh in particular was chosen to teach Israel these lessons, on account of its being capital of the then world-kingdom, and because it was now beginning to make its power felt by Israel. Our Lord (Matt. xii. 41) makes Nineveh's repentance a reproof of the Jews' impenitence in His day, just as Jonah provoked Israel to jealousy (Deut. xxxii. 21) by the same example. Jonah's mission to Nineveh implied that a heathen city afforded as legitimate a field for the prophet's labours as Israel, and with a more successful result (c£ Amos ix. 7). The book is prose narrative throughout, except the prayer of thanksgiving in ch. ii. The Chaldaisms in the original do not prove spuriousness, or a later age, but were natural in the language of one living in Zebulun on the borders of the North, whence Aramaic peculiarities would readily arise ; moreover, his message to Nineveh implies acquaintance with Assyrian. Living as Jonah did in a part of Israel exposed to Assyrian invasions, he probably stood in the same relation to Assyria as Elijah and Elisha had stood to Syria. The purity of the language implies the antiquity of the book, and the likelihood of its being Jonah's own writing. Indeed, none but Jonah could have written or dictated so peculiar details, known only to himself. The tradition that places the tomb of Jonah opposite to Mosul, and names it ' Nebbi Junus' (i. e., prophet Jonah), originated probably in the spot having been occupied by a Christian church or convent dedicated to him. A more ancient tradition of Jerome's time placed the tomb in Jonah's native village of Gath-hepher. MiCAH was a native of Moresheth, not the same as Mareshah in ch. i. 15 ; but the town called Moresheth-gath (ch. i. 14), which lay near Eleutheropolis, west of Jerusalem, on the border of the Philistine country, so called to distinguish it from Moresheth of J udah. The full name is Micaiah (not the Micaiah mentioned 1 Ki. xxii. 8, the son of Imlah), signifying, Who is like Jehovah ? The time of his prophesying is stated in the introduction to be in the reigns of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah — i. e., between 757 and 969 B. c. Jeremiah (Jer. xxvi. 18) quotes ch. iii. 12, as delivered in the reign of Hezekiah. He was thus a contemporary of Isaiah and Hosea. The idolatries practised in the reign of Ahaz accord with Micah's denunciations of such gross evils, and confirm the truth of the time assigned (ch. i. 1). His prophecies are partly against Israel (Samaria), partly against Judah. As Samaria, Israel's metropolis, was taken first, and Jerusalem, the capital of Judah, subsequently, in the introductory heading, ch. i. 1, Samaria is put first, then Jerusalem. He prophesies the capture of both — the Jews' captivity and restoration, and the coming and reign of Messiah. His style is full, round, and perspicuous ; his diction pure, and his parallelisms regular. His description of THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET NAHUM. xxxix Jehovah (ch. vii. 18, 19) is not surpassed by any elsewhere in Scripture. The corre- spondence between Isaiah and Micah in some passages (cf. ch. iv. 1-3 with Isa. ii. 2-4) is to be accounted for by their being contemporaries, acquainted with each other's inspired writings, and Laving the same subjects as their theme. Hengslenherg maintains that the passage in Micah is the original. Isaiah was somewhat the elder, being a prophet in the reign of Uzziah, Jotham's predecessor, whereas Micah began his prophecies under Jotham. The book consists of two parts — I. chs. i-v. ; II. chs. vi., vii., a dialogue or con- testation between Jehovah and His people, in which he reproaches them with their unnatural and ungrateful conduct, and threatens judgment for their corruptions, but consoles them with the promise of restoration from captivity. Micah stands sixth of the minor prophets in the Hebrew canon, but third in the LXX. NA.HUM. Nahum means consolation and vengeance; symbolizing the "consolation" in the book for God's people, and the "vengeance " coming on their enemies. In the first chapter the two themes alternate ; but as the prophet advances, vengeance on the capital of the Assyrian foe is the predominant topic. He is called the Elkoshite (ch. i. 1), from Elkosh, or Elkesi, a village of Galilee, pointed out to Jerome (' Preface in Nahum ') as a place of note among the Jews, having traces of ancient buildings. The name Capernaum, i. e., ' village of JSTahum,' seems to take its name from Nahum having resided in it, though born in Elkosh, in the neighbourhood. There is another Elkosh, east of the Tigris and north of Mosul, believed by Jewish pilgrims to be the birth-place and burial- place of the prophet. But the book of Nahum in its allusions shows a particularity of acquaintance with Palestine {ch, i. 4), and only a more general knowledge as to Nineveh (ch. ii. 4-6 ; iii. 2, 3). His graphic description of Sennacherib and his army (ch. i. 9-12) makes it not unlikely that he was in or near Jerusalem at the time; hence the number of phrases corresponding to those of Isaiah (cf ch. i. 8, 9 with Isa. viii. 8 ; x. 23 ; ch. ii. 10 with Isa. xxiv. 1 and xxi. 3 ; ch. i. 15 with Isa. lii, 7). The prophecy in ch. i. 14 probably refers to the murder of Sennacherib, twenty years after his return from Palestine (Isa. xxxvii. 38). The date of his prophecies thus seems to be about the former years of Hezekiah. So Jerome thinks. He plainly writes whilst the Assyrian power was yet unbroken (chs. i. 12 ; ii. 11-13 ; iii. 15-17). The correspondence between the sentiments of Nahum and those of Isaiah and Hezekiah, as recorded in 2 Kings and Isaiah, proves the likelihood of Nahum's prophecies belonging to the time when Sennacherib was demanding the surrender of Jerusalem, and had not yet raised the siege (cf ch. i. 2, &c., with 2 Ki. xix. 14, 15; ch. i. 7 with 2 Ki. xviii. 22; xix. 19, 31 ; 2 Chr. xxxii. 