Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2010 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/lifetravelsofher01whee
 
 
 A1 Dccc. i-XX/y
 
 Trom the CiBrary of 0.(E. amf 
 Mary MapCe Jones 
 
 y? gift from ^stfter ^ougfitie Trencfi, 
 Jane (Dougfitie I'ayfor eZ ^ftarcfTl ^oughtie III 
 
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 University of Illinois Library at Urbana-Champaign 
 
 iui
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE AND TRAVELS 
 
 OF 
 
 HERODOTUS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 FIFTH CENTURY BEFORE CHRIST : 
 
 AN IMAGINARY BIOGRAPHY FOUNDED ON FACT, 
 
 ILLUSTRATIVE OP THE 
 
 HISTORY, MANNERS, RELIGION, LITERATURE, ARTS, AND SOCIAL CONDITION 
 
 OF THE GREEKS, EGYPTIANS, PERSIANS, BABYLONIANS, HEBREWS, 
 
 SCYTHIANS, AND OTHER ANCIENT NATIONS, IN THE 
 
 DAYS OF PERICLES AND NEHBMIAH. 
 
 J. TALBOYS WHEELER, F.R.G.S. 
 
 AUTHOR OF " THE GEOGRAPHY OF HERODOTUS," ETC. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 VOL. L 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS. 
 
 1855.
 
 London : 
 
 A. and G. A. Spottiswoode, 
 
 New-street Square.
 
 11^ 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 The present work is an attempt to give in a popular 
 form a complete survey of the principal nations of the 
 ancient world as they were in the days of Pericles and 
 Nehemiah. AYith this view, the author has written an 
 imaginary biography of Herodotus, the Greek historian 
 and geographer, who flourished in the fifth century before 
 Christ; and by describing his supposed travels to the 
 most famous cities and countries of antiquity, he has been 
 enabled to review their several histories, narrate their 
 national traditions, describe the appearance of each people, 
 point out their peculiarities and manners, and develope 
 the various religious views and ideas which belong to 
 their several mythologies. 
 
 Such a work is peculiarly open to criticism. The 
 author's anxious desire to render it as popular as possible 
 has led him to take such freedoms as may probably be 
 censured by the severer scholar. He has taken Hero- 
 dotus to Persepolis and Jerusalem, and brought him 
 into contact with Nehemiah, for the sake of connecting 
 the sacred history of the world with the profane. He 
 
 A 3
 
 VI PREFACE. 
 
 has been compelled to throw a thick veil over the dark 
 vices of the ancient world that he might fit his book for 
 general perusal. He has been obliged to avoid all cri- 
 ticism and boldly state results which have not as yet re- 
 ceived the approval of every scholar. He has even thought 
 it advisable to omit specific references to authorities, as 
 they would involve much critical discussion and bewilder 
 those readers for whom he has more especially written. 
 It is therefore with no little diffidence that he submits 
 the present volumes to the public. He can, however, 
 declare that he has conscientiously laboured to compile 
 such an introduction to the study of ancient history as 
 should both amuse and instruct the general reader, and 
 lead him to the study of that higher class of historical, 
 geographical, and critical works which as yet he may 
 not have had the courage to undertake. In a word, the 
 author has sought to clear ancient history from the dust 
 of the schools, and teach it in shady playgrounds and 
 flowery gardens. 
 
 The great work of Herodotus, and the labours of 
 his numerous commentators, have been his chief au- 
 thority for the historical narratives, the geographical 
 descriptions, and the legends, traditions, and anecdotes 
 scattered throughout the following pages. Besides these, 
 however, the writer has been greatly indebted to the 
 labours of Grote, Thirlwall, Miiller, Heeren, Kawlinson, 
 Fergusson, Wachsmuth, Becker, and Jacobs; to the
 
 PREFACE. TU 
 
 classical, biographical, and geographical dictionaries edited 
 by Dr. William Smith ; to the elegant and valuable trea- 
 sury of Greek and Roman antiquities published by Mr. 
 Rich, under the title of '^ An Illustrated Companion to 
 the Greek Lexicon and Latin Dictionary ; " as well as to 
 many other works which he studied during the prepara- 
 tion of his " Geography of Herodotus," and which are 
 duly mentioned in the preface and foot-notes to that pub- 
 lication. He might likewise name the " Travels of 
 Anacharsis the Younger in Greece," by the Abbe Bar- 
 thelemy ; but, though he has partly taken the idea of the 
 present biography from that celebrated performance, yet 
 he has borrowed none of its materials. 
 
 In conclusion, the author may be permitted to state, 
 that should the present volumes meet with the approba- 
 tion of the public, they will probably be followed by 
 others of a similar class. It will be readily perceived 
 that the ancient world is here surveyed through a Greek 
 medium, and at a period when the empires of Assyria and 
 Babylonia had ceased to be, when Judah was a desolation, 
 and when Rome had not as yet commenced her career of 
 conquest and of glory. Most gladly, then, would the 
 writer return to that young world which he has so re- 
 luctantly quitted ; and, surveying it under other aspects 
 and through other mediums, call up brighter and still 
 more varied pictures of the nations which have passed 
 away. 
 
 A 4
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 THURlUiM, B. c. 443 — 427. 
 
 Herodotus's Emigration to Thurium, b. c. 443. — Settlement of the 
 Colony. — Houses and Dress of the Ancient Greeks. — Commence- 
 ment of the Peloponnesian War, b.c. 431. — Arrival of an Athenian 
 AVar Galley and Samian Merchantman at Thurium, b.c. 427. — 
 Herodotus's Entertainment of the Samian Skipper. — Departs on a 
 Voyage to Athens ----- Page 1 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 HALICARNASSUS, B.C. 484 — 464. 
 
 Herodotus born b.c. 484, at Halicarnassus, in Asia Minor. — Ancient 
 History of Western Asia Minor. — Ceremonies attending the Birth 
 of Infants. — Early Years of Herodotus. — Kursery Stories of 
 Empusa, of the Lamia?, and of the Nymphs. — Story of Scylla and 
 Glaucus. — School and Gymnasium. — Writing on Tablets^ and 
 Papyrus. — Fables, Verses, and Wise Sayings. — Arithmetic. — 
 Music. — Gymnastics and Greek Sports. — Herodotus at the Age of 
 Twenty. — His Religious Belief — Greek Mythology according to 
 the National Faith - - - - - -15 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 HALICARKASSUS (CONTINUED), B. C. 464. 
 
 Herodotus prepares for a Voyage to Ionia. — Family Affairs. — 
 Political State of Halicarnassus. — Queen Artemisia. — Struggles of 
 the Democratic Party. — Ambition of Lyxes for his Son Herodotus. 
 — Herodotus's Poetical Aspirations. — His arduous Labours in the 
 Composition of an Epic Poem. — Review of early Greek Literature. 
 — Homer and Hesiod. — Rise of Lyric Poetry. — First Edition of 
 the Homeric Poems published by the Pisistratids. — Criticisms of 
 Lyxes upon Herodotus's Epic. — Parting Advice - - 33
 
 X CONTENTS OF 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 SAMOS, B.C. 464—461. 
 
 Pleasant Voyage to Samos. — Temple and Oracle of the Branchldas. 
 
 — History of Samos. — Extraordinary Career of Polycrates the 
 Tyrant. — Story of Syloson and the Scarlet Cloak. — Wonderful 
 Mole. — Meeting with Theodorus. — The great Aqueduct. — Temple 
 of Hera, the largest in Hellas, and a famous Gallery of Ancient 
 Art.— Studies of Herodotus. — Progressive State of Literature and 
 the Arts. — Prose Writers.— The Philosophers. — Thales, b.c. 600. 
 
 — Anaximander, b.c. 547. — Anaximenes, b.c. 520. — Heraclitus, 
 B. c. 500. — Anaxagoras, b.c. 464. — The Historians, or Logographers. 
 
 — Hecatseus, b.c. 500. — Charon, b.c. 470. — Hellanicus, b.c. 464. 
 — Xanthus, b.c. 464 _ - _ _ Page 50 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 Three Years at Samos. — Increase of Herodotus's Information, and 
 Development of his Mind. — Letter from Lyxes. — Delos. — Legend 
 of the Birth of Apollo. — Ancient Festivals. — Arrival at Corinth. — 
 Corinthian Commerce. — Glaucus, the Image and Shrine Merchant. 
 
 — Unpacking of Ephesian Deities. — Polydorus, the Corinthian 
 Kake. — Hospitality of Glaucus, and Politeness of his Two Daughters. 
 
 — Herodotus becomes gallant - - - - 65 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 CORINTH (continued), B.C. 461. 
 
 Ancient History of Corinth. — Story of Cypselus and the Bacchlad 
 Assassins. — Story of Periander the Tyrant, and his Son Lycophron. 
 
 — Commercial Prosperity of Corinth. — Herodotus's Walk through 
 the City. — Visits the Temple of Aphrodite. — Views the Statues 
 and Pictures in the Gallery of Glaucus. — Contemporary State of 
 Greek Art. — Ancient Character of Sculpture and Painting. — 
 History of Greek Statuary. — The Art brought to Perfection by 
 Phidias. — History of Greek Painting. — The Art brought to Per- 
 fection by Polygnotus. — Fresh Hospitalities of Glaucus. — A Game 
 at Draughts and Dice - - - - - - 78 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 CORINTH (continued), B.C. 461. 
 
 Herodotus mixes in Fashionable Society, and becomes Fashionable 
 likewise. — Glaucus being cheated, tries to cheat the Gods. —
 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. XI 
 
 Splendid Banquet and Symposium in the House of Nicias. — 
 BcEotian Eels better than Black Puddings. — Nicias elected Sym- 
 posiarch. — Stories, Riddles, and Scolia. — The Game of Cottabos. — 
 Dancers and Flute Players. — Herodotus's Eyes opened. — Captain 
 Phylarchus and Timoleon the Moneychanger - - Page 90 
 
 CHAP. yiii. 
 
 CORINTH (continued), B.C. 461—460. 
 
 The Nautical Tavern of the Golden Fleece at Corinth. — Chambers 
 sacred to Boreas. — Consultation with Phylarchus. — Experienced 
 Skippers. — Yarns of a Phocsean Captain. — Italian Pirates. — A 
 Cadmean Victory. — Expedition to the Tin Islands. — Fiery Moun- 
 tains and Pivers of Silver. — Pillars erected by Heracles. — A 
 Winter in Ancient Britain. — Plunder. — Legend of Phaeton, and 
 Traditionary Account of the Origin of Amber. — Carthaginian Cap- 
 tivity. — Sacrifices to Moloch. — An Old Admiral - - 101 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 MTCEN^, ARGOS, AND TEGEA, B.C. 460. 
 
 Description of the Peloponnesus. — Herodotus leaves Corinth for 
 Argos. — Passes by the Valley of Nemea. — Heracles and the 
 Nemean Lion. — Dinner in the Valley. — Ancient City of Mycenae. 
 — Gate of Lions and Treasury of Atreus. — Great Temple of Hera. 
 — Argos. — Legend of lo philosophised. — Ancient Supremacy of 
 Argos. — Struggle with Sparta. — Bloody and Sacrilegious Conduct 
 of the Spartan King Cleomenes. — Recent Alliance between Argos 
 and Athens. — Herodotus sets out for Sparta. — Tradition of the 
 Battle between Three Hundi-ed Argives and Three Hundred Spar- 
 tans. — Tegea in Arcadia. — Herodotus hospitably entertained by an 
 Arcadian Host. — Ancient War between Tegea and Sparta. — 
 Tradition of the Discovery of the Bones of Orestes. — Spartan 
 Supremacy - - - • - - -114 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 SPARTA, B. C. 460. 
 
 Situation of Sparta. — Her Ancient Inhabitants. — Story of the Twin 
 Princes, and Origin of the Double Monarchy. — Life of Lycurgus. 
 — His Reforms. — The Spartan Citizens formed into a Military 
 Brotherhood, supported by their Farms and the Labours of their 
 Helots. — Trade forbidden. — Iron Money. — Public Meals. — Black 
 Broth. — Military Training of Boys. — Social Condition of Greek 
 Ladies generally. — Peculiar Privileges of the Spartan Ladies. — 
 Their superior Beauty. — True Love only to be found at Sparta. — 
 Spartan Heroines. — Spartan Marriages. — Punishment of Old 
 Bachelors. — Immunities enjoyed by Fathers of Large Families 1 30
 
 Xll CONTENTS OF 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 HISTORY OF SPARTA, ANTE B.C. 60. 
 
 Family Traditions of the Spartan Kings. — Story of Anaxandrides 
 and his Two Wives. — Accession of Cleomenes, b. c. 520. — Adven- 
 tures of Dorieus the Colonist in search of a Settlement. — Aris- 
 tagoras and his brazen Map. — Unsuccessful Attempts at Mystification 
 and Bribery. — Quai^rels between Cleomenes and his Colleague 
 Demaratus. — Doubtful Parentage of Demaratus. — His Mother 
 miraculously endowed with Beauty. — Story of her Fu'st Husband, 
 and how she was entrapped into marrying a Second, — Demaratus 
 charged with not knowing who was his Father. — Corruption at 
 Delphi. — Deposition of Demaratus, and Accession of Leotychides. 
 
 — Flight of Demaratus to Persia. — The avenging Nemesis. — 
 Madness and Suicide of Cleomenes. — Sagacity of his Daughter 
 Gorgo. — Story of the Unjust Spartan. — Miserable death of Leo- 
 tychides ------ Page 144 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 SPA.RTA, B.C. 460. 
 
 Herodotus's First Impressions of Sparta. — Rudeness of the Spartans. 
 
 — Attends the Syssitia or public Dinner. — Spartan Appetites. — 
 Myron the Proxenus. — Earthquake and Helot Rebellion. — Mul- 
 tiplicity of Love Affairs and Marriages at Sparta. — Herodotus's 
 Admiration for Chrysis. — A pugilistic Encounter with her Lover 
 in the PaljEstra. — Spartan Society improves on Acquaintance 
 
 — Legend of the Hero Astrabacus. — Atonement for the Murder 
 of the Persian Heralds. — Heroic Conduct of Sperthias and Bulis. 
 
 — Spartan Festivals. — The Hyacinthia. — The Gymnopaedia. — The 
 Carneia ----.-- 162 
 
 CHAP. XIIL 
 
 OLYMPIA, B. C. 460. 
 
 Grand Festival of the Eightieth Olympiad.— Appearance of the Valley 
 of Olympia. — Character of Greek Gymnastics. — Art Worship.— 
 Races of Hellas and their Ties of Union.— History of the Olympic 
 Games. — Their peaceful and joyous Character. — Witticisms on the 
 Road. — Herodotus's first Evening at Olympia. — Moonlight View 
 of the Valley. — General Revelry. — First Day of the Festival. — 
 Sacrifices to Zeus, and Preparations for the Games. —Second Day. — 
 Contests of Youths.— Third Day. — Foot Races, Wrestling, Boxing, 
 Pancratium, and Peutathlum in the Stadium. — Graceful Movements
 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. XIU 
 
 of the Greek Athletae. — Fierce Contests. — Fourth Day.— Horse and 
 Chariot Races in the Hippodrome. — Great Four-Horse Chariot 
 Race. — Fifth Day. — Crowning of the Victors. — Concluding Festivi- 
 ties ------- Page 179 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 DELPHI, B.C. 460. 
 
 Herodotus becomes Ambitious. — An unexpected Meeting. — Story of 
 Arion and the Dolphin. — Voyage to Delphi. — Pitch Lake in the 
 Island of Zacynthus. — Arrival at the Delphian Port of Cirrha. — 
 Mount Parnassus. — Appearance of Delphi. — Castalian Spring. — 
 Fasting Discussed. — Herodotus Visits the Wonders of Delphi. — 
 Story of the Heroes Phylacus and Autonous. — Immense Treasures 
 and Votive Gifts in the Temple of Apollo. — Trial of the Oracles. — 
 Whitened Phocians and panic-stricken Thessalians. — Horses' Legs 
 and empty Jars -__... 200 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 GEACLES AT LEBADEA AND DELPHI, B. C. 460. 
 
 Ride of Herodotus and Phylarchus to the Cave and Oracle of Tropho- 
 nius. — Crowds of Pilgrims. — A Seaman's Hesitation. — Three Days 
 of Preparation and Sacrifices. — Final Purification. — A Night in the 
 Cave of Trophonius. — Return to Delphi. — Origin and History of 
 the Oracle of Apollo. — Intoxicating Smoke from the Chasm of Cas- 
 sotis. — Character of the Responses. — Inquiry of Phylarchus. — 
 Strange Discovery - - - - - -214 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 HISTORY OF ATHENS, ANTE B. C. 594. 
 
 Attica and Athens. — General View of the City and Country. — Ancient 
 and Modern Appearance of the Public Buildings. — History of 
 Athens in the Time of Moses, Joshua, and the Judges. — Ancient 
 Kings. — Condition of Attica prior to the Time of Solon, ante b.c. 
 600. — Political Constitution. — Oligarchy of the Nobles or Eupa- 
 trids.— Severe Legislation of Draco, b.c. 624. — Unsuccessful At- 
 tempt of Cylon to seize the Supreme Power. — Sacrilege of the 
 Alcmaeonids. — Trial and Condemnation of the Alcmaeonids. — Pesti- 
 lence and Religious Despondency. — Expiatory Rites of Epimenides 
 the Cretan Prophet. — Political and Social Discoveries. — Attica on 
 the Eve of a General Insurrection of the Poor against the Rich. — 
 Solon invited to mediate, b.c. 594 - - - - 228
 
 XIV CONTENTS OF 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 HISTORY OF ATHENS (CONTINUED), B.C. 594 — 510. 
 
 Solon the Legislator. — Sweeping Character of his Measures. — The 
 Seisachthea, or shaking off of Burdens. — Debasement of the 
 Money Standard.— Re-classification of the Athenian People. — Po- 
 litical Privileges of each Citizen dependent on the Amount of His 
 Income Tax. — Powers of the Popular Assembly. — Miscellaneous 
 Laws of Solon. — He leaves Athens. — Pisistratus, the Tyrant, 
 B. c. 560 — 527. — Singular Portent prior to his Birth. — Obtains a 
 Body-guard. — Seizes the Acropolis, and becomes Tyrant of Athens, 
 B.C. 560. — Opposition of Solon. — First Exile of Pisistratus. — Re- 
 stored by the Interposition of the Goddess Athena. — Second Exile. 
 — Seizes the Tyranny a third time. — Dies, b. c. 527. — Accession of his 
 Son Hippias, b.c.527 — 510. — Assassination of Hippai'chus, b. c. 
 514. — Terrorism established by Hippias. — Revolution attempted by 
 the Alcmaeonids. — Corruption of the Oracle at Delphi. — Interven- 
 tion of Sparta. — Downfall of the Pisistratids, B.C. 510 - Page 241 
 
 CHAP. XVIIL 
 
 HISTORY OF ATHENS (cONTINUEd), B.C. 510 — 460. 
 
 Two great Political Parties at Athens. — The Conservatives led by 
 Isagoras, and the Reform Party led by Clisthenes the Alcmaeonid. 
 — Measure for enlarging the Franchise brought forward by Clisthe- 
 nes. — Thrown out in the Senate of Four Hundred.— Carried in the 
 Popular Assembly. — Re-classification of the People. — Constitution 
 of the Senate of Five Hundred. — Reforms in the Administration of 
 the Army and the Courts of Justice. — Establishment of the Dicas- 
 teries or Jury-Courts. — Ostracism. — Isagoras and the Conservatives 
 appeal to Sparta.— Spartan Intervention defeated by a Rising of the 
 Masses. — Combined Invasion of Attica. — Triumph of the Athenian 
 Democracy. — Spartan Attempt to restore the Pisistratids.— Speech 
 of Sosicles the Corinthian. — Sparta obliged to succumb to her 
 Allies. — Athens joins in the Ionian Revolt, b.c. 500. —Battle of 
 Marathon, B.C. 490. — Salamis, b.c 480.— Plat^a, b.c._479.— Pa- 
 triotism of the Athenian Democracy. — Miltiades, Aristides, and 
 Themistocles. — Political Struggles between Themistocles and Aris- 
 tides. — Character of the two Statesmen. — Administration of The- 
 mistocles.— Rebuilding of the Walls of Athens. — Intrigues of Sparta 
 defeated by the Craftiness of Themistocles. — Athens at the Head of 
 the Confederate Fleet. — Disgrace of Themistocles.— Death of Aris- 
 tides. — Review of the History - - . - 259
 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. XV 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 ATHENS, B. C. 460. 
 
 Herodotus lands at the Pirseus. — Athenian Wit. — A Barber's Shop. 
 — Walk to Athens. — First Impressions. — The Agora, or Market- 
 place. — Fish-Market, the Billinsgate of Attica. — Love of Fish and 
 Hatred of Fishmongers. — Herodotus's Dispute with Eupolis the 
 Moneychanger. — Carried before an Archon. — Passed over to the 
 Prjtanes. — Trial. — Important Evidence. — Release of Herodotus 
 
 Page 281 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 ATHENS (continued), B.C. 460. 
 
 Herodotus entertained in the House of Euphorion, the Proxenus. — 
 Literary Symposium. — Wonderful Products of the Earth's Extre- 
 mities. — The Gold-Hunters of India. — Cinnamon Stealers of 
 Arabia. — Tin Islands. — Philosophical Disputations concerning Ma- 
 trimony and Ladies. — Herodotus's Walk with Euphorion through 
 Athens. — The River Ilissus and Spring of Callirrhoe. — Legend of 
 Oritheia and Boreas. — Half-finished Temple of Olympian Zeus. — 
 Great Stone Theatre of Dionysus. — The Athenian Acropolis. — Ra- 
 vages of the Persians. — Fortified Entrance. — Legend of the Serpent 
 of the Acropolis. — Chapel of Erechtheus. — Legend of the Contest 
 between Athena and Poseidon. — Old Temple of Athena the Virgin. 
 — Ancient Pelasgic Wall. — Wooden Fortifications fired by the Per- 
 sians.— Long Rocks. — Legend and Sanctuary of Aglaurus. — Beau- 
 tiful Temple of Theseus. — Sitting of a Dicastery. — Speech of the 
 Prisoner on Trial. — Important News - _ . 296 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 ATHENS (continued), B. C. 460. 
 
 Herodotus's Opinion of Athens. — The Two Political Parties: the 
 Conservatives led by Cimon, and the Young Athens Party led by 
 Pericles. — Hatred to Sparta, and Alliance with Argos. — Popular 
 Assembly at the Pnyx. — Opening Speech. — Measures prepared by 
 the Senate of Five Hundred. — Opposed by Cimon. — Advocated by 
 Pericles. — Effect of the Oratory on Herodotus. — A Discussion on 
 Democracy. — How an Oligarchy may be better than a Democracy, 
 and a Tyranny better than an Oligarchy. — A Discovery - 310
 
 XVI CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 ATHENS (continued), B.C. 460, 459. 
 
 Pursuits and Amusements of Herodotus. — Athenian Partiality for 
 Foreigners, as opposed to Spartan Jealousy. — Excursion to Mara- 
 thon. — Thoughts on the Battle Field. — Vision of the Engagement. 
 — Breaking up of Old Ideas. — Preparations for a Voyage to the 
 Scythians on the Black Sea. — Geographical Description of the 
 Route past Macedonia and Thrace. — Strange Articles for Barter. 
 — Trade in Gods. — Greek Ideas upon the Subject. — Further De- 
 velopment of Herodotus's Religious Belief and Political Views 
 
 Page 328 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 MACEDONIA, B.C. 459. 
 
 Embarkation at the Pirseus. — Visit to the Pass of Thermopylse. — His- 
 tory. — Battles of Marathon and Thermopylse compared. — Descrip- 
 tion of the Pass, — Treachery of Ephialtes. — Glorious Death of 
 Leonidas and his Three Hundred. — Monuments and Inscriptions. — 
 Thessaly anciently a Lake. — Vale of Tempe. — Mount Athos. — 
 Canal of Xerxes. — Ancient History of Macedonia. — Ancient 
 Legend of the Temenid Conquest of Macedonia. — Story of 
 the Massacre of the Persian Envoys. — Macedonia in the time of 
 Herodotus - - - - - - - 341 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 THRACE, B. C. 459. 
 
 Geography of Thrace. — Greek Settlers and Savage Natives. — Poly- 
 gamy. — Slaves. — Tattooing. — Religion.— Suttees. — Mourning at 
 Births and Rejoicing at Funerals. — Amphibious People of Lake 
 Prasias. — Gold Mines. — The Hellespont or Dardanelles. — Troy. — 
 Interesting Tradition of the Greek Colonization of the Chersonesus 
 by Miltiades the Elder. — Anecdotes of Miltiades the Younger, the 
 Tyrant of the Chersonesus and Hero of Marathon. — The Chersone- 
 sus at the Time of Herodotus's Visit. — Sepulchre of Helle. — Tra- 
 gical Legend connected with Athamas. — Bridges of Xerxes over the 
 Dardanelles. — Hero and Leander. — Xerxes punishes the Straits for 
 destroying his Bridges. — Reconstruction of the Bridges. — Voyage 
 through the Bosphorus, or Channel of Constantinople. — Description 
 of a Thracian Tribe, who believed in the Immortality of the Soul. 
 — Tradition concerning Zalmoxis.— Doubts whether Zalmoxis was 
 a Man or a God - - - - - - 356
 
 XVI 
 
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 Ge 

 
 LIFE AND TRAVELS 
 
 OF 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THURIUM, B.C. 443—427. 
 
 HERODOTCS'S EMIGRATION TO THURIUM, B. C. 443. — SETTLESIEXT OF THE 
 COLONY. HOUSES AND DRESS OF THE ANCIENT GREEKS. COMMENCE- 
 MENT OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, B, C, 431. ARRIVAL OF AN ATHE- 
 NIAN WAR GALLEY AND SAMIAN MERCHANTMAN AT THURIUM, B.C. 427. 
 
 HERODOTUS'S ENTERTAINMENT OF THE SAMIAN SKIFPER. DEPARTS 
 
 ON A VOYAGE TO ATHENS. 
 
 In the year B. c. 443, a band of Greek emigrants crossed 
 the Ionian Sea in ten ships, to establish a colony on the 
 southern shores of Italy. At that time the civilised 
 world was enjoying comparative peace. The vast army 
 of barbarians, which Xerxes had led from Asia for the 
 destruction of Greece, had been cut to pieces forty years 
 before, and Marathon and Salamis were only remembered 
 as we remember Trafalgar and ^Vaterloo. But the 
 Greeks, being no longer united against a common enemy, 
 were torn by faction, and the struggle between aristo- 
 cracy and democracy was carried on in every city. Xoisy 
 and reckless orators were constantly exciting the turbu- 
 lent passions of the multitude by their efforts to aggran- 
 dise their own party and destroy their opponents, whilst 
 
 VOL. I. B
 
 2 THUKIUM, B.C. 443— 427. 
 
 men of nobler intellect and higher purpose, who disdained 
 to pander to a mob, were ready to mingle in the tide of 
 emio^ration which at intervals relieved the crowded states. 
 Thus it was that Herodotus had joined the band of colo- 
 nists proceeding to Italy. The great father of history, in 
 the prime of life, and possessing an almost unprecedented 
 experience of men and things, had been driven from his 
 native city by the fury of party spirit, and forced to seek 
 a home in a foreign soil, where he might forget the in- 
 gratitude of his countrymen, but cherish a fond remem- 
 brance of the glorious deeds of their mighty fathers. 
 
 The peninsula of Italy is one of the fairest limbs of the 
 European continent. On her knee sits imperial Kome ; 
 the hollow of her foot is laved by the blue waters of the 
 Gulf of Tarentum. In b. c. 443, just three centuries 
 after the stern old Eomans first built their nest on the 
 Palatine hill, Herodotus and his compatriots landed 
 on the shore of the Tarentine gulf. The sunshine of 
 a summer morning joyously beamed upon a land where 
 the scenery was as green and the sky as blue as in their 
 own bright isles of Greece. Before them was the plain 
 of Sybaris, as lovely as the garden of the Hesperides. 
 Groves of orange and citron threw their pleasant shadows 
 upon the sward; sloping hills were covered with the 
 richest verdure ; whilst far away in the interior the back- 
 ground of that glorious landscape was formed by the 
 towering summits of the snow-capped Apennines. The 
 fatigues and dangers of the w^eary voyage were now all 
 forgotten. The turbulent assemblies and war of faction, 
 in which many of the emigrants had so recently engaged, 
 seemed as distant as the days of their childhood. The 
 friendly Sybarites, clad in the airy and graceful costume 
 of Hellas, had crowded the beach since the early morning, 
 and anxiously watched the little fleet approaching their 
 shores. At length they began to recognise the images 
 at the several prows, and the pennons at the sterns ; and
 
 SETTLEMENT OF THE COLONY. 3 
 
 seeing the sails lowered and the anchors cast, they eagerly 
 put off in their boats to bring the voyagers to land and 
 welcome them to their new home. 
 
 The circumstances which had led to the present mi- 
 gration were peculiarly favourable to the new settlers. 
 A Greek colony had been established at Sybaris as early 
 as B.C. 720, and, by carrying on an extensive commerce 
 with the principal countries on the Mediterranean, had 
 acquired abundant riches for all its members. The 
 Sybarites became renowned for their luxury and love of 
 pleasure, and their very name was soon a by-word for 
 voluptuaries. Their prosperity, however, was cut short 
 by faction. A large minority were expelled the city, 
 and the neighbouring state of Crotona took up arms in 
 their behalf. In the fatal war which ensued, the Sybarites 
 were completely conquered ; in B.C. 510 their city was 
 sacked and destroyed, and the few survivors were com- 
 pelled to fly to other states. Sixty years afterwards, the 
 descendants of these survivors tried to effect a settle- 
 ment on the vacant site of the old city. Again they 
 were driven away by the inhabitants of Crotona; but, 
 instead of returning to exile, sent envoys to Athens and 
 Sparta, the two great capitals of Greece, for assistance 
 in establishing the new colony. Sparta refused to aid 
 them ; but Athens warmly accepted their proposals. It 
 was this Athenian expedition, swelled by volunteers from 
 all parts of Greece, which was now received by the Sy- 
 barites with the heartiest hospitality ; and the welcome 
 strangers gazed on the beautiful land with hearts full of 
 thankfulness to Zeus the Preserver and bright-eyed 
 Athena, and gave vent to their feelings in shouts of 
 rejoicing. 
 
 Herodotus had joined the emigrants as a volunteer, and 
 with him was the youth Lysias, at that time only fifteen 
 years of age, but destined to become one of the mighty 
 orators of Hellas. The leaders of the expedition were 
 
 B 2 
 
 LIBRARY U. OF L URBANA-CHA7l^PA!r^^
 
 4 THURIUM, B. C. 443—427. 
 
 Lampo, the prophet and priest, and Xenocrltus. The 
 first act of the assembled multitude was to offer up a 
 solemn thanksgiving to Zeus the Preserver, for their safe 
 arrival in so fair a spot. The sacred fire, kindled at the 
 altar of Hestia, in the prytaneum at Athens, had been 
 carefully preserved throughout the long and difficult 
 voyage. The simple altar was now constructed of earth 
 and sods, and the pile of wood was arranged. The fairest 
 maiden was chosen to be the canephoros, and carried on 
 her head the flat round basket containing the sacrificial 
 knife, the incense, and the chaplet of flowers. The bull 
 intended for sacrifice was led along with gilded horns 
 and head crowned with garlands. Last of all the priest 
 approached the altar, and, turning the victim's head 
 heavenward to Olympus, performed the solemn cere- 
 monial. The fire was kindled, the sacred portion was 
 placed upon the flames, and full libations of pure wine 
 were poured upon the altar ; and whilst the incense was 
 thrown upon the sacrifice, the sound of hymns and prayers 
 ascended with the fragrant smoke in a sweet savour to 
 the Olympian deities. Then followed an evening of fes- 
 tivity. New bread and roasted meat were eaten with 
 gladness uiuler the shade of over-arching groves. Bowls 
 of wine, mingled with the clearest water, were passed from 
 hand to hand, and quaffed joyously. Tents were pitched 
 upon the greensward round the fair spring of Thuria; 
 and many a weary politician pillowed his head upon 
 flowers, and passed the night in dreams of youth and 
 gardens, of nymphs and murmuring fountains. 
 
 A detailed account of the establishment and progress of 
 this beautiful colony does not belong to our subject. Six- 
 teen years must be supposed to have passed away. Vines 
 and corn grew upon the hills ; cows and sheep fed upon 
 the pastures. Pleasant farms were enclosed with green 
 hedges, and the hearts of men rejoiced at the noise of the 
 wine-press and the threshing- floor. The town of Thurium,
 
 HOUSES AND DRESS OF THE AXCIEXT GREEKS. 5 
 
 named after the sweet spring of Thuria, had sprung up 
 like a mimic Athens. Four main streets — the Heraclea, 
 the Aphrodisias, the Olympias, and the Dionvsias — were 
 crossed at right angles by the three streets — Heroa, Thuria, 
 and Thurina. There was the gymnasium for the young 
 men ; the ngora, where all the business was transacted and 
 the news discussed ; the pnyx, where the assemblies w^ere 
 held and the orators of the colony thundered their denun- 
 ciations from the bema ; the prytaneum, the great town 
 hall of the state, where the sacred fire from Athens was 
 kept constantly burning on the altar of Hestia ; and above 
 all, there were the temples of fair Athena and Olympian 
 Zeus, those bright gods who ever look benignly upon 
 Attica, and cherish those of her children who are distant 
 from her soil. The houses were still at considerable dis- 
 tances from each other, and only consisted of one story ; 
 but then they all had gardens at the back, and were airy 
 and spacious. Like the houses in other Greek cities, each 
 dwelling was of an oblong shape, and divided into two 
 halves or squares. The square facing the street was called 
 the andronitis, and was set apart for the men of the family ; 
 that facing the garden was called the gyn^conitis, and 
 set apart for the use of the women. Each square consisted 
 of a quadrangle or open court, surrounded by apartments, 
 including sitting-rooms, bed-rooms, eating-rooms, work- 
 rooms, store-rooms, and other chambers. The slaves 
 mostly slept on the roof, and holes in the Avail and roof 
 served both for windows and chimneys. The manners 
 and customs of the Thurians were the same as those of 
 the Athenians; but there was more freedom of intercourse, 
 more open communication betAveen the sexes, and the 
 younger men of the colony Avere more refined in thought 
 and deed, and more happy in their matrimonial relations, 
 than the wealthiest and Avisest gallants in the mother 
 country. The fashions at Thurium Avere also the same as 
 those at Athens. Both sexes Avore a chiton, or tunic. The 
 
 B 3
 
 6 THURIUM, B. C. 443—427. 
 
 men wore tlie short Dorian chiton, which resembled a 
 woollen shirt without sleeves. The ladies, on the other 
 hand, were modestly attired in the long Ionian chiton, 
 w^hich fell down to the ground in ample folds, and was 
 girdled to their waist by a zone. The latter, however, 
 had by this time discarded the old-fashioned Ionian sleeves, 
 and by fastening the chiton to their shoulders with a 
 simple clasp, were enabled to exhibit their fair white arms 
 as in the olden time.* Both men and women also wore 
 an outer garment, either the himation, or cloak, or else 
 the chlamys, or scarf. Both the himation and the chlamys 
 were made of woollen. The himation was only a large 
 square cloth, which hung down to the knee, being first 
 thrown over the left shoulder, then round the back to the 
 right side, then above the right arm or below it, and then 
 again brought back on the left shoulder or arm. The 
 chlamys was an oblong piece of cloth, much smaller and 
 finer, and generally more ornamented than the himation ; 
 it had tassels at the four corners, and was worn more like 
 a shawl or scarf, being fastened by a button or clasp either 
 to the rio^it shoulder or across the breast. The slaves were 
 merely clothed in a chiton of coarse cloth, and the field 
 labourers in one made of rough skins. Shoes and sandals 
 were only worn out of doors, and men wore no covering on 
 
 * The fashion of wearing clasps had existed at Athens at a more ancient 
 period, but had entirely gone out during the Persian war, though, as we 
 have seen above, it was again revived at the present epoch. These changes 
 were connected with the following historical event : — Some time before the 
 Persian war, an Athenian expedition against the island of ^gina was 
 utterly destroyed, and only one man returned alive to Athens ; but such 
 was the anger of the Avives of those who had fallen, that they attacked the 
 survivor in the open streets, and killed him with their clasps. In punish- 
 ment for this outrage the Athenians passed a law, obliging their women to 
 leave off the short Dorian chiton with the elegant clasp, and to wear the 
 long, full-sleeved Ionian chiton. In the time of Pericles, however, and a 
 little before the date mentioned in the text, the memory of the outrage had 
 passed away, the ladies had returned to the old fashion of wearing clasps, 
 and beautiful arms regained their ancient privileges.
 
 COMMEN"CEMENT OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 7 
 
 their heads, excepting when engaged in certain businesses 
 or undertaking a long journey. The ladies, however, 
 dressed their hair in a variety of elegant and graceful 
 styles, and frequently confined it in a network, or by an 
 ornamented bandeau. This brief view of the appearance 
 of a Greek colony* in B. c. 427, — when Kehemiah was 
 governor at Jerusalem, and Artaxerxes Longimanus was 
 sovereign of Persia, — may, perhaps, prepare the reader for 
 an entrance into those different classes of ancient society 
 to which we shall soon find occasion to introduce him. 
 
 The year b. c. 427 was the fifth year of the great 
 Peloponnesian Avar. The austere aristocracy of Sparta, 
 the masters of the Peloponnesus and generals of the 
 finest land force in Hellas, were arrayed against the rich 
 and ambitious democracy of Athens, whose fleets had made 
 her the mistress of the sea. The contest was convulsing 
 every state in Grreece. The aristocracy of every city 
 were eagerly applying for assistance from Sparta, whilst 
 the democracy were imploring the interference of Athens. 
 
 * I may here remark, that I have only attempted to convey a general 
 picture of the houses and costume of the Greeks during the historic 
 period. More detailed accounts may be found in Becker's Charicles, 
 Miiller's Dorians, and Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Eoman Anti- 
 quities ; and in those leai*ned works the reader may find a full investiga- 
 tion of that important question which has agitated all the archa-ologists of 
 modern times, namely, whether the Greek ladies really wore a chitonion, or 
 under-shift, and the gentlemen a chitoniscos, or under-shirt. Thanks to the 
 laborious researches of Bottiger and Becker, the first point may be tri- 
 umphantly maintained ; and Tischbcin has also preserved a representation 
 of a lady in a bath-room, wearing a scanty under-garment, which in every 
 respect answers to the supposed chitonion. When, however, Bottiger 
 assumes that the chitoniscos was a corresponding under-shirt, he is 
 guilty of an unwarrantable inference ; and Becker distinctly proves that 
 the chitoniscos was by no means an under-shirt, but only a very short shirt. 
 We shall not, however, attempt to inoculate our readers with the fever of 
 controversy. Let us hope that those eminent scholars who now feel the 
 lack of knowledge upon this interesting subject, will compile such new and 
 still more comprehensive volumes, that future generations may not thirst 
 in vain for similar information concerning the corresponding garments 
 worn in the present era. 
 
 B 4
 
 8 THURIUM, B.C. 443— 427. 
 
 The fury of party spirit, aggravated by the horrors of the 
 war, was rapidly filling Greece with every kind of 
 treachery and violence. The simple honest-heartedness 
 of her generous citizens was fast disappearing, for no 
 person could be believed, and no oath relied on. The 
 leaders of the factions, whilst speciously crying on one 
 side for a moderate aristocracy, and on the other for equal 
 rights and privileges, were in reality only actuated by an 
 ambitious and reckless desire to rule, and ventured upon 
 the most horrible outrages to gratify their party and 
 crush their opponents. During this particular year, the 
 most unparalleled atrocities had been committed. Only 
 nine days' voyage from Thurium, the streets of Corcyra 
 were running with blood, and the mob were maddened 
 by their wholesale butcheries. The democrats had at- 
 tempted to slaughter every aristocrat on the island, and 
 had included their creditors and private enemies in the 
 general massacre. Sons were slain by fathers ; suppliants 
 were dragged from temples, or murdered within the 
 sacred precincts ; and many of the horror-stricken citizens 
 hung themselves upon the trees in the insanity of despair. 
 At the city of Plataja a similar massacre had taken place ; 
 not however, so much in consequence of faction, but in 
 connection with the ravening war, which was desolating 
 the country. The city had been taken by Sparta, and 
 delivered up to the Thebans. The latter, who had been 
 the rivals and deadly enemies of the Plata3ans, butchered 
 every man in cold blood, sold the women into slavery, 
 and subsequently razed every house to the ground. The 
 news of these terrible deeds had already reached Thurium. 
 She, too, had suffered from internal commotions. First 
 the Sybarites, who had so warmly welcomed the settlers 
 from Athens, and had profited by their assistance in defy- 
 ing the ancient enemy of Sybaris, had soon begun to 
 treat the strangers as an inferior race, had claimed all 
 the higher offices in the state, and had at length fallen a
 
 AERIVAL OF AX ATHENIAN WAR-GALLEY. 9 
 
 sacrifice to the popular vengeance on tlielr ill-timed 
 arrogance. Secondly, another band of emigrants had 
 arrived, and the population had become so miscellaneous, 
 that a contention arose as to whether the colony belonged 
 to Athens or to Sparta. The Athenian institutions still 
 prevailed, but yet the Spartan Thurians were constantly 
 asserting, with that dogged obstinacy which is so intensely 
 irritating, that Sparta was in reality the parent of 
 Thurium. The leadino^ men used their utmost endea- 
 vours to allay these dissensions. They appealed to the 
 oracle at Delphi for a decision, and the Pythia wisely 
 declared that the colony belonged neither to Athens nor 
 Sparta, but to Apollo — an answer which for awhile 
 turned away the wrath of the rival parties. * Still, how- 
 ever, the progress of the Peloponnesian war kept alive 
 the smouldering fires of faction. Rumour declared that 
 the Athenians were projecting the conquest of the neigh- 
 bouring island of Sicily, and that an Athenian fleet 
 would soon pass the Thurian coast in full sail for the 
 island. At this critical juncture, and when some weeks 
 had passed without any trustworthy intelligence from the 
 theatre of war, tidino-s were brousfht to the maccistrates 
 in the prytaneum that two ships were in the offing, and 
 that one of them was most undoubtedly an Athenian war- 
 galley. 
 
 The news at once flashed through the whole colony. 
 The eaoferness and excitement were universal. The streets 
 were emptied of citizens ; the hum of traffic ceased in the 
 affora. All classes throno-ed to the beach like a swarm of 
 bees. There, in the clear horizon, were the two vessels 
 approaching from different quarters. The Athenian tri- 
 reme, with her three benches of rowers at full play, was 
 riding over the waters as swiftly and proudly as a war- 
 steamer of modern times. The other vessel, apparently a 
 
 * Diodorus Siculus, xii. 11, 12.
 
 10 THUKIUM, B. C. 443—427. 
 
 Samlan merchantman driven in by stress of weather, 
 excited but little attention, excepting from a few traders 
 whose storehouses were well stocked with flour and j)rovi" 
 sions, and who hoped for a little profitable barter with a 
 hungry crew. The Athenian pilot evidently knew the 
 coast, and soon brought his vessel to in the creek formed 
 by the mouth of the river Crathis ; and there the trireme 
 was safely anchored. It was speedily known on shore 
 that envoys from Athens were on board, bearing messages 
 of the utmost importance to the Thurian people ; and that 
 a proclamation would be quickly made, convening for the 
 morrow a general assembly of all the citizens. For the 
 remainder of the day all business was apparently sus- 
 pended ; and none but the Avomen and slaves continued 
 their usual labours. The Athenian envoys were hospita- 
 bly entertained in the prytaneum, amidst the scowls and 
 laconic grumblings of the amiable members of the Spartan 
 faction. Smart Athenian officers, in richly worked cui- 
 rasses, imposing helmets, glittering crests, and elegantly 
 shaped greaves, were wandering through the streets, 
 looking about them with gay curiosity, and rapidly finding 
 hospitable hosts amongst the wealthier citizens of Thu- 
 rium. The ennui of the voyage was soon forgotten in the 
 pleasures of the symposium. Simple-minded Thurians 
 heard tales of the camp, the theatre, and the gymnasium, 
 embellished with accounts of beautiful flute-players and 
 exciting cock-fights, with the same perplexed astonishment 
 that maiden aunts hear of some Avild nephew's exploits 
 on the banks of the Isis or Cam. Of course the ladies of 
 every household were carefully locked from such un- 
 doubted gallants, and not permitted to leave the gyneeco- 
 nitis to mingle in their dangerous society. An Athenian, 
 it is true, was the soul of honour, and would sooner have 
 shed his blood than have called up a blush on the cheek of 
 a free maiden ; but husbands and fathers felt that the 
 noble forms and graceful bearing of their guests might
 
 A SAMIAN MERCHANTMAN-. 11 
 
 commit sufficient execution without the assistance of soft 
 words and flattering speeches. As it was, bright eyes 
 would peep through creeks and crannies; songs and 
 laughter w^ould penetrate party walls ; and the fluttering 
 of hearts sadly interfered wdth the embroidering of hima- 
 tions and Aveaving of chitons. 
 
 But amidst the general excitement and festivity, w^hich 
 followed the arrival of the Athenian vessel, the Samian 
 merchantman has been totally forgotten. The night is 
 fast coming on. The anxious colloquies betw^een the ma- 
 gistrates and the envoys are nearly concluded. The 
 groups of politicians who have been discussing the news of 
 the war and the probable objects of the mission of the 
 Athenian embassy, have left the corners of the streets and 
 colonnades of the temples, and sought their quiet homes. 
 Patriotic citizens are carefully preparing their speeches for 
 the morrow ; — speeches that are intended not only to sway 
 the assembly at the pnyx, but to strike the more critical 
 and experienced Athenians with admiring wonder. The 
 symposia are over. Maidens are dreaming of crests and 
 swords ; and even the warriors have faint visions of beau- 
 tiful forms in gracefully falling chitons, of white arms and 
 braided tresses. Sailors wdio have drowned too many of 
 their cares in Thurian wine, are imagining themselves in 
 the Piraeus, and tumbling over their own lanterns in vain 
 attempts to reach their ship. Leaving these several 
 scenes, we proceed to the outskirts of the towm. In a 
 small house, very pleasantly situated, are tw^o men sit- 
 ting in the open court of the andronitis. One of them, 
 an old man bordering on sixty, w^ith a long beard and 
 white flowing hair, is Herodotus, the old historian, from 
 Halicarnassus. The other is the captain of the Samian 
 merchantman. Their conversation has been long and in- 
 teresting. The Samian skipper, a dry, hardy salt, with a 
 merry twinkle in his eye, has been drinking a cup of un- 
 mixed wine, and telling the story of his mishaps. His
 
 12 THUEIUM^ B. C. 443—427. 
 
 narrative was short and abrupt ; he cared not for danger, 
 and seemed to chuckle over his own misfortunes. He 
 had carried a cargo of wine to Egypt, and bartered it for 
 fine linen. He had then coasted to Cyrene to purchase 
 silphium, and from thence had endeavoured to run across 
 to Crete. A Levanter, however, carried him far away to 
 the west. At one time he thought of trying to reach 
 Carthage, and taking his chance of being sacrificed to 
 Moloch or sold for a slave ; at another of keeping out at 
 sea, and suffering himself to be driven to the pillars of 
 Heracles or Elysian fields. The tempest, however, had 
 lulled : a breeze sprung up from the south, which filled his 
 eyes with sand from the Sahara, but bore him safely into 
 the Tarentine Gulf; and he anchored at Thurium just as 
 he and his crew were on the point of starving, having 
 eaten nothing for two days but some rats and a few odd 
 pieces of tackling. Thus far, all had turned out for the 
 best. The physicians at Crotona, close by, would be glad 
 to buy some of his silphium * ; and he should take on 
 board an extra large stock of provisions and water, and try 
 to make his way round the hostile coasts of the Pelopon- 
 nesus without encountering a Peloponnesian galley. If 
 he could obtain a cargo of Laconian dye on his way home 
 all the better ; and in about a month or six weeks he 
 hoped to arrive safe and sound at Athens. Having 
 finished his relation, he beoan to talk of thino;s in s^eneral : 
 — the war, that was crippling the Corinthian trade ; the 
 increased demand for slaves ; the riches of Tartessus and 
 Grades ; the tin mines and barbarians of Cassiterides ; and, 
 above all, of the folly of the struggle between Athens and 
 Sparta, when, by uniting their forces, they might achieve 
 the conquest of Carthage, establish a free trade over the 
 whole world, and let the boldest captain get the best cargo 
 
 ■■■ Silphium was a valuable kind of assafoetida, which was used as an 
 aperient medicine, and sometimes employed for fattening cattle and making 
 their flesh tender.
 
 SAMIAN TARNS. 13 
 
 without he and his crew running the risk of being sacri- 
 ficed like sheep or sold like dogs by the Phcenician psalm- 
 singers.* Herodotus did not deny the propriety of the 
 haughty Spartan fighting in the cause of free trade, but 
 tried to lead his guest to tell of his travels on sea and land. 
 The Samian had been at sea since his early childhood. He 
 knew every port in the ^gean, the Propontis, and the 
 Euxine. He now told stories of strange nations and 
 mysterious cities, to which the old historian listened with 
 sparkling eyes and tingling ears. Herodotus heard places 
 described which he had himself visited, scenes which he 
 had himself witnessed, and was therefore fully disposed to 
 believe every marvellous account. Sea-dragons or sea- 
 nymphs, however, the Samian had never beheld for cer- 
 tain. A captain, under whom he had served, once caught 
 a sea-nymph off' Cyprus, but after a week or two she 
 was reported to have swam away. The captain's wife 
 heard of it ; but the captain swore by Zeus that she was a 
 real sea-nymph, if ever there was one. As for himself, he 
 could only say that the sea-nvmph had a beautiful head 
 and shoulders, for he could not see the fish's tail, as she 
 was dressed in a long chiton, and moved about for all the 
 world like a Paphian damsel. Finishing this delectable 
 story, the Samian began to talk about the glories of 
 Athens, and of the magnificent structures erected by 
 Pericles. He soon found the attention of his listener 
 more enchained than ever. IMany years had passed since 
 Herodotus had visited Athens, and every year seemed to 
 increase his desire for undertaking one more voyage to the 
 famous city. Suddenly he determined to go to Athens at 
 once. The vintage was all gathered, and the wheat har- 
 vest likewise was nearly all got in ; and he could not ex- 
 pect to leave at a better time. Accordingly, he proposed 
 
 * The indignant Samian was probably thinking of the hymns sung at 
 Gades to the genius of death. See Philostrat. Vit. ApoU. v. 4.
 
 14 THURIUM, B. C. 443—427. 
 
 to the honest skipper to accompany him in his return 
 voyage as far as Athens, and offered to furnish him with a 
 fair stock of provisions in payment for his passage. The 
 Samian immediately and gladly consented. He was by 
 no means anxious to sell his silphium at Crotona, if he 
 could obtain provisions on easy terms at Thurium ; and he 
 had discovered that the trireme from Athens was only 
 forty-eight hours in advance of nineteen other war galleys, 
 and that, consequently, salt beef and flour would soon be 
 scarce and high-priced. On the other hand, Herodotus 
 was willing to let him have all that he required beyond the 
 quantity agreed on for the passage, and to wait for pay- 
 ment until they arrived at Athens. Thus the bargain was 
 concluded, and each party made their necessary arrange- 
 ments. The next morning, amidst the tumultuous uproar 
 and speechifying at the pnyx, the Samian got his rough 
 craft ready for the return voyage ; and Herodotus, having 
 obtained a passport from the prytanes, and placed his farm 
 and household in the charge of a near relation, was once 
 more on the salt waves, bound for the favourite city of 
 bright-eyed Athena.
 
 15 
 
 CHAP. 11. 
 
 HALICAENASSUS, b. c. 484—464. 
 
 HERODOTUS BORN B. C. 484, AT HALICARNASSUS, IN ASIA MINOR. — ANCIENT 
 
 HISTORY OF T^'ESTERN ASIA JHNOR. CEREMONIES ATTENDING THE BIRTH 
 
 OF INFANTS. EARLY YEARS OF HERODOTUS NURSERY STORIES OF 
 
 EMPUSA, OF THE LA3II^, AND OF THE NY:MPHS. STORY OF SCYLLA 
 
 AND GLAUCUS. SCHOOL AND GYMNASIUM. TYRITING ON TABLETS AND 
 
 PAPYRUS. FABLES, VERSES, AND "WISE SAYINGS. ARITH3IETIC. — MU- 
 SIC. GYjtfNASTICS AND GREEK SPORTS. HERODOTUS AT THE AGE OF 
 
 TWENTY. — HIS RELIGIOUS BELIEF. — GREEK MYTHOLOGY ACCORDING 
 TO THE NATIONAL FAITH. 
 
 Herodotus was born at Halicarnassus, a maritime city 
 on the south-western coast of Asia Minor, and we invite 
 our readers to embark in our imaginary yacht and pay a 
 visit to the famous site. Leaving the fair foot of Italy 
 we sail round the sister peninsula of Greece, and thread 
 our way through the green islands of the ^gean towards 
 the torn and jagged coasts of Asia Minor. We pace the 
 deck at midnight listening to the calm music of the waves. 
 The Etesian winds of summer are flingrino^ the lio^ht salt 
 spray around us. In the distance the long fantastic pro- 
 montories of Asia Minor spread into the ^Egean like the 
 tangled locks of some fair sea-nymph. Far away to oiu' 
 left are the immortal plains of Troy ; close before us is the 
 hill from whence in olden time the haughty city of Hali- 
 carnassus serenely gazed upon the crested billows. Steering 
 between two antique piers we enter the once famous har- 
 bour. We see around us the precipitous slopes where sat 
 the ancient city. Ascending the green shores we look with 
 wonder on her impregnable acropolis ; we taste the waters 
 of that sweet spring of Salmacis where, twenty-three cen- 
 turies ago, the young Herodotus drank many a cooling
 
 16 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 484— 464. 
 
 draught ; and here, where stood the palace of her by-gone 
 kings, we will sit awhile and muse upon the past. 
 
 Three thousand years ago, in b. c. 1184, the city of 
 Troy on the north-western corner of Asia Minor was taken 
 by the mighty warriors from Greece. A few centuries 
 only passed away and all that western shore, from the 
 city of Priam southwards beyond the birthplace of Hero- 
 dotus, Avas studded with Greek colonies. The principal 
 cities were divided into three great confederacies. First, 
 beyond the southern limits of Troy were the old ^olians. 
 Secondly, in the centre of the coast were the gay lonians, 
 who lived in the finest climate and beneath the fairest 
 sky in all the world, and who worshipped great Poseidon 
 in their national temple of Panionium. Thirdly, along 
 the south-western corner of the coast were the sterner 
 Dorians, who worshipped far-shooting Apollo in their 
 national sanctuary at Triopium. The infant colonies grew 
 up to a luxurious and independent manhood. Their mer- 
 chant fleets rode upon every sea ; their marts were peopled 
 by mighty caravans from the far East. The riches of 
 every clime filled the streets ; painting and sculpture 
 adorned the temples ; and the ears of men were charmed 
 with the dulcet notes of philosophy and song. At length, 
 about B. C. 540, the overwhelming power of Cyrus forced 
 them to submit to Persian domination. The great con- 
 federacies were compelled to pay tribute to a Persian 
 satrap, and furnish supplies of men and ships for Persian 
 armaments. Free citizens were ruled by petty tyrants, 
 who had sprung from amongst themselves, and yet con- 
 sented to be the tools of Persia. In b. c. 503, the lonians 
 obtained assistance from Athens, revolted from king Darius, 
 and commenced a death struggle for freedom. We need 
 not dwell on the horrors that ensued. In six years the 
 insurrection was crushed, and massacres, confiscations, and 
 slavery eifectually broke the spirit of the Asiatic Greeks. 
 Then the haughty Persian determined to avenge himself
 
 ANCIEXT HISTORY OF WESTERN ASIA MINOR. 17 
 
 on that presumptuous state which had dared to support 
 the rebellion of his slaves. The noblest ^-irgins of Athens 
 should be handmaidens to his queens ; her proudest sons 
 should be eunuchs in his harem ; her arrogant democracy 
 should be trampled beneath the iron hoof of Persian de- 
 spotism. Thrice every day at the royal banquet a slave said 
 aloud, by express command, " King Darius, remember the 
 Athenians." At last, in B. c. 490, the Persian armament 
 reached the shores of Attica, and encamped in the plain of 
 Marathon. Athens heard and trembled. Freedom or death 
 was the cry of her devoted children. Her youthful sons 
 marched out in bright array, curled and perfumed as for 
 a mimic combat, but cool as Spartans, and valiant as young 
 lions. Then fought Miltiades his famous victory. With- 
 out archers to harass the enemy, or cavalry to break his 
 lines, the Athenians rushed fiercely on to drive him from 
 their soil. The battle lasted long. The Athenian centre 
 was broken by the barbarian, but its wings routed their 
 opponents, and then turned back and gained the day. The 
 invaders were cut to pieces, and whilst the panic-stricken 
 remnant fled back to Asia, the pgeans of victory resounded 
 through Greece; and even the disappointed Spartans, 
 who arrived too late to share the glory, joined in the uni- 
 versal praises awarded to their victorious rivals. 
 
 The battle of Marathon was fought B.C. 490. Darius, 
 half maddened by the defeat, agitated all Asia to raise an 
 armament which should be invincible ; but he died, B. c. 
 485, in the midst of his preparations. Xerxes succeeded, 
 and continued to levy the men, the horses, and the ships 
 required for the coming struggle. But we need not re- 
 peat the story of that mighty expedition. Armies bridged 
 the seas, and navies sailed through mountains ; but proud 
 and stubborn Greece staked her all against the despot. 
 Heaven sympathised with her struggles ; the winds and 
 waves helped to deliver her from the threatened yoke. 
 Thermopylae and Artemisium, Salamis and Plataia, gave 
 
 VOL. I. C
 
 18 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 484— 464. 
 
 lier victory and revenge ; and the songs of triumph found 
 an echo on the shores of Ionia, and Asiatic Greece once 
 more panted for freedom. 
 
 Meantime Halicarnassus, unlike the other Dorian cities, 
 had taken no part in the Ionian revolt, and seemed to 
 live contented under the Persian sway. She had origin- 
 ally belonged to the Dorian confederacy, but was ex- 
 cluded in consequence of having violated one of its laws.* 
 Subsequently she had been united with three neighbour- 
 ing islands, and formed into a little kingdom, under the 
 general superintendence of the Persian satrap. During 
 the war of Persia against Greece, this humble throne 
 was occupied by the celebrated Queen Artemisia, v/ho 
 joined the expedition of Xerxes with five ships, and 
 showed herself to be the most able naval commander in 
 all his mighty armament. 
 
