LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN IN MEMORY OF STEWART S. HOWE JOURNALISM CLASS OF 1928 STEWART S. HOWE FOUNDATION B C9642k I.H.S. THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign http://archive.org/details/educationofedwarOOkane EDWARD A. CUDAHY THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY BY W. KANE, SJ. CHICAGO 1941 Copyright, 1941 By E. A. Cudahy, Jr. Printed by The Effingham County Printing Company Effingham, 111. T5 jM^u* ■ ■ TO THE MEMORY OF ELIZABETH MURPHY CUDAHY PREFACE A preface is a good place for apologies. The first apology this book may seem to call for is in connec- tion with its title, since the title must bring to mind a much cleverer book, The Education of Henry Adams. But on that point the author's conscience is not much disturbed. Whatever guilt there be in the borrowing, Henry Adams shares it with the present writer, or with a dozen or so more of us; because we have bor- rowed from a still more clever book, Xenophon's Education of Cyrus. In point of fact, and comparing small things with great, the title in all these books only emphasizes the complete equality between life and edu- cation. A more profound apology is due for the imperti- nence of trying to put into words the majestic mystery of any man's life. We know so little even of our own lives that we should be abashed before the notion of prying futilely into the life of another man. Yet our curiosity is insatiable; and oddly enough, most of us are more curious about others than about ourselves. If the writer may offer any plea in extenuation, it is this: the man about whom he has dared haltingly to write has done such an admirable job of his life and education that it seemed a pity not to blazon it X PREFACE abroad — at least as modestly abroad as this inadequate book can reach. For the lack of competency with which the blazon- ing has been done, apology is useless. Only the charity of the reader can cover that. But there is possible one other minor plea in extenuation. It is that the work of writing this book was done under the handicap of Edward Cudahy's modesty. The notion had never entered his mind that either he or any one else should write an account of his life. He had not kept letters, or a diary, or other sort of personal record. He was too busy living his life to have time or thought for re- cording it. The single letter of his, briefly quoted in the appendix, was caught almost by accident, and be- cause the present writer was by then on the trail of any material he could get hold of. Edward Cudahy was embarrassed by the suggestion that he help the writer by recalling incidents in his own career. Only his generous kindness and his friendship for the writer kept him from vetoing abso- lutely any attempt to put together even so bald and hasty a sketch of his life as this will be. As he phrased it: "Only men of some eminence or public position have their biographies written. There is nothing in my life that would interest any one." PREFACE XI But that modesty itself is part of Edward Cudahy's life and education. And if something fine and noble and "eminent" in a true sense does not shine through his modesty, it will still be the fault of the writer, not of the subject of this book. CONTENTS PREFACE ix Chapter Page I BACKGROUNDS 1 II CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 37 III APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 60 IV WIDENING HORIZONS 80 V MASTERY IN BUSINESS 104 VI THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 133 VII PRINCIPLES AT WORK 161 VIII THE USES OF WEALTH 203 IX THE USES OF ADVERSITY 234 X THE EDUCATED MAN 254 APPENDIX I 273 APPENDIX II 278 ILLUSTRATIONS edward A. cudahy Frontispiece EDWARD AND ELIZABETH CUDAHY facing page % EDWARD CUDAHY'S BROTHERS AND sister facing page 160 THE ELIZABETH M. CUDAHY MEMORIAL library facing page 224 CHAPTER I BACKGROUNDS Edward cudahy's education is his life. The ex- ternal events of his life get their meaning from the effect they have had upon him, for better or for worse. That is just common sense. And that is what we mean by saying that each man is the measure of his world. In the interplay between the two, the man him- self and the world round about him, is to be found the whole story of his development as a human being, the whole story of his life. We cannot isolate Edward Cudahy from his environ- ment and hope to make any sense out of an account of his growth, his achievements, his education. Hence we must recognize that Edward Cudahy' s story, like that of every other man, begins in a way long before he was born, because the environment in which he was to educate himself existed before he did. His world was waiting for him, fashioned by other intelligences and wills than his own. How far back ought we to go in the chain of events and circumstances which ultimately fixed his immedi- ate surroundings of family life, religious influences, social position and traditions, opportunities and handi- caps? There must be some reasonable limit in the 2 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY casting back, some point of departure whence the story of his life may take a fairly definite beginning. In this brief sketch of the education of Edward Cudahy, we may begin with the town of Callan, in the County of Kilkenny, Ireland, which Edward Cudahy never saw, but which was the home of his family for many generations before he was born. His traditions were rooted there. We shall have to review, hurried- ly, the circumstances that sent his family out from their ancient home to a strange, new land, and try to catch at least a glimpse of the qualities they brought with them, and of the way in which they adapted themselves to the conditions into which Edward Cudahy actually was born. That seems to be neither too far back nor too abruptly near. All of that immediate family history was overshad- owed by one terrible event, the Great Famine, which profoundly influenced the larger history of Ireland and the United States, and which included in its sweeping effects the impoverishment of Edward Cudahy's family and their enforced migration to America. II The Great Famine in Ireland happened nearly a century ago, in the dread years between 1845 and 1850. The immediate cause of the famine was a disease that blighted the potato crop. Its more remote causes were BACKGROUNDS 3 the economic exploitation and religious persecution which had long despoiled the Irish people of adequate use of the land for their own nourishment, and had driven them to rely upon potatoes as their chief food. It was neither the first nor the last of the famines that spread death across the land from which the Eng- lish people drew a great deal of food; but it was the most appalling. Famine in Ireland had killed 150,000 people in 1740 and 1741; but during the Great Famine of 1845 to 1850, as Francis Hackett puts it, "in the midst of plenty, at the door of the wealthiest nation in the world, 729,033 victims died — more than the British Empire lost in the four years of the World War." 1 In desperation, vast numbers of the Irish people fled from a country in which the conditions of living had become intolerable. There is evidence that certain English officials welcomed such emigration, as releas- ing the land of Ireland to become a huge feeding ground on which cattle and sheep for English con- sumption might be raised. 2 The statistical records show a total emigration from Ireland, between 1845 and I860, of 2,125,527 persons, to which must be added 867,000 more in the succeeding ten years. It has been estimated that of those nearly three millions of emigrants three-fourths were between fifteen and thirty- i The Story of the Irish Nation, New York, 1929; p. 268. 2 T. P. O'Connor, The Parnell Movement, New York, 1886; pp. 195-204; and for statistics on emigration, pp. 64, 79, 199-200. 4 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY five years of age. Death had made a fearful win- nowing of the Irish people; and those who could up- root themselves from their native land to seek a live- lihood in other countries were the most vigorous of the Irish in body and spirit, the men and women of more than average fortitude and enterprise, the stuff of pioneers. The majority of those Irish emigrants came to the United States. For the most part, they came poor, from an environment in which it had been made nearly im- possible for them to climb out of dire poverty; they came without much formal education, because facilities for schools had been denied them. Moreover, they came into a civilization which, although it offered them the great gift of political freedom, was in many ways hostile to them. In that mid-period of the nineteenth century, the majority of the people of the United States were by no means a notably religious people; they had abandoned all but a nominal Christianity ; but their cul- ture had retained one element of the Protestant re- ligious tradition, a dislike of Catholics; and because that Protestant culture stemmed from England, they cherished a particular hostility toward Irish Catholics. The poverty that had been ruthlessly forced upon the Irish people was cast up to them as a supreme dis- grace, in a country that, more than any other, had come to worship wealth. Their lack of school education was sneered at, even though at that stage of our history BACKGROUNDS 5 illiteracy was as common in the United States as it was in Ireland. And the Catholic faith of the Irish immi- grants was met with a mixture of horror and hatred even more abiding than the scorn of their poverty. These are old wrongs that time has dulled and char- ity has forgiven. The Irish people have tenacious memories; they are good haters as well as generous lovers ; it was only their despised Catholic religion that taught them to forgive and forget the injuries and in- sults inflicted upon them. But these old wrongs were terribly new and galling when the Irish people came out of the Famine; their dead were too close to them. Even in the kindlier tolerance of today we must call back to memory the injustice and the contumely of that older day in order to have any understanding of the Irish millions who came to form a large part of the population of our United States. The Irish in America had to win their place under a terrific handicap. Ill One little family group in that sad exodus from famine-wracked Ireland was named Cudahy: Patrick Cudahy, his wife, Elizabeth Shaw Cudahy, and the four children they then had. 1 They were not outstanding 1 The name, like many another Irish name, was spelled in a variety of ways when transliterated into English. The nearest to the Gaelic form seems to have been Codihie. Some of the English equivalents have been Cudihy, Cuddihy, Cu- dahy, Quiddihy, Cudehy, Cuddy, Cody, For further discus- sion of the name and genealogy, see Appendix I. 6 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY in that migrating mass of poor Irish people. They were not wealthy or well-read or of assured social po- sition. They came to the United States in the hard, rough way of the poor, on a sailing vessel, The Good Wind, that took three months to reach Boston. They came to work with their hands, as most of the Irish people came, amongst a people who had no great love for them, even whose decent human kindliness was tinged with a patronizing contempt. They were in- distinguishable amongst the millions who fled sorrow- ing across the salt sea from the land of hunger and death, with little money to make a new start in a strange country, with no more capital than their brains and energy, and no better backing than their courage and their trust in God. But after all, that is a good capital and a good back- ing. Measured by time or by eternity, intelligence and character and the grace of God have compassed the only lasting achievements. All they ask is a fair field and no favor; and they can, at a pinch, go ahead with- out the fair field. It is not empty conjecture to reckon that the Cudahy family brought with them from Ire- land a hidden treasure of this wealth that passes un- seen across every frontier, unchallenged through every customs' port. Their family story is one of the many minor epics of America, a heroic climb out of what the v/orld calls failure up to what the world calls success. Most of the members of the family became wealthy, BACKGROUNDS 7 which is, unfortunately, a first test of success every- where in this world. Some of them were happy in their life and their work, and some were unhappy. Some of them attained a success much more substantial than the mere amassing of wealth. But they were all vivid and vital people, marked by a vigor of mind and body that is an evident family trait, a sort of Mende- lian dominant. It was more than an ironic turn of the wheel, it was a symbolic epitome of the family story, that within ninety years from the immigrant landing of the Cudahys, a son of one of the immigrant children should go back to Ireland as the United States Minister to the free commonwealth of Eire. IV The Cudahy family came from the town of Callan, near the western edge of County Kilkenny, about ten miles south-west of the town of Kilkenny, which in Gaelic is Cill-Chainnigh, the Church of St. Canice, who died in the year 598. Callan, although not so old as Kilkenny, is a very old town, dating back at least to the thirteenth century, since it was given a charter in 1217 by William Marshall, the Earl of Pembroke. 1 In the fifteenth century, it was a fortified town, with a 1 J. Carrigan, History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory, 3 vols., Dublin, 1905; III, pp. 291-295. See also Wil- liam Healy, History and Antiquities of Kilkenny, etc., Kil- kenny, 1893; I, pp. 113-118. 8 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY wall and moat. It was important enough for Edmund Campion to mention it in 1569, immediately after Kil- kenny, which he called "the best dry town in Ireland." 1 It stood a siege against Cromwell's men, and was tak- en by them, after a heroic resistance, on the 29th of January, 1650. A curious old Topography spells the name "Callen", and has this to say of the town: "Callen is on the King's-river, called from King Nial, who lost his life in his pious endeavors to save one of his subjects who rode in to try the passage, and was hurried down the stream with violence. Battle of Callen 1407, 4th year of Henry IV, gained by the Eng- lish over the Irish." 2 The name of the town is from the Gaelic root, "Cala", which Joyce translates as "a marshy meadow along a river or lake; a landing place for boats." 3 But by the nineteenth century there was little Gaelic spok- en in Callan, and not much more knowledge of its ancient history amongst the people of the town. The heavy hand of English rule had been upon them for centuries. The old defending wall and moat were pretty well gone; only some fragments were recognizable 1 The History of Ireland, Ware's edition, 1633; c. 1. 2 Matthew Sleater, Introductory Essay to a New System of Civil and Ecclesiastical Topography, and Itinerary of Counties of Ireland, with Remembrance of Memorable Events, Recorded at Places where they occurred. Dublin, 1806 ; p. 77. Sleater was a Protestant clergyman of the Es- tablishment. 3 P. W. Joyce, Irish Local Names Explained, Dublin, 1902; p. 97. BACKGROUNDS 9 at the east end of Mill Street, near the home of Patrick and Elizabeth Cudahy. Callan was a humdrum country town in their day, and it was destined to dwindle to a village. Before the Great Famine, Callan was still the second largest town in the County, and had a population of over 10,000; in the census of 1926, its population was given as 1,510. Frederick Lucas, the brilliant Member of Parliament and founder of The Tablet, has much to say about Callan in his famous "Statement" 1 to Pius IX con- cerning the curious politico-ecclesiastical situation ex- isting in Ireland in the 1850's. He described Callan as being, like most other towns in Ireland, the center of a farming district, whose people "practise such small trades as are immediately dependent on agriculture." The famine came with additional and appalling sever- ity upon Callan because of the "inhuman cruelty" of one of its principal landlords, the Earl of Desart. From Desart's estate, "in and around Callan, eighty-two families, numbering at least 442 persons, were ejected, their houses for the most part destroyed, and the un- fortunate inmates left to shift for themselves, at a time when the famine raged in all its intensity; when fever added its ravages to famine; and when the general 1 Lucas wrote his "Statement" in 1855. It is printed nearly in full in The Life of Frederick Lucas, M.P., by his brother, Edward Lucas, 2 vols., 2d edition, London, 1887; II, pp. 139-441. For the immediate facts about Callan, see II, pp. 216-221; the quotation is from p. 219. 10 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY misery of the county rendered the misery of any par- ticular district utterly hopeless and irremediable." Callan is in the ancient diocese of Ossory. As is often the case in Ireland, the whole town was included in a single parish, served at that time by a parish priest and three curates. There was also a small Augustinian Priory in the town, with a few priests to offer some additional religious services to the townspeople. The town was Catholic in its faith and practice, within the limitations of the human frailty of its people and of the distinctive Irish temperment. Thus, for example, in the early nineteenth century, Callan had got the name of being a contentious place, with its full measure of the Irish love of a fight, afflicted, as Lucas says, with fierce disputes between the parish priest and his curates, and between the secular clergy and the Augustinians. But the Irish faith is sturdy enough, aided by Irish humor, to stand such bickerings; and the coming of a new parish priest, the Reverend John Mullins, about 1834, brought peace. Father Mullins was stricken with paralysis in the early years of the Famine, and most of the work of the parish was done by his three curates, two of whom died heroically in their ministrations to their fever-stricken parishioners. The remaining curate, Father Keeffe, carried on, with a new assistant, Father O'Shea; and both curates, because they thrust themselves energetic- ally into the efforts to improve the economic condition BACKGROUNDS 1 1 of their people, incurred the hostility of the gov- ernment and became involved in a distressing con- flict with the redoubtable Dr. Paul Cullen, the Arch- bishop of Dublin. 1 But the Cudahy family had left Callan before these later contentions reached their height. Under the soft Irish skies, life was hard enough in Callan. Of amusements and entertainment, as we know such things, the people had very little: although it is true that they had no such craving for public amusements as the world knows today; their simple games and social converse were all they looked for. They had poor equipment of schools, and not much leisure for the sort of education that schools afford. The town's poverty of resources fettered them, bound to a close round of poorly paid labor. The great rift in their heavy sky was their religion, from which they drew the courage that endured until the Famine drove them forth to the grave or the wide seas. But until that dread time there was still laughter in Callan, and the voices of children at play, and the whispers of courting youth, and a snatch of Irish song, and a barn- dance now and then. They bore their hardships gaily, and they were not afraid to die. Before the Famine stalked through Callan, it is not 1 The second volume of The Life of Frederick Lucas is filled with the echoes of this conflict. Lucas took the side of Fathers Keeffe and O'Shea, whom Dr. Cullen had sus- pended, and carried the whole problem to Rome. 12 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY hard to visualize life in the quiet little town. The handful of gentry, and their fringe of the professional class, kept aloof with the reserve of a class-conscious people. The larger minority of the middle class, re- tired farmers, fairly prosperous merchants and middle- men, lived in homely comfort, not very sprightly, but serene and dignified. The decided majority, the lesser merchants, tradesmen, craftsmen, manual laborers, had harsh and narrow lives, economically most insecure, brightened only by their native wit and their enduring religious faith. Indeed, all life below that of the gen- try was cramped and close, and the wretched conditions of tenantship pressed most heavily upon the poor. The town was the center of commerce for the farm- ing district round about. It had its market-days, with their hubbub of pleasant activity: one of the major en- tertainments of the time. It had its shops and stores, its butchers and bakers and candlestick-makers, its smiths and carpenters and cobblers. The swift King's River turned some mill-wheels, chiefly for grist mills. The clay of the river valley was suitable for pottery. V The poor do not keep careful written records. Such records, when they are private enterprises, are a sort of luxury, for which time and money are needed. But rich and poor must from time to time find their actions BACKGROUNDS 1 3 recorded in legal documents. In some of those legal and official records of the Diocese of Ossory, and the tax and tithe books of Callan, there are entries of Cudahys going back to 1674. There is an ancient castle near Callan called Ballycuddihy: "Bally" or Baile in Irish meaning town or townland, or the vaguer demesne. 1 There is a Cuddihy coat of arms. But these facts have been ascertained from sources almost certainly unknown to the Cudahy family that was caught by the Famine in Callan. In the first half of the nineteenth century, Patrick Cudahy had no own- ership in the old castle of Ballycuddihy; he had no wealth or title; nor did he give much thought to trac- ing his remote ancestry through the Registry of Wills of Ossory and the diocesan marriage records. He had, indeed, less chance than had the ordinary Irish boy to learn something about his long-dead for- bears, because he was cut off from one usual channel of knowledge. In even the most unlettered of Irish families oral tradition was strong. The retentive mem- ories of the people kept names and dates and places and events, and brought them out in talk by the winter fireside or in longer social gatherings at weddings and wakes. Perhaps the oral traditions were all the more vivid and complete just because the common people 1 Ballycuddihy may never have been very large. In a legal document of 4th June, 1623, it is described as eight acres. Healy, Hist. & Antiq. of Kilkenny, I, p. 415. 14 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY dealt little with written records. It is worth ' recalling how the great ballads, back even to the Iliad, had lived on by word of mouth. But Patrick, as a growing boy, missed the benefit of hearing the family story told and retold. He was left an orphan when he was only ten years old. His father and mother, Patrick Cuddihy and Ann Bassett, had married at Callan in 1799; that much is clear from the marriage records of Ossory. Patrick, their son, of course knew more details about their life and death. But the break-up of the family in the later migrations left that knowledge to die with him. All that his children, a hundred years later, could recall was the fact that he was orphaned so early and that he was brought up by the Franciscan Friars. They were Capuchin Friars Minor, a reform of the Franciscan Order begun in 1525 and established in Ireland since 1615. The famous Father Theobald Mathew, the Irish apostle of temperance, who was born in 1790 and died in 1856, was a Capuchin. Their Convent of St. Francis had been built in Kilkenny some time around 1732; but the famine of the next decade had almost destroyed the Capuchin Order in Ireland, and the house in Kilkenny was closed. The Convent was reopened in 1771, and for some time had a no- vitiate attached to it. These Capuchins of Kilkenny received the boy Patrick as a possible future postulant and novice of the BACKGROUNDS 15 Order. He got some schooling with them, and paid his way by his part-time work in their garden. Just how long he stayed with the Capuchins we do not know. But when he was grown enough to know his own mind and to fend for himself, and realized that he had no vocation to be a Friar, he came back to Callan. After that, Patrick earned his livelihood, first as a small tenant farmer, later in the business of a potter, in which he worked for John Shaw, who owned the pottery in Callan. In time he came to be a junior part- ner of John Shaw. Their pottery was not one of the renowned or artistic potteries of Ireland that make fine porcelain like the Belleek ware. It was a humbler es- tablishment, which turned out earthen crocks for dairy work and plain flower-pots for the hothouses of the well-to-do and the little forcing beds of lesser gardens. John Shaw had a comely daughter, Elizabeth, a little younger than Patrick Cudahy. They had known each other for a year or so, and they were fond of each other. But men and women did not marry young in Ireland then: nor, for that matter, do they now. The hard economic conditions of their lives forced them to put off marriage until they had, slowly and laboriously, built up at least the minimum of financial security that prudence demanded for the start of a new family. Of the courtship of Patrick and Elizabeth we have, at this long distance of time, no details. No doubt it followed the conventional ways of their time: the 16 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY bashful approaches, the "walking out", the gradual growth of affection and intimacy, the determination of the young people to take the serious step of marriage; then the formal request by Patrick made to Elizabeth's father and mother, the careful consideration of dowry and financial arrangements, with all the cold accuracy of a business proposal. There was a canny and calculating element in Irish courtships which rather shocks a romantic age, and which is nothing less than absurd to a people that takes marriage and divorce as lightly as do the Americans. But there had to be canny prudence amongst the Irish whose lives were so narrow-margined; and there was bound to be solemnity and much forethought in the courtship of men and women who appreciated the hardships as well as the delights of marriage, and who were reverently loyal to the ideal embodied in "until death do us part." Their courtship did not ignore the passion and elan of young love; it only tempered pas- sion with prudence. Affectionate and impulsive as they were, they had sense enough to know that mar- riage is more than an affair of the fiery enthusiasms of a young man and woman. At any rate, all the preliminaries duly observed, Patrick Cudahy and Elizabeth Shaw were married in the parish church of Callan, before the parish priest, John Mullins, on January 13th, 1841: the official wit- nesses of the marriage being James Maher and BACKGROUNDS 17 Catherine Hogan. Patrick was then thirty-one years old, and Elizabeth twenty-seven. There was no honeymoon journey, both because the young couple could not af- ford it, and because there was no tyranny of custom, or pressure of "keeping up with the Joneses", to make them undertake what they could not afford. There was only the neighborhood celebration, with an ample meal and plenty of punch; and the newly-weds settled down at once to the joys and the burdens of their mar- ried life. They rented a cottage on Mill Street in Callan. They had to rent, not buy, because landlords in Ire- land before the Land Act of 1881 were very loath to sell. The landlords' reluctance to sell land was part of the wretched system of rack-renting, one of the fun- damental reasons for the depressing poverty of Ire- land; besides, to hold the land was one way to make secure the English domination of the Irish people. Very few were the freeholds then in the hands of the common people in Ireland. Their neighbors were all tenants: Patrick's cousin, Jeremiah Cuddihy, on Mill Street; his brother, Richard, who later went to Aus- tralia, on the Crossage nearby ; John Cuddihy, on Green Street. In the Mill Street house their first child was born to Patrick and Elizabeth, on December 2d, 1841, and was christened Michael. His godparents were the same James Maher and Catherine Hogan who had "stood 18 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY up" with his parents at their marriage. A second child, John, was also born at Mill Street, on November 3d, 1843. But when the third child, their only daughter, Catherine, was born on April 10th, 1846, the baptismal record no longer gives Mill Street as the residence of the family, but only the name of the town, Callan. In that silent indication we may read the first signs of the Famine. Men who could not buy food certainly could not buy pottery. The frugal living of the Cudahy family was dependent upon their trade with the farming district; and the farming district was be- ginning to be in dire want. It is evident that Patrick and Elizabeth and the children had been forced to give up the house on Mill Street; and most probable that they had taken up their residence with Elizabeth's father, John Shaw. John Shaw was godfather to the baby Catherine. The years following the birth of Catherine were years of dread, of increasing destitution throughout the countryside, of fever following upon famine, of a terrible toll of death all round about them. The de- tails of those years of the Famine make heart-rending reading even after all this length of time. Already the great migration had begun that was to cut in half the population of Ireland. Yet for three years more the Cudahy family endured, hoping that this famine, like the many that had come upon Ireland before, would be lifted from them, and that at least the BACKGROUNDS 19 humble ways of their old life would once more be opened to them. But the hope dwindled day by day. Callan itself was dwindling, through death and emi- gration. There were 2,000 paupers in the workhouse. The business of the town had nearly ceased. It was tragic to think of uprooting themselves from the land they loved, the home of their people for centuries, the dear places filled with all their memo- ries of the living and the dead. A restless, wander- ing people like ourselves, forever on the move, shift- ing our occupations and our residences a score of times in a life-time, finds it hard to understand how closely the Irish people clung, not merely to their native land, but to their district, their town, their neighbor- hood, their bit of rented land, their cottage that was home. Only brutal necessity broke the ties that held them. The Cudahy family felt all this intensely; but by 1848 they knew they had to go. Two things only held them back for a time: Eliza- beth was expecting the birth of her fourth child; and they had to raise funds for their voyage to America. The child was born on March 17th, 1849, their third son, and was named Patrick, not so much because it was his father's name as because he had been born on the feast of Ireland's patron Saint. They sold the pot- tery for £500 in cash, much less, no doubt, than it would ordinarily be worth. But if that meant a loss to the Shaws and Cudahys, it meant also the essential 20 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY means of getting away from the death and despair of Callan. They went forth in sorrow; and they went only because to stay was to die. They packed such of their possessions as they could take with them, and set out for Queenstown and the lovely harbor which was the last sight of Ireland for so many driven emigrants. VI There were no luxury liners leaving Ireland in 1849. Even the crude, small, and slow paddle steamships of the time were few in number. Although ships driven by steam engines had been in use since 1802, it was thought impossible, as late as 1835, to cross the At- lantic in a steamship. Three years later, the attempt was successfully made; and in 1840 the Royal Mail Packet Line, predecessor of the Cunard Line, began the first regular fortnightly sailings, with four paddle steamships, each of about a thousand tons. But in 1849, and for some years after, most of the Irish emi- grants left Ireland in sailing vessels, not merely be- cause the vast majority of the emigrants could not af- ford the higher fare for passage on a steamship, but because there were nowhere near enough steamships in the transatlantic service to accommodate the huge number of emigrants. A type of ship that carried a considerable part of the migrating Irish people in those years was the "cotton BACKGROUNDS 21 ships." These were sailing vessels, usually small and slow (not the splendid "Yankee clippers"), carrying cotton from Charleston and other Southern ports, chiefly to Liverpool for the English factories. On their return voyages they brought some cargo to Boston or New York, before dropping down to a Southern port for more cotton. Their skippers were naturally eager to add to the revenue of the western crossing by carrying passengers; and as they had little attraction for cabin passengers, they filled up their steerage space with emigrants. The fare for emigrants on these sail- ing vessels averaged around £4- 10s; although compe- tition between ships, most of which were privately owned, at one period of the 1848 season brought the fare as low as £2-1 5s for the voyage from Liverpool to New York. The conditions of the voyage were very hard. The ships were mostly small and slow: some of them no larger than 150 tons; most of them taking eleven to thirteen weeks for the crossing. The food was often bad and unfit for use, and at its best was coarse and inadequate, being based on a staple of hard tack and salt pork. Rations were issued raw to the emigrants, who had to scrabble as best they could for the poor facilities of the cook-house. Worse still, there was frequently a shortage in the supply of drinking water. Over-crowding added to the misery of the slow voy- age. Shipwrecks were frequent. A report to the 22 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY House of Commons stated that between 1846 and 1851 there had been forty-four emigrant ships wrecked, with a loss of 1,043 lives. The causes of disaster were set down as unsound ships, inadequate crews, and im- proper stowing of the cargo. 1 An English philanthropist, Vere Foster, who had at his own expense sent out as many as 16,000 women to Canada, made a trial voyage in 1850 as a steerage pas- senger on the sailing vessel Washington. His report of the brutal conditions in which the emigrants lived and their savage maltreatment at the hands of the mates stirred a momentary resentment in the House of Commons. Johnson, quoting Foster's letter, insists that it represents "not the life experienced on board an isolated ship managed by an exceptionally brutal mas- ter, but the existence endured by hundreds and thou- sands of people, many of them ill, underfed and wretched . . ." 2 But Government attempts to correct these intolerable conditions were incredibly feeble and fruitless; perhaps, as the emigrants were preponderant- ly Irish, it did not matter so much anyway. The little party from Callan, made up of John Shaw and his wife, Patrick and Elizabeth Shaw Cudahy, and 1 17 th Report of the Colonial Land and Emigration Com- missioners, 1854. 2 Stanley C. Johnson, A History of Emigration from the United Kingdom to North America, 1763-1912. London, 1913; p. 117. Foster's account was printed in a Letter from Lord Hobart to the Colonial Land and Emigration Commis- sioners in the House of Commons Sessional Collection, XL, 433 sqq., 1851 (198). BACKGROUNDS 23 their four children, the baby, Patrick, only a few months old, survived the rigors of the long voyage, and landed at Boston in late August or early September. The Irish emigrants had begun to choose Boston rather than New York as their destination, for two reasons. The first was that New York had set up restrictions on the landing of immigrants: at first a bond of $300.00 for each passenger brought to the port, later a head tax of a dollar, which was promptly increased to two, and then two and a half, dollars. The second reason was that Boston was the port for the growing manu- facturing district of New England, in which there was an eager market for cheap immigrant labor; therefore for the moment the chances of getting prompt employ- ment were better at Boston or nearby than at New York. But the Shaws and the Cudahys had no mind to bury themselves in a factory town, the economic grave of so many of the Irish immigrants. They were more fortunate than many another immigrant group, be- cause they had brought with them to the United States enough money to allow them some freedom of choice as to a place in which to settle. What was left of the £500 got from the sale of the pottery was not sufficient capital for a business venture; but it did leave them able to move out at once beyond the crowded tene- ment districts around Boston, already filling up with Irish immigrants. 24 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Moreover, during the three years or more of that harsh time in which the necessity of emigrating was forcing itself more and more strongly upon them, they had studied the situation in the United States intelli- gently. They saw the letters from America that came to Callan; from reading and talk they gathered all the information about that distant land that was available to them. Not the crowded seaboard, but the open lands of the West, beckoned to them. They came with plans in their heads: modest plans, not dreams of El- dorado, even though the story of Jim Marshall's nug- get found in the tail-race of Sutter's Mill, on January 19th, 1848, and of the wild rush to the California gold- fields that followed, had already crossed the seas to Europe, and had roused a hunger for gold that lured people even more compellingly than the famine drove them. But the California gold-fields were no place for an elderly man like John Shaw, or for a man burdened with the responsibilities of four small children, like Patrick Cudahy. What Patrick planned and hoped for was a little farm of his own, good land, from which a man might, with toil and skill, make a living and a home for his family. In his heart he had that love of the land which is the first and most wholesome of hu- man ambitions, which men have largely lost in our fetid industrial civilization, and by the loss of it have been degraded. BACKGROUNDS 25 There was good land to be had where the forests merged into the plains, beyond the Great Lakes, land whose price, they had heard, was within the reach of a poor man. Toward that country, more than a thou- sand miles away, they set their faces. Why they made the definite selection of Milwaukee as their destination in the Western lands is not known to the writer. Per- haps some of the earlier Irish settlers in Milwaukee, before the great influx from Germany, had advertised the town back in Callan. At any rate, with no more delay than was demanded in order to organize them- selves for the journey into the West, they set out from Boston for Milwaukee. They went by rail to Albany, over the Boston and Albany Railroad, which had then been in operation for about seven years, the first important through route in the United States. They travelled the three hundred miles in the rough coaches assigned to immigrant groups, carrying their food with them for the journey. There was also rail transportation to be had west of Albany in that autumn of 1849, but it was interrupted, necessitating many changes of cars, and it was more expensive than travel by water. So, by water, along the Erie Canal, the little group of four adults and four children did the next stage of their long road. The Erie Canal of those days could be described, for the most part, as a ditch four feet deep and 363 miles long. It had been completed in 1825, at what 26 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY then seemed the staggering cost of more than ten mil- lion dollars — small change in the present era of bil- lion-dollar appropriations; but unlike so many of the latter-day government projects, it had promptly paid for itself. The canal-barges, towed by horses, were of two kinds: packet boats, carrying cabin passengers and mail ; and cargo boats, carrying immigrants and freight. The packet boats accommodated about thirty passen- gers each, and were crudely comfortable according to the standards of the time, with a dining room, and long separate cabins for men and for women, each lined with tiers of berths along the walls. The fare on them was four cents a mile, with board; three cents a mile, without board. They were drawn by three or even four horses, that went at a trot, with relays of horses and drivers every ten miles. The freight barges were drawn by two horses, or even by a single horse, and they moved sedately at a walk. Their passengers paid only a cent and a half a mile, and supplied their own food. There were, by 1849, more than 4,000 of these barges plying the Canal, and making it the busiest traffic-way in the United States. On one of the cargo barges our party made the voyage across the state of New York to Buffalo. When they reached Buffalo, navigation on the Great Lakes was as its height of the Fall season, bringing BACKGROUNDS 27 grain and lumber to the East and carrying back freight and passengers to the newly developing West. Steam- ers of from 400 to 700 tons burden left morning and evening for Detroit, with stops at Erie, Cleveland, and Sandusky, and made the voyage in two days. From Detroit there were three ways of moving on toward the western lands. One might go by railroad to Ypsilanti, thirty-three miles to the west, then by stage coach to St. Joseph, 172 miles away, and finally by steamer the remaining ninety-two miles, across Lake Michigan, to Chicago, and another ninety miles or so, by steamer, or on horseback along the western shore of the Lake, to Milwaukee. A second route was by steamer to Toledo, then by rail to Adrian, by stage to Michigan City, then across to Chicago and Milwaukee. The third way was entirely by water, through the Lake system of Lakes St. Clair, Huron, and Michigan. This last was the slowest and most circuitous of the three routes, but it was the one most chosen by immigrants, and for a group with four small children it was the most comfortable. So, through the fine autumn weath- er, our little group from Callan journeyed the long north and south roundabout through the Great Lakes to Milwaukee. The Shaws and Cudahys had travelled all the long way from Callan as economically as they could, stretch- ing out their £500 even at the cost of added hardships. As a result, when they came to Milwaukee, they still 28 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY had nearly half of the original sum left, with which to make their new start in America. But they were to find it a very slender capital in the crude conditions of life they had to face. VII Milwaukee in 1849 was as raw as a fresh-turned prairie sod. It had been in existence as a town for only a dozen years or so, although a white settler, Solo- mon Juneau, had come to the locality as early as 1818. But by 1840, it could boast of 1,712 inhabitants; and when the Cudahys came, it was probably a little larger than the Callan they had known before the Famine. Exact figures about its population were, however, hard to arrive at, because its people were not a fixed and settled people, but a migrating people. Margaret Fuller, on her visit of several weeks to Milwaukee in the summer of 1843, wrote that although the resident population was only about 2,000, the town had re- ceived in one week 3,000 immigrants travelling through from Buffalo into the interior. It was a period of immense hustle and bustle. Great events, national and local, were stirring the lives of the people. Consider only the year 1848, the year be- fore the Cudahys came. In that year, gold had been discovered in California in January, Wisconsin had been admitted to statehood on May 29th, and on May BACKGROUNDS 29 30th the Mexican War had been officially brought to a close by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which gave the United States a huge slice of Mexican territory. During the next few years, immigrants were swarming into the western country at the rate of several hundred thousand a year, by lake and river, and in covered wagons across the prairies. The Indians were being thrust back steadily (the Potawatomies had surrendered their lands on the site of Milwaukee in 1836), and their former hunting grounds were being opened to white settlers. Land speculation was rife. Projects for roads, canals, rail- roads, townsites, blossomed everywhere. Everything was in a state of flux, population, industry, customs, manners, institutions. In all the West, it was the era of a nation on the move. It was a surge of dominance from the East to the West, with an implied threat to the political and economic security of the South. Al- though few in the North or West seemed to realize the fact, it was the forerunner of the Civil War. The first developers of Milwaukee were Yankees from New England and New York: Kilbourn, Lap- ham, Wells, Walker, Prentiss, Finch, Farmin, Fowler; English names all of them. The first German colony, 800 men, women, and children, came in 1839, and led the way for enough others to give Milwaukee the com- mon repute of a German town. The Irish began to arrive, in small groups, after the exodus from Ireland 30 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY in the Famine. Later came great numbers of Poles, who today form a fifth of the total population. Mil- waukee promptly became as cosmopolitan as any of the cities of the Northern States. The first priest was an Irishman, Patrick Kelly, who built St. Peter's church in 1839. The first bishop was a German Swiss, John Martin Henni, ordained at Cin- cinnati in 1829, and consecrated bishop in 1844, when he was only thirty-nine years old. He brought the Sisters of Charity to open the first hospital in 1846, began his cathedral, St. John's, in 1847, and started the Seminary of St. Francis in 1856. His see was made an archbishopric in 1875, when Milwaukee had grown to a city of 100,000 people. Writing to the Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna in January, 1851, Bishop Henni gives a vivid account of Milwaukee, then counting a population of more than 20,000. Although the city includes hilly land along the Lake, rising to more than eighty feet about the water, he speaks of the town as "marshy", because at that time most of the buildings were down in the val- ley of the Michigan River, which furnished the town its harbor. "Most of the buildings," he says, "are wooden hov- els raised on piles two feet from the ground so that hogs may conveniently tramp about underneath. . . Lots, by speculation, have risen to from $200 to $1,000. . . Rents are pretty dear. $1.50 is paid for BACKGROUNDS 31 an unfurnished room. Furniture is quite expensive. A table costs from $4 to $5; a bedstead from $6 to $8 and a chair from .50 to $2. Food is cheap, 12 to 15 cents per meal; a cup of coffee costs 9 cents and if you prepare it yourself 3 cents." He goes into some detail about the manner of build- ing, which was rough and rapid as became a pioneer town, but which decidedly shocked his artistic sense. He discusses taxes, which he thinks are pretty high: and gives some specific instances. Here is how he illustrates the cost of living: "... Board in a boarding-house is quoted at $2 - $3 per week; tenements in a lodging house $10 - $16 monthly; rice 5 cents a pound; coffee 8-12 cents a pound; a loaf of wheaten bread 5 cents; one quart of beer 3 cents; one lemon or orange 5 - 7 cents; beef 6 cents per pound; pork 4 cents per pound; veal 3 cents per pound; wheat 40 - 50 cents per bushel; butter, 15 cents per pound; a load of kindling wood .75 - $1.50 bricks, 4x2, $4 - $7 per 1000; shingles, $2.25 per 1000 lime, 43 cents per barrel; cast iron, $4 or $5 per ton bricklayers received $2 a day; hod carriers, $1.00 cigar-makers, .75 - $1.00; a machinist, $1.50 - $2.00 clerk, $1.00 - $2.00; a cart with team, $2.00." The name "Milwaukee" in its Indian origin means "good land"; and there was good land all round about, well suited for varied farming. But of the farmers Bishop Henni realistically writes: "The farmer feels happy provided he earns his daily 32 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY bread, possesses some cattle and a hovel. His produce he cannot usually turn into cash, but he disposes of it by barter, which is a very usual thing. In cash trans- actions one generally is given a 33 per cent rebate." 