7, 8 ; ch. i. 9, 11 with 2 Ki. xix. 22, 27, 28 ; chs. i. 14 with 2 Ki. xix. 6, 7 ; chs. i. 15 and ii. 1, 2 with 2 Ki. xix. 32, 33 ; ch. ii. 13 with 2 Ki. xix. 22, 23). The historical data in the book itself are the humiliation of Israel and Judah by Assyria (ch. ii. 2); the inva- sion of Judah (ch. i. 9, 11) ; and the conquest of No-ammon or Thebes, in Upper Egypt (ch. iii. 8-10). Tiglath-pileser and Shalmaneser had carried away Israel. Tlie Jews were harassed by the Syrians and impoverished by Ahaz's payments to Tiglath-pileser, (2 Chr. xxviii. ; Isa. viii-ix.) Sargon, Shalmaneser's successor, after the reduction of Phoenicia by the latter, fearing lest Egypt should join Palestine against him, under- took an expedition to Africa (Isa. xx.) and took Thebes ; the latter fact we know only from Nahum, but the success of the expedition in general is corroborated by Isa. xx. Sennacherib, Sargon's successor, made the last Assyrian attempt against Judea, ending in the destruction of his army, in the fourteenth year of Hezekiah 713-710 B.C.) As Nahum refers to this in part prophetically, in part as matter of history (chs. i. 9-13 ; ii. 13), he must have lived about B.C. 720-714 — that is, almost 100 years before the event foretold — viz., the overthrow of Nineveh by the joint forces of Cyaxares and Nabopolassar in the reign of Chyniladanus, b. c. 625 or else 603. The prophecy is remarkable for its unity of aim. Nahum's object was to inspii'e his 3d INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETICAL BOOKS. countrymen, the Jews, with the assurance that, however alarming their position might seem, exposed to the attacks of the mighty Assyrian, who had already carried away the Ten tribes, yet that not only should the Assyrian (Sennacherib) fail in his attack on Jerusalem, but Nineveh, his own capital, be taken, and his empire everthrown ; and this not by an arbitrary exercise of Jehovah's power, but for the iniquities of the city and its people. His position in the canon is seventh of the minor prophets, in both the Hebrew and Greek arrangement. He is seventh in point of date. His style is clear, elegant, and forcible. Its most striking characteristic is the power of representing several phases of an idea in the briefest sentences ; as in the majestic description of God, in the commencement, the conquest of Nineveh, and the destruction of No-ammon. Be Wette calls attention to his variety of manner in presenting ideas, as marking great poetic talent : * Here there is somewhat sonorous in his language, there something murmuring ; with both, there alternates somewhat that is soft, delicate, and melting, as the subject demands.' Excepting two alleged Assyrian words (ch. iii. 17), English version " crowned," or princes^ and English version " captains," or satraps (used by Jer. li. 27), the language is pure. These two, doubtless, came to be known in Judea, from the intercourse with Assyria, in the eighth and seventh centuries p. c. HABAKKTJK. Habakkuk, from a Hebrew root meaning to embrace, denoting a 'favourite' (viz., of God) and a ' struggler ' (for his country's good). Some ancient authors represent him as belonging to the tribe of Levi, others (Pseudo Epiphanius) to that of Simeon. The inscription to Bel and the Dragon in the LXX. asserts the former; and ch. iii. 19 perhaps favours this. Eusebius states that in his time Habakkuk's tomb was shown at Ceila in Palestine. The time seems to have been about 610 b. c. ; for the Chaldeans attacked Jerusalem in the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, 605 b. c. (2 Ki. xxiv. 1 ; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 6 J Jer. xlvi. 2, and xxxvi. 9) ; and Habakkuk (ch. i. 5, 6, &c.) speaks of the Chaldeans as about to invade Judah, but not as having actually invaded it. In ch. ii. he proceeds to comfort his people by foretelling the humiliation of their conquerors, and that the vision will soon have its fulfilment. In ch. iii. the prophet, in a sublime ode, celebrates the deliverances wrought by Jehovah for His people in times past, as the ground of assurance, notwithstanding all their existing calamities, that He will deliver them again ; v. 16 shows that the invader is only coming, and not yet arrived, so that the whole refers to the invasion in Jehoiakim's times, not those under Jehoiachin and Zedekiah. The Apocryphal appendix to Daniel states that he lived to see the Babylonian exile (588 B. c), which accords with his prophesying early in Jehoiakim's reign — about 610 b. c. The position of the book immediately after Nahum is appropriate : as Nahum treated of the judgments of the Lord on Assyria, for its violence against Israel, so Habakkuk those inflicted by and on the Chaldeans for the same reason. The style is poetical and sublime. The parallelisms generally regular. Borrowed ideas occur (cf. ch. iii. 19 with Ps. xviii. 33 ; ch. ii. 6 with Isa. xiv. 4 ; ch. ii. 14 with Isa. xi. 9). The ancient catalogues imply that his book is part of the canon of Scripture. In the New Testament, Kom. i. 17 quotes (though not naming him) ch. ii. 4 : cf. also Gal. iii. 11; Heb. x. 38; Acts xiii. 40, 41 quotes Hab. i. 5. One or two Hebrew words peculiar to Habakkuk occur, chs. i. 9 j ii. 6, 16. ZEPHANIAH. Zephaniah, ninth in order of the minor prophets, prophesied " in the days of Josiah " (ch. i. 1) — i. e.j between 642 and 611 b.c. The name means 'Jehovah hath guarded' — lit., hidden (Ps. xxvii 5 ; Lxxviii. 3). The specification, in the introductory heading, of THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET ZEPHANIAH. xli not only his father, but also his grandfather, and great-grandfather, and great-great- grandfather, implies that the latter were persons of note ; or else the design was to distinguish him from another Zephaniah of note at the time of the captivity. The Jews' supposition, that persons recorded as a prophet's ancestors were themselves endowed with the prophetic spirit, seems groundless. Though there is no impossibility of the Hezekiah who was Zephaniah's great-great-grandfather being King Hezekiah as to the number of generations — for Hezekiah's reign of twenty-nine years, and his suc- cessor's reign of fifty-five years, admit of four generations interposing between — yet the omission of the designation, " King of Judah," is fatal to the theory (cf. Prov. xxv. 1 ; Isa. xxxviii. 9). He must have flourished in the earlier part of Josiali's reign. In ch. ii. 13-15 he foretells the doom of Nineveh, which happened in b. c. 625 ; and in ch. i. 4 he denounces various forms of idolatry, and specially that of Baal. Now, Josiah's reformation began in the twelfth, and was completed in the eighteenth year of his reign. Zephaniah, therefore, in denouncing Baal worship, co-operated with that good king in his efibrts, and so must have prophesied somewhere between the twelfth and eighteenth years of his reign. The silence of the historical books is no argument against this, as it would equally apply against Jeremiah's prophetical existence at the same time. Jewish ti-adition says that Zephaniah had for his colleagues Jeremiah, whose sphere of labour was the thoroughfares and market-places, and Huldah the prophetess, who exercised her vocation in the college in Jerusalem. The prophecy begins with the nation's sin, and the fearful retribution coming at the hands of the Chaldeans. These are not mentioned by name, as in Jeremiah ; for the prophecies of the latter, being nearer the fulfilment, become more explicit than those of an earlier date. The second chapter dooms the persecuting states in the neighbourhood, as well as Judea itself. The third chapter denounces Jerusalem, but concludes with the promise of her joyful re- establishment in the theocracy. The style, though not generally sublime, is graphic and vivid in details (cf ch. i. 4-12). The language is pure, and free from Aramaisms. There are occasional coin- cidences with former prophets (cf. ch. ii. 14 with Isa. xxxiv. 