 In B. c. 484 — the first year of the reign of Xerxes, and 
 four years before the Persian defeat at Salamis — Hero- 
 dotus was born in this comparatively peaceful city. He 
 was the son of noble parents. His father, Lyxes, who 
 possessed great wealth, belonged to a family which had 
 originally sprung from Samos ; and many of his ancestors 
 had been distinguished as statuaries in gold and silver, and 
 as engravers of jewels and precious stones. f Dryo, the 
 
 * The circumstances connected with the exclusion of Halicaniassus 
 were as follows: — At the great Dorian festival of Apollo, at Triopiura, 
 games were celebrated in honour of that deity, and a richly ornamented 
 brazen tripod (a kind of portable altar) was the prize of the contest, but it 
 was especially ordained that the tripod was not to be carried off by the 
 victor, but to be dedicated in the national temple. On one occasion how- 
 ever Agasicles, a native of Halicarnassus, obtained the prize ; but instead of 
 placing the tripod in the temple, he carried it off to his own house ; and for 
 this offence against the common law of the confederacy, the city of Hali. 
 carnassus was denied all future share in its privileges. Herod, i. 144. 
 
 f That Herodotus belonged to Samian family, whose members were 
 distinguished for artistical works in gold and jewels, may be inferred from the 
 particular fulness of his accounts of Samos, his supposed residence there as 
 recorded by Suidas, and his very detailed description of the golden ornaments 
 at Delphi, and story concerning the celebrated ring of Polycrates, said to
 
 EARLY YEAKS OF HERODOTUS. 19 
 
 motlier of Herodotus, was of Halicamassian descent, and 
 was an amiable and religious ladv, devotedly attached 
 to her husband and family. The kind goddess Ilithyia 
 smiled upon the birth of the infant historian ; and as the 
 midwife dipped the babe in cold water, according to the 
 Greek fashion, she declared that he was as fair as Eros 
 and as strong as an infant Heracles. On the seventh day 
 the street door was decorated with olive branches and 
 garlands, and all the friends and relations assembled to 
 the birth-feast in the house of Lyxes. The infant boy 
 was carried round the hearth in the nurse's amis, and 
 thus placed under the protection of good Hestia, the god- 
 dess of the fireside and giver of all domestic bliss ; at the 
 same time, when the sacrifice had been ofifered, and whilst 
 the guests stood round as witnesses, he received that name 
 of Herodotus which was to be handed down to the latest 
 posterity. 
 
 The first six years of the life of Herodotus were spent 
 in the gyn^conitis, or apartments of the women, accord- 
 ing to the regular routine of Greek nursery education. 
 He was suckled and weaned much in the same manner as 
 the infants in modern times. He was either dandled in 
 his nurse's or mother's arms, or carried about in a port- 
 able basket, wrapped in a coverlet of Milesian wool. 
 When he cried, the women quieted him with a piece of 
 sponge dipped in honey, a honne louche which he sucked 
 like a young limpet ; when he was tired, they sang him 
 to sleep with lullabies as old as the Heracleids. As he 
 grew older, he began to move on his feet, and to lisp those 
 mysterious Avords, tatta and mamma, which" are still fre- 
 quently uttered by amazing children of British growth.* 
 
 have been the work of Theodorus the Samian. Suidas likewise says tliat 
 the brother of Herodotus was named Theodorus ; and as it was a frequent 
 custom among the Greeks to name a chikl after its paternal grandfather, it 
 is really not at all improbable that the Samian Theodorus was the ancestor 
 of Herodotus. 
 
 * The authorities on the education of Greek boys, may be found in 
 
 C 2
 
 20 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 484—464. 
 
 Figs were given Kim to make him fat;, and fresli figs were 
 rubbed upon his eyes to keep off ophthahnia. He amused 
 himself with the little baubles which hung around his 
 neck, and also played with his little chariots, his coloured 
 balls, and his pretty little images of painted clay. Truth, 
 however, compels us to state that he frequently came to 
 grief from his efforts to convert more important domestic 
 articles into nursery playthings ; and Plato himself might 
 have been highly gratified at the careful manner in which 
 the young hopeful was frequently castigated with the slipper 
 or the sandal. The old nurse, however, was always enabled 
 to enforce implicit obedience. That respectable lady had 
 a stock of horrible stories which would have frightened a 
 Spartan ; and the future historian even went so far as to 
 believe that she could call into active service those shapes 
 and spectres with whom she had formed so intimate an 
 acquaintance. He heard of the terrible Empusa, the 
 phantom minister of Hecate, with one leg of brass and 
 the other of an ass, who could appear in any form she 
 pleased, and of course could glide through lonely chambers 
 and dark passages to devour naughty children. He was 
 also told fearful stories of the Lamias. There was the 
 beautiful Lamia, whom Zeus loved, and who had a pretty 
 little curly-headed son; but jealous Hera made away 
 with the boy, and the poor broken-hearted mother went 
 wild with grief, and devoted all her time to inveigling 
 and destroying the children of others. There were also 
 the Lamiee who assumed the form of handsome women in 
 order to attract young men, and then sucked their blood 
 like vampires, and fed upon their flesh. Again, there 
 were other Lami^e who lived far away on the sands of 
 the Syrtis, whose faces and arms were of surpassing 
 beauty, but whose bodies terminated in huge serpent 
 
 Becker's Charicles, St. John's Manners and Customs of Ancient Greece^ 
 or in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.
 
 STORY OF SCYLLA AND GLAUCUS. 21 
 
 tails, and wlio, moreover, hissed like adders, and devoured 
 all who approached them. The poor little fellow used to 
 bitterly repent the misdeeds he had committed, and to be 
 terribly afraid lest he should fall into the jaws of these 
 fascinating monsters ; but when the old nurse had suffi- 
 ciently satisfied herself of the effect of her story-telling 
 powers, she used to cheer him up with livelier tales of 
 lovelier nymphs with long hair, who sported about all 
 day long as gay and lighthearted as glittering butterflies ; 
 and he liked to hear of these fair ladies and to dream of 
 them by night, better by far than hearing and dreaming 
 of the bloody-minded Lamige. There were the Oceanids 
 and Xereids, beautiful maidens who were half fishes, and 
 lived at the bottom of the sea, and were always propitious 
 to sailors ; the Potameids, who took care of the rivers ; 
 the Xaiads, who presided over the springs ; the Oreads, 
 who lived in mountains and grottoes; and the Dryads, 
 who dwelt in lofty trees. Little Herodotus was never 
 tired of hearing all about them, and of their dances with 
 the merry satyrs ; but above all he considered it an es- 
 pecial treat to be told the whole story of Scylla and 
 Glaucus. Scylla was a lovely damsel, who played with 
 the sea nymphs, and one of the gods of the sea named 
 Glaucus fell in love with her ; but she refused to marry 
 him, because she did not like his long beard, dishevelled 
 hair, shaggy eyebrows, and fish's tail. Glaucus, how- 
 ever, was determined to make her love him, and even 
 went to that old sorceress Circe, to beg her to give him 
 some love charm or philter which should induce Scylla 
 to smile upon his suit. Circe, instead of assisting him, 
 fell in love with him herself, and, of course, desired him 
 to forget Scylla; but he was too faithful a lover. At 
 last Circe grew so jealous that she poured the juice of 
 some poisonous herbs into the fountain where Scylla 
 bathed ; and no sooner had the maiden touched the water 
 than all the lower part of her body was changed into the 
 
 c 3
 
 22 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 484—464. 
 
 tail of a sea serpent, and surrounded by frightful monsters 
 like dogs, which never ceased to bark hideously. Then 
 the terrified girl threw herself into the sea, and was 
 changed into a great rock, and now the waves are ever 
 roaring around her. 
 
 When Herodotus was six or seven years old, he was 
 sent every day to the school and gymnasium, and his father 
 Lyxes, appointed a slave to attend him everywhere and 
 carry his books, tablet, and other school requirements. 
 This slave was called a psedagogue, a name w^hich is often 
 derisively applied to the schoolmasters of modern times. 
 The school to which Herodotus was sent consisted of one 
 hundred and twenty boys.* The studies were divided into 
 three branches. First, the grammata, wdiich included 
 reading, writing, and arithmetic ; secondly, music ; and 
 thirdly, gymnastics. Especial attention was also paid to 
 the polite behaviour of the several pupils, and they were 
 particularly enjoined to be modest and respectful in the 
 presence of their elders. When Herodotus had learnt 
 his letters, and could not only spell but read fluently, he 
 was taught to write first on a tablet, and then in a regular 
 book or roll of Nile paper ; for writing on skins had long 
 gone out of fashion. The tablet consisted of a thin 
 wooden board, shaped exactly like a schoolboy's slate, but 
 having one of its sides covered with wax. The writer 
 used a stylus, or iron pencil, pointed at one end for inscrib- 
 ing the characters on the wax, and flattened at the other 
 for rubbing out mistakes or bad penmanship. The higher 
 classes, however, were initiated into the art of writing in 
 books or rolls, and this was considered by the smaller boys 
 to be a most glorious and enviable occupation. The Nile 
 paper was made of the spongy pith of the papyrus, cut 
 into layers, and gummed together in the form of sheets ; 
 
 * The school at Chios consisted of 120 boys, when the roof fell in and 
 killed them all but one, just thirteen years before the birth of Herodotus. 
 See Herod, vi. 27.
 
 SCHOOL DATS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 23 
 
 and these sheets were pressed and dried and smoothed 
 with a piece of polished ivory, and then fastened together 
 so as to form a long roll. A proud boy was Herodotus, 
 when, after sundry practisings on loose sheets, he was at 
 last trusted with a roll, and a new and good reed pen, and 
 was directed to copy out some of the fables of that rare 
 old slave ^sop, who had composed them exactly 100 
 years before. Day after day the boy laboured at 
 this mighty task, until at length the whole roll was 
 finished, cut, and trimmed, and mounted on a roller, and 
 carried home; and never indeed had Herodotus felt so 
 happy as when his mother Dryo praised the grand achieve- 
 ment, and even his father Lyxes did not disdain to smile. 
 Meantime Herodotus did not neglect his other studies. 
 He read the works of several authors, which were depo- 
 sited in the schoolroom chest, and committed to memory 
 many old verses and wise sayings ; and it was even 
 then remarkable that he rarely forgot any fact which 
 he had once heard, or any poem which he had carefully 
 perused. His arithmetic, however, was faulty. He could 
 reckon very well with his fingers, but when he took 
 the abacus in hand, and tried to solve more advanced arith- 
 metical problems, he at once found himself m a labyrinth 
 of difficulties. The abacus was a square board or open 
 box, separated into divisions, in which any sum might be 
 represented by means of stones or counters. The coun- 
 ters in the first divi sion represented units ; those in the 
 second, tens ; those in the third, hundreds, and so on : thus 
 the counters arrang^ed in an abacus according^ to the 
 accompanying plan would be equiva- 
 lent to 243,751. This instrument of 
 intellectual torture was considered by 
 Herodotus to be only fitted for the 
 amusement of Tantalus. When he 
 took the result of his calculations 
 
 • • • * • 
 
 to his master, the arrangement of 
 c 4
 
 24 HALICARXASSUS, B. C. 484—464. 
 
 his counters was always incorrect. He cursed it with 
 as much energy as a modern schoolboy denounces prosody 
 or parsing, and to the day of his death he never could add 
 up a sum without a blunder, or subtract one amount 
 from another without being rarely laughed at by his more 
 business-like companions. 
 
 When Herodotus was thirteen years of age, he was 
 instructed in the art of music, and taught both to sing and 
 to accompany himself on the lyre or cithara. A knowledge 
 of music was indeed essential to every Greek citizen, for 
 without it he could neither join in the sacred choruses 
 belonging to the ritual of his religion, nor take his part 
 in the pagans on the field of battle, or in the graceful 
 amusements of social life. Flutes were almost out of 
 fashion, for they distorted the face, and prevented a per- 
 former from sinofino; to the sound of his own instrument. 
 
 In the gymnasium Herodotus spent some hours every 
 day, and practised running, wrestling, and other athletic 
 sports, with boys of his own age. Games and gymnastics 
 were a pleasant change after the porings over the abacus 
 and strummings on the lyra ; and our young hero had 
 joined in them from the first day that his p?edagogue had 
 taken him to school. The amusements of the boys of 
 ancient Greece are still nearly all followed by those of 
 modern Britain. Herodotus could drive his bronze hoop, 
 which jingled with little bells, as fast as any boy in Hali- 
 carnassus. Blindman's buff was a great favourite ; the 
 blind man acting the part of Polyphemus, who had his 
 one eye put out by Ulysses, whilst the other boys played 
 the parts of Ulysses and his companions, trying to get 
 out of the cave. The chytrinda, again, was like our hot 
 cockles : one boy sat on the ground, and was called the 
 chytra or pot, whilst the other boys ran round, pinching 
 and pushing him, until one was caught by the chytra, 
 and made to take his place. The epostrakismos was like 
 our ducks and drakes. The boys stood on the beach, and
 
 HERODOTUS AT THE AGE OF TWENTY. 25 
 
 flung oyster shells edgeways over the harbour, and he 
 whose shell made the most leaps in the water won the 
 game. Throwing the ball, and playing at odd or even 
 for walnuts, almonds, beans, or money, were as common 
 then as noAV. What need, then, for further description ? 
 Herodotus and Thucydides, Plato and Aristotle, The- 
 mistocles and Pericles, were as active in the gymnasium 
 of two thousand years ago as our statesmen, our judges, 
 and our bishops were in the playground of yesterday. 
 
 At sixteen years of age Herodotus may be said to have 
 completed his school education. Ten years had passed 
 since the little boy had been taken from his nurse's arms, 
 and taught to be a man. Two more years elapsed, during 
 which he devoted nearly all his time to the gymnasium, 
 for the completion of what may be called his physical 
 education ; and, not content with running, shooting the 
 bow, hurling the javelin, and throwing the discus, he even 
 wrestled and fought in the paleestra with the regular ath- 
 letes. At eighteen he was admitted amongst the ephebi, 
 and perhaps served the state in some military capacity. 
 
 At twenty he left his father's house in Halicarnassus, 
 to visit the Ionian island of Samos ; and it was here 
 that he commenced his real studies in history, and began 
 to aspire after literary renown. Before, however, we 
 describe the circumstances connected with this event, it 
 will be necessary to obtain some insight into the state of 
 his religious belief; and, in pursuance of this object, we 
 shall endeavour to present the reader with a brief sketch 
 of the orthodox faith of the ancient Greeks, and a sum- 
 mary of their mythological system. 
 
 The modern reader, who has received the truths of 
 revelation, and lived beneath the light of the Holy Gospel, 
 will scarcely appreciate the simple piety and childlike 
 superstitions of the great body of the Greek people. 
 He knows that the Stone cut without hands has shattered 
 the heathenisms of the ancient world. His memory is
 
 26 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 484—464. 
 
 filled with the inspired denunciations against those foul 
 systems of paganism which surrounded Canaan on every 
 side. His imagination is occupied by vivid pictures of 
 the vile idolatries at Damascus and Babylon, of the 
 Mount of Corruption, and the Yale of Hinnom. But 
 no such abominable pollutions were connected with the 
 religious faith of the Greeks in the time of Herodotus. 
 We only see an intellectual but credulous people, anxi- 
 ously seeking for general information, yet tenaciously 
 clinging to the beautiful but extravagant legends of 
 divine beings, which had been, as far as they knew, handed 
 down to them from primeval times. Philosophers might 
 sometimes teach that these legends or mythes were mere 
 allegories ; but all such innovators were popularly regarded 
 as enemies to the gods ; and even to a much later age the 
 great mass of the people continued to be as earnest as 
 ever in their simple devotions to their imaginary deities ; 
 believing themselves to be ever under the superintendence 
 of the Olympian gods, and connecting every duty and 
 every festival with the worship of some special and 
 guardian divinity.* 
 
 Herodotus, though a young man, was deeply imbued 
 with the general religious feeling which existed amongst 
 his countrymen. The early teachings of his mother, the 
 family sacrifices, and the public festivals had vividly im- 
 pressed him with a sense of the goodness and greatness of 
 the ancient deities of Hellas. The thousand beautiful 
 mythes, which w^ere sung by the poets, or recorded by 
 the logographers, had enabled him to contemplate the 
 
 * In a future chapter we shall have occasion to notice the deeper 
 mysteries of the Greek religion, and the more refined and secret doctrines 
 which were adopted by the more intelligent and better-educated classes, 
 and then, perhaps, we shall be able to inquire more critically into the 
 origin of the Greek mythology and its character as compared with that of 
 other systems. At present our only object is to take a general view of the 
 popular religious belief in which Herodotus, as a boy and young man, must 
 undoubtedly have shared.
 
 RELIGIOUS BELIEF OF HERODOTUS. 27 
 
 whole history of those mighty divinities, and of the 
 immortal heroes who sprang from their loins ; whilst at 
 the same time he knew that most of the noble families of 
 Greece claimed an unbroken descent from the divine 
 beings of the primeval world. A doubt of their deified 
 existences never crossed his mind. Religious enthusiasts, 
 with too strong: a mixture of Asiatic blood, misfht disg-ust 
 him by their extravagance. Proud philosophers might 
 ascribe the government of the universe to the material 
 laws of order and effect. But when Herodotus saw the 
 weary Sun-god driving his invisible steeds towards the 
 golden west, — when he heard the roaring tempests of old 
 Poseidon, or saw his crested billows breaking joyously on 
 the beach, — when mother Earth decked herself in flowers, 
 or yielded up her harvests, — or when he gazed upward 
 throuo^h the blue ether and saw the countless stars lookino; 
 stedfastly down like the omniscient eyes of Zeus, — then 
 he felt that the gods were everywhere around him ; and 
 with heartfelt awe and reverence, he lifted up his eyes to 
 heaven, and uttered aloud those w-ords of praise and 
 thanksgiving which were ever acceptable to the Olympian 
 deities. 
 
 To a mind thus religiously disposed, the mythes of the 
 gods and heroes presented irresistible charms. We shall, 
 therefore, present the reader with a brief outline of the 
 mythology according to the theogony of Hesiod, which is 
 such as we may suppose to have been ever impressed upon 
 the memory and conventional thoughts of every educated 
 Greek of the historic times.* 
 
 First of all was Chaos. Then arose from Chaos the 
 broad-breasted Earth, having gloomy Tartarus at her 
 base. Eros, or Love, the fairest of the immortal gods, 
 and subduer of gods and men, came forth immediately 
 afterwards. From Chaos sprang Erebus, — the darkness 
 which is in the depths of the Earth, and black Kight, the 
 
 * The Orphic theogony, will be discussed in a future chapter.
 
 2S HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 484—464. 
 
 darkness which passes over the surface of the Earth. 
 Then Night and Erebus were united, and from these two 
 dark children of Chaos sprang the ever-shining ^ther of 
 the highest heavens, and the bright Day which brings 
 light to the Earth. From Earth herself sprang Heaven, 
 to vault her round and be a residence for the immortal 
 gods ; next the Mountains, to be the lovely abodes of the 
 divine nymphs ; and then the roaring and swelling Sea — 
 rough, barren, and unkindly. 
 
 Earth married Heaven, who is called Uranus. From 
 this mighty union sprang the twelve Titans and Titanides, 
 the three Cyclopes, and the three Huindred-handed Giants. 
 Uranus, the father, was filled with fear and horror at this 
 powerful progeny ; and as fast as his children were born, 
 he buried them in the caverns of the Earth. Mother 
 Earth groaned beneath the pressure. She produced hoary 
 steel, and made a sickle, and implored her sons to avenge 
 both her and themselves. Cronos alone, the youngest of 
 the Titans, undertook the deed, and, armed with the sickle, 
 he mutilated his unsuspecting father. Drops of blood fell 
 upon the Earth, and thence arose the Erinnyes, the Giants, 
 and the Melian nymphs. Other drops fell upon the Sea, 
 and the fair Aphrodite, the goddess of love and beauty, 
 emerged from out of the billowy foam. 
 
 Meantime the Cyclopes and Hundred-handed Giants 
 were imprisoned in Tartarus. Cronos and his brother 
 Titans therefore assumed the supreme sway. From the 
 Titans and their sisters the Titanides (exclusive of Cronos 
 and his wife), sprang the Ocean Nymphs, the Rivers, and 
 Springs, and the Sun, Moon, Stars, and Winds, and nu- 
 merous other beings belonging to the material universe. 
 Cronos married his sister Rhea, and became the father of 
 the gods; namely, of three daughters — Hestia, Demeter, 
 and Hera ; and of three sons — Hades, Poseidon, and 
 Zeus, the latter being at once the youngest and the 
 greatest.
 
 GREEK MYTHOLOGY. 29 
 
 But it had been told to Cronos that, in the course of 
 ages, one of his sons should deprive him of his kingdom. 
 He therefore swallowed his children as fast as they were 
 born, and retained them in his own belly. When, how- 
 ever, his wife Rhea was on the point of being delivered of 
 Zeus, she determined to save her infant. Accordingly 
 she concealed it in a cavern in Crete, and gave to Cronos 
 a stone wrapped up in swaddling-clothes in place of the 
 babe. Cronos swallowed the stone, believing it to be his 
 own child, and thus the safety of Zeus was ensured. 
 
 The infant Zeus rapidly increased in strength, and 
 began to develope his vast powers. He induced his father 
 Cronos to throw up first the stone and next the five chil- 
 dren whom he had previously swallowed. At last he and 
 his brothers determined to wrest the supreme power from 
 the hands of Cronos and the Titans. Then commenced 
 that tremendous struggle in which all the gods and god- 
 desses took a part ; and, indeed, a host of divine beings 
 too numerous to name had already sprang from the differ- 
 ent families of the older deities. Zeus released the Cyclopes 
 and Hundred-handed Giants, who had been imprisoned in 
 Tartarus by their father Uranus, and induced them to join 
 him in the war against Cronos and the Titans. The 
 struggle lasted ten years ; Zeus and his party occupying 
 Mount Olympus, whilst Cronos and the Titans were esta- 
 blished on the opposite mountain chain of Othrys. All 
 nature was convulsed. The Cyclopes supplied Zeus with 
 thunder and lightning, whilst the Hundred-handed Giants 
 tore up crags and mountains, and hurled them on the 
 Titans. Thus Zeus prevailed. Cronos and the Titans 
 were defeated and thrust down to Tartarus; a miglity 
 wall of brass was built round them by Poseidon ; and 
 there they were doomed to perpetual imprisonment in a 
 subterranean dungeon, with the three Hundred-handed 
 Giants stationed as their guards. 
 
 The dominion of the Olympian deities was now firmly
 
 30 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 484—464. 
 
 established, and the new family of gods divided amongst 
 themselves the government of the universe. Zeus retained 
 the blue sether and the atmosphere, together with an ac- 
 knowledged supremacy over all. Poseidon obtained the 
 sea, and was thus lord of tempests and shaker of the earth. 
 Pluto, or Hades, became ruler of the under world, the 
 residence of the shades of departed men. Earth and 
 Mount Olympus were the common property of all the 
 gods. Of the three sisters, Hestia became the goddess of 
 the fire-side and Oliver of all domestic bliss ; Demeter was 
 the protectress of agriculture and of all the fruits of the 
 earth ; whilst Hera became the wife of Zeus, and per- 
 manently maintained the dignity of queen of the gods. 
 Zeus had a numerous offspring, of whom the principal 
 were Apollo, the god of prophecy and song ; Artemis, the 
 virgin goddess ; Ares, the god of war ; Hephaestus, the 
 god of fire and the celestial artisan ; and fair Athena, who 
 sprang from the brain of her father, and became the great 
 goddess of wisdom, industry, and art, and the lofty pro- 
 tectress of the Athenian state.* 
 
 Henceforth twelve great gods were supposed to sway 
 the destinies of mankind from the summit of Mount 
 Olympus, viz. : six male deities — Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, 
 Ares, Hephaestus, and Hermes ; and six female deities — 
 Hera, Athena, Artemis, Aphrodite, Hestia, and Demeter. 
 In addition to these were several other divine beings, such 
 as Pluto, the god of the under world ; Helios, the sun 
 god ; Dionysus, the inspiring god of wine ; Selene, the 
 moon ; the cup-bearing Hebe ; the rainbow Iris ; the 
 three Graces; the nine Muses; the three Fates; the three 
 Erinnyes, or avenging Furies; the countless nymphs of 
 
 * A classified list of all the important divine beings in the Greek mytho- 
 logy is to be found at the end of the second volume, in the shape of an 
 appendix, and for the purposes of reference. We have not thought it 
 necessary to include the names of the heroes, as they belong more to the 
 domain of history than to that of religion.
 
 PRIMITIVE FAITH OF THE ANCIENT GREEKS. 31 
 
 sea and land ; and numerous monsters of divine origin, in- 
 cluding the Harpies, the Gorgons, the Dragon who guarded 
 the golden apples of the Hesperides, the Centaurs, and 
 many others. But of these, as well as of the numerous 
 demigods or heroes who formed the connecting link be- 
 tween deity and man, it will be unnecessary here to enter 
 into any farther detail. 
 
 Such was the primitive faith of the ancient Greeks, 
 handed down to Herodotus and his contemporaries by the 
 traditions of their fathers. The mythic relations of the 
 several gods and their descendants, were constantly being 
 sung or recited by successive generations of poets and 
 rhapsodists, in the private banquet or the public festival. 
 In olden times they constituted the entire literature of the 
 people, and were indeed the germ of their after history 
 and philosophy, their theology, and their romance. Each 
 phenomenon of nature was supposed to be the action of 
 some particular divine being; and thus the trees, the 
 rivers, and the mountains, the sun and moon, the earth and 
 sea, and even the blue atmosphere, were not regarded as 
 merely governed by some monarch god, but as being each 
 embodied by some soul-like deity, and, in fact, as being 
 the gods themselves. Contradictions in the several legends 
 were never noticed by a credulous audience, so long as the 
 narrator described nothing which interfered with the or- 
 thodox distribution of the attributes of each deity ; thus 
 full latitude was given to the inventions of the poet, so 
 long as he did not transfer the shield and aegis of Athena 
 to the love-inspiring Aphrodite, or exchange the thunder 
 of Zeus for the silver bow of Apollo. In process of time, 
 however, as was to be expected, the residence of the gods 
 was removed from the summit of the Thessalian Olympus, 
 and gradually transferred to the blue vault of heaven. 
 
 The sacred mysteries connected with the individual 
 worship of some of the deities whom we have already 
 named will be noticed hereafter. We shall also have to
 
 32 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 484—464. 
 
 mention several modifications which the religious belief of 
 Herodotus subsequently underwent ; but for the present 
 we must return to our general narrative, contenting our- 
 selves with this brief summary of the mythological 
 system which was received and implicitly believed by the 
 household of the father of Herodotus. Sufficient also has 
 been brought forward to convince the modern reader that 
 however much we may admire the beautiful creations of 
 the poets of Hellas, and that however bright may be 
 those few scattered rays of truth which flicker about some 
 of the significant mythes which belong to that old re- 
 ligion, yet that it was absolutely necessary that the whole 
 should be swept away before man could comprehend the 
 exalted and spiritual character of the Divine Godhead, 
 receive the inspired works of a Divine Revelation, and 
 embrace that faith in the only true Saviour, by which 
 alone we can obtain a regeneration of the heart and a re- 
 conciliation of the soul to the Eternal Father.
 
 33 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 HALICARNASSUS (coxTI^^JED), b. c. 464. 
 
 HERODOTUS PREPARES FOR A VOTAGE TO lOXIA. FAMILY AFFAIRS. — 
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF HALICARNASSUS. — QUEEX ARTEMISIA. STRUGGLES 
 
 OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTT. A3IBITION OF LTXES FOR HIS SOX HERO- 
 DOTUS. HERODOTUS'S POETICAL ASPIRATIONS. HIS ARDUOUS LABOURS 
 
 IN THE COMPOSITION OF AN EPIC POEM. REVIEW OF EARLY GREEK 
 
 LITERATURE. HOSIER AND HESIOD. — RISE OF LYRIC POETRY. FIRST 
 
 EDITION OF THE HOMERIC POEMS PUBLISHED BY THE PISISTRATIDS. 
 
 CRITICISMS OF LYXES UPON HERODOTUS's EPIC. — PARTING ADVICE. 
 
 Herodotus was twenty years of age when it was or- 
 dained that he should leave his father's house at Halicar- 
 nassus, and pay a visit to the two Ionian islands of Samos 
 and Chios. Kinsmen of his father resided in both places. 
 In Chios, which was the farthest off, lived a namesake, who 
 was well known as Herodotus the son of Basilides, and 
 who had taken an important part in the late Persian war. 
 In Samos lived Theodorus, a descendant of the famous 
 Samian artist of the same name. 
 
 The reader must now be made acquainted with the 
 reasons which induced Lyxes to send his son upon such 
 a voyage. Lyxes was a man of considerable wealth, and 
 of great influence at Halicarnassus ; and it had been ar- 
 ranged between the families that Herodotus was to be 
 married to the fair Phajdra, a frranddaus-hter of the old 
 queen Artemisia. At the present time, however, Phaedra 
 was only eight years old, and Herodotus was not at all 
 sure that he had even seen her. It was therefore neces- 
 sary, in the first place, that some ten years should elapse 
 before the intended marriage could be celebrated. In the 
 second place, Lyxes had noticed strong evidences of talent 
 in his son, and hoped that his marriage would enable him 
 
 VOL. I. D
 
 34 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 464. 
 
 to take a prominent position in Halicarnassus. At the 
 same time, Halicarnassus was the worst city in Greece for 
 the development of a young man's powers ; and we again 
 find it necessary to glance at its peculiar political posi- 
 tion. 
 
 Halicarnassus, as we have already seen, had been ex- 
 cluded from the confederacy, or amphictyony, of Asiatic 
 Dorians, which was connected with the worship of far- 
 shooting Apollo in the Dorian sanctuary at Triopium. 
 This political isolation, combined with her geographical 
 position, had rendered her citizens less alive to the national 
 glory of Hellas. Though bound to the other Greeks of 
 both Asia and Europe by the ties of a common descent, 
 a common language, and a common religion, yet their ex- 
 clusion from the Triopian confederacy rankled in their 
 breasts, and prevented their sympathising in the common 
 cause of Greek independence. They had therefore re- 
 fused to join in the great Ionian revolt against Darius, in 
 which nearly all the surrounding cities had so eagerly 
 embarked ; and indeed they endeavoured to earn a species 
 of political independence by a display of their allegiance 
 to the Persian sway, rather than risk their all in what 
 appeared to be a foolhardy struggle against the over- 
 whelming power of the Great King. Lygdamis, the father 
 of Artemisia, had been the foremost to advise his fellow 
 citizens to exhibit on all occasions a ready obedience to 
 Persia, and thus to obtain those privileges by favour 
 which they could not possibly seize as a right. This 
 moderate policy secured the prosperity of Halicarnassus. 
 The surrounding half Dorian, half Carian cities, both on 
 the Asiatic continent and on the three neighbouring 
 islands of Cos, Calydna, and Nysirus, were formed into a 
 little kingdom, of which Halicarnassus became the ca- 
 pital. The sceptre was awarded to Lygdamis, who was 
 thus permitted to rule the people according to their own 
 laws and institutions, on condition of paying in the re-
 
 QUEEN ARTEMISIA. 35 
 
 gular tribute to the Persian satrap, and of furnishing such 
 contingencies of men or ships as might thereafter be de- 
 manded to meet the exigencies of the Persian empire. 
 
 Such a state of comparative quietness and security can 
 only be duly estimated if we contemplate the wholesale 
 massacres and confiscations with which the Persians 
 sought to avenge themselves on the participators in the 
 Ionian revolt. Outrages of the most horrible description 
 were practised upon those lonians, ^olians, and Dorians 
 who had struggled for freedom; whilst peace and pros- 
 perity was for a time awarded to the Halicarnassian 
 Dorians, who had patiently borne the yoke of despotism. 
 Lygdamis, however, died shortly afterwards, leaving his 
 sceptre to the husband of his daughter Artemisia. But 
 the new king survived him only a few months, and then 
 left his wife Artemisia and son Pisindelis to the general 
 care of his friend Lyxes. 
 
 Artemisia was endowed with all the energy and self- 
 possession of a Spartan heroine. She had the highest 
 esteem for Lyxes, as a friend who had for many years 
 enjoyed the confidence of her deceased father and husband, 
 but she certainly required very little of his assistance or 
 guardianship. She at once proclaimed her intention of 
 carrying on the government as queen until her little son 
 Pisindelis should have attained the age of manhood ; and 
 she subsequently conducted the internal affairs of state with 
 so much spirit as to excite the respect and admiration of 
 all her subjects. When Xerxes was preparing for his 
 great expedition against Greece, he demanded 100 ships 
 from the Dorians and Carians, and of these a fair pro- 
 portion was expected to be supplied by the Halicarnassian 
 kingdom. So sagacious, however, was Artemisia that she 
 contrived to be only required to furnish five vessels ; but 
 in order to remove all suspicion of being wanting in zeal, 
 she herself took the command of her little fleet ; and she 
 subsequently gave such wise advice in the council of war,
 
 36 HALICARNASSUS, B.C. 464. 
 
 and displayed such extraordinary intrepidity in the battle 
 of Salamis, as to win the admiration and confidence of the 
 Great King himself. One characteristic and authentic 
 anecdote has been preserved concerning this extraordinary 
 woman. During the battle of Salamis, and at a time when 
 the Persian fleet was in the greatest possible confusion, the 
 ship which carried Artemisia was chased by an Athenian 
 vessel, and could not possibly escape, because of the con- 
 fused crowd of friendly vessels ahead. Accordingly, in 
 order to mislead the Athenian captain, she immediately, 
 and without the slightest hesitation, bore down upon one 
 of these friendly vessels, which, like herself, was fighting 
 on the side of the Persians ; and having sunk the ship, 
 she took care that every one of the crew should be 
 drowned. Of course the Athenian took her to be either 
 a Greek or else a deserter from the Persian fleet, and 
 therefore retired from the pursuit ; whilst Xerxes, seeing 
 her prowess from the shore, and believing that she was 
 sinking a Greek vessel, cried out ^' All my men have be- 
 come women, and my women alone fight like men." We 
 might also add that such was the anger of the Athenian 
 people that so renowned a female should be fighting on 
 the side of the invader, that they had previously oflered 
 a reward of 10,000 drachmas for whoever should take her 
 alive ; and that had the captain who chased her vessel 
 known that she was on board, he would have persevered 
 in the pursuit until he had taken her prisoner, or been 
 himself carried off" into captivity. 
 
 When Pislndelis .had reached the years of manhood, 
 Artemisia retired from the regency, and formally placed 
 the sceptre in the hands of her son, but without trans- 
 ferring to him one atom of her real power. Indeed the 
 mild disposition and domestic character of the young king 
 but little fitted him for managing the afifairs of state ; and 
 if he had not been completely under the control of his 
 mother, he would have fled at the slightest opposition or
 
 STRUGGLES OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 37 
 
 popular tumult. But every one stood in awe of Arte- 
 misia. During the battle of Salamis, the ships in the 
 Persian armament were more afraid of coming within 
 reach of her voice than of encountering the best manned 
 trireme in the enemy's line of battle. Slaves, cowards, 
 and old women were epithets profusely scattered on re- 
 treating captains and tardy admirals ; and when the day 
 was utterly lost, and she was compelled by the cruel 
 Fates to join in the general flight, her imprecations were 
 perfectly terrible ; and many an exasperated Egyptian 
 or Cyprian wished himself in that Hades to which she 
 so energetically consigned him. vSubsequently the con- 
 dition of Halicarnassus required that as bold an arm and 
 as intrepid a heart should be constantly at the helm of 
 the state. The Persian fleet had been driven from the 
 -<^gean, and the ambitious spirit of young Athens was 
 thirsting for revenge, and eagerly aspiring after the so- 
 vereignty of the waves. The chain of Greek colonies 
 along the coast and islands of w^estern Asia Minor, fired 
 by the news from Plat^a and Mycale, were once more 
 revolting from the Persian rule, and joining the Athenian 
 league. Cimon, the son of that Miltiades who gained 
 the day at Marathon, was cruising in the ^gean with a 
 mighty fleet, and frightening the whole Asiatic coast by 
 the splendour of his exploits. The democratic party in 
 Halicarnassus were straining every effort to effect a re- 
 volution which should result in the overthrow of the 
 tyranny, the declaration of independence from the Persian 
 sway, the establishment of a democracy, and a union, 
 heart and soul, with the Athenian league. But the spirit 
 of the old queen was never for one moment daunted. 
 Her will was inflexible. She had publicly stated that 
 Xerxes was the best man in the world, and she never 
 flinched from her allegiance ; and well she knew that the 
 moment Halicarnassus declared for Athens, the throne 
 would be buried beneath the ruins of a popular assembly. 
 
 D 3
 
 38 HALICAENASSUS, B. C. 464. 
 
 Meantime her crafty eye detected every revolutionary 
 conspiracy before it could explode, and democracy quailed 
 before the intrepid gaze of the stern old princess. 
 
 We need scarcely apprise the reader that Lyxes was 
 frequently consulted by Artemisia. By his experience 
 and sagacity he had won her respect, in the same way 
 that he had formerly obtained the esteem of her two 
 predecessors on the throne. In politics he was a bitter 
 hater of democracies. An hereditary assembly of nobles, 
 with a king (or tyrant, as the Greeks generally named 
 him) at their head, was, in his opinion, tlie very per- 
 fection of government, supposing it could be main- 
 tained independently of any foreign empire. But whilst 
 ever ready to proffer his advice in the cabinet, he ex- 
 hibited a strong disinclination to an active political life. 
 He was, however, mightily ambitious for his son Hero- 
 dotus. He saw that, on the death of Artemisia, Pisin- 
 delis would be utterly unable to retain the government, 
 and that any wealthy citizen who should contrive to 
 keep on good terms with the Persian satrap might readily 
 obtain the vacant throne. Artemisia was sixty years of 
 age ; her son Pisindelis was thirty-five. Pisindelis had 
 a son named Lygdamis, after the father of Artemisia; 
 but the little boy was sixteen years younger than Hero- 
 dotus, and therefore, at the present date of our story, was 
 only four years of age. Pisindelis also had a daughter 
 named Phaedra, who was eight years old, and who was 
 to be married to Herodotus as soon as she should arrive 
 at a marriao'eable ao:e. 
 
 The scheme of obtaining the throne of Halicarnassus 
 for Herodotus was not only pleasing to the ambition of 
 Lyxes, but it also gave employment to his thoughts, with- 
 out obliging him to make any active personal exertions. 
 One thing, however, was essentially necessary, namely, 
 that Herodotus should obtain some practical experience of 
 men and things. At present he was only wasting his
 
 HERODOTUS'S POETICAL ASPIRATIONS. 39 
 
 time in composing a parcel of rubbishing poetry, and 
 listening with eagerness and credulity to any old-world 
 stories that he could pick up from the women of the 
 household, or from the crazy bards and temple-servants 
 of Halicarnassus. On his travels, therefore, he must be 
 sent, — the sooner the better. And indeed Lyxes himself 
 was not at all disposed to confine his son's peregrinations 
 to Chios or Samos; but if things progressed favourably 
 at Halicarnassus, he proposed sending him across the 
 ^gean to spend a year at Athens, or even to make in- 
 terest with the Persian satrap, and ensure him a safe 
 journey to the great city of Susa, the wondrous capital 
 of the Persian empire. That Lyxes should revolve such 
 mighty schemes will not be at all surprising to those of 
 our readers who know how exceedingly pleasing it is to 
 an idle thinker to set the most enormous tasks, and plan 
 out the most laborious undertakings for other persons 
 to achieve, so long as he himself is sufficiently guaranteed 
 from being required to take any further share in the 
 work. Lyxes, however, notwithstanding his constitu- 
 tional inactivity, superintended the necessary preparations 
 for the voyage with the utmost vigour, and wrote letters 
 of introduction and credit to Theodorus of Samos and 
 Herodotus of Chios, each written upon a small roll of Xile 
 paper, and with his own seal affixed to the foot of the 
 epistle : and on the evening prior to the embarcation, he 
 summoned his son to a private conference, in order to 
 give him more special directions and advice before taking 
 the first great plunge into the bracing waters of the cold 
 world. 
 
 Meantime Herodotus had been dwelling with extreme 
 delight upon the prospect of a voyage. He was one of 
 those beings who retain the enthusiasm and susceptibility 
 of youth long after they attain to manhood, and who, 
 though richly endowed with sense and talents, cannot 
 become practically useful in their generation until a 
 
 VOL. I. * D 4
 
 40 HALICARNASSUS, B.C. 464. 
 
 ripened experience has taken the place of romantic hopes 
 and visions. During the last two or tliree years he had 
 wasted his powers and energies upon mere toys and fancies. 
 To regenerate the poetic taste, forsooth, and w^rite an 
 immortal epic, was the elaborate resolve of the boy of 
 eighteen. Elegies and lyrics were insipid and inconsider- 
 able ; it was destined for him to restore the taste, and 
 reproduce the breadth and grandeur of the Homeric 
 poems. New ink of the very best quality was ground for 
 this important undertaking. The projected poem was to 
 be exactly the length of the " Iliad ; " but, alas ! every 
 available drachma in the poet's possession would only 
 enable him to buy sufficient Nile paper for containing the 
 first twelve books. He considered it to be of the utmost 
 importance that the whole of the poem should be written 
 right off without any cessation, save what might be abso- 
 lutely necessary for sleep and meals ; so that the stream 
 of inspiration might flow on without interruption, and no 
 idleness or delay induce the heavenly Muses to transfer 
 their mighty promptings to some more industrious bard. 
 Herodotus therefore gazed upon the great stack of 
 papyrus rolls which he had purchased with the utmost 
 disappointment and concern. As to reeds, he had got 
 enough to copy out all the books in Halicarnassus ; but the 
 " Iliad " formed twenty-four books, and yet he had barely 
 enough rolls for twelve. The difficulty seemed insur- 
 mountable. An application to Lyxes was not to be con- 
 sidered for a moment. Lyxes never exhibited the slightest 
 sympathy for poetry or poets ; and Herodotus knew that 
 directly his father saw the quantity of papyrus already 
 bought, all arguments based upon the inconstancy of the 
 Muses would be totally disregarded, and a command would 
 be issued, as unalterable as the decrees of the Medes, that 
 the first twelve books of the poem should be written and 
 submitted for approval, before any rolls should be pur- 
 chased for the reception of the remainder. At last a
 
 HIS COMPOSITION OF AN EPIC POEM. 41 
 
 bright thouglit struck tlie ardent bard. His pasdagogue 
 had always been obedient and obliging, and was most cer- 
 tainly his own slave, and considered to be his own pro- 
 perty. Now, though it was also equally certain that the 
 ptedagogue had lived so long in the family that he could 
 not very well be sold without his own consent, yet Hero- 
 dotus felt convinced that the slave had always been so 
 anxious to oblige him that he would readily consent to be 
 transferred to some other master, rather than the money 
 should not be raised ; and that, in this case, Lyxes would 
 be too indolent to take the least notice of his disappearance. 
 Herodotus could not, however, understand his own reluct- 
 ance to submit the proposition to the party most inter- 
 ested. At length he summoned up sufficient courage to 
 place the whole of the circumstances before the ptedagogue, 
 specially enlarging upon the extreme necessity for obtain- 
 ing the additional quantity of Nile paper, and also solemnly 
 assuring him, that when the epic was completed, and the 
 prizes gained, he would buy him back, and permit him to 
 pass the remainder of his days in idleness and luxury. 
 It was a very long time before the pasdagogue could be 
 made to understand the state of the case, and then, instead 
 of quietly acquiescing, he set up a howl which would have 
 done honour to the imprisoned Titans ; and Herodotus, 
 being in a terrible fright lest his father should hear the 
 row, and demand the reason of the uproar, was obliged to 
 assure the pasdagogue that the wliole proposition was a 
 jest, and to give him a gay chlamys to wear at festivals, 
 before the slave recovered his usual equanimity. It was 
 therefore fated that twelve books of the poem should be 
 written first ; but before we describe the subject-matter 
 and progress of the great work, we will take a brief review 
 of the existing state of Greek literature. 
 
 The grand epics of Homer and Hesiod were considered 
 by the Greeks to be the perfection of poetic beauty. Like 
 the Koran of Mohammed, they were reverenced, not only
 
 42 
 
 as comprising the early historical annals of Hellas and 
 the religious code of the people, but as being com- 
 posed in the sublimest verse that had ever been or 
 could be written. To us they are the earliest existent 
 works of Greek genius, but yet the most popular and 
 the only true epics in the world; and Greek literature 
 would almost seem to have burst at once into matured 
 and energetic life, like bright-eyed Athena, who sprang 
 full-armed from the divine brain of Zeus. But though 
 the perfection of the '^ Iliad " and " Odyssey " has buried 
 all previous productions in oblivion, many hymns and 
 poems must have been composed in the previous ages, 
 which, if they had been preserved, would no doubt have 
 been deeply interesting. Ancient hymns, both of a plain- 
 tive and a joyous character, were sung at the festivals of 
 Demeter, the goddess of the harvest, and of Dionysus, the 
 god of the vineyard. The laments for Linus, Hylas, and 
 Adonis were as old as the Syrian lament for Thammuz, or 
 the Egyptian dirge of Maneros. Pa3ans, the songs of hope 
 or of thanksgiving, were sung to far-darting Apollo on 
 the morn of battle or the eve of victory. Domestic events 
 also called forth the gifts of poetry ; and the threnos or wail 
 for the dead, and the hymenseos or merry bridal song, 
 were undoubtedly heard in Hellas before the Homeric 
 poems were first composed. 
 
 The period between the years 1000 and 700, B.C., wit- 
 nessed the splendid dawn and declining glory of the Greek 
 epic. The achievements of Gideon, of Jephthah, and of 
 Samson were almost contemporary with the Siege of Troy ; 
 the Psalms of David with the heroic lays of Homer ; the 
 Prophecies of Isaiah with the didactic poems of Hesiod. 
 Homer, whilst singing the traditions connected with the 
 wrath of Achilles and the wanderings of Ulysses, was in 
 fact commemoratinor the deeds of the heroic ancestors of 
 reigning princes ; and the reciters of his verses were 
 therefore engaged not only in poetic contests at the public
 
 HOMER AXD HESIOD. 43 
 
 festivals, but were even present to enliven the banquets of 
 the ancient kings of Greek cities. On the other hand, 
 Hesiod endeavoured, in his " Works and Days," to raise the 
 moral and social condition of his countrymen, and in his 
 " Theogony," to instruct them as far as possible in a know- 
 ledge of divine things. Homer collected family traditions, 
 and combined them with such geography and history as was 
 known or believed ; Hesiod collected the sacred mythes, 
 and combined them with moral teachings. The ancient 
 Greeks therefore depended on Homer for their historical 
 romances, and on Hesiod for their theological opinions. 
 
 In the time of our hero, Homer and Hesiod were re- 
 garded as real persons, and the reciters of their poetry 
 were called rhapsodists. Modern critics, however, have 
 almost proved that their names ought not to be applied to 
 individuals, but to schools of poets, of whom Homer and 
 Hesiod were the ancestors or founders. The poems which 
 have been handed down to us as the works of Homer and 
 Hesiod ought, therefore, to be regarded either as the re- 
 mains of the two ancient schools of the heroic and didactic 
 epic, or else as two separate collections of previously 
 existing poems made by Homer and Hesiod, and bearing 
 their names. The rhapsodists of ancient times may have 
 frequently been composers of the poems they recited, be- 
 longing either to the school of Hesiod or to that of the 
 Homerids. At a later period, they probably confined 
 themselves to reciting lays of an established reputa- 
 tion, though, perhaps, with frequent modifications or 
 interpolations to suit the occasion or the audience. 
 The manner of reciting appears to have been as fol- 
 lows. The poetry was always composed in the solemn 
 and majestic hexameter metre. The rhapsodist first 
 sung a hymn *, and, like a modern Servian minstrel, 
 
 * The longer of the Homeric hymns now extant, namely, those to the 
 Delian and Pythian Apollo, to Ares, Aphrodite, and Demctcr, could not 
 have been intended as preludes to single recitations, as they are sometimes
 
 44 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 464. 
 
 played an introduction on the citliara^ to give his voice the 
 necessary pitch; and he then recited the rhapsody or 
 given portion of the poetry to a credulous and susceptible 
 audience, who received every word he uttered as the in- 
 spired promptings of the divine Muses. 
 
 The glory of the ancient epic passed away with the 
 hereditary monarchies. About the eighth century, B.C., 
 popular revolutions began to overturn the thrones of 
 princes, and establish oligarchies and republics. Kings 
 disappeared from the several cities of Hellas, and the 
 masses of the people began gradually to acquire political 
 power. The poet of ancient Greece occupied the position 
 of the preacher and the press of modern times. He 
 sprang into new and independent life, and expressed him- 
 self in new and livelier metres. Hitherto he had been a 
 mere mirror, reflecting the grand and brilliant images of 
 the past ; he now came before the people as a man with 
 thoughts and objects of his own, and gave a free vent to 
 the struo'o-lino' emotions of his soul. Hence arose the 
 feeling elegy, the satirical iambus, the fable, and the 
 parody, and, last of all, the impassioned and impetuous 
 lyric. The lyric poets, Sappho, Anacreon, and Pindar 
 seem to have lived in the age immediately preceding the 
 time of our hero ; and there can be no doubt but that Hero- 
 dotus when a young man was intimately acquainted with 
 the epics of Homer and Hesiod, the elegies and iambics of 
 Archilochus, the fables of ^sop, the little comic epos 
 called the Battle of the Frogs and Mice, and the lyrics of 
 Sappho, Anacreon, and Pindar.* 
 
 About sixty years before the birth of Herodotus, the 
 
 equal in extent to the rhapsodies, in -svhich the grammarians divided the 
 Iliad and Odyssey. They must, therefore, he considered as preludes to a 
 •whole series of epic recitations ; in other words, as introductions to an 
 entire contest of rhapsodists. 
 
 * See Miiller's History of the Literature of Ancient Greece,' Mui-e's 
 Language and Literature of Ancient Greece, &c.
 
 FIRST EDITION OF THE HOMERIC POEMS. 45 
 
 Pislstratids at Athens collected the various Homeric 
 rhapsodies and committed them to writing, and thus a 
 complete written edition of the " Iliad" and " Odyssey" was 
 published for the first time. An effect was produced 
 something like that which followed the first promulgation 
 of the correct Koran by the caliph Othman, or the publi- 
 cation of the authorised version of the Old and Xew Tes- 
 taments in the reign of James. Written copies were 
 multiplied with the utmost rapidity, and carried into every 
 city of Greece. The educated classes were no longer 
 compelled to trust to the rhapsodists, but could read the 
 mighty poems in their lonely chambers. A general and 
 national enthusiasm prevailed, which was never afterwards 
 allayed. The name of Homer was for ever bound up with 
 the legendary glories of Hellas. 
 
 Thus it was that Herodotus determined to write his epic. 
 His subject was the " Labours of Hercules ; " but his 
 own labours far exceeded those of his divine hero. In- 
 stead of high-sounding hexameters, flowing readily from 
 the reed, every line was only ground into shape by intense 
 mental exertion ; and more than a month passed away in 
 indefatigable, but almost hopeless, efforts to invoke the 
 Muses in a suitable style and language. But Herodotus 
 possessed a persevering energy which no difiiculties could 
 baffle. Few of the amusements of other young men of 
 his own circumstances occupied any portion of his time. 
 He still went to the gymnasium every day, but was never 
 engaged in hunting, fishing, fowling, or the numerous 
 other sports in which so many of his contemporaries were 
 frequently emersed. Love, in the common acceptation of 
 the word, never entered his thoughts. Beautiful god- 
 desses and divine nymphs frequently figured in his day- 
 dreams, but the living forms of mortal women rarely met 
 his eyes, saving those of his own mother and the house- 
 hold slaves. _ Visions of a fair and loving wife sometimes 
 flitted across his fancy, and he would try to call up a
 
 46 HALICARNASSUS, B.C. 464. 
 
 picture of tHe blooming Phaedra ; but all the sweetness 
 of such young imaginings passed fleetly away whenever 
 he returned to labour at his tough and impracticable 
 undertaking. 
 
 Such was the state of things when our young hero 
 was first made acquainted with the projected voyage to 
 Ionia. The stack of rolls, written and unwritten, were 
 carefully packed up, in order that the epic might be com- 
 pleted at Samos. Every other preparation had been made. 
 Friends had been bidden adieu, favourite spots had been 
 revisited, and the sacrifices had been offered to Zeus the 
 Preserver, and loud-sounding Poseidon, when Herodotus 
 found his father Lyxes pacing the court of the andronitis, 
 and respectfully waited to receive his last instructions. 
 
 Lyxes had evidently been engaged in deep thought, 
 and received his son with a far greater show of affection 
 than was his usual custom. He first inquired if the 
 packages were ready, and then turned to examine them, as 
 they were to be taken on board with Herodotus himself 
 the next morning at sunrise. A trunk containing various 
 changes of garments was briefly glanced at, and the fasten- 
 ings declared to be satisfactory ; and his eye then fell 
 upon the important parcel which comprised his son's epic, 
 and he immediately asked what it contained. 
 
 " Books and rolls," replied Herodotus, gently. 
 
 "What!" cried his father, "carry books to Samos? 
 w^hy you might as well take silver to the mines of Lau- 
 rium. Unpack them, pray ! The captain will charge a 
 pretty sum for that freight." 
 
 Herodotus softly insinuated that the rolls were con- 
 nected with his private studies, and included some of his 
 own efforts at composition. 
 
 " Indeed," replied Lyxes ; " let me see them before 
 they go to Ionia, or you may be immortalised by some 
 iambic satirist, or jested to death at the Thesmoj^horia." 
 
 The literary treasures were reluctantly opened, and the
 
 LYXES'S PARTING ADVICE. 47 
 
 father sat himself in the attitude of an attentive listener 
 on the bench under the colonnade wliich surrounded the 
 court, and then directed his son either to rhapsodise a 
 portion of the epic or to read it, whichever he pleased. 
 
 We need scarcely relate the result. Ljxes had been 
 educated in Samos. His taste had been refined by an 
 early study of the best models. His ear had been tuned 
 by the finest recitations in the soft liquid dialect of Ionia. 
 He was now listening to the unmatured composition of a 
 mere youth, who added to the innumerable defects in the 
 style, arrangement, and versification, by reciting his rhap- 
 sody in a broad Dorian dialect, producing an effect which 
 may be appreciated by those who have heard a Scotchman 
 read Tennyson, an Englishman recite Burns, or a knife- 
 grinder set a handsaw. Repressing a groan, he exclaimed 
 that he had heard quite sufficient of its beauties. 
 
 " Take the rolls away," he added, " and lock them in 
 your room. When you return to Halicarnassus you will 
 be better able to finish your epic. For the present you 
 will find objects sufficient to engage all your time and 
 attention." 
 
 Herodotus, though feeling himself a man, yet swallowed 
 his mortification and obeyed his father, and by his invita- 
 tion sat upon the bench beside him. 
 
 " My son," said Lyxes, " you are now going, first, to 
 Samos, and from thence to Chios. Whether you are able 
 to extend your travels farther depends upon circumstances. 
 I have said nothing upon this point to your mother Dryo, 
 lest she should grieve too much at your departure ; but it 
 is my earnest wish that, if possible, you should reach 
 mother Hellas, and visit the great cities of Athens and 
 Sparta, for I verily believe that a man has seen nothing 
 who has not seen Athens. You will take the opportunity 
 of sending me from time to time an account of your pro- 
 ceedings by any ship which may be bound for Samos or 
 Halicarnassus ; and I will handsomely reward any man
 
 48 HALICARNASSUS, B. C. 464. 
 
 who brings me an epistle bearing your name and seal. 
 For my part, I will take care that sufficient supplies of 
 money be placed in your hands to meet all expenses. 
 
 " Wherever you go, my son, make it your first object 
 to learn the laws and government of the city, study all 
 the peculiarities of the inhabitants, and make as many 
 friends as you possibly can. Be generous without being 
 profuse, economical without being niggardly. Hurt no 
 man's prejudices, and never vaunt your own city. Above 
 all, wherever you go, venerate the gods. Piety towards 
 the foreign gods will always endear you even to a strange 
 people. 
 
 " Should you go to Athens, study the democracy ; it is 
 the finest school in the world for him who would learn 
 how to govern men. Study likewise the orators, for they 
 are the craftiest in existence : men without money and 
 without birth can there sway an empire by the mere 
 force of words. Learn to be a democrat, make yourself 
 a democrat; and when you return home, you shall pro- 
 claim yourself a democrat, for thus only can men now-a- 
 days really become kings. That man only can rule as he 
 pleases who speaks only as other people would have him. 
 
 " One more thing I would say, and all the rest I leave 
 to your own judgment. Learn as far as you can the re- 
 venues and resources of every state ; bear them ever in 
 your memory, but never write them down. Mix among 
 all classes of the people ; ascertain what faults they find 
 with their government, and what trades are flourishing 
 and what are declining. Lastly, never express a decided 
 opinion upon any subject whatever. And now, my son, 
 bid farewell to your mother, and to-morrow at sunrise I 
 will accompany you to the ship." 
 
 Herodotus then saw his mother Dryo standing in the 
 passage leading from the andronitis into the gynasco- 
 nitis, and accordins^lv followed her into her own room. 
 She was alone, and her eyes were red with recent weep-
 
 DRYO'S PARTING ADVICE. 49 
 
 ing, but she spoke with a forced calmness that went to his 
 very heart, and at last aU her firmness gav e way, and she 
 fell upon his neck and wept bitterly. She felt a thousand 
 fears and expressed a thousand solicitudes. The perils 
 of the sea were aggravated by the remembrance of that 
 terrible Persian war which had scarcely yet subsided. The 
 perils of the land were, in her mind, fearfully aggravated 
 by the atheistic doctrines which were taught by the Ionian 
 philosophers. She had offered countless prayers to Zeus, 
 the Preserver, and far-darting Apollo, to holy Artemis and 
 protecting Athena, that her son might return as speedily 
 as possible, strong in body and pure in heart, to the house 
 of his father. " My dear Herodotus," she at last said, 
 " you are going amongst men who practise evil amongst 
 themselves, and impiety towards the gods. Listen not 
 to man without breathing one prayer to kind Hestia, the 
 guardian of our domestic hearth : look not upon women 
 without bestowing one thought upon your poor loving 
 mother. Never, never can you then do wrong." 
 
 Herodotus left his mother, and many tears were shed 
 that night in the family of Lyxes. 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 50 SAMOS^ B.C. 464—461. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 SAMOS, B. c. 464—461. 
 
 PLEASANT VOYAGE TO SAMOS. — TEMPLE AKD ORACLE OP THE BRANCHID^. 
 