1 This was not the earthly paradise that many a Euro- pean emigrant had dreamed of. No man who could work need starve, it is true. The earth was good, and in time might produce comfort and even wealth. But it was still a hard, new country, filled with the priva- tions common to all pioneer settlements. Yet it was filled with hope too; and hope spurs a man's energies and takes the edge from his hardships. The "good land" was cheap, so far as money ex- change counted; in many sections around the city, a week's wages would buy an acre of it. But the immi- grants needed all their wages for bare living, and few of them could pay even so low a price for enough land to make a farm. Even those who were able to buy the land looked twice at the risks involved; not merely the inevitable risks of every farmer from the uncertainties of weather and rainfall and early frost, but the special risks arising from inadequate means of transporting his crops, and poor markets when he brought them for sale. Besides, the towns seemed clamorous with opportunities. It was in the towns that 1 In the United States Catholic Historical Society's His- torical Records and Studies, June, 1916. 9:214-217. (Quot- ed by permission.) BACKGROUNDS 33 fortunes were made, in land speculations, in trade, and the beginnings of industries. Patrick Cudahy had first to provide shelter and food for his family. His tiny capital could not go into land, until he had some security of a home for his wife and children. He simply did not dare to venture out into the raw country far beyond the town. The best he could do was to rent a house cheaply on the edge of the settlement, within reach of work upon the neigh- boring farms. In the first breathing spell after the long journey, until he had time to look around and determine what he should attempt as a means of livelihood, Patrick housed his family in a little frame structure at Eighth and Clybourn Streets. His decision was soon made that, with his large responsibilities and his limited re- sources, he could not prudently undertake a farming venture of his own. He must work for wages, in the hope of saving enough to enable him later to make an independent start. He went to work for a farmer named Beecher; and to be near his work, moved his family to a log cabin south of what afterward became West Park, or Washington Park. There the family lived until 1856; and there a fourth son was born, William. In the meantime, the older boys, Michael and John, and the daughter Catherine, had been getting such school education as they could. Patrick was still too young to go to school. An 34 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Irishman named Pendergrass or Prendergast conducted one of the common type of ungraded schools of the time, in which twenty or thirty children, ranging in age from seven to twelve or thirteen, were taught their three R's and such small smattering of history and ge- ography as the teacher could provide in odd moments. About the time that Patrick Cudahy determined to shift to some better paid work, John Shaw decided to risk a chance farther out in the State, and began a fruit business in a country town up toward Green Bay. The Cudahys moved to a new home, a small cottage at 34th Street and Cold Spring Avenue, and Mrs. Shaw came to live with them. The farm of their own seemed as far away as ever. Patrick got work in a brickyard in the village of Wauwatosa, owned by Joseph Carney; and his second son, John, now a growing boy of thir- teen, worked with him. Brick-making could not be done in the winter; so Patrick Cudahy bought from a man named Breed a stand of timber nearby, which came to be called "Cudahy's Woods"; and through the winters he and his sons John and Patrick cut cord wood to be sold in the city. The boy Patrick, who was then about seven years old, later in a sketch of his own life wrote of a bear coming into the grounds around their house, and of stray Indians whom his mother fed at the door. They were three miles from the nearest store in Mil- waukee. BACKGROUNDS 35 But Michael, the eldest son, nearly fifteen years old when the family moved to Cold Spring Avenue, had already struck out for himself, and had got work in a slaughter-house near Carney's brickyard. It was poor- ly paid work, although the little it added to the fam- ily income was welcome. But for Michael it was a rough beginning that was to carry him far. He had no intention of bogging down in the manual labor which, in that new country, was the lot of most men who could not command at least a modest capital. He was beginning to learn from the bottom the meat busi- ness in which he was later to be a leader. Michael read and studied at night, after his day's work; and, with the generosity that always character- ized him, he organized a class at home in the evenings for his younger brothers and a couple of boys of neigh- boring families. In his grave and kindly way, Mich- ael, even before he had attained his majority, really assumed the headship of the family. His father strug- gled manfully in the hard environment of a tenant farmer and casual laborer; but he had not the force to raise himself and his family above that environment. It called for genius to do that; and it was Michael, the first-born, who was to be also the first of his children to show the touch of genius. It was in these struggling circumstances, when Michael was eighteen years old, John sixteen, Cather- ine fourteen, Patrick eleven, and William seven, in the 36 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY cottage on Cold Spring Avenue, on February 1st, I860, that Elizabeth Cudahy bore her last child, her fourth son, who was baptized Edward. CHAPTER II CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION I he memories of childhood and adolescence that T we carry along into later life are usually hap- hazard and fragmentary, even when they happen to be vivid. They do not offer material for a clear and complete view of those early years. That is the rea- son why even autobiographies are generally unsatis- factory as regards the early formative period of the subject's life. Childhood and boyhood escape chronic- ling, because when they were actual they escaped ob- servation. It is only in the case of certain scientific studies of a child here and there that we get fuller de- tails; and the report of those details is too often shaped by the thesis of the observer. Yet those early years are of immense influence upon the later life of every human being. "As the twig is bent. . ." still holds good, no matter how much the current educationists and psychologists quarrel over why it should hold good. Some attempt, therefore, must be made to sketch the events and circumstances of Edward Cudahy's boyhood, even in face of the cer- tainty that the attempt is not likely to be very success- ful. The bare outline of facts can be given simply 38 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY enough ; it is their impact upon the growing boy which is so hard to understand and to express. For instance, important events, national and local, which may profoundly change the child's environment and even the whole framework of the civilization into which he is entering, mean little or nothing to him during his childhood. He does not perceive these events, much less understand them. Their effect upon him is indirect, through their immediate effect upon his family, or his neighborhood. Thus, Edward Cudahy was born into one of the most critical periods of American history, beginning with the nomination and election of Lincoln as Presi- dent. He was a baby a year old when the Civil War broke out, and a very small boy of five when it ended at Appomatox. What immediate impression could he have had of all that tragic sequence of events? In the meantime, great local changes were taking place. Milwaukee was growing out of the town stage and becoming a city. But when Edward was born, and for several years afterwards, his family was living far on the outskirts of Milwaukee. In his babyhood, he did not experience even the vague impact of crowds which is all that a baby is capable of receiving. Wheth- er Milwaukee grew or dwindled meant nothing to him. In fact, even the distant war came nearer to him than the growing city, because as soon as he could toddle CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 39 about he saw soldiers, long before he saw the city or any considerable number of civilians. The cottage in which Edward was born, and in which he lived the first years of his boyhood, was only a few hundred yards from the southwest corner of the old Fair Grounds; and the Fair Grounds, at the mus- tering of Wisconsin troops for the war, had promptly been turned into a military camp. But by the time the little boy was old enough to begin playing at being a soldier, his father moved the family again, this time still farther away from the activities of the city. Patrick Cudahy rented thirty acres of land out be- tween the Watertown Plank Road and Spring Street, west of what is now 34th Street, and set out to try his luck at truck gardening. For the moment that prom- ised to be a likely venture. Had it succeeded, his sons might have followed along after their father for many years, and have grown into substantial farmers. But the venture came to an end almost as soon as it had begun. The man who owned the land sold it; and the new owner, because he wanted to use the land him- self, terminated Patrick's tenancy. That seems to have put a definite end to Patrick Cudahy' s plans as a farmer. He determined to look to the city itself henceforth for his home and his liveli- hood. In 1863, he bought a plot of ground and a modest house in the city, in a new subdivision known as Palmer's Addition. The streets were not yet 40 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY consistently put through in that section of the city, but the Cudahy home was situated at about what is now 31st and Clybourn Streets. Some seven years later, when Edward was ten years old, the family moved to a better house, on 16th Street, near Wells. In the latter home, Edward was to spend the last seven years he lived in Milwaukee. II The external elements of a boy's environment mean much less to him than the intimate conditions of his family and home. Children generally accept changes of locality, not merely without question, but almost without interest. A few days usually suffice them to make the needed adaptation to a new house, a new neighborhood, a new city. Their more lively interests are centered upon people and incidents much nearer to them. Thus, for instance, it was more important in Ed- ward's life that he was the last child in the family, and a comparatively lone child, than that he changed his residence twice during his childhood. His nearest brother, William, was seven years older than he; and seven years is a huge gap to a child. It was only when his family moved into the closer neighborhood of the city that he knew any number of other children. That meant, for one thing, that his family associations were exceptionally close. It might have meant also that, CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 4l as the youngest child, he was likely to be spoiled by over-much attention from his elders. But the chances of that spoiling were diminished in a family so busy as his. Whilst he was still a baby, his three eldest brothers, Michael, John, and Patrick, had already started to work. Michael had gone to work five years before Edward was born; and John and Patrick had left school for work when each of them reached the age of thirteen. At a time when boys nowadays remain still pretty thoughtless children, spending their days between hated books and enthusiastic play, the Cudahy boys were taking upon themselves their share of the family burdens. Unconsciously, that situation does make an impres- sion upon a small boy. He is still at the age in which play takes up much of his waking hours; he actually needs a lot of play. But he can begin to absorb, so to say, a sense of responsibility from the lives of those closely bound to him. The energy, enterprise, devotion to the common good of the family, the sense of family solidarity in the face of harsh circumstances, the quiet determination to work together to conquer adversity, all those qualities that marked his older brothers and his one sister, became to the boy Edward one of the normal ingredients of life. Manifestations of char- acter such as these, seen and experienced day by day, had more effect upon shaping the youngest brother's 42 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY mind and attitude than could have been exerted by all the verbal instructions and exhortations in the world. Edward's education, like that of every child, began long before he went to school. His family was his first teacher, and it was an excellent teacher. That he had the stuff and fibre in him to profit by the teaching is shown by his having cultivated all through his youth and manhood the wholesome habits begun as a child in his home. Home is a great teacher only to those who can be taught. Many a boy with as sound a family background as Edward Cudahy's lets himself degener- ate into a selfish lout. The men who talk of formal schools as practically the sole means of education are irritating fools and a genuine danger to society. It cannot be called less than folly to blind one's self to the tremendous power, for good or for evil, of that family life which is the first and most abiding of natural influences in edu- cation. Nor is it astonishing that the men who ignore the place of the family in education have not even any concept of the supernatural agencies at work in the education of every child and every man. The details of that familial education of Edward Cudahy are hard to recapture; we must be content to grasp its broad outlines. It must be insisted that it was not a harsh education, although it began in harsh economic conditions. The family was a cheerful CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 43 family, the parents kind and gentle, the children united in mutual affection. All the Cudahy boys had a sense of humor: some of them, John and Edward particu- larly, a very lively and jolly sense of humor. They all had, from childhood onward, an immense capacity for work; but there was not a gradgrind in the lot of them; they could play as well as work. Their home atmosphere was one of sanity and balance. With Michael in the lead, the Cudahy boys, except- ing William, who died as a young man, were in time to become wealthy men. It was their wealth which ultimately made them widely known, and gave them the mark of success in the world's estimate. It is sadly true that, had they still possessed all their fine qualities, yet died poor, the world would have ignored them. Hence, in any consideration of the early educa- tion of Edward Cudahy, it is important to ask this question: did the temper of his family training, and the whole complex of those early, earnest struggles against the handicap of poverty, result in a dominating ambition to attain wealth? The answer can be given with assurance, although it is a hard answer to prove in a completely convincing way. The answer is, No: his education was not based primarily upon a hunger for riches, nor did it result primarily in a resolve to attain riches. Perhaps the whole of this little book will be concerned, one way or another, with demon- strating the truth of that answer. 44 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY One purpose evoked in Edward and the other Cudahy boys by their early education unquestionably was to meet resolutely the immediate urgency of getting a livelihood and of making that livelihood as secure as they could. The qualities they brought to the task of carrying out that purpose were the qualities which, in the astounding era of opportunities then flourishing in the United States, were almost certain to lead them to more than a modest financial compe- tence, to considerable wealth. The same qualities, be it noted, may very well fail to bring the same results today, for the obvious reason that our country has passed beyond its richest stage of opportunity. But there is no sign, in their early days or later, that the Cudahys made the sheer pursuit of wealth the ruling purpose of their lives. Van Wyck Brooks recalls a New England minister who "prayed every evening that none of his descend- ants might ever be rich." 1 The minister was a wise man, but pitifully lonesome in his wisdom. Most men dread poverty, because they know its hardships and its dangers; they do not know the greater hardships and dangers of wealth. John Wesley, who has been accused of fostering a love of riches, in reality saw clearly one of the dangers of wealth. As Theodore Maynard puts it, "He pointed out that if men became Christians they also became sober and industrious; that 1 The Flowering of New England, New York, 1937 ; p. 14. CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 45 if they became sober and industrious they would probably become wealthy; and that if they became wealthy they would almost certainly not remain Chris- tians — a dreadful sorites." 1 The logic of that state- ment is full of holes. There are many millions of sober and industrious men who do not become wealthy ; there are at least some wealthy men who remain sincere Christians. But the statement is close enough to fact, and hangs together well enough, to recall the more terrible statement of Our Lord Jesus Christ: "It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter the Kingdom of Heaven." But Edward Cudahy and his brothers had a safe- guard against the unbalanced desire for wealth in another element of their education, their religious faith and practices. They accepted, studied, and used prin- ciples that make little of the achieving of wealth or any other measure of success in this world, when that success is set alongside an eternal achievement. Before the little boy Edward could read, his mother taught him to pray. In the poverty of his boyhood and in the wealth of his late years, he had a touchstone of values always at hand: "What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world, and suffer the loss of his soul?" That was why he kept always alive his fine sense of values. i The World I Saw, Milwaukee, 1938; p. 97. 46 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY III What about Edward Cudahy's school education? In the modern world, and especially in the United States, it would sound like a blasphemy to utter the simple truth that schools are at best a convenience, never a necessity, in education. We have got all muddled up on the question of the place of the school in education; but it is a very modern muddling up. In the 1860's, the people of the United States had not yet been universally "sold" on the idea of compulsory and long-continued schooling for every boy and girl; they had not yet acquired that faith in the school which was so largely to take the place of the Christian faith. The school then was recognized as a help toward the acquisition of certain skills and mental habits, and of some forms of knowledge. Parents were glad to have that help for their children ; but they by no means looked upon it as an indispensable help, and they had a clearer view of its limitations than we seem com- monly to have today. Preparation for some of the professions, because those professions were so much concerned with book knowledge, called for longer years of school education. Doctors, lawyers, clergymen need- ed the whole of their youth for poring over books. Youths who could look forward to a life of leisure might profit by the richer sources of culture to be found in schools. But for the men who had to hack CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 47 their livelihood out of farming or industry or trade, the practical belief then was that apprenticeship was more valuable than school, and that the best way to learn was to get out and do. The Utopian dream that every boy and girl was capable of making good use of long years of schooling was being preached; but we had not yet begun to experiment with it. Edward Cudahy, like his brothers and sister before him, and like most American children of his time who did not live isolated from school facilities, went to school from his sixth to his thirteenth year. The first school he attended, whilst he was living in Palmer's Addition, was also just about the same sort of school that his brothers had attended: a one-room, ungraded school, with a single teacher, a small enrollment of pupils, a rigorous course of studies. Most educationists of today (not necessarily most teachers) are probably horrified at the very thought of such schools. Many of them are not well enough informed about history to know that, school for school, the old type seems to have done at least as good a job as its elaborately or- ganized successors. A certain Mr. Barney Cook was the teacher. He had about thirty children in his school, ranging in age from six or seven years to twelve or thirteen. Although the neighborhood was Catholic, and Mr. Cook hap- pened also to be a Catholic, the school was a public school, supported by taxes. When Edward started to 48 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY school, there were only six Catholic parishes in Mil- waukee, and three of those were foreign language parishes. The Jesuits had recently opened St. Gall's Academy, an advanced grammar school. The Sisters of Charity and the School Sisters of Notre Dame con- ducted schools for girls, and three parish schools to which boys were admitted. But as there was an aver- age of some ninety children for each teacher in those schools, 1 it is evident that the schools functioned under a great handicap of poverty. In the 1860's, just as now, teachers were good, bad, and indifferent. The average percentage of each kind probably never varies a great deal from century to century. The youngster in the million-dollar school takes his chance on the quality of his teacher as surely as did the youngster in the old-fashioned one-room school. If anything, the latter had a slight edge on his present great-grand-children: in the days of the one-room school very poor teachers were not so like- ly to survive. Mr. Cook seems to have been a good teacher. He taught reading, writing, arithmetic, English grammar, a little history and geography: the solid bread and butter of the fundamental subjects, no gingerbread. Later, as the school got to be a little l Sadlier's Catholic Almanac, 1866, New York; pp. 176, 184. Four years later, the average was about 120 pupils to each teacher. Almanac, 1870; p. 223. CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 49 larger, he brought in his niece as an assistant teacher to handle the smaller children, still struggling with their alphabet. The technique of the one-room school was inevitably quite different to the methods used in the present complex system of classes. The disad- vantages of the one-room school are obvious. But it had this great advantage, an advantage that we are belatedly trying to recapture in our modern schools, that it set the teacher close to the pupils because it demanded more individual instruction than class in- struction, it gave a chance for that mysterious interplay of personality which is such a large part of successful teaching, and it brought the pupils into such direct contact with the teacher that they could scarcely escape that mental and emotional response which is the es- sential business in getting a child to educate himself. The results in history do not speak ill for the one- room school. Its field was narrow, but its efforts were concentrated. But organization and curriculum and method and skill in applying method are only one part of the apparatus of education. They can work wonders with excellent material ; they can produce astonishingly good results at times even in what might seem unpromising material. But all their effectiveness depends ultimately upon the use that the student himself makes of them. We sometimes talk of "self-made men" as if they were the exceptions, instead of the inviolable rule. At its 50 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY most significant, the phrase "self-made man" can refer only to the limited external assistance the man had in his self-education. But every man, whether his out- side help be little or great, is the first and most neces- sary agent in his own education. IV When, in 1870, Patrick Cudahy moved his family farther east into the city, to the house on Sixteenth Street, he had to look for a new school for Edward, then ten years old. And now there was at hand a Catholic school, managed, and to some extent staffed, by the Jesuits. It was a sort of combination of parish school and embryonic Jesuit college, and it was called St. Gall's Academy, linking the name of St. Gall's parish with the more pretentious title of Academy as indicative of its budding hopes. St. Gall's was one of the older churches, built in 1849, the year the Cudahy family came to Milwaukee. It had been assigned to the Jesuits in 1855, with the notion that it might be an anchorage for them whilst they planned a future college. A year before St. Gall's church was built, Bishop Henni, when he was travelling in Europe, had been given $16,000 by the Chevalier J. G. de Boeye of Antwerp for the specific purpose of founding a school to be conducted by the Jesuits. Bishop Henni invited the Jesuits to Milwaukee, CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 5 1 and gave them charge of St. Gall's parish, with a view to carrying out that purpose. That resolute and vigorous Jesuit, Stanislaus Lalu- miere, began the school as St. Aloysius Academy in 1857, with some fifty pupils in attendance, ranging in age from six to twenty-one. The tuition was twenty dollars a year for the lower classes, thirty dollars a year for those who studied Latin and book-keeping. But the venture had lasted only two years, when the Jesuit teachers were withdrawn by their superior in St. Louis. After the lapse of another two years, Father Lalumiere was allowed to return to the school in 1861 ; but the status of the school was left vague, and the likelihood of its ever becoming a Jesuit college re- mained uncertain. In 1864, new hopes were aroused. A brick build- ing was erected, capable of accommodating some 300 pupils, and the name of the school was changed from St. Aloysius to St. Gall's Academy. In our modern nomenclature, it would probably be reckoned a junior high school. For the first eight years, that is, until 1872, one or two Jesuit scholastics were assigned to teach in the school; but after that time it was con- ducted entirely as a parish school, under lay teachers. Marquette College was never associated with it. In fact, although even the name Marquette had been chosen for the College by Bishop Henni back in 1849, the College was not actually begun until 1881. 52 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Edward Cudahy attended St. Gall's Academy from the autumn of 1870 to the close of the school term in 1872. During his first year at the school two Jesuit scholastics, Messrs. James Walshe and Michael Cor- nely, were teaching at St. Gall's Academy. In his second year, only Mr. Comely remained, as Mr. Walshe had gone on to begin his study of theology at Woodstock College. After that summer of 1872, no more Jesuits were sent to teach. But even before 1872, most of the teachers were laymen. It was a lay teacher that Edward Cudahy chiefly remembered from his days at St. Gall's. In a frank moment, nearly seventy years after he had left the school, he once briefly characterized this teacher as "a nasty fellow." School-boys, as a group, are appallingly accurate in their judgments about teachers. If this opinion of his teacher is not just a single school-boy's memory of some petty injustice or the like, but stands for the common thought of the group of boys, one may take it as entirely well-informed. (Let it be added, in parenthesis, that Edward Cudahy would have been much distressed that such an opinion should be made public, even after seventy years.) But in general, Edward Cudahy, as a mature and successful man, expressed himself as grateful to his boyhood teachers. Sometimes he voiced a regret that his school education had been limited, that he had had to supply by his own later reading and study much of CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 53 what his children and his children's children could find set before them with no effort on their part. It is the regret of a modest man, humbly ready to acknowledge the advantages of others over himself. We may think it has this much of foundation in reality, that had Edward Cudahy enjoyed richer opportunities of schooling he would have used them well. His character seems to offer an assurance of that good use. But the teasing question arises: would an easy abundance of school facilities have sharpened or have dulled his appreciation of them? Did he, in fact, de- velop his vigor of application and study by the harder efforts he had to make? These are questions which no man can answer for himself, and which it would be presumptuous to try to answer for any other individual. Even the pundits are violently divided in the general answers they try to give to such questions ; and whole schools of thought amongst educationists split on the relative advantages of "hard" and "soft" education. But the very possi- bility of such questions stresses once more the fact that we cannot adequately chronicle the intellectual edu- cation of Edward Cudahy. The ultimate result of his education, as can be shown, was excellent; but its pro- cedure, and most of all the early procedure, evades us. The same thing must be said, and even more em- phatically, about his religious education. He began 54 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY that religious education when he received the Sacra- ment of Baptism, when he was only a passive recipient of the educating operation of Almighty God. He con- tinued it through the uncomprehending responses of his babyhood to his mother's early lessons in how to pray, through his unreflecting acceptance of the moral code, based upon faith, which he saw daily observed in his family, through his later attendance at Mass, through such fragments of religious instruction as his child's mind could grasp, through the reception of the Sacraments as they came to him along the way of his life. The faith given him in Baptism grew without his knowing it, in the spontaneous repetition of many acts of belief and worship. It was part of his make-up, an essential part, unobtrusive, yet resolute and unwav- ering. It underlay, as we may see later, his whole habit of thought, his economic and political views, his social polity, his personal conduct. It was the source of his fortitude in many an adversity. It was the foundation of his charity toward others, an extraordinarily full charity. But neither Edward Cudahy himself nor any one else can analyze out the processes of that steady growth and development which made up his religious education. In those years of his early education, people would have thought it queer to consider a boy's increase in CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 55 size and weight and energy, his muscular development and acquiring of muscular skills, his hygienic habits, and all that went to promote his bodily health and vigor, as a distinct part of his education. We have changed all that. Nowadays, in the rather unwhole- some environment of a crowded and soft civilization, we have become extremely conscious of that third ele- ment of a child's education. We have, beyond a doubt, more knowledge than our grandparents had of bal- anced diet and the need of vitamins and actinic radia- tion and a host of like data: and God knows we need our larger knowledge. We have devitalized our wheat bread; but we keep the dentists busy. The automobile, whatever else it has done for our civiliza- tion, has pretty nearly cost us the use of our legs for walking. We have enormously complicated the business of growing into a husky and healthy human being. In Edward's boyhood the formula was simpler: an inherited good constitution, enough simple food, a capacity for laughter, a little play, and plenty of work. Granted that the formula was too simple, that epidemics due to bad food and water and lack of hygienic precautions cut the population to pieces every now and then; still, like some of the other educational formulas of the period, it worked fairly well: what the nation lost in subtlety of care, it gained in hardihood. And if there is any field in which the pragmatic test is 56 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY final, it is the field of education: the test of "Will it work?" Edward inherited the sound constitution which he shared with all the other members of his family. The Cudahys were a sturdy people. The poverty of early days never meant a lack of substantial food; their lively spirits and their kindly home fostered good humor, and prompted them to play enough; and they were blessed with the necessity of having to work. In his case the simple formula of physical education ac- cepted in the 60's proved to be adequate. Edward Cudahy worshipped with his family at old St. Gall's parish church, which was then at Second and Sycamore Streets. During Edward's first year at St. Gall's Academy, Bishop Henni came to confer the Sacrament of Confirmation on the children of the parish. In this country, Confirmation is usually administered only when children are approaching adolescence, not in infancy, as in some other countries. Therefore, as the children are of an age to benefit by the instruction, they are prepared for the Sacrament during some weeks in advance. Confirmation is a sort of pivotal Sacrament, conferred only once in the recipient's lifetime. There has even been a bad custom, in many places, of allowing the reception of this CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 57 Sacrament to mark the end of all special religious instruction. Edward went through the concentrated studies of the Confirmation class at St. Gall's. It was at that time that he assumed his second name, Aloysius. The name was suggested to him by the Jesuit scholastic, Mr. James Walshe. His mother had wished him to take her family name, Shaw. But Mr. Walshe pointed out that the custom was to assume the name of a saint, and that although the Shaws might be saintly, they were not yet canonized. But why "Aloysius" amongst all the saints? Well, there were several reasons. Aloysius is the patron of youth; he was a Jesuit saint, and Mr. Walshe stuck by his own; and the earlier name of St. Gall's Academy had been St. Aloysius. At any rate, Mr. Walshe succeeded in putting a sort of Jesuit mark on Edward, through his Confirmation name. Not long after this, two great changes occurred in the influences which were working with him in his unending task of self-education. He lost one person who had done an immense amount in moulding his whole personality ; and he came still more closely under the guidance of another person who had already been exerting the second most important influence upon his life. Edward Cudahy's mother died in 1871; and he went to work under his brother Michael in 1872. His mother had given him his body of her own, had nursed his mind and spirit as well as his flesh, had 58 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY wrapped her love around him, and cradled him in her prayers, had taught him his first steps upon this earth and his first steps on the road to eternity. A boy in his twelfth year is at a good age to break his heart over the loss of his mother. His universe is only beginning to shape itself about him, and it is like jerking the sun out of the sky to take her away from him. His father could not take her place: no father ever could. The beloved Michael, perhaps, more nearly filled the gap left in his youngest brother's world: the grave Michael, the kindly, understanding Michael, a fellow to lean upon as well as to look up to. Michael, the meat-packer, wore in his later life something of the aura of a Galahad. He was a handsome man, strong, poised, serene; with an impress of mastery that was never masterfulness; from whom virtue went out in a kind of irresistible gentleness. A great soul shone out of Michael Cudahy. But Michael at thirty-one to Edward at thirteen was nearly as grand a person as that other Michael of the flaming sword. Four things happened in quick succession to Edward: he was confirmed as "a soldier of Christ"; his mother died; he left school; and he went to work with Michael. All these were large events in his education, differing enormously in themselves and in their effects upon the boy Edward, but all converging to mark another stage in his development: a new outpouring of the grace of God, the first great tragedy of personal CHILDHOOD AND EARLY EDUCATION 59 loss, the end of tutelage and formal lessons, and the new bond of fellowship with the brother who had all along been his leader and his ideal. And when those four things happened to him, we may think that Edward's boyhood was done. CHAPTER III APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS I AT the close of the school term after he had com- pleted his twelfth year, Edward Cudahy went to work. It was the normal thing to do, in that period of our history and in Edward's circumstances. No one then considered it a hardship that a boy of twelve should go to work. It was simply the next step in his education, the entry into that apprenticeship which was to take up where his school education left off. The boy himself had to determine what benefit he was to get out of his apprenticeship, just as nowadays he has to determine what benefit he is to get out of his longer years of schooling. In the 1870's, just as now, a boy of twelve starting out to earn his living, had no great plans in his head. Even granted that he had grown out of the early irre- sponsibility of boyhood, and that he was industrious and ambitious, he was still bound to be pushed around by circumstances. He had to blunder along, and take his chances, and win what look like accidental vic- tories, before he could be in a position to do any managing of circumstances. To understand what was happening to such a boy, we have only to know two things: the circumstances in which Providence placed APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 61 him, and the personal qualities with which he faced those circumstances. To a casual observer, the circumstances of that summer of 1872 might have seemed particularly favor- able for a start in the American world of business. The Northern States at least were humming with ac- tivity. It was the last year of Grant's first term as President, when Grant's own ineptitude and the scaly character of some of his political friends were not yet flagrantly manifest. The aftermath of the Franco- Prussian War and a succession of poor harvests in Europe had created a great demand for American ex- ports. The rapid development of our railroads, largely financed by Government funds, a great increase in manufactures throughout the Northern States, the beginnings of oil exploitation, the growth of the steel industry, the spreading use of machinery in farming, these were some of the indications of the industrial revolution which our country was beginning to under- go. Only the South was out of the movement; a fact which many Southerners were blind enough to lament. The North and even the West were on their way to being urbanized. Within the lifetime of Edward Cudahy, the population of the United States made as nearly a complete change as was possible: from being two-thirds rural it became two-thirds urban. The swing to the cities was accelerated during the Civil War and in the feverish boom that followed during 62 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY some years after the war. The interests of the cities, of manufactures, commerce, mechanized industries, the new proletariat with a vote, dominated in our political life, and were reflected in such literature as we had. It was not astonishing that politicians, never noted as a group for their intelligence or vision, should have moved by instinct on the trail of wealth, seeking, as always, the quickest way to wealth, not the most secure or the most enduring. But before we blame them, we must consider the fact that the politicians only mirrored our national way of life. The agrarian South was writhing under Reconstruc- tion, its "Cotton Kingdom" broken and in confusion. The agrarian West was beginning to make all over again, in wheat, the mistakes of the cotton South: to think of farming too exclusively in terms of the cash crop, to be manufacturers of a staple rather than men living on the land. It is a mistake which men have been making over and over again, all through their history; and the explanation of it can be put in one word, greed. When the Western farmers began to organize their "Granges" in 1867, it was not to safe- guard and develop a way of life, but only to protest against railroad rates which lessened their income from their cash crops. Yet the rise of the Granges is eloquent of the strain already beginning to be set up between city and coun- try. At least since the time of the Civil War, the APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 63 agrarian way of life has been on the defensive in our country. Nor has the urban way of life been one of peace and harmony. It is the mark of another great social strain that the first national labor organization, Uriah Stephens' "Noble Order of the Knights of Labor", should have come into existence in 1869, ttui first year of Grant's administration. The problem of negro slavery had been settled, in some fashion, by the Civil War; the problems of in- dustrial slavery were only beginning. Perhaps the oddest thing about that industrial slavery is that, in its beginnings, it was so largely a voluntary slavery. It is not altogether voluntary now, of course; men and women born into a city environment and a developed industrial system can rarely get out of it, even if they wish to do so. But the earlier enormous migration from the farms to the industrial centers was a volun- tary response to the lure of the cities, the beckoning of an apparently gayer life, of more money as wages, and larger opportunities, real or imaginary, for be- coming wealthy; and there are still many millions in the cities who would consider their return to the land as the ultimate catastrophe. Edward Cudahy's father, as we have seen, had wavered for some years between country and city. Although all his instincts and traditions urged him toward farming, he had, shortly after Edward's birth, reluctantly given up his hope of making a sound start 64 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY on the land, and had settled definitely in a city. His reason for that decision was the powerful reason that drove so many immigrants away from rural life: plain poverty, the lack of capital needed for a farm. Gen- erally, tenant farming has never offered prospects of more than the most meagre livelihood; and ownership farming called for an investment which Patrick Cudahy could not make. The manufacturing industries also demanded a considerable capital investment. But they offered to the man who had not enough capital to enter into manage- ment of an industry at least the possibility that his talent and application might lead him to share both in the management and in the financial returns of some industry. A man might hope to work to the top in a shop or factory; he had no such hope as a laborer on another man's farm. To the man without capital, the city seemed the sole place of opportunity. Edward Cudahy, when he went to work at twelve years of age, did not figure out all these relations and prospects; it is possible that he did not think about them at all. But he did enter into them as concrete circumstances. For better or for worse, his lot was cast in the city; his apprenticeship was not to be in the art of farming, but in some form of industry. The particular industry he was to take up was settled for him by another circumstance, the fact that his eldest brother had been forging ahead as a meat packer. APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 65 Edward got a job, a very ordinary job, as an apprentice in a packing house. His pay was fifty cents a day, three dollars for a week of six ten-hour days. II The pay was that usually given to apprentice workmen, at a time when section hands on the railroad got only a dollar a day, and a moderately skilled workman in the industries got a dollar and a half a day. Edward's first tasks were such as running an elevator, carrying meat to the smoke house, stencilling labels on boxes. It was not particularly interesting work in itself, and it could easily be nothing more than the stodgy routine of manual labor. But there was a chance for a smart boy to see, beyond the routine, a co-ordinated process being carried out, and to observe the way in which the process was organized, and note how well or how ill its various parts fitted together. The factual information which even the dullest workman could not avoid picking up then had a new value, as first-hand knowledge of steps in the wider process. There was plenty of play for business intelligence there: a good school in which the apprentice could exercise his wits. In a short time, Edward began to learn the skilled work of cutting meats; and when he was only fifteen, he was qualified in the specially skilled job of trimming hams. 66 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Not every boy who went to work at a bench in a packing house made shrewd use of the opportunities of his apprenticeship, precisely as not every boy today makes good use of his school opportunities. The majority of workmen remain workmen; some of them will even deny that they ever had opportunities to become anything more in their industry. That Edward Cudahy did learn abundantly through his apprentice- ship has been made clear by his later success; he worked very literally from the bottom to the top of the meat industry. What sort of industry was it in those years ? It was founded upon the fact that meat has been all along one of the chief items, perhaps the most important of the items, of American food. Until the comparative- ly recent indoctrination with the need of vegetables in our diet, our people were definitely a meat-eating people. That fact again rests upon the other fact, that our country is capable of furnishing an abundance of meat for our food. Obviously, the business of supply- ing our people with meat, or with any other sort of food, has always been an important business, even to the silly individuals who turn up their noses at it. Literature, music, and the other arts, the grave ways of statesmanship, the graces of society, the impressive delvings of scientists, all the activities in which men take pride, would collapse with startling promptness if the supply of food were withdrawn from the APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 67 practitioners of the arts and sciences. In a meat-eating country, the most dignified and esthetic of men and women depend closely upon the lowly butcher. As a matter of fact, the whole history of any people is, of course, intimately bound up with its food supply: a fact at least to some extent appreciated by our his- torians. It is here suggested that the men who main- tain that food supply are quite as important as the men who write about it or read about it. In our country, as in every other, the business of supplying meat to our people reflects the successive changes in our national way of life. At first that necessary service was carried on in the strictly in- dividualistic or familial way natural amongst the pioneering and agrarian population of the Colonies and the early United States. Hunters and trappers brought game from the woods and the prairies; farmers raised and butchered hogs, sheep, and cattle. But with the growth of the cities, the supply of meat for food had to be managed in a larger and more concentrated fashion. The supply of livestock had to be organized between the producing farms and ranches and the consuming cities. For the small cities, nearby farms were adequate sources of supply; but as the