11; ch. ii. 15 with Isa. xlvii. 8; ch. iii. 10 with Isa. xviii. 1; ch. ii. 8 with Isa. xvi. 6; also ch. i. 5 with Jer. viii. 2 ; ch. i. 12 with Jer. xlviii. 11). Such coincidences in part arise from the phrase- ology of Hebrew prophetic poetry being the common language of the inspired brother- hood. The New Testament, at Bom. xv. 6, seems to refer to Zeph. iii. 9, INTRODUCTIOJf TO PROPHETS OF THE RESTORATIOJJ. The pi'ophetic gift existed long before the prophetic office was instituted. Thus Enoch had the former (Jude 14); so Abraham is called "a prophet " (Gen. xx. 7); also the patriarchs (Ps. cv. 15). The office was first instituted under the Mosaic economy; but even then the gift was not always connected with the office ; e. g., Daniel was endowed largely with the gift, but was never called to the office, as living in a heathen court, where he could not have exercised it. So David (Matt. xiii. 35; xxvii. 35). Hence the writings of both are classed with the Hagiographa, not with the prophets. Moreover, tliough the office ceased with the close of the Old Testament dispensation, the gift con- tinued, and was among the leading charisms of the New Testament Church. Prophet (in Hebrew, from a root, ' to gush out like a fountain ') meant one acting as spokesman for another (Exod. vii. 1), so one speaking authoritatively for God, as interpreter of His will. Seer was the more ancient term (1 Sam. ix. 9), implying that he spake by a Divine communication presented either to his senses or his mind, as "prophet," indicated his authority as speaking for God. Christ was the only fountain of prophecy (1 Pet. i. 11 ; Pev. xix. 10 : also Acts xvi. 7, the oldest reading, Hhe Spirit of Jesus'), and declared God's will to men by His Holy Spirit acting on the minds of the prophets. Thus, the history of the Church is the history of God's revelations of Himself in His Son to man. The three divisions of this history, the Patriarchal, the Mosaic, and the Christian dispensations, are characterized each by a distinct mode of God's manifestations — i. e., by a distinct form of the prophetic gift. The theoiohanic mode characterizes the Patriarchal dispensation — God revealing Himself in visible appearances or theophanies. The theopneustic mode, the Mosaic — God revealing Himself through God-inspired men. The theologic mode, the Christian — God revealing Himself, not merely at intervals as before, but permanently by inspired writings ("the oracles of God," 1 Pet. iv. 11). In the first, or patriarchal age, men work no miracles, unlike all other primeval histories, which abound in miracles wrought by men — a proof of genuineness. All the miracles are wrought by God without man's intervention ; and the Divine communica- tions are usually by direct utterance, whence the prophetic gift is rare, as God in this dispensation only exceptionally employs the prophetic agency of men in it — only ' in Gen. XX. 7 is the term " prophet " found. In the second, or Mosaic dispensation, God withdraws Himself more from direct communication with man, and manifests Himself through human instruments. Instead of working miracles directly, Moses, Joshua, &c., are His agents. So in His communications He speaks not directly, but through Moses and his successors. The theocracy needed a new form of prophetic gift : God-inspired (theopneustic) men must speak and act for God, the Head of the theocracy, as His admin- istrators ; the prophetic gift is therefore now connected with the prophetic office. These prophets, accordingly, are acting, not writing, prophets. The latter do not arise till the later ages of this second dispensation. Moses acted as a legislator ; Joshua, the Judges, and Samuel, as executive prophets ; David and Solomon as devotional prophets. Even in the case of the writing prophets of the latter half of the Mosaic dispensation, their primary duty was to speak and act. Their writing had reference more to the use of the New Testament dispensation than to their own (1 Pet. i. 12). So that even in their case the characteristic of the Mosaic dispensation was theopneustic rather than theologic. The third, or Christian dispensation, is theologic — i. e., a revelation of God by inspired writings — 1 Pet. iv. 11; 2 Pet. i. 16-21, where he contrasts "the old time" when "holy men spake by the Holy Ghost," with our time when we have the " sure word of prophecy," or, as it may be translated, ' the word of prophecy confirmed (to us).' Thus God now reveals His will, not by direct theophanies, as in the first dispensation ; not by inspired men, as in the second ; but bv the written Word which liveth and abideth for ever (as INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETS OF THE RESTORATION. xliii opposed to the desultory manifestations of God, and the non-continuance in life of the prophets, under the two former dispensations respectively (1 Pet, i. 23; 2 Pet. iii. 2, 16). The next form shall be the return of the theophanic manifestations on earth, in a more perfect and abiding form than in the first age (Rev. xxi. 3). The history of the prophetic office, under the Mosaic dispensation, falls into three divisions. The first ends with the age of Samuel, and has no regular succession of pro- phets ; these not being needed whilst God Himself ruled the people without an hereditary executive. The second period extends from Samuel to Uzziah (800 B.C.), and is the age of prophets of action. Samuel combined in himself the three elements of the theocracy — being a judge, a priest, and a prophet. The creation of a human king rendered the formal office of prophet more necessary, as a counterpoise to it. Hence the age of the kings is the age of the prophets. But at this stage they were prophets of action, rather than of writing. Towards the close of this second period, the devotional and Messianic prophecies of David and Solomon prepared the way for the third period (from 800 B. c. to 400 B. c), which began under Uzziah, and which was the age of written prophecy. In this third period the prophets turn from the present to the future ; and so the Messianic element grows more distinct. Thus, in these three shorter periods, the grand characteristics of the three great dispensations re-appear. The first is theophanic; the second, theopneustic ; and the third, theologic. Just as the great organic laws of the world re-appear in smaller departments, the law of the tree developing itself, in miniature forms, in the structure of the leaf; and the curve of the planet's orbit re-appearing in the line traced by the pro- jected cannon ball. Samuel probably enacted rules giving a permanent form to the prophetic order ; at least, in his time the first mention occurs of " schools of the prophets." These were all near