 — HISTORY OF SAMOS. EXTRAORDINARY CAREER OF POLYCRATES THE 
 
 TYRANT. STORY OF SYLOSON AND THE SCARLET CLOAK. — WONDERFUL 
 
 MOLE. — MEETING WITH THEODORUS. — THE GREAT AQUEDUCT. — TE:MPLE 
 OF HERA, THE LARGEST IN HELLAS, AND A FAMOUS GALLERY OF ANCIENT 
 
 ART. STUDIES OF HERODOTUS. PROGRESSIVE STATE OF LITERATURE 
 
 AND THE ARTS. — PROSE WRITERS. — THE PHILOSOPHERS. — THALES, 
 B.C. 600. — ANAXIMANDER, B.*C. 547. — ANAXIMENES, B.C. 520. — HE- 
 EACLITUS, B. C. 500. — ANAXAGORAS, B. C. 464. — THE HISTORIANS, OR 
 LOGOGRAPHERS. — HECAT^US, B. C. 500. — CHARON, B. C. 470. — HELLA- 
 NICUS, B. C. 464. — XANTHUS, B. C. 464. 
 
 The sun was just rising over the hills of Halicarnassus, 
 when Herodotus stood on the deck of a Samian mer- 
 chantman, and took a silent farewell of his native city. 
 The slopes on which the several houses were built sur- 
 rounded the harbour like the walls of an amphitheatre, 
 gradually declining towards the sea. His heart was full, 
 for he had just taken a last farewell of his father, and 
 was watching the early beams gilding the roof of that 
 home which he had never left before. The noise and 
 bustle, however, of the scene around him soon broke in 
 upon his melancholy. The rowers below were labouring 
 to get the ship out to sea, where she would meet with a 
 favourable wind. Sailors were running about with long 
 boat-hooks, to prevent the vessel's sides from coming in 
 contact with the piers. The captain was standing at the 
 helm, screaming out a volley of oaths and directions upon 
 every one around him, and apparently only restrained 
 by the necessity of holding the tiller, from rushing for-
 
 PLEASANT VOYAGE TO SAMOS. 51 
 
 ward and throwing some bewildered seaman over the 
 bulwarks. The freshness of the morning air, and the 
 liveliness of the spray, gave a new and welcome buoyancy 
 to our hero's spirits; and when, some two or three hours 
 afterwards, the rowers had brought the ship round the 
 promontory, and the sailors set the sails to the wind, he 
 seemed to ride so joyously over the billows, that he felt 
 more inclined to cheerfulness and jesting than he had 
 experienced for months. The vessel was making a return 
 voyage from Egypt, and the only passengers on board 
 were Herodotus and a slave whom he had brought with 
 him. Our hero soon entered into conversation with the 
 captain, who, whether in a calm or in a storm, was a 
 very amusing man, and who described all the wonders 
 connected with the temples and pyramids of Memphis 
 and the Delta, until Herodotus could scarcely help think- 
 ing that his conversation was almost as interesting as 
 epic rhapsodies. 
 
 With the exception of these stories, Herodotus expe- 
 rienced nothing remarkable, save a strong sense of enjoy- 
 ment, throughout the whole trip. As the vrind was 
 exceedingly favourable, the voyage only occupied two 
 days. The first night they anchored at Didyma, which 
 was nearly forty miles from Halicarnassus. Here there 
 was a celebrated temple and oracle of Apollo, usually 
 called the temple and oracle of the Branchida3; and 
 Herodotus, though unable to visit it, collected as much 
 information concerning it as he could. The temple had 
 been plundered and burnt down by the Persians after 
 the Ionian revolt. It was said to have been founded 
 even before the lonians settled in Asia, for the altar 
 w^as declared to have been built by Heracles himself, and 
 the temple by Brauchus, a son of Apollo, who liad come 
 from Delphi to practise purifying rites upon repentant 
 criminals. Previously to being sacked by the Persians it 
 had contained some exceedingly rich oiFerings, includino- 
 
 E 2
 
 52 SAMOS, B.C. 464— 461. 
 
 the gold and silver vessels dedicated there by the Lydian 
 king Croesus, and the garments which Necho, king of 
 Egypt, had worn when he won his famous victory in the 
 valley of Megiddo over Josiah, the king of the Hebrews 
 of Palestine. The priests were called Branchidag, and 
 included one family named the Evangelid^e, which pos- 
 sessed the hereditary gift of prophecy. The oracles were 
 inspired in a manner similar to that at Delphi, which 
 we shall have occasion to describe in a future chapter. 
 
 The captain's business detained him at Didyma until 
 noon the next day, and it was so late in the evening before 
 they entered the harbour of Samos, that Herodotus deter- 
 mined to sleep on board, and not seek out his kinsman 
 Theodorus until the following morning. 
 
 The island of Samos is almost exactly the same size as 
 the Isle of Man, namely, about thirty miles long and nine 
 or ten broad. It is separated from the Asiatic continent 
 by a narrow strait, scarcely three quarters of a mile broad, 
 but which w^as celebrated throughout Hellas, as the scene 
 of the great battle of Mycale. It belonged to the Ionian 
 confederacy, which worshipped great Poseidon at the 
 Ionian temple at Panionium ; and its government had passed 
 throus^h the usual chancres which seem to have befallen 
 nearly every other Greek state. In the heroic age, it 
 was governed by an heroic monarchy ; next by an aristo- 
 cracy of wealthy landowners ; and then by a democracy, 
 during which the supreme power was in the hands of the 
 people. Whilst Cyrus and his Persians were overrunning 
 Asia Minor, and obliging all the Greek cities on the con- 
 tinent to pay tribute, Samos and the other islands defied 
 their power, for Persia possessed no fleets. A little 
 before the death of Cyrus, in b. c. 530, the democracy of 
 Samos was overthrown by the celebrated Polycrates, who 
 then made himself absolute master of the city and island. 
 Polycrates was almost the Napoleon of his age. He 
 acquired the greatest naval power in the Greek world,
 
 EXTRAOKDINARY CAREER OF POLYCRATES. 53 
 
 and aspired to nothing less than the conquest of Ionia and 
 dominion of the ^gean. He established the most ami- 
 cable relations both with Amasis, king of Egypt, and with 
 the Greek colony of Cyrene, on the coast of Africa. He 
 freed himself from the more violent of the Samian demo- 
 crats, not by transporting them to Algeria, but by 
 sending them out on board forty triremes to assist the 
 Persian fleet. The democrats escaped, and obtained a 
 large force from Sparta to assist them in recovering 
 Samos ; but Polycrates locked up all the wives and children 
 of his subjects in his docks, to prevent the men from 
 deserting to the rebels, and then got rid of the invaders 
 by bribing the Spartans with a quantity of gilt leaden 
 coin, which he passed off for good money. The general 
 good fortune of Polycrates was so remarkable, that, 
 according to a story still preserved, he went out to sea and 
 threw into deep water a matchless emerald signet ring, 
 the workmanship of Theodorus, the ancestor of the kins- 
 man of Herodotus, hoping that by thus doing himself a 
 seasonable miscliief, he might propitiate the ever retributive 
 goddess Xemesis, who never permits a man to be happy 
 too long. Unfortunately, the ring reappeared five or 
 six days afterwards, in the belly of a fine fish which a 
 fisherman had brought him as a present. Meantime, how- 
 ever, Polycrates adorned his island with magnificent and 
 useful works, among which apparently were a wonderful 
 aqueduct, and an equally wonderful mole. He drew 
 around him all the most celebrated poets and artists in 
 Greece ; kept his court with the utmost magnificence ; 
 pleased his ear with the voluptuous strains of Anacreon ; 
 and filled his palace with the richest furniture and finest 
 works of art. Samos became the first of all cities ; but at 
 last came the ever equalising Xemesis. Oroetes, the 
 Persian satrap of Lydia, resolved to destroy the powerful 
 tyrant of so small an island. He sent a trusty messenger 
 to Polycrates, saying in his name, " I know that you are 
 
 E 3
 
 54 SAMOS, B.C. 464—461. 
 
 planning vast enterprises, with insufficient money. Now 
 I am assured that the Persian king, Cambyses, is medi- 
 tating my death. If, then, you will take me and my 
 property to a place of safety, you shall share my wealth ; 
 and if you doubt my riches, send one of your trusty 
 servants to view them." The bait was eagerly seized. 
 Polycrates sent his secretary Maeandrius to the satrap, and 
 Oroetes showed Mjeandrius eight large coffers, apparently 
 filled with gold, but really containing only pebbles with a 
 layer of gold at the top. All, however, were packed up 
 ready to be carried away, and the secretary being com- 
 pletely duped, of course deceived his master. Polycrates 
 was strongly advised not to go near the satrap; his 
 daughter, moreover, told him that she had dreamed that 
 she saw him suspended in the air, washed by the rain and 
 anointed by the sun. Polycrates however persisted, and 
 the bloody Persian put him to death in the most horrible 
 manner, and then crucified his body, and thus fulfilled the 
 daughter's dream. 
 
 The after history of Samos, from the death of Poly- 
 crates in 522 B. c. to the visit of Herodotus in 464 B. c. 
 — a period of fifty-eight years — is almost equally in- 
 teresting. Polycrates had deputed Mteandrius to be his 
 lieutenant at Samos during his absence. Mteandrius had 
 no wish to succeed to the throne, but desired to act justly 
 towards the people. Accordingly he first erected an altar 
 to Zeus, the Liberator, and enclosed a sacred precinct, and 
 next convened a public assembly of all the Samians, and 
 spoke as follows : — 
 
 " The whole power of Polycrates is now in my hands, 
 but I have always disapproved of men ruling over others 
 as good as themselves. I therefore at once lay down the 
 command and proclaim liberty and equal law, reserving to 
 myself, first, six talents out of the treasures of Polycrates, 
 and secondly, the hereditary priesthood of Zeus the 
 Liberator, for myself and my descendants for ever. To that
 
 STOEY OF SYLOSON AND THE SCARLET CLOAK. 65 
 
 deity I have just set apart a sacred precinct, as the god 
 of that freedom which I now hand over to you." 
 
 The Samians, however, seemed to have become, childish 
 during the late despotism. Telesarchus, one of the chief 
 men, exclaimed, with the applause of the others, " You 
 rule us, you low-born scoundrel ! You had better give us 
 some account of the money you have been handling." 
 
 Majandrius was thunderstruck at this reply ; but a 
 pupil of Polycrates was not likely to be wanting in 
 cunning or in self-possession. He retired into the acro- 
 polis or citadel, under pretence of preparing his accounts, 
 and then invited Telesarchus and his principal enemies, 
 one by one, to inspect them. As fast as they arrived he 
 threw them into chains, and as he was master of the mer- 
 cenaries and money of his late master, in one short hour 
 he found himself a tyrant in spite of his justice and 
 generosity, and the Samians discovered themselves to be 
 slaves, in spite of their threats and braggadocia. 
 
 After a few years, an extraordinary chain of events 
 deprived Masandrius of the tyranny. Syloson, the brother 
 of Polycrates, had originally shared the tyranny with 
 him ; but the ambition of Polycrates would not permit 
 him to endure a partner. Syloson was accordingly driven 
 into exile and retired to Egypt, and happening one day to 
 be walking in the streets of iNIemphis, arrayed in a scarlet 
 cloak, an officer named Darius, who belonged to the body- 
 guard of king Cambyses, took a strong fancy to the cloak, 
 and expressed an eager wish to purchase it. Syloson 
 replied that he would not sell it for any money, but that 
 he would make him a present of it. Darius took the 
 cloak with many thanks and departed, whilst Syloson 
 considered that he had sacrificed it to his good nature. 
 This Darius was the son of Hystaspes, and at that time a 
 man of no great account, but nine years afterwards a most 
 unexpected circumstance placed him upon the throne of 
 Persia. Syloson then paid a visit to the new king, made 
 
 E 4
 
 56 SAMOS, B. C. 464—461. 
 
 liimself known, and requested to be restored to Samos. 
 Darius immediately sent an army to accomplish this 
 object; and M^andrius retired, and Syloson, after much 
 bloodshed, obtained the tyranny. Henceforth, until the 
 battle of Mycale, in 479 B.C., Samos remained under the 
 dominion of tyrants who were supported by Persia. In 
 the Ionian revolt in 500 B. c, the Samians deposed their 
 tyrant ^aces, the son of Syloson, and joined in the war of 
 independence, but subsequently deserted from the cause 
 and restored ^aces. After the battle of Mycale, how- 
 ever, they again declared their independence, joined 
 the Athenian confederacy, and established a democracy 
 wdiich still continued down to 464 B. c, Avhen Herodotus 
 visited the island. 
 
 The first thing which struck Herodotus when he came 
 on deck the morning after his arrival at Samos, was the 
 wonderful mole which enclosed the harbour. It had been 
 built by Polycrates, and, according to the Samian captain, 
 was a quarter of a mile long and one hundred and twenty 
 feet high. More impatient than ever to land and view 
 the other marvels of the island, he finished his breakfast* 
 of bread dipped in wine as fast as possible ; and then, 
 leavino- his slave to take care of the luo^o'ao-e, he hurried 
 to shore with his father's letter, and following the di- 
 rections of the Samian captain, he soon found the house 
 of his kinsman, and knocked with the metal ring which 
 was fastened to the street door. 
 
 Theodorus was an artist, and also a worker in gold, 
 silver, and precious stones, like his illustrious ancestor of 
 
 * The Greeks had three meals a-day: first, the acratisma, or breakfast, 
 ■which was taken dh-ectly after i-ising; secondly, the ariston, or mid-day 
 meal, which answered to the Roman prandium and modern luncheon; 
 thirdly, the deipnon, or chief meal of the day, which answered to the 
 Roman ccena and the modern dinner. There was, however, considerable 
 irregularity in the time of serving each of these meals, almost as much, 
 perhaps, as in modern times, when people frequently call their luncheons 
 dinners, and their dinners suppers.
 
 MEETING WITH THEODOEUS. 57 
 
 the same name. On hearing of the new arrival he left his 
 studio, and met his visitor in the court of the andronitis. 
 After glancing over the letter and examining the seal of 
 Lyxes, which was affixed to the foot of the roll, he at 
 once welcomed Herodotus to Samos, and directed his wife 
 to see that apartments were prepared for their young 
 relative. A messenger was then despatched to fetch the 
 slave and luggage from the merchant vessel ; and in a few 
 hours Herodotus felt himself as comfortably established in 
 the house of .Theodorus as he had previously been in his 
 own house at Halicarnassus. 
 
 It is not our intention to record every event which 
 occurred to Herodotus at Samos. The first few days were 
 spent in wandering about the streets, and viewing all the 
 buildings. He gazed with wonder at the v*^alls and 
 fortifications, and also at the extraordinary moat which 
 surrounded the city, and which had been dug by a large 
 body of Lesbians, whom Polycrates had taken prisoners in 
 a war against Miletus. He was permitted to walk over the 
 arsenals, which had also been built by Polycrates, and 
 were still full of active shipwrights. In the agora he 
 saw the monumental column bearing the names and an- 
 cestry of those eleven famous captains, who alone of all 
 the Samians refused to desert the allied fleet which sup- 
 ported the cause of the Ionian revolt. In the suburbs of 
 the city he also saw the altar and sacred precinct of Zeus, 
 the LilDcrator, which we have already mentioned as having 
 been consecrated by Ma^andrius. The wonderful aque- 
 duct, by means of which an abundance of spring water 
 was continually brought into the city, likewise excited 
 his wonder and amazement. This aqueduct was thus 
 constructed : a tunnel eight feet square and nearly a 
 mile long bad been excavated right through the base of a 
 mountain nine hundred feet hi";h. Throuo'hout the whole 
 length of this tunnel was a trench three feet broad and 
 thirty feet deep, through which the water was conveyed.
 
 58 SAMOS, B.C. 464— 461. 
 
 Thus on each side of the trench was a dry path, two feet 
 and a half in width, also running through the entire 
 length of the tunnel, enabling the citizens to keep the 
 whole in perfect repair. The engineer who carried out 
 this stupendous work was Eupalinus, a native of Megara. 
 But of all the great works of which Samos could boast, 
 the most splendid was the magnificent temple of Hera, 
 the largest in all Hellas. This superb structure was the 
 work of a native architect named Rhoecus. It was 346 
 feet long, and 189 wide. The architecture was pure 
 Ionic. The portico at each end was supported by ten 
 beautiful Ionic columns, whilst a double row of the same 
 pillars ran round the entire building. The most wonderful 
 oiFerings had been dedicated in this temple, so that it was 
 not only a sanctuary of the great goddess Hera, but also a 
 famous gallery of ancient art. Here was the vast brazen 
 vessel for mixing wine, which had been sent by the Lace- 
 daemonians as a present to Croesus, king of Lydia, but was 
 captured on its way by the Samians. The outside of this 
 vessel was entirely covered with figures of flowers, fruits, 
 animals, and other ornaments; and the vessel itself was 
 capable of holding 3,000 gallons. Here also was the 
 splendid picture painted by Mandrocles, representing King 
 Darius on his throne, and the Persian army crossing the 
 river Danube in that bridge of boats of which the painter 
 was himself the architect. Attached to ths picture was 
 the following inscription : — 
 
 " Mandrocles bridged the fishy Bosphorus, 
 And this memorial to Hera gave : 
 Thus having pleased Darius, he has earned 
 Glory to Samos, for himself a crown." 
 
 Amongst other things, the temple likewise contained 
 the splendid ornamental furniture which had originally 
 appertained to the andronitis in the palace of Polycrates, 
 but had been dedicated here by his secretary and sue-
 
 STUDIES OF HERODOTUS. 59 
 
 cessor Maeandrius. The Egyptian king Amasis dedicated 
 two carved wooden statues of himself^ together with an 
 extraordinary linen corselet, inwrought with many figures 
 of animals, and adorned with gold and cotton-wool ; and, 
 what was very remarkable, each thread, though fine, 
 consisted of three hundred and sixty separate threads, 
 which were all distinct. Last of all, we may mention an- 
 other immense brazen vessel, with griffins' heads projecting 
 rouud the edge, which stood upon a pedestal consisting 
 of three colossal figures of brass ten feet high, leaning 
 upon their knees. This vessel had cost six talents, or 
 about 1500Z. sterling, being the sixth part of the profits 
 gained by the first Samian merchantmen who had reached 
 the Spanish port of Tartessus. 
 
 AYhen Herodotus had gratified his curiosity concerning 
 the wonders of Samos, he began to revolve in his own 
 mind how he should pass his time. Theodorus moved in 
 very intellectual society, and not only brother artists, but 
 poets whose names were known to fame, philosophers of 
 equal reputation, and men learned in history, frequently 
 met at his house. Herodotus quickly perceived his own 
 general ignorance, and at once devoted himself to study 
 with the same energy which he had displayed in the com- 
 position of his epic. In the studio of Theodorus he 
 acquired a good theoretical knowledge of art as far as 
 regarded painting and statuary, and, above all, became an 
 admirable judge of ornamental plate and jewellery. He 
 jmrchased all the writings of the poets, the philosophers, 
 and the historians which he could procure, and fell into 
 the habit, which attended him through life, of testing 
 every narration or description which he heard or read by 
 a reference, as far as possible, to living witnesses. By a 
 respectful demeanour he always recommended himself to 
 old men, who willingly related to him all that they could 
 remember of the events of their youth. On the other 
 hand^ by his frankness, open-hearted generosity, and evi-
 
 60 SAMOS, B. C. 464—461. 
 
 dent interest, he won over many a dry captain and hoary- 
 headed seaman to tell him of the many marvels of distant 
 and mysterious shores. It would, however, be tedious 
 to the reader for us to describe in detail the different 
 pursuits of Herodotus. A brief sketch of the actual state 
 of literature in Samos and Ionia generally, at the time of 
 his visit, would give us quite as clear an insight into the 
 development of his individual mind. 
 
 The present date (b. c. 464) was an important epoch 
 in the literary history of Hellas. Hitherto Greek lite- 
 rature had consisted wholly of poetry properly so called. 
 The history of races and kingdoms was only to be known 
 through the ancient epics. The feelings, the emotions, 
 and the passions of the people only found expression in 
 the plaintive or joyous elegy, the sarcastic iambic, and the 
 burning lyric. Meantime new metres were introduced, 
 and poets like Alcagus and Sappho invented metres of 
 their own, which were called by their names. The science 
 of music had been equally progressive. Terpander had 
 exchanged the old four-stringed harp for one of seven 
 strings. Olympus had taught fresh tunes for the flute, 
 and probably given it a larger compass. Choral singing 
 and dancing, w^iich formed an important part in 
 the religious services throughout Greece, had become 
 more finished, more elaborate, and more significant, for 
 they were no longer performed by indiscriminate com- 
 panies of men and women, but by chosen bands, who had 
 been trained by competent masters to sing difficult hymns 
 and songs in perfect harmony, and to execute the most 
 complicated dances, accompanied by graceful and ex- 
 pressive movements. Poetry was thus hitherto identified 
 with every literary working of the Greek mind. But 
 two great changes, which had been in progress for nearly 
 an entire century, were now taking effect. The epic had 
 ripened into prose composition; the iambic, lyric, and 
 chorus were transformed into the mighty drama. The
 
 PROSE WRITERS AXD PHILOSOPHERS. 61 
 
 drama we shall have occasion to describe when we nar- 
 rate Herodotus's visits to Athens. The origin and con- 
 temporary state of prose composition demand our im- 
 mediate attention. 
 
 The prose writers of ancient Greece are divided into 
 two classes, namely, the philosophers and the logo- 
 graphers. The philosophers, with a boldness characteristic 
 of inexperience and ignorance, had begun to speculate 
 upon the origin and principle of the existence of all 
 things, and consequently to reject, more or less, the na- 
 tional conceptions of the gods and the universe. Hence 
 they renounced the ornaments of verse, and adopted the 
 unadorned language of common conversation, which in- 
 deed had been used long before for laws, treaties, and 
 similar purposes ; and the most ancient writings of Greek 
 philosophers are merely brief records of their principal 
 doctrines, designed to be imparted to a few persons only. 
 The philosophers themselves were nearly all lonians. 
 Of these Thales, about b. c. 600, or more than a hundred 
 years before Herodotus visited Samos, had taught that 
 everything was full of gods, and that water was a general 
 principle or cause. Anaximaxder, about B.C. 547, had 
 supposed that there were innumerable worlds ; that always 
 some were perishing, whilst new ones sprang into being, 
 so that motion was perpetual ; and that all these worlds, 
 and, of course, all things in them, arose out of an eternal 
 or indeterminable substance, to which likewise they all 
 returned. Axaximexes, about B.C. 520, had considered 
 that air must have been the substance from which all 
 things were formed. He says, " As the soul in us, which 
 is air, holds us together, so breath and air surround the 
 whole world." Heraclitus, about b. c. 500, was one of the 
 haughtiest of the philosophers, and spoke in a still more 
 bold and decided language. The cardinal doctrine of his 
 natural philosophy seems to ha^e been that everything is 
 in perpetual motion, that nothing has any stable or per-
 
 62 SAMOS, B.C. 464—461. 
 
 manent existence, but that everything is assuming a new 
 form or perishing. " We step," he says, in his symbolical 
 language, " into the same rivers, and we do not step into 
 them," because, as he means, the waters are changed in a 
 moment. " We are, and we are not," because no point 
 in our existence remains fixed. The principle of this 
 perpetual motion he supposed to be fire. He says, " The 
 unchanging order of all things was made neither by a 
 god nor a man ; but it has always been, is, and will be, 
 the living fire, which is kindled and extinguished in re- 
 gular succession." Lastly, we may mention Axaxagoeas, 
 who about the time of Herodotus's visit was fairly reject- 
 ing all the popular notions of religion, and striking into 
 a new path of speculation on divine things. " The 
 Greeks," he says, " are mistaken in their doctrine of 
 creation and destruction, for no thing is either created or 
 destroyed, but is only produced from existing things by 
 mixture, or is dissolved by separation ; they should, there- 
 fore, rather call creation a conjunction, and destruction 
 a dissolution." Spirit was supposed by Anaxagoras to 
 be the principle of life and motion, and to give its im- 
 pulse to the material universe in a circular direction. 
 Thus not only the sun, moon, and stars, but even the air 
 and the jether were constantly moving in a circle. Above 
 all, Anaxagoras supposed, probably from the examination 
 of a meteoric stone, that the smi was a mass of red-hot 
 iron. Our readers may easily imagine the offence which 
 this doctrine must have given to the national belief To 
 declare that the bountiful god Helios, who shone upon 
 mortals and immortals, was a mere mass of burning- 
 matter ! — why the idea was rank atheism! But for the 
 present we have done with the philosophers, and must 
 glance for a few moments at the logographers. 
 
 It is a very remarkable fact that so intellectual and 
 cultivated a nation as the Greeks should have continued 
 for centuries without feelino: the want of a correct record
 
 THE HISTORIANS, OR LOGOGRAPHERS. C3 
 
 of its history. Egypt preserved a very ancient history, 
 based upon accurate chronological records, as is proved 
 by the work of Manetho. Babylon possessed a history 
 similarly ancient, which was imparted to the Greeks by 
 Berosus. Ahasuerus is described in the Book of Esther 
 as causing the benefactors of his throne to be registered 
 in his chronicle, which was read to him in nights when he 
 could not sleep. The ancient sculptures of Assyria and 
 Persia likewise record military expeditions, treaties, 
 pacifications of kingdoms, and the payment of tribute by 
 subject provinces ; whilst the contemporary chronicles of 
 the kings of Judah and Israel are still preserved in the 
 inspired pages of Holy Writ. On the other hand, the 
 Greeks, from the earliest times until almost the breakino; 
 out of the Persian war, seem to have preserved no his- 
 torical records worthy of the name. The charms of the 
 ancient epic which celebrated the glories of a bygone age 
 engrossed all their attention. The division of the nation 
 into numerous small states, and the prevalence of repub- 
 lican governments, had prevented a concentration of in- 
 terest on particular events and persons ; whilst, owing to 
 the dissensions between the several states, their historical 
 traditions must have oifended some, though they may 
 have flattered others. In history as in philosoj^hy the 
 lonians were the first innovators. We shall not dwell 
 upon the mere compilers of genealogies and mythic le- 
 gends, such as Cadmus, Pherecydes, and others, but will 
 merely glance at those chroniclers who might aspire to be 
 regarded as historians. Four of these are all that require 
 notice — namely, Hecataeus, Charon, Hellanicus, and 
 Xanthus ; and we may presume that Herodotus, durino- 
 his stay at Samos, carefully studied the works of these 
 writers. 
 
 Hecataeus was a man of great consideration in the time 
 of the Ionian revolt, about B. c. 500 ; and he was also 
 greatly distinguished for his political sagacity. He wrote
 
 64 SAMOS, B.C. 464— 461. 
 
 two books, one called ^' Travels round the Earth," and 
 the other called " Genealogies." In his travels he described 
 the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea and of Southern 
 Asia as far as India, and especially related many parti- 
 culars concerning Egypt, where he appears to have re- 
 sided for a considerable time. In his " Genealogies " he 
 admitted many of the Greek legends; and though, like 
 the philosophers of the time, he expressed a contempt for 
 old fables, yet he laid great stress upon genealogies as- 
 cending to the mythological period, and even made a 
 pedigree for himself, in which his sixteenth ancestor was 
 a god. Genealogies afforded opportunities for introducing 
 accounts of different periods; and Hecateeus certainly 
 narrated many historical events in this work, although he 
 did not write a connected history of the period comprised 
 in it. Charon wrote a little later, about B. c. 470, and 
 continued the researches of Hecataeus. He produced se- 
 parate works upon Persia, Libya, Ethiopia, and other 
 countries, and also narrated some of the events of the 
 Persian war ; but he was only a dry chronicler, and Hero- 
 dotus found his works to be very heavy reading. Hella- 
 Nicus and Xaxthus were contemporary with Herodotus. 
 Hellanicus wrote a great many books, principally consist- 
 ing of temple legends and untrustworthy accounts of his 
 own time. Xanthus was a far more able author, for he 
 wrote an account of the nature of the earth's surface in 
 Asia Minor, and made many remarks which are both ex- 
 cellent and interesting. 
 
 Such was the character of the literature with which 
 we may suppose that Herodotus made himself acquainted. 
 What effect they had upon his tone of thought will be 
 further exhibited in the course of the present narrative.
 
 65 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 THREE YEARS AT SAMOS. — INCREASE OF HERODOTUs's INFORMATION, AND 
 
 DEVELOP3IENT OF HIS MIND. — LETTER FROM LYXES. DELOS. — LEGEND 
 
 OF THE BIRTH OF APOLLO. ANCIENT FESTIVALS. ARRIVAL AT CO- 
 RINTH. — CORINTHIAN COMMERCE. GLAUCUS, THE I3IAGE AND SHRINE 
 
 JIERCHANT. UNPACKING OF EPHESIAN DEITIES. — POLTDORUS, THE 
 
 CORINTHIAN RAKE. HOSPITALITY OF GLAUCDS, AND POLITENESS OF HIS 
 
 TWO DAUGHTERS. HERODOTUS BECOMES GALLANT. 
 
 Three years passed away, and Herodotus found himself, 
 at the age of three-and-twenty, still residing in the house 
 of his kinsman Theodorus. His mind and ideas had un- 
 dergone great changes, and he began to regard himself as 
 a man. To describe his intellectual and moral develop- 
 ment, is only to state those results v/hich the reader may 
 easily have imagined from the perusal of the foregoing 
 chapter. He had learned to speak and write in the soft 
 Ionian dialect ; and the delight which he had taken in the 
 old epic poetry, when he roved as a boy upon the sunny hills 
 of Halicarnassus, had almost passed away. He had read the 
 works of the Ionian philosophers, and heard their doctrines 
 propounded and discussed in the quiet symposium. He 
 had perused the parchments and books of the prose his- 
 torians, or logographers as they were called, and had 
 become learned in old genealogies and legends of gods and 
 men. Above all, he had read the ^* Travels round the 
 Earth," by Hecataeus, the Milesian ; and had lieard the 
 stories of wrinkled sailors and sunburnt traders, until he 
 himself had begun to long to travel, and gaze upon the 
 splendid cities and strange nations which he had heard 
 described. Meantime, it may be remarked that his re- 
 
 VOL. I. F
 
 66 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 ligious notions were undergoing certain modifications. His 
 faith in the gods was still as firm as when he left his 
 father's house. He would not follow those philosophers 
 who rejected the pious ceremonies of the Greek religion, 
 or who laughed at the sacred oracles, nor would he allow 
 that the glorious Sun-god was a mere mass of red-hot iron. 
 He likewise fully believed that dreams, omens, and pro- 
 digies were means by which the gods interfered in the 
 affairs of men. But he bes-an to doubt whether some of 
 the old poets were always correct in their conceptions of 
 the deities, and to wonder whether those persons were or 
 were not very absurd who represented the gods in the 
 shape of mortals. He had heard one philosopher say that, 
 if horses and oxen could paint pictures, and sculpture 
 statues, they would represent the gods with forms and 
 bodies like their own ; for that horses would consider their 
 deities to be in the shape of horses, and oxen would depict 
 their gods in the shape of oxen. This observation was 
 calculated to make an impression upon a young imagina- 
 tion, and it was some time before Herodotus forgot it. He 
 likewise beo-an to have doubts about some of the old 
 mythes, not indeed so far as to reject the legends of the 
 gods, but simply to have some misgiving about some of 
 the miraculous adventures of the ancient heroes. Hecat^eus 
 himself had said, " The stories of the Greeks appear to me 
 to be many and ridiculous," and had explained that the 
 three-headed Cerberus was a serpent inhabiting the Pro- 
 montory of Tasnarum. Herodotus likewise began in the 
 same spirit to think that many legends of heroes were 
 perhaps after all mere exaggerations and inventions of 
 poets and logographers. 
 
 During the three years that Herodotus stayed at Samos, 
 he made several voyages to the neighbouring islands, and 
 especially visited Chios and Lesbos, but met with no 
 adventures worth recording. He had not, however, once 
 returned to Halicarnassus, and was daily expecting some
 
 LYXES'S LETTER TO HERODOTUS. 67 
 
 ship to bring a message recalling him, when a letter sud- 
 denly arrived which changed all his plans, and turned his 
 thoughts into an entirely new channel. We give it at 
 length : — 
 
 " Lyxes, of Halicarnassus, to his son Herodotus, in the 
 house of Theodorus, at Samos, greeting. 
 
 " I have received your epistle, but think it better that 
 you should not return to Halicarnassus, but should pro- 
 ceed immediately to our fatherland, in time to be at 
 Olympia during the celebration of the eightieth Olympiad. 
 Captain Phylarchus, in whom I have every confidence, 
 will give you this letter, and will also take you in his ship 
 to Corinth, where you will find Glaucus, the son of Poly- 
 dorus, who will receive you kindly. From thence I would 
 have you go to Sparta, where Myron, our proxenus, will 
 protect you. There you will stay until the time of the 
 festival ; and after the celebration of the Olympiad you 
 will proceed to Athens, and thence return to Halicar- 
 nassus. 
 
 " Take what time you please on this journey. I en- 
 close letters which will furnish you with all you require, 
 and which will be your credentials wherever you go. 
 Captain Phylarchus will give you a piece of pure gold, 
 which I pray you to present to our loving kinsman Theo- 
 dorus. I have also given two talents, of sixty minas each, 
 to Captain Phylarchus, who will place them for you in the 
 hands of a Corinthian moneychanger, with whom he is 
 acquainted, and from whom you will be able to draw such 
 sums, from time to time, as you may require. Despatch 
 letters to me whenever you have the opportunity. Your 
 mother Dryo knows not of your voyage, but sends loving 
 greetings. I would say more, but the poets have caused 
 a great lack of Xile paper. I pray that Zeus may guard 
 you from every ill, and that in three years we may meet 
 again. Fare thee well." 
 
 A voyage from Samos across the ^Egean to Corinth 
 
 F 2
 
 68 CORINTH, B. C. 461. 
 
 was considered by the ancient Greeks to be rather more 
 dangerous and adventurous than a voyage over the At- 
 lantic is regarded in modern times ; indeed, a steamer 
 will frequently run between Liverpool and New York in 
 less time than an experienced seaman could make his 
 way from Samos to Corinth, though the latter distance 
 was not 250 English miles. We need not describe the 
 circumstances of Herodotus's departure. The winds were 
 favourable ; and nothing particular occurred during the 
 voyage, save that the captain stopped for an entire day at 
 Delos, and thus gave our traveller an opportunity of run- 
 ning over this small but sacred island. 
 
 Delos is little more than a rock six miles in circum- 
 ference, and is situated about half way across the ^gean 
 Sea. Around it lie a number of larger islands in the 
 form of a circle, and thus the whole group has been 
 named the Cyclades. According to the divine mythe, 
 which Herodotus himself would scarcely have dared to 
 repeat, for fear of offending some mighty divinity, the 
 beautiful Leto won the heart of Zeus, the Thunderer, and 
 yielded to the all-potent god. The jealous Hera, the 
 haughty consort of Zeus, sought to avenge herself upon her 
 rival, who was soon to become a mother. Hera sent the 
 monstrous serpent Python to persecute Leto, and persuaded 
 the Earth to yield no spot where the unfortunate goddess 
 could give birth to her oiFspring. Then the Thunderer 
 protected her whom he had so fondly loved. Poseidon 
 was induced to strike his trident, and call up the island of 
 Delos from the depths of the JEgean, whilst Zeus fastened 
 the floating rock to the bottom of the sea with adaman- 
 tine chains. Meantime every place in Hellas had feared 
 to excite the wrath of Hera by granting rest and harbour- 
 age to the weary Leto. At last the persecuted goddess 
 approached the barren rock of Delos, and promised, that if 
 she obtained shelter, the island should become the chosen 
 resort of her unborn son Apollo. Delos joyfully accepted
 
 LEGEND OF THE BIRTH OF APOLLO. 69 
 
 her proposal. The pangs of Leto were, however, still 
 cruelly prolonged by Hera, but at last the goddess 
 Ilithya came, and Apollo was born ; and scarcely had 
 the infant deity tasted the immortal nectar and ambrosia 
 from the hands of holy Themis, than he burst his infant 
 bands; and displaying himself in full divine form and 
 strength, he claimed his characteristic attributes of the 
 bow and the lyre, and his privileged function of announc- 
 ing beforehand to mankind the designs of Olympian Zeus. 
 Henceforth Delos was not an oracular spot where Apollo 
 manifested himself as revealer of futurities, for that pri- 
 vilege was reserved for Delphi; but it was the locality 
 which the far -shooting god ever preferred as his permanent 
 residence, beyond all the temples and groves which the 
 piety of men had provided for him in other parts of 
 Hellas. It thus became the periodical theatre of the 
 great festivals of Apollo, as the guardian deity of the 
 Ionian race. The twelve Ionian cities of Asia Minor, and 
 the Ionian cities of Athens and Chalcis, in European 
 Greece, sent forth their multitudes to assist at these 
 grand celebrations. The Hymn to ApoUo describes the 
 scene on these occasions as magnificent and imposing to 
 the highest degree. The numerous and splendid ships, 
 the beautiful women of Ionia, the richly-dressed deputa- 
 tion which arrived from Athens, the exhibitions of athlete, 
 and the contests of poets, musicians, and dancers, are 
 represented as making an ineffaceable impression on the 
 spectator. We append a few lines from the Hymn as they 
 are quoted by Thucydides : — 
 
 " At other times, O Apollo, thou takcst thy chief delight in Delos, 
 "VVTicre in thy honour the chiton-trailing lonians 
 Gather to thy town with children and with wives ; 
 Where with boxing, and with dance and song, 
 They, mindful, gladden thee when they set the games afoot. 
 * * * » 
 
 " But well — propitious be Apollo and fair Artemis. 
 And farewell all ; but yet be mindful of me 
 F 3
 
 70 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 In time to come ; when some toil-worn stranger 
 
 Of mortal men shall come and ask, 
 
 ' O damsels, who is he, most sweet of song. 
 
 Who visits here, and in whom ye most delight ? ' 
 
 Then do ye all reply with kindly words, 
 ' The hlind old man of Chios' rocky Isle.' " 
 
 At the time when Herodotus visited the island these 
 splendid festivals had almost become obsolete, though we 
 may remark that they were revived at a subsequent 
 period by the Athenian people. Herodotus, however, 
 met with several old men who described to him the 
 bygone glories of these national gatherings; and he 
 visited the temple of Artemis, the twin sister of far- 
 shooting Apollo. Perhaps, however, he was most in- 
 terested in seeing the two tombs of the Hyperborean 
 virgins, who were said to have brought gifts to Delos 
 from that beautiful country which was situated far away 
 beyond the north winds. The youths and maidens of the 
 island still dedicated their hair to two of these viro;ins — 
 the youths placing their hair on the sepulchre, wound 
 round a plant ; whilst the maidens, before they were 
 married, cut off one of their fair locks, and winding it 
 round a distaff, placed it upon the tomb. 
 
 On the sixteenth day after leaving Samos, the vessel 
 which carried Herodotus entered the Corinthian harbour 
 of Cenchrea. Noise and shouting surrounded him on 
 every side ; and he gazed upon the crowd of merchant- 
 ships in utter astonishment at their number, and at the 
 multitude of men which seemed to be on board every 
 vessel. Corinth was indeed the great emporium of Hellas. 
 She was situated on the isthmus which united the 
 Peloponnesus with Northern Greece, and divided the Sa- 
 ronic from the Corinthian Gulf. She possessed two 
 harbours: — Cenchrea, on the Saronic Gulf, facing Asia 
 Minor ; and Lechaeum, on the Corinthian Gulf, facing 
 Italy. She was thus mistress of two seas ; and, whilst com- 
 mandino; the hio-h road between Southern and Northern
 
 CORIXXniAN COMMERCE. 71 
 
 Greece, connected also by her two havens the eastern and 
 the western world. The barrenness of the soil of Corinth, 
 and the mountain barriers which almost enclosed her 
 territory, had led her inhabitants from the earliest times 
 to try their fortune by sea, and they soon had become 
 rich and luxurious. Nearly all the choice products of 
 the ancient world were to be found at Corinth. Besides 
 being the great seat of all the trade of Hellas, she lay in 
 the direct line of communication between Asia Minor and 
 Italy; for the merchants in those days greatly preferred 
 carrying their goods over the narrow isthmus by land to 
 undertaking the difficult and dangerous voyage round 
 the Peloponneslan coast ; just as the merchants of our 
 own times would prefer cutting through the Isthmus of 
 Panama, to undertaking the tedious and difficult voyage 
 round the distant promontory of Cape Horn. 
 
 It was about one hour after noon when Herodotus, 
 having taken his mid-day meal, left his luggage on board 
 ship, and went on shore to find the house of Glaucus. His 
 amazement at the objects around him was only equal to 
 the astonishment which one of our own rural countrymen 
 would evince on entering London or Liverpool for the 
 first time. The street leading from Cenchrea to the city 
 of Corinth presented a most animated scene of business 
 and traffic. Goods from the difl:erent ports of Asia ]\Iinor 
 on one side, or of Italy and Sicily on the other, were either 
 being conveyed from one harbour to the other, or else into 
 the city itself. Beasts of burden were carrying Byzantine 
 corn into Corinth. Wao;2;ons met each other : some 
 transporting the wines of the isles of the iEgean to the 
 western port ; others bringing the equally renowned 
 growths of Sicily and Italy towards Cenchrea. Chests, 
 bales, and packages innumerable were piled up in heaps 
 ready for warehousing, or were carried heavily to and 
 fro. The beautiful wool of Milesian flocks, the gauze 
 drapery wrought by the maidens of Cos, the fine linen of 
 
 r 4
 
 72 ^ 
 
 Egypt, the sulphur of Cyrene, the gorgeous tapestries 
 of Babylon, the ivory and curious woods of Ethiopia 
 and India, the choicest aromatics of Arabia, and every 
 other kind of merchandise, not excepting richly-carved 
 deities for the more luxurious worshippers, seemed to have 
 found their way into this mighty emporium. 
 
 Bewildered but yet attracted by the busy groups around 
 him, it was some time before Herodotus found an oppor- 
 tunity of respectfully asking an elderly man if he could 
 direct him to the house of Glaucus the son of Polydorus. 
 
 " Oh, you mean Glaucus the image and shrine mer- 
 chant," replied the man. " His house is thirty or forty 
 stadia off, but his warehouse and office are over yonder ; 
 and there he will be until he goes to his house to supper." 
 
 Herodotus followed the direction, and found that the 
 warehouse of Glaucus was arranged like a private house, 
 only that the door facing the street was wide open for 
 customers to enter as they pleased, without knocking. 
 Passing through the passage into the first court, he 
 ordered one of the slaves who were busily engaged around 
 him, to inform his master that a stranger desired to speak 
 with him, and was soon in the presence of Glaucus, to 
 whom he presented his father's letter. 
 
 " A thousand welcomes I" cried Glaucus, when he had 
 finished the perusal and glanced at the seal. " Your father 
 and I are old friends, but it must be thirty years since 
 I saw him. I gladly offer you such poor hospitality aS 
 my house affords, and I pray that you make it your 
 home as long as you stay in Corinth. I will direct my 
 son to attend you, and I intreat you to rest yourself 
 whilst I call him." 
 
 Glaucus left his guest and hurried into an adjoining 
 room, and Herodotus could hear through the partition 
 that he was carrying on a whispering conversation with 
 another individual. He heard the words, " his father is a 
 Samian as rich as Croesus — most extraordinary thing —
 
 73 
 
 the youngster must have money with him as well : " but 
 this was all he could catch, and what it meant he could 
 not comprehend. Indeed, he felt annoyed at having 
 found himself listening, and tried to disengage his atten- 
 tion by looking at the various objects which filled the 
 open court. The first thing that caught his eye was a 
 full-length statue of Apollo, bow and all, lying upon its 
 back ; and he was about to hasten to relieve the divine 
 image from so ignominious a position, when he saw a 
 bronze Zeus lying in the same position, whilst above that 
 deity was a nude Aphrodite, sculptured of some white metal, 
 having her feet in the air resting against the wall, and 
 her head firmly planted on the Thunderer's stomach. In 
 fact, gods and goddesses, shrines and tripods, gorgons, ser- 
 pents, and monsters of every shape and character, were 
 lying about in all directions, and would have had a most 
 ludicrous effect upon a mind less imbued with religious 
 feeling. Slaves were engaged in packing up some of the 
 images for exportation, whilst others were opening large 
 cases filled with deities, and shrines which had apparently 
 just arrived from Ephesus. The horror of Herodotus at 
 seeing these degraded beings throwing about representa- 
 tions of divine things was plainly perceptible. He had 
 been accustomed to regard such sacred emblems with a 
 certain degree of veneration, even whilst they were under 
 the chisel of the statuary ; but still, as he called to mind 
 his father's old friendship for Glaucus, he could not help 
 trying to defend the image merchant from any charge of 
 real impiety towards the gods. It struck liim that, after 
 all, the statues were only so much wood and metal, and 
 he recollected the words of Heraclitus, " The Greeks 
 worship images, but they might just as well converse with 
 houses." 
 
 After a very few moments, Glaucus returned with his 
 son Polydorus, who had been so named after his grand- 
 father, and introduced him to Herodotus. Polydorus was
 
 74 
 
 about the same age as the young Halicarnasslan, but his 
 sallow complexion and restless air showed him to be 
 of a totally different disposition. The stranger from 
 Samos was pale, but full of life and health. The intel- 
 lectual energy of his expression seemed to be only modi- 
 fied by a certain philosophic calmness, w^hich became him 
 well. His frame was strongly built, and his muscles 
 had been well and regularly developed in the gymna- 
 sium and palaestra. Polydorus, on the other hand, seemed 
 jaded by business, and prematurely old from lawless dis- 
 sipation. A repulsive air of rakishness sat upon his 
 features ; and a sneering smile showed him to be one of 
 those superficial fools who seek to hide their ignorance 
 and exliibit their conceit by jeering at knowledge and 
 scoffinor at relio;ion. He received his visitor with a fawn- 
 ing expression, which Avas anything but prepossessing. 
 A small skin of rich wine was produced, together wath 
 a beaker of cold and refreshing water, and a silver dish 
 of dried figs. Herodotus drank a cup of the wine 
 temperately mixed with the purer element, and then 
 started with Polydorus to return to the ship. Conversa- 
 tion in the noisy and bustling highway was impossible ; 
 but they soon reached the pier and found their way to 
 their vessel, where Captain Phylarchus was awaiting the 
 return of his young voyager. 
 
 Herodotus introduced his newly-formed friend to the 
 worthy captain, and ordered the slave whom he had 
 brought with him from Samos to carry his luggage to 
 the quay. Phylarchus then took Herodotus aside, and 
 spoke to him as follows : " I shall winter at Corinth, and 
 hope to see you again shortly. I am always to be found 
 or heard of at the tavern of the Golden Fleece yonder. 
 I w^as ordered by your father, Lyxes, to pay a considerable 
 sum to Glaucus, so you need not fear trespassing on his 
 hospitality ; but I should not advise you to trust him 
 much, for I do not like the looks of Polydorus. Lyxes
 
 HOSPITALITY OF GLAUCUS. 15 
 
 likewise ordered me to pay the sum of two talents into the 
 hands of Timoleon, the Corinthian money-changer, Avhom 
 every body knows. He will advance you any sum you 
 may require, upon your showing him your signet and 
 giving him your signature ; but should you find the least 
 difficulty at Corinth, send at once for me. I hope that 
 we shall soon take another voyage together in the good 
 ship ' Castor and Pollux.' " 
 
 Herodotus thanked the kind-hearted captain, and pro- 
 mised to make an early call at the Fleece. Meantime 
 a slave had brought a two-horse chariot to the quay, and 
 Herodotus, having given the necessary directions to his 
 own slave, entered the chariot with Polydorus, and quickly 
 reached the house of Glaucus. 
 
 Our voyager by this time had begun to feel very much 
 fatigued by his long passage over the ^gean, and by the 
 excitement of arriving at the great city of Corinth. 
 Glaucus came home to his house in the city, and the 
 evening meal, the most important of the day, was served. 
 The wife of Glaucus, and two young ladies introduced 
 as the host's daughters, brought their stools to the little 
 tables, and took their seats Avith the master of the house 
 and the two young men, according to the old-fashioned 
 custom. A general conversation ensued, but Herodotus 
 was too tired for discourse. The noisy hospitality of 
 Glaucus and flattering remarks of Polydorus equally failed 
 to engage his attention, and he felt infinitely relieved when 
 the hour came that he could retire to his chamber. 
 
 A slight sketch of the different members of this Co- 
 rinthian family, as they appeared to Herodotus, may not 
 prove uninteresting to the reader. The son, Polydorus, 
 has already been described. Glaucus, the master of the 
 house, seemed to be a bluff honest-hearted old fellow, in 
 whom Herodotus thought he might place the greatest 
 confidence. The wife of Glaucus was a lady -like woman 
 of middle age, who had been handsome^ and still preserved
 
 76 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 many of her good looks, though she appeared in delicate 
 health, and terribly afraid of her husband. The two daugh- 
 ters, Melissa and Lydia, were more attractive. They 
 were each of them decidedly beautiful, and apparently 
 very willing to make a conquest of Herodotus, for they 
 were certainly far more free and familiar in their discourse 
 than any ladies wdiom he had previously met. 
 
 After a long and sound night's rest, Herodotus awoke, 
 refreshed in mind and body. His spirits had recovered 
 their usual elasticity. He determined to make friends 
 with Polydorus, whom he pitied as the victim of an all- 
 engrossing business; and likewise to increase his expe- 
 rience of the fair sex, by conversing with the lovely 
 daughters of his host. 
 
 Upon entering the room where the family appeared to 
 take their meals, he found the tables spread with wine, 
 white bread, pickled fish, and other delicacies, and no one 
 present but Polydorus and his two sisters, who received 
 him with a thousand compliments. Herodotus, determined 
 to show his politeness and breeding, made suitable replies ; 
 for he had been better accustomed to polite manners than 
 to female society. Melissa's raven hair was braided in the 
 most complicated manner, and confined in a beautifully 
 ornamented bandeau ; w^hilst the white shoulder of Lydia 
 was set ofif with the elaborately chased clasp whicli fastened 
 her chiton ; and indeed, had it not been for the lively re- 
 marks of the two fair ladies, Herodotus would have been 
 perfectly awe- struck by their marvellous beauty. 
 
 " I am afraid," said Polydorus, " that I cannot attend 
 you to-day ; but my sisters may perhaps serve as company, 
 and our streets will afford you sights. If, however, you 
 like to walk alono- the street leadinsf to Cenchrea, we 
 can give you a dinner at our office, and I will show you 
 all our statues and pictures, and drive you back to supper. 
 I have promised to follow Glaucus immediately, for we 
 have to load a ship which sails to-morrow for Athens ;
 
 HERODOTUS BECOMES GALLANT. /7 
 
 but after to-day I shall have more leisure." Uttering a 
 few more apologies, Polydorus withdrew from the room, 
 and left the house for his father's place of business. 
 
 We need not repeat the conversation which followed. 
 The ladies of Corinth were far more free and unrestrained 
 in their manners than those of any other Greek city, and 
 Melissa and Lydia fairly aroused our young traveller by 
 the gaiety and animation of their discourse. They made 
 lively remarks upon the weather, expressed the utmost 
 weariness at the noise and excitement of Corinth, avowed 
 wishes for some flowery home in a quiet island, rallied 
 Herodotus on the fair maidens of Ionia, and brought him 
 out to an extent which surprised hhnself and delighted his 
 fair listeners. The lady of the house entered the room, but 
 after the usual compliments her presence was almost for- 
 gotten. The slaves removed the remains of the morning 
 meal, but their attentions were totally unheeded. The 
 grave and philosophic Herodotus was repeating philosophic 
 criticisms, quoting sentimental lyrics and gay iambics, de- 
 scribing all the wonders of Samos and Delos, praising the 
 scenery of the Ionian isles, boasting of the sunny skies 
 and glorious shores of his native land, and, in short, con- 
 ducting himself in a style which would have done honour 
 to young Athens. It was, therefore, nearly noon before 
 he finally left his fair entertainers, and commenced his 
 walk through the streets of Corinth, of Avhich we shall 
 have much to say in our next chapter.
 
 78 COPvINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 CORINTH (coxtinued), b. c. 461. 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY OF CORINTH, — STORY OF CYPSELUS AND THE BACCHIAD 
 
 ASSASSINS. STORY OP PERIANDER THE TYRANT, AND HIS SON LYCO- 
 
 PHRON. COMMERCIAL PROSPERITY OF CORINTH. HERODOTUS'S WALK 
 
 THROUGH THE CITY. VISITS THE TEMPLE OF APHRODITE. TIETVS THE 
 
 STATUES AND PICTURES IN THE GALLERY OF GLAUCUS. — CONTEMPORARY 
 STATE OF GREEK ART. ANCIENT CHARACTER OF SCULPTURE AND PAINT- 
 ING. — HISTORY OF GREEK STATUARY. — THE ART BROUGHT TO PER- 
 FECTION BY PHIDIAS. HISTORY OF GREEK PAINTING. THE ART 
 
 BROUGHT TO PERFECTION BY POLYGNOTUS. FRESH HOSPITALITIES OF 
 
 GLAUCUS. — A GAJIE AT DRAUGHTS AND DICE. 
 
 Before describing our young traveller's impressions of 
 Corinth, it will perhaps be as well to glance at the his- 
 tory of the city. 
 
 Corinth was founded by the ^olians, but when the 
 descendants of Heracles invaded the Peloponnesus, the 
 city fell into the hands of the conquering Dorians. A long 
 line of kings followed, which, about B. c. 747, gave way 
 to an oligarchy, called the Bacchiads, because it exclusively 
 consisted of the descendants of one of the kings named 
 Bacchis, who were obliged to marry amongst themselves. 
 This government of the Bacchiads lasted until the year 
 B. c. 657, when it was overthrown by the tyrant Cypse- 
 lus ; and the traditionary account of this event is so in- 
 terestino; that we shall relate it at leno-th. 
 
 It so happened that one of the members of the Bacchiad 
 oligarchy had a lame daughter named Labda, whom no 
 Bacchiad would marry. Accordingly her father gave her 
 in marriage to a poor man named Eetion, and she subse- 
 quently gave birth to a son. Meantime an oracle de- 
 clared that the offspring of Labda would be fatal to the
 
 / STORY OF CYPSELUS. 79 
 
 ollgarclilcal government ; and the Bacchlads secretly sent 
 ten of their number to the district where Labda and her 
 husband lived, in order to murder the innocent babe. 
 The ten Bacchiads set out on their bloody errand, and on 
 the way agreed that whoever first received the child 
 should dash it on the ground. On reaching the house 
 they only saw Labda, and after being hospitably received 
 as kinsmen, they asked to see the infant. The proud 
 mother, thinking that they only inquired out of affection 
 for her and her husband, hastened to show them her 
 idolised boy. The man who took it tremblingly prepared 
 to execute his mission ; but the little fellow smiled in his 
 face, and he felt so sick that he handed the child to the 
 man next him. The second man, however, was moved 
 with similar compassion, and passed it on to a third ; and, 
 in short, the infant passed through the hands of all the 
 ten, and not one of them could summon up sufficient 
 guilty courage to take away its innocent life. Accordingly 
 the boy was returned to its mother's arms, and the ten men 
 abruptly left the house ; but great was the j)Oor Avoman's 
 surprise when she heard them, just outside her door, angrily 
 attacking each other with mutual recriminations for not 
 having butchered her pretty little babe. Her horror and 
 agony was now intense. She was terrified lest the would- 
 be murderers should return and execute their purpose, 
 and at once hid the child in an old out-of-the-way chest. 
 Scarcely had she done so when the ten men re-entered 
 the house, having determined that all should share in the 
 murder. There was no secrecy about their intentions 
 now. They ransacked the chambers of the men, and even 
 the back rooms belonging to the women, but found not 
 the babe. They attacked the poor trembling and panting 
 mother with oaths and threats ; but they might have torn 
 her to pieces ere she would have told her secret. At last 
 they resolved upon returning, saying that they had com- 
 pleted the murder ; and that night the smiling and un-
 
 80 COKINTH, B. C. 461. 
 
 conscious babe slept soundly and safely at its mother's 
 breast. That boy was named Cypselus and grew to be a 
 man. In him the words of the oracle were accomplished, 
 for he overthrew the Bacchiads and became king or tyrant 
 of Corinth, and reigned for thirty years. 
 
 Cypselus was succeeded by the celebrated Periander, 
 who reigned from B. C. 627 to B. C. 583, and was a real 
 tyrant even in the modern sense of the word. Periander, 
 however, governed with mildness, until he sent an envoy 
 t'o the tyrant of Miletus to ask how he might best rule 
 his people. This older tyrant was a crafty despot, who 
 made no reply in words, but took the envoy into a field of 
 standing corn, and making him repeat his questions over 
 and over again, merely seemed to reply by cutting and 
 destroying the tallest and best of the corn. Periander 
 quickly understood the advice so silently given, and be- 
 gan to put to death all the most eminent Corinthians. 
 But we have no space to tell the story of his misdeeds. 
 He killed his own wife, but she was amply revenged 
 by the conduct of her youngest boy. She left two 
 sons. The eldest possessed a very weak understanding ; 
 but the youngest, whose name was Lycophron, was one 
 of the bravest and cleverest young men of his age. 
 Lycophron heard that his mother had fallen a victim 
 to the violence of Periander, and refused to speak to 
 his father. Periander drove him from the palace, and 
 then proclaimed that, whoever should receive Lyco- 
 phron, or even converse with him, should pay a fine to 
 Apollo. Lycophron, however, could not be brought to 
 submission. At last Periander saAV him sitting under the 
 colonnade of one of the temples, reduced to a state of filth 
 and starvation. Feeling more compassion than anger, he 
 asked Lycophron if it would not be better to accommo- 
 date himself to his father's wishes, and tluis enjoy power 
 and riches. The young man replied by saying that 
 Periander had subjected himself to his own fine for
 
 STORY OF PERIAXDER AND LYCOPHROX. 81 
 
 having spoken to him ; and the father, seeing his son to 
 be thus invincibly obstinate, gave orders that he should 
 be placed on board ship, and carried to the island of 
 Corcyra, of which he was at that time master. Years 
 passed away, and Periander found himself more and more 
 unable to manaore the government of Corinth. Accord- 
 ingly he used every means to induce Lycophron to re- 
 turn home and accept the sovereignty. Lycophron would 
 not be persuaded, but sent back for reply that he would 
 never return to Corinth so long as his father was alive. 
 At last Periander offered to go himself to Corcyra if his 
 son would come back to Corinth, and this proposition was 
 accepted; but the arrangement reached the ears of the 
 Corcyraeans, and they put Lycophron to death rather 
 than receive Periander as a master. The old man never 
 lifted up his head after hearing the terrible news ; and 
 beinor fourscore vears of a^^e, he sunk into a state of utter 
 despondency, from which death alone relieved him. Pe- 
 riander was succeeded by his nephew Psammetichus, 
 who only reigned three years; for at the expiration of that 
 time his power was overthrown, and the government 
 once again fell into the hands of an aristocracy, under 
 which it still continued when Herodotus visited the city. 
 