cities grew larger, the purveyor of meat had to range farther afield for his hogs and cattle. That involved problems of transportation, often over great distances. The time element between producer of meat and 68 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY consumer of meat was increased ; and, for a people who came to insist upon fresh meat rather than salted or smoked meat, that meant new problems of refrigerat- ing meat. It would be absurd to pretend that the twelve-year- old chore boy in a Milwaukee packing house could fully understand that the industry in which he was making a modest beginning was just entering upon a new complexity of organization, and was facing a whole series of new problems. But the problems were there, as part of the circumstances that were bound to affect his business career. They were problems that demanded for their solution brains as well as capital, and that offered exceptional business opportunities to the men capable of dealing with the problems. Now, in retrospect, all that seems most obvious. Yet even the pundits of the time apparently were not much aware of the rapid expansion of the meat in- dustry, and its growing importance in the general eco- nomic scheme. In 1872, the year in which Edward Cudahy started to work, a fat octavo volume of 1304 pages was published, written by a galaxy of "eminent writers upon political and social economy" with Horace Greeley at their head. It was an encyclopedic affair, entitled The Great Industries of the United States, and was published simultaneously in Hartford, Chica- go and Cincinnati. It preserved a most decorous and complete silence about the meat industry. The APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 69 "eminent writers" manifestly thought of industry chiefly in terms of machinery; and there may have been a little snobbishness back of the fact that the organization of an important part of our food supply escaped their attention. If the eminent economists of the time failed to take account of the meat industry, what likelihood was there that the young apprentice in the industry should view it in a large and intelligent way? There were already some thousands of men engaged in the meat industry. The majority of them never attained to any mastery in the business, just plodded along in the slow and limited advancement of permanent workmen. It was not their fault; it was their inescapable limitation. Any broad grasp of their industry was beyond their native capacity. Edward Cudahy had natural ability of an exceptional sort. In any industry, under any normal set of circumstances, he could have made a success of his business career. But he was unquestion- ably helped toward eminence and leadership in the meat industry by his brother Michael, who was super- intendent of the packing house in which Edward started to work. The help that Michael gave him was not favoritism, which is more often a hindrance than a help. Many years afterwards, Edward recalled the pride he felt when he was moved up from an apprentice to a jour- neyman worker, and his pay was increased from fifty 70 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY cents a day to a dollar and a quarter. That was in his second year at the work. But he recalled also a cer- tain chagrin over the fact that, even at the new wage, he was being paid less than other workmen whose skill he felt sure was not greater than his own. Michael did not play favorites. Michael Cudahy helped his youngest brother in two ways. The first way was through his experience and brilliant success in business; the second way was through his example; and it would be a grave misap- prehension of the two men and of the relations be- tween them to underestimate the force and value of Michael's example. When Edward was an old man, and Michael in his grave for thirty years, the memory of Michael's example was as alive as half a century before, something woven through all the texture of Edward's life. The writer recalls that when first he tentatively suggested to Edward Cudahy the idea of putting to- gether this little biographical sketch, he was laughing- ly evaded. He had to meet modesty with guile; but all the guile needed was to turn the conversation to the subject of Michael. Then Edward's eyes glowed with old memories; he talked freely, enthusiastically. It becomes really a part of Edward Cudahy's story to summarize here, in very brief compass, the early experience of his brother Michael in his business career. Of the influence of Michael's character upon Edward, APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 71 much will have to be said as this account moves along. That influence cannot be dissociated from any later stage of Edward Cudahy's life. Ill At this distance of time, it would seem to have been a matter of chance or accident that Michael Cudahy began his business career in the meat-packing industry. Frederick Layton and John Plankinton, as partners, owned a slaughter-house not far from where Patrick Cudahy and his family were living, in their log cabin south of what is now Washington Park. When Michael, in 1855, was looking for a place of employ- ment, Layton and Plankinton' s were at hand. He worked five years for them; then, in the year in which Edward was born, he changed over to the employ of another packer, an Englishman, Edward Roddis, with whom he remained until Roddis went out of business in 1866. In both of these establishments, Michael made steady advance in his knowledge of the packing in- dustry. His wages with both firms also steadily in- creased; and out of his wages he not merely con- tributed to the maintenance and comfort of his family, but managed to save a few hundred dollars. During his six years with Roddis, the Civil War ran its bitter course. Michael was not conscripted for army service; 72 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY and although he debated long about volunteering, he decided that his immediate obligations to his family justified him in waiting until the government should call him up. When Roddis gave up his business in 1866, Michael, then in his twenty-fifth year, undertook two important ventures: with the savings from his earnings he began a meat business of his own; and he married Catherine Sullivan, the daughter of John Sullivan, a farmer living near Milwaukee. The marriage venture was a great success; but the business venture, because his capital was too small, did not promise well. Michael sold the business, and went back to work with one of his first employers, Fred Layton, as inspector of meats. At the same time, he became meat inspector for the Milwau- kee Board of Trade. In those early years of the meat-packing industry, there was great shifting about of company organiza- tions. The rapid expansion of the industry created new needs of capital investment; perhaps even more importantly, it involved swift changes of policy; and both conditions brought about changes of personnel. It was several decades before the packing companies settled down into their definite forms, with some promise of permanent establishments. Thus, for example, Layton and Plankinton dissolved their partnership in 1862, at which time Fred Layton formed the distinct Layton and Company, and John APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 73 Plankinton took in as his junior partner a young man of thirty, Philip Danforth Armour. Armour, whilst still a partner in Plankinton and Armour, was invest- ing some of his Milwaukee profits, as early as 1867, in Armour and Company of Chicago, which was at first managed by his younger brothers, Herman and Joseph. Plankinton had money invested in various Armour companies, in Chicago and Kansas City, until as late as 1884. Armour's most brilliant work was as a trader. In 1864, foreseeing the approaching end of the Civil War and the consequent drop in the prices of commodities, he made a half-million dollars or more for Plankinton and Armour by selling pork "short" at $40.00 a barrel, and covering his sales at $18.00 a barrel. 1 But he was not at that time a great manager of production. In the year 1868, Plankinton and Armour operated their Milwaukee packing-house at a loss. Then they got Michael Cudahy to leave Layton and Company, and become superintendent of their plant; and Michael during the next year turned the operating deficit into an $80,000 profit. Plankinton and Armour recognized his ability and value to their firm by making him a partner in 1873. In the meantime, the Chicago house, known as Armour and Company, was thriving. But Herman 1 Harper Leech and John Charles Carroll, Armour and His Times, New York, 1938; p. 32. 74 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Armour had left it in 1869, to become head of an affiliation in New York; and Joseph Armour, never a robust man, was in such failing health that in 1874 he had to retire. That meant another shift in manage- ment. Philip Armour agreed to take over the adminis- tration of the Chicago house, on condition that he be allowed to have Michael Cudahy as his production manager. Michael was given an eighth interest in Amour and Company, Plankinton retained another eighth, and the Armours controlled the remaining three fourths. In the autumn of 1874, Michael Cudahy went to Chicago, leaving Milwaukee for good. His brother Patrick succeeded him as superintendent for Plankinton and Armour. His younger brother, William, went with him; but after two years left to go into a venture of buying hogs, in partnership with a man named Oliver. Back of that bald summary of facts, in which the fourteen-year-old laborer became superintendent before he had doubled his age, there is a hidden story of vigorous and developing intelligence, of hard work, of a quiet resoluteness, into which we cannot enter here. We have only to note that the man who in that short time came up from the workman's bench to the man- agement of the plant had accumulated on the way a wealth of experience. He had learned the production end of the meat- packing business in the thorough way of doing all the APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 75 details of production. He understood, from first-hand knowledge, the workmen in the plant and the condi- tions under which they worked, because he was himself a workman. He had studied and practised the organi- zation of labor and materials, the fitting of details into the large plan of a process. When Edward came to work under him, Michael had for three years been superintendent of Plankinton and Armour's plant. He was obviously well equipped to counsel and guide his youngest brother. IV For a little more than two years, Edward Cudahy worked in the Milwaukee packing house directly under Michael ; and after Michael left, he remained there for another two years before rejoining him in Chicago, With his remarkable memory, he recalled, nearly sixty-five years later, his train ride of ninety-odd miles from Milwaukee to Chicago, the longest journey that he, a boy of seventeen, had so far ever made. He remembered, not merely that the day was St. Patrick's Day, 1877, but that it was a Saturday, and that there had been a heavy sleeting rain the night before, a rain which froze as it fell, so that all through the country- side the slow train rolled between the wintry branches of trees shining and glittering in a coat of translucent ice. In Chicago, where he was now an employee of 76 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Armour and Company, and to remain in their employ for ten years more, Edward was given a chance to move from the production department of the business to the other side, the marketing, organization of supply, transportation, refrigeration, and the like. He was first promoted to be an office-boy, part of his tasks being to carry messages between the working plant and the offices of accounting and administration. After a year or so of that sort of work, in which he could observe the interrelations of the purchase, manufacture, and sale of meats, he was set to work as a salesman in the retail market. There he could learn what we have come to dignify by the sounding name of buyer psychology, the ways and means of the ultimate con- sumer. From retail sales, he went on to the wholesale market, to dealing with the large meat-shops and the jobbers. His experience and skill acquired in each section of the business was a preparation for more comprehensive understanding, and for larger responsibilities. His daily work was a schooling, in which he added to his store of factual knowledge, learned to appreciate the relations between facts, learned the responses of men, himself and others, to a variety of situations, developed patience and good judgment in dealing with others, and the power of prompt and accurate decision, and self-control, and courage and adroitness in pinches: in a word, built up all the skills and virtues of mind and APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 77 character which he would need as a successful manager in his industry. He was following in the steps of Michael ; and most readily he recognized at all times that his advance in business was made easier because Michael had trod the path before him. His promotions were well-earned. His ability was proven by the results he achieved at each stage of his career. But it was Michael's precept and example that constantly helped him to master each new task and to bring into full play his native powers. Michael, of course, brought his family with him from Milwaukee and made a home for them in Chi- cago. His first residence was on Wentworth Avenue, near 37th Street. There Edward lived with Michael and his family during the first nine years in Chicago, up to the time of his own marriage. Their father died in Milwaukee, in the home on 16th Street, at the age of seventy-two, shortly after Edward had passed his twenty-second birthday. He had been suffering from asthma; his heart was affected; he died at night in his sleep. But even before his father's death, Edward, because he was eighteen years younger than Michael, stood to his eldest brother almost in the place of a son. That close relationship between the two brothers meant more to Edward Cudahy than can be put into words, immeasurably more than deference to Michael's success. Michael embodied ideals. He saw that 78 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Michael's sturdy uprightness was a secret source of his power with men, every whit as much as his fine in- telligence. For instance, Michael never cut corners in business; as a consequence, men trusted him entirely, felt sure of him. Most of them knew little or nothing of his religious convictions, of the steady guidance of supernatural principles in his daily life, of the founda- tions of his business morality; but they noted the re- sults in his fairness, his generous honesty, his hatred of double-dealing. The senior partner of the firm, Philip D. Armour, an immensely gifted man, and a generous and honor- able man, had much more of the glamor of publicized success than had Michael Cudahy. He had a large way about him, almost blustering in its heartiness. He might seem a most likely man to impress tremendously an ambitious young fellow working up under him. Edward Cudahy was fond of Armour, and grateful for his friendship; but he did not look up to him as he did to Michael. He appreciated Armour's great ability and capacity for organization and shrewdness as a trader; but he was only amused by Armour's pride. One day, at the time when Edward was manager of the beef department of Armour and Company, Armour and he stood looking out of an office window as one of the company wagons passed by in the street. The name "Armour" was painted large on the side of the wagon. APPRENTICESHIP IN BUSINESS 79 Armour cried out: "See that name, Ed? That's what sells the beef!" When the beef manager recalled the incident, more than fifty-five years later, he added: "I couldn't help contrasting Armour's bragging with Michael's balance and sense of humor, which made any such boasting impossible to him." Scores of such incidents could be culled from Edward's talk of Michael, as illustrations of how Michael was the measure of excellence during all the years of their close companionship. The apprentice in the meat industry never doubted that he had in Michael Cudahy the best teacher that a man could have. CHAPTER IV WIDENING HORIZONS Amongst those rather terrifying people, the educationists, it has long been a handy conven- tion to divide up into sections or stages the linked and unbroken sequence of a human being's development. Even as artificial divisions, these stages cannot be denned with exactitude. Infancy, childhood, boyhood, adolescence, youth, are all flexible denominations, nearly as loose and shifting in their meaning as modern monetary terms. But they still manage to convey an idea and a classification of growth that correspond in some rough way with reality. Indeed, the terms are recognized sharply enough to allow of disputes about the comparative importance of the various stages of education: extremely futile disputes, for the most part. Keeping away from the debating-society contentions, such as whether or not adolescence is a more important educational period than childhood, we can at least consider briefly the adolescent Edward Cudahy, and try to get some notion of how he was developing on his way to full manhood. As that stage in his education occurred at the time when his environment was appreciably changed, we shall have to keep an eye also WIDENING HORIZONS 81 on the interrelations of the youth and his new condi- tions of life. When Edward Cudahy came to Chicago, in that March of 1877, although he was only a few months past his seventeenth birthday, he was nearly six feet tall, muscular, but still with the angular rawness of a growing boy. He was impressive rather than good- looking, filled with energy which he was already learn- ing to restrain and control. His temper and his mind were quick, but both were disciplined. An alert intel- ligence and a capacity for resolute purpose somehow made themselves felt in his strongly modelled face, his steady dark eyes. He had a thick shock of unruly black hair, slightly prominent eyes, and decidedly prominent ears. He had very good muscular coordina- tion, was light on his feet, quick and vigorous in move- ment. His hours of work were long, from seven in the morning, or often earlier, until six in the evening. The work was now beginning to be a more varied sort of work, involving wider contacts with people and a chance to observe and study a larger range of business relations. It was work that called for enough physical activity to give abundant outlet to a lively boy's energy, and that kept presenting new types of problems for his mind to grapple with. We shall see some details of that work in the next chapter. Here we have only to note that his mind and body were busy in occupations 82 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY that did not lack interest or even a certain amount of novelty. The discipline of nearly five years of steady and monotonous manual labor, added to his sound family training, had already developed in Edward Cudahy habits of industry and the self-control needed for suc- cessful application to work. He had acquired a matur- ity of outlook which we do not commonly find in boys who have had a softer training. Hence, without being at all cramped or repressed, he had not the usual boy's restlessness under the daily burden of work, or that craving for play and entertainment which so often makes all work hateful to a boy. In other words, he had already been getting a good education in and through and by work. He had come to know by experience, long before he could formulate the truth, that a man's daily labor may be one of the most influential educative agencies in his life. The necessity to labor, which men have inherited as one of the consequences of original sin, is by no means an unmixed evil ; it can be turned into a most positive and useful force for good. But not by work alone does a man live, nor by work alone is a lad in his late teens to be shaped into a rounded and balanced man. That world of work is too narrow for the human spirit, which, because it has been made by God capable of delight even in God Himself, instinctively reaches out for new experiences, WIDENING HORIZONS 83 new knowledge, new emotional satisfactions. Even the boy's play is part of his groping for the unnamed and, sadly enough, often unknown fulness of the soul's activity. Men try to find that larger world through many kinds of effort. To some it seems that books may contain and reveal it, and they become eager readers and students; but these men are always a rather small minority. A still smaller number of men seek that larger life in prayer and worship, the contemplatives and mystics. Other men look to the beauty of this world for their entry into a fuller life; and these men range all the way from great artists to sodden sensual- ists, although most of them are neither, but are only vague dilettanti, capable of no definite excellence and apathetic even in their vices. To others, the satisfac- tions of pride and ambition, in display of wealth or the exercise of power or even the most paltry notoriety of newspaper publicity, seem to be the highest concepts of felicity within the compass of their minds. But, one way or another, all men, even if they do not try to shirk the burden of toil altogether, thrust out beyond the day's work to some vague ideal of wider accom- plishment. Michael Cudahy, for instance, was a reader and stu- dent. He found solace in books, after his intense work of the day; he found in books a riper wisdom than the rather hard, money-grubbing world of business had 84 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY ever visioned. He was a genuine reader; and the genuine reader is so rare, in a world flooded with books, that most of Michael's friends looked upon him with an awe that was half reverence and half bewild- ered amazement. But Edward, as a young man, did little reading. He was intellectually quick, he picked up languages with rather astonishing ease, he spoke correctly and vividly; but he was not a man of books. The difference be- tween the two brothers here was a difference of tem- perament. Michael was extremely reserved, grave, and serious; not a lover of talk, although he talked well. He was bored by cards and games and much else that passed with others for amusement. Edward was more lively, took more pleasure in the company and conver- sation of others, was ready for a lark or a game when the chance offered. In those qualities, Edward re- sembled more his brother John than he resembled Michael; and John Cudahy was at that time already known as a wit, a dashing speculator in the grain and commodity markets, an exciting and altogether more glamorous person than Michael. Edward Cudahy's religious life, like that of his brothers, was earnest and sincere. He was not only faithful in the observance of his religious practices as a Catholic, such as daily prayer, attendance at Mass, the due reception of the Sacraments, but he embodied WIDENING HORIZONS 85 Catholic principles in his everyday conduct, in his per- sonal and business morality. We shall have occasion later to say something more in detail of this influence of his religion upon his way of life. But he was not, by temperament or by other special gifts of God, num- bered amongst those for whom prayer and worship are a major preoccupation, a conscious and cultivated skill, taking up a considerable part of the time and energy of each day. Such fortunate men are always few in number, the men who begin to enjoy upon earth that which will be their chief activity in heaven. Nor was he a poet, painter, or musician. He had no impulse within him to try his hand as a creator in the fine arts or in literature. As a young man of Irish descent, with a tradition not untouched by what we may respectfully call a kind of Catholic puritanism, he had something of an undefined mistrust of the arts that deal with beauty. In time, as his education ad- vanced, he was to find a humble and genuine enjoy- ment of the good things that the arts offer; but that growth came strongly only after new influences had entered his life. Yet if a man is neither a prig nor an ascetic saint nor a brutal materialist, if he is neither inhuman nor super- human, he can scarcely avoid some interest in literature and the arts, at least in so far as these catch and hold the pageantry of life. Even a workman can get new understanding of his work, new glimpses of its wider 86 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY relations, by seeing it represented in painting or sculp- ture or drama. And beyond understanding alone, the arts can bring us into emotional touch with the rich beauty of this world, that beauty which may either faintly mirror the eternal Beauty or may obscure it to the point of oblivion. Analysis of technical skill in the arts is the business of the trained expert; but the con- crete power of the arts affects every human being. Partly by the accident of circumstances, partly be- cause it suited his temperament and tastes, Edward Cudahy's early approach to great literature and art was through the drama: not a bad approach for the imagin- ation of a hard-working young man engaged in the prosaic meat business. He had no ambition to write or act plays; he was never even guilty of amateur per- formances; but he was enthusiastically interested in seeing and hearing the great plays acted. II Those who do not know their history may raise eye- brows over any mention of serious and well-acted drama in connection with Chicago of the late 70' s and early 80's. Not only in some parts of Europe, but also, and perhaps more jeeringly, nearer at home in the older cities of our eastern seaboard, Chicago has been the synonym of crudity and boorishness, and has provided the supercilious with a supreme expression of WIDENING HORIZONS 87 humorous contempt in the epithet, "Chicago pork- packer." Chicago can bear up cheerfully under that con- tempt, and so can most of the pork-packers. As a mat- ter of simple historical fact, the crude, rough, and un- forgivably young Chicago had a much better theatre sixty years ago than is to be found today either in Chi- cago or in older American cities. As far back as April, 1853, when the city charter was only twenty years old, and the city population around 30,000, Ole Bull had played and Adelina Patti had sung for Chicagoans. The tough citizens had to plod through deep slush and mud to get to the Metropolitan Hall, which Jason Gurley had built two years before, at Randolph and LaSalle Streets, and which seated 3,000 people, one-tenth of the total population of the city; but they came eagerly. They had a theatre before they got around to laying a few planks in their low, muddy streets to make "corduroy roads." John B. Rice built his theatre in 1847, on Randolph Street, just east of Dearborn. That was eight years before the city fathers decided that they must raise the level of Chi- cago's streets twelve feet to make traffic reasonably pos- sible, and twelve years before the first mile of horse- drawn railway was laid on State Street. The old Rice's theatre was burned down in June, 1850; but not until it had been filled many times with enthusiastic audiences to see Edwin Forrest and Junius Brutus Booth in 1848. In that same year 1848, James 88 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY McVicker, whose name was to be linked with the Chi- cago theatre for several generations, made his appear- ance in the city as an actor. In 1857, McVicker built his own theatre on Madison Street, near State, at the huge cost, for those days, of $85,000. When the Great Fire destroyed McVicker' s Theatre fourteen years later, he rebuilt it in 1872 on the same site. It was remodel- led in 1885, and again burned down in August, 1890. Just before the Fire, Richard M. Hooley had refash- ioned the ten-year-old Bryan Hall, on Clark Street, into Hooley's Theatre. When it was burned down, he re- built it on Randolph Street. The old Adelphi, later Haverley's Theatre, stood at Dearborn and Monroe Streets from 1874 to 1882, then was moved a short space away on Monroe Street, with Robson and Crane opening the new theatre in a performance of Twelfth Night, on September 12th, 1882. The Central Music Hall, at the corner of State and Randolph Streets, was built in 1874; and the Chicago Opera House, with a capacity of 2,300 people, was built in 1885, at Clark and Washington Streets. There is no need to men- tion the many minor theatres of the city. Thus there were theatres ready for young Edward Cudahy when he came to Chicago in 1877. The city had then grown to a population of some 400,000. It had recovered from the Great Fire, and struggled through the panic of 1873, and the "hard times" of 1875 and 1876. Business was picking up enough to WIDENING HORIZONS 89 make the times ripe for the bitter railway strike of 1877, in which Albert Richard Parsons, in his boyhood a Confederate soldier and now a radical socialist, led the men in their demand for an eight-hour day — poor Parsons, who was hanged ten years later for his share in the Haymarket Riot of May 4th, 1886. Chicago was still a tough city, struggling violently with its material and social problems; a gross and lusty city; but it had time and taste for the theatre. What sort of plays and actors appeared in those early theatres? Both were a mixed lot: cheap farce, vulgar skits, and melodrama side by side with Shake- speare; ranting nobodies rubbing shoulders with men and women of international fame. Joseph Jefferson brought Dion Boucicault's revision of Rip Van Winkle to McVicker's Theatre both before and after the Great Fire. Adelaide Neilson played "Juliet" m Chicago in 1872, and "Beatrice" in 1874. Lawrence Barrett brought Hamlet in the 70's, and Richelieu in the 80's. Mary McVicker played "Juliet" to Edwin Booth's "Romeo" in her father's theatre; and there Booth later played in Hamlet, Othello, and Lear. Helena Modjeska played "Olivia" and "Rosalind" in 1883; Ellen Terry played "Portia", "Viola", and "Ophelia" in 1884-1885; and Mary Anderson played "Rosalind" in 1885. Henry Irving, after breaking up some of the old traditions of the stage in England, came to the United States in 1883, and in 1884 and 1885 brought 90 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY to Chicago The Bells, The Merchant of Venice, Ham- let, Much Ado About Nothing, and Twejth Night. Poor John McCullough, born in Ireland in 1832, and driven out by the Famine in 1847, learned the art of acting under Edwin Forrest, and was Lawrence Bar- rett's partner, from 1866 to 1870, in the California Theatre, San Francisco. He first came to Chicago in 1874, and returned frequently, playing "Othello", "Brutus," "Virginius", "Spartacus", and "Richard III." It was in McVicker's Theatre, on September 29th, 1884, that the madness which had been showing itself for a year and a half, caused his violent collapse. These are great names in the history of the theatre, great to more than the laudator temporis acti. It is not without significance that the tough Chicagoans flocked to see fine performances, and that even to their un- formed taste the plays of Shakespeare, nobly acted, made a consistent and unfailing appeal. So, nearly three hundred years earlier, the equally tough citizens of London had flocked to the Globe Theatre to see Hamlet, and Othello, and Lear, when the author of the plays was only a local boy with a local reputation. Those early Chicagoans were not high-brows; they were just rough fellows, not yet spoiled by sophistica- tion, by an overdose of poor schools, and by the cul- tivated passivity which marks the age of the "movies"; and hence they had few barriers between them and the rich humanity of Shakespearean drama. WIDENING HORIZONS 91 That was what drew the young Edward Cudahy to the theatre: Shakespeare's amazing vision of life. To have that set before him, in the acting of great artists, was indeed to widen his horizons. We are also told something definite about the stage of Edward's educa- tion by the fact that he was so drawn. He could have found entertainment aplenty in the Chicago theatres that offered melodrama and farce and burlesque. But, whether or not he realized it, he wanted more than en- tertainment. Every good intelligence is fastidious; it is annoyed by the cheap and second-rate. Every man who has ever made a good job of educating himself is not content with less than the best he can get; and that was what Edward Cudahy wanted. Another thing: there is in the enjoyment of great plays greatly acted a larger intellectual element than there is in the enjoyment of music and other fine arts. Emotion is, it is true, the soul of drama as of all the other arts; drama is dead without emotion; but there is also vision, mind, philosophic intelligence, most evident and compelling in great plays. It was char- acteristic of Edward Cudahy' s active mind that he sought for this element of understanding in the midst of the emotional sweep of the theatre. He used often to say that it was the portrayal of living qualities that held his interest in the drama, that he looked upon the plot as a foil for the play of those qualities, that all emotion got its value from the interrelated humanity of 92 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY the action. There are some who will admit that as good criticism. In any case, it reveals the way in which he approached Shakespeare's plays. It was an educational experience for Edward Cudahy to steep his mind in the speech and thought of Shake- speare, made alive for him by some of the best actors that the American stage has known. That sort of edu- cational influence is all the more powerful because it is not thought of or recognized at the time as educational ; it has no passive resistance to overcome, as schools have. Ill In the meantime, new influences arose in the life of Edward Cudahy, which were to have greater and more lasting effect than the theatre upon his education. One of the most profound changes in his social and cultural environment was bound up with circumstances which, at first sight, might seem entirely remote and imper- sonal. It is interesting to note briefly the connection between the two, a connection beginning with the growth of the city. By 1880, Chicago had attained a population of half a million, and was still growing steadily, enlarging and consolidating its many business interests, sharpening its contrasts of great wealth and great poverty, as large cities have always done, developing its Gold Coast and its slums, although both were much smaller than its WIDENING HORIZONS 93 modestly comfortable residence areas. It was putting up large public buildings, which it hoped were hand- some buildings, laying out parks, going in for libraries and museums and more and more schools. It had 651 miles of streets, of which considerably less than one- fourth were paved, mostly with cedar blocks. It was even thinking seriously of diverting its sewage from Lake Michigan, out of which it drew its appallingly polluted drinking water. It was a city filled with vital energy, swaggering over its achievements, ambitious for greater achievements, and not incapable of self- criticism in order to further its ambitions. Was it part of the swagger or part of the self-critical hope and ambition that made the churches of Chicago rival one another in their elaborate music? No doubt, the operatic vocal and organ performances, which were beginning to be lavish even in the comparatively poor Catholic churches, were inspired by zeal for the glory of God's house. But equally beyond doubt, both pastor and congregation, in many an instance, loved a good show, were proud of their elaborate music, and had a very human hope that their choir could outsing any other choir in the city. The church in which Edward Cudahy heard Mass and received the Sacraments was St. James Church. It was one of the older churches of the city, from I860 an off shot of St. Bridget's in Bridgeport, and from 1866 to 1879 on Prairie Avenue between 26th and 27th 94 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Streets. Then the new church, a handsome, substantial stone structure, was built at Wabash Avenue and 29th Street, a mile or so from Michael Cudahy's home. In that year, 1879, Bishop Thomas Foley died, and in the year following Chicago was made an archdiocese, with Patrick A. Feehan as its first archbishop. St. James parish had been growing in population, so that when the Reverend Hugh McGuire became its pastor in 1883, he had to have three assistant priests to aid in caring for the parish. It was also, in those years, one of the wealthier parishes of the city. Naturally, it had to have the best music it could command. Father McGuire, a dynamic person, reached out as far as Mil- waukee for a talented young soprano, Elizabeth Murphy. Miss Murphy not only had a good voice, she had also enjoyed excellent training, and had completed a long course of study in Milwaukee by two years at a musical conservatory in Boston. She came from Mil- waukee each Sunday for the High Mass and Vespers, and was paid what was then the munificent salary of $1,500 a year. St. James was very proud of her. Edward Cudahy at that time did not know much about music, sacred or profane. He agreed with the congregation of St. James that Elizabeth Murphy was a grand singer; but he had more than the congrega- tion's interest in Miss Murphy as a person. She was neat and compact of figure, with clear-cut, regular WIDENING HORIZONS 95 features, eyes full of laughter and intelligence, a wealth of wavy blond hair. She was very jolly, a good com- panion, spirited and courageous and kind. Edward thought she was the nicest girl in the world; and he kept on thinking so until she left this world, fifty-four years later. Elizabeth had some similar notions about the strapping young fellow who was coming along so fast with Armour and Company. They were married on Thanksgiving Day, November 27th, 1884, in the cathedral of Milwaukee. If Chicago had not been getting richer and more am- bitious, if its ambition had not extended to its church music, if the parish in which Edward Cudahy lived had not joined in that musical ambition, if his parish priest had not brought Elizabeth Murphy from Milwaukee to sing in St. James Church, Edward would not have met, courted, and won Elizabeth; but all these things hap- pened in due course, and so wrought an immense change in the life of Edward Cudahy. It is not open to debate that a man's marriage has a lot to do with his education. Nor is the truth of that statement affected by the unpleasant fact that many marriages turn out unhappily. In the United States, if we take the statistics of our divorce courts as a rough basis of judgment, about one marriage in five is a flat failure. Perhaps men and women now expect too much from marriage, because they have been caught by romantic ideals which carry with them a definite 96 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY danger of disillusionment. Whenever romantic ideals, in marriage or in anything else, are actually realized, it is always through steady and persistent efforts that are as heroic as the ideals are high. Too often, how- ever, the people who cherish the ideals are not capable of the sustained efforts demanded by the ideals. Yet even these failures in marriage must have some effect, good or bad, upon the man and woman concerned in them. If the effect is unfortunately bad, if it results in damage to the man or woman, it is still influential in shaping their characters, in educating them. The core of a successful marriage, as every one knows, is mutual love. In this country at least, it is safe to say that scarcely any marriages are entered into without some love; the manage de convenance is not common here. The difficulty is to keep that mutual love alive and enduring. Its enemies are not merely selfishness of various sorts, but also fatigue in the face of economic problems, diversity of tastes and social preferences, and the thousand and one impacts of the psychological differences between a man and a woman. So manifold is the difficulty that marital love seems to be like sanctity in this, that it cannot stand still; it must grow or decay. We may consider as at least a minor apologetic for the supernatural character and power of Christianity that it can conserve, nourish, and strengthen love be- tween husband and wife; that it can not merely defend WIDENING HORIZONS 97 the principle of monogamy, but can equip men and women with the virtues needed to make the principle work out in practice. "Charity is patient, is kind . . . hopeth all things, endureth all things," wrote St. Paul; 1 and the Church not only teaches that the abiding ele- ment in marriage is charity, and not romantic love, but also offers through its Sacraments the means of preserv- ing and increasing charity. On the other hand, it is because so many of our people have lost the super- natural aids which infuse and increase charity that we have the highest divorce rate in the world. Edward and Elizabeth Cudahy were very much in love with each other. They had, moreover, excellent natural qualities with which to begin their married life: good constitutions, good tempers, good intelligence. But so had many thousands of other young men and women whose marriage afterwards went on the rocks. It was more important to Edward and Elizabeth Cu- dahy that they had the principles and the virtues and the supernatural means to enable them to keep on be- ing in love with each other; it was these gifts that were to carry them, "for better, for worse, for richer, for poorer, in sickness and in health," to their golden wedding, with their children and children's children about them, in serene harmony, in mutual helpfulness, and an affection for each other that had grown through the fifty years. 1 I Corinthians, xiii:4-7. 98 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY But the golden wedding was a long way off in 1884. Elizabeth Cudahy's plans were much closer at hand: to make a home for themselves and the children that God would give them; and, like every good wife, to take over the education of her husband. IV So far as schooling went, Elizabeth Cudahy had had an ampler education than her husband; and he, with his characteristic modesty, was willing to hold himself as her pupil in the two fields in which she was obvious- ly his superior, music and literature. It is quite pos- sible that in quick intelligence, in swift and accurate grasp of a statement of fact or principle, in the devel- oped power to assemble the elements of a problem and to hold before his mind, clear and unconfused, the complex grounds upon which to form a judgment, Ed- ward was by far the better educated of the two. His education was of the harder, male, bread-and-butter sort; hers was richer in the graces of life. If we could get the material for a thorough study of the educational influences exercised upon each other by Edward and Elizabeth Cudahy, we should have an immensely valuable document. But in their case, as in the case of every other husband and wife, such mu- tual influence defies observation and report. It is wov- en through the two lives, so intricately, so ubiquitously, WIDENING HORIZONS 99 so constantly, in such a multitude of detailed interac- tions, that it cannot be analyzed. It is immeasurably more than mutual instruction, one imparting knowl- edge of fact or truth or method to the other. It is an intercommunication of skills, habits, intellectual vir- tues, tastes and appreciations, in which the emotional, instinctive, and volitional impulses figure as largely as the intellectual. No two persons can get on each other's nerves as badly as can a husband and wife; no two persons can drag each other down so desperately, or lift each other up to such heights, as can a husband and wife. For good or for ill, the school of marriage can be the most intensive school that men know. For our purpose here we can only note a few out- standing facts as they affected the education of Edward Cudahy. The first fact is that he learned to appreciate music and to delight in it. He learned in the only way in which it is practicable to learn: by listening to a great deal of good music, under competent guid- ance. Elizabeth, as an intelligent teacher, limited her efforts to what was within the reach of a busy man, who aimed, not at performing, but at understanding and enjoying music. She played and sang for him, gradating her range of music to his developing taste; she analyzed the larger musical works, showed their structure, the threads of motif running through them. He was an apt pupil; he had a good ear, a quick responsive understanding, the imaginative sympathy 100 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY requisite for catching the indefinable emotional content of music. In no great time, when Elizabeth was pre- paring for a concert, she came to trust her husband's critical judgment as most accurate and dependable. His verdict was the final assurance that she was ready for her public performance. The second fact about this stage of Edward Cudahy's education is that he learned to read. Elizabeth Cudahy already had a fairly wide acquaintance with books; more importantly, she had acquired the habit of books. Whether or not that is always a good habit depends upon a number of circumstances. But in any case, the habit of turning to books for information, guidance, understanding, and entertainment undoubtedly puts a distinct mark upon its possessor. Edward and Eliza- beth Cudahy read a great deal together: an excellent way to read, since it stimulates discussion, and opens up new reaches of understanding through the interplay of the two minds centered upon the book. Much of their reading they did aloud. Later on, when Eliza- beth's eyesight was affected, Edward regularly read for her. Not so long ago, many thousands of people in the United States bought a volume by Mortimer Adler, en- titled How to Read a Book. Most of these purchasers, it is safe to say, were men and women who would have been offended by the statement that they did not know how to read; all of them had spent a number of years WIDENING HORIZONS 101 in schools, engaged with books; but they must have had some suspicion that there might be more to read- ing a book than had so far come within the range of their experience. Mr. Adler was ready to tell them the plain truth, that they were passive, not active, readers, that a poor system of school-education had left them incompetent in the art of reading. He then rather laboriously pointed out to them some simple rules of method in reading, which they should have learned in the grade schools. Edward and Elizabeth Cudahy, like countless others of their generation, had learned to read well when they were children. As they continued their own edu- cation, they steadily increased their ability to read, be- came more and more mentally alive in their reading, eager to come to terms with the author, to grasp his meaning in the large and in detail, to test his state- ments in the light of their own growing store of prin- ciples. The effect of that sort of reading upon their education was cumulative. As the long years of inter- ested activity in books went on, they steadily enriched their minds, and developed their powers of understand- ing, appreciating, and judging. Their reading was not consciously a study. They read because they enjoyed reading; and in their choice of books they were guided, not by any scheduled pro- gramme, but by their own tastes and preferences. Those preferences were for works of history, biography, 102 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY belles lettres, religion, and fiction; they did not extend to works of philosophy or science, except of the super- ficial, popular kind. Edward and Elizabeth Cudahy modestly assumed that scientific works were beyond their depth. If there was a definite flaw in their choice of reading, it came from the fact that they were inevitably influ- enced by the current fashion in books. They suffered, as millions of others suffer, from the assumption that books fulsomely touted by reviewers, and as a conse- quence widely talked about, were worth reading. That is an affliction hard to escape in this modern world of book propaganda. But to the credit of Edward and Elizabeth Cudahy it must be said that they stood upon their own principles in evaluating what they read. They might be hustled into buying stupid books by the pres- sure of mob-opinion; but they did not surrender their judgment as readers to any mob-opinion; they rejected the trashy books by the test of their own knowledge and intelligence. Their library, which in time amounted to several thousand books, was no dead collection. These were books they had read, many of which had entered into their minds as their permanent possession. A cata- logue of their library would be a revelation of their interests and tastes, a reflection of one part of their in- tellectual development. These rough jottings can at most only hint at the WIDENING HORIZONS 103 processes and results of Edward Cudahy's education during the years of his late youth and early manhood. But they may serve to bring out the fact that he was, in those years, doing much more than making a suc- cess of his business efforts. His eager mind caught at every opportunity to exercise itself, to extend its reach. He had no conscious purpose of self-education, no sel- fish ambition to excel. The men who make a good job of their education are rarely moved by such purposes; they seem to be driven by impulses more purely native to them, more obscure, more nearly instinctive. In a true sense, it was as natural, and perhaps as mysterious, for a man of Edward Cudahy's mental energy to be intellectually and esthetically active as it is for a lazy man to loaf. Besides, it must be remembered, Edward Cudahy had built up through his boyhood those habits of industry, mental as well as physical, which gather momentum with the years, which grow by what they feed upon. CHAPTER V MASTERY IN BUSINESS I This book, as has already been indicated, is not primarily a story of business; it is something quite different, a sketch of a man engaged in business. The details of Edward Cudahy's business career have their value here because of the man, not because of the business. Yet even with this distinction carefully kept, it is necessary, for an understanding of Edward Cudahy the businessman, to consider at least briefly the char- acter and circumstances of the meat business in which he was engaged during his long life. A great deal has been written about the meat indus- try, either in criticism, or in defense and praise, of the way in which it has been conducted. Yet it is rather astonishing how little general knowledge there is of the essential character of the industry and its place in our national economy. It may be worth while, there- fore, to summarize here a few significant facts about the production, handling, and consumption of meats in the United States. The first group of facts indicate the importance of the meat industry. It is, to begin with, one of our largest industries. Its sales, in 1937, a poor year, amounted to nearly three and a third billion dollars, MASTERY IN BUSINESS 105 roughly about one-twentieth of the national income. Averaging the last fifteen years or so, its production of meats and lard runs to about fifty million pounds a day. It gives the farmers of the nation one-fourth of their total income, as compared with less than one-fifth for dairy products, less than one-seventh for fruits and vegetables, and only about one-tenth for cotton and cotton-seed. Even after the huge expansion of our manufacturing industries, meat packing still holds its lead in value of products. In the past twenty years, it has ranked first or second in output, keeping about even pace with the automobile industry, and ahead of the steel industry. 