each other, and in Benjamin — viz., Bethel, Gilgal, Ramah, and Jericho. Had the prophet been a mere foreteller of events, such schools would have been useless. But he was also God's representative to ensure the due execution of the Mosaic ritual in its purity ; hence arose the need of schools wherein to study that divinely-ordained institu- tion. God mostly chose His prophets from those thus educated ; though not exclusively, as the cases of Amos (Amos vii. 14) and Elisha (1 Ki. xix. 19) prove. The fact that the humblest might be called to the prophetic office acted as a check to the hereditary kingly power, and a stimulus to seeking the qualifications needed for so exalted an office. The Messianic ' Psalms towards the close of this second period form the transition between the prophets of action and the prophets of word: the men who were busy only with the present, and the men who looked out from the present into the glorious future. The third period, that from Uzziah to Malachi, includes three classes of prophets : — 1. Those of the Ten tribes; 2. Those of the Gentiles; 3. Those of Judah. In the first class were Hosea and Amos. Few of the writing prophets belonged to Israel. They naturally gathered about the seat of the theocracy in Judah. Hence those of the Ten tribes were mostly prophets of action. Under the second class fall Jonah, Nahum, and Obadiah, who were witnesses for God's authority over the Gentile world, as others wit- nessed for the same in the theocracy. The third class, those of Judah, have a wider scope and a more hopeful joyous tone. They fall into five divisions : — ^1. Those dwelling in Judah at the higliest point of its greatness during its separate state — viz., the century between Uzziah and Hezekiah, 800-700 b. c. — Isaiah, Joel, and Micah. 2. The de- clining period of Judah, from Manasseh to Zedekiah — e. g., Zephaniah and Habakkuk. 3. The captivity: Jeremiah. 4. 2%e exile, when the future was all that the eye could rest on with hope — e. g., Ezekiel and Daniel, who are chiefly prophets of the future. 5. T/ie restoration: to which period belong the three last writing prophets of the Old Testament, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. John the Baptist, long subsequently, be- longed to the same dispensation, but he wrote nothing (Matt. xi. 9-11); like Elijah, he was a prophet of action and preaching, preparing the way for the prophets of word; as John did for the Incarnate Word. To understand the spirit of each prophet's teaching, his historical position and the circumstances of the time must be considered. The captivity was designed to eradicate the Jews' tendency to idolatry, and to restore the theocratic spirit which recognized God as the only ruler, and the Mosaic institutions as His established law for a time, until xliv INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETS OF THE RESTORATION. Messiah should come. Hence the prophets of the restoration are best illustrated by com- parison with the histories of Ezra and Nehemiah, contemporaries of Malachi. Of the three prophets of the restoration, two, Haggai and Zechariah, are at the beginning of the period, and the remaining one, Malachi, is at the close. The exile was not one complete deportation of the people, but a series of deportations, extending over a century and a half. So the restoration was not accomplished at once, but in successive returns, extending over a century. Hence arises the different tone of Haggai and Zechariah at its beginning, and of Malachi at its close. The first return took place in the first year of Cyrus, b. c. 536 ; 42,360 persons returned under Sheshbazzar or Zerub- babel and Joshua (Ezra ii. 64). They built au altar and laid the foundations of the temple. They were interrupted by the misrepresentations of the Samaritans, and the work was suspended for fourteen years. The death of Smerdis gave an opportunity of renewing the work, seventy years after the destruction of the first temple. This was the time when Haggai and Zechariah arose — the former to incite to the immediate rebuilding of the temple and restoration of the Mosaic ritual ; the latter to aid in the work, and to unfold the grand future of the theocracy as an incentive to present labour. The impossibility of observing the Mosaic ritual in the exile generated an anti-theocratic indifference to it in the young, who were strangers to the Jerusalem worship, from which the nation had been upwards of half a century debarred. Moreover, the gorgeous pomp of Babylon tended to make them undervalue the humble rites of Jehovah's worship at that time. Hence there was need of a Haggai and a Zechariah to correct these feelings, by unfolding the true glory of the theocratic institutions. The next great epoch was the return of Ezra, b. c. 458, eighty years after the first expedition under Zerubbabel. Thirteen years later, 445 b. c, Neliemiah came to aid Ezra in the good work. It was now that Malachi arose to second these works, three- fourths of a century after Haggai and Zechariah. As their work was that of restorers, his was that of a reformer. The estates of many had become mortgaged, and depression of circumstances had led many into a sceptical spirit as to the service of God. They not only neglected the temple worship, but took heathen wives, to the wrong of their Jewish wives and the dishonour of God. Therefore, besides the reformation of civil abuses, and the rebuilding of the wall, effected through Nehemiah's exertions, a religious reformer was needed such as was Ezra, who reformed the ecclesiastical abuses, established syna- gogues, where regular instruction in the law could be received ; restored the Sabbath, and the passover, and the dignity of the priesthood ; and generated a reverence for the written law, which afterwards became a superstition. Malachi aided in this good work by giving it his prophetical authority. How thoroughly the work was effected is proved by the utter change in the national character. Once always prone to idolatry, ever since the captivity they have abhoiTcd it. Once loving kingly rule, now, contrary to the ordinary course of history, they became submissive to priestly rule. Once negligent of the written Word, now they regarded it with reverence sometimes bordering on superstition. Once fond of foreign alliances, henceforth they shrank with abhorrence from all foreigners. Once fond of agriculture, now they became a trading people. From being pliable before, they now became intensely bigoted and nationally intolerant. Thus the restoration from Babylon moulded the national character more than any event since the Exodus from Egypt. Now the distinction between Judah and the Ten tribes of Israel disappears. So in the New Testament the twelve tribes are mentioned (Acts xxvi. 7 ; Jas. L 1). The theocratic feeling generated at the restoration drew all of the