 These stories, though interesting as illustrations of the 
 early history of the Greek States, convey no idea of the 
 peculiar character of Corinth as a great commercial city. 
 The navy of Corinth had been in its time the largest and 
 most powerful in the world, though at the period of our 
 narrative her war fleets were surpassed by those of 
 Athens. The first triremes, or war-ships, were built at 
 Corinth, and the first sea-fight on record was between 
 the Corinthians and their colonists, the Corcyn\ians. The 
 commerce of Corinth brought immense wealth to her 
 citizens, and for a long time no city in Greece could boast 
 of such magnificent buildings. But their riches made 
 the people luxurious and licentious. The worship of 
 
 VOL. I. G
 
 82 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 Aphrodite, the goddess of sensual passion, everywhere 
 prevailed ; and an incredible number of hetaerae resided 
 not only in private houses, but were maintained in the 
 temples of the goddess, and made a ready prey of the 
 foreigners w^ho flocked to the city for the purposes of 
 trade. 
 
 But to return to Herodotus. He found his stroll 
 through the main streets of the city exceedingly interest- 
 ing. He saw the great temple of Aphrodite, and the co- 
 lonnade where Periander found his son filthy and starving. 
 He gazed upon the splendid buildings, the long streets, 
 and the crowded shops Avith curious admiration. Damsels 
 passed him, eagerly plying a trade in bread and cakes, 
 flowers and fruits, and elegant little articles of ornament 
 or dress ; whilst others treated him with such barefaced 
 smiles and glances that he turned on his heel with un- 
 concealed disgust. Richly-dressed gallants were driving 
 smart chariots along the streets, or gaily conversing in 
 the agora and temple colonnades ; others were riding on 
 prancing horses, and exhibiting their gay costumes and 
 the mettle of their steeds to the passers-by. Sailors and 
 other strano-ers were foro-ettino; the recent dangers of the 
 sea in the endless amusements of the city; and many 
 were indulging in that reckless and generous joviality 
 which characterises the Jack Tars of all climes and ages. 
 In short, whilst the street leading to Cenchrea had seemed 
 to be the resort of merchants, the city itself was given up 
 to luxurious pleasure. But, above all, Herodotus was 
 astonished at the enormous throngs of people that filled 
 the precinct sacred to Aphrodite, and it was only after 
 considerable difficulty that he Avas able to pass the en- 
 trance. The temple, like the Greek temples generally, 
 consisted of an oblong sanctuary surrounded by a colon- 
 nade, and having a portico at each end. It stood in the 
 midst of a large enclosed square of ground, which was 
 likewise sacred to the goddess, and was called the temenus.
 
 A VISIT TO THE TEMPLE OF APHRODITE. 83 
 
 Herodotus had never before visited a temple of Aphro- 
 dite, though, of course, like all Greeks, he had frequently 
 attended the temples of Zeus and Apollo. Accordingly 
 he had expected to witness the same sobriety and serious- 
 ness which belonged to the ritual of the Greek religion ; 
 to see the priests standing in their splendid vestments 
 before the altar ; to hear the solemn inquiry of, " Who 
 are those that compose this assembly?" and to join in 
 the universal response of, " Upright and pious citizens ; " 
 to listen to the slow reciting of ancient prayers and the 
 sweet singing of choral hymns. But there he saw drunken 
 foreigners and painted girls, and only heard noisome con- 
 versation and indecent shouts; and he gladly made his 
 exit from the scene, and proceeded towards Cenchrea to 
 the warehouse of Glaucus. 
 
 We cannot describe in detail the different works of 
 statuary and painting which Polydorus exhibited to 
 Herodotus ; but instead of a catalogue, we will endeavour 
 to furnish our readers with a brief sketch of the contem- 
 porary state of Greek art. 
 
 It is impossible to say whether statuary or painting is 
 the oldest of the arts. In ancient times, coloured works 
 in plastic were perhaps as common as pictures, or coloured 
 representations on even surfaces. Statues of wood, stone, 
 or baked clay were painted all over, and generally dressed 
 in gorgeous attire. Temples built of tufii, limestone, or 
 sandstone were plastered or stuccoed over, and then 
 adorned with painting ; and even the pillars and exterior 
 walls were covered with gaudy colours. The employ- 
 ment of marble, however, for statues and temi)les effected 
 a great improvement in the public taste. The native 
 beauty of the pure white marble would have been utterly 
 spoiled by being covered with any patchwork finery. In 
 the marble statues no attempt appears to have been 
 made to employ flesh colour, though colours were 
 certainly used to distinguish the hair, lip, and eye, and 
 
 G 2
 
 84 COKINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 the ornaments of the weapons and dress. In the same 
 way the main body of the marble temple was left white, 
 and only particular parts, such as the metopes, the tri- 
 glyphs, the cornice, and the ornaments of the ceiling, 
 were brought into prominence by means of colour, partly 
 to heighten the effect of the pure white by a lively con- 
 trast, and partly to secure for the sculpture an effective 
 background.* 
 
 But to return to the subject of statuary and painting, 
 which must be considered under separate heads. Statuary 
 was called the plastic art, because it anciently consisted 
 of figures of soft clay dried in the sun or baked in the 
 kiln; and this material never entirely fell into disuse, 
 being employed in the manufacture of those sacred images 
 which were used for domestic and private worship. At 
 a later period, statues seem to have been carved from 
 various kinds of wood, such as oak, cedar, cypress, syca- 
 more, pine, fig, box, and ebony. In the time of our nar- 
 rative, all the principal varieties of marble were likewise 
 used, and the white marbles of Paros and Mount Pen- 
 telicus were especially valued. Figures in bronze, silver, 
 and gold were also frequently cast; the art of casting 
 having been discovered by Pho^cus of Samos, and his son, 
 the celebrated Theodorus, about B.C. 600. Ancient works 
 in metal were formed by the hammer, and the different 
 pieces were joined together by pins, rivets, or cramps, 
 and subsequently by a solder or cement. Ivory, how- 
 ever, seems to have been the most rare and perhaps 
 highly valued material. It was generally combined with 
 gold, and used for the parts representing the liesh ; and 
 
 * The supposed remains of colour on the marble pillars at Athens have 
 been pronounced by Professor Faraday, and also by Professor Landerer of 
 the university of Athens, to be merely the natural oxidation of the iron 
 which exists even in the M'hitcst marble. See Hcttner's " Athens and the 
 Peloponnese," in which the important question of how the ancients painted 
 their temples has been carefully examined.
 
 HISTORY OF GREEK STATUARY. 85 
 
 certainly for softness, delicacy, and agreeableness to the 
 touch, it may be considered as unrivalled. The Greeks 
 ascribed the origin of sculpture to gods and heroes : thus 
 Hephaestus was considered as the divine artisan, and 
 Daedalus is said to have invented numerous instruments 
 for carving wood, and to have made his statues walking. 
 By this last tradition we may suppose that, before the 
 time of Daedalus, human figures were represented, in 
 Greece as in Egypt, with their legs close together, but 
 that he separated the legs of his statues, and thus im- 
 parted greater life and activity to a figure. It must be 
 remarked that, for a very long time, no statues existed 
 in Greece, excepting those of the gods ; and that these 
 representations were by no means regarded as the gods 
 themselves, or even as images of them, but only as sym- 
 bols of their presence. In the imagination of a pious 
 and primitive age, the simplest symbols were supposed 
 capable of producing this effect ; and unhewn blocks of 
 stone or pillars of wood were, in many places, deemed 
 amply sufficient to indicate the presence of a deity. 
 During the century and a half which preceded the visit 
 of Herodotus to Corinth (namely, from about B.C. 600 
 to B.C. 461), the progress of Greek art was rapidly 
 reaching its climax ; the archaic was giving way to the 
 ideal. The older statues had been painted and generally 
 dressed in the most gorgeous attire, as described above. 
 The figures were stiff and clumsy, the countenances with 
 little or no individuality, the eyes long and small, and the 
 mouth, drawn up at the two corners, presented a smiling 
 appearance. The hair was carefully worked, but stiff 
 and wiry, and generally hung down in straight lines 
 which were curled at the ends. The arms also hung 
 down the sides of the body, unless the figure carried some- 
 thing in its hands. The drapery Avas likewise stiff, and 
 the folds were very symmetrical, and worked with but 
 little regard to nature. But when the art of poetry had 
 
 G 3
 
 86 COEINTH, B. C. 461. 
 
 boldly thrown off its ancient trammels and poured out 
 its soul in new and livelier metres, the sister art of sculp- 
 ture followed her example, and bursting through old 
 conventional forms, eagerly struggled to attain a grand 
 ideal. The public contests of athletge began to be per- 
 formed naked ; and thus the attention of the artist was 
 directed to nature, and his eye became familiarised with 
 the finest and most beautiful development of the human 
 form. The contests of poets at the public festivals had 
 created in the minds of the people more definite and 
 tangible ideas of their gods and heroes ; whilst the phi- 
 losophers had taught men to look beyond what was con- 
 ventional and traditionary. The statues erected for wor- 
 ship were the last to exhibit proofs of this great progress 
 of art; but those which were dedicated as gifts to the 
 gods, those of victors and distinguished men, and the 
 marble reliefs which adorned the pediments, friezes, and 
 other parts of temples, all began to display more or less 
 a bolder treatment and loftier conception, and to include 
 the higher excellences of Greek art. Lastly, it was left 
 for that great sculptor whose works had never reached 
 the hands of Glaucus — the immortal Phidias, who was 
 already entrancing the soul of young Athens by his lofty 
 and unapproachable creations; it was left for him, the 
 ^schylus of statuary, to exhibit to the world the sublimest 
 order of ideal beauty ; to represent in cold and motionless 
 marble the spirituality of deified intellect, the passionless 
 tranquillity and perfect repose of almighty majesty, the 
 divine loveliness which man must adore in pious fear 
 but holy purity ; and thus to claim for broken relics and 
 decaying marbles a world-wide Avorship, which hath long 
 outlived that fair and visionary belief of which they were 
 once the symbols. 
 
 The art of painting amongst the ancient Greeks may 
 have exhibited the same high excellences as the art of 
 sculpture ; for though existing remains tend to confirm an
 
 HISTORY OF GREEK PAINTIXG. 87 
 
 opposite opinion, yet if we had possessed what the ancients 
 themselves esteemed to be their masterpieces, we might 
 find their figures as correctly drawn as the Laocoon, and 
 as richly coloured as Titian.* Painting is said to have 
 originated in the attempt to represent a shadow, and one 
 of the old legends connected with the first discovery of the 
 art may not ba uninteresting to the reader. A potter's 
 daughter at Corinth, being about to take farewell of her 
 lover, was struck by his shadow, which her lamp had cast 
 upon the wall, and accordingly drew its outline with such 
 force and fidelity that her father cut away the plaster 
 within the outline, and taking an impression from the wall 
 in soft clay, baked it with the rest of his pottery. This 
 story is not likely to possess any real historical value, but 
 there can be no doubt but that the simplest form of design 
 or drawing is the outline of a shadow without any inter- 
 mediate markings. The next step was the monogram, or 
 complete outline, without colour, but with the inner 
 markings, like the designs of Flaxman. Light and shade 
 were next introduced, and, last of all, the art was fully 
 developed by the proper application of local colours in 
 accordance with nature. Polygnotus, the Michael Angelo 
 of antiquity, may be regarded as the great historical 
 painter, who, flourishing in the time of Herodotus and Phi- 
 dias, had brought all the essential principles of imitation 
 into painting, and established it as an independent art. 
 
 Thus Herodotus spent a pleasant afternoon in contem- 
 plating statues and pictures innumerable. He had been 
 accustomed to regard those in the great temple of Hera at 
 Samos as the finest in the world ; and now, though he 
 saw and compared so many specimens of the Greek 
 schools, he could see no reason for changing his opinion. 
 It must be remembered that the great works of the sculp- 
 tor Phidias and the painter Polygnotus were still in em- 
 
 * Sir Joshua Reynolds's " Xotes to Fresnoy," p. 37. 
 G 4
 
 88 CORINTH, B. C. 461. 
 
 bryo ; and it was not until a later period of his life, when 
 the grand structures on the Acropolis of Athens were 
 finally erected, that he was enabled to contemplate the 
 real masterpieces of Greek art. In a future chapter we 
 shall have occasion to dwell on these marvels of the 
 Periclean age ; for the present, we must return to the 
 ealm stream of our biography. 
 
 Notwithstanding his love of art, Herodotus spent the 
 hours of evening even more pleasantly than those of the 
 afternoon. He returned with Polydorus and Glaucus to 
 their private house in Corinth, and found that a still more 
 splendid supper was served up than on the preceding day. 
 The lady of the house was confined to her room by indis- 
 position, but Melissa and Lydia were present, and re- 
 ceived him with more smiles and charms than ever. The 
 conversation was as brisk and lively as possible, both at 
 the meal and during the gay symposium that followed. 
 The remarks of Polydorus, though not quite so delicate 
 and reverent as Herodotus would have wished, were always 
 witty and amusing, and our hero began to think that, 
 after all, his own notions were too straitlaced. The blufi" 
 honesty and genial openheartedness of Glaucus, had by 
 this time banished all suspicion, and the long and prosy 
 stories of the worthy father were received with as much 
 attention as could be expected from a young gentleman 
 who was already fascinated by the charms of the daughters. 
 Indeed a sense of duty as well as of politeness obliged 
 Herodotus to appear in the character of an admiring 
 listener ; and his conduct may serve as an example even to 
 modern gallants, for at intervals he distinctly heard many 
 of the words which his host uttered, and scarcely once 
 missed laughing at the right place. However, after a 
 goblet or two of the wine, Glaucus began to nod, and 
 Polydorus called a slave to bring a box and board, and 
 proposed a game at dice. Herodotus excused himself on 
 the score of ignorance, but really because his father had
 
 A GAME AT DRAUGHTS AND DICE. 89 
 
 warned him not to play at games of mere chance. Poly- 
 dorus accordingly sat down with Lydia to play a game of 
 draughts and dice, called pessi and cybi, which bore a mar- 
 vellous resemblance to the modern backgammon. Hero- 
 dotus meanwhile talked with Melissa, and looked on whilst 
 Lydia won a zone, which Polydorus promised to bring 
 next morning ; and at last, as Polydorus assured him that 
 the game was easy, which he already knew, and that he 
 had better play for trinkets and not for money, which re- 
 moved his only objection, he agreed to sit down with the 
 other three to a merry game at dice. The remainder of 
 the evening was spent in a manner which the reader will 
 readily understand. Herodotus lost a chiton clasp to each 
 fair lady, which he inwardly resolved should be the hand- 
 somest that Corinth could aiford; and he likewise paid 
 over to Polydorus the sum of ten drachmas as the balance 
 of the several little bets Avhich he had won or lost durinor 
 
 o 
 
 the evening. These were very simple matters, but to 
 those who philosophise upon dreams, it may be interesting 
 to know that they formed the staple of Herodotus's visions 
 that night. So irretrievably were they mingled together, 
 that clasps and drachmas, the expected smiles of the girls, 
 and the supposed frowns of his father Lyxes, seemed all at 
 the same time to have been occupying his thoughts and 
 worrying his brains ; but fortunately he found himself in 
 the morning as fresh and buoyant as ever, and soon forgot 
 the visions which Morpheus had sent to amuse him during 
 the hours of darkness.
 
 90 
 
 CHAP. YII. 
 
 CORINTH (continued), b, c. 461. 
 
 HERODOTUS MIXES IN FASHIONABLE SOCIETY, AND BECOMES FASHIONABLE 
 
 LIKEWISE. GLAUCUS BEING CHEATED, TRIES TO CHEAT THE GODS. 
 
 SPLENDID BANQUET AND SYMPOSIUM IN THE HOUSE OF NICIAS. 
 
 BCEOTIAN EELS BETTER THAN BLACK PUDDINGS.— NICIAS ELECTED SYM- 
 POSIARCH. — STORIES, RIDDLES, AND SCOLIA. — THE GAME OF COTTABOS. 
 
 DANCERS AND FLUTE PLAYERS. — HERODOTUS'S EYES OPENED. 
 
 CAPTAIN PHYLARCHUS AND TIMOLEON THE MONEYCHANGER. 
 
 The introduction of Herodotus into fashionable life at 
 Corinth was attended by the usual consequences. He 
 began to grow exceedingly fashionable himself, to indulge 
 in all the amusements of the city, and to forget his recent 
 historical and philosophical studies. Polydorus proved 
 himself to be a very able guide along the road of pleasure. 
 He introduced his guest to a number of gay and con- 
 genial companions. Herodotus on his part exhibited his 
 prowess in the gymnasium with much applause, but he 
 showed far less experience in cock and quail fighting ; 
 and having foolishly staked money upon some private 
 horse and chariot matches, he lost a few more drachmas 
 than he cared to reckon up. He likewise frequently 
 united with Polydorus and other Corinthian gallants in a 
 symposium, in Avhich each one clubbed his share of the 
 expenses; not that he was over partial to wine or rich 
 cookery, but he began to have a taste for gay society. 
 The idea also had more than once flashed across his mind 
 that he had been kept under too much restraint. At 
 Corinth he saw numbers of young men, much younger 
 than he, acting just as they pleased, and spending their 
 money without any interference from their fathers or
 
 GLAUCUS TRIES TO CHEAT THE GODS. 91 
 
 guardians ; whilst he, the only son of one of the richest 
 citizens in Hallcarnassus, was not even trusted with his 
 own money. This last circumstance annoyed him ex- 
 ceedingly. He was galled by thinking that after he had 
 been absent three years from his father's house, Lyxes 
 should not have considered him sufficiently experienced 
 to take care of a couple of talents, but should have en- 
 trusted them rather to the hands of a sea captain and a 
 Corinthian money changer. 
 
 Herodotus was therefore determined to show his inde- 
 pendence, and increase his knowledge of the world. He 
 gave his Samos-made garments to his slave, and arrayed 
 himself in the newest styles, arranging the folds and 
 fall of his himation or chlamys in the most genteel and 
 fashionable manner. He became more gallant than ever 
 to Melissa. He lost many drachmas at dice and other 
 games. His religious ideas grew more and more indis- 
 tinct. Xo one in the house of Glaucus seemed to pay 
 much attention to the gods, beyond eating the family sa- 
 crifices after the burning of the sacred portions. Some- 
 times when Glaucus had a ship or two out at sea, he 
 made vows and invoked one or other of the deities ; 
 but Polydorus invariably ridiculed his father's devotions. 
 " Prayers and vows," he would say to Herodotus, " are all 
 very well when we are sick ; but praying for wealth or 
 for luck at dice is rank absurdity. Xow, my father not 
 only does this, but treats the gods as though they were 
 simple-minded barbarians. Only the other day, because 
 a ship from Ephesus was about a week after its time, he 
 sacrificed a splendid ox to Zeus ; and this was all very 
 well, as we thereby got a capital feast. Glaucus, how- 
 ever, was not satisfied. He had bought a lot of incense 
 last year from some Hebrew merchant from Palestine, 
 and was of course taken in ; not a worshipper in Corinth 
 would buy a drachma's weight. This incense he must 
 needs burn, as well as the ox, and fill the courts and
 
 92 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 chambers with the most horrible smoke. How they liked 
 it in Olympus is only known to themselves. Of course 
 the ship went to the bottom with a whole cargo of 
 Artemis images; but whether Poseidon sneezed at the 
 incense, or the maiden goddess refused to visit Corinth, is 
 best known to the seers of Elis." 
 
 A month or two before, Herodotus would have turned 
 away at this profane speech, but now he merely tried to 
 silence certain qualms by an attempt to laugh, for, to 
 say the truth, he had grown almost ashamed of that simple 
 but earnest faith which had become so old-fashioned. 
 
 One day, whilst things were in this state, Polydorus 
 announced to Herodotus that he and some of his friends 
 w^ere going to have a great banquet and symposium at 
 the house of a Corinthian named Nicias, and pressed his 
 guest to join in it. Herodotus, we need scarcely say, at 
 once accepted the invitation. The feast was to be on the 
 most splendid scale, and the amount of contribution was 
 proportlonably large, but that was regarded as a matter 
 of very little consequence by our fashionable foreigner. 
 On the appointed evening he made use of the bath, and 
 carefully arrayed himself in full-dress garments, and the 
 usual half shoes ; and then proceeded in the company of 
 Polydorus to the house of Nicias, followed like his friend 
 by his own particular slave. 
 
 Nicias w^as one of the most luxurious men in all Corinth. 
 He w^as the only son of a Corinthian merchant, who had 
 died some years before, leaving behind him a fine house, but 
 a very moderate fortune. His character and means of live- 
 lihood were a complete riddle to the uninitiated. Gambling, 
 chariot driving, and carousing, seemed to be his principal 
 occupations ; and yet rich citizens and w^ealthy strangers 
 eagerly sought his society. No trade occupied his atten- 
 tion, no pleasure escaped his grasp ; and yet merchants of 
 high reputation readily joined in his banquets. The 
 money left him by his father was known to have been
 
 SPLENDID BANQUET AND SYMPOSIUM. 93 
 
 spent years before ; yet in lavish expenditure he out- 
 stripped even the wealthiest of the Corinthians them- 
 selves. Above all, he never seemed to borrow money, and 
 always paid for what he purchased. The plain truth was 
 that his house was a decoy for strangers. He was 
 proxenus * for many rich families in different parts of 
 Hellas, and instead of gambling with foreigners, would 
 rather warn them of black legs, and load them with gifts 
 and favours. But not a pigeon was plucked that he had 
 not a share ; not a rich lover was caught that he had not 
 his dues ; not a profitable bargain was completed that he 
 had not his commission. 
 
 The Sun-god had nearly reached the golden west when 
 Herodotus and Polydorus reached the house of Xicias. 
 It need scarcely be said, that Herodotus was totally igno- 
 rant of the character of his host. The two young men 
 found the door of the mansion wide open, and entering 
 the hall, were ushered by a slave into the spacious ban- 
 quetting-room. Xicias, a man of almost noble address, 
 received them in the politest and most agreeable manner, 
 and was especially attentive to Herodotus. The room 
 was furnished in a magnificent style, and the display of 
 plate was really profuse. Silver goblets and bowls, of 
 almost every size, were arranged upon tables of elegant 
 desio^n. Several lar2;e vessels for mixing' the wine were 
 covered with figures, and stood in saucers of curious work- 
 manship. The walls were hung with garlands of freshly 
 gathered flowers. Numerous couches were arrayed in 
 order for the coming guests ; the mattrasses covered 
 with embroidered tapestry, and the pillows of a rainbow- 
 like pattern, being gaily striped with a variety of bril- 
 liant colours. It was now the fashion at all great ban- 
 
 * A proxenus was a sort of modern consul or minister resident. Some- 
 times he acted for entire states, sometimes only for families with whom 
 he was connected by ties of hospitality. The office was both honourable 
 and honorary.
 
 94 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 quels for the Greeks to recline on couches, though in the 
 heroic ages, and apparently clown to the time of the 
 Persian war, it had been the custom to sit at meals. As 
 each guest arrived, either his own slave who followed 
 him, or else the slaves of the host, unfastened the strings 
 of his sandals, and washed his feet preparatory to his 
 reclining. Herodotus saw with an admiration which he 
 carefully concealed, that the ewers from which the water 
 was poured, and the basons which received it, were all of 
 solid silver, and that the water itself was mingled with 
 golden wine, and rendered additionally fragrant by the 
 admixture of odoriferous balsam. Each couch was set 
 apart for two guests, and Herodotus had intended re- 
 clining by the side of Polydorus ; but by some accident 
 which could not be rectified without a breach of polite- 
 ness, he found himself at a considerable distance from 
 his friend, and next to a cynical gentleman who soon 
 began to entertain him with observations depreciatory of 
 every body and every thing around them. The loud 
 talking and laughing, however, of all the guests com- 
 pletely confused our unsophisticated hero ; and being ex- 
 ceedingly hungry, he began to wish for the appearance of 
 supper, with an appetite which, had it been known, 
 w^ould have been envied by every gallant present. 
 
 At last the feast was served. Young slaves in holiday 
 costume w^ere busily engaged in waiting upon the guests. 
 Some handed round water and towels for the washing of 
 hands ; others presented bread of the finest quality in 
 tiny baskets woven of slips of ivory ; whilst others ad- 
 vanced in a long procession, two by two, and loaded the 
 tables with a variety of dishes. Fish of every descrip- 
 tion, poultry, game, lamb, pork, goat's flesh, sausages, 
 and black puddings, together with a variety of green 
 vegetables, such as mallow, cabbage, beans, lupines, let- 
 tuce, onions, and leeks, were set out according to esta- 
 blished order; but the reader must bear in mind that
 
 BCEOTIAX EELS AND BLACK PUDDINGS. 95 
 
 but few of the artfully cooked dainties described by 
 Atheneeus were known in the time of Herodotus. The 
 tables had already been placed before the several couches, 
 and the feast commenced without hesitation. Forks were 
 unknown in those days, but knives, spoons, fingers, and 
 pieces of bread were soon brought into active requisition. 
 The eating itself requires no description. Herodotus 
 made himself principally remarkable by only partaking of 
 those dishes with which he was acquainted from past 
 experience. In vain the cynic remonstrated with him 
 upon expending his appetite upon roast pork and black 
 puddings, when he might be so much more profitably em- 
 ployed upon some glorious dishes of Boeotian eels. Hero- 
 dotus politely declined all such delicacies ; and the manners 
 of the Corinthians were too refined to permit either the 
 host or his guests generally to make any remarks upon 
 such apparent simplicity. 
 
 At length the meal was concluded. AYater and sweetly 
 scented soap was handed round for each of the guests to 
 ao-ain wash the hands which had been brouoht so imme- 
 diately into contact with the contents of the several 
 dishes. The fragments of the meal were carefully col- 
 lected or swept from the floor. Chaplets of myrtle and 
 roses, party-coloured ribands, and perfmned unguents, 
 were distributed all around, and other preparations were 
 made for the symposium. But first of all it was neces- 
 sary to perform the libation to Agathod^emon, the good 
 genius. A slave brought forward a golden bowl, into 
 which Xicias poured undiluted wine from a silver can. 
 Two pretty flute girls, in all the freshness of blooming 
 youth, entered the banquetting-room to accompany the 
 ceremony with subdued and appropriate music. Nicias 
 took the golden bowl, poured some wine out of it, and so- 
 lemnly exclaimed, " To the good genius ; " and then taking a 
 draught, he handed the bowl to the visitor who sat upon 
 his right, in order that it might pass round the table.
 
 96 COEINTH, .BC. 461. 
 
 This ceremony being completed, the party waxed mer- 
 rier, the minstrels struck up the hymn of praise, and the 
 symposium began. Neither table-cloths nor table-napkins 
 were used by the Greeks, but the busy slaves had already 
 removed the several dishes, and served up a dessert of 
 olives, figs, nuts, Syrian and Egyptian dates, almonds, 
 chestnuts, and Sicilian cheese ; all of which, being intended 
 to bring out the flavour of the wine and induce thirst, 
 were accompanied by salt, either pure or mixed with 
 spice. The choicest wines of Greece, Asia Minor, and 
 Italy, were mingled with water in several vessels, at 
 the proportion of two, three, or four parts of wine to 
 six of water, and placed upon the different tables ; and the 
 rarest and best of all, the famous red wine of Chios, was 
 diluted in one of the most splendid mixing vessels that 
 Herodotus had ever beheld. 
 
 It was the usual custom at a Greek symposium for the 
 guests to appoint a symposiarch, or king of the feast, to 
 superintend the drinking and other amusements of the 
 evening. The symposiarch was either chosen by the 
 throwing of astragals or pebbles, or else was elected by 
 the general voice, and was in reality both chairman and 
 toastmaster. The banquets in the house of Nicias pre- 
 sented almost an exception to the rule, for though he 
 always put the question to his guests, yet it was with the 
 understandino^ that he himself should be elected to the 
 office ; and indeed, no man in Corinth was better fitted for 
 the task of keeping up the conviviality of the evening, and 
 directino: the order of the several amusements. Accord- 
 ingly, on the present occasion, he asked his visitors what 
 rule of drinking they would prefer, and was at once ap- 
 pointed to the chair. 
 
 " Slaves there ! " cried the newly-appointed symposiarch, 
 " quick with the wine. Place little cups first ; we shall 
 want the bigger ones presently ; and bring me that large 
 goblet, ready for those who have to drink fines. Are all
 
 THE GAME OF COTTABOS. 97 
 
 the cups filled ? It is well ; " and taking his own in his 
 hand, he exclaimed, " To Zeus, the Preserver! " and drank 
 its contents, whilst his guests followed his example. 
 
 At the commencement of the feast, the conversation 
 had a kind of forced briskness ; as the eating progressed, 
 during which nothing but pure water was drunk, this live- 
 liness rapidly declined. Now, however, that the first cup 
 of wine had been drunk, the party became more exhilirated. 
 Short stories were told, and riddles went round — and then 
 scolia, or songs, were proposed ; and Nicias took care that 
 the lyre should be presented in turns to every guest who 
 was known to be able to sing. Then the game of cottabos 
 was introduced. A pair of scales w^ere suspended from a 
 tall candelabrum, and a bronze figure, called the Manes, 
 was set up underneath one of the scale pans. The game 
 was to decide if the players were really loved by the 
 several objects of their affections. Each player took his 
 wine cup, or cylix, in his hand, and jerked its contents 
 towards the scale. If the wine merely sprinkled the scale 
 pan w^ithout moving it, the player was satisfied that his 
 love was not returned ; if, on the other hand, the wine 
 descended in a body into the scale pan, and carried down 
 the pan by its weight until it struck the head of the 
 bronze figure, the throw was considered to be most suc- 
 cessful, and the thrower to be most fortunate in his 
 attachment. The game was brought from Sicily, and was 
 quite the rage amongst the Greeks. The test of recipro- 
 cated love was fully believed in ; and many a shout of 
 laughter filled the banqueting room as some unskilful 
 player missed the scale. 
 
 Meantime, however, the guests were almost as much 
 occupied in drinking their wine as in throwing it about. 
 Toasts were proposed and drunk, and fresh wines were 
 poured into the mixing vessels, and carried round to the 
 different couches by the attendant slaves. The throws at 
 the cottabos became more and more ridiculously unsuc- 
 
 YOL. I. H
 
 98 CORINTH, B.C. 461. 
 
 cessful, probably from the uncertain gait and clouded eyes 
 of the throwers. The guests began to wish for some fresh 
 amusement. Nicias^ who had kept his eye on every one 
 present, saw that the cottabos and singing had become 
 wearisome, and that his visitors were becoming noisy. 
 '^ Admit the dancers and flute-players," he cried to the 
 attendant slaves ; and immediately a company of girls and 
 female musicians entered the saloon, and began to display 
 their skill. Herodotus looked on with astonishment. He 
 had never seen women present at such a symposium before. 
 A general uneasiness and restlessness, which he could not 
 account for, rendered him very uncomfortable. He saw 
 without pleasure the most beautiful girls, arrayed in 
 flowers and gaily-coloured garments, executing the most 
 elegant and complicated dances. He listened without 
 emotion whilst the most charming musicians performed 
 some of the most difficult and exquisite compositions which 
 he had ever heard. But the next cup of wine washed 
 away the qualms. The lights of the candelabra were 
 burnino: hio-her and brio^hter ; the dancers and flute- 
 players were resting for a short interval, and receiving the 
 compliments and flattery of the half-intoxicated guests. 
 Herodotus determined to be as merry as his neighbours. 
 
 " What is thy name, pretty one ? " he said to a dancer 
 near him. 
 
 " Dryo," answered the girl. 
 
 " Dryo ! " he repeated. He was thunderstruck. It 
 was the name of his mother. Then the veil fell from his 
 eyes, and he saw the true character of the company around 
 him. He thoug:ht of his mother, and of his father's house 
 at Halicarnassus, and he felt sick and wretched. He 
 began to hate Polydorus for having brought him to such a 
 banquet. The cynical gentleman who sat upon the same 
 couch, and who had conversed with him a great deal dur- 
 ing the evening, noticed his look of dissatisfaction, and, 
 mistaking the cause, began to sympathise with him.
 
 HERODOTUS'S EYES OPENED. 99 
 
 " The musicians are very indifferent," he whispered, 
 ^^ and so are the dancers. The only two really pretty 
 cithara players in Corinth are in the house of Glaucus ; 
 and there they are likely to be as long as Polydorus can 
 screw a drachma out of that foolish young Samian who 
 lives with him. Ha I ha ! I am told that he passes them 
 off for his sisters." 
 
 Herodotus groaned. " I was not thinking of the players," 
 he said ; " but I feel exceedingly unwell. Perhaps it is 
 the wine. I will take a walk in the court, and then the 
 cool air may restore me." 
 
 Herodotus had perhaps drunk less wine than any one 
 else at the banquet, but he was glad to escape from the 
 scene, and indulge in liis own reflections. He saw now 
 that not only his father, but the world at large considered 
 him as an unwise and inexperienced person. A thousand 
 trifling things rushed to his mind, and confirmed all that 
 his couch companion had seemed to indicate. He thought 
 upon the strange manners of Melissa and Lydia. He re- 
 membered that he was going the very next day to remove 
 his money from the hands of Timoleon, the moneychanger, 
 in whom his own father had confidence, and to place it 
 in the charge of another banker, merely because both 
 Glaucus and Polydorus had recommended him as being 
 more trustworthy. He ran over the large sums of money 
 he had spent and lost during the few weeks he had been 
 staying at Corinth. His follies and his pleasures rose up 
 in judgment against him. He determined upon imme- 
 diately quitting the house of Glaucus. He asked his 
 slave, who had followed him out with a lantern, if he 
 knew of any tavern likely to be still open, but the slave 
 knew of none. 
 
 Whilst still considering what was to be done, a band of 
 roysterers came noisily along, swinging their lighted 
 lanterns, and noisily chanting the chorus of some old 
 Greek nautical song. In a few minutes he was hailed by
 
 100 CORINTH, B. C. 461. 
 
 a well-known voice, and then found himself face to face 
 with Captain Phylarchus. 
 
 " A happy meeting," cried Herodotus, and briefly re- 
 lated what had transpired. 
 
 " I expected as much," replied the captain when he had 
 finished ; " Glaucus and his son Poly dor us are two of the 
 greatest rogues in Corinth, and Lyxes only sent you to 
 their house to learn experience. I and my comrades have 
 been spending the evening with an old seaman in the 
 city, and are now returning to our tavern at Cenchrea. 
 This meeting could not have been contrived better. I have 
 been daily expecting you at the Golden Fleece at Cenchrea. 
 You had better come with us this very night." 
 
 Herodotus eagerly accepted the proposal. Captain 
 Phylarchus was a thorough sailor, with much of a sailor's 
 simplicity and all a sailor's openheartedness, and possess- 
 ing a character for the most sterling honesty and probity. 
 Herodotus now heard that the two talents were placed in 
 the hands of Timoleon for the sake of securing the money 
 from the fangs of Glaucus; that Lyxes had calculated 
 upon his son's spending one talent, and upon Herodotus 
 havino- his eyes opened about the time that the one talent 
 had been expended. He was likewise told that Timoleon 
 had orders to honour his draughts to the extent of one 
 talent only; and that when that money had been all drawn 
 out, he would not pay a single drachma of the second 
 talent, excepting on the joint signatures and seals of him- 
 self and Phylarchus. 
 
 Thus it was that the honest captain had been almost 
 daily expecting a visit from our hero. But we need not 
 further pursue the subject. The walk to Cenchrea was 
 a long one; and when it was accomplished, Herodotus 
 o-ladly retired to a chamber in the Golden Fleece, and 
 soon fell into a sound slumber.
 
 101 
 
 CHAP. YIII. 
 
 CORINTH (coNTixrED), b. c. 461—460, 
 
 THE NAUTICAL TAVERN OF THE GOLDEN FLEECE AT CORINTH. — CHAMBERS 
 SACRED TO BOREAS. CONSULTATION WITH PHYLARCHUS. — EXPE- 
 RIENCED SKIPPERS. — TARNS OF A PHOCiEAN CAPTAIN. — ITALIAN PIRATES. 
 
 A CADMEAN VICTORY. EXPEDITION TO THE TIN ISLANDS. FIERY 
 
 MOUNTAINS AND RIVERS OF SILVER. PILLARS ERECTED BY HERACLES. 
 
 A WINTER IN ANCIENT BRITAIN. PLUNDER. LEGEND OF PHOTON, 
 
 AND TRADITIONARY ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF A^IBER. — CARTHAGINIAN 
 CAPTIVITY. SACRIFICES TO MOLOCH. AN OLD ADMIRAL. 
 
 The Golden Fleece was the oldest tavern in Corinth. 
 It had been the resort of seafaring men from the remotest 
 period ; but the history of its first establishment was lost 
 in the gloom of ages. Its origin, however, formed a 
 perpetual subject of discussion amongst its inmates. 
 Greek skippers were antiquaries of the very first water. 
 They cared not for ancient temples, antique statues, or 
 wonderful footprints of departed heroes. Taverns were 
 their study ; and to impugn the antiquity of a seaman's 
 tavern was to wound him on his tenderest point. The 
 first thing a captain asked on arriving at a new port was, 
 '* Which is the oldest tavern?" and directly he had ob- 
 tained a satisfactory reply, he both then and on every 
 subsequent visit religiously kept his quarters at the hotel 
 indicated. 
 
 But the modern reader must not suppose that the 
 Greek sailor Avas a mere antiquary who only cared for 
 walls and stones. No ! his pursuit was connected with 
 a still higher and more important object, which was 
 kept constantly in view, though not perhaps brought too 
 prominently forward. He knew that at old inns he stood 
 
 n 3
 
 102 CORINTH, B. C. 461—460. 
 
 a chance of getting old wines ; and thus it was that every 
 skipper who had ever run across the ^gean always — to 
 use his own phrase — cast anchor at the Golden Fleece. 
 Youngsters of forty or fifty declared that the Fleece was 
 as old as Jason and the Argonauts ; but even this ancient 
 date did not satisfy the regular salts. They sturdily 
 maintained that the inn always had been, and always 
 would be ; and that no man had seen the beginning, nor 
 would any man see the ending. 
 
 The tavern itself was merely a very large and low- 
 built house, divided, like other Greek dwellings, into the 
 andronitis and the gyngeconitis ; but as no woman was 
 ever admitted, the passage between the two courts was 
 always thrown open. Both courts were thus, as a general 
 rule, set apart for the purposes of eating and drinking ; 
 and the surrounding rooms, with the exception of a large 
 banqueting saloon, were merely regarded as so many 
 bedchambers and small warehouses. Indeed, however 
 much the house might have been adapted to the require- 
 ments of those gentlemen whose homes were on the salt 
 seas, it was by no means well contrived for less amphi- 
 bious travellers. Our hero himself slept soundly during 
 the first night, but awoke with the impression that he 
 had been slumbering in the open air, under the doubtful 
 guardianship of Boreas ; at the same time he was not a 
 little surprised at hearing an opinionated skipper growl 
 out that the cabins in the Fleece were almost as good as 
 those on board ship ; for the house was quite as safe as 
 the best vessel in the harbour, and a man could tell just 
 as soon if there were any changes in the wind. 
 
 The reader will readily perceive that Herodotus had 
 entered an entirely new world. Every man he met was 
 nautical; every word that was uttered smacked of the 
 salt water. Poetry and music, sculpture and painting, 
 religion and philosophy, were no longer the subjects of 
 conversation; but in their place he heard of piratical
 
 CONSULTATION WITH PHYLARCHUS. 103 
 
 Carthaginians^ cowardly Phoenicians, lying Cretans, and 
 cunning Egyptians; of wine, linen, frankincense, and 
 every other article of export and import trade ; of war 
 galleys, corn ships, sails, oars, anchors, and a thousand 
 other similar things which need not be named. 
 
 The morning meal was taken by all the visitors pro- 
 miscuously in the open courts ; and after it was finished, 
 Herodotus strolled out with Phylarchus, and asked the 
 captain's advice upon his future proceedings. Upon 
 reckoning up his expenses, Herodotus found that a 
 quarter of a talent would cover all his Corinthian extra- 
 vagances, and that therefore, as far as money was con- 
 cerned, he had sufficient to carry him wherever he pleased. 
 He had left Samos in SeptemlDer B.C. 461, and winter 
 had nearly passed away ; consequently the year B. c. 
 460 had commenced, the year of the eightieth Olympiad. 
 The festival would be celebrated on the first full moon 
 after the summer solstice, or about the end of July. 
 Phylarchus accordingly advised Herodotus to purchase 
 a good horse, and travel by land to Argos, and from 
 thence to Sparta, and to stop at either city as many days 
 as he pleased, but to be careful to reach the Olympian 
 valley in time for the festival. After some consideration, 
 Herodotus adopted the suggestion; and having drawn 
 sufficient funds from Timoleon and purchased a harse, 
 he prepared to take his departure the next morning at 
 sunrise. 
 
 But to return to the Golden Fleece, at which Hero- 
 dotus put up for the remainder of the day. The dinner 
 — or supper, whichever the reader likes to call it — was 
 served up in a large oblong room called the banqueting 
 saloon, about six o'clock, p. M. At that hour the captains 
 and mates had all assembled, and were rapidly settling 
 themselves on the stools which surrounded the several 
 tables. The veterans sat at the head of the room, and 
 
 H 4
 
 104 CORIXTH, B. C. 461—460. 
 
 the youngsters along the two sides ; but Herodotus, being 
 regarded as a guest under the especial protection of Cap- 
 tain Phylarchus, found himself in one of the seats of 
 honour. A glance at the several faces would have im- 
 pressed the most superficial observer with a' tolerably 
 correct notion of the character of the company. Many 
 a struggle with the storm and winds, many a bold en- 
 counter with a bloodthirsty pirate, many a sharp bargain 
 in distant marts, were written upon the dry, wrinkled 
 countenances of tlie assembled skippers. There were men 
 who had even passed the Pillars of Heracles, at Gibraltar, 
 and traded at the Spanish port of Tartessus, at the mouth 
 of the Guadalquiver ; others who had explored the Black 
 Sea and traded with the Scythians of Southern Eussia, 
 and narrowly escaped from the bloodthirsty Tauri of the 
 Crimea; others who knew every stade of the Mediter- 
 ranean coast, excepting the shores of Tunis, Algiers, and 
 Morocco, which at that time were in the possession of the 
 Carthaginians, Indeed there was one old captain who 
 had been to Cassiterides, or the British Isles, and also to 
 the city of Carthage itself, in the Gulf of Tunis ; and 
 another man, an Ionian, who had spent all his life navi- 
 gating the Erythraean Sea, the name applied to the Red 
 Sea and Indian Ocean. No yarns, however, were spun 
 whilst the dishes were being brought in ; general atten- 
 tion was too much occupied. In came the pigs' heads 
 and shoulders, the huge joints of beef, the endless plat- 
 ters of lamb and kid, sausages, black puddings, tunny 
 fish, sea-dog, and red mullet, together with enormous 
 loaves of bread and jugs of wine. Every man took out 
 his short dagger; and Herodotus, who had outshone every 
 reveller at the banquet of Nicias, was fairly beaten by 
 every sailor in the Golden Fleece. 
 
 But all things must come to an end in time, and at last 
 the meal was over, the table cleared, the libations to the 
 gods religiously performed, the cups of wine in fair cir-
 
 YARNS OF A PHOCxEAX CAPTAIX. 105 
 
 culation, and tlie conversation in full play. Herodotus 
 was seated, as we have seen, amongst the veterans, who 
 soon began to hear and discuss each other's yarns. He 
 listened with the utmost interest, and treasured up 
 every word that was uttered. The captain, who had been 
 to Cassiterides and Carthage, told the whole story of his 
 adventures ; and we present his narrative to our readers, as 
 an illustration of the perils that were encountered by an- 
 cient voyagers. 
 
 " You must know," began the old captain, " that my 
 father was a citizen of Phocasa, in Ionia, on the western 
 coast of Asia Minor, and that the Phoc^eans were the 
 first of all the Greeks, not even excepting the Corinthians, 
 who ever made long voyages. They did not sail in broad 
 merchant ships, but in long galleys having fifty oars each, 
 and a crew well armed and always ready for fighting. They 
 were the first to enter the Adriatic Sea and trade with 
 the Illyrians ; and they even sailed to Spain and beyond 
 the Pillars of Heracles as far as Tartessus, at the mouth 
 of the Guadalquiver. A hundred years ago, the Tar- 
 tessian trade was the best in all the world; and a fifty- 
 oared galley, well manned, could compete with two Car- 
 thaginian or Phoenician vessels, and set all other pirates 
 at defiance. 
 
 '^ Eighty years ago, as you all know, Ionia was con- 
 quered by Cyrus, king of Persia. The Phoca^ans, and 
 my father amongst the others, did not at all like being 
 ruled by the Persians. Their city was well walled ; but 
 resistance was really useless, as the walls were invested 
 by an overpowering army. At last they entreated the 
 Persian general to withdraw the besieging force for one 
 day, in order to give them time to decide whether they 
 would submit or no. The general did so, but was out- 
 witted. The Phoc^ans put all their wives and children, 
 toojether with their moveables and their imaf^es of the 
 gods, on board their fifty-oared galleys, and then set sail
 
 106 CORINTH, B. C. 461—460. 
 
 altogether for the island of Chios, whither the Persians 
 could not follow them. 
 
 " On reaching Chios, the Phocaeans wanted to buy 
 the CEnyssas Islands of the Chians ; but the Chians were 
 afraid that if the Phocjeans settled so near, they would 
 injure the trade of Chios, and accordingly they refused 
 to sell. The Phocteans then were doubtful what to do ; 
 but hearing that the Persian general had evacuated Pho- 
 caea and only left a small garrison to keep the city, they 
 determined to go back and put the garrison to death. 
 This they achieved, and then sailed away again directly ; 
 and this time they sunk a red-hot mass of iron into the 
 sea, and swore never to return to Phoc^ea until the iron 
 should rise to the surface of the waves. They then sailed 
 towards the island of Corsica, where they had established 
 a settlement about twenty years previously. On the 
 way, about half of them broke their oath, and returned 
 to Phoctea ; but the remainder, including my father and 
 all the bolder and more adventurous citizens, went bravely 
 on to Corsica, where they became regular buccaneers and 
 a terror to all the neighbouring countries. I am speaking 
 now of eighty years ago, when my father was a very 
 young man; so what they did may be easily guessed. 
 At last, I suppose, the Phocsean buccaneers became un- 
 bearable, and at the end of five years the Carthaginians 
 and others allied together, and attacked them with a 
 fleet of sixty war galleys. The Phocaeans, however, had 
 sixty galleys also, and, making my father admiral, they pre- 
 pared to engage the Carthaginians. The battle was the 
 most obstinate and bloody ever known. The Phocjeans had 
 determined to be boarded and slain to a man rather than 
 retreat or cry for quarter ; and the enemy were equally 
 resolved to exterminate them or perish in the attempt. 
 At last the Carthaginians and their allies, having suffered 
 immense loss, sailed slowly away ; but the Phocseans 
 could not send a single ship after them. Indeed, when
 
 ITALIAN PIRATES. 107 
 
 they came to examine into their losses, they found that 
 they had only gained a Cadmean victory. They had lost 
 more men than the Carthaginians, and forty of their ships 
 were utterly destroyed, whilst the remaining twenty 
 were so disabled and blunted at the prows as to be totally 
 useless for fighting. My father and the other Phocaeans 
 now saw that it was impossible to remain at Corsica. 
 Accordingly they took their wives, families, and goods 
 on board the twenty ships, and sailed away to the western 
 shore of Italy : and there I was born ; and now I am going 
 to begin my story. 
 
 " In the new settlement on the Italian coast, many 
 of the old Phocaeans took entirely to farming, others to 
 IDiracy ; my father took to both, and brought me up to 
 the two professions. When we were not engaged in the 
 cultivation of the soil, we used to cruise about in search 
 of prizes, and many a sharp battle have we had with 
 ships trading between Italy and Tartessus. Some of the 
 more lazy Phoc^eans were mere wreckers ; but all such 
 sea monsters were despised by every one at all respect- 
 able. 
 
 '' One evening, when my father and I were quite alone 
 together, he told me of the merry voyages the Phoca2ans 
 used to have before the Persians took the city, or the Car- 
 thaginians had destroyed so many of their ships. ^ Then,' 
 he said, * we traded well and fought well ; but now we live 
 the lives of wreckers and robbers, and are afraid of fight- 
 ing those cursed Carthaginians. And yet if any men 
 want revenge, it is the Phocseans, Why, after that Cad- 
 mean victory, did not those bloody Carthaginians — may 
 they die the deaths of dogs! — did not those infernal vil- 
 lains stone every one of their prisoners on this same 
 Italian coast, not a hundred miles from this very spot ? — 
 and yet here we have been for the last five-and-twenty 
 years, and ploughed, and sowed, and reaped, and never 
 made a single attempt to avenge the blood of our country-
 
 108 CORINTH, B. C. 461—460. 
 
 men. But, by Zeus ! I will not die like this ! I tell you 
 what it is, Lampo, my boy, I am getting an old man 
 now, and I am sick of this woman's work. I want to 
 see some of the right sort of thing again before I die; 
 some of the thirty and forty ships fighting at a time; 
 aye, and I will ! and by the gods I will lay hands upon 
 those Carthaginians yet!' And then my father drew out 
 an old rusty cutlass and boarding-pike, and began to 
 sharpen and polish them with the utmost enthusiasm. 
 I said nothing ; but I knew that something was in the 
 wind. 
 
 " Some days afterwards, my father, who was still 
 regarded as admiral of the Phoc^ean fleet, selected 
 twelve of the strongest and largest ships, and directed 
 them to be brought into the little dock and thoroughly 
 repaired. He next picked out all the bravest and best 
 men, and began to examine them in rowing and boarding, 
 and in the use of the cutlass, pike, and grappling-irons. 
 None dared to shirk this drill ; for my father used to say, 
 ' Those who are not strong enough for fighting had better 
 go home to their mothers ; we want no sick girls here.' 
 The ships were soon got into sailing order, and arms 
 and provisions, and even goods for barter, were placed on 
 board, and everything was made ready for a great ex- 
 pedition. At sunrise on the appointed day, sailors and 
 fighting men were mustered on the beach ; sacrifices were 
 offered to Zeus and Poseidon, and my father then made 
 a speech, as nearly as I can recollect, in the following 
 words : — ^ Phocasans ! we are going, not for trade, though 
 we shall find more than we want, and not for plunder, 
 though we shall return with as much as we can carry ; 
 but we are going to avenge our brothers, our sons, and 
 our fathers, whom the Carthaginians stoned to death; 
 we are going to appease the Erinnyes of our murdered 
 kinsmen; we are going for revenge, victory, and spoil. 
 Hasten, then, to your ships, and sound the piean.' We all
 
 PILLAES ERECTED BY HERACLES. 109 
 
 of US then called the gods to witness that we would follow 
 my father wherever he should lead. We coasted north- 
 wards along the Italian shore, then westward by Spain, 
 and at length passed through the Pillars, and coasted 
 northwards along the country of the Celts. On our way 
 we landed at the spot where the Phocsean prisoners had 
 been stoned to death, and offered sacrifices and renewed 
 our oaths. Further on we saw the Pyrenean or Fiery 
 Mountains, but could not find the rivers of silver which 
 are said to flow there. We also saw the great pillars of 
 rock which Heracles set up at the extremities of Europe 
 and Africa, to prevent the great Atlantic whales from 
 entering the Mediterranean. Fresh provisions and water 
 we obtained at various stations, all of which my father 
 knew ; and when we came amongst the Celts, we began 
 to barter some of our wine for pieces of gold. The Celts 
 were very strange and ferocious-looking barbarians, who 
 plastered their long hair over their heads in such an ex- 
 traordinary fashion, that at first sight we thought they 
 were satyrs. They wore armour of basket-work, and 
 drove war-chariots. Here we fell in with three Phoenician 
 vessels from the tin islands, and soon captured them. 
 My father would not put the prisoners to death in cold 
 blood, neither would he -sell them to the Celts; for those 
 savages are cannibals and sacrificers of men to the gods. 
 Accordingly he drq^fted them amongst our ships. 
 
 " Pursuing our course, we coasted with great difiiculty 
 round an immense bay (Biscay), where the waves often 
 rose like mountains ; and I may truly say, that I never 
 made a more dangerous voyage in my life, or witnessed 
 such immense billows. At last, having come to a point 
 where we could see the white cliffs of an opposite shore, 
 we put across the intervening sea and approached the 
 Cassiterides. The people there are more barbarous than 
 the Celts, for they assembled in great numbers to oppose 
 our landing, and even put out in little boats, and tried to
 
 110 CORINTH, B. C. 461—460. 
 
 board us. After several days' sailing amidst dangerous 
 rocks, we at last found people more friendly, and then 
 my father summoned all the captains together and made 
 us another speech. 
 
 " ' Phocaeans ! ' he said, ^ it is six months since we 
 left Italy, but we are now approaching our destination, 
 where we shall find abundant wealth, and sufficient pro- 
 visions to last us through the coming winter. The Car- 
 thaginian settlement is only a hundred stadia ofi", and to- 
 night we must attack and take it.' 
 
 " That night we took the place with very little fight- 
 ing, and found abundance of wine and jorovisions, but no 
 silver or tin. In fact, as we afterwards discovered, the 
 Carthao-inians had removed their deposit to a very much 
 smaller island which lay not far from the Celtic coast, 
 and which we had unaccountably missed in our voyage 
 out. However, there we were for the winter, and the 
 cold in those barbarous regions was most severe. The 
 air was filled with snow like feathers, and when water 
 w^as poured upon the ice it became solid. It was very 
 fortunate that we had enough to eat and drink. At 
 length spring came again, and we determined on returning 
 and storming the depot; on reaching it, however, eighteen 
 ships rowed out and offered us battle. Then began a fight 
 which, as my father used afterwards to say, was like one 
 of the olden time. We were beaten over and over again ; 
 but in spite of our losses in men and ships, we persisted in 
 continuing the engagement, and at last gained a decided 
 victory. The few Carthaginian vessels which escaped 
 sailed right away towards the Pillars, whilst we landed 
 and plundered the depot. The stores of tin, amber, 
 and even gold, were immense, and so especially abundant 
 was the silver that we stripped the lead from our anchors 
 and used silver instead. The amber was the real tears 
 which the Heliad^ shed for Phjeton, and not the common 
 stuff which is generally sold in Corinth. They say that
 
 CARTHAGINIAN CAPTIVITY. Ill 
 
 Phaeton, the son of Helios, one clay prevailed on his father 
 to permit him to drive the chariot of the Sun ; but the 
 horses scorned the young charioteer, and ran wildly and 
 disorderly through the heavens. First of all they set fire 
 to the sky itself, and caused that track which we call the 
 milky way. Next they burnt up a great part of the earth 
 and laid waste many countries. At last Zeus was so en- 
 rao-ed, that he threw a thunderbolt at Phseton and hurled 
 him into the river Eridanus; and the Heliada?, the 
 sisters of Phaeton, who had yoked the steeds to the chariot, 
 were so violently grieved at his death, that they were 
 transformed into poplar trees, and every year distilled their 
 tears, which become amber of excellent beauty and bright- 
 ness. 
 
 " But to go on with my story. After some months of 
 slow voyaging, we again approached Tartessus and the 
 Pillars, but on sending a ship forward to reconnoitre, we 
 discovered that a large Carthaginian fleet, of at least thirty 
 ships, was stationed at the Pillars to cut off" our return. 
 There was nothing for it but to try to creep through the 
 straits at night-time, and the plan was successful for every 
 one but me. I was captain of the last ship, and as morn- 
 ing had just begun to break, my ship was discovered. I 
 and my crew were taken prisoners and carried to Carthage, 
 but I was separated from the others and thrown into a 
 dungeon. After some weeks I was removed from the 
 cell to a well-furnished but strongly-guarded apartment, 
 where I was most sumptuously entertained on the choicest 
 meats and richest wines. The horrible thoug^ht soon 
 flashed across my mind, that I was to be publicly sacrificed 
 to Moloch. The people who waited on me did not know 
 a word of the Greek language, nor could I speak a word 
 of the Carthaginian. My agony was intense. I would 
 have made away with myself, but had no knife or any 
 other weapon at hand. 
 
 " One night I had a horrible dream, which I cannot
 
 ] 12 CORINTH, B. C. 461—460. 
 
 even now call to mind without shudderino-. I tbono^ht I 
 was in the great unroofed temple of Moloch, with the clear 
 blue sky above me and countless multitudes around. I 
 could hear distinctly the singing of hymns, the clashing 
 of cymbals, and the roar of the assembled thousands. I 
 could see the long procession, the garlands of flowers and 
 the white robes of the priestesses, and the splendid vest- 
 ments and long grisly beards and fiery eyes of the priests. 
 I seemed to be separated from myself, and to be gazing on 
 my own sacrifice. I beheld m3'self stabbed on the altar, 
 and my heart plucked out and placed in a golden dish be- 
 fore the terrible brazen image. At that very moment I was 
 awakened by a familiar voice which turned out to be the 
 voice of my own mate. * We are free,' he said, ' follow 
 me ! ' I was trembling with terror, but at once arose and fol- 
 lowed him. A Carthaginian was waiting outside, and led 
 us to the harbour ; and next morning we found ourselves 
 on board a vessel bound for Sicily. It seems that the cap- 
 tain of the ship which took us, recognised the mate as 
 having saved his life at some Greek port, and accordingly 
 offered to release him at once. My mate, however, Avould 
 not go without me, and the captain contrived to bribe the 
 priests to suffer us both to escape ; for it had been really 
 intended that I should be sacrificed. What became of 
 the poor crew I never heard for certain. They were, I 
 believe, all drafted off to the farms and mines, but some 
 of them, I was told, escaped to Cyrene. 
 
 " As for myself, I reached Italy in safety, and of course 
 my return made my father happier than ever. He had 
 avenged himself upon the Carthaginians, and enriched the 
 whole colony ; but had done so, as he thought, at the ex- 
 pense of his only son, and at the sacrifice of a good ship's 
 crew. Things, however, might have been much worse, 
 and having recovered me, he became very grand and com- 
 manding. Sometimes he would talk of fresh expeditions, 
 and begin to sharpen his old cutlass and polish his board-
 
 AN OLD ADMIRAL. 113 
 
 ing pike; but he never went any farther. After his 
 death I gave up cultivating the land, and took entirely to 
 trade, and have been between Italy and Corinth oftener 
 than any man in this house. But that is neither here nor 
 there : I have quite finished my story." 
 
 We shall not retail more of the yarns and conversation 
 at the Golden Fleece. Herodotus was interested in all he 
 heard, but retired to rest at an early hour, in order that 
 he might wake refreshed and thoroughly prepared for his 
 journey on the ensuing day. 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 114 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 MYCEN^, AEGOS, AND TEGEA, b. c. 460. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF THE PELOPONNESUS. — HERODOTUS LEAVES CORINTH FOR 
 
 ARGOS. PASSES BY THE VALLEY OF NEMEA. — HERACLES AND THE 
 
 NEMEAN LION. DINNER IN THE VALLEY. ANCIENT CITY OF MYCENJE. 
 