1 It provides employment for about 160,000 persons, with an annual payroll of about $250,000,000; it is the intermediary between six million American livestock farmers and the 200,000 retailers who supply with meat our population of 130,000,000. These facts are one measure of the importance of the meat industry. Another measure is the fact that our people consume about 135 pounds of meat products per person each year, which makes these products a large item in our budget for food. In fact, the mere bulk of the sales of meat products is an excellent gauge of the condition of the national pocket-book, an indica- tion of "good times" or "hard times." 1 Reference Book of the Meat Packing Industry. Chi- cago, 1938; p. 30. 106 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Next consider the essential processes of the industry, which reduce to four: the purchase of animals from the farmers; the dressing and preparation of those ani- mals for food; the transportation of the live animals and the processed products ; and the distribution of the meat products to consumers. As regards the first step, the meat packers cannot control their source of supply. They share the risks and uncertainties of the livestock farmer, the vagaries of flood or drouth, of yield of corn for feed, and latterly of the whims of arm-chair econ- omists in the Government. They must buy animals in a fluctuating market. Then too their problems of transportation change with the shifting relations between centers of animal population and centers of human population, with the seasonal strains put upon our traffic-ways, with changes of temperature which affect the refrigeration of meats. There is call for manual skill, and above all for organ- izing skill, in the actual butchering and dressing of animals, in the smoking and seasoning of meats, in the routine disposal of the various types of products, and in their storage, which involves judging of the amounts to stock up in reserve. And finally, there are compli- cated problems in getting the products to the retail dealer, problems of competitive salesmanship, of eco- nomical deliveries, of meeting shifting consumer de- mands. Back of these four processes there are, of course, MASTERY IN BUSINESS 107 such important details as the financing of the business, and its enormous work of accountancy and credit con- trol. The meat industry involves an extremely rapid turn-over of money, since payments for purchases of livestock are usually made at once ; and that means that the packer must keep on hand a large reserve of cash, often cash borrowed from the banks. At the same time, the packer finds it necessary to help finance the business of the retailers by carrying their accounts for a week or two. As a final consideration, we must keep in mind two factors which complicate the essential processes of the industry: first, that it deals with perishable material, which spoils readily, which demands constant skill and care to protect it from infection or corruption; second, that it is a highly competitive business, carried on by more than a thousand packing companies, and by many thousands of farmers and local retailers, who in fact dress about one-fourth of the total meat products used in the United States. 1 Even such a sketchy and inadequate view of the meat industry as this makes clear that it is unavoidably a speculative industry, in which the risks are great and constant, risks which can be met only by wide 1 More exact figures, for 1936, of production of dressed meats by farmers and local butchers are these: 17% of the beeves, 26 % of the calves, 10% of the sheep and lambs, and 31% of the hogs. 108 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY knowledge of all the elements of the industry, and by unwavering watchfulness and foresight. There have been, as a matter of fact, many thousands of failures in the meat business. Now in the history of industries, speculative enterprises have usually allowed themselves a large margin of profit, in order to balance out their large risks. The astonishing fact, however, about the meat industry is that its ratio of profit is extraordin- arily small. For the past fifteen years the average annual profit of the packing companies has been $27,600,000, which works out to about 3% on their capital investment, con- siderably less than one cent on each dollar of sales, or about one-fifth of a cent on each pound of meat sold. That margin of profit is so narrow that a tenth of a cent a pound either way in the sale price of meats may mean the difference between operating at a gain or at a loss. The total average yearly profits of the packers during those fifteen years amounted to about twenty- seven cents for each person in the United States. As a result, the spread of costs between the producer, that is, the livestock farmer, and the ultimate consumer, is lower for meat than for any other processed article of food. Thus, for instance, a pound of soda crackers costs more than ten times what the farmer got for a pound of wheat. But a farmer can sell his livestock to a packer, and in the most distant city in the United States can buy back the dressed meat ready for cooking MASTERY IN BUSINESS 109 at less than double what he was paid for the animal on the hoof. This economy in the handling costs of meat prod- ucts has been credited to three causes: to the simplicity of the processes employed, to the efficient organization of the industry, and to the recovery of some costs through the sale of inedible by-products. 1 If we look hard at this threefold explanation, we see that it really reduces to one: the efficiency and skill of the meat packers, who devise and carry out the processing methods, discover the uses of by-products, and coordin- ate the entire procedure. The conclusion cannot be escaped that the meat packing industry, by its high efficiency, has been of ex- cellent service to our people; although the people in general ignore that fact, and are ready to hold the packers responsible for increases in the price of meats, even when these are due to drought or other conditions beyond the packers' control. But the meat industry did not attain to that efficiency in a day. It began fumblingly, with crude equipment, with hit-or-miss methods, with wider margins of profit and appalling losses through spoilage. For years, it served the con- sumers haphazardly, because of poorly organized 1 For this explanation, and for a few detailed figures about the comparatively small price of meats, see Does Dis- tribution Cost Too Much?, by Stewart, Dewhurst, Field, and members of the Twentieth Century Fund, New York, 1939; pp. 29-32. 110 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY sources of supply, and limited its operations to winter, when the cold weather kept down spoilage. Through the increasingly skillful use of refrigera- tion, through refinements of processing, through im- proved organization, improved transportation, careful adjustments of supply and demand, courage in carrying inventories, prudence and foresight in managing their finances, a small number of men slowly and laborious- ly developed the efficiency of the meat industry to the point which it has now reached. Amongst those men, Michael and Edward Cudahy rank high. II The brief data here given are evidence that the meat industry has come to be a valuable servant of the peo- ple of the United States. But it would be absurd to suggest that the men who brought the industry to its full development were primarily inspired by the idea of creating a public service. Realistic common-sense assures us that the immediate purpose of men engaged in the meat industry, or in any other industry, is to make money. If they do not make enough money to keep their industry in operation, they quite simply cease to have any industry; and if they do not, in addition, make a profit over and above maintenance expenses, they have no human incentive to keep on at the busi- ness. MASTERY IN BUSINESS 111 Hence, Edward Cudahy's first and necessary concern as a young man past the apprentice stage in the meat industry was to carry out the operations entrusted to him in a way to show a profit. Since, during the ten years, 1877 to 1887, he was employed by Armour and Company, the profit he made would be theirs ; his share of it would be such salary as he could demand and get in return for, and in comparison with, the profits he made for the firm. His earlier tasks for the Company were of such a character that their share in producing a profit was both relatively small and extremely difficult to estimate. What does an office-boy really earn ? How is the value of his work to be assessed in terms of return upon the capital investment of the Company? From office-boy, he moved on to be cashier of the retail department of Armour and Company; then to be a salesman in the retail department; then to selling wholesale to jobbers and retail dealers. . In all these tasks, he was contributing in some roundabout way to the earnings of the Company; and he was being com- pensated, at first by a fixed wage, later by a commission on the value of his sales. The second way of payment is a direct relation between the profits of the Company and the earnings of the employee; more correctly, it expresses a relation between the bulk of operations of the Company and the wages of the employee, which 112 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY leaves the problem of turning operations into profits to those responsible for the management of the Company. It is true that in these tasks below the level of re- sponsible management, Edward Cudahy was presum- ably acquiring knowledge and skill which he might one day use in management ; although it is equally true that he had the sort of mind which eagerly picks up knowl- edge without any ulterior aim. Thus, for instance, when he was in the retail department, he set himself to learn the languages of the many-tongued people who came to buy meat, and soon could match their relatively limited vocabularies in Polish, Lithuanian, and Bohemian. Later on, when he had men of Slavic speech working under him, his ready smattering of their languages was of practical use again, and helped to form a bond between him and the men. Looking at it in that way, one may say that part of his compensation whilst engaged in minor tasks was the opportunity afforded him to build up a store of knowledge and skill which he could later use to the profit, directly, of the Company, and of himself through the Company's sharing with him. This is not a view that universally commends itself to employees. But if it be accepted at all, one must in justice note fur- ther that it was the Company, and not he, who shouldered the risks of the industry whilst he was on his way up to the possible greater profits of manage- ment. MASTERY IN BUSINESS 113 Not even Edward Cudahy himself could analyze the educational processes involved in those years of daily work in office routines, at a cashier's desk, back of a meat counter, or securing orders from local meat deal- ers. It is obvious that not every young man who puts in his years at such tasks develops the ability to take over a share in the management of the industry in which he works. What distinguishes between the few who climb above the managed routines into manage- ment, and the many who remain in the routines ? Neith- er the few nor the many know the adequate answer to that question. It certainly is not a question touching opportunities alone. In the case of Edward Cudahy, part of the answer is his native gifts, including that mysterious force in a man which impels him to employ his talents to the full ; but another part of the answer must be, again, the in- fluence of his brother Michael's example, and the larger opportunity afforded him by Michael's position. Michael was watching to see how Edward shaped up in the minor tasks allotted to him, what sort of intelli- gent interest he displayed, how energetically and com- petently he handled such problems as came his way. By the time Edward had passed his twentieth birthday, Michael was convinced that he had developed rapidly and vigorously in his business capacity, and was ready for more responsible tasks. Michael made him his assistant superintendent. 114 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY In this new position, Edward Cudahy could observe intimately how Michael coordinated the work of the divisional managers under him, and could share in that coordination. He saw Michael's principles of fair play and decent human consideration toward the rank and file of workingmen, his ability to create a sound morale in the production plants through the assurance given in his own intelligence and skill and qualities of character. But he saw also that the policies of the Company were not entirely in Michael's hands, and that the "front office" not infrequently threw monkey-wrenches into Michael's careful and intelligent plans. For instance, there was a good deal of fumbling in- terference with the management of the beef depart- ment. Armour, in so far as he was a real packer at all, and not just a skillful trader, was a pork-packer. The problems of dressing and processing beef baffled him; yet he was not content with leaving them entire- ly to Michael Cudahy. A man named Miles was put in charge of the department; and Edward Cudahy, under Miles, was assigned control of one section of the de- partment, that dealing with the supply of beef to the canning department. Whether or not Miles might have developed the ability to handle his department well, he was in fact hampered by a fussy intervention of Armour between himself and the two Cudahys. As a result, the beef department limped along for some MASTERY IN BUSINESS 115 years most unsatisfactorily. We shall see in a moment how the difficulty was solved. But whilst conditions in the department were thus unsound, a still more mischievous interference of the higher management threatened to destroy completely any hope of efficiency in conducting the beef business, It came about in this way. The men working in the packing plants at the Stock Yards had won an increase in wages by a strike called in 1879. Two years later, the packing companies, as a united action, cut the wages of skilled workmen from $27.50 a week to $24. The men determined to call another strike in protest. Neither Michael nor Edward Cudahy agreed with the policy of Armour and Company in cutting the men's wages. They both thought that any slowing up in the Company's profits was due to deficiencies of management which could and should be remedied from the top, and not through drastic reduction of wages. Both were so well trusted and liked by the men that a group of them came to gi\e private warning of the impending strike the evening before it was to be called. The little committee of workingmen came to Mich- ael Cudahy' s home. Edward, sixty years later, recalled what happened. Amongst the group were a few men from the beef department. Edward turned to one of them, a foreman, and asked: "Dolan, what are you going to do tomorrow?" 116 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY "Well, Ed," Dolan answered, "I have to go out with the rest when the Union calls the strike." "Of course," said Edward, "but there is no strike until it is officially announced. I want you to be at the plant early tomorrow morning and have twenty-four beeves killed and laid out on the cutting floor before 6:30. Will you do that?" "I will," said Dolan. Edward waited in the morning until his working crew had actually gone to work, because he expected that the strike call would not come until after the day's work had well begun. When he got to the packing house, the Union delegates had just left. The men were beginning to drift down from the upper floor, where they had been changing back from their working clothes to their street clothes. He waved them back, saying: "Go upstairs a minute, I've got something I want to say to you." In the dressing room, many of the men were still getting into their street clothes. But they all stopped to listen. This young assistant superintendent, only twenty-one years old, was a man they knew, not a dis- tant company head. Some of them remembered unob- trusive kindnesses at his hands: being got out of jail when they had been arrested as drunk and disorderly, a friendly gift to help celebrate the christening of a MASTERY IN BUSINESS 117 new child, sympathy and aid in time of illness or death in their family. More than that, they all knew he would play fair. His speech to them was short. This was the gist of it: "You and I have got a job to do together here. I don't run the Company, and you don't run the Union. But we have each got a loyalty to keep, to the Com- pany, and to the Union. In this case, I think the Com- pany is wrong, and I have said so. But I think you can get your rights by negotiating better than by strik- ing. For my own division, here is what I say to you: as long as I am in charge here, those of you who go back to work now will be paid the $27.50 a week you demand; but any man who quits now will never again work for me. I leave it up to you." A burly butcher named Smith, with one arm in his street coat, whipped the coat off and hung it up. "Cudahy is right," he shouted. "But we're going back for you, Ed, not for the Company." Every man in the division went back to work, with the operation of the plant only momentarily halted. Gustavus Swift, Armour's fiercest competitor in the beef department, had his output cut down by the strike from 1,500 beeves a day to seventy-five. He came to see what Armour's was doing, met Edward Cudahy and held him in talk, whilst with his long striding walk he tried to edge farther into the plant and learn 118 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY more of its conditions. The strike soon was called off, and in the way Edward Cudahy had suggested, through peaceful negotiations. Ill Edward Cudahy' s first really big opportunity to show his executive ability came about through the long- standing troubles in the beef department. Through 1881, 1882, and most of 1883, the "front office", thor- oughly dissatisfied with the condition of its beef busi- ness, kept up teasing and ineffectual efforts to remedy the conditions. These little sporadic efforts were fur- ther complicated by large changes in the Company or- ganization. John Clark Black, an able man, retired from his partnership in Armour and Company, in 1882, to start the Continental Bank, which was opened in 1883. He was replaced by George H. Webster, who had been a partner with Herman Armour in New York. Webster shifted about in various capacities, finally settling down to administration of the glue works. Miles still fussed around rather futilely in the beef department; and in 1882 brought on from Boston a man named T. H. Wheeler, to take over Edward Cu- dahy' s old division of corned beef. Wheeler was sixty years old, had no great knowledge of the beef busi- ness, and was too old to learn it. He was ridiculously mysterious and secretive. He had charge for about a MASTERY IN BUSINESS 119 year, 1882-1883, during which he succeeded in alienat- ing the retail trade, and lost a good deal of money for the Company. The fiscal year of the packing companies begins on November 1st. As that date was drawing near in 1883, Armour and Webster met with Michael Cudahy at the latter' s home, to discuss what they would do with the beef business. Armour and Webster were inclined to close it up, and sell it outright to Swift. But Michael Cudahy insisted that the poor results of the department were due to nothing more than incompetent manage- ment. He proposed that Edward Cudahy be given a trial in complete control of the department, as a final effort to make it succeed. If that failed, all right, sell it out. Edward had for three years been acting as a sort of "trouble-shooter" under Michael. He had some very clear notions of what was amiss in the beef de- partment; but hitherto he could, at most, only offer suggestions to Miles, or Webster, or Wheeler. Now he was to be given a chance to see what he could do in carrying out his own ideas. He was to have only a few weeks in which to make his preparations for the new and large responsibility. On November 1st, 1883, he took over the entire department, purchase, processing, sales of meat products, hides, and by- products. His salary was jumped up to the considera- ble figure of $25,000 a year. 120 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY It would be outside of the character of this book to attempt to recount or analyze in detail Edward Cu- dahy's procedure in reorganizing the department now committed to his management. In the lump, that pro- cedure was a matter of picking competent men to head the various divisions of the department, laying out a policy for them to follow, and stimulating and inspir- ing them to carry out the programme he devised. Even a fairly full record of his activities would be only the bare bones of the story: what made it alive was a per- sonal force of understanding and purpose which is more evident in its results than in its processes. One element of his success, the power to evoke loyal co- operation from the men under him, it is almost im- possible to analyze. The results, at any rate, were both prompt and defi- nite; they were the kind of results that the Company was interested in: profits. In Edward Cudahy's first month of operations, the beef department showed a profit of $21,000. Armour found it hard to believe. When he saw the indisputable evidence, he was still skeptical of Edward Cudahy's ability to keep up the pace; he suspected the first successful month was a fluke. "Will you make as good a profit next month?" he asked Edward, perhaps hoping to catch him boasting or over-confident. He knew that Edward Cudahy was not yet twenty-four years old. But Edward said, No: MASTERY IN BUSINESS 121 he expected to do slightly less well next month. The profit for the next month was $19,000. The end of the first fiscal year found the department with total profits amounting to about half a million dollars. By the first absolute test of the industry, Edward Cudahy was established as beyond the journeyman stage in busi- ness. He could answer the Company's all-important question put to its major staff: "Can you make money for the Company?" Edward Cudahy was also, of course, by now making money for himself. Up to the time of his marriage, in November, 1884, he had made his home with Michael. Without being niggardly, he had saved what he could of his wages during those seven years. His new increase in salary and his starting a home of his own after his marriage did not lead him away from his prudent economy in expenses. At the back of his head was already the idea of launching out into the meat busi- ness for himself; and he knew that he must accumu- late capital for any such venture. Elizabeth Cudahy understood his need to save money, and agreed with him. For their home, they rented a house at 3244 Indiana Avenue, for which they paid the modest rent of sixty-five dollars a month. Mrs. Cudahy did her own housework, with the help of one maid. They were both building for the future. In that house their first two children were born: Ed- ward Aloysius, the first-born, and another son who died 122 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY in infancy. By the time the next great business op- portunity came to Edward Cudahy, he had managed to save up out of his salary $100,000. IV In May, 1885, Armour and Company moved their offices from the packing plant out at the Union Stock Yards to the Home Insurance Building, on La Salle Street, not far from the new Board of Trade Building, and in the midst of the banking district. It was a time of great labor unrest, high-lighted a year later by the tragic blundering of the police which brought about the Haymarket Riot. But the population of the coun- try was still rapidly expanding; and the meat-packing industry was growing to keep pace with the consumer demand. There were great opportunities as well as great problems in the industry. With the removal of the Company's offices, Michael Cudahy, although still a partner in the Company, was left in charge of production at the Stock Yards, and found himself more and more out of touch with the policies shaped at the Company's headquarters. Armour called him "his right hand", praised him heartily and sincerely — and somewhat patronizingly. A long and laudatory account of Philip D. Armour, published after Michael Cudahy had withdrawn from the Company, contains this significant paragraph: MASTERY IN BUSINESS 123 "His former partner, Michael Cudahy, deserves, per- haps, more credit for having successfully established the great business of Armour than the head of the firm himself, according to the report of the Chicago Daily News: 'His brain (Michael Cudahy' s) was the super- intending genius of that vast plant which has intro- duced the name of Armour to all lands where Ameri- can pork is known. The Cudahys kept in the back- ground. They had their headquarters in the packing houses . . .' " 1 Michael Cudahy had no objection to staying in the background, so far as notoriety was concerned. He never in his life courted publicity or indulged in dis- play. But he did not like being left out of consulta- tion on the policies he was expected to carry out, par- ticularly the financial and labor policies of Armour and Company. Two friendly biographers of Philip D. Armour have this to say of him: "In the main, Armour bought man hours of labor exactly as he bought shotes and heifers . . . Armour had been hard-boiled in dealing with labor." 2 Michael and Edward Cudahy thought that there were more humane ways of dealing with work- ingmen than Armour's ways. Moreover, although 1 C. Dean, The World's Fair City and her Enterprising Sons, United Publishing Co., 1892; pp. 330-331. 2 Harper Leech and John Charles Carroll, Armour and His Times, New York, 1938; pp. 217, 228. All through Chap- ter XIII of their book, headed "The Laborer and His Hire", there are indications of labor policies that irked Michael and Edward Cudahy. 124 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Armour was a brilliant trader and financially in a strong position, the banking people made plain their confidence in the junior partner, Michael Cudahy, and some of them did not hesitate to say that the stability of the Company and its power to borrow money readily were based upon Michael Cudahy more than upon Armour; yet Michael Cudahy had less and less to say in the financial policies of the Company. There was no quarrel of any sort between Armour and Michael Cudahy; but there was a certain increas- ing tension on Michael Cudahy' s side. About this time, Charles Armour, a young nephew of P. D. Armour, was sent to learn the beef business under Edward Cudahy. Charles Armour soon proposed that he and Edward Cudahy set up a packing house of their own. Edward, who was not entirely confident of young Armour's ability, objected that they did not command enough capital for such a venture. Charles Armour assured Edward Cudahy that "H. O.", Philip D. Armour's younger brother, Herman Ossian Armour, had expressed his willingness to finance a new company if Charles could get Edward Cudahy to join him. Sepa- ration was in the air. In 1886, a new Union, "The United Butchers and Packing House Workers", which was formed under the "Knights of Labor", organized a strike for the eight-hour day. The strike began at Armour's, and MASTERY IN BUSINESS 125 spread thence to other packers. The men won that strike, partly because Michael and Edward Cudahy thought that they ought to win it. But because of the swing of public sympathy away from striking Unions, after the Haymarket Riot of May 4th, 1886, Armour and Company felt strong enough to restore the ten- hour working day in December of that year. Neither Michael nor Edward Cudahy was happy over that whole situation. About that time, Thomas Lipton, 1 who had a slaughter-house in South Omaha, approached Armour and Company with an offer to sell his plant and busi- ness. Armour was timorous about taking on a new packing house; but Michael and Edward Cudahy went out through Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, and Nebraska, explored the possibilities in supply of livestock, rail facilities, and markets for products, and concluded that the plant was well placed, and that the business, 1 Thomas Johnstone Lipton was an outstanding man in the British business world. He was born at Glasgow, of Irish parents, in 1850; came to the United States as a boy of fif- teen, just at the close of the Civil War; worked as an errand- boy in a grocery store, as a street-car driver in New Orleans, as a travelling salesman for a portrait firm, and on a planta- tion in South Carolina, before going into the meat business in South Omaha. He had not a complete processing plant, but only a killing-house, from which he sold the carcasses to processers. Armour and Company had been buying from 500 to 1,500 hogs a day from Lipton. After he sold out, Lipton went back to Glasgow, opened a provision store, branched out into a chain of stores, then into sources of sup- plies for his stores, all the way from a tea plantation in Cey- lon to a pork-packing house in Chicago. He was knighted in 1898, made a baronet in 1902, and died in 1931. 126 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY although not then in good shape, had promising possibilities. It was decided to buy out Lipton, and the purchase was made in September, 1887. As evi- dence of the friendly relations between Armour and Michael Cudahy, and of Armour's confidence in Michael Cudahy's judgment, it must be noted that Ar- mour went into the new venture on a partnership basis. But Michael Cudahy insisted on two conditions: that the new firm was to be the Armour-Cudahy Company, and that Edward Cudahy was to be allowed to pur- chase a three-eighths interest in it. The Armour-Cudahy Packing Company was incorpo- rated at once, with a capital stock of $750,000, of which Edward Cudahy was to take over three-eighths, of the value of $281,250. He had immediately availa- ble $100,000 or so, and borrowed the remainder. By way of comparison, it may be mentioned that Armour and Company began business with an investment of only $1 60,000. 1 The stock of the new Armour-Cudahy Company was held by the three partners, Armour, and Michael and Edward Cudahy. Edward was to have complete charge of production and sales, the purchase of livestock, processing, marketing. He moved with 1 Leech and Carroll, Armour and His Times, New York, 1938; p. 35. MASTERY IN BUSINESS 127 his family to Omaha, and entered on his new task November 1st, 1887. At the beginning, the Armour-Cudahy Company processed only pork. Lipton's plant was limited in its equipment practically to producing salt pork. Edward Cudahy had to get ready hurriedly to cure hams and bacon, to make sausages, to process the various by- products. Lipton had sold largely to other packers or to the export bulk trade, chiefly British. Edward Cudahy had to build up a system of distribution to re- tailers. It was a gruelling task for any young man of twenty-seven; and it was made all the harder because his chief experience hitherto in management had been, not in pork, but in the beef department. In this first year of operation, ending November 1st, 1888, he lost $38,000. That loss did not discourage any of the three part- ners. It was an inevitable incident of the reorganiza- tion of the business. Their capital was adequate to tide them over this difficult period. In 1888-1889, the Company began to operate at a profit. In 1889, Ed- ward Cudahy began to expand the plant, built a lard refinery, power house and refrigerating plant, a smoke house, sausage factory, oleomargarine and canning de- partments, and the first unit of a beef house. His new structures were large, 700 by 100 feet, three stories high. The Company backed his judgment; but left entire responsibility to him. 128 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY He had found the working conditions at the plant unsatisfactory. His policy was then, as always, to be fair to the men under him; but he expected them to be fair to him. He had brought with him from Chi- cago two good men, a cattle-buyer and a hog-buyer. The men employed at the plant under Lipton he kept on, from the superintendent down. He would have preferred to keep them all indefinitely; he did try to make the best use he could of them ; but he saw before long that he had many incompetents to get rid of. The superintendent was addicted to drink, and condoned drunkenness in his workmen. Each pay-day meant a debauch. The crew that normally killed 2,500 or 3,000 hogs a day, killed 1,200 or 1,300 on the day follow- ing pay-day. When the superintendent's attention was called to the falling-off in production, he was inclined to be amazed, and even indignant, and said: "Why, what do you expect after a pay-day?" It is entirely likely that when Edward Cudahy had to change that way of doing business, he created re- sentment, and may even have been looked upon as a tyrannous taskmaster. As prudently as he could, he weeded out disloyal and incompetent men, and re- placed them with better. As is so often the case, no employee worked so hard or for such long hours as the general manager. Edward Cudahy was advancing in that part of his education MASTERY IN BUSINESS 129 which brought home most forcibly the truth that the real leader, in industry as in government, must carry the burdens of those whom he leads. Authority exists for the sake of the governed, not of the governors. Edward Cudahy had to be on the job earlier in the morning and later in the evening than his workmen, be- cause it was he who had to keep on providing them with the means of working, to safeguard the conditions of their work, to keep their labor from being wasted and frittered away through the deficiencies of their foremen and managers. That is a part of the education of executives which is not always recognized. The books of the Armour-Cudahy Company show only that their general manager was making a profit for the Company. They do not show how he brought order into a chaotic plant, enlarged its production facilities, widened its field of sales, built up the morale which is at the heart of every successful industry. These, and many others, are the unrecorded activities which lie back of all profits honestly made. By 1890, The Armour-Cudahy Company was a solidly going concern. At the close of the fiscal year, Michael Cudahy sold his interest in Armour and Com- pany, and in turn bought Armour's interest in the Armour-Cudahy Company, which became, after De- cember 3d, 1890, the Cudahy Packing Company, and continues as such today. Michael Cudahy became 130 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY president of the Company, and Edward vice-president. Michael remained in Chicago, in charge of financial arrangements, and had with him one man who looked after Board of Trade quotations, and the like. But the main offices of the Company continued under Ed- ward Cudahy's charge in Omaha, until they were re- moved to Chicago in 1911, after the death of Michael. The break with Armour, although financially com- plete, was not an unfriendly separation. Armour pro- tested in newspaper interviews his esteem and regard for his former partner. A private letter of his to Pat- rick Cudahy in Milwaukee, dated November 15th, 1890, repeats his sentiments so earnestly that it is worth quoting here. "My dear Pat:- I thank you sincerely for your letter. It ought to be written on parchment. I assure you there is nothing that touches me so keenly as to feel that I have the good will of the boys that have come along up under me. I have no doubt you read my inter- view Thursday, and I want to say to you personally that I meant every word of it. There is nothing I can do that I would not be glad to do for the Cudahy boys, and I want them to always feel that they can find in me a harbor of refuge, and I want them to pull my latchstring should they ever be in trouble. I feel a very deep regret to have Mike leave me, but everything considered I have no doubt it is for the best. But we have such good regard for each MASTERY IN BUSINESS 131 other that we will always be only too glad to help each other if either of us should require it. Ed is one of the brightest, keenest young men that I ever knew, and he is sure to make his mark in the world ; in fact the Cudahy family are a remarkable family, and the world is a great deal better for their living in it. I say this conscientiously, and I don't know of a nicer thing to be able to say than this. Wishing you everything that is good, I am, Yours very truly, Philip D. Armour." Edward Cudahy was then nearing completion of his thirty-first year. Under, and with, his brother Michael, he had come up from a green apprentice boy to be the managing director of a packing company that employed 1,500 men and had an annual sales of $13,471,000. As such things go in the United States, that was not yet a "big business"; but it was the largest at that time in the district that it served. If Edward Cudahy had had leisure for self-gratulation, he might have found a personal savor in Miles Standish's comment on the youthful Julius Caesar: "Better be first, he said, in a little Iberian village, Than be second in Rome, and I think he was right when he said it." But Michael's and his business enterprise was destined to move far from the "Iberian village" of South 132 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Omaha. It was to grow twenty-fold in the next fifty years. It was to branch out from the single packing house in South Omaha to a succession of processing and manufacturing plants which would extend from Massachusetts to California, and from Minnesota to Georgia. CHAPTER VI THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY The development of The Cudahy Packing Com- pany was to be the major concern and activity of Michael Cudahy for the twenty years of life that remained to him; it was to occupy Edward Cudahy for fifty years. Its importance in the life of Edward Cu- dahy justifies devoting this chapter to some consider- ations of what that work of development was and how it affected his education. As a sort of appendix to the account of the Company, we shall summarize the inter- relations of the Cudahy family in the meat-packing industry. Edward Cudahy lived for more than twenty-three years in Omaha, from his twenty-seventh to his fifty- first year of age. Omaha was "home" to his children; his son Edward had gone there as a baby; his four daughters were born there. In the first few years of that long period, his life might seem to have settled down into a definite routine of family interests and the management of the packing plant in South Omaha. He went back and forth between his home and the pack- ing plant, at first, on the little branch railroad, "the dummy", on which many of his employees travelled; later, he drove to work in a light buggy. Neither he 134 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY nor his wife was obsessed by any social or political am- bitions. They lived modestly, in a pleasant home, very close to their children, industrious, religious, peaceful, and contented. The Cudahy Packing Company, as it had begun in 1890, was a relatively small affair; but properly man- aged, as Michael and Edward Cudahy were abundantly capable of managing it, it could furnish them both with a comfortable livelihood. True enough, it would not make them men of great wealth. But were they really eager to become very wealthy men? That is a question of purposes; and purposes are not always easily read from the facts. Looking at the situation from the outside, it might appear that Michael and Edward Cudahy had a free choice before them: to maintain their comfortable small business, placidly, without other ambition; or to venture upon risky, nerve-wracking expansion, which might eventually make their small business a very large business, and make them rich men. The trouble with looking upon any industrial con- cern in that detached way, from the outside, is that one is not seeing the actual situation. The man engaged in business is not a detached observer, expounding philosophic theories; he is down in the cockpit of a fiercely competitive society, surrounded by forces, in- dividual and collective, that threaten his continued ex- istence as a businessman. To him, the situation is THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 135 much more complex and difficult than it appears to the arm-chair philosopher. His decisions must be made in a hurry, and made under pressure. His freedom of choice is by no means so absolute as the theoretical ob- server may imagine. It is not always sheer greed or ambition which drives the head of a business into ex- pansion; sometimes it is a queer sort of compulsion. It now became part of the education of Michael and Edward Cudahy that, in their own business, they should come to understand, measure, and meet that industrial compulsion. In a sense, the modern industrial urge toward ex- pansion parallels, in its smaller way, the urge that drives nations to expand. The parallel between busi- ness and statesmanship was not so evident a few gen- erations ago. Edmund Burke, for instance, seemed to be speaking profoundly, when he wrote: "I have known merchants with the sentiments and abilities of great statesmen, and I have seen persons in the situa- tion of statesmen, with the character and conception of pedlars." The pedlar-statesmen have since multi- plied so numerously that it is hard to distinguish now between merchandising and statesmanship; and with the growth of totalitarianism, both avowed and dis- guised, the commercialization of the state has made Burke's sonorous statement almost meaningless. In the nation, as in the individual industries, that urge toward expansion has its roots deep in the very 136 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY nature of our materialistic civilization, a civilization which has set technological development higher in es- teem than human development, and has intensified and speeded up all the material activities of life, often to the complete neglect of its spiritual activities. A man may hate that urge or compulsion, yet not be able to escape it except by a withdrawal from all wordly con- cerns. Certainly, if any man elects to stay in business, he must face the situation created for him by his en- vironment of conflict, and accommodate himself to it as best he can. In order to understand the character of the industrial compulsion that Michael and Edward Cudahy had to face, we must examine it more closely for a moment. It can be analyzed as of two sorts. The first sort arose from the common confusion of thought in the modern world which equates "bigger" with "better." That kind of thinking has become part of the Ameri- can credo, as it affects, not merely our industries, but our colleges and universities, our government bureaus and their interference with private concerns, our circu- lation of books and periodicals, our mass-amusements, and a multitude of details that enter into our way of living. As a people, we immeasurably admire bigness ; and at least by implication we have a considerable scorn for littleness. Even our slum-dwellers are proud of the huge cities in which their slums exist, and ridi- cule the "hick towns." The result is a vague social THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 137 compulsion upon a man in control of an industrial or- ganization to make his business "bigger and better." The head of a small business needs a good sense of humor to keep himself from becoming pathetically apologetic. This first, social, compulsion is not simply greed of money, even though it may blend with greed. It is the acclaim and the desire of achievement, measured in the only terms that our materialist culture can understand: eminence and dominance in material control and pow- er. The increased wealth such achievement brings has its own attraction, but rather as an almost incidental result, one of the tokens of having "made good", the hall-mark of worldly success. The second sort is a more tangible compulsion upon businessmen, arising out of the conditions of modern industry. The head of a business concern often finds that his choice is really not a choice between keeping his business as it is and making it bigger, but between expanding his business and being squeezed out of busi- ness altogether. His dilemma is created in part by the sharp competition which is a normal element of every businessman's circumstances, in part by certain inherent risks in the business enterprise itself. One way or another, expansion may be a form of self-defence im- posed upon an industry by conditions which the in- dustry cannot control. 