elect nation round the seat of the theocracy, the metropolis of the true religion, Jerusalem. Malachi tended to promote this feeling ; thus his prophecy, though addressed to the people of Jerusalem, is called " the word of the Lord to Israel'^ The long silence of prophets from Malachi to the times of Messiah was calculated to awaken in the Jewish mind the more earnest desire for Him who was to exceed infinitely in word and deed all the prophets. His forerunners. The three prophets of the restoration, being the last of the Old Testament, are especially distinct in pointing to Him who, as the great subject of the New Testament, was to fulfil all the Old Testament. THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET HAGGAI. xlv HAGGAI. The name Haggai means my feast ; given, according to Cocceius, in anticipation of the joyous return from exile. He probably was one of the Jewish exiles (of the tribes Judah, Benjamin, and Levi) who returned under Zerubbabel, the civil head of the people, and Joshua, the high priest, 536 b. c. ; when Cyrus (actuated by the striking prophecies as to himself, Isa. xliv. 28 ; xlv. 1) granted them their liberty, and furnished them with the necessaries for restoring the temple (2 Chr. xxxvi. 23 ; Ezra i. 1 ; ii. 2). The work of rebuilding went on under Cyrus, and his successor Cambyses (called Ahasuerus, Ezra iv. 6), in spite of opposition from the Samaritans, who, when their offers of help were I declined, began to try to hinder it. These at last obtained an interdict from the usurper Smerdis, the Magian (called Artaxerxes, Ezra iv. 7-23), whose suspicions were easy to rouse; and the Jews thereupon became so indifferent to the work that when Darius came to the throne (521 b. c), virtually setting aside the prohibition of the usurper, instead of recommencing their labours, they pretended that as the prophecy of the seventy/ years applied to the temple as well as to the captivity in Babylon (ch. i. 2), they were only in the sixty-eighth year of it ; so that, the proper time not having yet arrived, they might devote themselves to building splendid mansions for themselves. Haggai and Zechariah were commissioned by Jehovah (ch. i. 1) in the second year of Darius (Hystas- pis), b. c. 520, sixteen years after the return under Zerubbabel, to rouse them from their selfishness to resume the work which for fourteen years had been suspended. Haggai preceded Zechariah in the work by two months. The dates of his four distinct prophecies are accurately given : — I. The first (ch. i.), on the first day of the sixth month of the second year of Darius, 520 b. c, reproved the people for their apathy in allowing the temple to lie in ruins ; and reminded them of their ill success in everything because of their not honouring God as to His house. The result was, in twenty-four days afterwards they commenced building under Zerubbabel (ch. i. 12-15). II. The second, on the twenty-first day of the seventh month (ch. ii. 1-9), predicts that the glory of the new temple would be greater than that of Solomon's ; so that the people need not be discouraged by the inferiority in outward splendour of the new, as compared with the old temple, which had so moved to tears the elders who had remembered the old (Ezra iii. 12, 13). Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel had implied the same prediction, whence some had doubted whether they ought to proceed with a building so inferior to the former one ; but Haggai shows wherein the superior glory was to consist — viz., in the presence of Him who is the " desire of all nations" (v. 7). III. The third, on the twenty-fourth day of the ninth month (ch. ii. 10-19), refers to a period when building materials had been collected, and the workmen had begun to put them together — from which time forth God promises His blessing : it begins with removing their past error as to the efficacy of mere outward observances to cleanse from the taint of dis- obedience as to the temple building. IV. The fourth (ch. ii. 20-23), on the same day as the preceding, was addressed to Zerubbabel, as the representative of the theocratic people, and as having asked as to the national revolutions spoken of in the second pro- phecy (ch. ii. 7). The prophecies are all so brief as to suggest the supposition that they are only a summary of the original discourses. The space occupied is but three months from the first to the last. The Jews' adversaries, on the resumption of the work under Zerubbabel, Haggai, and Zechariah, tried to set Darius against it; but that monarch confirmed Cyrus's decree, and ordered all help to be given to the building of the temple, (Ezra v. 3, &c. ; vi. 1, &c.) So the temple was completed in the sixth year of Darius's reign, b. c. 515-516 (Ezra vi. 14). The style of Haggai is consonant with his messages : pathetic in exhortation, vehe- ment in reproofs, elevated in contemplating the glorious future. The repetition of the same phrases (e. g., saith the Lord, or the Lord of hosts, ch. i. 2, 5, 7 ; and thrice in one verse, ch. ii. 4 ; so "the spirit," thrice in one verse, ch. i. 14), gives a simple earnestness to xlvi INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETS OF THE RESTORATION. his style, calculated to awaken tlie solemn attention of the people, and to awaken them from their apathy, to which also the interrogatory form, often adopted, especially tends. Chaldaisms occur (ch. ii. 3, 6, 16), as might have been expected in a writer who was so long in Chaldea. Parts are purely prose history ; the rest is somewhat rhythmical, and observant of poetic parallelism. Haggai is referred to in Ezra v. 1 ; vi. 14; and in the New Testament (Heb. xii. 26 : cf. ch. il 6, 7, 22). ZECHARIAH. The name Zechariah means one whom Jehovah remembers: a common name, four others of the name occurring in the Old Testament. Like Jeremiah and Ezekiel, he was a priest as well as a prophet, which adapts him for the sacerdotal character of some of his prophecies (ch. vi. 13). He is called "the son of Barachiah, the son of Iddo " (ch. i. 1); but simply "the son of Iddo" (Ezra v. 1; vi. 14). Probably his father died when he was young, and hence, as sometimes occurs in Jewish genealogies, he is called " the son of Iddo," his grandfather. Iddo was one of the priests who returned with Zerubbabel and Joshua from Babylon (Neh. xii. 4). Zechariah entered early on his prophetic functions (ch. ii. 4); only two months later than Haggai, in the second year of Darius's reign, 520 b. c. The design of both prophets was to encourage the people and their religious and civil leaders, Joshua and Zerubbabel, in their work of rebuildiug the temple, after the interruption caused by the Samaritans (see Introduction to Haggai). Zechariah does so especially by unfolding in detail the glorious future in connection with the present depressed appearance of the theocracy, and its visible symbol, the temple. He must have been very young in leaving Babylonia, where he was born. The Zechariah, son of Barachiah, mentioned by our Lord (Matt, xxiii. 