 GATE OF LIONS AND TREASURY OF ATREUS. GREAT TEMPLE OF 
 
 HERA. ARGOS. LEGEND OF lO PHILOSOPHISED. ANCIENT SUPRE3L\CY 
 
 OF ARGOS. STRUGGLE WITH SPARTA. BLOODY AND SACRILEGIOUS 
 
 CONDUCT OF THE SPARTAN KING CLEOMENES. RECENT ALLIANCE BE- 
 
 T^VEEN ARGOS AND ATHENS. — HERODOTUS SETS OUT FOR SPARTA. 
 
 TRADITION OF THE BATTLE BETWEEN THREE HUNDRED ARGIVES AND 
 THREE HUNDRED SPARTANS. TEGEA IN ARCADIA. HERODOTUS HOS- 
 PITABLY ENTERTAINED BY AN ARCADIAN HOST. ANCIENT WAR BE- 
 TWEEN TEGEA AND SPARTA. TRADITION OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE 
 
 BONES OF ORESTES. — SPARTAN SUPREIMACY. 
 
 The peninsula of the Peloponnesus spreads from the 
 narrow Corinthian isthmus boldly into the Mediterranean 
 Sea, in the rude resemblance of an outstretched palm. 
 The centre is formed by the rugged hills of Arcadia, the 
 Switzerland of Greece. The northern coast embraced 
 Achaia, the western Elis, the eastern Argolis, whilst the 
 extensive southern quarter belonged to Lacedaemon or 
 Laconia. The city of Corinth, as we have already men- 
 tioned, was situated on the narrow isthmus at the north- 
 eastern corner of the Peloponnesus, and consequently 
 just above the territory of Argolis or Argos. Accord- 
 ingly, from Corinth the road lay in a southerly direction 
 past Mycenas to the city of Argos ; and from Argos, again, 
 in a south-westerly direction to the city of Tegea in 
 Arcadia. From Tegea it branched off in two directions : 
 one ran fidl west through Arcadia to Olympia, in the 
 territory of Elis; the other due south, to the celebrated 
 city of Sparta or Lacedaemon. We shall have occasion
 
 HERODOTUS LEAVES CORINTH FOR ARGOS. 115 
 
 more than once to refer to these particulars, in describing 
 Herodotus's excursions in the Peloponnesus. 
 
 It was on a beautiful spring morning that our young 
 traveller bade adieu to Phylarchus, and rode on horse- 
 back through the streets of Corinth, followed by his slave, 
 who trudged manfully on foot. The streets were as yet 
 silent and empty, for the sun was only just rising above 
 the horizon, and all the business and gaiety of the city 
 was wrapped in repose. The freshness of the breeze, and 
 the prospect of a pleasant journey, inspired Herodotus 
 with joyous enthusiasm ; and on leaving Corinth behind 
 him, he beoan to call to mind all the traditions of the 
 country through which he was passing, and to endeavour to 
 identify the several localities. The road from Corinth 
 may be described as a long mountain defile leading to the 
 great plain of Argos. The ravine even intersected the 
 walls which surrounded Corinth ; and throughout the 
 whole route the rocks were wild and precipitous, though 
 many mountain streams crossed the road, and rich and 
 cultivated districts were by no means rare. In about two 
 hours and a half Herodotus passed by the circular and 
 isolated hill upon which the little ancient town of Cleonae 
 rose in a succession of terraces; and leaving it on his 
 left, he spurred westward towards the Valley of Xemea, 
 to gaze upon the scene of one of the earliest exploits of 
 Heracles the hero. In olden time this valley had been 
 haunted by the terrible Nemean Lion ; and there in the 
 rugged rocks on the southern side, and close by the Pass 
 of Treton, which led to Mycenas, was still to be seen the 
 huge cavern which formed his bloody lair. None had 
 dared to approach that horrible monster, the offspring of 
 the serpent-woman Echidna by the fire-breathing Typhon. 
 Flocks and herds, and even men, women, and children, 
 were his dally victims. Eurystheus, the king of the 
 country, was in despair till mighty Heracles, the slayer of 
 the huge lion wlilch had haunted Mount Cithaeron, under- 
 
 I 2
 
 116 MYCEN^, ARGOS, AND TEGEA, B.C. 460. 
 
 took to engage with this still more fearful enemy. 
 Swords, spears, or stones would not Avound the lion of 
 Nemea, who could only be dealt with by sheer force and 
 strength of hand ; but Heracles boldly grappled with the 
 ravager, pursued it to its den, and seizing it by the throat, 
 strangled it in his iron arms, and soon returned to Eury- 
 stheus, clothed in the shaggy hide of his monstrous victim. 
 
 Herodotus gazed upon the scene consecrated by so 
 ancient a tradition with peculiar interest. He tried to 
 picture the appearance of the immortal hero, and the 
 terrible aspect of his monstrous foe ; but by some extra- 
 ordinary anomaly, for which he could not account, his 
 fancy would revert to the number of sheep which the lion 
 could eat at a meal, and to the various circumstances attend- 
 ing the carrying off a cow, as well as to other particulars 
 all more or less connected with eatins*. At last it flashed 
 across him that he himself had had very little breakfast, 
 and was as hungry as an athlete. The slave was no 
 less delighted v\ath the discovery than his master. He 
 readily drew from the bundle which he had carried on his 
 shoulder some small loaves of bread, together with Sici- 
 lian cheese, dried figs, and a small skin of wine ; and then, 
 by Herodotus's orders, took a silver cup from the same 
 bundle, and filled it with water from a neighbouring spring. 
 Herodotus turned his horse loose upon the grass, and sat 
 down to partake of the meal ; and those who have experi- 
 enced the effects of a long ride on a fresh morning in 
 early spring, and been further sharpened by the remem- 
 brance of old traditions and the sight of famous localities, 
 can fancy the satisfactory progress of the refreshment both 
 of Herodotus and his attendant without any further ex- 
 planation. 
 
 After this early dinner, Herodotus began to look at the 
 other wonders connected with the spot. He wandered 
 throuo;h the o^rove where the Nemean Games, established 
 by Heracles himself, were celebrated every second year.
 
 ANCIENT CITY OF MYCEN^. 117 
 
 and whlcli were deemed to be so important by the natives 
 of Argos and Cleon^, that the latter had begun to calcu- 
 late the date of events by Xemeads instead of by Olym- 
 piads. He likewise visited the temple of the Xemean 
 Zeus, also founded by Heracles ; and one of the exeget^e, 
 or temple guides, politely pointed out to him so many 
 other remarkable things, and told him such wonderful 
 stories connected with the olden time, that our traveller 
 did not in the least regret parting with the couple of 
 drachmas which were evidently expected. 
 
 It was nearly noon when Herodotus once more mounted 
 his horse, and rode through the narrow pass leading to 
 Mycenae; and in little more than an hour he approached the 
 rugged height upon which was situated the ancient city. 
 He was now excited by a thousand emotions, for the view 
 of ]\Iycen£e is the most impressive in all Hellas. The 
 antiquity and grandeur of the ruins which Herodotus then 
 saw, and which the reader may still see, carry the spec- 
 tator far back into the days of heroes. Her walls, built of 
 great masses of unhewn stones, the Gate of Lions, and the 
 subterranean treasuries are almost the sole memorials of 
 the age in which she flourished, and, though supposed to 
 have been built by the fabled Cyclopes, were probably 
 the work of the mysterious Pelasgian race. 
 
 Mycena3 was founded by Perseus, the son of Zeus and 
 the gold-loving Danae. It contained the Cyclopean Hall 
 of Eurystheus and the Palace of Agamemnon ; and there, 
 too, Herodotus saw the Treasury of Atreus, a strange 
 subterraneous building or vault, shaped like a dome, and 
 supposed to have been lined in ancient times with plates of 
 brass. Those massive monuments might, even in the 
 time of Herodotus, have been in existence for two thou- 
 sand years. Our young traveller, however, hurried as 
 quickly as possible from the ruins. Seven years before his 
 visit, the city had been desolated and depopulated by the 
 Argives ; and an Argive garrison still occupied one quarter 
 
 I 3
 
 118 MYCEN^, ARGOS, AXD TEGEA, B.C. 460. 
 
 of the town, whilst a few of the inhabitants haunted the 
 neighbourhood. Herodotus, therefore, though deeply af- 
 fected by the extraordinary antiquity of the city, con- 
 sidered that it would be dangerous to remain in the streets, 
 and determined on pushing forward to Argos that evening. 
 About ten stadia from the city was the celebrated Temple 
 of Hera, concerning which Herodotus had read some ac- 
 count in the writings of Hellanicus. He did not, however, 
 stop to enter it, but hurried on, until at last he obtained 
 a fine view of the Acropolis of Argos ; and then, a little 
 before sunset, he entered the city itself, and was well re- 
 ceived at an inn Avhich had been recommended by Captain 
 Phylarchus. 
 
 At Argos Herodotus stayed but a very few days, and 
 met with no adventures worth recording. But the city 
 was of great renown in the ancient stories of Hellas. It 
 was more ancient than Mycenae, and at one time had given 
 her name to the whole of the Peloponnesus. The tomb of 
 Phoroneus, the son of Inachus, and father of the weeping 
 -Niobe, was still to be seen ; and the legends of lo, of 
 ^gyptus, and of Danae, all belonged to the mythic history 
 of the city. Herodotus had hurried past the Temple of 
 Hera, on the road from Mycenae, where the beautiful 
 lo was once the priestess ; and he had known from in- 
 fancy the story of how Zeus fell in love with her, and 
 jealous Hera taxed him with the intrigue, and of how 
 he metamorphosed lo into a white cow, which Hera 
 subsequently drove away into foreign lands by the in- 
 cessant stinging of a gadfly. The philosophic historians 
 in the time of our traveller had, however, interpreted 
 the mythe according to their own fashion, much in the 
 same way that modern critics deal with the traditions 
 of Prince Arthur, or of Guy, Earl of Warwick. The 
 biography of lo thus became strangely modified. The 
 philosophers aforesaid declared that they had discovered, 
 after much research amongst orio^inal Persian authorities,
 
 LEGEND OF 10 PHILOSOPHISED. 119 
 
 that lo was the daughter of the King of Argos, and that 
 the story of Zeus and the white cow was all nonsense, for 
 that she was in reality carried off by some Phoenician 
 sailors. They then told the story in their own way, as 
 follows : — " On one occasion, a Phosnician vessel arrived at 
 the port nearest to Argos, and the traders on board began 
 to offer their wares for sale. Accounts of the wonderful 
 bargains in trinkets and ornaments soon reached the ears 
 of lo and the other young ladies of Argos, and off they 
 went to the beach to try and deal with the foreign mer- 
 chants. The Phoenicians, however, made love to their 
 customers ; and having likewise taken it into their trading 
 heads that the reigning Pharaoh Avould give a very good 
 price for such attractive damsels, they suddenly captured 
 as many as they could seize, and at once set sail for Egypt. 
 Subsequently another Phoenician vessel arrived at Argos; 
 but fathers, husbands, lovers, and brothers all refused to 
 deal ; upon which the Phoenicians swore that, instead of 
 their predecessors having carried off the ladies, the fact 
 was that the ladies persisted in going, and would not be 
 persuaded to remain behind." Such was declared to be 
 the real story, from whence some poet had worked up the 
 romance of the loves of lo and Zeus, the white cow, and 
 the jealous Hera. 
 
 The story of the marriages of the fifty sons of 2Egyptus 
 with the fifty daughters of Danaus, and the frightful con- 
 sequences, together with the story of the love of Zeus for 
 fair Danae, and his dropping through the roof in a shower 
 of gold, were all equally well remembered by Herodotus, 
 and had been interpreted in a similar manner ; but these 
 we have no space to repeat. It is sufficient to say that 
 they belonged to Argos. 
 
 Besides these legends, however, the ancient history of 
 Argos was interesting in a political point of view ; and 
 Herodotus could not help lamenting her former glories, 
 though he took care to keep his thoughts upon the subject 
 
 I 4
 
 120 MYCENJS, AKGOS, AXD TEGEA, B.C. 460. 
 
 to himself. Her rule had once extended over a large 
 portion of the territory which now belonged to Sparta, 
 and her city had been the first in the Peloponnesus, whilst 
 Sparta was only of secondary importance. This supremacy 
 had been at last broken up by the military power of 
 Sparta. In ancient times the contest between the two 
 cities had been chiefly a struggle for the border territory; 
 but only a short time before the Persian war, and only 
 forty years or so before Herodotus's visit, the city of 
 Argos had been laid completely prostrate by the following 
 disasters. 
 
 Cleomenes, a king of Sparta, of whom we shall have 
 to narrate some interesting circumstances in a future 
 chapter, had been assured by the oracle at Delphi that 
 he should take Argos. He led a Spartan army to the 
 river Erasinus, which falls into the sea near Ai'gos, and 
 is said to arrive through an unknown subterranean 
 channel from the Stymphalian lake in Arcadia. This 
 river became thus the only barrier between the invaders 
 and Argos, and Cleomenes offered a sacrifice to it. The 
 victims proved unfavourable to his leading his army 
 across ; and he therefore, in his usually eccentric way, 
 began to praise the Erasinus for not betraying its people, 
 but declared that, in spite of its opposition, the Argives 
 should not escape with impunity. He then retreated to 
 the frontier of Laconia; and to avoid committing an outrage 
 upon the river, he sacrificed a bull to the sea, and con- 
 veyed his forces in ships to the Argive coast. News of 
 the landing was soon carried to Argos, and the Argives 
 marched out, and encamped immediately opposite to the 
 Spartan army. It seems that the Argives were not 
 afraid of fighting the Spartans in a pitched battle, but 
 had been warned by an oracle to beware of being taken 
 by stratagem. Accordingly, to prevent any sudden attack 
 or ambuscade, the Argives ordered their own troops to 
 obey every signal of the Spartan herald ; but Cleomenes
 
 SACRILEGIOUS COXDL'CT OF CLEOMENES. 121 
 
 perceived the manoeuvre, and gave counter-orders, that 
 when the Spartan herald signalled the troops to go to 
 dinner, the Spartans should take it as a signal for seizing 
 their arms and falling upon the Argives. Accordingly, 
 whilst the Aroives were takino; their dinners in obedience 
 to the Spartan signal, the Spartans suddenly fell upon 
 them, and put a great many to the sword. The greater 
 number, however, fled for refuge to the neighbouring 
 Grove of Argos the hero, which the Spartans immediately 
 surrounded and kept under a strict watch. The Argives 
 of course refused to leave the sacred grove, and no 
 Spartan was impious enough to penetrate it. At last 
 Cleomenes perpetrated the following atrocity. Having 
 learnt from some Argive deserters the names of those 
 who had taken refuge in the grove, he sent a herald 
 summoning them by name, one at a time, and saying 
 that he had received their ransom. This ransom, by the 
 way, was a regular thing among the Peloponnesians, and 
 was a fixed sum of two minas, or eight pounds sterling, 
 for every prisoner. Cleomenes, however, had received 
 no ransom money at all, but put to death each man that 
 obeyed the summons. Fifty Argives were thus trea- 
 cherously slain in cold blood, one after the other, for the 
 thickness of the grove prevented the besieged from seeing 
 what was going on outside the precinct. But suspicion 
 was at length awakened, and one of the refugees climbed a 
 tree, and saw some of the treacherous murders that were 
 being perpetrated by the Spartans. The terror-stricken 
 Argives then refused to obey the further summons of the 
 herald ; but Cleomenes was resolved to destroy them at 
 
 all hazards. Reckless of the anger of the gods, he or- 
 es o ^ 
 
 dered his Helots to pile up wood round the grove and 
 set it on fire. When the whole was in flames, he asked 
 one of the deserters to which of the gods the grove be- 
 longed. The man replied that it belonged to Argos, the 
 son of Zeus and Niobe, from whom the city of Argos had
 
 122 MYCEN^, ARGOS, AND TEGEA, B.C. 460. 
 
 derived its name. Cleomenes then saw the true mean- 
 ing of the oracle, which had promised that he should cap- 
 ture Argos. Uttering a deep groan, he cried, " O pro- 
 phetic Apollo ! thou hast indeed deceived me ; thy pro- 
 phecy is accomplished that I should take Argos." He 
 sure the greater part of his army back to Sparta, whilst 
 he himself, with a thousand chosen men, proceeded to the 
 celebrated Temple of Hera, on the road to Mycenae, to 
 offer sacrifice on the altar. There the priest forbade him, 
 saying that it was unlawful for a stranger to offer sacrifice 
 there. Cleomenes, half madman as he was, commanded 
 his Helots to drag the priest from the altar and scourge 
 him, whilst he himself sacrificed in spite of the sacred law. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, Cleomenes returned to Sparta, and 
 was accused before the Ephors of having been bribed 
 not to take the city of Argos, which indeed he might 
 have captured without much difficulty. He replied 
 to this charge as follows. " When," he said, " I had 
 taken the Grove of Argos, I considered that the oracle 
 was accomplished, and therefore would not attempt the 
 city until I had ascertained by fresh sacrifices whether 
 the god would be propitious or otherwise. I therefore 
 sacrificed in the Temple of Hera, and the victims were 
 favourable ; but suddenly a flame of fire shone forth from 
 the breast of the divine image, and thus I learnt that I 
 should not take the city. Now, if the flame had shone 
 from the . head, it would have been a good omen ; but as 
 it came from the breast, I considered that everything 
 had been accomplished which the deity had desired." 
 This reply appeared credible and reasonable to the Spartan 
 people, and they acquitted Cleomenes by a large ma- 
 jority. 
 
 After this affair, the city of Argos was so destitute of 
 men that the slaves seized the government, and retained 
 it until the sons of the slaughtered citizens had grown 
 to manhood, and drove them out. Subsequently a civil wa r
 
 HERODOTUS SETS OUT FOR SPARTA. 123 
 
 broke out, and it was some time before the slaves were 
 finally subdued, and the Argives obtained the upper hand.* 
 
 "Wiien Herodotus visited Argos, the city had almost 
 recovered the effects of these disasters. She had reduced 
 Mycenge, and other famous but small towns in her neigh- 
 bourhood, and incorporated their inhabitants with her 
 own citizens; and she had thus become more populous 
 than ever. At the same time a rupture had taken place 
 between Athens and Sparta, and Athens had sent to pro- 
 pose an alliance with Argos, as an important land force 
 in the Peloponnesus, and an ancient foe of Sparta. Argos 
 of course accepted the alliance with alacrity, for she 
 saw in it a new chance of recovering her lost headship 
 in the Peloponnesus. 
 
 Herodotus, however, grew very tired of Argos. He 
 had very little sympathy with the Argives. Jealousy of 
 Sparta had induced them to keep aloof from the great 
 Persian war; and whilst Mycente and the other neigh- 
 bouring towns had cheerfully sent their several contin- 
 gents to fight the battles of their fatherland, Argos had 
 seemed to prefer the Persian rule to Spartan supremacy. 
 The spirits of Herodotus, therefore, rose pretty consi- 
 derably after he had paid the master of the inn and fairly 
 set out for Sparta; and he eagerly looked forward to 
 meeting Myron, the proxenus of Halicarnassus, who would 
 doubtless turn out a better friend than his host at Corinth. 
 
 From Argos to Sparta was a two days' journey ; but 
 Herodotus intended to stop two nights and one day at 
 Tegea, in Arcadia, which was situated about half way on 
 the road. On the first day, he passed through the cele- 
 brated district of Thyrea, in Cynuria, which had anciently 
 belonged to Argos, but had been wrested away by Sparta. 
 Here he visited the plain where the famous battle took 
 
 * These slaves were apparently the old Achcean inhabitants of Argolis, 
 and bore the same relation to the Argives as the Periceci and Helots of 
 Laconia, M-ho will be described in our next chapter, bore to the Spartans.
 
 124 MYCEN^, ARGOS, AND TEGEA, B.C. 460. 
 
 place between three hundred Arglves, and three hundred 
 Spartans, who were chosen as champions for their re- 
 spective nations. On that occasion, Argos and Sparta 
 had each agreed to abide the issue of the combat, and 
 their main armies withdrew whilst the chosen warriors en- 
 gaged in conflict. The battle was fought with such 
 obstinacy that every man was slain excepting two Ar- 
 gives and one Spartan. The two Argives, thinking them- 
 selves victorious, ran off* to Argos with the glorious news ; 
 but meantime the single Spartan stripped the corpses of 
 the slain Argives, and carried their arms to his own camp, 
 and then returned and continued at his post. On the 
 next day, both armies having been informed of the event, 
 reassembled in the field, and each of course claimed the 
 victory. The Argives urged that, on their side, the 
 greater number of champions had survived the conflict ; 
 whilst the Spartans urged that those survivors had fled, 
 and that it was a Spartan who had kept the field and 
 spoiled the dead. Words led to blows ; and in spite of 
 the death of so many brave champions, the main armies 
 were soon engaged in battle, in which the Spartans proved 
 the victors. From that time the Argives cut oif their 
 long hair, and passed a law that no Argive should wear 
 long hair, or any Argive woman wear a golden ornament, 
 until Thyrea should be retaken. On the other hand, the 
 Spartans, who had always worn short hair, now enjoined 
 all their people to wear it long. As to the single Spartan, 
 he was ashamed to return to Sparta, after losing so many 
 of his companions in arms, and therefore he put an end to 
 himself at Thyrea. 
 
 A little before sunset Herodotus arrived at Tegea, 
 which he found to be not exactly a town, but a union 
 of nine hill villages into a sort of confederacy. The 
 people were very rough and uncultivated, for the Arca- 
 dians were an aboriginal race, who had never wandered 
 from their ancient seats, nor ever been thoroughly overrun
 
 AECADIAX HOSPITALITY. 125 
 
 by any foreign invaders. Upon entering Tegea, our tra- 
 veller was doubtful as to how he should proceed, for he 
 could see nothing in the shape of an inn, unless a dirty- 
 looking hostelry at the entrance of the town could be dig- 
 nified with such a title. Fortunately, a hospitable citizen 
 saw that the stranger was well mounted, and followed by 
 a slave, and questioned Herodotus as to his name, and the 
 objects of his journey, and then invited him to his own 
 house. Herodotus thankfully accepted the hospitality, 
 and was exceedingly well entertained by his Arcadian 
 host. The simple manners of the household struck him as 
 being exactly the same as those of the old heroic times 
 described by Homer. His horse and attendant were of 
 course committed to the care of the slaves belong^ino; to 
 the household ; but a rosy-cheeked, white-armed damsel, 
 who was evidently the daughter of his entertainer, brought 
 him water to wash his feet ; and the host himself imme- 
 diately ordered a kid to be roasted, and a skin of wine to 
 be brought in. A pleasant evening passed away, quite in 
 the patriarchal style. The wine w^ not of a very rich 
 vintage, but had a wholesome taste, smacking of country 
 festivals and merry vineyards. The roast kid was excel- 
 lent, and the bread was equally good, without any of that 
 chalky stuff by which the Corinthian bakers endeavoured 
 to whiten their loaves, and more like the home-made bread 
 that Herodotus used to eat in his father's house at Hali- 
 carnassus. The libations to the gods were duly offered, 
 incense was burnt on the little altar to Hestia, and a pious 
 hymn Avas sung by the whole household, in cheerful and 
 sweet-sounding chorus. Herodotus, on his part, did his 
 best to please his entertainer. He listened to all his 
 stories, and responded to his eager curiosity respecting the 
 political doings of the Athenian confederacy, the state of 
 trade at Corinth, and all the dangers of sea voyages. At 
 an early hour the household retired to rest, Herodotus 
 having first promised to spend the whole of the next day
 
 126 MYCEN^, ARGOS, AND TEGEA, B.C. 460. 
 
 in Tegea, whilst his host engaged to conduct him over 
 the very straggling town, and show him all its wonders. 
 
 Tegea, though so simply constituted of small townships, 
 was in reality a powerful city, and one of the most impor- 
 tant in Arcadia. In former times, when Sparta was 
 rapidly becoming the first military power in Hellas, the 
 Spartans arrogantly determined to conquer all Arcadia, 
 and actually inquired of the oracle at Delphi if an inva- 
 sion would be successful. The oracle replied in an am- 
 biguous verse, which ran somewhat as follows : — 
 
 " Ask ye Arcadia? 'tis too much ! I doubt 
 Her acorn-eating sons can keep you out; 
 But you may dance upon Tegea's plain, 
 And stretch upon her fields yonr twisted chain." 
 
 The Spartans considered this answer to be equivalent 
 to promising them the conquest of Tegea and the posses- 
 sion of her fair plain. Accordingly they marched against 
 Tegea, and carried a load of fetters with them for the pur- 
 pose of chaining the Tegeans, whom they intended reduc- 
 ing to slavery. The gods, however, defeated this fine 
 scheme, and the Spartans discovered too late the true 
 meaning of the oracle. They were completely beaten by 
 the brave and hardy Tegeans, and many were killed, and 
 a great many more were taken prisoners. The latter 
 were then bound with the very fetters which they them- 
 selves had brought, and compelled to work in the fields ; 
 and especially they were obliged to measure all the lands in 
 the country, and thus fulfilled the very words of Apollo. 
 Subsequently the Spartans discovered tlie bones of Orestes, 
 and were enabled to conquer Tegea; but we shall pre- 
 sently have occasion to relate the circumstances at length. 
 
 Tegea was renowned for her patriotism in the cause of 
 Hellas. She had sent five hundred men to fight against 
 the Persians at Thermopylae, and fifteen hundred heavy- 
 armed Tegeans fought side by side with their old enemies
 
 STORY OF THE BOXES OF ORESTES. 127 
 
 the Spartans in the battle of Plata?a. She also claimed a 
 share in the mythical glories of the Peloponnesus. When 
 the Heracleids, under Hyllus, the son of Heracles and 
 Dejanira, marched to the Corinthian isthmus for the pur- 
 pose of conquering the country, it was determined that 
 the matter should be decided by single combat ; and upon 
 that occasion, Echemus, the king and general of the 
 Tegeans, fought singly with Hyllus and slew him, and 
 the Heracleids reth'ed according to their agreement. 
 This event was called the second invasion of the Hera- 
 cleids, and took place ten years before the siege of Troy. 
 
 Herodotus spent his day at Tegea in the most satisfac- 
 tory manner. His host showed him all the curiosities of 
 the place, and, above all, took him to the Temple of 
 Athena Alea, where he saw hanging up the very fetters 
 which the Spartans had brought with them in their arro- 
 gant invasion ; also the celebrated manger, which was 
 made entirely of brass, and originally belonged to the 
 Persian general ^lardonius, but which w^as captured by 
 the Tegeans after the battle of Platasa. But nothing in- 
 terested Herodotus so much as a blacksmith's shop, the 
 very same where, about a hundred years before, had been 
 discovered the bones of Orestes, the son of Agamemnon. 
 His host had pointed out this shop as the place whence al 
 the evils originated which had fallen on Tegea, and had 
 told him the following tradition connected with the cir- 
 cumstance. 
 
 About a hundred years previously, the Tegeans had 
 beaten the Spartans in a number of battles, and the Spar- 
 tans, not content with the previous oracle about the 
 fetters, sent again to Delphi to ask which of the gods 
 they should propitiate in order to become victorious. 
 The Pythoness replied, that if they could obtain the 
 bones of Orestes they would be certain to conquer Tegea. 
 Xow, it was said that Orestes had died in Arcadia from 
 the bite of a snake, but nobody knew where his bones
 
 128 MYCEN^, ARGOS, AXD TEGEA, B.C. 460. 
 
 were interred. Accordingly the Spartans sent again to 
 Delphi to inquire where Orestes, the son of Agamemnon, 
 was buried, and received the following reply: — 
 
 " Down in Arcadia's level plain I know 
 Tegea lies ; — and where woe lies on woe — 
 Where two bound winds, impatient of the yoke, 
 Are fore'd to blow — where stroke replies to stroke — 
 Beneath the earth lies Agamemnon's son? 
 Bear him to Sparta, and Tegea's won." 
 
 "When the Spartans first heard these verses, they thought 
 that they could have found the tomb just as well without 
 the oracle as with it, for who was to know where woe lay 
 on woe, or where two bound winds were forced to blow, or 
 where stroke replied to stroke. However, after a long 
 search, the sepulchre was at last found by an old cavalry 
 officer named Lichas, who had retired in his turn from 
 the bodyguard which attended the Spartan kings ; and 
 who, like the other agathoergi, as they were called, was 
 employed in the several missions sent by Sparta to differ- 
 ent parts of the Spartan dominions. At that time there 
 was peace between Tegea and Sparta, and something like 
 a friendly intercourse was carried on between the two 
 cities. Lichas thus came to Tegea, and entered the 
 blacksmith's shop, and saw its gossipping owner busily 
 ensa2:ed in foro;ino; iron. No sooner did the smith see the 
 foreigner looking on with some astonishment at the process 
 of forging, than he left off his forging and began to speak 
 to him. " Oh, Spartan stranger," he said, " if you are so 
 astonished at seeing me work this iron, you would certainly 
 have been surprised if you had seen what I myself saw 
 only a few days ago ; for as I was endeavouring to dig a 
 well within this enclosure, I came to a coffin, seven cubits 
 long * ; and because I would not believe that men were 
 
 * Our readers will probably remember that Goliath was only six cubits 
 and a span in height.
 
 SPARTAN SUPREMACY. 129 
 
 ever taller than they are now, I opened the coffin, and saw 
 that the skeleton inside was of corresponding length ; and 
 I then measured it and covered it up again." Lichas im- 
 mediately felt assured that the coffin in question contained 
 the bones of Orestes, but for a long time he was puzzled 
 by the words of the oracle. At last he found out the secret. 
 The two bound winds, he discovered, were the smith's 
 bellows ; the stroke answering to stroke were the anvil 
 and hammer ; and the woe lying on woe was the iron that 
 was being forged, as iron had been invented to the injury 
 of man. Accordingly he returned to Sparta, and informed 
 the ephors of the matter; upon which they brought a 
 feigned charge against him, and sent him into pretended 
 banishment. He then returned to Tegea, and infonned 
 the smith of his misfortune, and offered to hire the en- 
 closure. The smith refused for a long time, but at last 
 consented, and Lichas then took up his abode there, and 
 opened the sepulchre and collected the bones, and carried 
 them safely to Sparta. Another war, of course, soon 
 broke out, but the Spartans, having fulfilled the conditions 
 of the oracle, were able to defeat the Tegeans. 
 
 Such was the manner in which Herodotus was enter- 
 tained at Tegea. The evening was passed in the same 
 simple amusements as before ; and at sunrise next morning 
 he was once more upon the road, eager to reach the 
 mightiest city in the land of Pelops. 
 
 VOL. I. K
 
 130 SPARTAj B. C. 460. 
 
 • CHAP. X. 
 
 SPARTA, B. c. 460. 
 
 SITUATION OF SPARTA. HER AKCIENT INHABITANTS, STORY OF THE 
 
 TWIN PRINCES, AND ORIGIN OF THE DOUBLE MONARCHY — LIFE OF 
 
 LYCURGUS. HIS REFORMS. THE SPARTAN CITIZENS FORMED INTO A 
 
 MILITARY BROTHERHOOD, SUPPORTED BT THEIR FARMS AND THE LABOURS 
 
 OF THEIR HELOTS. TRADE FORBIDDEN. IRON MONEY. PUBLIC 
 
 MEALS. BLACK BROTH. MILITARY TRAINING OF BOYS. SOCIAL 
 
 CONDITION OF GREEK LADIES GENERALLY. PECULIAR PRIVILEGES OF 
 
 THE SPARTAN LADIES. — THEIR SUPERIOR BEAUTY. TRUE LOTE ONLY 
 
 TO BE FOUND AT SPARTA. SPARTAN HEROINES. SPARTAN MARRIAGES. 
 
 PUNISHMENT OF OLD BACHELORS. IMMUNITIES ENJOYED BY FATHERS 
 
 OF LARGE FAMILIES. 
 
 The distance between Tegea and Sparta was about two 
 hundred stadia, or twenty-five English miles. The tra- 
 veller had first to toil over the rugged mountain range 
 which formed the frontier between Arcadia and Laconia, 
 until he entered the pass formed by the river ^nus. 
 He had then to proceed along the valley of the ^li^nus 
 until he reached the spot where that river discharges 
 itself into the Eurotas ; and from thence he had to keep 
 along the valley of the Eurotas, until he came to the plain 
 where the rocky hills, having receded from both banks of 
 the river, enclosed the celebrated town of Sparta, and 
 earned for it the name of " hollow Laced^emon." 
 
 Sparta, or Lacedaemon — for the city was called by 
 either name — was situated on the right bank of the river 
 Eurotas, and about twenty miles from the sea. It was of 
 a circular shape, and consisted of five separate and un- 
 walled villages, which were never united into one regular 
 town. The highway from Tegea was principally famous 
 as having been the scene of many an old battle between 
 the Arcadians and Spartans; and whilst Herodotus is
 
 HER A^XIEXT IXHABITANTS. 131 
 
 performing this somewhat arduous journey, we will en- 
 deavour to prepare the reader for an account of his adven- 
 tures in Sparta, by reviewing the history of the city, and 
 glancing at the manners and customs of the Spartan people. 
 
 The history of Sparta is principally known to the 
 Eno;lish reader, from its connection with the names of 
 Meneiaus, Lycurgus, and Leonidas. To describe Sparta 
 in the days of Meneiaus and his wife Helen, would be a 
 work of pure imagination. The royal palace from whence 
 the unprincipled Paris carried off the beautiful Helen 
 belongs to the age of romance ; though the taking of 
 Troy, Avhich forms the important event in the Homeric 
 legend, is commonly calculated to have taken place in 
 1184 B.C., a date which corresponds to the judgeship of 
 the heroic Samson. Eighty years after the ?iege, the 
 Dorians from Northern Greece invaded the Pelopon- 
 nesus, an event which is generally known as the invasion 
 of the Heracleids or descendants of Heracles. The 
 Dorians having first conquered the territory of Elis on 
 the western side of the Peloponnesus, and reduced it to 
 the rule of their allies the ^tolians, passed on to southern 
 Peloponnesus in two detachments ; one settled at Steny- 
 clerus, in the south-western quarter, and established, their 
 supremacy over the Messenians, whilst the other moved 
 on to Sparta in the south-eastern corner, and established 
 their supremacy over the Laconians. The Messenian 
 territory was the most fertile in the Peloponnesus, 
 whilst that of Laconia was mountainous and unproductive. 
 A war naturally broke out between the Dorians of Steny- 
 clerus and those of Sparta, which terminated in favour 
 of the latter ; and at the time when recorded history 
 fairly begins, the Spartan rule was supreme over the whole 
 of southern Peloponnesus. 
 
 This aggregate territory was now inhabited by three 
 distinct races or classes. First the Dorian conquerors of 
 Sparta, who alone enjoyed the privileges of Spartan 
 
 K 2
 
 132 SPARTA, B.C. 460. 
 
 citizens. Secondly, the ancient inhabitants of the coun- 
 try, who occupied the other towns of Laconia, and were 
 anciently called Achfeans, but were now known by the 
 name of Perioeci. Thirdly, the farm labourers, or rustic 
 population, who had been originally the serfs of the 
 Achaeans, and were now serfs of both Spartans and Pe- 
 rioeci, under the name of Helots. The Dorian Messenians 
 were likewise reduced by their Spartan conquerors to the 
 same condition as the Helots. 
 
 According to the Spartan traditions, the Dorian Hera- 
 cleids who so successfully invaded the Peloponnesus, were 
 led by Aristodemus, the great-grandson of Hyllus, the 
 son of Heracles, whom we have already mentioned. This 
 Aristodemus of course became king of Sparta, but died 
 on the very day that his wife Argla gave birth to twins. 
 The Spartans wished to appoint his eldest son to be his 
 successor, but could not tell which little boy to choose, 
 for the twins were both exactly alike. Accordingly they 
 asked the mother, Argia, which was the first-born ; but she, 
 wishing that both should be kings, replied that she herself 
 was unable to distinguish between them. The Spartans 
 then sent to inquire of the oracle at Delphi, the constant 
 resource in all cases of difficulty. The oracle replied, that 
 they must make both the boys kings, but pay the greatest 
 honour to the eldest. This answer only decided one 
 point, and left the main difficulty unsolved ; for unless 
 the eldest was ascertained, it was impossible to pay him 
 the greatest honour. At length a wise man, named 
 Panites, threw out the following suggestion. He ad- 
 vised that persons should watch and see which of the 
 twins was first washed and fed by its mother ; for he 
 said, " If she is found to wash and feed the same twin 
 always first, we may be certain that he is the first-born ; 
 but if she is careless about the matter, and sometimes 
 washes one first and sometimes the other, it is plain that 
 she herself knows not which is the eldest." This advice
 
 STORY OF THE TWIN PRINCES. 133 
 
 was followed, and the result proved successful. One 
 little boy was always washed and fed first, and he was 
 therefore considered to be the eldest, and was named 
 Eurysthenes; whilst the other one was regarded as the 
 youngest, and was named Procles. From that time two 
 kings always reigned together at Sparta, one being de- 
 scended from Eurysthenes, and the other line from Pro- 
 cles ; and as the twins themselves were always at va- 
 riance with each other, so likewise Avere their descendants 
 at perpetual enmity. 
 
 About B.C. 800, and consequently about 300 years after 
 the Dorian conquest of Sparta, flourished the great law- 
 giver Lycurgus. Prior to that period the Spartan state 
 was the most lawless in Hellas, and no foreigner ventured 
 to visit Sparta, lest he should be robbed and murdered. 
 Lycurgus was a younger son of a Spartan king who was 
 assassinated during this period of lawlessness. Polydectes, 
 the elder brother of Lycurgus, succeeded his father on the 
 throne, but died shortly afterwards, leaving a queen who 
 was soon to become a mother. Of course the succession 
 to the throne would depend upon whether the widowed 
 queen gave birth to a son or to a daughter ; but she was 
 wicked enough to make a secret proposal to Lycurgus, 
 offering to destroy her offspring, and thus insure him the 
 sovereignty, upon condition of his making her his wife. 
 Lycurgus seemingly accepted the proposal, but when the 
 queen gave birth to a son, he held up the cliild publicly 
 in the agora, and proclaimed him king of Sparta, and, as 
 next of kin, he himself began to act as guardian of the 
 infant prince. The widowed queen, however, and a party 
 which she formed, raised slanderous accusations against 
 Lycurgus, and obliged him to go into exile; and ac- 
 cordingly he travelled about studying the polity and 
 customs of different cities, and in short preparing himself 
 for introducing and carrying out those great reforms which 
 we shall presently notice. 
 
 K 3
 
 134 SPARTA, B.C. 460. 
 
 After some years Lycurgus returned to Sparta, where he 
 found that his nephew Charllaus, whose life he had saved, 
 had become one of the two kings, but that the public dis- 
 orders were worse than ever, and that both kings and 
 people were weary of their condition. He was now anxi- 
 ously considering upon a plan of action, and at the same 
 time was desirous of obtaining some high authority for 
 the sweeping measures which he intended to introduce. 
 Accordingly he set off to consult the oracle at Delphi, 
 and no sooner did he enter the sanctuary than the Py- 
 thoness addressed him in the following strain : — 
 
 " Lycurgus, thou art come to my rich fane, 
 Belov'd by Zeus and all the heaA^enly train ; 
 But whether god or man I fear to say, — 
 Yet god thou must be more than mortal clay." 
 
 The oracle is also said to have instructed Lycurgus 
 in other matters, and directed him how to proceed; and 
 after he had given sufficient time for the news of this 
 favourable address to reach Sparta, he one day suddenly 
 appeared in the Spartan agora surrounded by thirty armed 
 partisans. King Charilaus was at first terrified, but being 
 reassured by his uncle, stood forAvard to second his designs, 
 and at the same time the bulk of the people respectfully 
 submitted to the princely sage, who thus came as a re- 
 former and missionary from Delphi. 
 
 The first act of Lycurgus, on obtaining his ascendency, 
 was to establish a senate of nobles, an assembly of the 
 people, and an executive directory to consist of five men 
 called Ephors. The senate consisted of tAventy-eight old 
 men, of which the two kings were presidents, and sat and 
 voted with it, thus making an aggregate of thirty. The 
 assembly of the people was held in the open air, and its 
 functions were limited to the simple acceptance or rejec- 
 tion of those measures which had been previously de- 
 termined in the senate. The five Ephors w^ere annually 
 elected, and possessed such extensive and commanding
 
 REFOEMS OF LYCURGUS. 135 
 
 powers in reference to internal administration and police^ 
 that the kings were little more than supreme and exclusive 
 commanders of the military force.* 
 
 Lycurgus having thus established a mixed government 
 of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, in which all 
 classes of SjDartan citizens were represented, turned his 
 attention to the social disorders of the nation. These dis- 
 orders had chiefly arisen from the gross inequality of 
 property, most of the lands having gradually fallen into 
 the hands of a luxurious and rapacious few, whilst a 
 large body of poor citizens were existing in hopeless 
 misery and degradation. We have already noticed the three 
 classes of Laconians, viz.. Spartan citizens, Perioeci, and 
 Helots. The first alone possessed any political privileges. 
 The Perioeci, who dwelt in the other towns of Laconia, 
 
 * The two kings of Sparta were likewise invested with the priesthoods of 
 Zeus, and enjoyed the following privileges : — They could levy war against 
 any city or nation they pleased, and any Spartan who attempted to oppose 
 their will in this particular fell under a curse. They were always the first 
 in an advance, and the last in a retreat, and on the field of battle their body- 
 guard was formed by a hundred chosen men. At aU festivals or private 
 banquets, they sat down first and were served first, and each received a 
 double portion of every thing. At all public games they had particular 
 seats appointed them, and they had the right of appointing the proxein, or 
 officers to receive and entertain foreign ambassadors, and the pythii, or 
 persons sent to consult the oracle at Delphi. They also kept the oracles 
 with the privity of the pythii. They were the sole judges in deciding upon 
 the husband for a virgin heiress, who had not been betrothed by her father. 
 They determined every thing connected with the public highways. When a 
 king died, the ceremonies performed were very singular. The melancholy 
 event was announced throughout the country by horsemen; but in the 
 citj of Sparta it was made known by the women, who paraded the streets 
 beating a caldron. A man and woman in every house were also forced, under 
 heavy penalties, to disguise themselves as mourners; and many thousand 
 Helots, Perioeci, and citizens, men and women, assembled togetlier in one 
 place, and struck their foreheads, and gave themselves up to unbounded 
 lamentations, declaring that the last king had been the best. If, however, a 
 king had fallen in war, his effigy was exposed on a richly-ornamented 
 couch. After the interment, all public business was suspended for ten days. 
 The new king, who succeeded to the throne, like a new king of Persia, re- 
 mitted all debts due from any Spartan to the deceased king or to the state. 
 (See Geography of Herodotus, p. 50.) 
 
 K 4
 
 136 SPAETA, B.C. 460. 
 
 paid a regular tax to the Spartan state. The Helots or 
 serfs were farm labourers who tilled the lands, both those 
 belono-inor to the Perioeci, and those belono-ino; to the 
 full-qualified citizens of Sparta ; and many of them like- 
 wise dwelt in Sparta and other Laconian towns, and • did 
 the work of domestic slaves. The object of Lycurgus Avas 
 to form the Spartan citizens into a warlike brotherhood, 
 supported by the tribute levied from the Perioeci and by 
 the labours of the Helots ; to banish all social distinctions 
 excepting such as were earned by bravery ; to train up 
 every Spartan youth to become a perfect soldier, obedient, 
 enduring, and courageous unto death. 
 
 The first proceeding supposed to have been carried out 
 by Lycurgus, was the redistribution of the whole Spartan 
 territory into 9,000 equal lots, one lot being given to 
 every Spartan citizen ; and he is also said to have redis- 
 tributed the remainder of the Laconian territory into 
 30,000 lots, giving one lot to each Perioecus. Trade he 
 set his face against utterly, and no Spartan citizen was 
 allowed to follow any money-getting pursuit whatever. 
 Gold and silver money were banished altogether, and an 
 iron coinage was introduced, so large and weighty, that 
 fifty pounds sterling of it would have filled a room, and 
 required a yoke of oxen to remove it. Luxurious in- 
 dulgence in eating and drinking were effectually restrained 
 by the institution of the Syssitia or public mess. No 
 Spartan citizen was allowed to eat in his own house, but 
 all were obliged to take their sober meals at the public 
 tables, where all fared alike. Fifteen persons were the 
 average number who sat down to each table ; and in order 
 to promote the harmony of the meal, no new member could 
 obtain admission to a particular table ; without a unanimous 
 ballot in his favour by the previous occupants. Each one 
 was obliged to furnish every month a bushel of meal, 
 eight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, two pounds 
 and a half of figs, and a little iron money to purchase flesh
 
 PUBLIC MEALS AND BLACK BROTH. 137 
 
 and fish. Whenever also a Spartan had been hunting, 
 he sent the game to be cooked at his mess table ; and 
 every one who sacrificed to the gods likewise sent a 
 portion of the victim which had been oflfered. The dish 
 that was held in the highest esteem was the celebrated 
 black broth. The old men are said to have been so fond of 
 it, that they would eat nothing else, and left all the meat 
 for the younger citizens. Whether, however, it was 
 superior to our turtle soup is a matter of pure theory, 
 Dionysius of Syracuse is the only foreigner on record who 
 tasted it as prepared from the original recipe by a Spartan 
 cook ; but as he spat it out again directly afterwards, his 
 opinion can have but very little weight with the modern 
 gastronomer. The guests who were present on that occa- 
 sion declined even tasting it, on the ground that the smell 
 was quite sufficient. The cook admitted that in order to 
 make the broth relish it was necessary first of all to bathe 
 in the cold waters of the Eurotas ; but it has been sup- 
 posed that he had himself given additional piquancy to the 
 native flavour by the admixture of some peculiar sauces of 
 his own invention, for the especial behoof of his enquii'ing 
 master. 
 
 The public training of the Spartan youth was in exact 
 keeping with these institutions. Those wdio were unfitted 
 for soldiers were considered to be unfitted to live. Every 
 infant was carried to the most ancient men of the family 
 to which its father belonged. If found to be strong and 
 well-proportioned, orders were given for its education ; if, 
 on the contrary, it was found to be weakly and deformed, 
 it was ordered to be thrown into a deep cavern near 
 mount Taygetus. Xew-born infants were also washed 
 with wine instead of water, because the wine usually 
 killed all those who were sickly or epileptic, whilst it 
 made the healthy ones more vigorous and hardy. The 
 Spartan nurses were indeed celebrated throughout Hellas. 
 They never swathed the limbs of their charges ; they ac-
 
 138 SPARTA, B. C. 460. 
 
 customed them to eat any kind of meat; they trained 
 them to be alone or in the dark without fear; and above 
 all they cured them of giving way to refractory tempers 
 or indulging in unmanly crying. Unfortunately this race 
 of valuable nurses is now quite extinct. 
 
 At seven years of age the boys were enrolled in com- 
 panieSj and their discipline began. The bravest and fiercest 
 was made captain; and him they were obliged to im- 
 plicitly obey. Indeed single-minded obedience, endurance 
 of hunger, cold, and fatigue, and fearlessness of any 
 kind of danger were the great lessons which were con- 
 stantly taught in this military community. At twelve 
 years of age their under garment was taken away, and 
 they were only alloAved to wear a single woollen one, 
 which was renewed once a year. They slept in com- 
 panies on reeds which they brought themselves from the 
 banks of the Eurotas. One of the ablest citizens was 
 inspector of the youth, and he gave the command of each 
 company of boys to the best Iren ; an Iren being a Spar- 
 tan citizen, who had attained his twentieth year and be- 
 come a man, in the same way that one of eighteen years 
 of ao^e became a Melllren. This Iren commanded his 
 company of youth in those mimic but dangerous contests 
 which were carried on in Sparta under the eyes of the 
 public authorities, and he was likewise served by every 
 member of his troop. By his orders they brought him 
 wood, potherbs, or victuals, which they obtained or stole 
 as they best could. If, however, they were discovered in 
 a theft, they were punished by whipping and hunger ; and 
 so crafty and enduring did they become, that a boy 
 having once conveyed a young fox under his chiton, suf- 
 fered the animal to tear away his bowels with its teeth 
 and claws, rather than be detected. 
 
 When a Spartan youth became an Iren he was well 
 fitted to encounter the fatigues and dangers of the most 
 cruel warfare. The daily military drill had familiarised
 
 MILITARY TRAINING OF BOYS. 139 
 
 him with all the complicated movements required from 
 a body of heavy-armed Spartans on the field of battle. 
 He had engaged with the utmost fury in the mimic con- 
 tests of his company, and borne without a mumiur those 
 cruel scourgings, inflicted before the altar of Artemis 
 Orthia, which not unfrequently terminated in the death 
 of the uncomplaining sufferer. He had taken his part in 
 the choral dances performed at the public festivals, and he 
 had hunted in the woods and mountains of Laconia, until 
 he had been inured to every kind of privation. Through- 
 out also the whole period of his youth, he had been 
 taught to suppress all external manifestation of feeling, 
 and to appear in public as shy, silent, and motionless as a 
 statue. Indeed the city itself could only be likened to 
 one great camp, and the severity of the exercises of youth 
 and manhood were never for a moment relaxed, excepting 
 during the progress of an actual campaign. 
 
 From the military training of the Spartan men, Ave turn 
 to contemplate the character and social condition of the 
 Spartan ladies. In the Greek cities generally, marriages 
 arose from necessity, and not from affection. A Greek 
 citizen married a wife who should take care of his house, 
 and bring him children to inherit his property and perpe- 
 tuate his name. A father frequently selected a bride for his 
 son without caring whether his son had seen her or not, 
 in the same way that Phiedra was chosen to be the wife 
 of Herodotus. The consent of the lady was considered 
 to be still more unnecessary, and thus there rarely existed 
 any anxiety about popping the question, or any blushing 
 bashfulness in vouchsafing a reply. An heiress, indeed, 
 had no choice whatever. She was compelled by law to 
 marry her nearest kinsman, but if she were poor the 
 kinsman might avoid the marriage by portioning her 
 suitably to her rank ; just in the same way as the daugh- 
 ters of Zelophehad were ordered to marry in their own 
 tribe, and Ruth proffered her claim to become the wife of
 
 140 
 
 her kinsman Boaz. The character and condition of the 
 Greek ladies were upon a par with these institutions. 
 Young spinsters were kept in a state of confinement 
 which ahnost amounted to a deprivation of liberty. Young 
 wives of the middle and higher classes were placed under 
 restrictions of a jealous and almost oriental character. In- 
 deed the women generally, as we have already noticed, 
 occupied a separate part of every house ; and as female 
 education could not at that period supply those elegant 
 accomplishments and refinement of manners which will 
 permanently engage the affections when mere personal 
 attractions have passed away, the husband not unfre- 
 quently disregarded those obligations which the wife was 
 called upon so strictly and religiously to fulfil. 
 
 In Sparta we can trace to some extent the existence of 
 similar matrimonial customs to those just described ; but 
 the condition of the women had become far more elevated 
 by the physical training introduced by Lycurgus, and it 
 corresponded more nearly to the condition of the noble 
 ladies of the heroic times. That this splendid bodily dis- 
 cipline was far too exclusively military, will be readily 
 admitted by all ; but it was in the manly breasts of the 
 young heroes and warriors of Sparta that the pure flame 
 of chivalric devotion was first kindled; and it is to the 
 institutions of Lycurgus that woman owes her first eman- 
 cipation from the thraldom of selfish man. In the Ionian 
 cities, the fire of ardent and faithful love but rarely 
 burned in the domestic circle. Drunken bards may have 
 sung its power in the vicious court of a Polycrates, and 
 even respectable citizens may have degraded themselves 
 by talking contemptible nonsense to beings who only 
 deserved their pity or their scorn. But at Sparta the 
 youthful citizen had an opportunity of beholding the 
 maidens of his own rank in the choral songs, and dances, 
 and other graceful exercises belonging to the religious 
 festivals; and especially at the Hyacinthia he saw the
 
 SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE LADIES. 141 
 
 crowds of beautiful and noble young women going in a 
 grand procession of ornamented cars to the temple of 
 Helen at Therapne, or racing on horseback in the midst 
 of assembled multitudes. On the other hand the same 
 fair maidens beheld as spectators the exercises and con- 
 tentions of the Spartan youths ; and we may easily con- 
 ceive that every troop of aspiring heroes regarded the 
 expression of their praise as the strongest stimulus, and 
 that of their reproach as the bitterest and deepest humilia- 
 tion. 
 
 The education of the young ladies of Sparta was thus 
 totally different from that in every other state. They 
 were exclusively trained to become wives and mothers of 
 warriors and heroes, and not to be mere housekeepers and 
 nurses. In other Greek cities the spinning of wool, like 
 the crochet in modern Britain, was the serious and con- 
 stant occupation of the female mind. Lycurgus, how- 
 ever, justly considered that spinning and weaving were 
 best left to the slaves. " How is it possible," he thought, 
 " for mothers brought up in such occupations to rear a 
 healthy and handsome progeny — the lofty mission and 
 proud duty of every free daughter of Sparta?" He there- 
 fore introduced bodily exercises for the Spartan maidens 
 analogous to those of the Spartan youths ; and the beauty 
 of the women soon became the general theme of praise 
 throughout Greece ; and especially they were famous for 
 fine shapes and masculine vigour. Thus were formed 
 the heroines of Sparta, they who would sooner see their 
 sons dying at their feet than turning their backs on an 
 enemy or failing in their duty to their country ; they who 
 said to their sons, w^hen marching to battle, " Disgrace 
 not yourselves by abandoning your shields ; either return 
 wnth them or else upon them I " When a foreign lady 
 said, " The w^omen of Sparta are the only women who 
 rule the men," the wife of Leonidas justly replied, " Yes ;
 
 142 SPARTA, B.C. 460. 
 
 and the women of Sparta are the only women who are 
 mothers of men." 
 
 We at last come to the most interesting topic of all, 
 namely, the Spartan marriages. Many of the laws of 
 Lycurgus in connection with this subject would imdoubt- 
 edly meet with the approbation of the fair sex of modern 
 times, and would equally as undoubtedly contribute to 
 the happiness of all the present bachelorhood of Britain. 
 The time for marriage was fixed by statute ; that of the 
 men at about thirty or thirty -five years ; that of the 
 ladies at about twenty or a little younger. All men who 
 continued unmarried after the appointed time were liable 
 to a prosecution ; and all old bachelors were prohibited 
 from being present at the public exercises of the Spartan 
 maidens, and were denied the usual respect and honours 
 paid to the aged. " Why should I give you place," cried 
 a young man to an old unmarried general, " when you 
 have no child to give place to me when I am old?" Xo 
 marriage portions were given with any of the maidens, 
 so that neither poverty should prevent a gallant, nor riches 
 tempt him, to marry contrary to his inclinations. The 
 parents of three children enjoyed considerable immunities, 
 and those with four children paid no taxes whatever — a 
 regulation which all married men with large families will 
 readily admit to be most wise and equitable. Every 
 marriage was preceded by a betrothal, as in other Greek 
 cities, but the marriage itself was performed by the young 
 Spartan carrying off" his bride by a pretended abduction, 
 and for some time afterwards the wife continued to reside 
 with her own family, and only met her husband on stolen 
 occasions. This extraordinary way of spending the honey- 
 moon was introduced by Lycurgus to prevent the hus- 
 band from wasting too much of his time in his wife's 
 society during the first years of their marriage ; and in 
 order to economise the bride's charms, it was customary 
 for her bridesmaid to cut oiF all her hair on the wedding-
 
 EFFECT OF THE LTCrEGEAN SYSTEM. 143 
 
 day, so that for some time at least her personal attractions 
 should increase with her years. 
 
 Such were the political and social institutions of Sparta 
 which are generally supposed to have been introduced by 
 Lycurgus, and which undoubtedly continued until a very 
 late period in Grecian history. The government con- 
 sisted, as we have seen, of two kings, a senate of twenty- 
 eight old men, a directory of five yearly-elected ephors, 
 and a national assembly. The citizens of Sparta were a 
 pure military community, engaged in no money-getting 
 occupations whatever, and supported by the tribute col- 
 lected from the Perioeci, and by the produce of their own 
 separate estates, which Avere cultivated by the Helot serfs. 
 The history from the time of Lycurgus downwards exhibits 
 in a striking degree the effect produced by the Lycurgean 
 system. The necessity of implicit obedience in the field 
 had repressed almost every democratic tendency in the 
 people. Lycurgus himself, when asked by a citizen to 
 introduce a popular government, had replied, " First 
 make a trial of democracy in your own family, and then, 
 if you find it succeed, you may recommend it as suitable 
 to the state." The repression of trade, however, rather 
 fostered a love of money than eradicated it. Bribery 
 and corruption frequently prevailed at Sparta, and the 
 city was said to have become exceedingly rich in gold 
 and silver, because so much money was carried into it, 
 and none was ever carried out of it. The domestic his- 
 tory of the kings of Sparta who reigned during the fifty 
 years prior to Herodotus's visit is therefore exceedingly 
 interesting ; and as we are enabled to furnish the reader 
 with some amusing and authentic details, we shall devote 
 to this purpose a separate chapter.
 
 144 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 HISTOEY OF SPARTA, ante b. c. 460. 
 
 FAMILY TRADITIONS OF THE SPARTAN KINGS. — STORY OF ANAXANDRIDES 
 AND HIS TWO WIVES. ACCESSION OF CLEOMKNES, B. C. 520. ADVEN- 
 TURES OF DORIEUS THE COLONIST IN SEARCH OF A SETTLEMENT. 
 
 ARISTAGORAS AND HIS BRAZEN MAP. — UNSUCCESSFLT. ATTEMPTS AT 
 
 MYSTIFICATION AND BRIBERY. QUARRELS BETWEEN CLEOMENES AND 
 
 HIS COLLEAGUE DEMARATUS. — DOUBTFUL PARENTAGE OF DEMARATUS. 
 
 HIS MOTHER MIRACULOUSLY ENDOWED WITH BEAUTY. — STORY OF HER 
 FIRST HUSBAND, AND HOW SHE WAS ENTRAPPED INTO MARRYING A 
 
 SECOND. DEMARATUS CHARGED WITH NOT KNOWING WTIO WAS HIS 
 
 FATHER. CORRUPTION AT DELPHL DEPOSITION OP DE3IARATUS, AND 
 
 ACCESSION OF LEOTYCHIDES. — FLIGHT OF DEMARATUS TO PERSIA. — ■ 
 
 THE AVENGING NEMESIS. MADNESS AND SUICIDE OF CLEOMENES. 
 
 SAGACITY OF HIS DAUGHTER GORGO. STORY OF THE UNJUST SPARTAN. 
 
 MISERABLE DEATH OF LEOTYCHIDES. 
 
 The history of the early Spartan monarchy is lost in ob- 
 scurity, but the records of a later period were carefully 
 collected by Herodotus himself during his residence in 
 Sparta. The reign of Cleomenes, a prince who was the 
 predecessor and half-brother of the hero Leonidas, is 
 especially interesting; and the family traditions of this 
 kinij, and of his successive collea2:ues Demaratus and Leo- 
 tychides, will aiford the reader a tolerably clear insight 
 into the social condition of the people, and furnish him 
 with apt illustrations of the effect of the Lycurgean institu- 
 tions. 
 