138 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY How much Michael and Edward Cudahy were in- fluenced, consciously or unconsciously, by the first sort of compulsion, the universal American fallacy that measures achievement in industry chiefly by material size, is a question which perhaps even they themselves could not answer satisfactorily. That fallacy sur- rounded them, as inescapable as the atmosphere. They read it, heard it, everywhere; they saw it acted upon, sometimes even by men who should have known better, whose religious profession should have enlightened them; they felt its sting in the correlative assumption that a business which did not grow proved the incom- petence of its managers. It was a challenge heard in almost every word of praise or blame. Only a can- onizable saint could have shaken off completely the grip of that influence. But to the second sort of compulsion Michael and Edward Cudahy definitely had to bow. Where it was a case of expand or go under, the industrial choice was imperative. There remained the difficult problems of judgment: where, and when, and how much, and above all, by what means they were to expand their business. The qualities that could successfully deal with those problems were the developed intelligence and virtues they had built up by their previous education, the body of convictions they had established as their guides to thought and action. THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 139 How did that education stand up in these new cir- cumstances? How honorably, how fairly, with what prudence and self-control as well as courage and intel- ligence, did Michael and Edward Cudahy move on the long, hard road they travelled, whilst they developed The Cudahy Packing Company from a single plant in South Omaha to a national corporation, with fifteen large centers of production and eighty branches? With what good repute as well as vigor did they bring their Company into the ranks of "big business"? II To summarize the story of the development of The Cudahy Packing Company by saying simply that it be- came a "big business", is to touch upon a thorny sub- ject. Amongst the thousand or so of meat-packing companies, it was to be hailed as one of "the big four." That very fact raises hostility in the minds of many. The name of "big business" has come to be offensive amongst us, something that makes millions of our people bristle up. In their minds, "big business" is a synonym for brutal aggrandisement; it carries with it the notion of pillage, of ruthless oppression of com- petitors, especially of the "little fellows", of exploita- tion, of battening upon the poor and weak and de- fenceless. 140 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY The genesis of that hatred of "big business" is ob- scure and uncertain. One source of it unquestionably is envy, the envy of those who have not toward those who have; yet that explanation will scarcely be accept- ed, even as a partial explanation, if only for the rea- son that the have-nots outnumber the haves by ten to one. Another source of hatred toward "big business" is nobler and more decently human, although it too is muddled up by loose thinking, and suffers inevitably from what Albert Jay Nock somewhere calls "that most dangerous combination: the combination of first-rate sympathies with third-rate intelligences." What has happened is this: some sound economic and political theories, eternally right as theories, have clashed with widespread human stupidities and incom- petencies, to produce popular fallacies that have an enormous emotional appeal, yet have no practical ap- plication. That is an abstract way of putting it. In the concrete, the situation may be analyzed in this way: 1. Our people have inherited from a simpler and, perhaps, a more Christian, society the conviction that we should be a healthier nation, economically, and as a result, socially and politically, if the means of production were more evenly distributed amongst us. 2. These same people, by the many millions, ran away from the ultimate source of production, the THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY l4l land, and congested themselves into great cities and industrial centers, where their very numbers cre- ated economic conditions that demanded mass- production. 3. They welcomed with enthusiasm the material benefits of mass-production, chiefly in the form of what are essentially luxuries, rapidity of move- ment and communication: the automobile, the tele- phone, the radio, motion pictures. 4. Mass-production simply cannot be organized at all except in industrial concerns of considerable size. To want to have the benefits of mass-production without its concomitant "big business", is to want to eat your cake and have it. There remains only a fury of betrayal, without the intelligent recognition that it is a self -betrayal. We hate economic inequality, yet we create economic in- equality by our own stupid conduct. We curse the greed of "the robber barons", yet do not see that it is dwarfed by our own multitudinous greeds. In one breath, we glory in our "big business" because we are silly enough to be proud of it as an achievement, and to measure our advance in civilization by the number of automobiles we have as a nation, and we revile our "big business" because it tends to destroy our economic liberty. By every test above the level of animal life, a free 142 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY but poor people are better off than a rich but enslaved people, and immeasurably better off than our millions dependent upon government doles, who have sold their liberty and not even got the price they hoped for. Yet if any government proposed the essential conditions necessary for a return to economic freedom and some sort of equality, the vast majority of our people would sneer at the proposal as a return to "horse-and-buggy days." And if any government tried to enforce the necessary conditions of economic freedom, it would probably be met with a revolution. Even the Distribu- tists can only hope for some nebulous, long-range, edu- cational process as the means of restoring the economic condition of a freer, but poorer, age. It is easy to apply all this to the meat industry. Less than two generations ago, it was, throughout our coun- try, a small and simple business to supply our people with meat. So long as the people lived on farms, or in villages and towns immediately in contact with the farms, the farmer himself, or a local butcher, was all the medium needed between animal supply and ulti- mate consumer. Just as soon as we congregated into urban masses, more and more remote from the live- stock farms, we forced the business of furnishing us with meat to become complex and big. The local butcher in the big cities could not organ- ize his source of animal supply from the distant farms, THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 143 could not handle the problems of transportation, in- spection, and preservation of livestock and processed products. All that had to be managed on a quantity basis; and quantity means big business. Big business means a larger investment and concentration of capital. The larger investment of capital means an added need of safeguarding what becomes a sort of public service, a vital necessity to keep on feeding the growing popu- lation of the cities. Greed and ambition may enter in to complicate this pressure of economic conditions, and may add im- mensely to the honest packer's problem of safeguard- ing his investment, his continued existence in business; but that sad fact of human nature should not blind us to the power exerted by the essential conditions which the feeding of urban masses creates. Moreover, competition amongst packers, as has al- ready been pointed out, has made their margin of profit small. There is no honest way of enlarging the total profits, so as to cushion the industry against economic shocks, except by increasing the volume of business, that is, by adding many small profits to make one large profit. A drought in his area of livestock supply, a workers' strike or a buyers' strike, any factor that up- sets his small margin of profit, simply wipes out the small packer, puts him out of business entirely. The packer who operates in a number of areas, draws from 144 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY a variety of livestock farms, and sells to a variety of markets, can stave off disaster by balancing a healthy spot in his industry against a bad spot. Size, within manageable limits, gives him a measure of security. The exact confines of honest competition in the packing industry, as in other industries, are not always easily determined; and so far as immediate success is concerned, the sharper has an advantage over the com- pletely honest packer. It was consoling to Michael and Edward Cudahy that they were never even accused of dishonorable dealings in business. But they often needed a stronger bulwark than that consolation as a means of self-defence in their necessary contacts with other forms of business enterprise. Take, for instance, the one item of refrigerating cars. In the early days of the refrigerator cars, the packers had to build the cars themselves because the railroads, conservative in their attitude toward equip- ment, would not risk building the newfangled contrap- tions. Later, The Cudahy Packing Company, like a number of other packers, preferred to keep on building its own cars, not merely as a sound investment, but in order to escape various sorts of pressures from the railway companies, in the problem of supply of cars when needed, of special charges for the use and main- tenance of the cars, of favoritism as a means of secur- ing the haulage, and the like. THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 145 In something of the same way, the Company found it advisable, after a time, to operate its own salt works, both to be sure of the needed supply and to avoid pay- ing excessive prices for salt. Thus also, some firms which bought from the Company raw materials of by- products created conditions which made it self-defence for the Company to process those raw materials itself. Finally, the simply fact must be remembered that The Cudahy Packing Company did not inaugurate the policy or practice of expansion into "big business." The Company came into existence when the packing industry had already settled down into its structure of large and small companies, and its endless struggles of the small companies to grow into big companies. It had to face, in however friendly and honorable a spirit, the competition of existing large corporations, in an economic system so huge, intricate, and compel- ling, that the Company had no choice but to operate on the terms set up by the system. With these considerations before us, it is possible now to recount in brief detail, some of the steps which mark "when, where, and how" The Cudahy Packing Company carried out what Michael and Edward Cu- dahy believed to be the necessary process of expanding its operations and its plants, in order to establish and secure itself in the packing industry. 146 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY III It is possible to set down one general formula for the entire development of The Cudahy Packing Com- pany. Here is the formula: the Company operated its existing plant or plants intelligently and honestly, by hard work made a fair profit on its operations, and set aside from the profit all that it reasonably could; then the Company reinvested its surplus profit by purchasing or building other plants which were either so located that they could assure a varied source of supply as well as new markets, or were needed to protect the Com- pany's operations from unfair pressures. Even a cur- sory review of the facts of the Company's development will serve to show the accuracy of that formula. The first step was to put the South Omaha packing house into efficient working condition. To do that in- volved the risk of borrowing money, in order to add new buildings and equipment. But the risk proved to be justified; by 1891 the South Omaha plant was functioning vigorously and profitably. There had been drouth and failures of crops during those very years of the consolidation of the South Omaha plant, which had put an additional strain on the Company in its supply of livestock from the Nebraska side. That was a warning to get ready to draw upon other areas of livestock farming. The opportunities presented them- selves just about at that time. THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 147 A firm named Hass, Baruch & Company had a small packing house in Los Angeles, California. They had started it in the days of the first land boom, when Los Angeles grew from a little town of 11,311 people in 1880 to over 50,000 ten years later; but now they were shaky about the future, and wanted to sell. Mich- ael and Edward Cudahy, although they could not fore- see the amazing growth of Los Angeles, believed that they could make a go of the plant, especially if they adapted it from a pork house to a beef house, since it drew from a large grazing country. They bought the packing house in the Spring of 1892, remodelled it, im- proved its organization of supply and distribution, and within a few years found that they needed to double its capacity. In the meantime, the Union Stock Yards Company of Sioux City, Iowa, had been dickering to get rid of a packing house, for some time not in operation, which it had taken over as a failure from The Hawkinson Packing Company. Sioux City tapped a rapidly de- veloping livestock farming country, Northern Iowa, the Dakotas, Southern Minnesota. The Cudahys went up and looked over the situation, backed their own judgment that the packing house was well located, bought it, and turned it (just as they had done with their two other houses) from a small pork-packing house into a plant fully equipped for the whole round 148 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY of meat production. Under their competent manage- ment, it soon became the equal of the Omaha and Los Angeles houses. Then came "hard times" in earnest throughout the whole country, and the panic of 1893, in which all industries were hard hit. As a consequence, there was an almost universal reduction of wages. The working- men naturally resented that; and as soon as there were indications of a pick-up in business, the unions de- manded a return to the old wages, and used strikes to enforce their demands. The year 1894 saw more union men on strike than even 1886, their numbers amounting, throughout the United States, to nearly 750,000. During those hard years, Michael and Edward Cu- dahy needed all their skill and energy to hold secure their three packing houses. But they had planned so well, and managed so prudently, that their business weathered the storm in good shape. By 1899, they were able to throw up another bastion of defence by building a packing house in Kansas City, Kansas, to draw a supply of livestock not merely from Kansas, Missouri, and Southwestern Iowa, but from the great Southwest. The plant, fully equipped, and built entire- ly under the supervision of the Cudahys, began opera- tions on June 7th, 1900. The location was so well chosen and the house so efficiently managed that, even in spite of the great flood of 1903, during which the THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 149 Kaw River flowed above the third floor of several of the buildings, the Kansas City house stood up under its losses and increased its capacity for both produc- tion and distribution. In November, 1906, Michael and Edward Cudahy bought from their brother, John Cudahy, a packing house in Wichita, Kansas. It had been built in 1888 by the Francis Whittaker & Sons Packing Company, of East St. Louis, Illinois, and sold by that firm in Oc- tober, 1900, to The Louisville Packing Company, of Louisville, Kentucky. John Cudahy bought The Louis- ville Packing Company, with its Wichita dependency, a few months later. Sales and transfers of this sort have been characteristic of the meat-packing industry and bear testimony to its risky character. It is worth noting that four of the five houses of The Cudahy Packing Company had been bought from men who could not make a success of them; and that Michael and Edward Cudahy succeeded in the very circum- stances in which others had failed. The last step in the development of The Cudahy Packing Company under the presidency of Michael Cudahy was begun in 1909, the year before Michael's death. It was the purchase of a tract of land in East Chicago, Indiana, where there were excellent shipping facilities by both rail and water. There the Company later built its own car-shops, capable of turning out five hundred new refrigerator cars a year, and of repairing 150 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY as many more. The car-shops gave it elbow room in its vital commitments with the railroads. There also it built plants to process by-products: a glue factory, a glycerine plant, a wool pullery, and the main plant for making an important product of the Company, Old Dutch Cleanser. But this development was carried out, after the death of Michael Cudahy, by Edward Cudahy. Michael Cudahy had reached his seventieth year be- fore the weight of his incessant toil began noticeably to show its effects upon him. Through the greater part of the year 1910, he was ailing. In October, he went, by his doctor's orders, to Virginia Hot Springs. Six weeks later, he returned to Chicago, worse. In late November, he suffered an attack of appendicitis, was hurried to Mercy Hospital, and operated on by Dr. John B. Murphy. But he was too much weakened to recover; he had come to the end of his long road home. On November 27th, with his wife and children around him, in the faith in which he had loyally lived, in humble hope, and fortified by the last Sacraments, he died as he had lived, nobly. The newspapers of Chicago had to note his death, if only for the brute fact that he died a wealthy man. But there is in their accounts of him a vague effort to assess his achievement in other terms than the purely material. An article in The Record-Herald on Novem- ber 29th, observed that he had "set an example of THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 151 success won without double dealing or unfair advan- tage over any man ..." and that "the success which he had accomplished as an employee he bettered as an employer, and with the acquirement of power and position he never forgot those who worked as he once had — for a wage." The Chicago Evening Post caught at a similar idea in its statement: "His success was a real one — a success in which the desire to do right was always a guiding desire. . ." These are generalities of praise: justice, charity, con- scientiousness. Perhaps in Michael Cudahy's case, they sounded more genuine than such newspaper praise often sounds; but they did not even hint at the sources from which he drew the virtues they fumblingly ad- mired. It might have been too much to expect them to say that Michael Cudahy was a worthy businessman because he was a consistent Catholic. IV With the death of his brother Michael, Edward Cudahy became president of The Cudahy Packing Com- pany. In twenty years, Michael and he had added four plants to the original packing house in South Omaha. In the next twenty-six years, Edward Cudahy was to increase that number by nine more, added in accord- ance with the policy that had guided the Company in its earlier expansion. 152 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Edward Cudahy's first task was to move the head- quarters of the Company from South Omaha to Chi- cago. By very skillful planning, he had the equipment of the main office transferred to Chicago beforehand, leaving a temporary equipment in South Omaha. Nearly three hundred employees and their families were to change their residence on account of the move. The Company made arrangements to help them dis- pose of their old homes and secure new homes in Chi- cago. Special trains were chartered, on which, at the close of the business day of June 2d, 1911, all these people, together with the current records of business, were carried during the night to Chicago. The Chi- cago offices opened the next morning in full working order, only a few hours later than the usual opening time. Two years later, the Company built at Leewood, near Memphis, Tennessee, a plant for refining cotton-seed oil. Cotton-seed oil was being produced as a com- petitor with lard: to protect its southern flank, and to help create purchasing power in a new area that could become a market for its meat products, the Company had to go into the production of cotton-seed oil. It built the plant where the supply of cotton-seed was abundant. The next packing house bought by the Company was in Salt Lake City, Utah, in 191 6. The story is by now a familiar one in this record: The Inter-Mountain THE CUD AH Y PACKING COMPANY 153 Packing and Provision Company had built the plant, a small one, some years earlier, had lost money in operat- ing it, and had closed it; the mortgagers in Salt Lake City wanted to get rid of it; The Cudahy Packing Com- pany bought it, remodelled and enlarged it, and opened it for production in March, 1917. In that year, 1917, Edward Cudahy' s only surviving son, Edward Aloysius Jr., entered the United States Army as a volunteer, when our country became a belligerent in World War Number One. When he resigned his commission in 1919, the Company was ready for its first large move Eastward; it bought the two packing houses of The Nagle Packing Company, one at Detroit, Michigan, the other at Jersey City, New Jersey. The Detroit house made a specialty of mut- ton, lamb, and veal. Six years later, Edward Cudahy Jr., then forty years old, was made president of the Company, and his father became Chairman of the Board of Directors. In that same year, 1925, the Company moved farther north into another area of livestock supply; it built a packing house in St. Paul, Minnesota. By 1930, South- ern California had developed both supply of animals and markets for meat products beyond what the Los Angeles plant could carry; so the Company built a packing house in San Diego. The western fringe of the area cared for by Omaha and Kansas City was 154 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY served by a new packing house in Denver, in 1933. Finally, the South was entered in 1936, with a most modern type of plant at Albany, Georgia; a window- less building of insulux glass masonry, air-conditioned throughout. Add to these major producing plants the many prod- uce houses, where the Company handles eggs, poul- try, butter, and cheese, the seven additional Old Dutch Cleanser factories, here and abroad, as far as Australia and New Zealand, the sales distributing branches in more than eighty cities in the United States, the car and truck routes serving thousands of small towns through- out the country, and the Company's considerable export trade, and we get some rough notion of how extensive and complex an organization the Company has be- come. As a sort of footnote to this brief sketch of the business career of Michael and Edward Cudahy, a few words about the inter-relations of the Cudahy family in business will serve to wind up the present chapter. The one girl of the family, Catherine Cudahy, stood, of course, entirely outside of the business affairs of her brothers. After the death of their mother, in 1871, Catherine made a home for her father and faithfully cared for him until his death, eleven years later. Then THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 155 she became a nun, Sister Stanislaus, in the Convent of the Good Shepherd in Milwaukee, where her holy life on earth was closed in 1892. One brother, William, just senior to Edward, died two years earlier than Catherine, at the age of thirty- seven. He was a man of robust physique, but of a nervous and impatient temperament. With a restless eagerness, he had set out for himself in the meat busi- ness, with little capital, and had not lived to make any great success of his efforts. All five Cudahy brothers were strongly bound to- gether by mutual respect and affection, under the spon- taneous leadership of Michael, who took his place at their head as much by the nobility of his character as by his seniority in age and his exceptional ability. But, as we have seen, in business relations Edward was the closest to Michael. The two remaining brothers, John and Patrick, were to establish The Cudahy Brothers Packing Company, an entirely distinct organization from The Cudahy Packing Company. Both were ex- tremely able and lovable men, but widely differing in type: John, rollicking and venturesome; Patrick, con- servative. John Cudahy, two years younger than Michael, had an irrepressible dash about him, and in business was primarily a speculator, who enjoyed poking fun at the plodding routines of his other brothers. He had begun 156 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY work as a boy, with Michael, in the packing house, first of Roddis, then of John Plankinton. During the five years, 1865 to 1871, he managed and owned a tree- nursery, in which he made money. When he sold that business, he went back into the packing industry, for three years with Layton and Company, and for another two years with Van Kirk and McGeough. When Michael Cudahy left Plankinton and Armour, to go with Armour to Chicago, John Cudahy bought his interest in the older firm, but sold it again in a few months, and went to Chicago, where he became a part- ner of E. D. Chapin in the packing house of Chapin and Company. Two years later, in 1877, the firm be- came Chapin and Cudahy, and in 1880 he bought out Chapin and changed the name to The John Cudahy Packing Company. But John Cudahy was always a trader rather than a packer. He made and lost fortunes. In 1888, he was able to furnish his brother Patrick with $400,000 toward buying out the old Plankinton Company in Mil- waukee. By 1892, he had made around $4,000,000, chiefly in market deals. A year later, he was broke: he had gone into a "corner" on lard with a man named Fairbanks, was badly caught, lost all his ready assets, and was $750,000 in debt. He refused to plead bank- ruptcy as a legal escape from his obligations. His three brothers endorsed his notes for what he owed, THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 157 plus six percent interest. Within a year, by more suc- cessful trading, he was able to pay off every dollar of his indebtedness: and through it all, he never lost his rollicking good humor. When Michael and Edward Cudahy bought from John his Louisville Packing Company and its Wichita house, in 1906, it was really to protect themselves by getting John out of the packing business. They both loved him and delighted in him; but he kept them in a fairly constant state of alarm. Yet with all his ups and downs in business, when he died, April 23d, 1915, he was worth about a million and a half. Patrick Cudahy, the third son of the family, seven years younger than Michael, and eleven years older than Edward, followed the example of his two older brothers, at first, by getting work in a packing house. Then for three or four years he worked as a stone- cutter, in Lemont, Illinois, and other places. In 1873, back in Milwaukee, he became superintendent of a small packing house run by Lyman and Wooley. When Michael Cudahy left Plankinton and Armour in 1874, Patrick took his place as superintendent. He was given a sixteenth interest in the firm in 1880, and became the junior partner in 1883. Two years later, Plankinton and Armour dissolved their partnership, and in the reorganized John Plankin- ton and Company Patrick Cudahy held a quarter share. 158 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY In 1887, Plankinton's son William, much against his father's judgment, determined to take over the manage- ment of Plankinton and Company. That forced Pat- rick Cudahy to sell his one-fourth interest in the Com- pany. Then an odd thing happened, which Patrick Cudahy has recounted in his autobiography, 1 and which excellently illustrates the kindly relations between him and his brother Michael, and his deference toward Michael. John Plankinton, although no longer Armour's part- ner, kept in close touch with him, and knew that Armour and Company were going to buy the Lipton house in South Omaha. As a balance to his reluctant ousting of Patrick Cudahy from his own Company, Plankinton suggested him to Armour as a partner and manager in the new South Omaha house. Armour, who could be very high-handed in such matters, ac- cepted the suggestion, and telegraphed Patrick Cudahy to go out to Omaha and talk over the matter with Michael. But Michael, gravely kind as always, made it clear that Edward was to be the managing partner; and Michael's word, for all his affection and courtesy, was law. Patrick had saved out of his earnings $200,000, and would have been delighted to invest it in the new 1 Patrick Cudahy, His Life. Burdick & Allen, Milwaukee, 1912; pp. 107-109. THE CUDAHY PACKING COMPANY 159 concern with Michael. He thought he had concealed his disappointment; but Michael, shrewdly aware of it, felt that he should try to make up for it. Michael had already fixed his eye on Sioux City as a likely place for a competent packer; and he quietly had a representative of a land company in Sioux City sound out Patrick about his making a venture there. The land company offered Patrick fifteen acres of land, buildings for the packing plant, and a bonus of $100,000, if he would contract to run the packing house for five years. Patrick actually signed a contract with the land company. But he soon found out that the company was violating some most important terms of the contract, and hence he refused to go on with it. It was in Michael's office in Chicago that the contract was definitely cancelled. Whilst these negotiations were going on, John Plankinton was getting thoroughly alarmed at his son's management of the business in Milwaukee. He proposed that Patrick Cudahy buy out the company; but Patrick had not enough money to do that by him- self. Then John Cudahy added $400,000 to Patrick's $200,000, and in 1888 they carried the deal through. There were, however, some strings on the purchase: unsatisfactory terms in operation for five years. As the five-year period was nearing its end, Patrick and John Cudahy determined to sell the plant back to Wil- liam Plankinton (his father had died in 1891), and 160 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY build a plant of their own on land which they had bought, two miles south of Milwaukee. There they began in 1893, and later largely developed, The Cu- dahy Brothers Packing Company, which became the nucleus of the town named, in Patrick's honor, Cudahy. Patrick Cudahy died in Milwaukee, July 25th, 1919- PATRICK 1849-1919 WILLIAM 1853-1890 CHAPTER VII PRINCIPLES AT WORK I The record of Edward Cudahy's business career summarily set down in several chapters of this book is a record largely of external fact. But we real- ly do not know much about any man when we know only the external facts of his career. It is true that we are ordinarily forced to go on the assumption that a man's conduct pretty well reveals the man himself: and that is a good assumption, if we include in his conduct its inner sources as well as its visible deeds. One reason for that qualification is that the external facts are not wholly his. Some elements of his con- duct spring from the pressure of circumstances, and may represent no more than compromises between his own purposes and the compulsions exerted upon him by the actions of other men, individually and in groups. We must, therefore, as best we can, venture upon the delicate task of going back of the external facts of Edward Cudahy's career to the principles upon which he based his conduct. In that attempt, we must recognize at the outset that any such investigation will necessarily fail to be entirely adequate in its results. Only the Judge of the living and the dead can know 162 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY the full interweaving of any man's mind and will and circumstance and action. The first difficulty in searching for principles of conduct comes from the fact that the truths that men live by are many, and of many orders. They have to be many truths, because our limited minds can take hold upon truth only piecemeal, broken up to fit our tiny grasp. They have to be of many orders, because our lives involve many relations with others. This very multiplicity gives us a fine chance to be bewildered in our efforts both to understand the truths and to see their application to the daily uses of life. That is bad enough. Add to that handicap this other: that we poor human beings scarcely ever ap- proach the truths we live by clearly and cleanly even within the limits of our intelligence. As our daily lives prove, we come upon these truths in a murk and fog of emotions, fears, hopes, resentments, appetites. "We see now as in a glass darkly." We are a people of confusion. The result is, to use that excellent figure of speech, the Irish bull, that many of the truths we live by are not truths at all, but fallacies that we make up for ourselves or hastily borrow from others. It is a rash man, therefore, who persuades himself that he is quite certain about all the springs and sources of his own conduct, and a terribly rash man who claims the same certainty for any other man's con- duct. The last great prayer of the dying Christ for PRINCIPLES AT WORK 163 men, "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do", was uttered for His executioners; but all we who blunder along the confused ways of life may hope that He included us also in that prayer. Were all the sources of Edward Cudahy's actions throughout his career high and noble and unselfish? Was there no personal ambition driving him to his endless labor? Did resentment toward an unfair com- petitor never enter into his calculated defences against the man and make them at least partially retaliatory? Had he no impatience with the clumsy greed and in- competence and unreliability that he certainly met with in many men who worked with him ? Questions of that sort answer themselves. To claim that all his con- duct was flawless in its sources would be a silly piece of priggishness. Any such claim would also shock and outrage Edward Cudahy's own intelligence and honesty, would leave him between laughter and anger. Was Edward Cudahy, again, a doctrinaire sort of man who devoted much time and energy to careful formulation of his principles of conduct, who mapped and charted his daily actions in a measured agreement with either abstract rules of ethics, economics, religious duty, or with planned schemes of self-aggrandizement ? There have been many such men, although they are always a small minority of mankind, who moved through life with infinite caution and calculation. Some of them have been noble men, even saints, and 164 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY some have been clever politicians, and some have been canny rascals. In technique, Talleyrand and Calvin Coolidge and Saint John Berchmans might seem to have much in common. But neither by temperament nor by cultivated habit did Edward Cudahy belong to that class of men. His reflections and plannings were quick and intuitive, rather than labored and analytically reasoned out. He sized up business situations with some of the same in- explicable sureness and swiftness with which a brilliant physician diagnoses a patient. There is immense in- telligence and a wealth of accumulated knowledge back of the firm quick decision in both cases; but the stored knowledge is fused with the immediate percep- tions in a mental action so agile and speedy that it astounds the casual onlooker: to him the process may even look like a lucky guess. The analogy between business diagnosis and medical diagnosis may be pressed pretty closely on the intellectual side ; but there is likely to be a larger moral content in the business decision. For one thing, greed stands forever at the elbow of the man whose blunt test of success must be to make money: and that is the first (unfortunately, also sometimes the last) test of success in business. What could protect a vivid, energetic, quick-thinking businessman like Edward Cudahy against low business practices in a world where selfish practices abounded ? PRINCIPLES AT WORK 165 The answer can be given with assurance: only the habits of thought and conduct that he had built up through his previous education, only the large, basic principles of conduct that had become a part of him, his unwavering convictions. It may help us in our study of Edward Cudahy, if we consider that this equipment reduces, in a practical way, to two educa- tional achievements: an informed conscience, and a habit of being ruled by conscience. II Conscience and conscientiousness can be very vague notions. Men have always paid some tribute of rever- ence to both; but not always the tribute of trying to understand them. Nor is this the place to go into much discussion of their meaning. One point only must be stressed here: that conscience, the practical judgment of the intellect upon right and wrong in conduct, can never stand firmly on social conventions alone, or on humanitarianism or folk-lore aphorisms, no matter how high-sounding; its foundation is the ul- timate norm of goodness, God Himself. There is a pagan conscience, based on the natural law, noble, as that of Plato or Aristotle or Marcus Aurelius, coldly correct in its appreciation of rights and duties; and that too holds God as its ultimate norm. But it lacks the warmth, the fulness of charity, of a 166 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY conscience established on the teachings of Jesus Christ. In like manner, the pagan conscientiousness keeps to lower, harsher levels than the Christian conduct which tempers justice with mercy, and enriches duty with generosity. Now the educated conscience of Edward Cudahy was Christian and Catholic. The virtues it had prompted in him were more than the cold correctness of abstract reasoning, a rigorous and severely limited conformity with justice. His morality was more than ethical; at root it was a religious morality, its precepts expressed not only in the Ten Commandments, but in the im- plications of the "Our Father", and in the Christian law of charity. Back of his concepts of right and wrong were the supernatural habits of faith and hope and love, infused in Baptism, and his life-long aware- ness of the ideals and the example of Jesus Christ. His recognition of his neighbors' claims upon him linked with his worship of God. Unfortunately, we do not often think of the love of God as having much scope for expression in the mun- dane affairs of a business career. We study the mani- festations of our poor human devotion to our Creator and Lord most readily in the rarer atmosphere of the church and the cloister. Our edifying biographies have about them the air of the sacristy. Perhaps in all that we have made too sharp a dissociation between the service of God and the dull round of daily human PRINCIPLES AT WORK 167 tasks; and if we have, we are greatly the losers for doing so. The profoundest truths that men have to live by touch upon our relations with God; even the love of our neighbor has validity only as bound up with our love of God. But it is easy for us to be confusedly led into thinking of the love of God only in its formal expressions. It is so obvious that we can and should show our love of God by direct worship of Him, by prayer and meditation and the use of the Sacraments, by writing and speaking of God, that sometimes, for practical purposes, we seem to think that these are al- most the only forms that love of God can take. It is that fact which gives ground to the complaint that many Catholics keep their religious practices and their business practices in separate compartments, and that the other six days of the week belie their Sunday professions. But it is also a great source of the note of sanctity in the Catholic Church that many more mil- lions of Catholics express their beliefs and their wor- ship more fully in their daily lives than in their formal thinking or speaking or praying The old saying, labor are est or are, "work is prayer", can, no doubt, have sometimes been the rationalization of some monk's or nun's dislike for prayer and prefer- ence for external occupations ; but it can also be the key to many a life of hidden, humble, and whole-hearted service of God in the midst of very hum-drum human 168 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY toil. We may well, on the other hand, be afraid of prayer that does not flower into action, of a worship of God that does not inform the worshipper's conscience. Formal prayer and worship had their regular place in the daily routines of Edward Cudahy. Daily prayer, in secret, was the habit he had built up from his baby- hood, at his mother's knee; and he never faltered in it. With simplicity and humble faith, he followed the ritual of the Mass on Sundays and holy days, reading the prayers in an English missal, and mentally joining in the mystical renewal of the sacrifice of Calvary. He frequented the Sacraments of Penance and the Holy Eucharist, faithfully, regularly, devoutly. He heard and read instructions in the teachings of Jesus Christ. It was from these sources that he drew his principles and directives of conduct. They were part of his habitual view of all things. Not by an effort of re- flection, but with the spontaneity of habit, his judg- ments and decisions and actions in the details of his daily life were colored by the rich background of Ca- tholic truth. That was the way he had been brought up, that was the core of his education. The long years only deep- ened and intensified principles that had begun to be operative in his life from its earliest consciousness. He had developed a sort of instinctive recognition of in- justice and unkindness and falsehood, and an instinc- tive shrinking from them. PRINCIPLES AT WORK 169 It is quite likely that Edward Cudahy rarely formu- lated these principles of conduct, even to himself. It is the bookish sort of man, or the professionally relig- ious, who does much of that. But Catholic principles cropped up in Edward Cudahy' s conversation, on all sorts of topics, with a naturalness, almost an obvious- ness, that showed how thoroughly they had entered in- to his whole way of thinking. They were the under- lying tests of value in his talk of business relations, social conditions, political affairs, as well as in his es- timates of personal conduct. One cannot really sepa- rate them, for instance, from his economic views, his attitude toward the relations of employer and employee or toward business competitors. Not that he labelled his principles as Catholic, or aggressively offered them as such. He was, of course, a very open and frank Catholic, entirely fearless in his profession of belief even in the years of the silly Ameri- can Protective Association, when bigotry had power enough in Omaha to boycott his business. But it is conceivable that many men who met him in the way of business, and who recognized and respected his integ- rity, never even suspected the Catholic source of what they admired in him. His Catholic inheritance was as unobtrusive as it was all-pervading. Edward Cudahy' s actions followed his thinking. That is a daring thing to say of any man. Impulse and whim and the thrust of appetite and emotion shape 170 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY an enormous amount of the conduct of most of us. Nor were these forces lacking in their influence upon Edward Cudahy's conduct. But what distinguished him strongly amongst men was just that in him these forces were so greatly restrained and controlled by his intelligence. Within the limits of human frailty, his private and public conduct demonstrated the working out in action of his Catholic beliefs and convictions. We can study that working out, at least in illustrations. Ill In a business career such as Edward Cudahy's, the largest single field of operation for his principles of conduct is in the relation between employer and em- ployee. It is a relation never entirely simple or easy to assess; but in the modern industrial system of large- scale employment, the relation has become extremely complex and difficult. As soon as men had in large number abandoned or lost a widely distributed own- ership of the means of production, and had entered upon the mass-production which necessitated "big business", they made the relation between employer and employee both appallingly extensive and as in- tricate as it is extensive. When one man employs one other man or a few other men, on a farm, or in a small manufacturing or commercial business, employer and employee are close PRINCIPLES AT WORK 171 to one another, have a fair chance to know and evalu- ate one another. They still have the hard stuff of human nature to contend with: laziness, and suspicion, and greed, and envy, and general incompetence. But the human deficiencies of employer and employee can at least be dealt with immediately and directly. But when one man employs scores or hundreds or thousands of other men, he does not know them all, nor do they know him. He must set up an apparatus of authority less human than the small employer's, more machine-like in its functioning. Petty frictions are repressed by a business "system", not eased up by mutual give-and-take. Misunderstandings enlarge mi- nor grievances into major causes of hostility; compara- tively trifling complaints grow into casus belli. No wonder that the chief of our industrial problems is the labor problem. We made it that in the years when we separated labor from the ownership of materials in our modern economic structure. For fifteen years Edward Cudahy was an employee, and for over fifty years was an employer. When his employment was plain manual labor, it was a simple application of the principle of honesty which made him do a good day's work for his day's wage. When his employment put him as an intermediary between his employer and other employees, simple honesty be- gan to be on occasion anything but simple. As an as- sistant superintendent under his brother Michael, he 172 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY had to carry out policies set up remotely from the large number of workingmen to whom the policies ap- plied, policies devised with an eye to a complex, com- petitive business which the general run of workingmen could not envisage, much less understand. To be a mechanical purveyor of company orders to the men under him might, indeed, be a simple way of applying the principle of honesty, of loyalty to his salt; but it might be devastatingly inhuman, and might actually make him an instrument of injustice to the men. An instance has already been touched upon, in the strike at Armour's in 1881, in which Edward Cudahy thought that the men were right and the Com- pany wrong, and decided that he had to stand by the men at the risk of losing his own position. One won- ders: did Armour recognize that action as honest? Perhaps he did, since the strike was settled in the other divisions of the plant by negotiation, and the cut in the men's wages was rescinded. But it is easy to see how Armour might have considered Edward Cudahy's ac- tion a disloyalty, a grandstand play for the sympathy of the men at the expense of the Company. When Edward Cudahy became, in his turn, an em- ployer of other men, there is no question but that he had to look at the relation of employer and employee from another angle. Did that mean an abandonment of principles that he had put to work when he was an PRINCIPLES AT WORK 173 employee himself? The hard-drinking superintendent whom he discharged at South Omaha probably was quite convinced that his new employer was a heartless tyrant. It is not difficult to imagine him glowingly eloquent against Edward Cudahy as one who ground the faces of the poor. But the truth of the matter is not so simple as any clear black-and-white arrangement of saint and sinner on either side of the employer- employee relation. A good deal of writing in the dubious science of sociology is mischievous because of its doctrinaire simplification of labor problems, and its tendency to set up a sentimental dichotomy of noble- hearted toilers and rapacious employers. In theory, the interests of employer and employee spontaneously work together; in practice, human na- ture being what it is, they do nothing of the sort. It takes a lot of tough effort to make them work together. On the brute material basis, it is true, employer and employee can be considered as component parts of a production