35) as slain between the porch and the altar, must have been the one called the son of Jehoiada in 2 Chr. xxiv. 21, who so perished: the same person often had two names ; and our Lord, in referiug to the Hehrew Bible, of which 2 Chr. is the last book, would naturally mention the last martyr in the Hehrew order of the canon, as He had instanced Abel as the first. Owing to Matt, xxvii. 9 quoting Zech. xi. 12, 13, as the words of Jeremiah, Mede doubts the authenticity of chs. ix., x., xi., xii., xiii., xiv., and ascribes them to Jeremiah: he thinks that these chapters were not found till after the return from the captivity, and being approved by Zechariah, were added to his prophecies, as Agur's Proverbs were added to those of Solomon. All the oldest authorities, except two MSS. of the old Italian or Pre-vulgate version, read "Jeremiah" in Matt, xxvii. 9. The quotation there is not to the letter copied from Zechariah : Jer. xviii. 1, 2; xxxii. 6-12, may also have been in the mind of Matthew, and perhaps in the mind of Zechariah, whence the former mentions Jeremiah. Hengstenherg similarly thinks that Matthew names Jeremiah, rather than Zechariah, to turn attention to the fact that Zechariah 's prophecy is but a reiteration of the fearful oracle in Jer. xviii. and xix., to be fulfilled in the destruction of the J ewish nation. Jeremiah had already, by the image of a potter's vessel, portrayed their ruin in Nebuchadnezzar's invasion; and as Zechariah virtually repeats this threat, to be inflicted again under Messiah for the nation's rejection of Him, St. Matthew, virtually, by mentioning Jeremiah, implies tliat the "field of blood," now bought by "the reward of iniquity" in the valley of Hinnom, was long ago a scene of prophetic doom, in which awful disaster had been symbolically predicted; that the present purchase of that field with the traitor's price renewed the prophecy and revived the curse — a curse pronounced of old by Jeremiah, and once fulfilled in the Babylonian siege — a curse reiterated by Zechariah, and again to be verified in the Roman desolation. Lightfoot (referring to B. Bathra and Kimchi), less probably, thinks the third division of Scripture, the Prophets, began with Jeremiah, and that the whole body of prophets is thus quoted by the name "Jeremiah." The mention of "Ephraim"and " Israel " in these chapters as distinct from Judah, does not prove that the prophecy was written whilst the Ten tribes existed as a separate kingdom. It rather implies that hereafter not only Judah, but the Ten tribes also, shall be restored, the earnest of which was given in the numbers out of the Ten tribes who returned with their brethren the THE BOOK OF THE PROPHET MALACHI. xlvii Jews from captivity under Cyrus. There is nothing in these chapters to imply that a king reigned in Judah at that time. The editor of the Hebrew canon joined these chapters to Zechariah, not to Jeremiah ; the LXX., 300 years b. c, confirm this. The prophecy consists of four parts: I. Introductory, ch. i. 1-6. II. Symbolical, ch. i. 7, to the end of ch. vi., containing nine visions : all these were vouchsafed in one night, and are of a symbolical character. III. Didactic, chs. vii. and viii., containing an answer to a query of the Bethelites concerning a certain fast. And IV. Prophetic, ch. ix. to the end. These six last chapters predict Alexander's expedition along the West coast of Palestine to Egypt; God's protection of the Jews, both at that time and under the Maccabees; the advent, sufferings, and reign of Messiah; the destruction of Jerusalem by Rome, and dissolution of the Jewish polity ; their conversion and restora- tion ; the overthrow of the wicked confederacy which assail them in Canaan, and the Gentiles' joining in their holy worship {Henderson). The difference in style between the former and the latter chapters is due to the difference of subject : the first six chapters being of a symbolical and peculiar character, whilst the poetical style of the concluding chapters is adapted admirably to the subjects treated of. The titles (ch. ix. 1; xii. 1) accord with the prophetic matter which follows; nor is it necessary, for unity of author- ship, that the introductory formulas occurring in the first eight chapters should occur in the last six. The non-reference in the last six chapters to the completion of the temple and the Jews' restoration after the captivity, is just what we should expect, if, as seems likely, these chapters were written long after the completion of the temple and the restoration of the Jews' polity after the captivity, in circumstances different from those which engaged the prophet when he wrote the earlier chapters. The style varies with the subject : at one time conversational, at another poetical. His symbols are enigmatical, and are therefore accompanied with explanations. His prose is like that of Ezekiel, diffuse, uniform, and repetitious. The rhythm is somewhat unequal, and the parallelisms not altogether symmetrical. Still there is found often much of the elevation met with in the earlier prophets, and a general congruity between the style and the subjects. Graphic vividness is his peculiar merit. Chaldaisms occur occasionally. Another special characteristic of Zechariah is his introduction of spiritual beings into his prophetic scenes. MALACHI. Malachi forms the transition-link between the two dispensations — the Old and the New : 'the skirt and boundary of Christianity,' to which, perhaps, is due the abrupt earnestness which characterizes his prophecies. His very name is somewhat uncertain. Malachi is the name of an office, rather than a person — 'my messenger' — and as such is found, ch. iii. 1. The LXX. favours this view in ch. i. 1 — translate^ not 'by Malachi,' but 'by the hand of His messenger' (cf. Hag. i. 13). Malachi is the last inspired messenger of the Old Testament, announcing the advent of the Great Messenger of the New Testa- ment. The Chaldee paraphrase identifies him with Ezra wrongly, as Ezra is never called a prophet, but a scribe ; and Malachi never a scribe, but a prophet. Still, it hence appears that Malachi was, by some old authorities, not regarded as a proper name. The analogy of the headings of other prophets, however, favours the common view, that Malachi is a proper name. As Haggai and Zechariah, the contemporary prophets, sup- ported Joshua and Zerubbabel in the building of the temple, so he, at a subsequent period, supported the priest Ezra and the governor Nehemiah. Like that ruler, he presupposes the temple to have been already built (chs. i. 10; iii. 1-10). Both alike censure the abuses still unreformed (Neh. xiii. 5, 15-22, 23-30)— the profane