 In the year 500 B. c, being about 40 years before 
 Herodotus's visit, the two reigning kings of Sparta were 
 Cleomenes and Demaratus ; Cleomenes being descended 
 from Eurysthenes, the older of the twins, and founder 
 of the senior branch of the royal family, whilst Demaratus
 
 ANAXANDEIDES AND HIS TWO WIVES. 145 
 
 was descended from Procles, the younger twin, and 
 founder of the junior branch. 
 
 Cleomenes had ascended the throne under peculiar cir- 
 cumstances. His father Anaxandrides had reigned many 
 years without having any family, and consequently with- 
 out having any heir to the crown. The Ephors were very 
 much troubled at this circumstance, for they feared that 
 the race of Eurysthenes would become extinct. Accord- 
 ingly they recommended King Anaxandrides to put away 
 his wife, and marry another who might give birth to a son 
 and successor. Anaxandrides, however, had married his 
 wife out of pure affection, and was devotedly attached to 
 her ; and he not only refused to listen to the Ephors, but 
 rebuked them for suggesting that he should put away a 
 wife who had committed no error, in order to marry 
 another for whom he could entertain no love. The ^yq 
 Ephors then consulted with the Senate of twenty-eight ; 
 for they began to be alarmed lest the Spartan people, in 
 their anxiety to preserve the line of Eurysthenes un- 
 broken, should come to some unusual determination re- 
 specting the childless king. At length they made another 
 proposal to Anaxandrides. They said to him, " We see 
 that you are very much attached to your present wife, and 
 therefore we will not ask you to divorce her ; but still it 
 is absolutely necessary that you should have an heir to the 
 throne, and therefore, in order to prevent the matter from 
 coming before the National Assembly, Ave must request 
 you to marry a second wife in addition." This proposition 
 was contrary to the usages of Sparta, as well as to those 
 of all Greece ; but Anaxandrides was induced to accept it, 
 and accordingly henceforth he had two wives, each in- 
 habiting a separate house. Soon afterwards the second 
 wife gave birth to a son, named Cleomenes, who was of 
 course heir apparent to the throne ; and then, subsequent 
 to this event, the first wife, singularly enough, became tlie 
 mother of three sons in succession, namely, — Dorieus, 
 VOL. I. L
 
 146 HISTORY OF SPARTA, ANTE B. C. 460. 
 
 Leonldas, and Cleombrotus. These three sons of the first 
 wife grew up to be men of talent and mark ; Cleomenes, 
 on the other hand, was considered to be of vmsound mind, 
 and almost mad. 
 
 Cleomenes, howeA'er, as the oldest son, succeeded to the 
 throne on the death of his father in B. C. 520, and he 
 reigned for thirty years. This circumstance exasperated 
 Dorieus to the last degree, for he really was the most able 
 young man of his age, and had till then believed that his 
 talents would have insured him the sovereignty. His 
 after life was a series of adventures. Disdainino; the 
 rule of such a king as Cleomenes, he determined to 
 emigrate and establish a colony on some foreign soil. 
 Accordingly, being joined by a number of Spartans, who 
 agreed to accept him as their leader, he embarked with 
 his followers in several ships ; and, without consulting the 
 oracle at Delphi as to where he should settle, or perform- 
 ing any of the customary ceremonies, he at once set sail 
 for the opposite coast of Africa. Here he eifected a settle- 
 ment on a most beautiful and fertile spot on the banks of 
 the river Cinyps, now called the Wady Khahan, a small 
 stream flow^ing into the Mediterranean, between the 
 Greater and Lesser Syrtis, and midway between Cyrene 
 and Carthage. After three years, however, the colonists 
 were driven away by the Carthaginians and neighbouring 
 tribes of nomade Libyans, and Dorieus returned to the 
 Peloponnesus. A man well versed in the ancient oracles 
 then advised him to found a colony in Sicily, because, as 
 he said, there was a district in that island which had for- 
 merly belonged to Heracles the hero, and to which he, as 
 a descendant of Heracles, was fully entitled. Dorieus, 
 ready enough for a fresh venture, went this time to con- 
 sult the oracle at Delphi ; and having received a favourable 
 reply, he sailed away towards Sicily, with the same band 
 Avhich he had led to Africa. It so happened that he 
 sailed past the coast of the Gulf of Tarentum, which we
 
 ARISTAGORAS AND HIS BRAZEN MAP. 147 
 
 described in our first chapter, during the war between 
 Sybaris and Crotona ; and being probably ready to engage 
 in any military service, he joined the Crotonians in their 
 attack on Sybaris. As, however, Dorieus had landed in 
 Italy, instead of proceeding to Sicily, as the oracle had 
 commanded, he fell in one of the engagements, and was 
 thus, as the Greeks believed, justly punished for having 
 acted contrary to the will of the gods. 
 
 But to return to Cleomenes. It was this monarch who 
 committed the enormities at Argos, which we have already 
 described, and who interfered in the affairs of Athens, as 
 we shall relate in our chapters on that city. He was king 
 at Sparta when the Ionian revolt broke out on the coast 
 of Asia Minor ; and Aristagoras, the prime mover in the 
 revolt, came to Sparta to try and induce him to send 
 a body of troops to assist the Asiatic Greeks in their 
 efforts to throw off the Persian yoke. Aristagoras brought 
 with him a brazen tablet, on which was engraved a map of 
 the whole circumference of the earth, with all the sea 
 and all the rivers. This brass map is said to have been 
 the work of Hecatasus of Miletus, and was a revised copy 
 of a map originally sketched by Anaximander, the Ionian 
 philosopher.* The portion which was drawn from actual 
 observation comprised but little more than Greece, Asia 
 Minor, Egypt, and the coasts of the ^Mediterranean, 
 ^gean, and Euxine ; but still distant nations in both 
 Europe, Asia, and Africa were drawn at guess work, and 
 filled in almost according to fancy. The earth itself was 
 in those ancient times supposed to be round and flat, 
 having a large river, called the Ocean, flowing all round 
 it, exactly like the ocean in the Scandinavian universe ; 
 but, at a later period, the geographical researches of such 
 travellers as Herodotus satisfied the learned Greek world 
 that these notions were mere ridiculous inventions of the 
 poets. Aristagoras hoped, by means of this map, to ex- 
 
 • Aristagoras, Ilecataeus, and Anaximauder were all natives of Miletus. 
 
 L 2
 
 148 HISTOKY OF SPARTA, AKTE B.C. 4G0. 
 
 plain the geographical position of the nations of Asia to 
 the Spartan king, for he knew that the Spartans were 
 ignorant of every science, excepting that of fighting ; and 
 his object was to incite Cleomenes to assist in the Ionian 
 revolt by the hope of great foreign conquests. Accord- 
 ingly, having obtained an audience, he addressed the king 
 as follows : — 
 
 " You need not be surprised, Cleomenes, at my eager- 
 ness in coming to you, for my mission is extremely urgent. 
 That the lonians should be slaves under the Persian yoke 
 is a great disgrace and sorrow, not only to us, but also to 
 you, since you are at the head of all the Greek States. I 
 therefore conjure you by the gods of Greece to rescue 
 the lonians, who are of your own blood, from this foreign 
 servitude. The task will be easy to you, for the Persians 
 are not valiant. Moreover, Avhilst the Spartans have 
 reached the utmost height of military renown, the barba- 
 rians of Asia actually fight with only bows and arrows and 
 short spears, and wear loose trousers instead of armour, 
 and turbans instead of helmets. But it should be known, 
 that these Asiatics possess more treasures than all the 
 other nations of the earth put together. Gold, silver, 
 brass, beautifully dyed cloaks and shawls, horses, camels, 
 and slaves you may have in great abundance, if you chose 
 to take them. The different nations join one another, and 
 extend towards the East in a way which I will now show 
 you on this large brazen map. First of all, as you see, are 
 the Ionian Greeks inhabiting the coast. Eastward of 
 them are the Lydians, whose country abounds in silver. 
 Next come the Phrygians, who are richer in cattle and 
 corn than any people with whom I am acquainted ; then 
 come the Syrian Cappadocians, the Cilicians, the Arme- 
 nians, the Matienians, and, last of all, the territory of 
 Cissia, where is situated the splendid city of Susa, on the 
 river Choaspes, which contains the magnificent palace of 
 the great king of Persia, and all his immense treasures.
 
 UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPTS AT MYSTIFICATIOX. 149 
 
 If YOU take Susa, you may vie with Zeus himself in 
 riches. Xow, only consider what I am saying. Here in 
 the Peloponnesus you can only carry on war with the 
 Messenians, who are your equals in valour, for a country 
 which is neither large nor fertile ; or with the Arcadians 
 and Argives, who have nothing which approaches to gold 
 or silver. Will you, therefore, prefer such unremunerat- 
 ing warfare, when you have the opportunity of conquering 
 the whole of Asia with the utmost ease ? " 
 
 Cleomenes listened to this speech with great attention, 
 and gazed at the map with enquiring curiosity; but 
 whilst he understood the wonderful rewards of Asiatic 
 conquest, his ideas concerning the map were not much 
 more scientific than those with which an Anglo-Saxon 
 kino; would have turned over the leaves of a modern 
 atlas. Turning to Aristagoras, he said, " Milesian friend, 
 I will give you an answer in three days," and would 
 neither listen to any more or make any further remark. 
 
 On the third day Cleomenes asrain received Arista- 
 goras at an appointed place, and asked him how many 
 days' journey it was from the seacoast of Ionia to the 
 city of Susa. Aristagoras in replying made a decided 
 slip. He was cunning in most things, and had already 
 deceived the king about the real power of Persia, and 
 he ought to have equally deceived him concerning the 
 distance to Susa. Instead of this, however, he told the 
 real truth — namely, that it was a three months' journey 
 from the seacoast of Ionia into the interior as far as the 
 great city of Susa. Cleomenes at once made up his mind; 
 and cutting short an elaborate description which Arista- 
 goras was proceeding to give of the delights and plea- 
 sures of such a journey, he said to him, " Milesian 
 friend, you will please to leave Sparta before sunset, for 
 your proposal to lead the Spartans a three months' 
 journey from the coast, cannot be agreeable to Spartan 
 ears." Having thus spoken Cleomenes went home, and 
 
 L 3
 
 50 HISTORY OF SPARTA, ANTE B. C. 460. 
 
 Arlstagoras saw that his mission had completely failed. 
 One last chance remained, and Aristagoras determined 
 to try it. Taking an olive branch in his hand, he went 
 to the house of Cleomenes, and prayed admittance as a 
 suppliant, and it was impossible, according to the usages 
 of Greece, to refuse his prayer. Upon entering he found 
 Cleomenes and his little daughter Gorgo, a beautiful child 
 of about eight or nine years of age ; and he besought the 
 hing to send away his daughter, and listen to what 
 he had further to say. Cleomenes desired him to say 
 Avhat he pleased, and not to mind the child. Arista- 
 goras then offered him ten talents if he would march to 
 the assistance of the lonians. Cleomenes refused, and 
 Aristagoras went on increasing his oifers until he pro- 
 mised fifty talents. At this moment the intelligent little 
 girl cried out, " Father, this stranger will corrupt you 
 unless you quickly leave him." Cleomenes, pleased with 
 tlie wise advice of his child, immediately retired to an- 
 other apartment; and Aristagoras was obliged to leave 
 Sparta without being able to furnish the Spartan king 
 with any further particulars concerning the route to 
 Susa. That the Ionian revolt was subsequently crushed 
 by Persia, we have already stated in our second chapter. 
 Cleomenes and his colleague Demaratus, like their two 
 great ancestors, the twin sons of Aristodemus, were per- 
 petually at variance, and each one sought as much as 
 possible to lower the other in the eyes of the Spartan 
 people. At last Demaratus mortally offended his colleague 
 Cleomenes ; but it will be necessary to relate the circum- 
 stances connected with this quarrel at length. The reader 
 will remember that, after the suppression of the revolt of 
 the Asiatic Greeks, Darius determined to avenge himself 
 upon the Athenians for having assisted in the insurrection, 
 and at the same time to efiPect the conquest of all the Euro- 
 pean Greeks. First of all, he sent heralds to each city to 
 demand earth and water as a token of submission, but
 
 EARTH AXD WATER DE^IAXDED BY DARIUS. lol 
 
 this of course was generally refused. Then he sent 
 two of his generals to conquer Athens, but the latter 
 were defeated on the plain of Marathon, in B. C. 490. 
 Ten years afterwards Xerxes invaded Greece, and all 
 the Greek States were formed into a confederacy against 
 him. This latter event, however, took place some time 
 after the death of Cleomenes, but we mention it for the 
 sake of clearness. 
 
 AVhen Darius sent his heralds to Sparta to demand 
 earth and water, the haughty spirit of the Spartan 
 citizens was thoroughly aroused. They had no longer 
 to decide upon whether they would assist their Asiatic 
 brethren, who were separated from them by a long sea 
 voyage : their own liberty was threatened, their ancient 
 city was insulted, and the national spirit broke out in 
 an unorovernable ras^e. Fortrettino^ that the safety of 
 heralds ought always to be preserved inviolate, whatever 
 might be their mission, the populace seized those who 
 came from Darius and threw them into a deep well, 
 telling them to get their earth and water there. The city 
 was still in commotion, when envoys arrived from Athens, 
 saying that the Athenian people had acted in the same 
 spirited manner as the Spartans had done, but that all the 
 islanders, including the inhabitants of ^'Egina, had tendered 
 earth and water. Xow it was not at all surprising that 
 the scattered and defenceless islands of the JEgean 
 should give in their submission to Darius, but ^gina lay 
 so near to Attica and the Peloponnesus, that it was gene- 
 rally supposed that her citizens would have refused to listen 
 to the Persian heralds. But a strong enmity and jealousy 
 had lonof existed between ^ijina and Athens, and the 
 latter now believed that the ^-Eginetans had acted solely 
 from ill-will towards her, and that they intended attacking 
 her in conjunction with the Persians. Partly, therefore, 
 to gratify their ancient hatred, and partly to repress any 
 desertion to Darius, the Athenian people sent the envoys 
 
 L 4
 
 152 
 
 to Sparta, as the acknowledged head of Hellas, to charge 
 the ^l^gmetans with betraying Greece. Cleomenes eagerly 
 listened to the accusation, but Demaratus declared that it 
 only arose from the jealousy of the Athenians. Cleomenes, 
 however, as being descended from the elder of the twins, 
 had rather more authority than his colleague, and he sailed 
 to ^crina to seize such of the citizens as he should dis- 
 cover to have been the most culpable. Here, as was to be 
 expected^ he had to encounter the most active opposition ; 
 and especially one citizen, who had been previously 
 instructed by Demaratus, stated in public that Cleomenes 
 was acting contrary to, and without the consent of, the 
 Spartan commonwealth, and solely in consequence of the 
 bribes he had received from Athens, for otherwise, as he 
 said, both kings would have come together to ^gina. In 
 short, Cleomenes was fairly obliged to leave the island 
 without effecting his object. But he first enquired the name 
 of this particular citizen ; and learning that it was Crius, 
 which signifies a ram, he said to him, in a sort of farewell 
 speech, " O Ram, tip your horns with brass, for you will 
 have to contend Avith great misfortunes." 
 
 When Cleomenes returned to Sparta, he formed his plan 
 for depriving Demaratus of the sovereignty, for he had 
 discovered that the parentage of his colleague was some- 
 what doubtful. It seems that Ariston, the father of 
 Demaratus, like Anaxandrides, the father of Cleomenes, 
 was for a long time unblessed with any family. He 
 married two wives, one after the other, but still he had no 
 children ; at last he married a third wife, the mother of 
 Demaratus, and her history is so very extraordinary that 
 we shall narrate it at length. 
 
 This third wife was the daughter of a wealthy citizen 
 of Sparta, but when an infant Avas very ugly and mis- 
 shapen. This utter want of personal charms is always a 
 misfortune, but in Sparta, where beauty in women and 
 strength in men were so highly esteemed, that personal
 
 DEPOSITION OF DEMAEATUS. 153 
 
 deformity was considered one of the greatest evils which 
 could possibly afflict a human being. The Spartan nurse 
 w^as almost as much grieved as the parents at the plainness 
 of the child ; and as she was in her way a very religious 
 woman, she carried her little charge every day to the 
 temple of Helen, in the town of Therapne, a short dis- 
 tance from Sparta, and there stood before the image, and 
 prayed that the child might be freed from its deformity. 
 One day as the nurse was leaving the temple, a lady ap- 
 peared to her, and asked her what she was carrying. The 
 nurse replied that she was carrying an infant. The lady 
 then begged to see it, but the nurse declined showing it, 
 as she had been forbidden by the parents to exhibit the 
 child to any one. The lady, however, so begged and 
 entreated to see it that at last the nurse showed it ; and 
 the lady then stroked its head with her hands, and declared 
 that the child would grow up to be the most beautiful 
 woman in Sparta. Strange to say, from that moment the 
 appearance of the poor little deformed girl began to im- 
 prove. She grew up to be in reality the handsomest 
 maiden in the city ; and a young citizen named Agetus 
 fell in love with her, and was betrothed to her by the 
 consent of her parents, and at last carried her off, accord- 
 ing to the peculiar marriage custom which prevailed at 
 Sparta. 
 
 Unfortunately for Agetus he was very intimate with 
 King Ariston, who had already married two wives without 
 having any children, and who now fell in love with the 
 beautiful w^ife of his friend. Ariston would have per- 
 suaded Agetus to put away his wife, in order that he 
 might marry her himself, but he knew that Agetus was too 
 fond of lier to listen to any such proposal. Accordingly 
 he had recourse to stratagem. He contrived to engage 
 with Agetus, that either one should give to the other out 
 of his own possessions whatever the other might most 
 desire, and this they bound themselves to do by mutual
 
 154 
 
 oaths. Kino; Ariston then saye to Ao^etus that thinor, 
 whatever itwas^that Agetus chose out of all his treasures; 
 and when it became his turn to choose, he demanded the 
 beautiful wife of his friend. Agetus, though appalled at 
 the request, was compelled by his oath to comply ; and 
 thus Ariston married his third wife, who became in due 
 time the mother of Demaratus. 
 
 Now it was the custom at Sparta, that when an heir was 
 born to the throne, the fact should be announced to the 
 king in the presence of the five Ephors. Accordingly, 
 when Demaratus was born, the fact was thus publicly 
 announced to Ariston ; but he, fancying that Agetus was 
 the real father of the boy, said out loud, " The child 
 cannot be mine." This saying was heard by the Ephors, 
 but they took no notice of it at the time ; and as the child 
 grew up, Ariston repented of what he had said. Having 
 had no children before, he named the boy Demaratus, 
 which signifies, " Granted to the prayers of the people ; " 
 for the Spartan people had for a long time prayed that 
 their kino^ mio-ht be blessed with a son and heir. 
 
 When Ariston died, Demaratus succeeded to the 
 throne: and the savino- of his father mi2:ht have been 
 
 ^ I/O ~ 
 
 for ever forgotten, if he had not aroused the enmity of his 
 colleague. Cleomenes, as we have seen, was determined 
 to deprive Demaratus of the sovereignty, but he wanted a 
 confederate to brino; forward the charo-e. Now it so 
 happened that Demaratus had another enemy at Sparta 
 named Leotychides. This Leotychides had been betrothed 
 to a beautiful young lady named Percalus, to whom he 
 was much attached; but Demaratus had plotted against 
 him, and carried off Percalus for himself, and made her 
 his own wife. Leotychides therefore readily agreed to 
 assist Cleomenes in deposing Demaratus, especially as by 
 so doing he himself would succeed Demaratus on the 
 throne. Accordingly, he first afiirmed upon oath that 
 Demaratus was not the son of Ariston, and therefore was
 
 CORPwUPTIOX AT DELPHI. 155 
 
 not a rightful king of Sparta ; and lie next publicly pro- 
 secuted him, recalling the saying of Ariston, and calling 
 the Ephors as witnesses. The matter was brought to 
 trial; and it was then agreed, at the instigation of Cleo- 
 menes, to refer the matter to tlie oracle at Delphi. Xow, 
 Cleomenes had previously gained over Cobon, a man of 
 great influence at Delphi, and Cobon had prevailed on 
 Perialla, the pythoness, to say exactly what Cleomenes 
 wished. When, therefore, the appointed persons arrived at 
 Delphi to enquire respecting Demaratus, the oracle re- 
 plied " that Demaratus was not the son of Ariston ; " and 
 thus Demaratus was deposed, and Leotychides obtained 
 the sovereignty. Demaratus, however, vv^as still held in 
 such general respect at Sparta, that after his deposition 
 he was elected to the office of magistrate, and might have 
 resided quietly in the city for the remainder of his life 
 but for an insult which he received from Leotychides. 
 At the Gymnopsedia, or annual festival of " naked 
 youths " at Sparta, choruses, dances, and various other 
 exercises were performed in honour of Apollo ; and on 
 one occasion, whilst Demaratus was looking on at the 
 celebration of one of these festivals, Leotychides sent a 
 servant to ask him, by way of cruel mockery, " what kind 
 of thing it was to be a magistrate after having been a 
 king." Demaratus was very much exasperated at the 
 question, and angrily replied, " that he indeed had tried 
 both, whilst Leotychides had not, but that the question 
 itself would be the commencement either of infinite cala- 
 mity or of infinite prosperity to the Spartans." He then 
 covered his face and left the theatre ; and on reaching his 
 house, he sacrificed an ox to Zeus, and sent for his mother. 
 Wlien his mother arrived, he solemnly placed a i)art of the 
 victim in her hands, and supplicated her, saying, " Mother, 
 I beseech you, calling this Hercnean Zeus and all the other 
 gods to witness, that you tell me truly who is my father I" 
 His mother in reply assured him that King Ariston was
 
 15G 
 
 really his father ; and he thereupon determined to desert 
 from the cause of Sparta and the Greeks to Darius Hys- 
 taspis, the king of Persia. Accordingly he took provisions 
 for his journey and proceeded to Elis, pretending that he 
 was going on to Delphi to consult the oracle ; but the 
 Sj)artan government suspected his intentions and quickly 
 pursued iiim. He, however, had so far got the start that 
 he was enabled to cross over from Elis to the island of 
 Zacynthus. Here he was overtaken by his Spartan pur- 
 suers, but they could only arrest his attendants, as the 
 Zacynthians refused to give him up. From Zacynthus he 
 subsequently sailed to Asia, and after many adventures 
 reached the great city of Susa, where he was honourably 
 received by Darius and intrusted with the government of 
 a considerable territory. 
 
 The after lives of Cleomenes and Leotychides exhibit 
 the workings of the ever-retributive, ever-equalising Ne- 
 mesis. After the deposition of Demaratus, the two kings 
 proceeded together to -^gina, to avenge the insult which 
 Cleomenes had received ; and there they selected ten of 
 the richest and noblest ^ginetans, including the refrac- 
 tory Crius, and placed them in the hands of the Athenians, 
 as hostages for the adherence of ^gina to the common 
 cause of Greece. Shortly after this deed the Spartan 
 people discovered the wicked artifices of which Cleo- 
 menes had been guilty. Cobon contrived to escape from 
 Delphi; Perialla, the pythoness, was deposed from her 
 office. Cleomenes himself withdrew secretly to the dis- 
 tant region of Thessaly, in Northern Greece. Subse- 
 quently, however, he returned to the Peloponnesus, and 
 passed into the central region of Arcadia, where he 
 began to arouse the Arcadians against Sparta, and 
 to enofao-e them to follow him as their general. The 
 Spartan people were now afraid lest their old enemies the 
 Arcadians, aided by the party of Cleomenes, should at- 
 tempt the invasion and conquest of Laconia; and they
 
 MADXES3 AND SUICIDE OF CLEOMEXES. 157 
 
 therefore actually agreed to permit Cleomenes to return 
 to Sparta ; and on his arrival they reinstated him in the 
 sovereignty. Ahiiost immediately after the accomplish- 
 ment of this extraordinary restoration, Cleomenes, who 
 had been generally considered as half crazed before, 
 went completely mad. Wherever he met a Spartan, he 
 would thrust his sceptre into the citizen's face. At last 
 his relations were obliged to confine him; but being 
 placed under the guard of one of his owm Helots, he one 
 day asked the Helot for a knife. The man refused ; but 
 Cleomenes threatened to punish him severely if he dis- 
 obeyed his orders. The Helot reluctantly complied, and 
 the king mutilated himself until he died. Various causes 
 were assio:ned for this madness and suicide. The Athenians 
 said it was a punishment from the gods, because, when 
 he invaded the territory of Eleusis*, he cut down the 
 grove of the holy goddesses Demeter and Persephone. 
 The Argives said that it was a judgment upon him for 
 having burnt the sacred precinct of the hero Argos, and 
 massacred the suppliants wdio had fled there for refuge, f 
 The more matter-of-fact Spartans declared that it arose 
 from no divine influence w^hatever, but from his fondness 
 for the company of some Scythian envoys who came to 
 Sparta, and taught him to drink wine unmixed with water. 
 The Greeks in general, however, considered that Cleo- 
 menes w^as punished in consequence of his wicked conduct 
 towards Demaratus. 
 
 Cleomenes was succeeded on the throne by his half 
 brother Leonidas, who fell with the glorious three hun- 
 dred at Thermopyla3. Leonidas married Gorgo, the 
 daughter of Cleomenes, and the same who, wdien a little 
 girl, warned her father against the corrupt attempts of 
 Aristaoforas. The extraordinary intelliixence of Gorixo, 
 both as a girl and as a woman, was the subject of general 
 
 * See Chapter XVIII. f See Chapter IX.
 
 158 HISTORY OF SPARTA, AXTE B. C. 460. 
 
 praise. When Demaratus was passing his latter years in 
 Persia, he wished, either from mere exultation, or from 
 a revived patriotic feeling, to inform his countrymen of 
 the intentions of Xerxes; but being desperately afraid 
 of detection, he had recourse to the following contrivance. 
 He took a writing tablet, such as we have already de- 
 scribed, and scraped off the wax, and then wrote an ac- 
 count of the threatened Persian invasion on the wood of 
 the tablet, and melted the wax again over the writing. 
 This tablet arrived safely at Sparta, but completely 
 puzzled the Spartans, who could make nothing of its 
 perfectly blank appearance. At last Gorgo, having care- 
 fully considered the subject, directed them to scrape off 
 the wax, and then the writing was found underneath, and 
 the contents were communicated to all the Greek States. 
 Leonidas Avas succeeded on the throne by his infant son 
 Plistarchus, who was reigning at the time of Herodotus's 
 visit to Sparta. 
 
 The after life of Leotychides, the successor of Dema- 
 ratus and colleague of Cleomenes, is also equally interest, 
 ino' and instructive. After the death of Cleomenes, 
 the news reached ^gina that her old enemy had made 
 away Avith himself. The ^ginetans then sent ambas- 
 sadors to Sparta, to lodge a complaint against Leoty- 
 chides concerning the hostages Avhich had been carried to 
 Athens, and were still detained there. The Spartans as- 
 sembled a court of judicature to try the question; and 
 it was decided that Leotychides had acted unjustly to- 
 Avards the ^ginetans, and that he should therefore be 
 delivered up, and carried to ^gina in the place of the 
 ten citizens Avho were detained at Athens. When, hoAV- 
 ever, the ambassadors actually prepared to carry off the 
 king, they Avere thus addressed by Theasides, one of the 
 most eminent citizens in Sparta, " Men of ^gina," he 
 said, " are you such madmen as to carry off a king of 
 Sparta merely because the citizens haA^e delivered him
 
 STORY OF THE UNJUST SPARTAX. 159 
 
 into your hands ? The Spartans, it is true, have yielded 
 to their present exasperation against Leotychides ; but 
 if you persist in carrying him away, take care lest they 
 relent and then utterly destroy you." The ambassadors 
 at once saw the danger of the proceeding, and agreed 
 not to carry off the king, if he on his part would accom- 
 pany them to Athens, and obtain the restoration of the 
 ten hostage citizens to the ^ginetans. Leotychides 
 agreed, and proceeded to Athens ; but the Athenians were 
 very much disinclined to deliver up the hostages, and 
 artfully said that, as two kings had brought them to 
 Athens, both kings ought to fetch them back. Leoty- 
 chides, in order to bring them to a sense of their injustice, 
 and to induce them to restore the men, told them the 
 following story. 
 
 " O Athenians," he said, " you may please yourselves 
 in this matter, but if you do not deliver up the hostages 
 you will be acting unjustly. I will just tell you what 
 once happened at Sparta in respect to a deposit. About 
 three generations before my time, there lived at Sparta 
 a citizen named Glaucus, who was famous for his justice ; 
 and once upon a time a certain man came from the city 
 of Miletus, in Ionia, and spoke to him as follows : * I am 
 a Milesian, and I am come, O Glaucus, because I have 
 everywhere heard of your justice ; and as I consider that 
 Ionia is continually exposed to great danger from the 
 other nations of Asia, w^hilst the Peloponnesus is securely 
 situated, I have changed half my property into silver 
 money, and have determined upon depositing it with you, 
 being well assured that it will then be safe. Do you, 
 therefore, take the money and preserve these tokens, that 
 you may be able to return the silver to whoever shall 
 bring similar tokens, and claim the sum.' Glaucus acceded 
 to the stranger's Avish, and the man returned to Miletus, 
 and many years passed away without any one claiming the 
 money. At last the sons of the Milesian came to Sparta,
 
 160 HISTORY or SPARTA, AXTE B.C. 460. 
 
 and calling upon Glaucus, showed him the tokens and 
 asked for the silver. Glaucus, however, replied that he 
 could neither remember the matter nor any of the cir- 
 cumstances which they mentioned as connected with it ; 
 and he added, that if he had received the money he would 
 of course wish to restore it, but if he had not received it 
 he should have recourse to that Greek law which would 
 protect him against a false claim ; and that, therefore, he 
 should defer settling the matter for four months. The 
 Milesians now gave up the money as lost, and returned 
 to their city very much distressed. Meantime Glaucus 
 proceeded to Delphi, to ask the oracle whether he might 
 not make oath that he had never received the silver, but 
 the pythoness replied in the following verses ; — 
 
 *' Glaucus, thus to triumph by an oath — 
 To make a booty of the stranger's money, 
 May be a present gain. Then quickly swear ! 
 Death even takes the man who keeps his oath ; 
 But lo ! the nameless son of Perjury, 
 With neither hands nor feet, swiftly pursues, 
 And seizes and destroys the perjured race: 
 But he who keeps his oath is doubly bless'd." 
 
 " Glaucus then entreated the god to pardon the words 
 he had spoken, but the oracle replied that to tempt the 
 o'od and to commit the crime were one and the same 
 thing. Glaucus, however, sent for the Milesian strangers 
 and restored them the money. 
 
 '^ Now then, O Athenians, listen to the lesson to be 
 learned from this story. At present there is not existing 
 a single descendant of Glaucus, nor any house which is 
 supposed to have belonged to him. He is utterly ex- 
 tirpated from Sparta. Thus it is a crime in the eyes of 
 the gods to entertain any other thought respecting a 
 deposit, excepting that of restoring it to its rightful 
 claimant." 
 
 The story of Leoty chides had no effect upon the
 
 MISERABLE DEATH OF LEOTYCHIDES. 161 
 
 Athenian people, for they decidedly refused to give up 
 the hostages, and Leotychides returned to Sparta. The 
 quarrel between Athens and 2Egina was, however, 
 hushed up just before the Persian war, and Leotychides 
 for a time recovered his popularity. After the battle of 
 Salamis, he became admiral of the united Greek fleet, and 
 it was he who gained the decisive victory over the Per- 
 sians at Mycale. But his old crime against Demaratus 
 did not go unpunished. The avenging Xemesis at last 
 exacted retribution. He was sent with a Spartan army 
 to effect the conquest of Thessaly, and punish the Thes- 
 salians for having joined the Persians ; but when he 
 might have reduced the whole country to subjection he 
 accepted a large sum of money as a bribe, and was caught 
 sitting in the camp on a sleeve full of silver. For this 
 gross act of corruption he was brought to trial. His 
 house was rased to the ground, and he himself was 
 banished from Sparta ; and he died in exile in the Arca- 
 dian town of Tegea, utterly degraded in the eyes of the 
 people whom he had once ruled. Archidamus, his grand- 
 son, succeeded to the throne, and it was this king and 
 Plistarchus, the son of Leonidas, who were the two sove- 
 reigns of Sparta when Herodotus visited the city. And 
 now, after this gossipplng, but authentic, account of the 
 royal families of Sparta, we must accompany our traveller 
 into the town itself. 
 
 VOL. I. M
 
 162 
 
 CHAP. XIL 
 
 SPARTA, B. c. 460. 
 
 HERODOTUS'S FIRST ISIPRESSIONS OF SPARTA. — RUDENESS OF THE SPARTANS. 
 
 ATTENDS THE STSSITIA OR PUBLIC DINNER. SPARTAN APPETITES. 
 
 MYRON THE PROXENUS. EARTHQUAKE AND HELOT REBELLION. MUL- 
 TIPLICITY OF LOVE AFFAIRS AND iL^RRIAGES AT SPARTA. HERODOTUS's 
 
 ADMIRATION FOR CHRYSIS. A PUGILISTIC ENCOUNTER WITH HER LOVER 
 
 IN THE PALESTRA. SPARTAN SOCIETY IMPROVES ON ACQUAINTANCE. 
 
 LEGEND OF THE HERO ASTRABACUS. ATONEMENT FOR THE MURDER 
 
 OF THE PERSIAN HERAI.DS. HEROIC CONDUCT OF SPERTHIAS AND BULIS. 
 
 SPARTAN FESTIVALS. THE HYACINTHIA. THE GYMNOP^DIA. THE 
 
 CARNEIA. 
 
 It was late in the afternoon when Herodotus and his 
 slave reached that point in the valley of the Eurotas, 
 where the rocky hills receded from each bank of the 
 river, and enclosed the five straggling villages which 
 formed the city of Sparta. All these villages Avere, how- 
 ever, situated on the right or western bank of the Eurotas, 
 and about twenty miles from the sea-coast. A thousand 
 emotions filled the breast of our traveller as he approached 
 the city of soldiers, the birthplace of Lycurgus and Leo- 
 nidas ; but when he had passed the outskirts, and began 
 to enter the broken and irregular streets, he gazed around 
 him with a feeling of disappointment. He had indeed been 
 told that Sparta possessed no walls and that her palaces 
 were mere loghouses ; but he could not have believed that 
 the ugly and rough buildings around him had been the 
 dwellino-s of the heroes of Thermopylae who faced the 
 glittering myriads of Persia, and of the haughty com- 
 manders who claimed the headship of Hellas. But yet 
 such was the fact, and he began to regard with more
 
 RUDENESS OF THE SPARTAXs. 163 
 
 attention the proud and silent citizens who hurried past 
 him. 
 
 It was the hour of the Sjssitia, or public dinner. The 
 appetite of every citizen had been sharpened by the mili- 
 tary exercises of the day, which indeed were so fatiguing 
 that a Sybarite who once beheld them, exclaimed, " The 
 Spartans are no heroes after all ; for the veriest cowards 
 in the world would prefer glorious deaths to such miser- 
 able and laborious lives." Men of all ao-es were hastenino- 
 along, terribly afraid lest the black broth should have 
 disappeared, or the hot roast pork have become tej)id and 
 tasteless. Herodotus asked of one or two the way to 
 the house of Myron, the joroxenus of Halicarnassus ; 
 but he received such surly and fierce replies, coupled with 
 curt observations upon foreigners generally, and himself 
 and horse in particular, that he began to be alarmed for 
 his personal safety, and even to wish that he had entered 
 the town with an olive branch in his hand in the sacred 
 character of a suppliant. To gain the information he 
 desired seemed totally impossible ; and as he was himself 
 both hungry and nervous, he called to mind all the stories 
 he had ever heard of the inhospitality and rudeness of 
 the Spartans to foreign visitors. Suddenly, however, an 
 aged man, with a benevolent expression of countenance, 
 came towards him, and mildly asked his name and mission; 
 and when Herodotus had briefly exjolained who he was, 
 and the object of his visit to Sparta, the old man invited 
 him to dismount and accompany him to the Syssitia, and 
 ordered a Helot who followed to take charge of the horse 
 and slave. 
 
 Herodotus thankfully accepted the kind invitation, and 
 in a few moments found himself sitting at a table which 
 seemed especially set apart for the use of strangers, whilst 
 his entertainer sat at another table at a considerable dis- 
 tance off. The hall was of an immense size, and the 
 number of tables was very great ; but the confusion was 
 
 M 2
 
 164 SPARTA, B. C. 460. 
 
 less than might have been expected, as the Helots per- 
 formed their duties in admirable order and perfect silence. 
 Herodotus made a capital dinner ; and though he was not 
 so fortunate as to get a basin of the black broth, yet he 
 found the roast pork excellent; and the voluntary con- 
 tributions of game, poultry, fruit, and other delicacies, 
 which were served afterwards, were quite equal to the 
 best-cooked dishes which he had tasted at Corinth. As 
 for the diners themselves, Herodotus never saw such 
 gastronomers in all the days of his life. He had been 
 amused at seeing how the salt-water guests at the Golden 
 Fleece had outstripped the fast-living and luxurious 
 feasters at the symposium of Nicias ; but the Spartans far 
 surpassed even the nautical revellers at Corinth. During 
 the whole of the meal, however, and until the assembly 
 dispersed, the conversation was very general, but prin- 
 cipally consisted of short remarks, rough witticisms, and 
 sharp personalities, of which Herodotus could not un- 
 derstand the purport. 
 
 After the conclusion of the Syssitia, the same kind old 
 gentleman who had taken Herodotus under his protection, 
 returned and introduced him to the proxenus Myron. 
 Our traveller soon found all his difficulties vanish. Myron 
 accommodated him in his own house, and obtained from 
 the magistrates permission for him to reside at Sparta 
 until the Olympic festival. 
 
 The year b. c. 460, when Herodotus thus visited Sparta, 
 belonged to a period of great political excitement and 
 social disorder. The very existence of Sparta as the 
 ruling city in the Lacedosmonian territory was seriously 
 threatened by an insurrection of the Helots, supported by 
 a few of the Perioeci ; and thus the proud city, which was 
 aspiring to the supremacy of Hellas, had begun to totter 
 before a rebellion of her own slaves. The Periccci were, 
 as we have seen, the citizens of all the Laconian towns 
 exclusive of Sparta, and were supposed to be descendants 
 of those Achaeans who had possessed the country before
 
 THE HELOTS OR SLAVES. 165 
 
 the Dorian conquest. The Helots were descendants of 
 the serfs of these Achteans, and were, therefore, serfs 
 themselves ; and then' numbers had been greatly increased 
 after the Spartan conquest of Messenia, in consequence of 
 the Dorian Messenians having been at that time reduced 
 to the same Helot condition. Besides, however, acting 
 as serfs or cultivators of the farms belonging to the 
 Perioeci and Spartans, the Helots performed all the 
 offices of domestic slaves in the several cities. They 
 were, in short, a slave race, occupying a similar posi- 
 tion to the swarthy children who labour in the plan- 
 tations, or act as servants in the crowded cities of the 
 Slave States of America. Their condition was like- 
 wise equally degrading to themselves and disgraceful to 
 their masters. The proud Spartans, like the conceited 
 Southerners, treated the slave with every mark of indignity 
 and scorn ; though it is due to the Spartans to say that 
 their Helots were preserved from some of the more fearful 
 horrors which attend the life of many an unhappy African. 
 The slave had been more than once protected from his 
 Spartan oppressor by the terrors of the Spartan religion, 
 in the same way that the villein of the Middle Ages was 
 often protected from his feudal lord by the terrors of the 
 Roman superstition ; but now, even now, there are Chris- 
 tian ministers in America who can defend the atrocities of 
 American slavery. Still, Sparta exhibited a similar ano- 
 maly to the Slave States of America; she whose military 
 renown had gained for her the admiration of the ancient 
 world, trembled like a coward at the bare thought of a 
 Helot rebellion ; just as in the present day we see a 
 mighty nation which has fought gloriously and successfully 
 in the sacred cause of freedom, still persist, amidst the 
 hisses of every civilised people, in practising the most 
 abominable tyranny under the sun. 
 
 In the year b. c. 464, four years before Herodotus's 
 visit, a violent earthquake took place at Sparta, and 
 
 M 3
 
 166 SPARTA, B. C. 460, 
 
 destroyed a large portion of the town and a vast number 
 of people. This terrible infliction was supposed to be a 
 judgment of the earth-shaking god Poseidon upon the 
 Spartan race. It seems that a partial rising of the Helots 
 had taken place, some time previously, but had been 
 crushed before it had made any head. A remnant of the 
 insurgent Helots had then fled as suppliants to the temple 
 of Poseidon at Taenarum, near the extremity of the cen- 
 tral promontory of southern Peloponnesus ; but the 
 Spartans had impiously dragged away the suppliants from 
 the sanctuary, and put them to the sword. The idea that 
 Poseidon was avenging himself on Sj)arta for this bloody 
 violation of his temple, seems to have exercised a powerful 
 effect upon the whole Helot population. The Helots in 
 the rural districts flew to arms, and being joined by several 
 of the Perioeci, they openly declared war against their 
 prostrate and terror-stricken masters. Rapidly concentra- 
 ting their forces, they marched directly upon Sparta, and 
 would actually have taken the city, had not the young 
 king Archidamus, with admirable bravery and presence 
 of mind, reanimated the surviving citizens and repelled 
 the attack. The Spartans then took the field ; but the war 
 lasted for several months with varying success, to the 
 serious detriment of the country. At last, victory declared 
 itself in favour of Sparta. But the Helot army, though 
 defeated, was by no means subdued. The famous hill of 
 Ithome, in the very centre of the old Messenian territory, 
 had been the ancient citadel of the old Messenian Dorians, 
 in their memorable contests with the Dorians of Sparta. 
 This hill was occupied and fortified by the retreating 
 Helots, and here they made a long and obstinate defence, 
 apparently supporting themselves by incursions into the 
 surrounding country. For two or three years the Spartans 
 endeavoured to carry this position, but without success; 
 and at last they were compelled to invoke the aid of their 
 several allies, and of the Athenians amongst the niun- 
 ber. Athens sent 4000 troops under the command of
 
 HELOT EEBELLIOX. 167 
 
 Cimon, the son of the celebrated Miltlades ; but at that 
 day, so imperfect were the means of attacking walls, that 
 even with this increased force, the Spartans made no 
 speedy impression on the fortified hill of Ithome. When 
 the Spartans saw that even their Athenian allies were 
 as unsuccessful as themselves, they began to give way 
 to jealous apprehensions. They feared that the Athe- 
 nians, having reached the interior of Laconia, would 
 espouse the cause of the besieged. They therefore dis- 
 missed them at once, under the pretence of having no 
 further occasion for their services ; but at the same time 
 they retained the contingents from their other allies, and 
 the siege went on as before. This dismissal took place 
 just before Herodotus arrived at Sparta, It exasperated 
 the Athenians to the last degree, and served to excite still 
 further that growing animosity between Athens and 
 Sparta, which at last, many years afterwards, broke out 
 into the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 It may be readily supposed that this siege or blockade 
 of the Helots at Ithome, was the all engrossing subject of 
 Spartan conversation. Ithome was only a long day's 
 journey from Sparta, and communications were perpetually 
 carried on between the besiegers and the home govern- 
 ment ; and we may here mention that the place was not 
 taken for six years afterwards, thus making a ten years' 
 siege in all. 
 
 Herodotus's residence at Sparta was at first anything 
 but pleasant, notwithstanding the hospitality which he 
 received from Myron the proxenus. The Spartans were 
 a rude unlettered race, whilst Herodotus was decidedly 
 of a literary turn of mind. They were also rough and 
 plain-spoken, and anything but partial to foreigners ; and 
 Herodotus found it impossible to attend any of the fes- 
 tivals or public exercises, unless he was accompanied by 
 a responsible citizen whose presence could protect him 
 from insult. 
 
 ai 4
 
 168 SPAKTAj B. C. 460. 
 
 Sparta, however, was a great place for courtship and 
 matrimon}^ Herodotus heard countless love stories, and 
 every young man seemed to have a virtuous attachment. 
 The young men were formed, as we have seen, into military 
 schools, and the young ladies into training academies of a 
 similar masculine character. The choral singing and danc- 
 ing *, which were publicly performed on stated occasions 
 in the Spartan agora, frequently brought the young people 
 of both sexes together ; and many love engagements were 
 the natural result. The general equality amongst the 
 citizens made the path of true love run unusually smooth. 
 The ladies were most decidedly the powers that be. Old 
 maids were an impossibility, whilst the young men were 
 so terribly afraid of becoming old bachelors, that a gallant 
 would sooner have married the feeblest damsel in Sparta 
 than have belonged to that despised portion of the Spar- 
 tan community. But at the same time there was none of 
 that elaborate and public payment of addresses, which 
 appears to be carried on in modern England. Love- 
 making was considered to be beneath the dignity of the 
 Spartan citizen, and a young man could only see his 
 betrothed, or even his bride, in stolen interviews. 
 
 Herodotus, though a stranger, saw a great many Spartan 
 maidens, and being as great an admirer of beauty as most 
 young men at four-and-twenty, he gradually formed the 
 opinion that Chrysis, the daughter of Myron, was the 
 handsomest girl he had ever seen in his life. Grace and 
 loveliness were combined with a fine commanding figure 
 befitting, as Herodotus thought, an independent queen of 
 a mighty empire. Now, as our young traveller knew full 
 well that no Spartan might intermarry Avith a foreigner, 
 he considered it perfectly right and justifiable to admire 
 Chrysis ; but once, after admiring her as usual, he chanced 
 
 * For a descriiDtion of the singing and dancing choruses, see a little 
 further on, in the account of the gymnopEedian festival.
 
 PUGILISTIC ENCOUNTER IN THE PALiESTRA. 169 
 
 to look behind him, and there encountered the angry 
 scowl of a young Spartan, apparently a year or two older 
 than himself. 
 
 " Young Ionian," said the Spartan slowly, looking at 
 him full in the face. 
 
 " I am not an Ionian, but a Dorian like yourself," re- 
 plied Herodotus. 
 
 " Dorian of Persia," sneered the Spartan, " did you 
 ever go inside a gymnasium ? " 
 
 " I will engage with you, Spartan, w^henever you 
 please," replied our traveller, very much irritated. 
 
 " If thou art as good as thy word, young warrior, come 
 with me to the palaestra," said the Spartan. 
 
 Herodotus at once acquiesced, and though he looked 
 with some concern at the extraordinary muscular develop- 
 ment of his antagonist, and was himself a little out of 
 practice, yet he remembered his former skill in the 
 palcBstra, and did not for a moment shrink from the 
 combat. 
 
 The gymnasium was exactly like the one at Hali- 
 carnassus, only on a much larger scale. A crowd of 
 young men were practising there ; but the Spartan merely 
 said, " A Dorian stranger wishes to have a trial w^ith me 
 in the palajstra," and every one immediately proceeded 
 to the spot, and in a few minutes Herodotus and his 
 antagonist were stripped and ready for the pugilistic en- 
 counter. 
 
 " Shall we fight with the cestus or not?" cried the 
 Spartan. 
 
 " As you please," said Herodotus. 
 
 Now the cestus consisted of thongs of leather covered 
 with knobs of metal, which the regular athletaj were ac- 
 customed to draw over their fists and wrists, for the pur- 
 pose of making their blows heavier and more deadly. 
 The spectators, who saw almost by instinct that the box- 
 ing match was merely got up to settle a private quarrel,
 
 170 SPARTA, B. C. 460. 
 
 interfered to prevent the use of these murderous gloves, 
 and the Spartan reluctantly threw them on one side. 
 
 In the first round Herodotus saw that he was no match 
 for his more muscular and equally experienced antagonist. 
 He could get no opportunity of planting a single hit 
 upon the Spartan, and indeed it was as much as he could 
 do to ward off the blows ; whilst the superior powers of 
 endurance which his adversary evidently possessed would 
 gain the day to a certainty. He now resolved to die like 
 a Spartan. AYith one word to Zeus and one thought of 
 his mother, he awaited the fury of his antagonist. The 
 Spartan's fists broke through his' guard like sledge- 
 hammers, but though aimed at his face they only fell at 
 first upon his chest and shoulders. At length Herodotus 
 grew bewildered and dizzy ; his legs tottered beneath 
 him, but he determined to stand firm to the last moment. 
 A left-handed blow from the back of the Spartan's fist 
 just between the eyes of Herodotus, at last brought our 
 traveller senseless to the ground, and he saw no more : 
 Spartan pugilism had been too much for him. 
 
 Next morning he found himself lying in a strange 
 chamber ; and the same old gentleman who had first 
 welcomed him to Sparta, was sitting by the side of his 
 couch. 
 
 " Well, my young hero," said the old man, you fought 
 nobly, but it was madness for you to combat with a young 
 athlete like Astydamas. Fortunately, you are not much 
 hurt ; I was present in the palaestra and brought you 
 here, and this morning I have sent to Myron for your 
 slave. You had better lie where you are for to-day." 
 
 Herodotus was glad to think that he had been thrashed 
 by so distinguished an athlete, and not by a mere ordinary 
 individual. He was also exceedingly pleased with the 
 hospitality of his new host, who was a citizen of great 
 weight in Sparta, and whose protection would probably 
 insure him greater immunity from the insults of the
 
 LEGEND OF THE HERO ASTRABACUS. 171 
 
 younger Spartans. In a few days he had quite recovered 
 from the effects of the contest, and he therefore once 
 more went abroad ; and, strange to say, the very first 
 person he met was Astydamas, who approached him with 
 a smiling countenance as though they had been the best of 
 friends. 
 
 Henceforth Herodotus found himself very happy at 
 Sparta. Reports of his bravery in the paliestra against so 
 noted an athlete as Astydamas gained him friends amongst 
 those who generally considered all foreign visitors as 
 natural enemies. Astydamas himself treated him in every 
 respect as a friend, and took him daily to the gymnasium 
 and paltestra, where he soon picked up a number of ac- 
 quaintances amongst the Spartan citizens. He visited the 
 temples and principal buildings in Sparta, and heard a 
 variety of stories from priests and exegeta3. He entered 
 the temples of Apollo and Zeus, the sanctuary of Talthy- 
 bius, the shrine of Astrabacus, and the temple of Helen 
 at Therapne ; and he also saw the great golden statue of 
 Apollo on Mount Thornax, a mountain which stood at a 
 little distance to the north-east of Sparta, from which 
 indeed it was only separated by the river Eurotas. In 
 viewing the temples he carefully collected the several 
 legends pertaining to each, though some of them were 
 scarcely worth the preservation. One of these, connected 
 with the shrine of Astrabacus, we shall relate as a 
 specimen. 
 
 Once upon a time there lived at Sparta one of the most 
 beautiful women in all Greece, and she was married to a 
 citizen who was rich and noble, and much respected by all 
 men. Now it so happened that one of the two reigning 
 kings of Sparta fell in love with this lady, and induced 
 her husband to divorce her according to law, in order that 
 he might marry her himself. The citizen, though very 
 fond of his wife, yet acceded to the king's request, because 
 the latter promised him a host of favours ; and the wife,
 
 172 
 
 though equally attached to her husband, yet thought it so 
 grand a thing to be a queen, that she did not hesitate to 
 marry the sovereign directly her citizen husband had 
 divorced her. This circumstance, however, instead of 
 bringing all the happiness expected to the parties con- 
 cerned, only made them all exceedingly miserable. The 
 citizen found that the additional wealth and honours 
 which he received from the king were of no value, now 
 that his wife could not enjoy them with him. The wife, 
 on her part, was equally unhappy, for she was living with 
 a husband she hated, without ever seeing the husband 
 whom she had loved. The king likewise grew jealous and 
 melancholy, and was always fancying that his wife wanted 
 to return to her former husband. 
 
 One morning there was a terrible uproar in the palace. 
 The nio;ht before, the kino; had been found in the court of 
 the gynaiconitis, lying on his back perfectly insensible, and 
 with a terrible bruise on each eye ; the queen had also 
 been taken suddenly ill and was speechless ; whilst not 
 a soul in tlie palace had seen anything or anybody, 
 and nothing had been heard but a scuffle and a tramp. 
 The five Ephors immediately commenced an inquiry. 
 The king said that, on entering the palace after his return 
 from the Syssitia, a gigantic apparition, in the shape of an 
 armed warrior, had given him a heavy blow on each eye, 
 and then vanished away. The queen next acknowdedged 
 that, a little before the hour of the king's return, a similar 
 apparition had entered the room where she was spinning 
 alone, and announcing himself as the hero Astrabacus, had 
 made violent love to her ; but that soon afterwards, 
 hearing a noise, he had suddenly vanished and left a gar- 
 land, which garland she was ready to exhibit. The 
 Ephors, upon hearing this testimony, immediately sent for 
 the Seers. Several secret councils were held, and the 
 garland was examined and found to have been taken from 
 the neio-hbourino; shrine of Astrabacus. At leno-th the
 
 ATONEMENT FOR THE MURDER OF THE HERALDS. 173 
 
 Seers and Ephors arrived at tlie following decision — that 
 the wife of the king had been really visited by the hero 
 Astrabacus, and that it was therefore advisable that the 
 king should divorce her ; but that she might then, if she 
 pleased, return to her former husband. As, however, it had 
 been noticed that the king, for some time past, had drunk up 
 the whole of the double allowance of wine, which was given 
 him at the Syssitia in virtue of his dignity, he was advised 
 to be more moderate in those potations for the future, and 
 to regard the double allowance as a matter of form, and not 
 to excite the anger of gods and heroes, and perhaps get 
 something worse than even two black eyes as a punish- 
 ment for his drunkenness. Thus matters were settled. 
 Every body was satisfied ; and as a proof that the legend 
 was perfectly true, Herodotus was shown the garland 
 which occupied the place of the very garland which Astra- 
 bacus had left with the queen. 
 
 At the temple of Talthybius, Herodotus heard another 
 tradition, which referred to an event which had occurred 
 in the previous generation. It ran as follows : — 
 
 Talthybius was the herald of Agamemnon during the 
 siege of Troy, and not only had he a temple at Sparta, 
 but his descendants, called Talthybiads, w^ere invariably 
 selected by the Spartans to undertake all foreign mis- 
 sions. When Darius sent heralds to Sparta to demand 
 earth and water in token of submission, the Spartans, as 
 we have related, threw them into a well, and told them 
 to cret their earth and water there. This act excited the 
 divine anger of the hero Talthybius. The Spartans had 
 unfavourable omens Avhenever they sacrificed. This 
 calamity was considered to be most grievous and deplor- 
 able, and continued for a very long time. At last it was 
 evident that an atonement must be made, before Sparta 
 could be purified from the blood of the Persian heralds 
 and obtain expiation of her crime. Inquiry was made 
 by public proclamation if any citizen were willing to
 
 174 
 
 die for Sparta; and two men came forward, named 
 Sperthias and Bulls. These brave and noble Spartans 
 were both distinguished for their birth and riches; and 
 they were accordingly sent to the Persian capital in order 
 to deliver themselves up to death, and thus give satis- 
 faction to Xerxes for the murder of the heralds of his 
 father Darius. When Sperthias and Bulls reached the 
 coast of Asia Minor, they were hospitably entertained 
 by Hydarnes, the Persian satrap of that province, and 
 proved themselves to be brave men and worthy repre- 
 sentatives of Sparta. Hydarnes attempted to seduce 
 them over to the interests of Persia. " Men of Lace- 
 dasmon," he said, " why do you refuse to be friendly 
 with the Great King of Persia? You can see that he 
 knows how to honour brave men, by looking at me and 
 at my present exalted position. So likewise, if your 
 city would surrender to him, every Spartan citizen would 
 obtain a government in some part of Greece ; for he 
 deems the Spartans to be especially brave and fitted for 
 command." Sperthias and Bulls, however, replied as 
 follows : " Hydarnes, your experience is too imperfect for 
 you to give us good advice. You have only tried one 
 state, and know nothing whatever of the other. You 
 know perfectly well what it is to be a slave, but you 
 cannot know what it is to be a freeman. If, indeed, you 
 had known the happiness of freedom, you would have 
 advised us to fight for it, not only with spears, but even 
 with hatchets." 
 
 When at length the two devoted Spartans reached 
 Susa, and were ushered into the royal presence, they 
 were commanded by the guards to prostrate themselves, 
 and worship the Great King. This they refused to do, 
 declaring that it was not their custom to worship a man, 
 nor had they come for that purpose. The guards then 
 thrust down their heads by force, and thus obliged them 
 to prostrate themselves. At last they escaped from this
 
 SPARTAN FESTIVALS. 175 
 
 persecution, and addressed Xerxes as follows, " King of 
 the Medes, the Spartans have sent us in return for the 
 heralds who were killed at Sparta, in order that our 
 deaths may be a satisfaction for theirs." Xerxes replied 
 that he would not follow the example set by the Spar- 
 tans. " They," he said, " have violated the law of all 
 nations by murdering the Persian heralds ; and I will 
 not do the very thing for which I blame them, nor will I, 
 by killing you, relieve the Spartans from the conse- 
 quences of their impious crime." Thus Sperthias and 
 Bulls returned unhurt to Sparta, whilst the wrath of 
 Talthybius passed away. 
 
 The three great annual festivals of Sparta — namely, 
 the Hyacinthia, the Gymnopa^dia, and the Carneia, un- 
 fortunately all fell in the months of July and August, 
 and, consequently, were none of them celebrated whilst 
 Herodotus stayed in the city. He, however, gained as 
 much information concerning them as he possibly could ; 
 and as probal)ly our readers may likewise feel some little 
 interest respecting them, we will endeavour to describe 
 them as far as our means of knowledge will enable us. 
 
 The Hyacixthia was celebrated at Amycla?, a very 
 ancient Laconian town, situated in a beautifid country on 
 the banks of the river Eurotas, and about two miles 
 and a half south-east of Sparta. Hyacinthus had been 
 a beautiful Spartan prince, Avho was a great favourite 
 of Apollo; but having died at an early age, from a 
 wound received during a game at quoits, a festival was 
 held every year at Amyclae in honour of his memory. 
 This Hyacinthian festival began on the longest day of 
 the Spartan month corresponding to our July, and 
 lasted for three days. On the first and third day sa- 
 crifices were offered to the dead, and the death of 
 Hyacinthus was lamented. The repasts on these two 
 days were solemn and melancholy. Nobody wore any 
 garlands ; no bread was eaten, but only cheese cakes and
 
 176 SPARTA, B. C. 460. 
 
 otKer tilings of a similar kind, and no paeans were sung in 
 praise of Apollo ; and when the repasts were over, every 
 body went home in the greatest quiet and order. The 
 second day, however, was wholly spent in public amuse- 
 ments and rejoicings. Strangers visited Amyclas in 
 great numbers. Boys played the cithara, or sung a 
 hymn in honour of Apollo, to the accompaniment of the 
 flute. Others, dressed in splendid attire, performed a 
 horse race in the theatre. After the horse race, were 
 choruses of singers and dancers. Numerous choruses of 
 young men, each under the guidance of a leader, or 
 choropoeis, sang the national songs of Sparta ; whilst other 
 choruses performed an ancient dance, in which they 
 accompanied the flute and the song Avith simple and 
 appropriate movements and gestures. The great event 
 of the day, however, and one which cost many a Spartan 
 youth his heart, was the grand procession of maidens. 
 All the maidens of Sparta and Amyclge were arrayed 
 in the most splendid costumes, and rode in chariots made 
 of wicker work, and magnificently adorned ; thus per- 
 forming a most beautiful procession through the city of 
 Sparta, and along the road to Amyclas. Numerous sacri- 
 fices were also offered on this day, and the citizens kept 
 open house for their friends and relations, whilst even 
 the Helots were permitted to enjoy themselves. The 
 favourite meal on this day was called the Copis, and con- 
 sisted of a supper of barley cakes, loaves, meat, rare 
 herbs or vegetables, broth, figs, sweetmeats, and mulled 
 wine. This Hyacinthian festival was considered of so 
 much importance that both the Spartans and Amy- 
 claeans, on more than one occasion, broke up a campaign 
 and returned home in order to be present at its ce- 
 lebration. 
 