machine, each needing the other, the efficiency of one adding to the efficiency of the other. But to look upon them in that way is to ignore the fact that they are human beings, more likely to be moved by a jumble of emotions and passions than by logical reasoning on cold economic laws. It is the most natural thing in the world for the employee to estimate his worth to the employer very 174 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY highly, to suspect that the employer does not esteem him at his full value or pay him as much as he deserves or accord him proper consideration in speech and man- ner. His very position as an employee, dependent up- on another man for even the opportunity to work for a living, is humanly galling, is a standing grievance that demands an immense amount of patience even to endure it. Our human instinct for freedom and inde- pendence is what really clashes, first of all, in the rela- tion between employer and employee. The basic com- plaint of the employee is simply that he is an employee. In so far as that natural resentment of the working- man against his dependent position issues in personal animosity toward his employer, it is an injustice to the employer which may easily evoke a counter-resentment. Outside, therefore, of the complicated question of a fair wage, there exists a danger of emotional tension between employer and employee which beclouds and confuses their negotiations over the more material questions of wages and conditions of employment. It is not too much to say that slackness, dawdling, even sabotage, in industrial plants have their origin deeper down in human nature than any conflicting de- sires of employer and employee for a larger share in the profits of the plants. Both in speech and in action, Edward Cudahy showed that he was aware of this human element in PRINCIPLES AT WORK 175 the relations between himself and the men who worked for him. He met it with something beyond justice, with understanding and Christian charity. That did not mean primarily gifts of money to his workmen above and beyond their wages, although he was most ready with such gifts when they were needed because of illness or misfortune amongst the men. As a matter of fact, many employees resent gifts from an employer, as a further mark of their dependency; and an em- ployer needs to be sure of a man's good will before he can risk a gift. The charity Edward Cudahy offered his men was a kindliness of view, an appreciation of their feelings as dependents upon an employer, and a tolerance for the sluggish resentment that their position bred. It meant in him that very Christian thing, a sense of humor, which creates patience even beneath the surface im- patiences, because it is built upon a humble and prac- tical recognition of the source of the other fellow's grievances, original sin, in one's self as well as in the other fellow. It is to this constant attitude of both Michael and Edward Cudahy that we must look for the explanation of a most important fact: that no strike of their work- men ever originated in a Cudahy packing plant. Three times, in 1894, 1905, and 1921, The Cudahy Packing Company was involved in strikes; but in each instance 176 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY the strike was called in other packing plants and reached The Cudahy Packing Company only as a tac- tical extension. In 1905, for instance, when every packing house in Omaha was tied up by a strike of the men for higher wages, The Cudahy Packing Company was actually paying a higher wage than the strikers de- manded; but the Cudahy workmen had to join in the strike as a "sympathetic" support of the men in other plants. In 1938, the Cudahy packing house in Los Angeles was for a time boycotted because of a juris- dictional row with a union, in which the Cudahys were forbidden to take any action by the terms of the Wag- ner Act. A veteran employee of The Cudahy Packing Com- pany, John M. O'Rourke, recalls a significant incident that occurred when he was working for a rival packing company in South Omaha, before he joined up with the Cudahy company. This rival packing company had its plant at no great distance down the hill from the Cudahy plant. One day, Jerry Smithwick, O'Rourke's immediate superior as office manager, and later one of the company's higher executives, pointed out of the window of the office, and said: "Do you see that path- way up the hill? That's been worn there by men leaving here to go to work for Cudahy's." At that time, it must be noted, both plants paid about the same scale of wages; but one had more humane working conditions than the other. PRINCIPLES AT WORK 177 IV Yet there remains the vexed question of wages, the one solid and substantial compensation of the work- man for his dependence upon an employer. In what way did Edward Cudahy face that question? What principles stood back of his approach to the problem of what wages to pay his employees? Any one who thinks that the question of a proper wage is an easy one to answer condemns himself out of hand as in- competent even to discuss the question. Economists, labor leaders, sociologists, politicians (and even states- men), philosophers, statisticians, and various kinds of clergymen including popes, to say nothing of employ- ers and employees themselves, have talked, written, agitated, and negotiated about the wage problem at least ever since the industrial revolution took place; and it still remains a problem with no general solution. The fact is that every wage agreement ever drawn up, from the simplest man-to-man contract between a single employee and his employer up to the elaborate union-enforced or state-enforced contract between large groups of employees and employers, has been a com- promise between what the employees thought they were entitled to and what the employers thought they should get. Even when both employer and employee agree upon such general theories as that of the "liv- ing wage", or the theory of direct profit-sharing, they 178 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY hold divergent views as to what actually is a "living wage" or what share of the profits of an enterprise is equitably due to the men who furnish not merely the capital invested in the enterprise, but its skilled organ- ization and its executive direction, and who assume the burden of responsibility for the success or failure of the enterprise, and what share should go to the men who carry out the details of operation made possible by invested capital and executive planning and manage- ment. There are millions of employees who sincerely be- lieve that a 'living wage" should include the means to purchase any comfort or luxury that their employers may have. That is very rarely a rational belief. It is most often just wishful thinking, even when it is not plain envy. It is not usually accompanied by either the desire or the capacity to enquire whether or not the business enterprise can possibly produce profits enough to cover all that these employees would include in a "living wage." Many discontented employees would be bored by facts and figures in the case; they stick to one fact only, that they want higher wages. As to profit-sharing, every wage, even the most in- adequate and unjust, is a share in the profits of the business. The eternally debatable question is the rela- tive size of the various shares of profit that go to labor and to capital and management. There has never been, and never will be, complete agreement about an PRINCIPLES AT WORK 179 answer to that question. It is what the mathematicians call an indeterminate equation; and its material diffi- culties are further cluttered up by the spiritual fact of envy. Edward Cudahy intelligently recognized the essen- tial character of compromise in wage agreements. His actual practice in making the compromise had to be guided very largely by conditions which he could by no means completely control. Some of these conditions were external to his own packing houses, and some existed within his plants. For instance, the standard wages paid by competing companies set up a condition which he could ignore for any length of time only at the cost of destroying his own business, and with it the employment of his men. It was not a matter of agreement amongst the packing companies, or of anything like a conspiracy to keep down wages; it was simply the natural result of com- petition in the sale of products. Obviously, if any packing company, by increasing wages above the com- mon level, added to its cost of production, it could not meet the selling price of its competitors. You may call that a bad effect of competition; but it is an effect bound up with the nature of competition. Another external condition was the fluctuation in the cost of living of his employees, in different localities, and at different times. Even the most cocksure 180 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY economists cannot adequately explain the complex pro- cess by which standards of living and costs of living rise and fall. The businessman does not attempt any explanation. He only notes the facts and tries to face them. A wage of $1.50 a day in 1880 had a purchas- ing power, in terms of standard of living and cost of living, that is not matched by $5.00 a day in 1940. The businessman must somehow gear his wage to the changing condition. Besides these external conditions, the wage com- promise was controlled by conditions within Edward Cudahy's own packing houses. Such, for example, were the different levels of skill and competence amongst his employees. Some men actually earned more than others, measured by production, or carried larger responsibilities than others, and therefore were entitled to higher wages. But this necessary discrim- ination in wages stirs up envy and jealousy, and no matter how fairly it is carried out, it becomes a source of grievance to many employees. Finally, the wage compromise was affected by an- other internal condition, the fluctuating earnings of the Company. Since The Cudahy Packing Company could not pass on to its employees the losses it might sustain in a bad year, the wage compromise had to be based upon the average earnings of the Company over a period of years. It was the task, not of the workingmen, PRINCIPLES AT WORK 181 but of the management to see to it that the Company earned enough to keep up its scale of wages. What was personal to Edward Cudahy in his wage decisions was, again, his kindly understanding of the human desires of his employees, his decent sympathy with their desire, even when his intelligence saw clear- ly that those desires were not practically realizable. More than once he said: "Why shouldn't every man who works for me want to have an automobile, just because he knows that I have one? That's human nature." And he rejoiced that, in spite of bad disloca- tions of employment, there was a general increase in the purchasing power of employees which enabled them to have better housing, better food, more com- forts and luxuries than he had had as a young man, or than his parents had had. Nor did his good-will stop at sympathy alone. When, on the heels of a government scheme of destroying livestock, an ironic drought killed off much of what the government scheme had left, and brought the meat industry into a phase of the economic depression that nearly wrecked the industry, he kept up his payrolls, in number of employees and in wage-scales, to the limit of losses that The Cudahy Packing Company could endure. In 1937 and 1938, the Company had losses of nearly five million dollars. Only then did he reluctantly sanction a retrenchment in employment that became a necessity to save the Company from collapse 182 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY and to maintain work for even the lessened number of employees. The generous principles that operated then on a large scale worked out also in thousands of individual relations with his employees. Edward Cudahy was no self-deceiving sentimentalist. He knew men, others as well as himself. He knew that the financial difficul- ties of some of his employees did not result from in- adequate wages, but came from bad management or drunkenness or other faults of their own. His charity was clear-eyed, free from illusion, kindly in spite of the stupidities he observed. He helped where there was need, no matter from what blunderings the need arose. He kept men on at work who were hard to keep because of their incompetence. He rehired men who had left him in a lurch. He forgave much, in part because he was wise enough not to expect too much from other men, in part because he held to the Catholic conviction that we who ask pardon of God must par- don our fellow-men. His stories about the vagaries of some of his work- men were genial, told with humor and a good-natured amusement. A colored man named Sam, who had been working only a month in the South Omaha plant, failed to show up for work after his first pay-day. In those days telephones were comparative rarities outside of business houses. Hence Edward Cudahy was a little PRINCIPLES AT WORK 183 astonished when Sam, a few days after pay-day, called him on the telephone. "Mr. Cudahy, kin I come back to work?" "What happened to you, Sam?" "Well, suh, I got drunk." "Where are you calling from now?" "I'm calling from my own house. Before I started out to git drunk, I paid the telephone company to put a telephone right in my own house. I kin call up any- body now, just like white folks." "All right, Sam, come on back to work in the morn- ing." "There is no sense," Edward Cudahy added, "in lec- turing the Sams of the world. Maybe his telephone was a richer investment to Sam than food or clothes or a better house." Edward Cudahy's generous treatment of employees was sometimes abused; but he did not let the fact em- bitter him or dull the edge of his tolerance and kind- liness toward the men. There was the steadiness of principle about his attitude toward his employees. The result was, not perfect contentment throughout the Cudahy plants, a contentment to be found only in cows and Utopias, but a wholesome atmosphere of mutual patience and good humor, which is about as much as one can expect from men under the burdens of toil and cravings and heartache that make up a good part of our human lot. 184 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY It is most unlikely that Edward Cudahy spent much time in theorizing about the problem of wages or other problems in the complex employer-employee relation. He modestly left the theories to the social philosophers and economists who consider themselves competent to deal with such things. Businessmen as a rule are not theorists. Their task is to face actual situations, chang- ing facts, as they find them, and try to manage with them as best they can. In fact, Edward Cudahy had some of the business- man's vague distrust of theories. It seemed to him, in the first place, that economic theorists tried to plan too far ahead, with the result that about the time that they had their theories nicely worked out, the whole situation had changed so much that their theories failed to make sense, or at least to square with the facts. Again, it seemed to him that the theorists thought too much in terms of the material elements of industry and commerce and agriculture, and that their theories took bad falls in every contact with the violent shifts and changes of the human elements in business, the restless hungers and ambitions and aspira- tions of men. Human dissatisfactions, the unrecognized strivings for our lost paradise, smash up economic theories. What he held to were not theories, but principles, PRINCIPLES AT WORK 185 which are very different things. His principles differed from theories in this, that they were generalizations drawn from practical experience, a compound of fixed truth with widely varying applications of the truth. The applications varied because the circumstances in which he worked, the combination of human factors and ma- terial factors, kept changing. Some theorists might call him, and every businessman like him, only an oppor- tunist. But the theorists would be wrong: he was a realist. He was a realist in adapting his views and conduct to a fluid world, a world that men were forever chang- ing one way or another, for better or for worse. Jus- tice, honesty, truthfulness, charity are unchanging as abstract entities; but they may take a startling variety of forms in the practical results they lead to. Thus, Edward Cudahy, applying his principle of equity to such factually diverse situations as the meat industry fifty years ago and the meat industry today, could consistently arrive at two quite different conclu- sions. Fifty years ago, the packing industry, in spite of the use of refrigeration, begun by Michael Cudahy and others, was still a seasonal industry; it was an un- certain industry, because of the rapidly shifting rela- tions between centers of animal supply and centers of population; it had not yet settled down to stability in its methods and markets. Hence, capital and manage- ment in the packing industry could, in strict justice, 186 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY demand a larger share of the profits of the industry as a sheer necessity for survival and secure establishment. In the course of time, the skill of management in the industry has levelled off the seasonal humps. In the packing houses themselves, that result was achieved rather early, through control of temperature and through improved processes. But it took longer to educate the livestock farmers out of their old habit of breeding animals for a fixed marketing period in the year. It is only in the last eighteen or twenty years, that the farmer has caught up with the advance of the packing industry, through his slow discovery, for instance, that March hogs sell at as good a price as De- cember hogs. Now there is only about ten percent difference in livestock production the year round. When these and other developments brought about a greater stability and security in what is always a somewhat chancy industry, Edward Cudahy could rightly announce to his board of directors: "The day of big dividends has gone, because the inherent need for big dividends has gone. The workmen now should get a larger share of the profits, even though it is the managers, not the workmen, who have solved the problems of the packing industry." That is not theory; that is unchanging principle applied to changing situa- tions. But a most significant fact in the career of Edward Cudahy is this: that he did not delay the application PRINCIPLES AT WORK 187 of generous principles until the skill of management had considerably lessened the risks of his business en- terprise. From the early days of The Cudahy Packing Company, he saw to it that every additional profit of the Company was shared with his employees. He could not do that sharing by means of a flat increase in the wages of every employee. He knew that the good years might be followed by bad years, that he could not be certain of affording the increased wages in every year, and that no wage increase could be diminished again, even in bad years for his company, without the men's considering the lessened wage an injustice to them. A great many employees do not take into ac- count any problems of their employers; they are some- times ready to suspect that the problems are invented just as a ground for defrauding them ; their major con- cern is to get the highest wages they can. The only practical way of sharing the added profits of good years was by giving bonuses. William H. English, who worked with Edward Cudahy for forty-eight years, recalls that in the early years of the Company, the men called these bonuses ''tips." They watched eagerly, after the Company's books were balanced at the close of the fiscal year, No- vember 1st, to see what the "tips" would be. Their interest in whether or not the Company had a particu- larly successful year naturally was measured by the material return to themselves. Sometimes, Mr. English 188 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY said, he was annoyed by the way in which the men took the bonuses for granted, with never a thought of the managing skill that made them possible. But Ed- ward Cudahy was not annoyed: he understood. He was not granting bonuses to win appreciation for his business ability, or gratitude from his employees. He was doing it to fulfill what he considered a duty of mingled justice and charity; and he was realist enough not to expect much human applause for doing his duty. Another illustration of Edward Cudahy's principles in business may fit in here. When The Cudahy Pack- ing Company was still a young organization, the rule was established that promotion to higher positions in the packing plants or in the office of the Company would always be made from the ranks of the Com- pany's own employees. No outsider would ever be advanced over the heads of old employees. That was at times a hard rule to keep, when, as happened more than once, high officials of rival companies, men of known ability, wanted to transfer to the Cudahy Com- pany. It was sometimes with humorous groaning that Edward Cudahy kept in their positions in the Com- pany men whom he would gladly have replaced by such applicants from outside. But the rule was based on the principle of loyalty to his employees; and in the long run the Company also derived benefit from the sound morale it helped to establish. PRINCIPLES AT WORK 189 VI In trying to observe Edward Cudahy's principles at work in his conduct of business affairs, we have to keep in mind something more than the variety of ex- ternal circumstances in which the principles were ap- plied: we have to consider the temperament and style of the man who applied them. Here generalities are dangerous. A summary statement of personal traits rarely means much. But to note certain broad differ- ences of temperament may serve as an approach to some specific illustrations of the way in which Edward Cudahy dealt with his employees as man to man. For instance, we must not forget the obvious fact that a slow, placid, phlegmatic man, and a quick, irascible man, may each accept and use the "golden rule" taught by Jesus Christ; but that their very differ- ences of temperament will make "doing to others as you would have others do to you" appear like two quite contrasting performances. In the same way, the principle of tolerance or patience in each of these men will work out with a great deal of superficial difference, yet can be as readily recognized in the naturally sharp- tempered man as in the phlegmatic man. Edward Cudahy's patience with others was a hard- won patience; but it was profound, abiding, steadily in use. It was contrary to his whole make-up to make a parade of patience, as it was to curry favor with his 190 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY employees, to assume the calculated airs of the jolly- good-fellow; yet he was able to hold the confidence, even the affectionate regard, of every decent man who worked for him. There was a ringing genuineness about him. His fundamental tolerance, kindness, and great modesty of mind needed no trappings of display. They shone through even a certain brusqueness of man- ner. The men who worked with him were as assured of those qualities in him as they were of his entire mastery of the business details about which they had to meet him. Again, to say, in the common cliche, that Edward Cudahy treated his employees as fellow human beings is very vague; and it might even imply some touch of the sentimental humanitarianism which has so largely come to take the place of Christian charity. He had none of that patronizing sort of sentiment. Instead, every man who worked for him was made to feel that he stood on his own, that he was respected as an in- dividual, and that part of the respect shown him was the assumption that he could act with intelligence and integrity. Possibly nothing else can help more to take the curse off the dependency of the employee than honestly dealing with him as a responsible person. One description of that attitude of Edward Cudahy was the statement of William English: "He was the best listener I ever knew. He never interrupted you. He never suggested that he already knew what you PRINCIPLES AT WORK 191 had to say. He took in everything carefully, weighed it with his quick mind, and stored it away." Good listeners are everywhere scarce in this self- opinionated world; perhaps they are particularly scarce amongst employers. The men who worked under Ed- ward Cudahy knew that their statements of fact and opinion got a hearing with him on the unspoken as- sumption that they were worth listening to. That very fact was a prop to the men's self-respect, as well as a challenge to make their reports deserving of re- spect. One might be tempted to think of that deferential attitude toward his employees as the mark of an un- certain or diffident or insecure man. But Edward Cudahy was nothing like that. As Mr. English put it, in connection with his admiration for his employer's modest deference: "You couldn't fool him. He knew every detail of the meat business so well that no slip- shod talk got by him. He not merely wanted honesty from his men; he knew when he was getting it." In the very difficult year of 1894, he one day asked Clark Johnson, then a young man of twenty-one, "What do you think of Blum?" Blum, a Jew, was sales manager of the pork division. Johnson vaguely answered in some general words of praise for Blum. Edward Cudahy said: "I think he tells me only the good news, not the bad." As he went through one or other of the Company's 192 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY plants, he talked with the managers and foremen. Un- certainty on their part, gaps or inaccuracies in their knowledge of what was going on in their departments, he spotted instantly and pointed out bluntly. He be- lieved that condoning of sloppy or incompetent work was no part of charity ; that it was, instead, a real injury to the men inclined to such slackness. Any attempt to get away with sham or blurring was met by a humor- ous contempt that could be sharp enough. Frank Kennedy, in his day known as "Spike" Ken- nedy, used to tell, with chuckling appreciation, of an incident that occurred when he was assistant superin- tendent at South Omaha. Edward Cudahy found him vague and uncertain in one of his oral reports on some of the plant's operations, and said: "You don't seem to have the facts about the situ- ation." Kennedy, trying to draw a protective veil of dignity over his evident shortcomings, replied: "Very well, Mr. Cudahy, I shall try to ascertain them." Edward Cudahy looked up sharply at the slightly pompous phrase, and said: "Ascertain, hell! You just go and find out." But it is significant that the one who related the in- cident, and made it widely known, was Frank Kennedy, not Edward Cudahy. The older men in the Cudahy Company, who had PRINCIPLES AT WORK 193 worked under both Michael and Edward Cudahy, noted that Michael Cudahy was more suave and diplomatic than Edward; yet they seemed to prefer Edward's brevity and bluntness to Michael's more gracious man- ner. Maybe meat packers are suspicious of delicacy, and more at home with curt directness; maybe most men are. Edward Cudahy was noted amongst the men for never wasting words. His mind moved quickly; and he postulated some like quickness of mind in others by limiting his directions to the bare essentials. His employees knew that he took for granted that they would be mentally alert, and not, to use his phrase, "lazy in the head." Clark Johnson, at the time assistant manager of the pork department, in the headquarters' office in Chicago, was sent some sample of "picnic hams" from the Bos- ton branch of the Company, with the complaint that they were badly trimmed. Edward Cudahy, passing hurriedly through Johnson's office, saw the hams on top of some filing cabinets. "What are those?" he asked, scarcely pausing in his stride. Clark Johnson explained; then suggested that he thought of sending the unsatisfactory hams by express to Michael Murphy, the manager of the Omaha plant. Half of Edward Cudahy's reply was just a look; the other half was: 194 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY "Murphy has hams like those." And the letter that went from Edward Cudahy to Omaha, a letter which Clark Johnson saw, said only this: "Dear Murphy: You are not trimming your picnics right. Edward Cudahy." All that is a very masculine application of "Do unto others as you would have others do unto you"; and both Johnson and Murphy had brains enough to under- stand it as such. The men who worked under Edward Cudahy were almost in awe of his uncanny swift accuracy with figures. He put together detailed items whilst the men were talking to him, made rapid mental calculations, and announced results and conclusions with rather a breath-taking speed. As a rule, when the men had laboriously worked the thing out with pencil and paper, they found he was correct. But if he should miss a point or make a minor error, he was equally quick to recognize and acknowledge the fact. "You're right; I was wrong", was a statement they had all heard. But when he was right, he had no comment to offer. His job was to try to be right; it would be absurd to crow when he succeeded. There was no clash between his being exact and ex- acting and his being modest and patient. For Edward PRINCIPLES AT WORK 195 Cudahy, to be exacting was part of his honesty toward himself, his business responsibilities, and his men; and his impatience with bluff and incompetence was re- strained both by a habit of self-control and by a de- veloped sense of justice. The men knew that he was fair to them, and never vindictive. As a matter of fact, men do not esteem, they do not even like, a slack manager. The loose rein means stumbles for every- body. Here and there, an unbalanced or vicious em- ployee resented Edward Cudahy' s honesty, no matter how much it was tempered by generosity. We shall later have occasion to illustrate this in one notable instance. But the overwhelming majority of his em- ployees who came in contact with him decidedly rel- ished the combination of simplicity, directness, and en- ergizing ability, with the essential self-restraint, courte- sy, and generosity that they recognized in him. His qualities created loyalty as well as confidence in the men who worked for him ; and to do that is to solve the hardest of the labor problems which an employer meets. If this sketchy and admittedly inadequate account of how Edward Cudahy put his principles to practical use in his business has dwelt upon the relations of em- ployer and employee, it is because those relations were the chief field in which his principles could operate. But the same honesty and straightforwardness showed 196 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY themselves in all his business dealings, although natu- rally not with the intimacy and in the frequency of opportunity with which they made themselves felt within the confines of his own organization. His dealings with his competitors were as fair as they were shrewd. The competition in the meat indus- try is always stiff, and at times fierce. Edward Cudahy had constantly to be on the watch against the tactics, usually legitimate, of rival organizations, and fore- handed to meet their incursions into his fields of animal supply or his markets. Occasionally he was irritated by unscrupulous practices of competitors. There were situations which tried his temper. But in the hard give- and-take of competitive business, no irritation ever pushed him across the borders of fair play. One testi- mony to that fact is the esteem in which even his com- petitors held him. Rival packers do not love each other; but they have at least varying degrees of respect for each other. Shortly after the United States Steel Corporation was formed by the merger of ten steel companies in 1901, the three big Chicago packers, Armour, Swift, and Morris, began plans for a similar consolidation in the packing industry, and even made a start toward carry- ing out their plans by organizing the National Pack- ing Company. 1 The scheme fell through. But whilst 1 Leech and Carroll, Armour and His Times. New York, 1938; chapter xi, especially pp. 205-206. PRINCIPLES AT WORK 197 it was still in the stage of hopefulness, the man who seemed most likely to be chosen to head the ultimate combination was Edward A. Cudahy. He had fought hard, but he had fought fair. They trusted him. But what about his attitude toward the larger re- lations of his business with society? In what way did his principles of conduct in business promote the general social good ? These questions have not a great deal of sense in them, and can easily imply some silly assumptions. But they belong to a type of questions so common in this befuddled age that we must briefly consider them. We have become almost angrily in- sistent upon the social significance of individual con- duct, without always stopping to see what social sig- nificance a particular action can have. But before look- ing at the questions, it will be well to glance over the general situation which has given rise to the vogue of such questions. The situation is this. The men of this generation and the generation or two just preceding this, both in Europe and in America, have muddled their economic affairs about as badly as any large group of men in history have ever done. By unbalancing the ratios of rural and urban life, by preferring immediate ma- terial gains to economic and social independence, by measuring the benefits of civilization in luxuries rather than in essentials, by the voluntary slavery of an ex- aggerated industrialism, and by an almost unbroken 198 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY succession of wars for commercial purposes, they have created such social problems as starvation due to over- production, a hunger for automobiles and radios prac- tically equal to their hunger for food, periodic dislo- cations of employment, and a general restless discon- tent that at times reaches the height of passionate un- happiness and blind revolt. They made all these bad blunders during the very years in which they were more and more abandoning their tattered fragments of Christian belief and hope, once sources of a courage and patience that made this unsatisfactory world at least endurable whilst men worked their painful way through it to a hoped-for eternity of happiness. They put all their faith and hope in happiness in this present world. They persu- aded themselves that by effort and by education they could re-create their lost paradise here: in fact, a para- dise plus an automobile and a radio. When these hopes broke in their hands, they turned to a universal mood of impatient and rather savage criticism. "The world is all wrong!" cry men who have done their best to make the world all wrong. Reformers grow like mushrooms. We must reform business, re- form government, reform education, reform religion, reform ethical concepts, reform everything — except ourselves. Our wrongs are always the work of the other fellow. We are suffering from unemployment? Well, "big business", which we ourselves created by PRINCIPLES AT WORK 199 our demand for mass-production, is to blame. Every man who succeeds in the business conditions which we, as an undisciplined mass, have brought into existence, is "an enemy of the people", "a malefactor of great wealth." It is in some such temper as this that many of our sociologists would ask: "What did Edward Cudahy do to abolish the evils of society, to redress the inequali- ties, even the privations, which his fellowmen suffer?" One answer, to be more fully developed later, is that he gave liberally to the needy, in money, in time and labor, in counsel. But if the question means, as it un- doubtedly does in the minds of many, "What did Ed- ward Cudahy advance and support in the way of eco- nomic and social theory?" the answer must be: he had sense enough and realism enough not to try to do any- thing. It is not the task of men in business to formulate or promote social theories. That does not mean that they are callously irresponsible, or heedless of the material and spiritual misery of the world. They have responsi- bility toward their fellow-men, they are their brothers' keepers, precisely in the measure in which they have power to help others. But that power is practically limited to fair and decent dealing with men in the con- crete: to establishing and improving the opportunities for employment within the economic and social frame work that men have set up, to paying a wage 200 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY commensurate with the financial possibilities of the actual situation in their businesses. Unquestionably there are businessmen who do not live up to these limi- ted possibilities; and for such men there is no honest defence. But to ask businessmen to correct the large evils of a society which they cannot control is more than unjust, it is ridiculous. Now and then, it is true, some businessman suc- cumbs to the itch for reforming the world, and, usually with the aid of a "ghost writer", steps out of his business into the murky regions of sociology or po- litical economy. That is, of course, his own affair; but his new efforts must be judged as the work, not of a businessman, but of a sociologist or political econo- mist. Edward Cudahy had views, as all of us have, on our social and economic problems. He discussed such things, as we all do, in conversation; but he had the modest good sense to keep from airing his views in public. He had no desire to pose as an economic or social theorist. He was not a writer, but a doer; and he had no vanity urging him to hire a writer to push his opinions upon other men. For instance, although he was the head of a packing company that ultimately employed about 15,000 men, and did an annual business in excess of two hundred million dollars, he not merely held no brief for "big business", but he distrusted and feared it. What he PRINCIPLES AT WORK 201 feared in it was the dangerous power that it created, and the lust for power that it inspired. In his own conduct, he walked as warily in that fear as he did in the fear of excessive drink. Indeed, he made the com- parison that love of power was a more destructive in- toxicant than whiskey. He declared, more than once, with the utmost sin- cerity, that he had never aimed at size in his own busi- ness but that growth in size had been forced upon him as a condition of securing and improving the quality of his business. He will not be believed by those who think with their emotions rather than with their minds, and who are so angry over material in- equalities that they ignore the causes of inequalities. And since these wishful thinkers are not open to con- viction, he sensibly made no effort to convince them. Edward Cudahy intelligently and whole-heartedly accepted the teachings laid down in the encyclicals of recent popes, especially of Leo XIII and Pius XI, on the economic and social rights of the masses of man- kind. He would have rejoiced to see every man at- tain to the same success in business that he himself had achieved. But he knew, as Leo XIII and Pius XI also knew, that neither had Almighty God given to every man the native abilities, nor had every man developed the physical and mental and moral virtues, which would enable him to achieve material and financial success; and he knew also that for lack of native gifts 202 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY and the laborious achievements of self-discipline, vast numbers of men had set up, and were continuing to set up, conditions adverse to their ever succeeding in this life. Social theory, he maintained, depends for its prac- tical validity, not merely on the universal principles it contains, but on the actual material in which it must work, on the here-and-now human conditions in which the principles must be applied. The best that he could do, the best that any man could do, was to practise justice and charity and patience in his immediate en- vironment. He could not change the environment of others in any large way. His contributions to the gen- eral good had to be limited to such betterment of the lot of mankind as he could reach with the means at his disposal. He looked upon his position at the head of a pack- ing company as a social responsibility to the commun- ity only in so far as he could help individuals in the community, by keeping men at work, by paying them decent wages, and by helping them beyond their wages when there was need. He could not establish complete social justice. No man, no government, no religious organization, has ever succeeded in doing that. What Edward Cudahy could do, he did do; and God Him- self asks no more than that of any man. CHAPTER VIII THE USES OF WEALTH I Every man's education is a continuous process, forward or backward. It can be slowed down only by a decay of his vital forces, by the slowing down of his life itself; it can be stopped only by insanity or death. Edward Cudahy was gifted with exceptional vitality and energy, which maintained its vigor even into extreme old age; he had the physical and mental equipment to keep up the pace of his early education as an unflagging process; and he took very few steps backward. Even in a more extended study than this, it would be impossible to explore fully all the details of the edu- cational process that went on throughout his life. We must necessarily be selective. In making a choice still more limited by the simple plan of the present brief sketch, there are two phases of his education which, in the writer's judgment, cannot be left out of the ac- count: his educational responses to adversity and to success. These are two challenges to what he had achieved in his earlier efforts at education, tests of the solidity of past accomplishments. They are also two important types of opportunity for continuing his 204 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY progress in education. It is a commonplace observa- tion, one that Edward Cudahy often quoted, that most men stand adversity better than prosperity. Let us take a look, first, at how he stood prosperity. Success, prosperity, in the minds of most men means wealth. There are, of course, other forms of success in this life besides wealth, and some of them much more enduring: eminence in knowledge or skill or power, or even virtue. The world accepts as success- ful men those who attain high political office, famous literary or scientific men, accomplished men in the professions, engineers, actors, physicians, clergy- men. There was a considerable time in our recent history when eminent bootleggers were accounted suc- cessful men. For a limited number of people, saints are successes; although, naturally, on a popular vote they would be outranked by movie stars. Fame alone, or failing that, notoriety, is one hall- mark of success; wealth is another. The combination of the two is perfect. But of the two human tests of success, at the present time the more generally valid is wealth. If you have wealth, you can at least pur- chase fame. In the commonest belief, if you have wealth, you can purchase anything. Edward Cudahy never attained to fame, nor even to notoriety. He quietly kept out of the limelight, even in the little world of his own packing company. There was an honorary organization amongst the employees THE USES OF WEALTH 205 of The Cudahy Packing Company known as the Order of the Blue Vase, which presented various awards for distinction and held an annual dinner-meeting with the usual speeches and felicitations. But it was a rare thing for the organizing committee to succeed in get- ting Edward Cudahy to be present at these affairs. The nearest approach Edward Cudahy ever had to public recognition was his being made a Master Knight of the Knights of Malta. That was in January, 1930. But close friends of his discovered that he was a Knight of Malta only years later. In January, 1939, he was elected to the Board of Founders of the American Chapter of the Knights of Malta. The new distinction was allowed to escape the notice of his friends just as unconcernedly as the first. It was quite accidentally that the writer, nearly two years after the event, dis- covered it through a casual conversation with Edward Cudahy' s secretary. Realists are usually not much attracted by publicity or decorations or applause. They know what a sham most of it is, and how pitifully fragile the best of it is. In his judgments about fame, as in all his other judgments, Edward Cudahy was a realist. Besides, he was familiar with the most ironic passage in all his- tory: the contrast between Palm Sunday and the Fri- day of Calvary. "You couldn't fool him!" William English said of his business acumen: you couldn't fool him on fame either. 206 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY But he did achieve wealth. In the course of his long life, he became a multi-millionaire. He began to make money when he was a very young man. A young man of twenty-three, nearly sixty years ago, with a yearly salary of $25,000, was reckoned by thousands of peo- ple as a wealthy man. After four years at that salary, he not merely put all his savings, plus a large loan, into the Armour-Cudahy Packing Company, he also took a drop in salary from $25,000 a year to $10,000 a year. But to the people of South Omaha he was still a wealthy man. When his first year of operations in South Omaha wound up with a loss of $38,000, the common estimate of the workingmen in his packing house would unhesitatingly insist that he was still a wealthy man. Then, as the years went by, and Michael Cudahy and he strengthened their position in the pack- ing industry, he added pretty steadily to his wealth. He had bad years, some heavy losses, but on the whole he continued to make money. What did Edward Cudahy do with his wealth? In what way did his growing possessions affect him? What educational results came from his conduct in prosperity? Before we try to answer such questions, we must first look at a few facts about what his wealth was. The first fact is that he never had much money. After he had begun his own business management with his brother Michael, his wealth existed in the form of THE USES OF WEALTH 207 bricks and mortar, livestock on its way to becoming meat products, and meat products on their way to the consumer, equipment in his production plants, refrig- erator railway cars, and other vehicles for transporting the products. The Cudahy Packing Company had to keep a large balance of cash on hand for the purchase of livestock and produce; but that was Company cash, in constant circulation in the operations of the Com- pany, as much a part of the machinery of production as any equipment in the packing plants. The second fact is that, for many years, his owner- ship of this wealth was very precarious. A succession of poor years, the result of drouth affecting his supply of livestock, or of disastrous floods such as the Kansas City plant endured in its early days, could wipe out his business, as it had wrecked the business of so many other packers, and turn his plants and equipment over to his creditors. Hence, we must first get rid of the rather common notion that men like Edward Cudahy, who actively control the investment and management of business enterprises, are the untroubled possessors of great wealth in a fluid form, subject to their disposal prac- tically at their own whim. Men who inherit wealth earned by their forefathers, men who become wealthy through discovery or through speculations, may be playboys with their wealth ; but not, as a rule, men who own their wealth as managing directors of a business. 