and mer- cenary character of the priests; the people's marriages contracted with foreigners; and the non-payment of the tithes; and want of sympathy towards the poor on the part of the rich. Neh. vi. 7 implies that Nehemiah was supported by prophets in his work of reformation. The date thus will be about 420 B.C., or later. Both the periods after the captivity (that of Haggai and Zechariah, and that of Malachi) were marked by royal, piiestly, and prophetic men at the head of God's people. The former period was xlviii INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHETS OF THE RESTORATION. that of the building of the temple; the latter that of the restoration of the people and rebuilding of the city. It fs characteristic of the people of God that the first •period after the restoration was exclusively devoted to the rebuilding of the temple : the political restoration came secondarily. Only a colony of 50,000 settled with Joshua and Zerubbabel in Palestine (Ezra ii. 64). Even these became intermingled with the heathen around during the sixty years passed over by Ezrian silence (Ezra ix. 6-15 ; Neh. i. 3). Hence a second restoration was needed, which should mould the national life into a Jewish form, re-establishing the holy law and the holy city — a work effected by Ezra and Nehemiah, with the aid of Malachi, in a period of about half a century, ending with the death of Malachi and Nehemiah in the last ten years of the fifth century B.C. — i.e., the "seven weeks" (Dan. ix. 25) put in the beginning of the ' seventy ' by themselves, to mark the fundamental difference between them, the last period of Old Testament revelation, and the period which followed without any revelation (the sixty-two weeks), preceding the final week standing out in unrivalled dignity by itself as the time of Messiah's appearing. The seventy weeks thus begin with the seventh year of Ai-taxerxes, who allowed Ezra to go to Jerusalem, 457 b. c, in accordance with the commandment which then went forth from God. Ezra the priest performed the inner work of purifying the nation from heathenish elements, and reintro- ducing the law ; whilst Nehemiah did the outer work of rebuilding the city and restoring the national polity (Auberlen). Vitrmga makes the date of Malachi's prophecies to be about the second return of Nehemiah from Persia, not later than 424 B.C., the date of Artaxerxes' death (Neh. xiii. 6). About this time Socrates was teaching the only approach to a pure morality which corrupt Athens ever knew. Moore distinguishes six portions : 1. Charge against Israel for insensibility to God's love, which so distinguished Israel above Edom (ch. i. 1-5). 2. The priests are reproved for neglect and profanation (chs. i. 6 ; ii. 9). 3. Mixed marriages and the wrongs done to Jewish wives are reproved (ch. ii. 10-16). 4. Coming of Messiah and His forerunners (chs. ii. 17; iii. 6). 5. Reproof for tithes withheld (ch. iii. 6-12). 6. Contrast between the godly and the ungodly at the present time and in'the future judgment ; exhortation, therefore, to return to the law (chs. iii. 13 ; iv. 6). The style is animated, but less grand, and the rhythm less marked than in some of the older prophets. The canonicity of the book is established by the references to it in the New Testa- ment (Matt. xi. 10; xvii. 12 ; Mark i. 2; ix. 11, 12; Luke L 17; Pom. ix. 13). THE BOOK OF JOB. 1 rpHEUE was a man "in the land of Uz, whose name loas ^JoB; and" X that man was ^perfect and upright, and one that feared '^God, and 2 eschewed evil. And there were born unto him seven sons and three 3 daughters. His ^substance also was seven thousand sheep, and three thousand camels, and five hundred yoke of oxen, and five hundred she- asses, and a very great ^ household; so that this man w^as the greatest of all the ^ men of the east. 4 ■ And his sons went and feasted in tJieir houses, every one his day ; and sent and called for their three sisters, to eat and to drink with them. 5 And it was so, when the days of theh^ feasting were gone about, that Job sent and sanctified them, and rose up early in the morniDg, "^ojid offered burnt offerings according to the number of them all : for Job said, ^It may be that my sons have sinned, and ^cursed God in their hearts. ^Thus did Job * continually. B. C. 1520. CHAP. I. » Gen. 22. 20. b Eze. 14. 14. " Gen 6. 9. d Pro. 8. 13. 1 Or, cattle. 2 Or, hus- bandry. 2 sons of the east. Gen 25. G. * Gen. 8. 20. / 2 Cor. 11. 2. f 1 Ki. 21. 10, 13. 4 all the days. CHAP. I. Part I.— Prologue or Historical Introduction in Prose — Chapters I. , IT. The Holiness of Job, his Wealth, d-c. (1-5). 1. Uz— north, of Arabia Deserta, lying towards tlie Eiiplirates ; it was in this neighbourhood, and not in that of Idumea, that the Chaldeans and Sabeans who plundered him dwelt. The Arabs divide their country into the north, called Sham, or 'the left:' and the south, called Yeynen, or ' the right : ' for they faced east, and so the north was on their left and the south on their right. Arabia Deserta was on the east; and so Job is called {v. 3) "the greatest of all the onen of the east;^' Arabia Petraea on the west, and Arabia Felix on the south. (See Introduction, 'Where Job lived.') Job. The name comes from an Arabic word moaning to return, viz., to God, to re- pent, referring to his end {Eichhorn): or rather from a Hebrew word p."^. Ayah, in the passive Ay oh} signifying one to whom enmity was shown, greatly tried [Gesenius). Significant names were often given among the Hebrews from some event of the after-life (cf. Isa. viii. 3, 4, Mahar-shalal-hash- baz). So the names David, ' Beloved,' Solomon, ' Peaceful,' are names marking respectively the leading characteristic of their history, given pre- sciently through God's overruling providence. The name Job may have been thus given at his birth, or else after his trials. So the emir of Uz was by general consent called Job, on account of liis trials. The only other person so called was a son of Issachar (Gen. xlvi. 13). perfect— not abso- lute or faultless perfection (cf. ix. 20: "If I justify myself, mine own mouth shall condemn me: if I say, I am perfect, it shall prove me perverse." Eccl. vii. 21)), but integrity, sincerity, and con- sistency on the whole, in all relations of life (Gen. vi. 9 ; xvii. 1 ; Pro v. x. 9 ; Matt. v. 48). It Avas the fear of God that kept Job from evil (Prov. viii. 13). 2. seven sons— three daughters— (Prov. xvii. 6). In the East, and in primitive times espe- cially, it was thought a greater blessing to have many sons than many daughters (cf. Ps. cxxvii. 3-^i ; cxxviii. .3, G). 