 The Gymnop^dia, or festival of " naked youths," was 
 also celebrated in July, and by somewhat similar choruses 
 of dancers and singers. The Spartans were, indeed.
 
 THE GYMXOP^DIA. 177 
 
 more partial to music and dancing than any other Greek 
 nation; and all the sons and daughters of the citizens 
 were trained in both accomplishments, which enabled the 
 youth to perform every military movement with the ut- 
 most order and regularity, and gave to the Spartan 
 maiden a physical grace and energy which the females of 
 no other city could exhibit. In Sparta, a part of the 
 Agora, or market-place, was especially set apart for these 
 purposes, under the name of " The Chorus ; " and in 
 this city alone were those ancient dances executed in 
 which the young men and women danced together in 
 rows, holding one another by the hand, like the Cre- 
 tans. But to return to the Gymnopaedia. In " The 
 Chorus" stood the statues of Apollo, Artemis, and Leto ; 
 and during the festival, which lasted several days, the 
 youths performed their choral dances round these statues, 
 and sang songs and pteans. Some of the dances consisted 
 of imitations of gymnastic exercises, and indeed might be 
 called gymnastic exercises, led off and accompanied by 
 music, and with which the wild o-estures belono'ino; to the 
 worship of the vine-loving Dionysus were frequently 
 intermingled. Other dances seem to have been mimic re- 
 presentations analogous to our ballet ; whilst others in- 
 cluded singing, and were performed by youths and 
 maidens dancing together. The actors in these graceful 
 performances were very lightly clad, on account of the 
 exercise and the heat of the summer season : hence arose 
 the name of Gymnopaedia. The festival is described as 
 always filling the city with merriment and rejoicings. 
 Old bachelors were rigidly excluded from the festi- 
 vities, as it was considered to be only equitable, that 
 those who selfishly refused to take upon themselves the 
 cares and responsibilities of marriage should not be jier- 
 mitted to take any delight in the families of others. The 
 Gymnopaedia is generally supposed to have been first 
 established in the year B. c. 665, or about two centuries 
 
 VOL. I. N
 
 178 SPARTA, B.C. 460. 
 
 before Herodotus's visit ; and it especially became of the 
 utmost importance as an institution for gymnastic and 
 orchestral performances, and for the cultivation of the 
 poetic and musical arts at Sparta. 
 
 The Carneia was a great national warlike festival, 
 celebrated during nine days in the month corresponding to 
 our August, in honour of the mighty far-shooting Apollo, 
 the especial deity of the Dorian race. It is impossible 
 to describe all the characteristics of the festival. Sacri- 
 fices were offered and musical contests were held ; and 
 during the nine days of its celebration, nine tents were 
 pitched near the city of Sparta, in which nine men lived, 
 in the manner of a military camp, obeying in every 
 thing the commands of a herald. During its celebra- 
 tion the Spartans were never allowed to take the field, 
 though indeed this restriction seems to have been common 
 to all the great Hellenic festivals. 
 
 Such then was Sparta, her city, her people, and her 
 institutions. Here Ave have probably lingered too long ; 
 and our readers are perhaps as weary as was Herodotus of 
 this great city of intrepid warriors, handsome maidens, 
 and desiraded homebred slaves. We would also that we 
 could hope that their hearts were panting with the same 
 interest and excitement for the opening of the next chapter, 
 as did that of Herodotus when the day arrived for his 
 taking farewell of Myron, and the old gentleman who had 
 so kindly befriended him, and he fairly set out for beautiful 
 Olympia, there to celebrate the mighty festival which 
 may be almost said to have alone united the whole Greek 
 world.
 
 179 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 OLYMPIA, B.C. 460. 
 
 GRANT) FESTIVAL OF THE EIGHTIETH OLYMPIAD. — APPEARANCE OF THE 
 VALLEY OF 0LY:VIPIA. CHARACTER OF GREEK GYMNASTICS. — ART WOR- 
 SHIP. — RACES OF HELLAS AND THEIR TIES OF L'NION. — HISTORY OF 
 
 THE OLYMPIC GAilES. THEIR PEACEFUL AND JOYOUS CHARACTER. 
 
 WITTICISMS ON THE ROAD. HERODOTUS's FIRST EVENING AT OLY3IPIA. 
 
 MOONLIGHT VIEW OF THE VALLEY. — GENERAL RE^-ELRY. FIRST 
 
 DAY OF THE FESTIVAL. — SACRIFICES TO ZEUS, AND PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 THE GA3IES. — SECOND DAY. CONTESTS OF YOUTHS. THIRD DAY. . — 
 
 FOOT RACES, "WRESTLING, BOXING, PANCRATIUM, AND PENTATHLUM IN 
 
 THE STADIUM. — GRACEFUL MOVEMENTS OF THE GREEK ATHLETE, 
 
 FIERCE CONTESTS. — FOURTH DAY. HORSE AND CHARIOT RACES IN THE 
 
 HIPPODROME. — GREAT FOUR-HORSE CHARIOT RACE. FIFTH DAY. 
 
 CROWNING OF THE VICTORS. — CONCLLDING FESTIVITIES. 
 
 Before describing the great festival of Olympia, we 
 invite our readers to accompany us upon an imaginary 
 visit to the ancient site. 
 
 Nature herself has fallen to ruins in the famous valley. 
 We stand upon the slope of Mount Cronium, and gaze 
 upon the once smiling landscape. The heights which 
 engirdle Olympia are bare and treeless. The valley itself 
 is marshy and slimy. The river Alpheus, beyond it, has 
 left its proper channel, and lazily seeks a new bed for 
 itself, now in one direction, now in another. Xothing 
 meets the eye but a few fragments of the wall and pillars 
 of the great temple of Zeus, the natural hollow of the 
 ancient stadium, a few small plots of cultivated ground, 
 and the rank luxuriance of the thistle-like blossoms of 
 the asphodel, the flower of death amongst the ancient 
 Greeks. 
 
 Twenty-three centuries ago the hills were covered with 
 
 N 2
 
 180 OLYMPIA, B. C. 460. 
 
 wood. The plain was a throng of temples, altars, treasure 
 houses, and statues, shaded by olives, planes, palms, and 
 silver poplars. The Alpheus flowed in a dreamy but 
 abundant stream. Hush ! See the enormous concourse 
 silent and breathless. A wrestler has thrown his ad- 
 versary ; a pugilist has beaten his opponent ; a runner is 
 outstripping his competitors in the stadium ; the four- 
 horse chariot is bounding to the goal in the hippodrome. 
 Hurrah ! a victory is won. A million plaudits rend the 
 air. The victors are deafened by the praises of a thou- 
 sand cities; the vanquished are reeling away wearied, 
 sick, and broken-hearted. 
 
 Gymnastics were the life and soul of the Greek fes- 
 ti-sals; but we moderns have no sympathy with them. 
 We connect them with prize fights, pedestrian matches, 
 and sporting public houses. But in Greece the gym- 
 nasium was the school of art. Men came to gaze on 
 the manly beauty of the athlete, the harmony and grace 
 of his movements, his exhibition of heroic strength, 
 or the splendid development of his bodily frame. The 
 people were all artists by nature, worshippers of beautiful 
 forms. Beauty was their ideal of goodness, the great 
 attribute of deity. Without it, moral worth and intel- 
 lectual excellence were as nothing. This exquisite sen- 
 sibility of beauty was soon, alas ! carried to a criminal 
 excess ; and then the delicate art- worship vanished from 
 the earth, and the public taste became meretricious and 
 depraved. At last the coarse contests of the Roman 
 gladiators took the place of the harmonious movements 
 of the Greek athlete, and art for ever lost her ancient 
 attributes. We indeed aspire after beauty of the soul 
 and intellect, but we still sigh over yellow busts and 
 shattered torsos, the sad ruins of a perfection which has 
 passed away. 
 
 This love of beauty became the great bond of union 
 between Greek and Greek. Alone it was almost sufficient
 
 HISTORY OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES. 181 
 
 to unite the independent cities and separate races of 
 Hellas. The games were in honour of national deities, 
 and were part and parcel of the national worship. Their 
 progress is thus identified with the development of the 
 nationality of the Greeks ; and therefore, in order to un- 
 derstand the character of the Olympic festival in the 
 time of Herodotus, it is necessary to glance at the dif- 
 ferent races which composed the people of Hellas, and 
 the ties which at that time bound too-ether the several 
 
 o 
 
 cities. 
 
 The old Pelasgians, who built the Cyclopean walls, 
 had almost disappeared from Hellas. The four families 
 of Hellenes who now occupied the country — the ^T^olians, 
 lonians, Dorians and Achaeans — had almost forgotten 
 the distinctions of descent. Two races only were an- 
 tagonistic — the lonians, whose chief city was Athens, 
 and the Dorians, whose chief city was Sparta. The se- 
 paration of the Hellenes into self-governing cities had 
 undermined the old sentiment of separate race ; but, at 
 the same time, it had not destroyed that feeling of national 
 unity which sprang from their common language, their 
 common religion, and their common descent from Hellen. 
 Indeed the nationality of the people had rapidly increased, 
 in spite of internal feuds ; and at last the great Persian 
 invasion had obliged the cities to form themselves into a 
 something which approached a political confederation. 
 During, however, the two centuries prior to the Persian 
 war, the nationality of the Hellenes had exhibited itself 
 in the gradual transformation of some mere local religious 
 festival into a great national gathering, like those of the 
 Olympian, the Pythian, the Nemean, and the Isthmian 
 games. But the Olympian games were the greatest of 
 all. Time was reckoned by Olympiads, and measures by 
 Olympic stadia. To use the comparison of Pindar, it 
 eclipsed all the others, as the noonday sun does the stars. 
 
 The origin of the Olympic games may be traced back 
 
 N 3
 
 182 OLYMPIA, B. C. 460. 
 
 to the very earliest times. The priests belonging to the 
 great national temple and oracle of the Olympian Zeus 
 referred them to the age of Cronos, and a thousand tradi- 
 tions concerning their establishment were told to the curious 
 visitor. Our readers, however, are less credulous than the 
 believing Greeks, and we dare not mystify them with 
 legend, but content ourselves with telling them all that we 
 know. The games anciently consisted of nothing more 
 than a match of runners in the measured course called 
 the Stadium. A continued series of victorious runners was 
 formally inscribed and preserved by the Eleans, begin- 
 nino; with Coroebus, who was victor in B.C. 776 ; and this 
 list was used in after years as a means for measuring time, 
 every fourth year being an Olympiad. It was in the 
 seventh Olympiad after Coroebus (b. c. 752), that a wreath 
 from the sacred olive tree near Olympia was first given 
 instead of a prize of money, the honour attending on 
 Olympian victory being deemed a sufficient reward. In 
 the fourteenth Olympiad (b.c. 724), a second race was 
 introduced of runners in the double stadium, or up and 
 down the course. In the next, or fifteenth Olympiad 
 (b.c. 720), a third match was introduced for runners 
 several times up and down the stadium. In the eighteenth 
 Olympiad (b.c. 708), the wrestling match and the com- 
 plicated pentathlum were introduced ; the pentathlum con- 
 sisting of five distinct kinds of games— namely, leaping, 
 running, throwing the quoit or discus, throwing the 
 javelin, and wrestling. In the twenty-third Olympiad 
 (b.c. 688), the boxing match was introduced; and in the 
 twenty-fifth (b. c. 680), the chariot race with four full- 
 grown horses. Many other novelties were subsequently 
 added, until, in the seventy-seventh Olympiad, or twelve 
 years before the Olympiad we are about to describe, 
 the festivities which had previously been compressed 
 into one day were extended over five days ; the success- 
 ful expulsion of the Persian invaders having probably
 
 THE EIGHTIETH OLYMPIAD. 183 
 
 stimulated tlie national pride, and imparted new lustre 
 and dignity to the great national festival. 
 
 The splendour and importance of the Olympic games 
 had thus naturally increased with the increased nationality 
 of the people. In the eighth century b. c, they were 
 perhaps exclusively frequented by the Peloponnesian 
 Greeks. Gradually the inhabitants of more distant 
 Hellenic States joined in the festivities. The contests 
 likewise were no longer confined to atliletie. Rich men 
 and women might send their horses and chariots, under 
 the care of skilful drivers, to compete in the races, and 
 thus, by a mere lavish expenditure of money, might obtain 
 the glory of an Olympic victory. 
 
 The month of the eightieth Olympic festival commenced 
 in the beginning of July, B. c. 460. The peace heralds 
 had proclaimed it throughout Greece, in order that no 
 warfare might be carried on during the festivity. Indeed, 
 whilst the limestone rocks and mountain defiles and fast- 
 nesses of the Peloponnesus, appeared like the workshop 
 of war, the district of Olympia was consecrated as a 
 temple of peace ; and during the festival month the entire 
 territory of Elis even was regarded as holy and inviolable, 
 and no armed force could cross her frontier without 
 incurrino^ the o;uilt of sacrileo^e. Visitors from the distant 
 colonies of Italy, Libya, and Asia Minor, and from every 
 city in European Greece and the Isles of the iEgean, 
 were eagerly thronging to this sacred spot on the banks of 
 the Alpheus, where even mortal enemies might unite as 
 friends and brothers, in the celebration of these national 
 rejoicings. Every road in the Peloponnesus which led 
 towards Olympia was filled with joyous strangers. Some 
 were candidates for the several prizes ; others were only 
 going as spectators of the games, or for the purposes of 
 trade ; others had been sent, under the name of Theori, 
 as deputies to represent their several states ; and the 
 latter especially vied with one another in the splendour of 
 
 N 4
 
 184 OLYMPIA, B. C. 460. 
 
 their appearance, in order to support the honour of their 
 native cities. No foreigner, outlaw, or sacrilegist was 
 ever allowed to take a part in the contests ; and women 
 and slaves were never permitted to be present at all, 
 though the former might send their chariots to join in 
 that important race. 
 
 We need scarcely say that Herodotus was likewise tra- 
 velling towards Olympia, by the road leading from Sparta 
 through Arcadia, along the banks of the Alpheus towards 
 the sacred Olympian valley. He had joined a large company 
 of Spartan citizens, who were bound for the same spot. 
 Astydamas and other athletae were with the party, and 
 they all were yielding to the social influences of the fes- 
 tival season, and making themselves wondrously agreeable 
 for so stern a race. A pilgrim to our own national games 
 at Ascot or the Derby may form some conception of the 
 witticisms that were exchanged between stranger tra- 
 Tellers, and of the bets and criticisms upon the several 
 combatants. " Who lost his shield at Ithome ? " cried a 
 lively Athenian as he passed the Spartan group. ^^ Not 
 you," was the rejoinder, " but the man who lent it you." 
 " How do you like your kings ? " asked another young 
 democrat from Athens. " Better than oyster shells," re- 
 plied a Spartan ; and this indeed was rather a hard hit, as 
 the Athenian democracy had recently ostracised one of 
 their best citizens. " Are your slaves still masters ? " 
 cried another, anxious to turn the tables. This was a 
 poser, and the Helot rebellion was indeed a most aggra- 
 vating circumstance ; but the Spartan passed it off by 
 offering to bet upon the approaching games. 
 
 Such may have been the conversation on the road. We 
 need not describe the other adventures of the journey. 
 It was still very early on a fine summer's afternoon that 
 Herodotus, and his party at last reached Olympia. The 
 whole plain and the surrounding heights presented the 
 appearance of a vast camp. Tents were pitched upon the "
 
 OLTMFIA BY MOONLIGHT. 185 
 
 green sward; stores of pro^'isions were opened and dis- 
 cussed; goblets in which wine and pure water were 
 sweetly mingled together were passed round and quaffed 
 with gladness of heart. Indeed that evening meal was 
 joyous in the extreme ; and when it was over, Herodotus 
 saw with surprise that his Spartan companions, who whilst 
 at home had practised the abstemiousness of teetotallers, 
 were o'ettino^ as solemnly, and in some cases as outras^e- 
 ously, jovial after their journey, as Corinthian sailors after 
 a voyage from ^gypt or Cyrene. He, however, was ex- 
 ceedingly anxious to take a stroll and look about him ; and 
 was also fidgetty about his horse, for as no slaves were 
 permitted to be present at the festivities, he was compelled 
 to be his own groom. He accordingly slipped away from 
 the tent just as twilight was coming on, and saw that liis 
 own horse, and the horses of his companions were com- 
 fortably feeding on the cool grass round the stakes to 
 which they had been tied ; and then he fairly set forth to 
 ascend the height of Mount Cronium, and view the scene 
 beneath him. 
 
 Two hours passed away. It was the eve of the first 
 day of the festival, and the moon was at the full. Our 
 young traveller was standing on the green slope of 
 Cronium, whilst the pensive beams of the silver Moon- 
 goddess were falling upon that lovely valley, as if young 
 Endymion's self were slumbering there, and she were de- 
 scending to kiss his ruby lips. The groves of olive and 
 plane trees were throwing their fantastic shadows upon the 
 dewy verdure. Beyond the vale was the broad stream of 
 Alpheus studded with small islands, so beautiful and 
 unearthly that Herodotus could almost fancy they were 
 the homes of the water nymphs which the river god was 
 pressing to his amorous bosom. It was a night when 
 imagination could people the scene Avith a thousand divine 
 forms. The river god might once more he pursuing the 
 ftiir Kereid Arethusa, who refused to listen to his love.
 
 186 OLYMPIA, B.C. 460. 
 
 Beneath yonder grove the frightened nymph might be 
 again praying to holy Artemis for succour. Gaze on with 
 pious earnestness and poetic fervour. The virgin deity 
 descends in pure and spotless garb. The Nereid melts 
 into a crystal fountain, and sinks under the earth far away, 
 where no Alpheus can follow. 
 
 It was indeed a holy spot, but the dreaminess of that 
 first view soon passed away. A thousand other specta- 
 tors were standing with Herodotus to see the silver moon- 
 light streaming upon olive groves and marble temples, 
 and falling with heavenly calmness upon the broad flood 
 of the rippling river, and all were thinking of those 
 solemn games which were soon to be performed in honour 
 of Olympian Zeus. Immediately beneath them were the 
 gymnasium for the preliminary exercises, and the pry- 
 taneum, or town hall. Near these Avere the row of ten 
 treasuries which had been erected by the different Greek 
 States, and contained statues and other ofi'erings of great 
 beauty and exquisite workmanship. Below the treasuries, 
 on a basement of stone steps, were six statues of Zeus 
 Zanes, which had been erected from the fines levied from 
 those athletie who had transgressed the Olympian laws. 
 Further to the left, in a grove of wild olives, was the 
 stadium for the runners and other athlet^e ; and beyond 
 the stadium was the hippodrome, for the horse and chariot 
 races. But the crownins; edifice of all was the macjnifi- 
 cent temple of Olympian Zeus. This was indeed one of 
 the grandest achievements of Grecian art, and stood in 
 the sacred grove of Altis, surrounded by statues of gods 
 and victors. 
 
 These were a few of the spirit-stirring objects which 
 Herodotus saw by moonlight from the heights of Cro- 
 nium, and which filled his soul with national pride and 
 pious enthusiasm. As he strolled back to his comrades, 
 he could tell, by the tents and watch-fires which dotted 
 the surrounding slopes, and by the noise of laughter and
 
 GENERAL REVELRY. 187 
 
 songs which reached his ears, that the night was being spent 
 in joyous revelry. None indeed could have resisted the 
 genial influence of that festal season. The refreshing 
 coolness of a summer evening, the sight of enormous mul- 
 titudes from all parts of Hellas, the present feasting, and 
 the approaching games, w^ere gladdening the hearts of im- 
 passioned lonians and sterner Dorians, until all men felt 
 that they had assembled like brothers to a grand family 
 gathering, to exult in common rejoicings over their ances- 
 tral glory and national renown. Athletse, horse riders, 
 and chariot drivers had indeed retired to rest, to econo- 
 mise their strength and nerve ; but few, excepting those 
 who might be w^earied with a lengthy journey, felt the 
 slio^htest inducement to slumber. Poets and musicians 
 were singing and drinking in a manner that made one 
 thirsty to look at them. Grey-headed victors in former 
 contests were recounting their deeds of olden time 
 amidst the respectful praises of eager and believing Hs- 
 teners. Husbands who, a while ago, had been lamenting 
 that the law excluded women from the festival, were now 
 congratulating themselves upon the absence of their wives, 
 and making a most decided night of it. Grooms, supposed 
 to be tending horses in the hippodrome, were piously 
 pouring out extremely small libations to the Olympian 
 deities, but drinking enormous draughts to the success of 
 their masters' steeds. Last of all, Herodotus found, on 
 reaching his tent, that his comrades had reached a pitch of 
 revelry which he could scarcely comprehend, for they 
 were even proposing to pour out wine like Scythians, 
 namely, to drink it without the refreshing and temperate 
 admixture of the water. Night, hoAvever, crept on, and 
 the noise and tumult gradually subsided. One feaster 
 after another rolled himself in his himation and fell 
 asleep where he lay ; and long ere the morning dawned 
 upon the hills, the whole valley was wrapped in the pro- 
 foundest repose.
 
 188 OLYMPIA^ B. C. 460. 
 
 Brightly rose Eos, goddess of red morning, to announce 
 the coming day. Then the glorious, ever-toiling Sun- 
 god, who all the night had journeyed in his golden vessel 
 from the western region of fair Hesperides to the eastern 
 realms of happy Ethiopia, ascended his radiant chariot, and 
 drove his viewless steeds through the clear blue ether. 
 The cheerful lark winged his way to heaven to welcome 
 the potent god. The dew arose like incense to the 
 skies. The valley teemed with life and light. It was 
 the first day of the festival — the day for sacrifice and 
 preparation. 
 
 Hail, mighty Zeus ! Such was the cry of countless wor- 
 shippers on that auspicious morning. The whole of that 
 enormous throng wended their way in solemn procession 
 to the great temple of the Olympian deity. The sacred 
 grove of Altis Avas soon filled with assembled thousands, 
 earnestly waiting for the sacrifices to be performed within 
 the sanctuary, and by which alone the famous and mys- 
 terious oracle of the all-potent god could be consulted. 
 That temple was indeed the pride and glory of Hellas.* 
 The victims were conducted into the building covered 
 with garlands of freshly-gathered flowers, and led to the 
 great altar before the sacred image of the deity. Slowly 
 and reverently the priest turned the heads of the ani- 
 mals heavenward to Olympus, and performed the solemn 
 ceremonial. Thanks to great Zeus, all the sacrifices 
 were of good omen. Not a beast started aside from the 
 blow, or fell with fearful bellowings; and none were 
 found to be ill-conditioned or unclean. The joyous 
 tidings were soon proclaimed to the anxious multitude, and 
 a thousand pious exclamations rent the air. The fire was 
 kindled, and the sacred j)ortions of the victims were 
 
 * This temple was 230 feet long, 95 feet wide, and 68 feet high to the 
 summit of the pediment. In the centre it was open to the sky, but a row 
 of columns all round the exterior, and another row all round the interior, 
 formed au exterior and interior covered colonnade.
 
 PREPARATIOXS FOR THE GAjIES. 189 
 
 placed thereon, and then the libations of wine and the 
 rare incense were poured upon the altar, and the rich 
 smoke ascended to heaven amidst the hymns and prayers 
 of that mighty congregation. 
 
 Olympian Zeus thus deigned to smile upon the national 
 festivities in his honour, and the remainder of the day was 
 passed in anxious preparations for the games. The second 
 day was set apart for the contests of boys, the third day for 
 the contests of men, and the fourth day for the horse and 
 chariot races, the fifth day being devoted to concluding 
 sacrifices and banquets to the victors. Ten men had been 
 previously chosen by lot from among the citizens of Elis to 
 be judges throughout the festival. These judges were 
 called Hellanodicai, and were honourably distinguished by 
 purple robes. Three of them had the superintendence of 
 the horse and chariot races, three of the five exercises of 
 the pentathlum, and four of the other contests. On the 
 first day they classified all the competitors, who there- 
 upon drew lots for their several places. These prelimi- 
 nary arrangements were not completed until very late in 
 the afternoon ; but it is useless to attempt a detailed de- 
 scription. The other duties of the Hellanodicas were to 
 determine the prizes, and give them to the conquerors. 
 Above all, however, they enforced the observance of the 
 Olympic laws upon the entire body of competitors and 
 spectators ; and for this purpose a body of police were 
 placed under their direction, under the name of alutce, to 
 preserve order and obedience. The events of this first day 
 were not very interesting to our young traveller. He had 
 joined in the grand procession to the temple of Zeus, and 
 taken his part in the national rejoicings ; but tlie running 
 about to see the lists was very tedious and wearisome, and 
 to hear the continual complaints of the candidates and 
 others against the several arrangements was excessively 
 irritating. Indeed, both Herodotus and several others 
 were sufficiently provoked to utter many a bitter joke
 
 190 
 
 upon a discontented rider or disappointed runner, though 
 it was obviously judicious to keep one's witticisms to one's 
 self in the presence of a grumbling wrestler or growling 
 pugilist. The evening was passed in a far more sedate 
 and business-like manner than the previous one. The 
 names of men and horses were carefully studied, and 
 betting tablets were made up in the most scientific 
 manner ; though Herodotus, mindful of his Corinthian 
 experience, took no part whatever in these pecuniary 
 speculations. 
 
 The second day, as we have already mentioned, was 
 devoted to the contests of youths in running, boxing, and 
 horse racing. It was indeed a magnificent sight for a 
 father or an artist to see those high spirited boys of 
 Hellas, with their curly hair and splendidly chiselled limbs, 
 eno-ao-ed in the active sports of the stadium and hip- 
 podrome. Young Hellas was indeed spending a youth of 
 glorious promise. Intellectual energy and physical vigour 
 and beauty seemed to be the high characteristics of her 
 aspiring sons. Ambition was ever burning in their breasts, 
 and their contests in the games may have led also to those 
 subsequent political tragedies, which belong to the page 
 of history. We shall not, however, delay the reader by 
 any detailed descriptions of the blows and throws, or run- 
 ning and riding of the ardent boys, but hurry on to describe 
 the more important rivalries of full-grown and equally 
 ardent men. 
 
 The morning dawned as beautifully and brightly on 
 the third as on the previous days of the festival ; but long 
 ere the Sun-god had drunk up his morning draught of 
 refreshinor dew, an enormous concourse had assembled in 
 the stadium, in their anxiety to obtain a favourable po- 
 sition. The course for the runners was the eighth of a 
 mile in length from the starting-point to the goal; but 
 the stadium itself enclosed an area of a much greater 
 length and of considerable breadth. It stood within the
 
 THE FOOT RACE. 191 
 
 sacred grove of Altis, and ran along tlie lower slope of 
 Mount Cronium. The upper side was thus formed by 
 the natural rising of the hill, whilst the lower side con- 
 sisted of a long mound or artificial wall of earth. At 
 one end the area was shut in by a straight wall : and here 
 were the entrances, the starting-place for the runners, 
 and an altar of Endymion. The other end was in the 
 shape of a semicircle, and in the centre of this half circle 
 was the goal. The starting-place and the goal were each 
 marked by a square pillar. Within the upper and lower 
 mounds of earth, and indeed all round the area, excepting 
 at the entrance wall, were successive lines of spectators 
 to the number of several thousands. On one side of the 
 stadium, opposite the goal, sat the Hellanodicte in their 
 purple robes; on the other side, on an altar of white 
 marble, sat the priestesses of Demeter Chamyne, the 
 only women who were allowed to view the games, or 
 even to attend the festivah 
 
 Such was the scene which met the eye of Herodotus 
 after he and his companions had taken their seats in a 
 most advantageous position near the thrones of the Hella- 
 nodicse. He could see the whole extent of those lono* 
 
 o 
 
 and successive lines of spectators which surrounded the 
 course. The loud hum of conversation filled the immense 
 area, whilst the competitors were stationed at the entrance, 
 and preparing for the first single foot race. The line of 
 starting was formed by a rope which restrained the im- 
 petuous runners. This race was the most simple of all 
 the games. Xo strife save that of emulation could pos- 
 sibly be introduced into it ; and the forms of most of the 
 competitors exhibited a lightness, activity, and grace 
 which no other exercise could produce. At length, after 
 a considerable time, the moment arrived for the race. 
 The heralds of the Hellanodica? proclaimed the name and 
 country of each competitor. The runners stood abreast 
 ac^ainst the starting; line, eaorer to commence the stru^oie
 
 192 OLYMPIA, B.C. 460. 
 
 for renown before that mighty assembly. The signal 
 was given^ the rope fell, and onwards, like winged mes- 
 sengers of the gods, sprang the panting competitors 
 towards the goal. The assembly sat in breathless silence. 
 In a minute the winner's hand was on the goal, and a roar 
 of applause proclaimed the triumph. 
 
 Many other races followed in regular succession. Some 
 turned round the goal, and returned to the starting-point, 
 thus traversing the course twice ; others, in the same way, 
 traversed the course three or more times. At the con- 
 clusion of each match the heralds of the Hellanodicte 
 proclaimed the name and country of the victors, which 
 was immediately followed by the deafening thunders of 
 that enormous throng. To describe the general interest 
 which prevailed is impossible. Xot only bettors were 
 excited, but also the visitors from every city which sent 
 forth a candidate considered the success of their fellow- 
 citizen as redounding to the glory of their native place, 
 or liis defeat as tarnishing her fair renown. 
 
 After the running matches, commenced the other gym- 
 nastic exercises, the wrestling, boxing, pancratium, and 
 pentathlum, all of which took place on the course of the 
 stadimn or in the semicircular area beyond the goal. 
 Here were assembled the most renowned athlet^e in all 
 Hellas ; worthy successors of that immortal Milo, who, 
 twelve Olympiads before, had carried a four-year-old 
 heifer through the entire course upon his brawny shoulders, 
 and had then eaten the w^hole of the animal in a single 
 day. Herodotus now saw mighty men of valour, powerful 
 as Heracles and enduring as Atlas, but endowed with tlie 
 majesty and dignity of ancient heroes. No mere prize- 
 fighters were they, no mercenary champions of the ring, 
 but haughty warriors, who only aspired to wear the olive 
 crown as the rich reward of that long training which had 
 done their States good service on many a bloody field, 
 and turned the fortunes of many a doubtful day. Their
 
 WRESTLING, BOXIXG, PANCRATIUM;, ETC. 193 
 
 trade was war; the combats to them were but as the 
 sports of a camp. 
 
 How shall we describe the contests ? Every combatant 
 was burning with ardour for the judge's signal ; his body- 
 almost entirely naked and smeared with oil or ointment, and 
 covered with fine sand. First commenced the wrestlino* 
 
 o 
 
 matches, in which no blows were allowed, but every trick 
 and exertion were brought into play to overthrow an 
 adversary, and in which three falls decided the victory. 
 Next came the boxing, in which the Grreek athletfe stood 
 in the same attitudes, employed the same guards, and 
 planted the same blows as our own loving countrymen 
 in a street row, or in the general settlement of personal 
 differences requiring promptitude and decision. Xext 
 came the pancratium, which was the most exciting of all 
 the contests, as it united the arts of boxinof and wrestlinor. 
 Last of all was the pentathlum, which consisted of five 
 distinct games, namely, leaping, throwing the discus, 
 throwing the spear, running, and Avrestling. 
 
 These were the gymnastics which stimulated the spec- 
 tators to the highest pitch of excitement. The movements 
 of the combatants themselves were the poetry of motion, 
 the evolutions of perfect beauty. Bravery and beauty 
 were indeed the true gods of Hellas. The athlete must 
 not only have thrown his adversary, vanquished his an- 
 tagonist, or outstripped all his competitors in strength 
 and skill ; but he must also have exhibited the most 
 graceful and harmonious movements ere he could obtain 
 the prize. The countenance of the pugilist, however, 
 often presented the same irregularity of feature which 
 distinguishes the champion of modern times; for the 
 Greek practised the noble art not so much for self- 
 defence as for conquering his opponent. Moreover, dis- 
 satisfied with merely spoiling the face of an antagonist 
 by the application of hard knuckles, he drew over his 
 fist and wrist the murderous cestus which we have already 
 
 VOL. L O
 
 194 OLYMPIA, B. C. 460. 
 
 described, and thus carried the practice of war into the 
 peaceful celebration of national games. 
 
 Througliout the whole of this eventful day Herodotus 
 seemed only to see the fierce energy and deadly strife of 
 the combatants, and to hear the hoarse shouts and excited 
 cries of the spectators. Conflict after conflict was pro- 
 claimed ; victory after victory was declared. Athletae, 
 with all their powers stimulated to the highest pitch by 
 a burning ambition for national renoAvn, Avere gradually 
 and desperately beaten by some more enduring but 
 not more obstinate antagonist ; and, fainting from loss of 
 blood, were only restored by draughts of wine to a sense 
 of their defeat. Victors panting and breathless, and 
 scarcely able to claim the victory, were staggering away 
 almost unconscious of the plaudits which burst upon their 
 ears. Applause and hisses arose in wild and mingled up- 
 roar as candidates from different cities engaged in deadly 
 strife. Enthusiastic cheers rang through the vast arena 
 as some new and vigorous aspirant overthrew the favourite 
 and boasting conqueror in former festivals. But gra- 
 dually our young traveller became wearied with the suc- 
 cession of combats. A foot match for soldiers in heavy 
 armour finished the day's festivities ; and dull and ex- 
 hausted as a defeated athlete, he hailed the moment when 
 the vast throng began to break up and leave the stadium. 
 
 The gymnastic games were now concluded, and nothing- 
 remained but the horse and chariot races in the hippo- 
 drome. A good supper and a cup or two of mixed wine 
 soon restored the spirits of Herodotus and his companions ; 
 and the evening was spent, like the previous one, in 
 animated discussions upon the day's festivities and specu- 
 lations upon the morrow's proceedings. 
 
 It was morning on the fourth day of the festival when 
 the mighty multitude assembled in the spacious hippo- 
 drome. The all engrossing event of the day was the four- 
 horse chariot race. The mere horse-racing, of which there
 
 THE OLYMPIC HIPPODROME. 195 
 
 were several matches, presented but few points of in- 
 terest, excepting to the trainer or breeder; but chariot 
 driving was the grand amusement of every rich citizen in 
 Hellas, and an Olympic prize was sufficient to ennoble 
 all the members of the family of the winner. The 
 money that was expended upon thorough-bred horses, 
 splendidly decorated chariots, and magnificent trappings 
 is beyond all our calculation ; whilst the rivalry that 
 existed can only be appreciated when we remember that 
 none were able to contend but those possessed of large 
 revenues ; and that as the triumph of a winner was sup- 
 posed to confer honour upon his native city, he not un- 
 frequently rose to the highest offices in the state through 
 the popularity which he had obtained by his Olympic 
 victory. 
 
 The Olympic hippodrome was enclosed in the same 
 manner as the stadium, but included a much larger area. 
 The starting place also was not formed by a straight waU as 
 in the stadium, but was in the shape of a triangle, having 
 the apex pointing towards the interior. The base thus 
 formed the entrance to the hippodrome, whilst the two 
 sides consisted of stalls for the horses and chariots. At 
 the apex was the bronze figure of a dolphin, elevated on 
 a pointed post. Within the triangle was a bronze eagle, 
 lying on an altar of whitened brick. The course was 
 exactly double the length of that in the stadium, and was 
 divided lengthways ; the chariots proceeding up one side, 
 then round a pillar at the other extremity, and then re- 
 turning on the other side. The distance from the start- 
 ing place to the pillar was two stadia, or a quarter of 
 a mile ; and thus the whole extent of the course up one 
 side of the area and back the other would be only half a 
 mile. Accordingly a second pillar appears to have been 
 fixed near the starting point, round which the chariots 
 again turned and traversed the course a second, third, or 
 fourth time, according to previous arrangement. Four 
 
 o 2
 
 196 OLYMPIA, B. C. 460. 
 
 times round the course would tlius be nearly equivalent 
 to two miles ; and the race, for the whole of that distance, 
 would be immediately under the eye of every spectator. 
 
 The moment for the all-important event at length ar- 
 rived. Fourteen chariots were entered in the lists, and 
 awaited the preparations for starting in their several stalls. 
 The excitement was terrific. Scarcely a Avord was spoken 
 by that vast multitude. The officers of the course arranged 
 the preliminaries with a coolness and deliberation that 
 irritated spectators and charioteers. A rope had been passed 
 round the two sides and apex of the triangle, in order 
 to keep every chariot in its stall. The two ends of this 
 rope were now gradually brought forward until they 
 formed one straight line right across the course at the 
 apex of the triangle, and thus enabled all the fourteen 
 chariots to stand abreast. Every steed was now impa- 
 tient of delay ; every driver was anxiously awaiting the 
 signal. At length the appointed officer touched a secret 
 spring in the altar w^ithin the triangle, and the bronze 
 dolphin fell to the ground and the eagle soared in the 
 air. Down fell the rope, and off started the chariots. The 
 first pillar was a critical point. To turn it sharply without 
 coming in contact was the object of every aspiring driver. 
 The crowd of chariots tore along the course with fearful 
 speed. To lead the way w^as of the utmost consequence at 
 the beginning of a race, in order to escape a collision 
 Avith each other. Some, however, more wary and cautious, 
 kept a tighter hold upon their reins, trusting to their skill 
 to preserve them from danger. Four were clear ahead; then 
 followed eight in a confused mass, two being already left 
 well behind. The first and nearest to the post was com- 
 pelled to give way to the bold driving of the second which 
 threatened a collision ; but all the four got right away to 
 the return side without accident. The fifth, eager to follow 
 their example, produced ruin and desolation. The nave 
 of his wheel dashed violently against the post, smashed the
 
 GREAT FOUR-HORSE CHARIOT RACE. 197 
 
 axle-tree, and sent the unlucky charioteer spinning into 
 the midst of his kicking horses. The confusion became 
 general. The crush and collision of the crowd of chariots, 
 the kicking and plunging of thorough-breds, the yells, 
 curses, and prayers of the maddened drivers, rendered the 
 accident so desperate that only three outsiders escaped 
 from the meUe in time to follow the four, and show any- 
 thing like play. Leaving their companions to a misery 
 which was the work of a moment, the seven soon became 
 intermingled, and tore along with alternate success to the 
 conclusion of the race, followed by a few who had lost all 
 chance excepting that of being last. Four times the 
 course had to be traversed. The last pillar was passed. 
 The goal was in view. The fury of the drivers was awful. 
 The horses raced along like steeds of flame, as the wheels 
 bounded like balls over the uneven ground. Xeck and 
 neck, the three first drivers lashed their steeds with the 
 desperation of demons. A whip fell, wheels were locked, 
 a second crash flashed upon the spectators like lightning, 
 when the fourth chariot plunged forward, and the race was 
 won. 
 
 In a moment the herald entered the course and pro- 
 claimed the name and country of the winner. TJien the 
 overcharged excitement of that enormous throng found a 
 vent in thundering acclamations. The great event was now 
 over. The broken chariots and vanquished steeds were 
 taken from the area. The victor drove his winnino; horses 
 once more along the course, amidst renewed and con- 
 tinuous cheers from the mighty assembly. The remaining 
 races passed quietly away, and thus the games were 
 finished, and tlie wearied multitudes left the hippodrome 
 to talk of horses and athleta?, and prepare for the thanks- 
 giving sacrifices, triumphant coronations, and joyous 
 banquets of the morrow. 
 
 Bright Day, born of Night and Darkness, again smiled 
 upon the sacred valley. Solemn but joyous processions 
 
 o 3
 
 198 OLYMPIA, B. C. 460. 
 
 were marching once again to the great temple of Olympian 
 Zeus. Pious hymns and triumphant songs rang through 
 the clear blue ether. The sacred portions of a thousand 
 victims were burned upon the holy altar, whilst the 
 remainder were set apart for the public banquets of 
 the afternoon. The consecrated tripod was prepared for 
 the coronations. The garlands, cut with a golden sickle 
 from the sacred olive tree, were all ready. Winner 
 after winner then ascended the bronze tripod; and the 
 olive crown was placed upon his head, and the palm- 
 branch of victory was given into his hand. Exulting 
 parents, kinsmen, friends, and countrymen, rent the air 
 with joyful acclamations. The happiness of a victor was 
 indeed more than mortal ; it elevated him to the gods. 
 Garlands of flowers were scattered on his head and strewn 
 upon his path. Poets, like Pindar and Simonides, saluted 
 him with immortal odes. Henceforth his name would be 
 canonised in the Greek calendar, and be as familiar in the 
 mouth as household words. Statues would be erected in 
 his honour. But the crowning triumph of a victor would 
 be the return to his native city. The gate and wall 
 pulled down, to show that he alone could protect the state. 
 The exulting procession of his fellow-citizens, with floAvers 
 and palms. The well-trained chorus, singing the trium- 
 phant ode. The decorated chariot and the four white 
 horses, bearing him in his purple robes to the temple of 
 the guardian deity of his city. Joyous sacrifices, magnifi- 
 cent banquets, sumptuous gifts, and glorious nobility. So 
 blest and godlike would be his life, that Pindar well 
 might say, ^' Aspire no higher, mighty conqueror, lest 
 the avenging Xemesis seek to humble such presuming pride 
 and such insatiable ambition ! " 
 
 The present night, however, was to be spent at Olym- 
 pia in national banquets to the great body of Olympic 
 victors. The tables were arranged upon the greensward. 
 The roasted flesh of the thousand victims was eaten with
 
 COXCLUDING FESTIVITIES. 199 
 
 joy and exultation. Wine, music, and choral odes, enli- 
 vened the vast multitude of feasters. Scenes, incident to 
 the occasion, ever and anon attracted the notice and ap- 
 plause of that mighty assembly. The eldest of eight sons 
 had gained the victory in the boxing match ; the youngest 
 had been equally successful in the pancratium. The 
 exulting young men carried their proud old father in 
 triumph on their shoulders. The spectators threw garlands 
 upon the glorious three, and a Spartan cried to the father, 
 *'Die now, Diagoras, for you can wish for nothing higher." 
 Songs, revelry, and thanksgivings to all-potent Zeus. 
 Such was the conclusion of the great festival of the 
 eightieth Olympiad. 
 
 o 4
 
 200 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 DELPHI, B. c. 460. 
 
 HERODOTUS BECOMES AMBITIOUS. AN UNEXPECTED 5IEETING. STORY OF 
 
 ARION AND THE DOLPHIN. VOYAGE TO DELPHI. — PITCH LAKE IN THE 
 
 ISLAND OF ZACYNTHUS. ARRIVAL AT THE DELPHIAN PORT OF CIRRHA. 
 
 MOUNT PARNASSUS. APPEARANCE OF DELPHL CASTALIAN SPRING. 
 
 FASTING DISCUSSED. HERODOTUS VISITS THE WONDERS OF DELPHI. 
 
 — STORY OF THE HEROES PHYLACUS AND AUTONOUS. — IMMENSE TREA- 
 SURES AND VOTIVE GIFTS IN THE TEMPLE OP APOLLO. TRIAL OF THE 
 
 ORACLES. — WHITENED PHOCIANS AND PANIC-STRICKEN THESSALIANS. 
 
 horses' LEGS AND EBIPTY JARS. 
 
 The great banquets were over, and once again Herodotus 
 stood by moonlight upon the heights of Cronium. His 
 ears were still ringing with the plaudits which Hellas had 
 bestowed upon her favourite sons. The flame of young 
 ambition had been fairly kindled in his breast, and he had 
 felt constrained to leave his light-hearted and unsympa- 
 thising companions to commune with his own thoughts 
 in mysterious solitude. 
 
 Ambition may be one of the loftiest or one of the 
 meanest of human desires. Power which shall command 
 universal homao-e is the o;oal to which ambition leads. 
 Those who succeed even in part are supposed to be 
 happy ; those Avho fail, seek to hide their defeat. Piches 
 might do much ; but, for aught Herodotus knew, he might 
 have them already in his grasp. He might, if he pleased, 
 enter a chariot for the next Olympic festival. But if he 
 won the race, could he win more than barren applause 
 and useless fame ? Would it instruct or benefit Hellas ? 
 Would it even give him the government of a single 
 village ? Politics was a game for grey-beards. Poets
 
 AN UNEXPECTED :\IEETIXG. 201 
 
 could stir and move mankind, could arouse the passions 
 and win the love of multitudes. But could he ever be a 
 j)oet? He thought of his youthful epic, — so poor, so 
 spiritless, so faulty, — and he burst into a flood of tears. 
 
 At this moment a well-known figure approached him, 
 and broke in upon his meditations. It was that of his 
 old Corinthian friend Captain Phylarchus. 
 
 " By Zeus ! " cried the worthy skipper, ^' a sea nymph 
 or trlton would not have surprised me more. I have 
 looked for you every day of the festival. It was only a 
 heavy ballast of wine that brought me out for a stroll, 
 and I am off to-morrow." 
 
 Herodotus greeted him with as much composure and 
 heartiness as he could summon up, for his thoughts were 
 far away. The very sight of the Captain, however, called 
 up some pleasant recollections of strange yarns, and 
 stormy nights at sea ; and his arrival was otherwise most 
 opportune, for it enabled him to consult Phylarchus upon 
 his own future proceedings. 
 
 " Splendid evening," said the Captain, whom wine had 
 made remarkably talkative. "By Poseidon, the moon god- 
 dess yonder smiles brightly enough. I wish she would 
 sail with us every night at sea ; she would be a rare lan- 
 tern for the aplustre."* 
 
 " It is indeed a beautiful night," replied Herodotus ; 
 " quite a night for a poet to describe. Did you ever 
 know a poet, Phylarchus ? " 
 
 " Xot very well," said the Captain. " There was old 
 Babys, who used to compose and sing songs at Corinth, 
 but I never kncAV any good of him. He was always 
 drunk, and grew so old and foolish, that at last he married 
 a blind flute-girl. Before the honeymoon was over she 
 scratched his eyes out, in order, as she said, to make him 
 
 * The aplustre was an elegant ornament on the highest part of the poop 
 which overhang the steersman. In the column of Trajan, a lantern is sus- 
 pended from the aplustre so as to hang over the deck before the steersman.
 
 202 
 
 as blind as herself; and if all that scandal said was true, 
 she had good reason for what she did." 
 
 Babys bore no resemblance to those inspired bards 
 whom Herodotus desired to rival. " Have you not heard/' 
 he inquired, "of some greater poets, like Homer, who 
 have stirred men's hearts within them, and turned the 
 people which way they Avould ?" 
 
 " Well," replied Phylarchus, '^ I have heard of a bard 
 named Arion, who lived at Corinth when Periander was 
 king. He was a very great one, at least so I have heard 
 old captains say ; but he fell amongst pirates, and was only 
 saved by a dolphin. It is a strange story, but it took 
 place three or four generations ago." 
 
 " I should like to hear it," said Herodotus. 
 
 " Well, Arion was a native of the island of Lesbos, a 
 rare nest for poets ; and when he had attained a little noto- 
 riety he went to Corinth, and thence to Italy and Sicily, 
 where he made much money and great fame by his verses. 
 At last, having obtained a decent fortune, he determined 
 on returning to Corinth ; and proceeding to the port of 
 Tarentum in southern Italy, he hired a ship of certain 
 Corinthians to carry him thither. No sooner, however, 
 was Arion out at sea, than the Corinthian captain con- 
 spired with his crew to throw the rich poet overboard and 
 seize all his money. Arion discovered their intention, 
 and was terribly alarmed. He offered them all he pos- 
 sessed if they would only spare his life ; but this they 
 refused, and ordered him either to kill himself imme- 
 diately, or else to leap into the sea. Seeing that death 
 was inevitable, and desiring to postpone it for as long as 
 he could, he requested the pirates to permit him to put 
 on his poet's robes, and sing one last song upon the poop. 
 The sailors were perfectly willing to hear the best singer 
 in all the world, and granted his request. Arion then 
 put on all his robes and his poet's wreath, and thus placed 
 himself under the protection of Apollo. He then took his
 
 ABION AND THE DOLPHIN. 203 
 
 cltliara, and, standing on the rowing benches, he executed 
 the stirring Orthian strain ; and when he had finished, 
 he leaped into the sea. Just at that moment a dolphin 
 sent by Apollo received him on his back, and carried him 
 to the port of Taenarum, at the southern extremity of 
 the Peloponnesus. Here the poet landed, and proceeded 
 from thence to Corinth ; where he made himself known to 
 Periander the tyrant, and told him all that had happened. 
 Periander at first would not believe the story, but threw 
 Arion into prison, and watched for the arrival of the seamen. 
 At last the ship reached Corinth, and Periander summoned 
 the crew, and asked them if they could give him any tidings 
 of Arion. They replied that they had left him well and 
 flourishins: at Tarentum. At that moment Arion was 
 brought before them arrayed in the same robes as those m 
 which he had leaped into the sea ; and this sudden appari- 
 tion so astonished the men that they could not deny their 
 crime, and were accordingly fully convicted and executed." 
 Phylarchus, having finished his story, listened to Hero- 
 dotus's adventures, and then related his own recent pro- 
 ceedings. He had coasted round the southern promon- 
 tories of Peloponnesus on purpose to visit the Olympic 
 festival, and on his way he had stopped for a day or two 
 at Tsenarum, where he had heard the legend he had re- 
 lated, and been shown a small brazen statue of the poet 
 sitting upon a dolphin, just as he appeared when riding 
 that benevolent fish towards the dangerous cape. He 
 had traded at different ports on his voyage, and indeed 
 had visited Olympia as much for the purposes of com- 
 merce as for the sake of the festival. The next morning 
 he intended to re-embark and sail round the coasts of 
 Elis and Achaia, through the Corinthian Gulf towards 
 the Isthmus, and from thence to proceed to Athens. On 
 his way he purposed visiting Delphi, to consult the oracle of 
 Apollo upon a subject which he thought proper to keep 
 a profound secret ; and, in short, the intended voyage pre-
 
 204 DELPHI, B. C. 460. 
 
 sented such attractions to Herodotus that he readily ac- 
 cepted the invitation of Phylarchus to accompany him 
 during the entire trip. Accordingly Herodotus at once 
 returned, and bade farewell to his Spartan companions, 
 with many thanks for their kindness ; gave his horse to 
 Astydamas, who had been soundly thrashed in one of the 
 boxing matches by a Thessalian athlete; and having 
 fetched his slave, who had been staying during the festival 
 on the other side of the Alpheus, he made every other 
 preparation for his voyage, and on the next day but one 
 was again riding on the salt waves. 
 
 Phylarchus's ship had anchored at the mouth of the 
 Alpheus about twelve miles from Olympia, and from this 
 point, round the coast of Elis and Achaia, to the port 
 near Delphi, was a voyage of about seven or eight days 
 if the winds were favourable. On the second day, how- 
 ever, Phylarchus ran across to the island of Zacynthus, 
 which was about twelve miles from the Peloponnesian 
 coast, and here he stopped for three or four days in 
 order to take on board a cargo of pitch. Herodotus was 
 thus enabled to pay a visit to the celebrated pitch wells, 
 which at that time w^ere very profitable to the Zacyn- 
 thians, and from which, even in the present day, about a 
 hundred tons of bitumen are annually extracted. The 
 largest of the wells was like a lake, being seventy feet 
 in circumference and two fathoms in depth. The pitch 
 was obtained from the lake in a very singular and primi- 
 tive manner. A myrtle branch was fastened to the end 
 of a long pole, and let down into the water ; and upon 
 drawing it up again a large quantity of pitch was found 
 adhering to the myrtle. When first drawn out it was 
 thrown into a cistern dug for the purpose close by the 
 wells ; and when a sufiScient quantity had been collected, 
 it was poured off into jars ready for exportation. 
 
 Phylarchus made a capital bargain, and the pitch itself 
 was generally regarded as being even better than the
 
 MOUNT PARNASSUS. 205 
 
 pitch of Pieria. A quantity of ballast was thrown over- 
 board to make room for the jars, and the latter were 
 carefully arranged under the immediate superintendence 
 of the careful Captain. The result, however, was by no 
 means satisfactory to Herodotus. The pitch smelt most 
 horribly of asphalt, and, as he good-humouredly com- 
 plained to Phylarchus, gave him the lively idea of pro- 
 ceeding in Charon's gloomy boat over the black rivers of 
 the under-world. The worthy Captain being, like most 
 sailors, rather given to superstition, declined to laugh at 
 such a jest, as he was going to consult Apollo upon a 
 secret question of mighty and transcendent importance. 
 
 From the island of Zacynthus, the voyagers made their 
 way under a pleasant westerly wind into the Corinthian 
 Gulf, towards Cirrha in Phocis. In ancient times Cirrha 
 had been a most important city, but was now only a 
 small seaport for the accommodation of pilgrims to the 
 oracle at Delphi. Here they anchored late in the even- 
 ing of the tAvelfth day of their voyage ; and next morn- 
 ing at sunrise, Phylarchus and Herodotus started off on 
 a walk of seven miles to the famous temple of Apollo. 
 
 The road from Cirrha to Delphi runs along the bank 
 of the Pleistus, a very rapid river, which rushes through a 
 deep narrow valley, between Mount Parnassus and the 
 range of Cirphus, until it falls into the Corinthian Gulf 
 at Cirrha. Right before our two travellers were the 
 huge high-piled masses of Parnassus, which rise in a suc- 
 cession of steep walls of rock alternately with broad, 
 reclining table-lands, until at length the mountain gathers 
 itself at the summit into one grand reposing mass co- 
 vered with glittering snow. Upon the southern slope of 
 this stupendous pile, and within a theatre-shaped valley 
 enclosed by rocky heights, was situated the small town of 
 Delphi. 
 
 The sun was high in the heavens before the two tra- 
 vellers had toiled and climbed as far as this famous spot ;
 
 206 DELPHI, B. C. 460. 
 
 and when they reached the outskirts of Delphi they were 
 far too hungry and fatigued to indulge in those lofty 
 thoughts and holy emotions which the sight of that sacred 
 town would otherwise have awakened. On their rigrht 
 were the two enormous cliffs with peaked summits, between 
 which issued the far-famed waters of the Castalian spring. 
 Before them the houses and radiant temples of the city 
 rose above each other in a succession of terraces like the 
 ranges of seats in a theatre ; and there on the highest of 
 the terraces was the ancient and venerable oracle which 
 gave the city existence and renown, covered by the 
 magnificent temple of Apollo, which in its turn was sur- 
 rounded by noble statues and the green trees of the 
 sacred grove. 
 
 Phylarchus was a very superstitious man at sea, espe- 
 cially if the appearance of the sky seemed to threaten a 
 storm; but when on land he was sometimes almost as 
 profane as the philosophers of Ionia. He now irreverently 
 declared that, let the oracle say what it would, he was 
 determined to make a pilgrimage to an inn before he 
 visited the temple, and to refresh the inward man with 
 wine and provisions before seeking for aid or counsel 
 from the far-seeing Apollo. Herodotus made no objec- 
 tion, and indeed argued that it was far more seemly to 
 enter the temple of the god with joy and gladness of 
 heart than with an empty stomach and discontented mind. 
 When, however, they had found the entertainment they 
 desired, and had made an exceedingly hearty meal off 
 cold roast kid and a skin of Chian wine, Phylarchus began 
 to have certain misgivings upon the subject, and to confer 
 seriously with Herodotus upon the propriety of deferring 
 their visit to the temple until the next day. 
 
 " Phylarchus," replied Herodotus, " you are indeed 
 about to do a very solemn thing. You are going to inquire 
 of bright Apollo concerning the will of almighty Zeus, not 
 merely, as I presume, to satisfy a prying curiosity re-
 
 WONDERS OF DELPHI. 207 
 
 spectlng the future, but to obtain the divine sanction on 
 some private act which you are intending to do. When, 
 therefore, we consult a sacred oracle, we must remember 
 that we are brought almost into the immediate presence 
 of that god or hero who thus beneficently becomes the 
 mediator between man and Zeus. At the same time I 
 do not think that it can be displeasing to the deity for 
 man to take his natural refreshment before entering a 
 temple ; for as food gives fresh life and energy to the 
 body and spirits, so likewise it must give fresh fervour 
 to our piety and greater earnestness to our devotion. 
 Had we not, however, better inquire if this be the day 
 for consulting the oracle ? for I know that there are only 
 certain days set apart every month for the purpose, and 
 that, in ancient times, oracles were only delivered on 
 one day in the year, namely, on the seventh day of the 
 month Bysius, which is the birthday of Apollo." 
 
 Phylarchus was somewhat startled at this last piece 
 of information, and, upon inquiry, found that it would be 
 a week before the arrival of a consulting day. What 
 was to be done now ? They had performed a long pe- 
 destrian journey for nothing. Herodotus proposed that 
 they should take up their abode in the inn, and view the 
 town and temples. This, however, by no means suited 
 the Captain. He had business to transact at Delphi, and 
 was in hopes of getting some passengers to convey to 
 Corinth. He therefore proposed that Herodotus should 
 stay at the inn and take his pleasure, and that he himself 
 should do what business he could, and hire a horse to 
 take him back to his ship at night. "His mate," he 
 said, " was a capital officer ; but much business might be 
 lost and much mischief might ensue from the continued 
 absence of himself as captain." 
 
 This arrangement being adopted, Herodotus set out 
 to view the streets and temples of Delphi. The town 
 was small, but crowded with sanctuaries, statues, and other
 
 208 DELPHI, B. C. 460. 
 
 works of art ; and the continued influx of wealthy strangers 
 rendered her citizens, as a body, far richer than those in 
 any other Greek city. Herodotus happened first to visit 
 the temple of Athene Pronaea, and the adjoining precincts 
 sacred to the two heroes Phylacus and Autonous. Here 
 the most remarkable thino;s which he saw were two huo-e 
 crags lying in the enclosure of the temple of Athene. 
 One of the exegette, or temple guides, told him that the 
 Persians under Xerxes approached Delphi in order to 
 plunder the sacred treasures ; but that, when they came 
 near that spot, thunder from heaven fell upon them, and 
 those two huge crags were broken from Parnassus by 
 unseen hands, and thrown upon them with a loud crash. 
 Numbers, he said, were thus killed, whilst at the same 
 time a loud cry and war-shout issued from the temple. 
 The survivors were immediately seized with a panic, and 
 fled in dismay ; but the shades of the two heroes Phy- 
 lacus and Autonous, heavily armed and of immense stature, 
 pursued them for a considerable distance, and sIcav and 
 destroyed many. 
 