208 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY It would be more correct to say that such men are bound down by their possessions, burdened with more cares than their employees, more acquainted with re- sponsibility than with liberty of action. In his later years, Edward Cudahy could have turned some of his business properties into money. But he had an intelli- gent contempt for money that was not working to some purpose. His wealth was his investment in The Cudahy Pack- ing Company; and 15,000 other men were using that wealth, just as he was, to work out their livelihood. He saw clearly, and never let himself forget, that he was the guardian and manager of his wealth, not for himself alone, but for all the men who, in our unhappy age of mass-production, depended upon the use of his wealth for their employment. That was the chief rea- son why he had no thought of selling off any of his properties for ready money. II As a matter of fact, Edward Cudahy had no hunger for money as such, and no eagerness to spend money on himself. One indication of that is the fact that, through the long years of his business career, the share of the wealth produced by The Cudahy Packing Company which Edward Cudahy withdrew for his own use was actually less than the share drawn out by some of his THE USES OF WEALTH 209 employees. Most of the money he made went back into the Company. What he kept out of his earnings sufficed only for the livelihood of himself and his fam- ily and for the demands made upon him by charity. He had never developed an appetite for luxury, and both he and Elizabeth Cudahy abhorred ostentation. They had lived in a rented house in Chicago ; when they came to Omaha, they rented a still more modest house on Douglas Street, and lived there until they had weathered the dangerous years of the Armour-Cudahy Packing Company. When Michael and Edward Cudahy had more securely formed their own company, Edward rented a better house, one belonging to John L. Miles, on 26th Street and St. Mary's Avenue. He had lived ten or twelve years in Omaha before he ven- tured to buy a house of his own, on 37th Street and Dewey, which was to be his home until he moved back to Chicago in 1911. By that time, with his position established and his children growing to manhood and womanhood, he was ready to build a house for him- self and his family, a simple, solid, and ample house, to last him the rest of his lifetime. It was so in other things as well. For instance, al- though he had a horse and buggy when he lived on 26th Street, he and his family walked the half mile or so to St. Peter's Church on Sundays, with Mrs. Cudahy's rubbers being pulled off in the sticky mud. Why clutter up the road in front of the church, when 210 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY the church was within walking distance of their home, and when most of the rest of the congregation had to walk because they had no vehicle to carry them ? There was no miserliness in all this. All that was sensibly needed for his family Edward Cudahy provid- ed generously ; but he had a habit of modesty and mod- eration. The summers in Omaha are appallingly hot. He could afford to send his wife and children away from the sweltering city; so he bought a house on Mackinac Island for summer use, as early as 1895. He had a faithful man, Andrew Gray, who for many years drove his family in a carriage, as well as looked after the lawns about the house. When automobiles came into use, he had an automobile. But both he and Eli- zabeth Cudahy were content to keep the same automo- bile for seven or eight years, with no thought or worry about changes in the style of cars. His chief relaxations were still the theatre, music, and reading. When he had the leisure for it, he liked to drive in a buggy or sleigh, or to play a round of golf, which was then just beginning its popularity in the United States. Later in life, he found time occasion- ally for a game of bridge, and became an extremely skillful player, a fact in which he took an innocent de- light. His supervision of the growing interests of The Cudahy Packing Company involved a considerable amount of travelling, the hurried, intensively occupied THE USES OF WEALTH 211 travel of inspection and business guidance. Of leisure- ly travel, for rest and cultural observation, he had much less. The first time he went abroad was in 1894, and the opportunity to go came as the result of an accident. On the 8th of March, 1894, there was a fairly heavy fall of snow in Omaha. Although it was a Thursday, a working day, Edward Cudahy came home early from South Omaha, hitched a horse to a light sleigh, and took his three children out to enjoy the last sleigh-ride of the winter. The horse was lively even after a drive of an hour or so; and when Edward Cudahy had brought the children home, he thought he would take a quick drive by himself. He had gone only a short distance when the sleigh struck a concealed hole in the poorly paved street, buckled and broke, and pitched him out in such a way as to break his right thigh-bone. By the time he could move around again at all, the strike of that year, perhaps the most remarkable year for strikes in the history of labor unions in the United States, had extended itself "sympathetically" to The Cudahy Packing Company. The causes of the strike were remote, and beyond any possible control by Ed- ward Cudahy. They linked up in some roundabout way with the strike of the United Mine Workers, be- gun in Ohio on April 21st, with the Pullman strike which began on May 11th, and with the great railway strike which began on June 26th. There was nothing for Edward Cudahy to do save to wait until the storm 212 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY had passed. In the circumstances, he and Elizabeth Cudahy thought they might as well take a vacation. With Edward hobbling on crutches, they took train to New York, and boarded a steamer for Europe. On two other occasions, Edward and Elizabeth Cudahy travelled in Europe; the last time in 1913, to pick up their two youngest girls, who were having a finishing year at school in Paris, and with them and the daughter just older, to journey slowly through Italy. They travelled as they lived at home, modestly and intelligently. Edward Cudahy' s memories of European cities were largely of long walks with Elizabeth through storied streets that brought to life their many years of reading. Most of his vacations, however, were spent in his own country, either resting at quiet Mackinac or in brief travels through the West and Southwest. He enjoyed travel, especially in the company of his family; he had the quick power of observation that garners much from travel, and enough background of histor- ical reading to appreciate the meaning of what he observed; but he had not much time to spare for its enjoyment. These little details get their meaning as illustrative of an important truth: that Edward Cudahy's education in the use of wealth had in it a large element of learn- ing to do without wealth. His attitude toward his possessions became increasingly impersonal. No doubt, THE USES OF WEALTH 213 there was a satisfying sense of achievement in his early success in business, and in the knowledge that his suc- cess was demonstrated by his growing wealth. But his hard-headed common sense, plus his Catholic sense of values, kept him from ever being dazzled by wealth. In a material way, he was intelligently aware that money will buy only a limited number of things that a man can really use; what else it buys must be for vanity and display. And nothing, he knew, that money can buy is capable of satisfying the full hunger of the human heart, made for the enjoyment of God Himself. Edward Cudahy's talk and action made it clear that his wealth never dominated him. He sat lightly to his possessions. In St. Paul's phrase, he "used this world as if he used it not." He held, not as a speculative theory, but as a working principle, the truth that wealth is one of the occasional gifts of God's providence, not an end in itself, but a means to the great end for which God created him. His whole Catholic training, begun in his days of poverty and carried out through his years of increasing wealth, flowered in a serene spirit of detachment. It was that spirit of detachment, as we shall see, which made it possible for him to endure calmly great financial losses. It was the same spirit which made him ready to give away more of his earnings than he kept for himself. 214 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY III Giving away money calls for as much skill as earning money. To whom to give, when to give, how to give, and how much to give: these are not simple questions, and they have no simple answers. Common sense, as well as experience, tells us that indiscriminate or un- intelligent giving can be mischievous in a number of ways. A great deal of what appears as philanthropy is of debatable value to any one, beyond the rather mechanical economic fact that it circulates some money. There are plenty of people who question the wisdom of some of the widely advertised benefactions of recent times, and who can give strong grounds for their criti- cism. This is not the place to discuss the complex problems of endowments and foundations and or- ganized charity, governmental or private, and individ- ual almsgiving. What we are concerned with is only how Edward Cudahy met those problems in his own use of his wealth. Take the first question: to whom was he to give away some of his earnings? There was no difficulty about finding persons and institutions eager to receive, even asking for money. The mere rumor of wealth brings such requests. Now it is impossible for any man to investigate adequately all these possible objects of his beneficence, and to weigh fully the merits of each claim of charity. The large foundations have a staff, THE USES OF WEALTH 215 part of the overhead of administration of their funds, for such investigation. Edward Cudahy had to decide early upon some policy which would guide him in de- termining to whom he would give away his money. His was not the type of mind to set up rules on the ques- tion, rules to be followed with inhuman rigidity. Rath- er he acted upon a few principles which had been operative all through his life. One of those principles was that "charity begins at home." In practice, that meant for Edward Cudahy that his employees had first call on his generosity, in the measure of their need. It is baffling to search for records of this sort of gift in the account books kept for him. Hundreds of entries, marked simply "Cash", and ranging usually from $50 to $500, are all the indi- cations that exist of sums of money given to employees in time of need. Only through conversation with some of these men has the writer been able to identify a number of these gifts. Here are sample incidents. One man, employed in the office, had been laid up for some weeks with in- fluenza. A day or two after he came back to work, Edward Cudahy met him, noted that he still looked run down, and asked him briefly how he was feeling. The man answered: "Oh, I'm all right. I'll pick up strength in a little while." Edward Cudahy said nothing; but half an hour later he sent a messenger to call the man to his office. When 216 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY he came in, wondering why he was summoned, Edward Cudahy said: "I don't like to see you go back to work until you are really well. Why don't you take more time off, and give yourself a chance?" "Well," the man answered, "I'll be getting my va- cation in three or four weeks. I can get along until then." "Take your vacation now," he was told. "And stay as long as you need. Of course, your pay will go on; but here is something to help out the vacation." The "something" was $500.00. Another employee, in a still more subordinate posi- tion, and with a correspondingly smaller salary, lost his son, a boy of fifteen, the eldest of a growing family, after a lingering illness. Edward Cudahy and his son, Edward A. Cudahy, Jr., went to the man's house to offer their sympathy. The day after the funeral, when the bereaved father came back to work, he was given a thousand dollars to meet the expenses of his son's illness and death. Neither of these men had any expectation of such gifts; they had no claim, real or fancied, to any special help. As the second man said to the writer: "I was very much touched by Mr. Cudahy and his son's visit to me in my time of trouble. It meant a good deal that men as busy as they are put themselves out that THE USES OF WEALTH 217 way. But I was speechless, I could only babble when they paid up my doctor's and hospital bill." In the earlier years of The Cudahy Packing Com- pany, when Edward Cudahy could still know person- ally a good many of its employees, many of the men came to him in their difficulties. They needed his intercession for a wayward boy, or railway transporta- tion for an impoverished relative, or bail for disturbing the peace, or counsel of one sort or another. Very few asked for financial help. Poverty has its pride, often as high as the pride of wealth. But if the situa- tion called for help in money, the money was forth- coming. Edward Cudahy had a quick eye for the need that did not readily find expression in words. As the Company grew larger, Edward Cudahy's per- sonal knowledge of its employees was inevitably nar- rowed down to the comparatively small number of men- he dealt with directly or knew from the earlier days. Then he had to trust to hearsay as a means of knowing where there was some special need amongst the men; and hearsay is a poor means, inadequate, unreliable. That was one reason why fixed pensions and insurance schemes had to be devised, notably after the Company's offices were moved to Chicago in 1911. It is not always as easy as some cynics may think for an employee to receive gifts from his employer. There is a type of employee who looks upon any such gift, to himself or to another employee, with the surly notion 218 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY that it is at best a tacit acknowledgment that they are all underpaid, or with the envious sneer, "Why shouldn't the boss give us something? He's rolling in wealth." There is, perhaps, a much larger number of employees, who have no grievance about their wages, and whose pride is touched by a gift from one who is not a friendly equal, but an employer. Edward Cudahy had to solve that problem, in part by his knowledge of men, his swift appraisal of indi- viduals, which told him where a helping hand would be ill received, in part by his sincere sympathy and kindness, his habitual modesty, which made it impos- sible for him ever to be patronizing. As one man put it: "I know lots of cases where Mr. Cudahy helped fellows out of a jam, and once he helped me. A fellow hates himself for needing the help, but I didn't feel ashamed at taking it from him. He said very little in words to me, but he had the kindest eyes I ever saw in a man." Ninety-nine parts of tact is kindliness, and the hundreth part is the ability to keep one's mouth shut. Edward Cudahy was well stocked with both in- gredients. IV Next in order came his gifts to organized charities, Catholic and non-Catholic, to hospitals, schools, churches, community projects. These again were main- ly given to local needs, although his account books THE USES OF WEALTH 219 show that he acceded to calls for assistance from dis- tant places in the United States and abroad. Through the kindness of Edward Cudahy's secretary, Miss Anita Rigali, the writer has been enabled to scan the entries in his private ledger for a number of years. For the years 1918 to 1939, the total gifts recorded, not to in- dividuals, but to various organizations, amount to more than $882,000, an average of more than $40,000 a year. These gifts were made from his own earnings, and hence they varied with good and bad years, ranging from as high as $231,000 in 1929 to as low as $1,500 in 1938, a year in which he suffered large financial loss. For the overwhelming majority of these gifts there is no record save his private ledger. Edward Cudahy was as free from ostentation in his giving away money as he was in everything else. He did not even expect acknowledgment or gratitude for his gifts; which was fortunate, since sometimes he did not get it. His only concern was the eminently reasonable one that his gifts might be put to good use. A study of the list of donations compiled by Miss Rigali from Edward Cudahy's private account book makes clear how intelligent he was in his giving. He observed shrewdly, judging needs and uses for the money he intended to give. There were, it is true, cer- tain fixed obligations in his mind, such as his contribu- tions to his own parish church, and to other Catholic churches. There were certain types of organizations, 220 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY the Associated Catholic Charities, the Community Fund, the United Charities of Chicago, to which he contributed regularly, as assured outlets. Between 1918 and 1936, his donations to the Associated Catho- lic Charities of Chicago amounted to more than $150,000. But he was intelligently flexible in his choice of agencies to meet changing circumstances. Thus, when the major depression of 1930 created new agencies for relief of the destitute, he added to his list of beneficiaries such organizations as the Unem- ployment Fund, the Joint Emergency Relief, the Emer- gency Welfare Fund. He had no doctrinaire ideas about charity any more than about other social prob- lems. He knew that "the poor we have always with us", that there is no complete solution of the problem of poverty. His attitude was the practical one of meet- ing concrete situations with the best help at his com- mand. The men who sneer at that help as "mere palliatives", simply blind themselves to the fact that the disease is incurable. The roots of widespread pov- erty are in man's incompetence; if you go far enough back, they are in original sin, the temporal effects of which have been left in men even after their redemp- tion by Jesus Christ. Christian charity is engaged with actual needs, with some of the very tangible results of human blundering and incompetence; problematical long-range adjust- ments must wait until the immediate needs are taken THE USES OF WEALTH 221 care of. Edward Cudahy had no illusion about his in- ability to reform and reorganize the economic condi- tions of a world that had dug a pit for itself. If others thought they could achieve such a reform, let them try; they had his sympathy in their undertaking. But the best use he could see for his wealth was to spend much of it on alleviating the distress within his reach. Edward Cudahy appreciated, too, the fact that there were always instances of need which were not met by the organized forms of charity, which called for per- sonal attention and the delicacy of personal sympathy. His gifts to the large organizations were not meant to relieve him from the duty of individual charity. But these continuing private gifts evade our scrutiny for the most part, just because he kept them private. The writer happened to stumble on a few such in- stances: a hospital bill paid, a monthly subsidy to a poor family, arrangements for sanitarium care of a tu- berculosis victim. One characteristic illustration con- cerned an elderly man who, on account of his lungs, lived in the Southwest; not very competent, earning a most precarious livelihood; but with a touch of linger- ing scholarliness. Edward Cudahy had never met him. The man wrote, asking for help at some time of special distress, and got it. Thereafter, for years, he sent Ed- ward Cudahy, from time to time, a book or two he had picked up, without stipulating any price for the books. He was always sent in return a sum much more 222 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY than the books were worth, the polite fiction of a deal in books covering a periodic gift to a man who would have chafed under relief by some organized charity. It must be remembered that during this recent period of wide-spread distress The Cudahy Packing Company- was also subject to the harsh fluctuations of the eco- nomic order. There were several years in which the Company operated at a loss running into millions of dollars. These were also years of vexatious uncertain- ties about the policies of our governments, federal and state, with regard to business. The "processing tax", afterwards declared invalid by the Supreme Court of the United States, although its worst hardship was the complication and confusion it caused, put a large finan- cial burden on The Cudahy Packing Company; a bur- den which it could not pass on to others, and a loss for which no legal redress was found after the tax had been declared unconstitutional. Corporation taxes mounted apace, often to the glee of the voter, who thought he was "soaking the rich", and did not know he was soaking himself. The tax on surplus earnings attacked the one safeguard that had carried the Com- pany through the bad years following the government- ordered slaughter of livestock and the subsequent de- struction of animals by drought. These conditions cut down Edward Cudahy' s earn- ings, and therefore his capacity to give money away. But they did not destroy his generosity; and he found THE USES OF WEALTH 223 a way to keep up his gifts by retrenching still more on what he spent upon himself. He curtailed his household expenses before he curtailed his gifts to others. Moreover, he accepted cheerfully the growing levy of government taxes. He did not believe that all the moves of the Roosevelt Administration were judicious. He thought some of them were ill-advised and showed lack of a sense of realities. But he was so thoroughly in sympathy with the humanitarian aims of the Admin- istration that he was willing to hope that the billions it garnered from taxes might be spent to some improve- ment of the common lot. He was modest enough, also, to trust the presumptive skill of the government's po- litical economists up to the point where they should fail definitely and unmistakably. All that means that he had learned intellectual as well as moral restraint in his use of the wealth he had earned. He was one of those businessmen, fortunately not uncommon, whose success in managing a business concern does not lead them to the belief that they qualify as experts in political economy. One use to which wealthy men have from time to time devoted a considerable part of their wealth is the promotion of educational facilities. They have been drawn to build and endow schools and libraries, and to 224 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY found lectureships and scholarships, because of their nebulous, scarcely denned hope that financial aid to schools and libraries will of itself secure improvement in the quality as well as the quantity of education, and that an improved quality and quantity of education will go far toward solving the problems of mankind. It is a charming hope. To lose it entirely would be tragic. But it is a hope that has been struck to futility over and over again. Edward Cudahy's robust realism kept him from be- ing drugged by that hope. He knew as well as any one that the chief arbiter of any man's education, under God, is the man himself. He knew that each man's endowment, natural and supernatural, sets the limits of his capacity for education; and that his environment can only moderately help or hinder him in achieving his education within those limits. All the millions in the world spent upon schools and books and equip- ment and academic gowns and daisy chains and syl- labuses and football teams cannot make a bright child out of a dull child, or an energetic child out of a lazy child, or for that matter, a wise, enlightening, and in- spiring teacher out of a muddled or conceited or undis- ciplined man. We have proved to our bitter certainty that a string of degree letters after a man's name means little or nothing toward his competency as an educator. But Edward Cudahy knew that money can do some- thing, even if not much, in education; or at least in THE ELIZABETH M. CUDAHY MEMORIAL LIBRARY THE USES OF WEALTH 225 educational facilities, which are not the same thing. Better buildings, more commodious offices for deans and professors, more books, ampler laboratory equip- ment, nobler football fields: these things cost money. If they can be had, they may make the external condi- tions of education easier and more attractive. That is all they can do; but it is something. They cannot sup- ply talent, or industry, or other good habits; but they can make it more comfortable for the teachers and the students. Whether or not the more comfortable and flattering circumstances foster the essential internal ef- forts of the student to educate himself, is a debatable question. The answer to the question, although usual- ly enthusiastic in its affirmation, seems to be based more on wishful thinking than on any test of realistic experi- ence. Edward Cudahy was a little inclined to be skep- tical of that affirmative answer. Yet with his usual modesty he admitted that he knew little about school education. He was conscious that his own school education had stopped when he was in his thirteenth year. Perhaps the school people were right. In any case, he was generously willing to take a chance, if only on the sound assumption that education was so valuable as to make even the possi- bility of helping it a cause worth spending his money on. From time to time, he gave various smaller sums, of ten thousand dollars or less, to several Catholic schools 226 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY and colleges; for on one point he had no uncertainty whatever, that if his money could aid any education it must be given to the education he believed in, Cath- olic education. In 1918, the Rector of a Catholic uni- versity approached Edward Cudahy with the request that he endow a chair in the university. The amount asked for the endowment was $100,000. Edward Cudahy explained that he never had much ready money, and that he could not let this gift use up money devoted to local needs; hence he would have to make payment in four annual installments of $25,000 each. The Rector gladly accepted the gift in those terms. The first installment was paid on December 31, 1918, the second on December 27, 1919. The cancelled cheques were returned from the bank; but no other acknowl- edgment was received. When Edward Cudahy wrote to the Rector about the matter, his letter was not an- swered. Under the circumstances, he made no more payments. Since then he has heard nothing of the whole affair. That experience was somewhat discouraging; but it did not deter Edward Cudahy from one more venture in spending his money on a university. This time he himself chose his beneficiary, one of the many Jesuit schools named Loyola, the one in Chicago known for forty years as Saint Ignatius College, and since 1909 named Loyola University. He was drawn to offer as- sistance to a Jesuit school because of his long years of THE USES OF WEALTH 227 acquaintance with the Jesuits, from his own school- days in Milwaukee, through his attendance at the Jesuit church in Omaha, and his son's enrollment in Creigh- ton University. There was also another bond between him and the Jesuits of Chicago. His brother, Michael Cudahy, per- haps inspired by the founding of Armour Institute by his old partner, had mentioned to several friends his desire to help out the very youthful Loyola University in Chicago. One of his hearers told the Jesuit rector, Father Alexander Burrowes, who said he thought that was a nice idea. A month or so later, the friend asked Father Burrowes how he was getting on with Michael Cudahy. "Oh, he hasn't been to see me," said Father Burrowes. Ultimately, the friend got the two together; and Michael Cudahy said modestly that he wished to do something, but did not know just how to go about it. He agreed to the suggestion to put up a science build- ing on the north-side campus. The building was be- gun a few months before his sudden death in 1910, was completed by his family, ready for use in 1912, and was called the Michael Cudahy Science Hall. Fifteen years after the death of Michael Cudahy, Father Agnew, then rector of Loyola University, asked Edward Cudahy to endow a chair in chemistry. He did not know that Edward Cudahy tended to shy away from university chairs; but as a matter of fact he did not get his chair of chemistry. 228 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY When Father Robert M. Kelley became rector of Loyola University in 1927, he was told by a mutual friend of Edward Cudahy and himself, Frank Burkley of Omaha, that Edward Cudahy had in mind giving a substantial donation to Loyola University. Father Kel- ley had found the University in debt to the amount of $1,800,000. He suggested that the gift take the form of paying off some, at least, of the University debt. But Edward Cudahy had the businessman's code toward debt: don't get into debt, unless you see your way to getting out again. Father Kelley then suggested the gift of a library building; and a library it was, named in honor of Ed- ward's wife, Elizabeth Murphy Cudahy. The building was completed in June, 1930, seven years before Eliza- beth Cudahy's death. Building and equipment cost more than $400,000. At the same time, Edward Cudahy set up an endowment trust fund, for the main- tenance of the library building, of more than $100,000. He has since continued to make donations toward building up in the library a collection of Jesuit books. 1 VI The last use of Edward Cudahy's money to be men- tioned in this chapter should, perhaps, have been taken up first of all: his provision for the future of his 1 See Appendix II. THE USES OF WEALTH 229 children. His children were his natural heirs ; they had, in one sense, a companion title with his own to the wealth he had amassed. He was, moreover, a most af- fectionate and devoted father, bound to his wife and children by a great and generous love. They needed no other title than their mutual love to secure from him all that it was in his power to give. But there is a real problem for any wealthy father in deciding to what extent, and in what way, he should pass on his wealth to his children. Edward Cudahy knew that wealth is by no means an unmixed blessing, even though it may appear to those who haven't got it as the supreme blessing. His own wealth had come to him as to a disciplined man, after plenty of hard work and long years of effort, when his mental and moral fiber had been toughened by habits of self-control. In general it is reasonable to presume that such a man is prepared, by his previous training, to use wealth with intelligence and prudence. On the other hand, he knew that wealth not earned by its possessor, but given to him as, an inheritance, may find him unready to receive it. He knew the common saying, begotten of experience in this young country of ours, with its history of rapidly accumulated and rap- idly lost fortunes, "From shirt-sleeves to shirt-sleeves is three generations." Yet he knew also that the least mischievous thing that can happen to the inheritors of wealth is to lose it. More disastrous to him is to keep 230 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY his wealth and to let it degrade him into excesses of pride, silly social contentions and rivalries of snobbish- ness, empty-pated frivolity, the cheap forgetfulness of all noble purpose, if not into such gross vices as drunk- enness and sexual licence. Edward Cudahy knew also that these mischievous consequences are not due to wealth itself, that there is no inherent evil in wealth. As an intelligent Catholic, he understood that Jesus Christ was not condemning wealth itself when He said: "It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven." What Our Lord pointed out was the violent opposition between the temptations occasioned by riches and the life He brought to men. Wealth exempts its possessor from one set of the annoyances and burdens of life, and from some of the disciplines involved in lacking, and having to struggle for, the common necessities. In so far, it lifts its possessor out of the common rut; and as a consequence, it may tempt him to think himself superior to ordinary mortals. It thus creates a danger- ous condition of life. Yet he would be an inhuman father who would de- prive his children of their inheritance in order to save them from the dangers of wealth. Those dangers, Edward Cudahy hoped, could be lessened and counter- acted by the good principles and good habits he tried to build up in his children. He and Elizabeth Cudahy THE USES OF WEALTH 231 surrounded their children with their love, taught them by their example as well as precept, sent them to schools in which Catholic beliefs and practices were stressed. Their children saw no pride or harshness or strutting display in their home, but only Christian mod- esty and cheerfulness and simplicity, the quiet, steady love of God and their neighbor. They had never known poverty, it is true. When they were born, their father was already a well-to-do man. But they had never known any of the destroying viciousness that can accompany wealth. Edward Cudahy's one surviving son, named after himself, grew up very close to him. Old employees of The Cudahy Packing Company recall how his father brought him, even as a little boy, down to the orifice on Saturday mornings, when he was free of school. Ed- ward Cudahy was too busy to talk much with his son; but he was comforted just to have him near him. There was a growing understanding as well as great affection between them. Young Edward went to work with his father when he was nineteen, and thereafter marched beside him, gradually increasing his share of responsi- bility in the Company. No success that came to Edward Cudahy gladdened him so much as to see his son de- velop into a man strong of body and mind and char- acter. He knew that his little kingdom of business was going to fall into good hands. It was with serene confidence that, in 1926, he turned over to his son the 232 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY presidency of the Company, and himself became chair- man of the board of directors. Of his four daughters, Edward Cudahy felt equally secure. They were intelligent, modest, kindly girls, with good inheritances of body and mind, with the sound and sensible training of their home and school life. They were very dear to him. He had no mis- trust of any of his children. Yet he planned that they should inherit his wealth with no shock of suddenness or unpreparedness. Whilst they were still children, he set up a trust fund for each, to which he could add as he would be able to do. He devised the terms of the trust in such a way that each child would receive the control of a part of the fund at intervals of ten years, that is, when each attained the age of twenty-five, thirty-five and forty-five years. If he lived, he hoped still to guide and counsel his children, through their love for one another, even when they had outgrown his parental authority. If he died, he had done the best he could do to protect them against even folly that he could not foresee. It looks like about as intelligent a plan as a man could make, who knows that the future is not in his hands, but must be determined by his children themselves, under God's mercy and grace. There is no summarizing such a chapter as this. The scattered fragments of practice and incident that it con- tains are offered only as rough indications of these THE USES OF WEALTH 233 truths: that Edward Cudahy, from the beginning, took the Catholic point of view regarding his wealth, and looked upon that wealth as a responsibility, a gift of God's providence to be used wisely; that he studied his use of wealth with as shrewd intelligence as he em- ployed in gaining his wealth; and that his practice in the use of wealth was an intelligent application of his principles. It is submitted that such a use of wealth is both an approving test of Edward Cudahy' s previous education and a good continuance in his education. CHAPTER IX THE USES OF ADVERSITY I When we think or speak of "the common lot" of mankind, we have mostly in mind the harsher experiences of life: poverty, illness, defeated ambitions, loneliness, rebuffs and insults, ignorance, uncertainties, disloyalties, and death; the stuff of tears and heartaches. No man escapes some measure of these things. How each man meets them, in what spirit he endures them, matters enormously in his edu- cation. We should be able to learn something more about the education of Edward Cudahy from the way he managed himself in the face of adversity. It is a curious fact that so many people estimate the importance of hardships in a man's life rather by the strange or striking character of the hardships them- selves than by the effect they have upon the man who endures them. Possibly even the ancient Hebrews read the drama of Job much as we read our newspaper ac- counts of "moving accidents by flood and field." Cer- tainly our modern diet of sensationalism has dehu- manized the point of view of many of us. The aim of this chapter is not to harrow the reader by any high-lighted picture of the trials of Edward Cudahy, nor to call upon the reader's sympathy. Its THE USES OF ADVERSITY 235 concern is much more with how Edward Cudahy faced adversity than with the particular kinds of adversity he encountered. That does not mean that life was smooth and easy for him, that he lacked the hard knocks which give every man some of his educational opportunities. Even the meager selection of facts from the life of Edward Cudahy which this sketch has so far presented indicate that he went quite fully through the normal range of unpleasant and painful experiences common to most men. Through his boyhood and youth, he was well ac- quainted with the privations of poverty, with the monotony of manual labor, with the restraints of a de- pendent position. He met death early enough, and terrifyingly, when at the age of eleven he lost his mother. He buried his second son, in the early years of his married life; he survived to close in death the eyes of his dear wife, bound to him by fifty-three years of unwavering love. He had his abundant share of illnesses ; he suffered severe financial losses ; he endured unmerited hatred, and envy, and saw men gloat over his pain and loss. It is a full record. Life did not spare Edward Cudahy. Through one sort of adversity, the hardships of pov- erty, he broke his way, even as a young man, by his native ability and energy, and by the helping hand of 236 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY his brother Michael. What he had to learn from pover- ty, he learned early. He did not have to stand its grinding weight throughout middle life and into old age. He did not have to carry up to the gates of death the numbing insecurity of the poor, nor look back at the end to see his children toiling up the same hard road. As a consequence, there were some who set his con- quest of poverty over against whatever else he had to endure, who had no decent human regard for any other afflictions that might come upon him. They were ready to make up in spiritual adversity for whatever he had managed to escape in the way of material adversity. "Job's comforters" are a long-lived breed. It is jokingly said that "nobody loves a fat man"; but there is grim truth in the statement that few people love a rich man. Envy begets indifference at least, and sometimes hatred. Yet to one who had experienced them, to Edward Cudahy, envy and social hostility were more terrible burdens to bear than poverty. There is no getting away from adversity. Life tries us at every turn; and even makes new trials out of our victories. The all-important question remains: how did Ed- ward Cudahy meet his trials ? There were for him, as for every man, many ways of facing adversity. The particular ways he chose were those dictated by his temperament, his abilities, his past experience, his THE USES OF ADVERSITY 237 principles. He was not built by nature to agree with the old Duke in As You Like It, who sang so placidly, "Sweet are the uses of adversity." His philosophizing was inclined to be much more energetic. Some adverse circumstances can be fought and mastered ; and he was a fighter. If he, who knew his Shakespeare well, want- ed a phrase to sum up his first reaction to the hard- ships of life, he could rather pick Hamlet's fine mixed metaphor, "... to take arms against a sea of troubles, And by opposing end them." Wherever Edward Cudahy's quick intelligence saw a fighting chance against adversity, he took it. That was a simple explanation of why he did not long endure poverty: poverty could be attacked and conquered. He had the talent, and the driving energy, to conquer the adverse material circumstances in which he was born, and in which he spent his boyhood and youth. He could also fight defects within himself, which if unconquered would create new hardships; and he was man enough and Catholic enough not to count the fight a hardship in itself. He fought his own im- pulses as stubbornly as he fought poverty: his hot tem- per, his pride, his sensuality, his fears and doubts. He knew how much of adversity is self-made by the very men who later cringe before it. But there are some hardships that a man cannot 238 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY fight. We have only limited powers of fighting against illness, and we have none against death. We can do little to combat hostile opinion, "the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune . . . the whips and scorns of time . . . and the spurns that patient merit of the un- worthy takes." These things Edward Cudahy had to endure. Yet even in endurance there is a difference of qual- ity. One man endures cheerfully, another sullenly; one man with the hard, remote, inhuman passivity of the Stoic, another with the warmth and sympathy of Chris- tian patience. There is a mystery about human suffer- ing, for which only the Christian hope in an eternal redress offers any solution. That hope was part of Edward Cudahy's spiritual heritage. It kept his endur- ance of evils from ever being harsh. He was no mystic, to be rapt with the love of suffer- ing. But he was an abiding Catholic man, who could understand Francis Thompson's figure for the hard- ships of life, that great phrase in The Hound of Heaven, "shade of His hand, outstretched caressingly." Adversities too came through the Providence of God. They had their hidden blessings. They came accom- panied by God's grace to make right use of them. A man could grow strong and patient and humble through adversities. They didn't have to break him; they could make him a better man. THE USES OF ADVERSITY 239 At the outset, then, we can see that Edward Cudahy's response to the hardships which life brought him was not simple and uniform, but varied and complex. Into it entered his intelligence, to estimate the adverse con- dition he was facing; his prudence, to judge what course to adopt about it ; his habitual courage and ener- gy of action, to fight if fighting were called for; his Christian fortitude, to endure cheerfully, hopefully, without resentment or vindictiveness, when only endur- ance remained. Perhaps the best way to show how Ed- ward Cudahy actually dealt with adversity is to sketch his practice in a few large instances as illustration. II By temperament Edward Cudahy was not an easy- going man. When illness came upon him, his impulse was to resist it, to brush through it, or at least to ig- nore it. Like all vigorous men, he did not reckon on the likelihood of his being ill. As he would put it, he had no time to waste on ill health. Yet illness, like death, is part of the "curse of Adam"; and even a pow- erful physique, or a strong constitution, is no guarantee against it. Somewhere along in middle life, Edward Cudahy contracted a duodenal ulcer, which, whatever be its technical etiology, may be called the ailment of the 240 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY energetic. It is five or six times more common in men than in women, and fifty times more common in the high-strung, driving type of men than in the phleg- matic. It has a trick of recurring in its natural victims, even after apparent cures, for the obvious reason that the conditions predisposing to its recurrence are part of the victim's make-up. Like most of the vigorous and energetic sufferers from peptic ulcer, Edward Cudahy at first refused to give in. He worked when he should have rested. He fought his ailment; he wasn't going to be licked by a pain in the stomach. But ultimately, like all his fellow- sufferers, he was licked, he had to give up his work, and be bossed around by the doctors. But when he recognized defeat, he bowed to it intel- ligently. He admitted that it was a good thing for a strong man to be knocked out by illness; as he said, "It took the conceit out of him." He did not like being laid up; but he made profit out of it, in patience, obe- dience to doctor and nurse. He never fought beyond the point where he saw no chance of winning. His chief concern in illness was to avoid burdening others. Late in life, when he was in his seventy-seventh year, his chronic duodenal ulcer perforated. He had to be hurried to the hospital, and undergo an emer- gency operation. His wife was also ill at the time, at home. In the midst of his own trouble, his first THE USES OF ADVERSITY 24 1 thought was to shield her from the knowledge of his situation. Before he was placed in the ambulance to be taken to the hospital, he arranged for a pious sub- terfuge; Elizabeth Cudahy was to be told only that he was travelling, on business. Well, he was travelling, in an ambulance; and he had the considerable business of a major surgical operation on his mind. He recovered after the operation, although his ad- vanced age at first gave little hope that he could survive the shock and the general drain on his vitality. No doubt, one reason for his recovery was that strange in- ner fount of energy, that elan vital, which was also the source of his vigor in action when he was well. That is a native gift from God, inherited probably, certainly not acquired by education alone. But the serenity of mind in time of crisis, the steadfast courage even when others were alarmed, the gathering of his forces for the fight with illness, these were large psychological factors in Edward Cudahy's recovery; and these were qualities he had built up through long years of self- discipline. When he was very weak after the operation, he re- ceived the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, and he had the simple, Catholic faith which believes that one effect of the Sacrament is to restore the sick to health, if God so wills. That belief has nothing to do with faith-healing. It is not superstitious. It is no more 242 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY than the recognition that God is the master of life and death, and the acceptance of the scriptural teaching that our Lord Jesus Christ has instituted this Sacrament as a channel, not for spiritual grace alone, but also for the grace of restored health. Hospital staffs can tes- tify at least to the frequently observed fact that restora- tion to health does follow Extreme Unction, whether or not they believe that there is any causal connection between the observed facts. Edward Cudahy's recovery was slow, as it would naturally be in a man of his years. But as soon as he could do so, he went back to work. Health was a gift of God, to be used, not merely to be enjoyed. If, in the Providence of God, it was taken away from you, you had no further responsibility about it. But whilst you had health, you had it on terms of its use; you had to work with it. He was getting on toward eighty years of age; his son was most competently shouldering the business built up through the long years of effort; he was un- der no material compulsion to keep on working. But there were two immaterial compulsions that drove him back to his desk: the established habit of work, and the humble belief that he was only the steward of his health and strength until "the night cometh when no man can work." THE USES OF ADVERSITY 243 III He went back to work. But after his seventy- seventh birthday, the working days of even a strong man are not likely to draw out much longer. Edward Cudahy reluctantly acknowledged that fact, and was prepared to accept it in his own way, with a mixture of resolute striving against it so long as he could man- age to strive and a gradual patient acquiescence when it became evident that he had to submit. In the midst of this time of difficult adjustment there fell upon him a very heavy blow. Elizabeth Cudahy had been ailing for some years. She had aged more rapidly than he; time had dealt more harshly with her. Her eyesight had been defective for many years, as the result of a glaucoma. Latterly she had suffered from that common ailment of old age, hardening ar- teries. She had kept steadily cheerful and pleasant throughout the increasing burdens of ill health, refus- ing utterly to be an invalid, attending to her household duties, diligent in her rounds of kindliness, in her re- ligious observances, in her family interests, yet steadily also growing weaker. Once Edward Cudahy said to a friend: "I hope that I will live to take care of Mrs. Cudahy to the end." He did not add the unspoken thought that she would be desolate and lost without him; and it was not in his make-up to voice what would be his own desolation 244 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY when she had left him. They had grown old together in unbroken harmony, in a love that never faltered through fifty-three years of married life. Neither of them was demonstrative in speech; but their tender- ness toward each other had so become a part of them that it shone out in every word and look and action, enriching and glorifying the little, daily commonplaces of their lives, of which it could be said, in Belloc's verse, "And Courtesy was in them all." God gave Edward Cudahy his wish: that the hard- ship of their parting should fall upon him rather than upon her. She died suddenly, on May 3d, 1937. He did not mourn her in words ; that was not his way ; his sorrow looked out only from his eyes. Nor did he "weep as those who have no hope." Death was a bitter thing; but it was not an end. God, Who willed death, willed also the resurrection and eternal life. The empty heart would be filled again, in a little while. Death is a unique performance ; it happens only once to each of us. But we can have dress rehearsals, when death strikes here and there, nearer and nearer to us. A very large part of every man's education is in learn- ing how to meet death, some day to die "as one who had been studied in his death." Edward Cudahy's les- sons in death were coming to an end, when he faced the death of his dear Elizabeth. THE USES OF ADVERSITY 245 IV It was an anti-climax that the year of Elizabeth Cudahy's death and the year following it were years of heavy financial losses. They were the kind of losses that many a man takes with bitter resentment: losses due to no lack of skill or energy on his part, but to circumstances which defeated the best efforts of his Company, and which neither he nor the other officers of the Company could control. Four times before, The Cudahy Packing Company had paid no dividends on its common stock, in 1911, 1921, 1922, and 1923; and once, in 1921, it had had a net loss of over a million and a half dollars. But in 1937 its net loss was more than a million and three- quarters, and in 1938 nearly three million dollars. The deficit of 1921 came as a consequence of what used to be called the World War, which, amongst its minor bad results, had violently upset both the production and the marketing of meat products, first raising prices too high, then dropping them too low. The aftermath of that war brought about bad dis- locations of employment, of foreign and domestic trade, and of financial relations: all made still worse by the incredibly stupid orgy of speculation which wound up with a crash in 1929. Then the United States Government undertook the enormously difficult and complex task of re-establishing economic order. 