3. she-asses— prized on account of their milk, and for riding (Jud. v. 10). Houses and lands are not mentioned among the emir's VOL. II L 1 wealth, as nomadic tribes dwell in moveable tents, and live chiefly by pasture, the right to the soil not being appropriated by individuals. The " five hundred yoke of oxen" imply, however, that Job tilled the soil. He seems also to have had a dwell- ing in a town (ch. xxix. 7), in which respect he differed from the patriarchs. Camels are well called ships of the desert, esxjecially valuable for caravans, as being able to lay in a' store of water that suffices them for days, and sustaining life on a very few thistles or thorns, household — (Gen. xxvi. 14, marg. ) The other rendering, which the Hebrew admits, husbandry, is not so probable, men of the east— denoting in Scripture those living east of Palestine ; as the people of North Arabia Deserta (Jud. vi. 3; Ezek. xxv. 4). 4. every one his day— viz., the birthday (ch. iii. 1). {Urn- breit.) Implying the love and harmony of the members of the family, as contrasted with the ruin which soon broke up such a scene of happi- ness. The sisters are specified, as these feasts were not for revelry, which would be inconsistent with the presence of sisters. These latter were invited by the brothers, though they gave no invitations in return. The sisters, according to Eastern custom, lived in their mother's home (Gen. xxiv. 67). The Hebrew perfects, "feasted, sent, called," imply that this was their regular custom, each in his turn (iriz., on his birthday) to feast the rest. Maurer objects that, as the birthdays must have fallen at different times in the year, i'c is not intelligible in Umhreit's view why Job, who was as solicitous that no offence of his children should be unatoned, should not after each birthday, and not merely at the close of the whole year, offer the atonements. The narrative implies the series of feasts was at one anniversary season each year, and lasted seven days, and each of the seven sous was the enter- tainer on one day of the seven, beginning with the eldest son. 5. when the days of feasting were gone about— i. e., at the end of all the birthdays collectively, when the banquets had gone round through all the families, sent—i. e., sent and summoned them to him: for Job was not present himself at their feasts {w. 13, 18). Job Satan, appearing before God, JOB I falsely accuses Job. 6 Now there was a day ^wlien the sons of God came to present them- 7 selves before the Lord, and ^ Satan came also among them. And the Lord said unto Satan, Whence comest thou ? Then Satan answered the Lord, and said. From -Agoing to and fro in the earth, and from walking 8 up and down in it. And the Lord said unto Satan, ®Hast thou con- sidered my servant Job, that there is none like him in tthe earth, a perfect and an upright man, one that feareth sGod, and ,escheweth evil ? 9 Then Satan answered the Lord, and said. Doth Job fear God for nought ? 10 Hast ^not thou made an hedge about him, and about his house, and about all that he hath on every side? ^Thou hast blessed the work of 11 his hands, and his ^substance is increased in the land: but put forth thine hand now, and touch all that he hath, ^ and he will curse thee to B. C. 1520. ch. 2. 1. i 1 Ki 22. 19. 6 the adversary. i Matt 12.43. 6 Hast thou set thy heart on. Ps. 34. 1. i Ps. 128. 1. T Or. cattle. 8 if he curse thee not to thy face. sanctified them — by purificatory washiugs (Gen, XXXV. 2 ; Exod. xix. 10, 14; 1 Sam. xvi. 5), followed by his oflfering up as many exj)iatory burnt offer- ings as he had sons (Gen. viii. 20 ; Lev. i. 4). This was done in the morning (Gen. xxii. 3; Lev. vi. 12). So Jesus began devotions early (Mark i. 35). The holocaust, or burnt offering, in patriarchal times, was "offered" (lit., caused to ascend [nibj? nbJ? n], referring to the smoke ascend- ing to heaven) by each father of a family offi- ciating as priest in behalf of his household, cursed God. The same Hebrew word means to curse and to bless; Gesenius says the original sense is to kneel, and thus it came to mean bending the knee in order to invoke either a blessing or a curse. Cursing is a perversion of blessing, as all sin is of goodness. Sin is a degeneracy, not a generation. It is not, how- ever, likely that Job should fear the possibility of his sons cursing God. The sense bid farewell to, derived from the blessing customary at jiart- ing, seems sufficient (Gen. xlvii. 10). Thus [/m- breit translates, ' may have dismissed God from their hearts;' viz., amidst the intoxication of pleasure (Prov. xx. 1 ; cf. Ps. x. 4, 5). This act illustrates Job's "fear of God," v. 1. Satan, Appearing before God, Falsely Accuses Job (6-12), 6. sons of God— angels (ch. xxxviii. 7; 1 Ki. xxii. 19). Ps. xxix. 1, marg., "Sons of the mighty." Called also "saints" (ch. v. I): and "angels" or messengers (ch. iv. 18). "Sons of God" implies their birth from, and likeness to, God: whence man unfallen is similarly desig- nated (Gen. i. 26, 27; vi. 2). "Saints" implies their entire consecration, and relative, though not absolute (ch. iv. 18; xv. 15), perfection. "Angels" implies their function, in which re- spect also God's human messengers resemble them, and therefore receive the same name (Mai. ii. 7; Gal. iv. 14). They present them- selves to render account of their "ministry" (Heb. i. 14) in other parts of the universe, and to receive God's commands : so their attitude is standing before Jehovah, who sits on His throne (Zech. vi. 5; cf. Prov. xxii. 29), the Lord— He- brew, Jehovah— the self-existing God, faithful to His promises. God says (Exod. vi. 3) that He was not known to the patriarchs by this name. But, as the name occurs previously in Gen. ii. 7;9, kc, what_ must be meant is, not until the time of delivering Israel by Moses was He known X^eculiarly and publicly in the character which the name means, viz., making things to be, fulfill- ing the promises made to their forefathers. This name, therefore, here is no objection against the antiquity of the book of Job. Satan. The tradition was widely spread that lie had been the agent in Adam's temptation. Hence his name is given without comment. The feeling with which lie looks on Job is similar to that with which he 2 looked on Adam in Paradise : emboldened by his success in the case of one not yet fallen, he is confident that the piety of Job, one of a fallen race, will not stand the test. He had fallen him- self (ch. iv. 18; xv. 15; Jude 6). In the book of Job first Satan is designated by name: Satan, in Hebrew []TDiE'], an adversary in a court of justice (1 Chr. xxi." 1 ; Ps. cix. 6; Zech. iii. 1). The accuser (Rev. xii. 10). He has got the law of God on his side by man's sin, and against man. But Jesus Christ has fulfilled the law for us, so that justice is once more on man's side against Satan (Isa. xlii. 21); and so Jesus Christ can plead as our advocate against the adversary (Rom. viii. 33). Devil is the Greek name — the slanderer, or ac- cuser. He is subject to God, who uses his minis- try for chastising man. In Arabic Satan is often applied to a serpent (Gen. iii, 1). H