246 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY The whole economic situation and the political at- tempts to deal with it probably mark a turning-point in American history, and certainly are likely to furnish materials of debate for generations to come. The cen- tral political fact was that the Government, after 1932, combined with its efforts toward economic recovery an ambitious and determined scheme of socialistic reform: a reform guided in part by humanitarian ideals of a revolutionary character, in part by a Rousseauistic hope of social justice, and in part by vote-getting politics. In a previous chapter, some hints were given as to the delicate economic balance of the meat-packing in- dustry, in the narrow margin of profit upon which it normally operates. The general strain between Gov- ernment and business, and the particular interference of Government with the supply of livestock, tended to upset that balance. On top of that condition there came a succession of years of drought in the territory from which The Cudahy Packing Company drew its largest share of animal supply. For the meat industry in general the situation may be summed up as this: whilst other industries and services were making a slow recovery of better than ten percent between the years 1932 and 1935, the meat- packing industry not merely did not keep up with this gradual general recovery, but slumped still further to a total loss of business amounting to nearly one-half THE USES OF ADVERSITY 247 of the sales of 1929. As an illustration, the per capita consumption of pork dropped nearly 60% between 1932 and 1935. For once, the packing industry was no longer a barometer of national prosperity. Even when people had slightly more money to spend upon meat, there was less meat for them to buy. 1 It was a time in which businessmen in general, big and little, were angrily resentful toward the Govern- ment, and extremely critical of its policies of interfer- ence. But there was no trace of that resentment in Edward Cudahy's public or private discussions of the situation. He was inclined to think that the Govern- ment had blundered in some of its policies ; but he had modesty enough to think and say that the task of eco- nomic recovery and social adjustment was so vast and intricate as to make snap judgments ridiculous. For at least one whole generation, if not longer, the American people had sown the wind; they were now reaping the whirlwind. Edward Cudahy did not pro- fess to know what would come of the dashing, and at times apparently reckless, experimentation of the fed- eral and state administrations. The job of the man in business was simply to size up the facts before him and do his best to deal with them. 1 Brookings Institution, The Recovery Problem in the United States, Washington, 1936; p. 629. The figures on meat consumption are from the estimates of the United States Department of Agriculture. They are summarily quoted in The World Almanac, 1937; pp. 362, 903. 248 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY It is galling to a businessman's pride to have his honest work knocked about, and to see his own vigor- ous and skillful efforts frustrated. But that frustation, Edward Cudahy insisted, was also one of the hazards of business; and he set no great store by his pride. If he could not learn to grin and bear reverses, he would be making a botch of something more important than his business, his own character. As a final illustration of the way in which Edward Cudahy faced adversity, we may consider a chain of incidents that happened about the turn of the twen- tieth century. In the early part of the winter of 1900, a man came one evening to Edward Cudahy' s house in Omaha, asking for help. The man's name was Pat Crowe. Six years or so before he had been short in his accounts as a salesman in the retail market of The Cudahy Packing Company. Edward Cudahy, by paying the shortage himself, and not turning Crowe over to the bonding company, had then saved him from crim- inal prosecution. But Crowe had gone from bad to worse. Now he was just out of jail, he admitted, and needed money to get to Cheyenne, Wyoming, where he said he expected to find work. Edward Cudahy gave him ten dollars, and told him to come to the office in the morning, when he would THE USES OF ADVERSITY 249 get him a railway ticket to Cheyenne. Crowe thanked him rather fawningly, but added that he needed a coat. Edward Cudahy gave him his own overcoat. So far, that was a common type of incident. Crowe's bad record did not stand in the way of his getting help. But Crowe did not come to the office in the morning. Instead, with the aid of a fellow-criminal named James Callahan, he planned to kidnap Edward Cudahy's son, then a boy of fifteen, and hold him for ransom. The kidnapping was carried out a week before Christmas, with a demand for $25,000 ransom, under threat of blinding the boy if the money were not promptly paid. Edward Cudahy paid the ransom; and his boy was re- turned unhurt. Blackmail under threat of lasting injury to a man's young son strikes most of us as a particularly vile crime. In this case there was added the special infamy of a bestial ingratitude on the part of the kidnapper. Amongst civilized men, that sort of crime ordinarily creates a general anger against the criminals and sym- pathy for the victims. There were plenty of civilized human beings in Omaha; but there were enough of the others to prompt a newspaper campaign of vilification, directed, not against the criminals, but against the vic- tims. Edward Cudahy was gravely chided by some editors for having paid the ransom money. It was sug- gested by others that the whole affair was an advertis- ing stunt, or even that it was a conspiracy between 250 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY young Edward Cudahy and Crowe, in which the boy would split the ransom money with his kidnaper. Roderick Murphy, a brother-in-law of Crowe, first pointed out the identity of the criminal. But the police officials showed little zeal in tracking down Crowe and securing evidence against him. Crowe, after wander- ing as far as South Africa, wrote a confession of his guilt some three years later, in a letter to Father James Murphy, of Vail, Iowa, a village some fifty miles northeast of Omaha; and the letter was published in newspapers. It was nearly another year before Crowe was cap- tured, in Butte, Montana, and brought to Omaha for trial. Then the prosecuting attorney for the State, since there was no law against kidnapping in Nebraska, had him tried for robbery. The case for the State was presented weakly; and a complacent jury promptly ac- quitted the confessed criminal. These things happen not infrequently in the United States. That is a pretty good pile-up of adversity: to have his only son kidnapped and threatened with blindness; to be held up to public scorn for ransoming him ; to be sneered at as a partner of the kidnapper; and, after the criminal had publicly admitted his guilt, to have him set free in a travesty of justice. Crowe had written in his published letter of April 22, 1904: THE USES OF ADVERSITY 251 "... I have wronged a man that has been a friend to me. I am guilty of the Cudahy affair. I am to blame for the whole crime . . . Cudahy is a remark- ably good man. I have known him many years and must say that he is generous and forgiving, and it would be hard to find a better man, but he feels he owes it as his duty to the public to prosecute me." Even though Crowe wrote these statements as a pre- amble to his whining petition that Edward Cudahy compound a felony and offer him assurance that he would not be prosecuted, his statements, as the evi- dence shows, corresponded with fact. When Crowe was captured in Butte, he sent word he wanted to have for his defending counsel a very capable Omaha lawyer, James P. English. Now James English's brother, Will, had been an employee of The Cudahy Packing Company for a dozen years or more. In view of that fact, James English hesitated to take Crowe's case. Will English solved the difficulty by tell- ing Edward Cudahy that his brother had been asked to defend Crowe. Edward Cudahy answered: "Why shouldn't he? Crowe is entitled to a proper hearing, and by the best lawyer he can get. Tell your brother that I have no desire to stop him from defend- ing Crowe." It does not seem too much to say that the man who could control his justified anger against one who had 252 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY injured him so inhumanly had already learned a good deal of Christian patience and charity. The sense of Crowe's injury never died in Edward Cudahy. Forty years later, it was still evident that the memory of that dread day when his son was threatened with mutila- tion and blindness was a bitter memory. But as cour- age is not the absence of fear, but the conquest of fear, so is charity not insensitiveness to injury, but the reso- lute abandonment of revenge. Yet for Edward Cudahy to have carried his forgive- ness to the point of trying to head off the efforts of the State to convict and punish the confessed criminal would have been an excess of tolerance. Virtue, as Aristotle reminds us, walks in the middle path: here, between vindictiveness and sloppy weakness. As a matter of fact, he did not have to go to the silly ex- treme; the State and the jury took care of that. More notable was his fortitude and self-restraint in the face of the sneers and insults which an ugly press inflicted upon him. All that looked like pure malice. Crowe had his obvious selfish motive, money: and $25,000 is much more than "thirty pieces of silver." But the respectable, smug newspaper men had not even the Judas excuse of greed. They had only envy and hatred of a man whose sole title to their enmity was that he was a Catholic and a successful business- man. Edward Cudahy felt their malevolence keenly. THE USES OF ADVERSITY 253 It shocked him, puzzled him, hurt him; but it did not embitter him. He was not learning for the first time the abundant injustice and harshness of men, the mystery of man's inhumanity to man. He had seen it written pretty largely across all our history. He had read its climax in the passion and death of the noblest of all men. It was a commonplace of his Catholic faith that the dis- ciple could not expect from the world better treatment than his Master had received. Our Calvaries are little Calvaries; but the road up them is heart-rending just the same. Any man who has learned that truth as Edward Cudahy learned it has gone a long way in his education. CHAPTER X THE EDUCATED MAN I Strictly speaking, no man's education can be said to be completed at any time in this life. In cold fact, a man's education is not a finished job until it brings him either to the possession of God in the Beatific Vision or to the terrible alternative of the eter- nal Pain of Loss. The two ultimate goals of human education, heaven or hell, dwarf into insignificance all the minor stages on the road to the one or the other. But there are minor stages on the road; and for us, who know nothing experientially of heaven or hell, these minor stages are our practical gauges of good or bad results in the work of education. One of these stages our forefathers used to speak of as "the grand climacteric." The name may have gone out of fashion in medical circles ; but it still lingers along in a limping way in literature. It indicated in a vague way that time in a man's life at which his development as a hu- man being might be looked upon as nearly complete. Physically, mentally, morally, it was the plateau. Be- yond "the grand climacteric" was only the patient plod- ding on, and the rapid or slow descent to senility and death. This side of the grave there were no more heights. THE EDUCATED MAN 255 Belloc, ignoring the pronouncements of the medical fraternity, fixed "the grand climacteric" for every man in that moment when he begins to see his life as a thing past. It may seem fair to say that when a man has reached that stage in his journey his task of education is nearly done: we can at least begin to examine it as if it were a finished thing. Hence, if we consider Edward Cudahy as he rounded out, say, his seventieth year, we may with reasonable approximation look upon him as an educated man. The main lines, at any rate, of what he had made of himself were then clear; only minor details were like- ly to change much. At seventy, Edward Cudahy was tall and straight, a six-footer; his hair and close-clipped moustache clear white; his eyes large, still undimmed, dark, lively, and expressive. In middle life, he had weighed close to two hundred pounds, and had been exceptionally mus- cular. Now, he had none of the paunchiness that mus- cular men so often fall into as they grow old; he was lean and hard, thirty pounds lighter, alert and compact. His manner was quiet and reserved, an easy quiet, with no sense of strain, no mannerism of any sort. His voice was singularly pleasant, in the middle register, well modulated, warm, unaffectedly free of the nasal- ity so common in American voices. In speech and manner he was dignified without being conscious of dignity, with a winning friendliness evident at once; 256 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY but no back-slapper. He had an excellent command of written and spoken English, a use of language that was terse without being abrupt or harsh. Even to one meeting him for the first time, he con- veyed an impression of force and power, physical and mental, but a restrained and controlled power. What he had to say was vivid and forthright, the talk of a man who knew his own mind, knew what he was talk- ing about, and did not use words idly. But his direct- ness and forcefulness in conversation had no touch whatever of the domineering or self-imposing. His in- tellectual modesty was as manifest as his sound knowl- edge and vigorous judgment. Within the range of his observation and study, his opinions were quietly confi- dent and assured; at the same time, he saw clearly where were the limits of his own experience and his own grounds of certainty; beyond those limits, he was prompt in saying, "I don't know." In a striking number of ways, Edward Cudahy matched Aristotle's famous portrayal of "the great- souled man" in the fourth book of the Nichomachean Ethics, a work no longer listed amongst the best sellers. He had the great natural endowment of Aristotle's "magnanimous man": a strong body; a quick, accurate, searching mind; a power of resolute purpose; an im- mense energy. (God had given him also the gift of faith and all that goes with it: gifts beyond Aristotle's THE EDUCATED MAN 257 ken.) He himself had worked incessantly with his gifts, developing and enriching them. He had not worked in the highest levels of specu- lative thought, he was not a philosopher or poet; his circumstances had limited his creativeness to the hum- bler, material affairs of an industrial and commercial career. Aristotle might have frowned at that career, as banausos, vulgar. But in it Edward Cudahy had at- tained mastery, which would have mollified Aristotle; and he had that quality of "the great- souled man" which Aristotle emphasizes, a clear-eyed recognition that he was a master. His mastery, moreover, was not merely of material processes. It included, by all means, those developed qualities of intelligence and courage and self-restraint and fortitude which make up mastery of one's self. He had equipped himself with the virtues which Aris- totle postulated for his ideal of "the great-souled man." He had learned to follow the golden mean, the rule of right reason that amounts to practical wis- dom, that guides and controls energy of action with- out diminishing it, that counsels and effects modera- tion in the use of pleasant things and endurance of unpleasant things. His dignity was based upon serenity of mind. He had charted a course for himself, and had not badly deviated from that course at any time. He had lived up to his principles. What others judged of him mattered 258 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY much less than what he judged of himself and infinite- ly less than what God judged of him. He was, there- fore, as Aristotle would have him, armed against com- mon opinion, and had neither to fear frowns nor curry favor. II But Aristotle's * great-souled man" seems to have been armored in pride and self-confidence; and that Edward Cudahy was not. Three centuries after Aris- totle had come One Who dared to say to men: "Learn of me because I am meek and humble of heart"; 1 a teaching which the Greek philosophers could scarcely comprehend, and certainly could not advocate. The ideal of inner lowliness which Jesus Christ held up to His followers conflicted with the Greek concept of greatness of soul. To them it would have seemed either dishonest, a sort of hypocrisy in a man of great gifts (just as humility is always puzzling and suspect to the naturalistic world today), or weak, as marking a lack of intellectual appreciation of the mastery such a man had achieved. Yet from his boyhood Edward Cudahy had begun to learn that the highest educational achievement of any man still leaves him dependent upon God and infinitely lower than the divine perfection. The Christian ideal in education toward which Edward Cudahy had striven i Matthew, xi, 29. THE EDUCATED MAN 259 all through his life had in it an element of self-distrust and self-depreciation which tempered all his recogni- tion of his own attainments. Paradox as it must have seemed to the pagan philoso- pher, ancient or modern, there was no weakness in that self-depreciation, no timidity, no shutting of one's eyes to the reality of one's gifts and accomplishments. The paradox is resolved by the fact that the self-deprecia- tion was not absolute, but relative. It denied nothing of one's real achievement; it accepted that achievement fully, and gratefully; but it set it over against the per- fection of God Himself, and saw that it was as nothing in comparison with that perfection. When Edward Cudahy had reached his eightieth birthday, his nephew John Cudahy, then Ambassador of Belgium, wrote to congratulate him. In his letter he said: "It is not your success in business, extraordinary as that has been, which makes me proud of you; it is the integrity of your character, never touched by prosperity, and the simple fidelity with which you have followed the traditions to which you were born." Simple fidelity to early religious traditions and be- liefs and practices, as John Cudahy knew, have not always marked the men whom the world recognizes as successful men. A vast number of persons have come 260 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY to accept almost as axiomatic that material success is accompanied by an independence of God, a slow or swift abandonment of Christian modesty and humility, a sort of petulance toward the lowly attitude of mind they bore in their days of struggle, poverty, and insecur- ity. They had arrived now; they could do without God. They dominated some little corner of this world ; and therefore they were beyond their old loyalties, and dependences, and obedience to divine laws. The sad fact is that there are many instances which seem to support that pitiful assumption. We may rightly think that it was because of the temptation to pride inherent in material success that Jesus Christ cried out: "Woe to you that are rich, for you have your consolations." 1 If Edward Cudahy felt the force of that temptation, he had educated himself to meet it. His words and conduct give ground for the belief that he had even educated himself to forestall the impulse of pride, that he had anchored himself so securely in years of humble faith in God and dependence on God's will, through daily prayer, through the use of the Sacraments, through the habit of loyalty, that the very notion of prideful revolt took no hold upon him. Whatever judgment men may pass upon him, we may believe that in the sight of God this was his i Luke, vi, 24. THE EDUCATED MAN 26 1 crowning success in his education: that in all his im- mense preoccupation with business affairs, and through- out those successful results of his work which have so often turned successful men into the fools who say in their hearts, "There is no God," he had kept unspoiled a humble and a contrite heart. Ill That is one way of looking at the results of Edward Cudahy's education. It is not the popular way today; and perhaps there never was a time in which such a standard of education was universally acceptable. So far as the present temper of opinion is concerned, there is a strong likelihood that to many educationists the judgments expressed here are nearly unintelligible. In a generation in which education and schools have become synonomous, we have made book-knowledge our final test of excellence in education. Perhaps that fact goes far to explain why we are, on the whole, so appallingly shallow even in our book-knowledge. A man gets wisdom out of books only in the measure of the qualities he brings to his reading. A sloppy mind and an undisciplined will may be engaged with books for a whole lifetime, and emerge at the end of it still a sloppy mind and a flabby character, with only some little accretion of detachable erudition accumulated, like barnacles, on the way. 262 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY If we test Edward Cudahy's education by his book- knowledge, it stands the test well. He had read a great deal, discriminatingly, actively, with a mind sharpened by daily energetic use outside of books, with critical acumen, with a resolute intolerance of trash and false- hood. The honesty of mind that carried him unstained through his business career acted as vigorously in his reading. You could no more sell him diseased ideas in books, no matter how popular they happened to be, than you could sell him diseased hogs or cattle for his packing plants. The contempt for herd opinion which Aristotle marked in "the great-souled man" was, in Edward Cudahy, an honest scorn for all the facile, empty shibboleths that go to make up so large a part of our modern enormous output of books. He brought to his reading high intellectual qualities: a developed accuracy of reasoning, a wide knowledge of humanity acquired in his competitive dealings with other men, a store of principles derived from his Cath- olic teaching and from "the great tradition" in educa- tion which for so many centuries had leaned on Catho- lic teaching, the habit of swift, honest appraisal based upon observation and established truths. He had a tenacious memory, strengthened by con- stant use: the comprehensive sort of memory that functions in holding old and new ideas together for the mind to compare them and judge between them. THE EDUCATED MAN 263 He came to his reading as a man equipped, by the kind of education which books alone can never give, to deal with books as a formed person, a competent master of books, able to use books as tools for his own further development. Success in that kind of book-education cannot be measured by a mere enumeration of the books he had read. It was what he got out of the books that count- ed: the enrichment of knowledge and understanding and appreciation which was a blend of his own quali- ties with the values in the books, a permanent addition to his whole personality. Nor will our present school formulas of "tests and measurements" serve to gauge how rich were the total achievements of his reading. What he had got from books had become a part of him, just as what he had got from his daily work and prayer, from music and the drama and conversation, from rebuffs and pain and disappointments, had be- come a part of him. Edward Cudahy's book-education had no separate existence of its own, as mere erudition sometimes has. He was too much alive to let books dominate him, as they dominate so many men who pass as educated men. Knowledge fused with other qualities in him to make up that rounded fulness of living which the old Greeks called harmony. He carried throughout his life an amazing sense of proportion and balance, not as a 264 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY calculated scheme, but as an habitual and almost sub- conscious attitude, the habit of intellectual order, of putting first things first. There is no way of proving that that balance and proportion and harmony in his intellectual life tied up with his moral and religious life. Living realities are apprehended, not proved. But to those who really knew Edward Cudahy it will come as no strange say- ing to suggest that the basis of his intellectual integrity and balance was his acceptance of the command of Jesus Christ, "Seek ye first the kingdom of God." IV Gregory of Nazianzen and Basil and Ambrose and Augustine were talking sounder psychology than the modern world may think when they set down reverence as the great achievement in education. We men come from God and go to God. Between our birth into this world and into God's grace and our final judgment, we have no nobler exercise of our intelligence than its recognition of our dependence on God. We can, therefore, rightly call Edward Cudahy an educated man if only on the ground that reverence for God grew in him all through his life. That test of his education Aristotle and Plato also would accept. His Catholicism enlarged and stabilized the reverence THE EDUCATED MAN 265 which the nobler pagan minds appreciated as a man's first and last achievement in his education. It is a realistic and enlightening approach to Edward Cudahy's education to say that reverence for God un- derlay all his virtues, intellectual virtues, moral virtues, religious virtues. He was eager and industrious, be- cause he was the steward of God's gifts, accountable for his use of those gifts. He was modest and unas- suming, because he recognized that all he had he had from God. His courage was in part a natural and su- pernatural endowment from God, in part a developed habit begotten of confidence in God. His honesty and business integrity were founded upon the justice com- manded by God. His charity was the charity of a sup- pliant before God, dealing mercifully with others as he looked for mercy himself. His religious loyalty and fidelity was the humble tribute of a creature to his Creator, of a redeemed Christian to his Lord and Sav- ior. His life becomes unified and simple and intelli- gible through his abiding reverence. If we could see in full detail how that reverence colored all his thinking and speaking and flowered out in his actions, we would have pretty nearly the core of the whole story of Edward Cudahy's education. It showed in his conversation, not in pious phrases, which were alien to his temperament, but in an unstrained guard over his speech. He was never scurrilous or 266 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY coarse in talk, never flippant or indiscreet. His rever- ence for God implied respect and consideration for his fellow-men; his wit was never caustic or malicious; he was intolerant of the detractions of petty gossip. He had a power of quick, sharp appraisal of other men, and saw their faults and limitations as clearly as he did their good qualities ; but he was habitually guarded and reserved in discussing the defects of others. Through years of frequent and frank conversation with Edward Cudahy, the writer has been impressed by the fact that he never spoke harshly of any one. That did not mean any pollyanna sort of self-deception or sentimental sugaring over of the faults of others. There were occasions when honesty, and justice toward an- other, compelled him to express condemnation of some individual's conduct; but his disapproval was put in the minimum of words, and with whatever of excuse or condonation his clear intelligence could fairly devise. That is saying a good deal for the self-restraint of any man, and more than a good deal for the self- restraint of a man as intellectually sharp as Edward Cudahy. St. James, perhaps, would admit him as pass- ing his own high test of the perfect man: "If any man offend not in word." His sense of humor was touched with the same qual- ity. Men at all times have made much of possessing a sense of humor; perhaps most men would feel hurt if denied the right to claim a sense of humor, the quick THE EDUCATED MAN 267 perception of the incongruous and ridiculous. For- tunately for a sad enough world, some capacity for humor is fairly widespread. But most of it works only on the incongruities of other men. Edward Cudahy's sense of humor was of the rare kind that could see the ridiculous in himself. He faithfully observed the mys- tical Rule Six: "Don't take yourself too damn serious- ly." Not all the jokes in life are on the other fellow; Edward Cudahy could see them when they were on himself. If that attitude is not a calculated pose, it is one of either resentful or humble self-depreciation. In Ed- ward Cudahy, it was not a pose, and it was not resent- ful; it was a chuckling, cheerful humility. He had learned to laugh at himself, at his blunders, at the gaps between his desire and his performance, not bit- terly, but good-naturedly, because he had learned to keep in mind the majestic background of eternity that makes all human endeavor seem so petty and all our passing tragedies such affairs of small moment. The most devastating of all incongruities was the infinite distance between himself and God. His sense of hu- mor was the Christian sense of humor, which has in it an amazing amount of reverence. That sort of a sense of humor is also one of the elements of fortitude. Because he had it, Edward Cudahy calmly accepted from others treatment which 268 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY would have driven Aristotle's "great-souled man" into a cold fury of retaliation. His sense of humor working in that way did not reach the magnificent heights of St. Thomas More; but perhaps it did as well as the legendary calm of Socrates under the tirades of Xantippe. One illustration of it was his manner of accepting the repeated, snubbing dis- courtesy of a Catholic priest who actually owed him much gratitude for his benefactions. This clergyman on two occasions sent out word that he was too busy to see him when Edward Cudahy made a pre- announced visit. By no look or word did Edward Cudahy show chagrin or resentment; and he made it a point afterward to enquire courteously about the well-being of the priest. Only, after the second rebuff, he did not again call upon him. It was part of Edward Cudahy' s tradition that rever- ence for God extended to God's ministers, even when their conduct failed to square with their profession. He was not a thick-skinned man to such boorishness as this priest displayed; he did not condone it; but he could and did endure it serenely and humbly. The priest had a string of degree letters after his name; but there is a considerable possibility that Edward Cudahy was the better educated man of the two. But his reverence for God, as is to be expected, was most evident in his practice of religion, his direct deal- ings with God. There was a simplicity and solidity THE EDUCATED MAN 269 about his worship of God which had never changed substantially from the years of his childhood. He had grown up in the Catholic faith, as a boy grows up in his father's house; he was always at home there; his code of conduct linked spontaneously with the place. His reverence in worship was as unostentatious as a decent boy's good manners in his home. He was re- spectful without being stiff or formal or self-conscious ; at ease, without slouching. It is not astonishing to learn that he had acquired the habit of prayer. His day was filled with concen- trated work, and had little opportunity for prayer; but it began and ended with prayer. Like many old men, in his later years he did not sleep well. When some one once asked him if that sleeplessness did not make the nights seem intolerably long, he answered: "No, I don't mind it. All my life, whenever I waked at night, I have been accustomed to say some Our Fathers and Hail Marys. I just say more of them now than I used to." When he was in his eighty-first year, he was laid up for some time with a sharper attack of an old chronic bronchitis. Between his illness and the natural weak- ness of his great age, he had not been able to attend Mass on Sundays. The priest who from time to time brought him Holy Communion, usually about nine o'clock in the morning, reminded him that he was ex- empt from the Eucharistic fast, and advised him to take 270 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY the medicines he was accustomed to use during the night for relief from his wearing cough. Edward Cudahy said: "Yes, I know. But I'll stay fasting." There was no parade about it, no long-winded ex- planation or pious disclaimer. He had always fasted carefully from midnight before Holy Communion, out of reverence, and in obedience to the precept of the Church; he would keep on doing so. Perhaps as near as we can come to formulating edu- cation is to say that it expresses the sum of a man's native gifts plus his acquired habits. In the case of a baptised person, one must add also the gift of sanctify- ing grace and what the theologians call the infused virtues, of faith, hope, and charity. But the formula, even though fairly accurate, is cold and dead, remote from the living reality of the human person himself, equipped with his individual gifts from God, and struggling through whatever of blunderings and frailties, with whatever of success or failure, to bring himself, as a person, into accord with God's plans for him. As a process, a man's education holds all the tragedies and all the triumphs of life and eternity, the terribly lonely journey "down to the pit or up to the throne." THE EDUCATED MAN 271 All we can catch of Edward Cudahy on that long journey are little glimpses. The crust of his mortality enveloped him, as it does every man: the barriers stood high and stiff between him and even those who knew and loved him best. It is so with most men. Only here and there, some man of the writer's trade, and particu- larly skillful in his trade, manages to get something more of himself into words, in such books, say, as the Confessions of St. Augustine or Jean- Jacques Rousseau, or Newman's Apologia. In comparison with men of that sort Edward Cudahy was inarticulate. He revealed himself more in action than in words. Not that he was secretive by intent; but he had no knack of self-revelation. The very restraint which was part of his self-control made it impossible for him ever to wear much of his heart upon his sleeve — or upon his writing-pad. For any one else to claim to enter fully into all the workings of his mind, to try to portray completely what he revealed so sparingly, would be arrogance. That first impression of him that one got, of con- trolled power, remained, after years of close acquaint- ance with him, the dominant impression. It was warmed by his generous affection, his unselfish kind- liness, his great simplicity. He was the easiest man in the world to talk to, frank, pleasant, equable in tem- per, good company anywhere. 272 THE EDUCATION OF EDWARD CUDAHY Yet unconsciously he stood out in a roomful of peo- ple as a person of distinction, a man whose soul, hum- ble before God and man, had a dignity that could not merge itself with any group, an aloofness not planned or desired, but inevitable. Immeasurably more than by his admirable manners, he was an aristocrat; he could get down on the floor to play with his grandchil- dren, and still be a figure of dignity and power. What has here been written of him is, therefore, fragmentary and inadequate, no more than broken de- tails which the reader's imagination must piece together into some sort of image of the man himself. If, out of even these scattered bits, some hint may be gathered that here was a person who had been greatly gifted by God and who had done a great work in developing his gifts, the summary, bald as it is, may be all that can be offered of the education of Edward Cudahy. APPENDIX I When John Cudahy, a nephew of Edward Cudahy, was United States Minister to Eire, he hunted up some early records of his family in Ireland, and sent them as a Christmas present to his uncle Edward, in 1938. John Cudahy' s researches were fairly extensive, although mostly through secondary authorities. He included in his data a photograph of Castle Ballycuddihy and a copy of the Coat of Arms which Joyce assigns to the Cuddihy family. There was no snobbery in the report, nor any attempt to set up a claim of his branch of the family to the Cuddihy arms; there was only a proper interest in the ancient roots of his people, from which they had been cut off through their emigration to America. Edward Cudahy thanked his nephew warmly for his Christmas gift, and wrote appreciatively of the labor involved in its compilation and the affection which had prompted him to send it. But he added, signifi- cantly: "I was never very much concerned about the origin of the family. But I was always proud that our Father and Mother were strong and healthy, and that we have inherited from them good constitutions and good religious training." Then, when he had looked over the list of variant spellings of the family name, which John Cudahy had 274 APPENDIX I gathered from several sources, Edward Cudahy added a postscript: "No doubt Cuddihy is the correct spelling of our name. I remember, as a small boy of five or six years, that the matter of changing the spelling was discussed in family circles, and that Michael was the principal spokesman for changing the spelling to Cudahy." Some of the information which John Cudahy collect- ed about the Cuddihy family has been used in the text of this book. Here is a selection from some of his other notes: "A sketch of timber known as Kilbride Wood was held by the family, according to Callan tradition, be- fore migrating to America. (In a Papal Document of 1462 Callan parish is called the Rectory of Callan otherwise Kalbride.) "In Irish Heraldry (published in 1905 by Murphy and McCarthy, Dublin) appear the Coats of Arms of seven hundred Irish families. That of the Cuddahy family is the silhouette of a dragon with the back- ground of the sun over mountain tops. Beneath are the Latin words, Sursum Corda, Lift up your hearts . . . "The first extant written record of the name is in the Index of Ossory Wills, where the name, Jeremiah Cudehy appears in 1674; John Cudihy, with the ad- dress, 'Borris in Ossory', in 1712; and Nicholas Cuddihy, Milltown, County Kilkenny, in 1800. (The Diocese of Ossory embraced the parishes of Callan, Tullamaine, Cooliaghmore, Killaloe, Ballycallan, and APPENDIX I 275 Tullaroan. Corrigan, History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory, vol. Ill, p. 291.) "On the Catholic Qualification Rolls, 1778-1798, there are the following names: John Cuddihy of Milltown, County Kilkenny Nicholas Cuddihy of Milltown, County Kilkenny James Cuddihy of Milltown, County Kilkenny "The assessment of the Parish of Callan, under the Tithe Composition Act of 4 George IV, chapter 99, dated June 18, 1827, had the names: Patrick Cuddihy - Kilbride Commons - 472 Edmond Cuddihy - Westcourt Commons - 542 "The Index to Marriage License Bonds, Ossory: Elizabeth Cuddihy and William Finn - 1729 Patrick Cuddihy and Ann Bassett - - 1799 "In the Diary of Humphrey O'Sullivan, a Callan schoolmaster (edited by Rev. Michael McGrath, pub- lished by Simpkin, Marshall, Ltd., London, 1936, for the Irish Texts Society), appears an entry under date of April 2, 1827: 'I went from Callan to Kilmaganny in company with Margaret Barr, widow, and her daughter, sweet worded, sweet voiced little Margaret. We had an old, half blind, lean bodied, unkempt, dark brown guide, to wit, Michael Cuddihy.' "An Irish manuscript, written in 1798 by Donchadd O'Sullivan, the father of Humphrey O'Sullivan, 'be- longed to one Seamus Cuddihy, living near Callan in the Diocese of Ossory,' according to Seamus O'Casaide. (The Irish Book Lover; vol. XXVI, No. 2. Sept.-Oct, 1938, p. 35.) 276 APPENDIX I "The Primary Valuation of Tenements in the Parish of Callan, County Kilkenny, under date of October 12, 1849, shows the following entries: Jeremiah Cuddihy - Mill Street Lessor Earl of Carrick John Cuddihy - Green Street Lessor James Corr Richard Cuddihy - Crossage Lessor Viscount Clifden John Cuddihy - Haggarts Green Lessor Anastasia Dalton" At this point John Cudahy inserts some notes on the history of Callan, which the writer has used and en- larged in the text of the first chapter of this book. Then followed the entries regarding his grandparents and their children born in Callan, which were copied for John Cudahy by the parish priest of Callan, the Reverend Fintan Phelan, from the parish register of marriages and baptisms: that particular book of records having been begun on January 20, 1821. The notes then continue: "The old family residence on Mill Street has now been demolished and replaced by a modern dwelling. "Beyond the known descendants of the family which emigrated from Callan in 1849, 1 have never been able to find any relative, with the possible exception of Mrs. Mary K. Evans, Lovely Banks, via Geelong, Vic- toria, Australia, who wrote me on August 13, 1938: APPENDIX I 277 'I recollect when a first cousin of my father, named Richard Cuddihy, living in New Zealand at the time, corresponded with Cuddihys of the Meat- works in U. S. A. They were related, and newspa- pers were often sent to the New Zealand Cuddihy, who in turn forwarded them to my father and brother.' "This lady had previously written me that she thought her father, Michael Cuddihy, was a brother of my father, Patrick, and her paternal grandfather, John Cuddihy, was a brother of my paternal grand- father, Patrick. "Edward A. Cudahy, senior, during the summer of 1938, told me that he remembered hearing his father speak of a brother, Richard, living in Australia, with whom his father corresponded over a period of years. My father told me that he thought he would have been christened Richard, if he had not been born on Saint Patrick's Day." APPENDIX II Edward Cudahy was likely to be embarrassed when he was caught in the act of making large gifts. It was his habit to "do good by stealth, and blush to find it fame." But Father Robert M. Kelley, the rector of Loyola University, persuaded him to write a formal letter announcing his gift of a library to the Univer- sity. The phraseology of the letter is stiff, because he was ill at ease in writing such a letter; but its thoughts and sentiments are most genuine. There is a whole lifetime of his actions to prove this genuineness. Here is the letter: January 13, 1930. Dear Father Kelley: As a tribute of devotion to my beloved wife, Eliza- beth M. Cudahy, it is my cherished privilege to pre- sent to Loyola University the Elizabeth M. Cudahy Memorial Library. I feel that in thus adding to the facilities of this great institution I am recording in a definite and permanent way, my loyalty to my faith, my esteem for the sons of the saintly Ignatius of Loyola, and my desire to further the cause of Christian education. The most precious of our possessions are not the material things of life, but rather those endowments that make for higher cultural standards. Libraries, those store-houses of wisdom, are essential in our educational designs, and to have been the medium through which this library is provided for Loyola, is an honor of which I am deeply appreciative. APPENDIX II 279 It is my fervent wish that the faculty, students and friends of Loyola may find in this memorial, not a mere thing of steel and stone, but a living, vibrant force and an enduring monument to the advance- ment of learning and those spiritual values in which our securities as Christians and citizens are reposed. Accept then, dear Father, this library. My high hope is that it prove an inspiration and a haven to the thousands who may enroll under the colors of Loyola in our own day and in the generations that are to follow us. Yours very sincerely, E. A. CUDAHY. Since he had to say something on the occasion, it was in keeping with his character that he should dwell intelligently upon the purposes back of his gift. Those purposes, simple and clear, were two. The first was that Elizabeth should have her memory fixed in a public acknowledgment, not after her death, but whilst she still lived. Death dwarfs memorials. To one who beholds and possesses the infinite beauty and wisdom of God, a monument of stone and steel here on this earth is almost a ridiculously tiny thing; and even that nobler gift, the love that inspires the monument, is in- finitesimal beside the infinity of God's love. The time for his testimony of devotion was the present, when Elizabeth could still warm her soul at the precious small fire of human love. The other purpose was to 280 APPENDIX II enlarge the educational facilities of a Catholic college. What use would be made of the added facilities was a matter for hope only. At the entrance to the reading room of the library, there is a modest bronze plaque, with a dedicatory in- scription which Edward Cudahy composed and signed. It reads as follows: THIS LIBRARY IS REARED A TRIBUTE OF DEVOTION TO MY BELOVED WIFE ELIZABETH M. CUDAHY AS A SIGN OF MY LOYALTY TO MY FAITH MY ESTEEM FOR THE SONS OF IGNATIUS MY ZEAL FOR CATHOLIC EDUCATION WITH THE HOPE THAT THE FACULTY STUDENTS AND FRIENDS OF LOYOLA UNIVERSITY MAY FIND IN THIS LIBRARY A HAVEN OF STUDY A HOME OF CULTURE A STOREHOUSE OF SPIRITUAL VALUE AN INSPIRATION TO HIGH IDEALS. 1930 E. A. Cudahy