 Having once more examined the pieces of rock which 
 had done such good service to Hellas, and having like- 
 wise tasted the waters of the Castalian spring, which was 
 close by, Herodotus set off to the temple of Apollo. This 
 magnificent structure was faced with Parian marble, and 
 occupied a large space in the highest part of the city. 
 Its treasures were immense. Kings and private persons 
 who had received favourable replies from the oracle gene- 
 rally presented rich oflerings; and many of the Greek 
 states had separate treasuries in wliich they deposited 
 some of their most esteemed valuables for the sake of 
 security. 
 
 Herodotus was not of course admitted into the inner- 
 most sanctuary or adytum in which a fire of fir-wood was 
 kept constantly burning on an altar before the golden 
 statue of Apollo ; but he obtained a full view of all the
 
 TRIAL OF THE ORACLES. 209 
 
 more celebrated offerings which had been dedicated to the 
 god. There was the royal throne of Midas, king of 
 Phrygia, who was the first foreigner that ever sent gifts 
 to Delphi ; together with an immense number of s^olden 
 wine-vessels, and other rich articles, which had been dedi- 
 cated by the early Lydian kings. Perhaps the most curious 
 offering was that of Alyattes, king of Lydia ; whilst the 
 most brilliant and costly gifts were those of the unfor- 
 tunate Croesus. Alyattes on recovering from a sickness 
 had sent a large silver vessel for mixing wine ; and this 
 vessel stood in an iron saucer, which was covered with iron 
 figures of fruits and animals soldered on. The whole was 
 the work of the celebrated Griaucus of Samos, who was 
 the inventor of the art of inlaying or soldering on iron. 
 Croesus had dedicated his rich offerings in consequence 
 of the following circumstances. He reigned over Lydia 
 about a hundred years before the time of Herodotus, and 
 having conquered nearly all Asia Minor, at last de- 
 termined on repressing the power of Persia, which had 
 just been formed into a great empire by the celebrated 
 Cyrus. First of all, however, he determined on testing 
 the powers of the most celebrated oracles in the ancient 
 world in order that he might consult the most truthful of 
 all upon the war he was about to undertake. Accordingly, 
 he sent off messengers to each oracle, desiring that thev 
 should all, on the hundredth day of their leaving the 
 Lydian capital, ask the god to whom they were severally 
 sent, what he, Croesus, was doing at that time ; and that 
 they should then bring him back the answer in writing. 
 When the hundredth day had arrived, he performed a most 
 extraordinary action, which he supposed no one could pos- 
 sibly imagine unless directly instructed by a divine in- 
 fluence. The consequence was that none of the oracles, 
 excepting that at Delphi and that at Amphiaraus, at all 
 approached the truth in their replies. The answer of the 
 VOL. I. p
 
 210 DELPHI, B.C. 460. 
 
 oracle at Amphiaraus is unknown, but that at Delphi was 
 strikingly correct. It was as follows; — 
 
 " I measure seas, and I the sands compute ! 
 I understand the dumb and hear the mute ! 
 I smell the savours of a boiling mass — 
 A lamb and tortoise — which before me pass 
 !From out a brazen pan with lid and sides of brass." 
 
 Croesus at the time alluded to was actually boiling a 
 lamb and tortoise together in a brazen caldron. He was, 
 therefore, very much pleased with the reply from Delphi, 
 and sent an immense number of offerings to the temple, all 
 of which Herodotus now saw and examined with much at- 
 tention. Amongst these was a lion, made of pure refined 
 gold, which originally weighed ten talents, or about five 
 hundredweight, and stood upon a pedestal formed of one 
 hundred and seventeen golden half bricks, each of which 
 were eighteen inches long, nine inches broad, and three 
 inches thick. Four of these half bricks were made of 
 pure red gold, and weighed two thousand two hundred 
 ounces each; the others Avere made of pale or alloyed gold, 
 and weighed about eighteen hundred ounces each. AVhen, 
 however, Herodotus visited Delphi, the lion had been 
 removed from its pedestal, and only weighed three hundred- 
 weight and a quarter; one hundred and three quarters 
 having been melted from it at the time the old temple Avas 
 burnt doAvn, many years before. There also were two 
 niixing vessels ; one made of gold, and weighing nearly 
 four hundredweight and a half; and the other of silver, 
 and capable of holding six hundred amphorte, or about 
 five thousand gallons. This huge silver vessel Avas said 
 to have been the work of Theodorus, the Samian ; and 
 Herodotus found, upon examining it, that it was in re- 
 ality the Avork of his illustrious ancestor. The other gifts 
 of Croesus, Avhich Herodotus saAV, consisted of several
 
 VOTIVE GIFTS IN THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO. 211 
 
 spherical-shaped silver ewers, a golden statue of a female 
 favourite four feet and a half in height, and the necklaces 
 and girdles of his queen ; together with some other gold 
 and silver vessels. One of these, a golden lustral vase, bore 
 an inscription inferring that it came from the Laceda3mo- 
 nians ; but the exegetes, who pointed out the various 
 things to our young traveller, assured him that this was a 
 deception, as the vase had been really sent by Croesus ; 
 but that a Delphian, in order to please the Lacedtemonian 
 people, had engraved the false inscription. 
 
 The gifts we have thus described were only a portion 
 of those which came from foreign monarchs. Besides 
 these an immense number had been dedicated in the 
 temple by the diiferent states of Hellas, and by numerous 
 wealthy private persons. There was the statue of a 
 man, eighteen feet high, holding the beak of a ship in his 
 hand, which had been dedicated by the Greek con- 
 federates from a portion of the spoils taken at the battle of 
 Salamis ; also three golden stars, affixed to a brazen 
 mast, which had been given by the citizens of ^gina as a 
 thanksgiving offering to Apollo, for having enabled them 
 to exhibit a superior valour to all other Greeks in that 
 glorious victory. The golden tripod standing upon a three- 
 headed brazen serpent was also there ; having been dedi- 
 cated by Pausanias from a tenth of the spoils taken at the 
 famous battle of Platasa. But it is impossible even to pre- 
 sent the reader with a bare catalogue of the vast number 
 of splendid oiferings. Thus, round the tripod of Pau- 
 sanias were numerous great statues and several hundred 
 shields, which had been dedicated by the Phoclans, and 
 which we only mention because a curious anecdote in 
 connection with them was told to Herodotus ; and with 
 this anecdote we shall conclude our account of the temple 
 treasures. 
 
 The town of Delphi was included in the territory of 
 
 P 2
 
 212 DELPHI, B.C. 460. 
 
 Phocis, a large mountainous country situated between the 
 Corinthian Gulf and the territory of Thessaly. !N^ow be- 
 tween the Thessalians and Phocians there had existed 
 continual feuds; for the Thessalians made continual ir- 
 ruptions into Phocis, and obliged the people to fly to 
 the heights of Parnassus, and then ravaged their fields 
 and plundered their farms and villages. One time, how- 
 ever, when the Phocians were thus shut up in Parnassus, 
 Tellias, the celebrated Elean seer, was amongst them; 
 and this Tellias devised the following stratagem. Taking 
 the command of six hundred of the bravest Phocians, he 
 smeared them all over, armour and all, with white chalk, 
 and led them against the Thessalians at night, with orders 
 to kill every man who was not white like themselves. 
 When the enemy's pickets saw this body of armed spectres 
 approaching like angry spirits from the under world, they 
 fled to the camp, and a terrible panic soon spread over the 
 whole Thessalian army. In the midst of the confusion 
 the whitened Phocians fell upon the invaders and slew 
 four thousand Thessalians, and obtained possession of their 
 shields, half of which they dedicated at Ab^e and the 
 other half at Delphi. Thus, for a time, the power of the 
 Thessalian infantry was completely broken. Shortly 
 afterwards the Phocians were enabled to inflict an irre- 
 parable bloAV upon the enemy's cavalry, which was con- 
 sidered to be the finest in Hellas. They dug a great pit 
 at the entrance of their territory, near Hyampolis, and, 
 placing a number of large empty jars in it, they covered 
 the whole with light soil, and awaited the attack of the 
 enemy. The Thessalian horse, unaware of this artifice, 
 and desiring to overwhelm the Phocians by the violence 
 of their charge, dashed on amongst the jars, which broke 
 the feet of the chargers and bore the riders to the ground. 
 A terrible slaughter ensued, and the Thessalians did not 
 recover their loss for more than a generation. During the
 
 HOESES' LEGS AND EMPTY JARS. 213 
 
 great Persian war the Thessalians obtained their revenge. 
 They deserted from the cause of Hellas, and united their 
 forces to those of Xerxes ; and it was by their instigation 
 that the towns of Phocis were burnt to the ground, and 
 the attempt was made to plunder the temple treasures at 
 Delphi. 
 
 P 3
 
 214 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 ORACLES AT LEBADEA AND DELPHI, b. c. 460. 
 
 KIDE OF HERODOTUS AND PHTLARCHUS TO THE CAVE AND ORACLE OP 
 
 TROPHONIUS. CROWDS OF PILGRIMS. A SEAMAN's HESITATION. 
 
 THREE DAYS OF PREPARATION AND SACRIFICES. FINAL PURIFICATION. 
 
 A NIGHT IN THE CAVE OF TROPHONIUS. — RETURN TO DELPHI. 
 
 ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE ORACLE OF APOLLO. — INTOXICATING SMOKE 
 
 FROM THE CHAS3I OP CASSOTIS. CHARACTER OF THE RESPONSES. 
 
 INQUIRY OF PHYLARCHUS. STRANGE DISCOVERY. 
 
 Sight-seeing, even when interlarded by the stories of 
 guides, is always a fatiguing affair, and Herodotus slept 
 very soundly on the first night of his arrival at Delphi. 
 His dreams were ridiculously absurd, but at the same 
 time so painfully distinct that when he first awoke next 
 morning he began to talk nonsense, having reference 
 partly to his visions, and partly to a number of nautical 
 comments and ejaculations which were being shouted 
 in his ears by the hoarse voice of Phylarchus. It seems 
 that the worthy Captain had returned to his ship at 
 Cirrha, and spent the night there ; and had again risen at 
 sunrise, and travelled back to Delphi in order to propose 
 another excursion to Herodotus; but seeing our hero 
 sound asleep, and finding that sneezing, coughing, and 
 calling him by name would not awaken him, he had be- 
 gun to shout out louder and louder, and his vociferations 
 naturally took the shape of those orders or rebukes which 
 he had been accustomed to address to his crew durino; a 
 storm, or whilst entering or leaving a harbour. Gradually 
 Herodotus opened his eyes to the state of the case, and 
 returning consciousness gave expression to the vacant
 
 ORACLE AND CAVE OF TROPHONIUS. 215 
 
 look with which he had at first greeted the eager and 
 impetuous Captain. 
 
 " Why, what is the matter ? " he cried ; " is the ship 
 going down?" 
 
 " No," replied the Captain ; " you are at Delphi, and 
 I want you to accompany me to Lebadea." 
 
 " To Lebadea?" 
 
 " Yes, to Lebadea. It is only twenty miles off. I have 
 heard that the oracle of the hero Trophonius will answer 
 my jjurpose, and I am rather in a hurry to leave this 
 port. If, therefore, you like to come with me, we can 
 ride there this morning ; I can do my business this even- 
 ing, and we can return to-morrow and set sail." 
 
 " I will accompany you with pleasure, Captain," said 
 Herodotus slowly ; " but when you talk of doing business 
 with the oracle, you must excuse me if I say that I think 
 you are speaking rather irreverently of the divine hero. 
 It is only a few days ago that you very properly reproved 
 me for likening your vessel to Charon's boat, and you 
 therefore will not mind my hint; and if all I have heard 
 be true, the cave of Trophonius is no common sanctuary." 
 
 " All is well," replied the Captain ; " I have tv/o horses 
 ready ; so directly you have taken your breakfast we will 
 start." 
 
 The road from Delphi to Lebadea ran along the se- 
 cluded valley of the upper course of the river Pleistus. 
 The region was wild and desolate. On the right were 
 the bare mountains of Cirphis ; and on the left the 
 rude rocks of Parnassus. In the time of Herodotus, and 
 for many centuries afterwards, robbers frequently issued 
 from their hiding-places in the neighbourhood, to rob 
 pious wayfarers of the offerings they might be carrying to 
 the Delphic shrine. No such brigands, however, pounced 
 upon our two travellers ; and indeed they met crowds 
 of pilgrims from Corinth, Athens, and other places east- 
 ward, who were anxious to reach Delphi by the day ap- 
 
 r 4
 
 216 OEACLES AT LEBADEA AND DELPHI, B. C. 460, 
 
 pointed for the consultation of the oracle. The road was 
 also remarkable as being that where the ill-starred 
 CEdipus met Laius ; and, ignorant that he was his father, 
 slew him in a fit of fatal passion. Herodotus and Phy- 
 larchus stopped to look at the monument which covered 
 the grave of Laius and his charioteer; and even in the 
 present day the traveller may see some piles of stones 
 which are probably the remains of the ancient monument. 
 
 Lebadea, like Delphi, was a small city crowded with 
 beautiful sanctuaries, but it was much inferior in renown. 
 It was situated on a hill separated from a higher moun- 
 tain by a narrow ravine, down which a rapid little 
 stream plashed dreamily on the ear. Here was the oracle 
 and cave of Trophonius, a god of the under-world, but 
 yet a mild and friendly one to mortals. He was a god of 
 soothsaying and revelation, to whom those descended who 
 desired counsel and information concerning hidden things. 
 
 We need scarcely inform the reader that Phylarchus 
 was totally ignorant of the character of the oracle. At 
 Delphi it was the pythoness, who was inspired by the 
 god, and who communicated to the inquirer all that had 
 been revealed to her during her divine ecstasy. At Le- 
 badea, however, the inquirer was obliged to go himself 
 into the cave of Trophonius, to descend to the dread mys- 
 teries of the lower world, and to subject himself to the 
 ecstatic condition. 
 
 On arriving at Lebadea, the two travellers put up their 
 horses at a house of public entertainment, and Hero- 
 dotus stayed there whilst Phylarchus proceeded to make 
 inquiries. An hour passed away before the worthy 
 Captain returned ; and then he came in with such a dis- 
 turbed and half-frightened air, that Herodotus at once 
 asked him what was the matter. 
 
 " iSlatter, indeed ! " he replied. " Why I am foundered, 
 driven upon a sand-bank, and shall not get off for a 
 month, to say nothing of being shaken to pieces,"
 
 A seaman's hesitation. 217 
 
 " I cannot possibly understand your metaphors," said 
 Herodotus. 
 
 " Why, the fact is," answered the Captain, " that I 
 must spend three days in the temple preparing myself, 
 and then I must cro at nisjht into the cave and receive the 
 oracle in person." 
 
 " Is your mission important?" 
 
 " Yes, of the utmost importance." 
 
 " Are you afraid of divine things ? " 
 
 " No, I hope not," replied Phylarchus. " I have always 
 tried to do my duty to man, and to honour the gods, and I 
 cannot think that I have ever offended them : indeed, 
 they have carried me in safety through many a tempest, 
 and many a peril both by sea and land." 
 
 " Then, in that case," said Herodotus, " taking it for 
 granted that you wish to be informed concerning some- 
 thing of moment, and that you have nothing to fear 
 from the divine Trophonius, who by all account has ever 
 been kind and good to mortals, my advice is, that you 
 should commence the preparatory ceremonies this very 
 night, and I will stay here until the whole are over." 
 
 " But, since you have accompanied me, why not consult 
 the oracle yourself?" asked Phylarchus. 
 
 " Because," said Herodotus, " I do not desire to pry 
 uselessly into the future, and at present I have no matter 
 of sufficient importance to warrant my entering the sacred 
 cave." 
 
 The Captain was still very much perturbed in his mind ; 
 not however so much on account of the delay he was 
 incurrino;, as on account of the ceremonies connected with 
 the consultation of the oracle. But he was a brave man, 
 and one who never liked to shrink from what he had 
 once undertaken. He therefore returned at once to the 
 priest of Trophonius, and prepared for the initiation into 
 the solemn mysteries.
 
 218 ORACLES AT LEBADEA AND DELPHI, B.C. 460, 
 
 Every person who desired to consult the oracle was 
 obliged, first of all, to spend several days in purification 
 and sacrifice, in order to prepare for his midnight visit to 
 the mysterious cave. In the case of Phylarchus, it was 
 considered that three days of preparation would be suffi- 
 cient; and accordingly, when, by the direction of the 
 priests of Trophonius, he had purchased the necessary 
 victims for the various sacrifices, he prepared to undergo 
 the preliminary ordeal. For these three entire days, whilst 
 Herodotus was visiting the sanctuaries of Lebadea, ex- 
 amining the various statues and other offerings, and 
 listening to the stories of the temple guides, — the 
 anxious Captain was passing the solitary hours in a 
 separate chamber, sacred to the good Spirit and the 
 Goddess of Fortune. During this period he was endea- 
 vouring to lead a sober and pure life, free from every 
 earthly passion and desire. Warm baths were denied 
 him; but as he seldom indulged in that luxury, so he 
 did not on the present occasion feel the deprivation. 
 Every day, however, he was required to bathe in the 
 small stream Hercyna, which we have already described. 
 Of animal food he had abundance, for he ate of the vic- 
 tims which he sacrificed to Trophonius and his sons, to 
 Apollo, Cronos, Zeus, Hera, and Demeter ; and at every 
 sacrifice a soothsayer was present, who, for rather a con- 
 siderable fee, announced to him, from the entrails of the 
 victims, that Trophonius was disposed to receive him very 
 graciously. Indeed the Captain would have been utterly 
 bewildered and disconsolate, and before the first day 
 would have given up the consultation altogether, had it 
 not been for the importance of the question, and the great 
 expenses which he had already incurred. On the second 
 and third day, however, and when the sacrifices were 
 over, the soothsayer, by his invitation, stopped to supper, 
 and one or two of the priests dropped in; so that the
 
 FINAL PURIFICATION. 219 
 
 evenings were spent in pleasant but appropriate conversa- 
 tion upon gods and heroes. 
 
 At last the night arrived when Phylarchus was to de- 
 scend into the cave. A ram was sacrificed to ascertain if 
 the hero would admit him, and the blood was allowed to 
 flow into a pit whilst Phylarchus called upon Agamedes, 
 the brother of Trophonius. If the entrails of this ram had 
 proved unpropitious, the Captain would have incurred all 
 his expenses for nothing ; for though all the previous vic- 
 tims had proved favourable, yet, according to the temple 
 law, they would avail nothing unless the ram was of good 
 omen. The soothsayer declared that all was propitious, 
 and the votary began to prepare for his solemn introduc- 
 tion to the sacred oracle. 
 
 The ceremonies of the three preliminary days had exer- 
 cised but little effect upon the mind and spirits of Phy- 
 larchus : when, however, the ram had been sacrificed and 
 the critical hour had arrived for his admission into the 
 presence of divine beings, he became exceedingly ex- 
 cited, and Avent through the concluding ceremonies like 
 a man in a dream. He was conducted to the river Her- 
 cyna by two boys, who bathed him once more in the 
 mysterious waters, and anointed hhn with holy oil. Priests 
 in their white robes then led him to the two sources of 
 the stream — the Fountain of Lethe and the Fountain of 
 Mnemosyne — to drink a draught of the mystic waters of 
 each. From the Fountain of Lethe he drank the Draught 
 of Oblivion, in order to forget every thing which had 
 previously occupied his mind ; from the Fountain of 
 Mnemosyne he drank the Draught of ^lemory, in order 
 to remember all the visions which were to appear to him 
 in the cave. Bewildered and terrified, he was then so- 
 lemnly introduced to the ancient statue of the god, kept 
 invisible to all mortals excepting those who thus piously 
 consulted the oracle ; and here he was directed to worship 
 the mysterious representation, and pray fervently, whilst
 
 220 ORACLES AT LEBADEA AND DELPHI, B. C. 460. 
 
 the priests around him chanted an imploring hymn of 
 invocation to the divine hero. At length midnight ap- 
 proached. Linen garments were girdled round his body, 
 and the temple sandals were placed upon his feet. Leav- 
 ing the sanctuary, he was led through the sacred grove 
 towards the oracle itself, which lay farther up that dark 
 eminence. Nothing was to be heard but the measured 
 footsteps of the priests, and nothing was to be seen but 
 the flickering light of their torches falling upon the gloomy 
 foliage. At last the mystic procession reached the circular 
 chapel of white marble, and silently entered the sacred 
 walls. Phylarchus was now terrified beyond expression, 
 but dared not return, as he had been previously assured 
 that, if he hung back after once commencing the pious 
 enterprise, he would arouse the anger of the gods against 
 him for ever. A steep, dark, and stairless chasm was 
 before him. A lis^ht, narrow ladder was brought for him 
 to descend it. Honey-cakes were placed in his hands to 
 enable him to appease the terrible serpents which abode in 
 the shades below. Tremblingly and fearfully he began 
 to descend ; but scarcely were his knees inside the open- 
 ing, when the rest of his body was sucked down as by an 
 irresistible current into a whirling eddy. He was now 
 in the mysterious cave. The terrors of the lower world 
 began. Vast serpents, evil spirits, and awful spectres 
 seemed to yawn upon him from all sides. Roarings, bellow- 
 ings, yells, and wild outcries burst upon his ears. He lost 
 all sense of his mission : his heart utterly failed within him. 
 The perspiration fell from his brow in the agony of that 
 fearful hour, and the strong man fell he knew not where, 
 trembling and speechless Avith divine horror. 
 
 How long he thus lay he knew not. Suddenly he found 
 his body impelled towards the chasm, and he was drawn 
 up, head downwards, from that terrible cave. The priests 
 anxiously received him in their arms ; but he was fainting 
 and horror-stricken. He was placed in the chair of
 
 PHYLARCHUS WRITES HIS VISION. 221 
 
 Mnemosyne, and asked a thousand questions as to what 
 he had seen and heard ; but he was bereft of his senses, 
 and his only reply was an unconnected mutter. Thence 
 he was carried back to his solitary chamber, in the sanc- 
 tuary of the good Spirit and Goddess of Fortune ; and 
 there he lay until returning daylight gradually restored 
 him to consciousness and life. 
 
 The freshness and sunshine of a summer's morning 
 soon exercised their joyous influence upon the mind and 
 spirits of the over-excited devotee. The priests assured 
 him that the ordeal was now over, and that he had gone 
 through it piously, fervently, and in perfect accordance 
 with the will of Trophonius. Thus encouraged, he soon 
 found himself sufficiently recovered to write his vision, as 
 far as he could remember it, upon a little tablet, which 
 was then dedicated in the temple. He still, however, 
 fancied himself to be living in dream-land ; and being 
 anxious to see Herodotus again, he performed the thanks- 
 giving sacrifice and paid the remaining fees as soon as 
 possible, and returned to the inn, bearing with him an 
 interpretation by the priests of the oracle which had been 
 delivered to him. 
 
 Herodotus was to some extent informed respecting the 
 ordeal which Phylarchus had gone through, and therefore 
 deferred talking with him upon the subject until the 
 following morning, when they should be riding back to 
 Delphi. He considered that a cheerful meal, a pleasant 
 cup of wine, and a sound night's rest were necessary to 
 allay the perturbation of the worthy Captain, and would 
 not in the least interfere with the good effect which all 
 such solemn mysteries were supposed to produce ever 
 afterwards upon the humble and faithful worshipper. He 
 himself had found at Lebadea but few objects of real 
 interest, and was therefore not at all sorry that the 
 mission of Phylarchus was concluded, and that they were 
 about to return to the ship and continue their voyage.
 
 222 ORACLES AT LEBADEA AND DELPHI, B C. 460. 
 
 The return ride from Lebadea to Delphi requires no 
 farther notice. Phylarchus informed Herodotus of all that 
 had taken place ; and notwithstanding the expenses he had 
 incurred and the horrors he had undergone, seemed to 
 have been strangely attracted by the mysteries connected 
 with oracles ; for the priest who had delivered to him the 
 interpretation of the oracle of Trophonius had advised him 
 to consult likewise the oracle of Delphi. This circum- 
 stance he had mentioned to Herodotus during the previous 
 evening, and had declared that he could not go through 
 with it, but he now seemed inclined to alter his mind ; and 
 Herodotus, afraid to counsel him upon so important a 
 subject, left him to follow^ his own judgment. On entering 
 the town they found the streets crowded with strangers ; 
 and on reaching their inn, it was with the utmost difficulty 
 they could obtain accommodation. The morrow was the 
 great day for consulting the oracle ; and an immense num- 
 ber of private persons and ambassadors from different 
 states had arrived for the purpose of applying for counsel 
 to silver-bowed Apollo. Phylarchus could not resist the 
 opportunity and temptation. The next morning he went 
 with Herodotus to the great temple ; and having bathed 
 with the other worshippers in the purifying fount of Cas- 
 talia, he patiently awaited his turn for consulting the 
 immortal and far-seeing deity. 
 
 The oracle of Delphi, where bright Apollo made known 
 to man the inscrutable will of all-powerful Zeus, was the 
 most celebrated and perhaps the most pure of all the ora- 
 cles in Hellas. The divine agency by which this 
 wondrous mediation was supposed to be effected lay in a 
 chasm or opening in the earth, and is said to have existed 
 from the earliest ages ; but the Delphians, being ignorant 
 of this circumstance, had in ancient times exhibited no 
 religious reverence for so sacred a spot. At length it was 
 noticed, that whenever a goat or sheep approached the 
 opening and looked down the chasm, it began to leap and
 
 ORIGIN OF THE ORACLE OF APOLLO. 223 
 
 dance in a most wonderful manner, and make a most 
 unusual noise. A curious shepherd determined to inves- 
 tigate the mystery, and looked down the same chasm, and 
 immediately he himself leaped and danced with the same 
 enthusiasm, and was moreover inspired with the spirit of 
 prophecy. The news rapidly spread abroad among the 
 people. Immense crowds thronged to the spot, and all 
 who looked down the chasm were filled with the same 
 spirit of divination. It was soon decided that the place 
 w^as the residence of an oracle ; and it quickly became a 
 custom for all who desired to know future events, to 
 approach the chasm and prophesy to each other. Fre- 
 quently, however, it happened, that those who went to 
 be inspired were filled with such enthusiasm that they 
 would leap into the opening and be seen no more. In 
 order, therefore, to avoid all such danger for the future, 
 the inhabitants determined upon consecrating one woman 
 as prophetess, w^ho alone should deliver the answers ; and 
 they devised the tall three-legged tripod, upon which she 
 could sit and be inspired without doing herself any mis- 
 chief. The well from whence the intoxicating smoke 
 arose was called Cassotis ; and over it was built the 
 adytum of the large stone temple, which was subsequently 
 erected upon the spot. This temple was burnt down in 
 B. c. 548, but rebuilt with still greater splendour ; the ex- 
 penses being defrayed by a grand national subscription, to 
 which it is remarkable that Amasis, the reigning king of 
 Egypt, sent a most liberal contribution. 
 
 Such is a brief history of the temple of Delphi. In 
 ancient times the prophetess, or pythoness, was a young 
 virgin; but subsequently she was an old woman in a 
 maiden's dress. She was taken from some Delphian family ; 
 and having once undertaken the sacred office, could never 
 marry or leave the service of the god. At first there was 
 only one prophetess; but in the time of Herodotus, when 
 Hellas was in her most flourishing state, there were
 
 221 ORACLES AT LEBADEA AND DELPHI, B. C. 460. 
 
 always two, who took their seats on the tripod alter- 
 nately. A third was also kept in readiness, in case any 
 accident happened to either of the two others ; for 
 sometimes the effect of the intoxicating vapour was tre- 
 mendous, and a pythoness would leap from the tripod 
 in her delirium, and be thrown into convulsions, which in 
 a few days would terminate in her death. Besides the 
 prophetesses, there were five priests, who were chosen 
 from the five principal families of Delphi, and who, to- 
 gether with the high priest, held their ofiices for life, and 
 controlled all the affairs of the sanctuary and sacrifices. 
 
 The words uttered by the pythoness during her deli- 
 rious intoxication were written down by the high priest, 
 and delivered to the consulter in the form of hexameter 
 verses. In ancient times, and even in the days of Hero- 
 dotus, the oracle gave its answers and advice to every 
 one who came with a pure heart, and without evil design. 
 He who had committed a crime received no answer until 
 he had atoned for his guilt ; and he who consulted the 
 god for a bad purpose was sure to accelerate his own ruin. 
 The oracle may indeed be regarded as the great preserver 
 and promoter of a reverential worship of the gods through- 
 out the ancient world. At all times, however, it ap- 
 peared to have a leaning towards the Greeks of the Dorian, 
 race ; and when the dreadful Peloponnesian war broke 
 out — that sad struggle between Athens and Sparta for 
 the supremacy of Hellas — its partiality for Sparta became 
 so manifest that the Athenian party began to lose all 
 reverence for it. Henceforth its sphere gradually became 
 so narrowed that it ceased to command the veneration 
 w^hich it had previously received. The mighty oracle, 
 which for centuries had exercised a paramount and 
 highly beneficial influence over all Greece, and also 
 throughout the whole heathen world, gradually declined 
 in wisdom and pre-knowledge. At last the believing 
 heathen thought that the god had withdrawn from the
 
 CHARACTER OF THE RESPONSES. 225 
 
 sacred spot ; and the freethmking philosopher regarded 
 the oracle itself as a mere skilful contrivance of priest- 
 craft, which had for ever lost its powers. 
 
 The modern traveller in vain seeks upon the conse- 
 crated site for a clue to the mysterious inspiration. 
 
 " The oracles are dumb, 
 
 No voice or hideous hum 
 Runs through the arched roof, with words deceiring ; 
 Apollo from his shrine 
 Can no more divine, 
 With hollow shriek the steep of Delphos leaving. 
 No nightly trance or breathed spell 
 Inspires the pale-eyed priest from the prophetic cell." * 
 
 Jugglery and priestcraft may have had full play in the 
 cave of Trophonius, but not so in ancient Delphi. A Avise 
 and inscrutable agency was at work there which man 
 has never yet fathomed. The early Christian ascribed 
 it to Satan ; the modern critic talks of the influence of a 
 secret hierarchical senate formed of the aristocracy of 
 Delphi. The former opinion is confuted by the moral 
 excellence of many of the responses. If the latter opinion 
 be correct, then the Delphian senate was the wisest that 
 ever lived. That the pythoness might be sometimes cor- 
 rupted is not only possible but certain ; but such corrup- 
 tion could not have been continuous, nor have brouscht forth 
 such pious responses. Neither theologian nor philosopher 
 have yet accounted satisfactorily for the oracle at Delphi. f 
 
 * Milton's Hymn to the Nativity. 
 
 f It is far more difficult to discover what agencies were at work in the 
 temple and oracle at Delphi, than the general reader would suppose, 
 Bishop Sherlock is confident of the Satanic character of the oracle. Dr. 
 Middleton maintains that all oracles were mere impostures, wholly invented 
 and sustained by human craft, without any supernatural aid or interposition 
 whatever. That supernatural influences, such as witchcraft and demonism, 
 were continually at work in the earliest ages of the world, is proved by the 
 testimony of Holy Writ. How far they were confined to the Hebrew people 
 it is not for us to say. The origin of heathenism will be glanced at in a 
 future chapter. 
 
 VOL. I. Q
 
 226 ORACLES AT LEBADEA AND DELPHI, B. C. 460. 
 
 But to return to our story. The heights of Parnassus 
 were bathed in the light of awakening day. The stars 
 fled from the heavenly brightness of the radiant Sun-god 
 into the holy night. The sacred enclosure was thronged 
 with anxious worshippers. The questions were given in, 
 the lots were cast for the order of consulting, and the 
 victims were sacrificed. The myrtle was burned on the 
 altar, and its fragrance rose to the temple cornice. The 
 turn for Phylarchus came, and the golden fee was paid. 
 The high-priest led the pythoness into the inner sanc- 
 tuary, and throned her on the lofty tripod. Then the 
 oracle threw the sacred maid into an ecstatic trance, and 
 filled her soul with mysterious revelations. The chanted 
 response rang through the building, and these were the 
 Avords of the far-seeing Apollo — 
 
 " Pure is thy heart, O man, but weak thy mind: 
 Back to thy ship, and hasten to thy port ; 
 Revere the gods, and take thy share of ill." 
 
 Several hours passed away when Herodotus and Phy- 
 larchus, having left Delphi at noon, approached the har- 
 bour at Cirrha, where the ship lay at anchor. Scarcely 
 a word had been exchanged during the whole journey. 
 Herodotus was wondering what could be the question 
 Avhich had induced Phylarchus to consult the oracles 
 of Trophonius and Delphi. The captain himself was lost 
 in deep meditation, and was doubtless employing all his 
 faculties in endeavouring to find out the meaning of the 
 metrical counsel which he had just received. The first 
 line seemed to intimate that he was a fool ; that was by 
 no means satisfactory. The command enunciated in the 
 second line he was in the very act of obeying. The third 
 line was clear enough, but perfectly unnecessary. Of 
 course it was right to revere the gods, and as to his 
 share of ill, he must take it whether he would or not. 
 At last he determined to open his whole heart to Hero- 
 dotus, and consult him upon the entire matter.
 
 ENQUIRY OF PHYLAECHUS. 227 
 
 " I am afraid," said the perplexed seaman, " that I . 
 never shall be able to consult an oracle to advantage. 
 The answer I received in the cave of Trophonius is as 
 misty as a fog at sea ; and as to the interpretation which 
 the priests gave me, I will defy any man to understand it. 
 The answer I got this morning at Delphi is too plain ; 
 there must be some hidden meaning in it that I cannot 
 make out. I wish you would give me your candid opinion 
 of the question and the two responses." 
 
 " But first of all," said Herodotus, " I must hear the 
 question." 
 
 " Oh," replied Phylarchus, with some hesitation, " the 
 fact is that I — I thouc^ht of o-ettins; married and settled." 
 
 " I understand," said our young traveller, smiling ; 
 " but have you fixed upon the lady ? " 
 
 " Yes ; she is the daughter of an old comrade of mine, 
 who lives in the Piraeus, where we are now going." 
 
 " Then you prudently wished to consult the oracles 
 before the marriage was fairly celebrated?" 
 
 " Xo ! I only wished to know if my wife and I should 
 be happy together ; for I went to Athens and got mar- 
 ried before I left Corinth." 
 
 " I see it all now. You married first and consulted 
 the oracles afterwards." 
 
 A conscious pang of intelligence shot through the mind 
 of Phylarchus. He cursed himself for a fool, whilst Hero- 
 dotus was doing his best to keep down his own satisfac- 
 tion at having got the better of his father's confidant ; and 
 in this happy mood the two friends reached the shore and 
 put off" to the ship. 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 
 
 CHAP. XVL 
 
 HISTORY OF ATHENS, ante b. c. 594. 
 
 ATTICA AND ATHENS. GENERAL VIEW OF THE CITY AND COUNTRY. 
 
 ANCIENT AND MODERN APPEARANCE OF THE PUBLIC BUILDINGS. — HIS- 
 TORY OF ATHENS IN THE TIME OF MOSES, JOSHUA, AND THE JUDGES. — 
 
 ANCIENT KINGS. CONDITION OF ATTICA PRIOR TO THE TIME OF SOLON, 
 
 ANTE B. C. 600. — POLITICAL CONSTITUTION. OLIGARCHY OF THE NOBLES 
 
 OR EUPATRIDS. — SEVERE LEGISLATION OF DRACO, B.C. 624 UNSUC- 
 CESSFUL ATTEMPT OF CYLON TO SEIZE THE SUPREME POWER. — SACRI- 
 LEGE OF THE ALCMJEONIDS. — TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION OF THE ALC- 
 
 M^ONIDS. PESTILENCE AND RELIGIOUS DESPONDENCY. EXPIATORY 
 
 RITES OF EPIMENIDES THE CRETAN PROPHET. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 
 
 DISCOVERIES. ATTICA ON THE EVE OF A GENERAL INSURRECTION OF 
 
 THE POOR AGAINST THE RICH. — SOLON INVITED TO MEDIATE, B. C. 594. 
 
 Whilst Herodotus is slowly making his Avay from Cirrlia 
 to the Corinthian port of Lechseum, thence across the 
 isthmus to Cenchrea, and finally from Cenchrea to the 
 Pirasus, we invite our readers to accompany us upon an 
 imaginary voyage to Athens, for the purpose of surveying 
 the ancient city and rambling through the immortal plains 
 of Attica. 
 
 We are sitting in the cabin, wearily toiling through a 
 volume of Pausanias. A voice calls us upon deck. We 
 are fast approaching the Piraeus. The island of -ZEgina 
 is already behind us. On our left is the famous isle of 
 Salamis. Yonder on the mainland is Mount Hymettus, 
 and we dream forthwith of bees and honey. Beyond it 
 rises the mighty Pentelicus, the quarry for marble tem- 
 ples, gods, and heroes. At last slowly rises to our view 
 the hill of the Acropolis, with the far-shining pillars of 
 the Parthenon and Propyliea.
 
 ATHENS AND ATTICA. 229 
 
 We land at Piraeus, the seaport of Athens. Pausanias 
 and the hisjo^ao-e are all foro:otten in our burnins^ im- 
 patience to view the soil ere while trodden by the im- 
 mortals. We start at once for Athens. We drive past 
 the relics of the long walls, over the Cephissus, and 
 through the groups of olive trees which still cover its 
 banks. The Acroj)olis is five or six miles from the 
 Piraeus, and the journey occupies us nearly an hour. At 
 last we approach the city. Yonder is the ancient temple 
 of Theseus, with its golden-brown pillars and walls glit- 
 tering in the sun. We drive through the principal street, 
 the street of Hermes, and aAvay go half our illusions. 
 But still we hear the sounds of that language which we 
 have known only from Homer and Thucydides; and 
 Athens seems to rise once more before us, until we mio-ht 
 almost fancy we saw Socrates approaching us, crowned 
 with fresh wreaths, to invite us to a Platonic banquet. 
 
 It is sunrise, and we leave the city and return to the 
 Piraeus. The hill of Munychia is the highest point in 
 the Piraeus, and 300 feet above the sea. We climb the 
 hill and view the prospect. Beneath us is the deep blue 
 sunlit sea, the isles of ^gina and Salamis, and the far- 
 off rocks and bays of the Peloponnesian shore. Turning 
 towards the land, we see the Attic plain lying before us 
 in a splendour and beauty which we can never hope to 
 describe. Before, however, we suffer our eye to rest 
 upon the several objects in that magnificent landscape, 
 we must endeavour to get a more geographical notion of 
 the country at large. 
 
 Attica is a triangular peninsula, projecting in a south- 
 erly direction from Northern Greece into the TEgean. 
 Two of its sides are washed by the sea, whilst the third 
 is united to the land. Each of these sides, though very 
 irregular, may be reckoned at being about fifty miles in 
 length. The apex is formed by Cape Sunium. The base 
 is indicated by the following mountains. The chain which, 
 
 Q 3
 
 230 HISTORY OF ATHENS, ANTE B.C. 594. 
 
 under the name of Pinclus, descends from the Balkan 
 range into Greece, forms a knot at the huge mass of 
 Cith^eron; and from Cithgeron two branches run oif in 
 opposite directions, and mark out the northern frontier 
 of Attica. Other chains descend from this mountain- wall 
 into the interior of the Attic peninsula, and cut it up 
 into plains and districts. Thus in ancient times all the 
 inhabitants of Attica were divided into the three great 
 parties of Lowlanders, Highlanders, and Sea-coast 
 people. The Lowlanders occupied the western region, 
 including Athens and Eleusis. The Highlanders occupied 
 the eastern region, including the plain of Marathon. The 
 Sea-coast people occupied the southern region, about Cape 
 Sunium and the silver mines of Laurium. 
 
 It is the Athenian plain upon which we are now gazing. 
 On our right are the harbours of Munychia and Pha- 
 lerum ; on our left is the harbour of Pir^us. Before us 
 the wide plain spreads out like a vast amphitheatre. On 
 our rio'ht a semicircular wall of mountains beo^ins at the 
 harmonious but boldly sweeping outline of Mount Hy- 
 mettus, passes onward along the mighty ascent of Pen- 
 telius, and bends into the curve formed by the great 
 northern mountain-w^all, from whence it returns to our 
 left by the ranges of ^galeos. Several smaller hills and 
 elevations rise in the southern part of the plain. The 
 most prominent is the tall cone of Lycabettus. This 
 mountain was not included in the ancient walls, but was 
 a striking feature in the environs. South-west of Lyca- 
 bettus are four other hills of moderate height, all of which 
 formed part of the ancient city and are haunted by magic 
 memories. These are the Acropolis, or ancient citadel 
 of Athens, once covered with temples and statues ; the 
 Areopagus, where the criminal court was held ; the Pnyx, 
 or place of assembly for the Athenian people ; and the 
 Museum, where the poet Musseus was buried. East of 
 the city runs the river Ilissus, in a south-westerly direc-
 
 ANCIENT AND MODERN BUILDINGS. 231 
 
 tion. West of the city runs the river Cephissus, in a 
 southerly direction, its banks covered with olive trees and 
 vineyards. The glorious lines in jNIilton's " Paradise 
 Regained" rise to our lips. Shall we not repeat them 
 here? 
 
 '* Where on the JEgean shore a city stands, 
 Built nobly, pure the air and light the soil; 
 Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts 
 And eloquence, native to famous wits 
 Or hospitable, in her sweet recess. 
 City or suburban, studious walks and shades. 
 See there the olive grove of Academe, 
 Plato's retirement, where the Attic bird 
 Trills her thick-warbled notes the surmner long ; 
 There flowery hill Hymettus, with the sound 
 Of bees' industrious murmur, oft invites 
 To studious musing ; there Ilissus rolls 
 His whispering stream : Avithin the walls then view 
 The schools of ancient sages ; his who bred 
 Great Alexander to subdue the world, 
 Lyceum there, and painted Stoa next." 
 
 We return to Athens. We have seen the present, but 
 we want to call up the past. Oh that some potent en- 
 chanter would stand on yonder Acropolis and roll the 
 world backward for two thousand years ! Houses and 
 churches fall to pieces like edifices of cards, and up burst 
 a glorious transformation into the olden time. The 
 mighty rocky platform of the Acropolis radiant with 
 temples and statues ; the theatre filled with excited thou- 
 sands; the judges sitting in solemn trial on the Areo- 
 pagus ; the vast political assemblies of the Athenian people 
 on the spacious area of the Pnyx ; the busy Agora and the 
 crowded streets; poets, warriors, philosophers, and states- 
 men; priests and maidens, sacrifices and marble sanc- 
 tuaries. But this cannot be. The only enchanter that 
 can assist us is our own feeble fancy ; and that was more 
 active in our solitary study far away than here on this 
 immortal soil. 
 
 We are standing by the fountain of Callirrhoe, close to 
 
 Q 4
 
 232 HISTORY OF ATHENS, ANTE B. C. 594. 
 
 the now dry bed of the river Illissus, south-east of Athens 
 and of the Acropolis. Before us are sixteen mighty co- 
 lumns crowned with Corinthian capitals ; all that remains 
 of the gigantic temple of Olympian Zeus. We pass on- 
 wards south of the Acropolis towards the Pnyx, at the 
 western extremity of the ancient city. The Acropolis 
 rises a hundred and fifty feet above us. On its slope are 
 the ruins of the seats of the great stone theatre of Dio- 
 nysus, which would hold 30,000 spectators. We cross 
 the site of the ancient Agora, and at last reach the Pnyx, 
 a semicircular area on a low rocky hill. This area slopes 
 very gently from the chord of the semicircle downwards 
 towards the arc. The chord is formed by a flat wall of 
 rock, and a solid rectangular block, hewn from the same 
 rock, projects from its centre. This block is the Bema 
 from whence the orators of ancient Athens addressed the 
 multitude in the semicircular area before them. The Bema 
 is twenty feet high, and was accessible on each side by 
 a flight of steps which still remain. We too ascend " the 
 Stone," We stand where stood Demosthenes, Pericles, 
 Themistocles, Aristides, and Solon. Are not the Athe- 
 nian people once again filling that immense area? Can 
 we not imagine ourselves haranguing an audience of the 
 olden time ? Spirit of Pericles, inspire us ! We exult 
 in the glories and grandeur of Athens. We see black 
 clouds rising from the Peloponnesus. 
 
 Descending from the Bema, we go a little farther. 
 Before us is a rocky height where the council of the 
 Areopagus sat as judges in the open air. The scene has 
 changed, but fancy is still as vivid. We are surrounded 
 by a throng of would-be philosophers, some inquiring, 
 some sneering. A new teacher has appeared in the Agora, 
 a setter forth of strange gods, and we are taking him to 
 the Areopagus to hear what he has to say. A short, pale 
 Hebrew, with eyes of fire, addresses us from the slope. 
 He speaks of the altar to an Unknown God ; of the God
 
 ATHENS IX THE OLD TESTAMENT PERIOD. 233 
 
 vrho giveth life to all men, and who dwelleth not in 
 temples ; of a coming judgment, and of the resurrection 
 of the dead. We hear the Babel of spirit voices, and fain 
 would follow up the dream ; but the charm is broken, and 
 our senses mournfully return to the world around us. 
 
 Before we follow in the ancient footsteps of Herodotus, 
 we will endeavour to recall the history of Athens. In 
 the days of Moses, Joshua, and the Judges, the territory 
 of Attica was governed by a line of kings, of whom the 
 most celebrated were Cecrops, Erectheus, Theseus, and 
 Codrus. The city of Athens was originally confined to 
 the Acropolis, but afterwards extended over the ad- 
 jacent hills ; just as the city of Jerusalem was originally 
 confined to Mount Zion, but afterwards extended over 
 Moriah and Millo. About the same time that the He- 
 brews were demanding a king from the prophet Samuel, 
 the Athenian monarchy was abolished, and the supreme 
 power was vested in an archon. First of all, there was a 
 line of hereditary archons ; then it was decreed that the 
 archonship should be held for ten years only ; last of all, 
 the archonship was declared to be a yearly oflSce, and its 
 duties were distributed amongst nine archons instead of 
 one. We know scarcely anything of this period until 
 Solon was made an archon in B. c. 594, just about the 
 time that the kingdom of Judah was carried away into 
 Babylonian captivity. 
 
 The condition of Attica prior to the time of Solon, that 
 is, previous to the commencement of the sixth century 
 B. C, appears to have been somewhat as follows : The 
 people believed themselves to be Pelasgian aborigines, and 
 they said that king Cecrops was the first who introduced 
 the arts of civilisation, built the city of Athens on the 
 Acropolis, and divided all Attica into twelve separate and 
 self-governing communities ; and they affirmed that king 
 Theseus afterwards consolidated these communities into a 
 single state and made Athens the capital. Whether they
 
 234 HISTORY OF ATHENS, ANTE B. C. 594. 
 
 were Pelasgians or not is uncertain ; but we know that 
 they were considered to be lonians, and that Athens was 
 regarded as a sort of mother or head of the Ionian race. 
 The ancient migration from Athens to Asia Minor was 
 called the Ionian Migration ; and the inhabitants of Attica 
 were divided into four tribes, which were said to be called 
 after the names of the four sons of Ion, who was reported 
 to have reigned at Athens in mythical times. Of course 
 the idea that the four tribes were named after the four 
 sons of Ion is only an instance of the fondness of the 
 Greeks for tracing every institution back to some god or 
 hero. The names themselves may possibly have referred 
 to the occupations of the people, who thus may have been 
 divided into warriors, goatherds, artisans, and cultivators, 
 corresponding perhaps to the castes of Egypt and India. 
 At any rate, in the time of Solon, the people were divided 
 into four tribes, which had existed from time immemorial, 
 though the tribes had lost all distinctive peculiarities 
 arising from a difference of professions ; and they con- 
 sidered themselves to be divided and named after the 
 four sons of Ion, but linked together in the worship of his 
 father, bright Apollo. 
 
 Each of these four Attic tribes was separated into two 
 diiferent kinds of subdivisions. The first was a sort of 
 patriarchal subdivision into families ; and as every family 
 conceived itself to be descended from a particular hero, so 
 its members were not only bound together by the ties of 
 blood, but also by its own sacred rites and funeral com- 
 memoration of its especial ancestor. The other was a 
 mere political subdivision of all the householders through- 
 out Attica, for the purpose of collecting money and troops 
 for the use of the state. It will thus be seen that the 
 members of a family, or gens, may have been scattered 
 about Attica, but were bound together by the common 
 worship of a common ancestor ; whilst the inhabitants of 
 a district, or naucrary, may have been members of different
 
 SEVERE LEGISLATION OF DRACO. 235 
 
 family associations, but still bound together as belonging 
 to the same district. 
 
 Beside, however, these distinctions of tribe, race, and 
 district, there was another and still more important di- 
 vision of the people, based upon the gradations of rank. 
 When king Theseus formed the twelve districts of Attica 
 into one state, he is said to have likewise separated the 
 people into three classes — namely, 1. nobles, 2. farmers, 
 and 3. mechanics and field labourers. After the aboli- 
 tion of the monarchy, the whole power of the state fell 
 into the hands of the nobles, or eupatrids ; and the archons 
 and Council of the Areopagus were exclusively taken 
 from their number. 
 
 It may readily be supposed that this eupatrid oligarchy, 
 or government of the nobles, would soon become most 
 oppressive. The archons shared amongst themselves the 
 kingly power and privileges, and were only accountable 
 at the end of their year of office to the Council of the 
 Areopagus ; and if they duly passed this test, they were 
 at once admitted into that council, and remained members 
 for life. There was thus ample room for connivance on 
 every side, and the public discontent became serious. At 
 length, in B. C. 624, thirty years before the archonship of 
 Solon, one of the sitting archons, named Draco, was re- 
 quired to put the existing laws into writing, so that 
 they might be seen by all men ; and from the few frag- 
 ments of the Draconian Tables which have reached us, we 
 can see that the established ordinances were intolerably 
 severe, the penalty of death being affixed to almost every 
 crime. It is clear that this state of things could not last. 
 The age of democracy, however, had not yet begun ; and 
 the oligarchy received its first shock from the hands of 
 an ambitious noble, who aspired to the supreme power. 
 
 Cylon was a eupatrid of great family influence and 
 personal renown. He had obtained an Olympic victory 
 as runner in the double stadium, and had married the
 
 236 HISTORY OF ATHENS, ANTE B.C. 594. 
 
 daughter of Theagenes of Megara, who had himself over- 
 thrown the Megarian oligarchy, and become the despotic 
 head of the state. Cylon formed the design of seizing 
 the Athenian Acropolis, and becoming tyrant of Athens. 
 His friends were nmiierous, and he received both aid and 
 encourao-ement from his father-in-law Theas^enes. The 
 oracle of Delphi was consulted, and he was told in reply 
 to commence proceedings on the day of the greatest fes- 
 tival of Zeus. Now, the greatest festival of Zeus in 
 Attica was the Diasia, but the greatest in Hellas was 
 the Olympic games. The Diasia was celebrated by the 
 Athenian people without the walls of their city, and it 
 was to this festival that the oracle alluded ; but Cylon, 
 having been an Olympic victor, presumed that the oracle 
 alluded to the Olympic games. Indeed Cylon had con- 
 sulted the oracle for an evil purpose, and the rej^ly 
 accelerated his ruin. At the next Olympic festival, he 
 marched at the head of his friends, and of those forces 
 which he had received from Theagenes, and suddenly 
 seized the Acropolis. But the indignation of the whole 
 Athenian people was aroused. The rural population of 
 Attica crowded to Athens to assist the archons in put- 
 ting down the attempted revolution. Cylon and his party 
 were blockaded in the Acropolis, where they were soon 
 reduced to extremity by the want of water and provisions. 
 Cylon escaped by stealth. Many of his party died of 
 hunger ; and the remainder at last gave up all hope of 
 defending themselves, and sat down as suppliants on the 
 great altar of the citadel. Megacles, an archon and 
 member of the family of the Alcmaeonids, then ascended 
 the Acropolis, and found the suppliants on the point of 
 expiring from starvation on the sacred ground. He was 
 afraid that the revolutionists would perish on the altar, 
 and pollute the consecrated spot. To prevent such a 
 catastrophe, he induced them to leave the place by so- 
 lemnly promising to spare their lives. This engagement
 
 TRIAL A^'D CONDEMXATIOX OF THE ALCM^ONIDS. 237 
 
 was speedily ylolated. ISo sooner had the suppliants 
 been removed to profane soil than Megacles put them to 
 death ; and some even, who contrived to throw themselves 
 upon the altar of the venerable Eumenides, near the 
 Areopagus, were slain in spite of that divine protection. 
 
 This sacrilegious act filled the public mind with reli- 
 gious horror. A general reaction arose, not so much in 
 favour of Cylon and his party, as against Megacles, the 
 archon, and the great family of the Alcm^onids, to which 
 he belonged. The Alcmseonids and their partisans were 
 sufficiently powerful to resist any attempts to bring them 
 to public trial. The dissensions, however, continued 
 without hope of termination. The exasperation of the 
 remnant of the old Cylonian party, and the hatred and 
 jealousy of the political opponents of the Alcmieonids, 
 were kept in a continual flame by the superstitious re- 
 morse of the great body of the people. At last Solon, 
 who was rapidly rising in the public estimation, persuaded 
 the obnoxious Alcmasonids to give themselves up to trial, 
 and they were accordingly brought before a special judi- 
 cature of three hundred eupatrids. An accuser now 
 charged them with having sinned against the protecting 
 power of the gods, and violated the consecrated rights of 
 asylum. The Alcmaeonids defended themselves by de- 
 claring that the Cylonian suppliants, on leaving the holy 
 ground on the Acropolis, had tied a cord round the statue 
 of the goddess Athena, and clung to it for protection in 
 their march ; but that, on apj^roachlng the altar of the 
 Eumenides, the cord had accidentally broken, and thus 
 proved that Athena had withdrawn her protecting hand. 
 This defence would probably have been accepted in an 
 ordinary case of sacrilege, but was insufficient on the pre- 
 sent occasion. The Alcmseonlds were found guilty. 
 Those who were still alive retired for a while into exile ; 
 those who had died since the sacrilege had been com- 
 mitted, were disinterred and cast beyond the borders of 
 Attica.
 
 238 HISTORY OF ATHENS, ANTE B. C. 594. 
 
 For many subsequent generations tlie Alcmaeonid 
 family were regarded as a tainted race, whilst even their 
 present banishment did not restore the public tranquillity. 
 Pestilential disorders prevailed, and the religious fears and 
 susceptibilities of the Athenian people were still deplo- 
 rably excited. SorroAV and despondency oppressed their 
 minds; phantoms and supernatural menaces filled their 
 imaginations. They felt that the curse of the gods was 
 still hano;ino; over them without abatement. No sacrifices 
 
 O CD 
 
 would dissipate the epidemic. No prophets in Athens 
 could point out what special purifications were required, 
 or what new ceremonies would appease the divine wrath. 
 The oracle at Delphi was at last consulted, and directed 
 them to invite a higher spiritual influence from abroad. 
 
 That particular age was remarkable for the first rise of 
 distinct religious brotherhoods, employing special mystic 
 rites and expiatory ceremonies, which seem to have been 
 totally unknown in the Homeric times. These brother- 
 hoods appear to have been founded by prophets or teachers, 
 like Pythagoras and Onomacritus : but perhaps the most 
 celebrated man belonging to this class was Epimenides, a 
 native of Crete. Epimenides was connected with the 
 worship of the Cretan Zeus, and was supposed to stand 
 extremely high in the favour of that deity. He was never 
 seen to eat, and was said to be fed by the nymphs, and to 
 have once slept in a cave without waking through the 
 long period of fifty-seven years. He may also have come 
 before his countrymen as a preacher, for his powerful 
 denunciation of the Cretans as " being always liars, evil 
 beasts, and slow bellies," was aptly quoted, six centuries 
 afterwards, by the Apostle Paul, in his practical epistle to 
 Titus. Such was apparently the character of Epimenides 
 the Purifier, who was now called in to heal the physical 
 pestilence and the moral disease which were afflicting 
 the Athenian people. 
 
 We know scarcely anything of the proceedings of Epi-
 
 ATTICA ON THE EVE OF A REYOLUTIOX. 239 
 
 menides at Athens, beyond the general fact of his visit 
 and its salutary results. He is said to have turned out 
 black and white sheep on the Areopagus, and directed 
 persons to follow and watch them, and to erect altars to the 
 appropriate local deities on the spots where the animals 
 lay down. He founded new chapels and instituted various 
 purifying ceremonies. Above all, however, he regulated 
 the worship paid by the Athenian females, who previously 
 had frequently given way to frantic impulses and violent 
 fanaticism. The consoling assurances and purifying rites 
 of this Cretan prophet w^ere thus sufficient to restore a 
 more comfortable tone of religious feeling; and he left 
 Athens, carrying with him universal gratitude and admi- 
 ration, but refusing to receive any reward excepting a 
 branch from the sacred olive tree in the Acropolis. 
 
 But though a missionary from Crete had thus been 
 able to heal the religious, or, perhaps, as we should call 
 them, the superstitious disorders of the people, yet the 
 political and social condition of Attica and its inhabitants 
 required the intervention of a still more powerful hand. 
 The whole of Attica was separated, as we have seen, into 
 three great factions — the lowlanders, the highlanders, and 
 the sea-coast people. The lowlanders comprised the rich 
 families of the Athenian plain. The highlanders comprised 
 the poorest class of all, and inhabited the mountains north 
 and east of Athens. The sea-coast people, who occupied 
 the southern portion of the Attic triangle, seemed to have 
 held, as far as means and social position were concerned, 
 an intermediate position between the two. The exact 
 points in dispute are unknown ; but it is certain that in 
 the beginning of the sixth century, B.C., the intestine 
 quarrels were aggravated by something more than the 
 mere ambitious designs of aspiring nobles like Cylon. 
 The poorer population, groaning under a terrible wei^^ht 
 of misery and oppression, were ripe for a revolution which 
 could only end in general anarchy, or in the despotic
 
 240 HISTORY OF ATHENS, ANTE B. C. 594. 
 
 tyranny of a dictator. They were weighed down by 
 debts and dependence. They had either borrowed money 
 on the security of their lands or bodies, or, as tenant 
 farmers, they had been unable to pay the stipulated rents 
 to their wealthy landlords. According to the existing 
 law, every debtor who could not fulfil his contract was 
 adjudged to be the slave of his creditor, together with his 
 sons under age, and his unmarried sisters and daughters. 
 So severely had these contracts been enforced by the 
 wealthy and governing eupatrids that many Attic freemen 
 had been reduced to slavery, and some had even been 
 sold for exportation ; whilst a number of the smaller 
 farms were under mortgage, having the usual mortgage 
 pillar erected on the land, inscribed with the name of the 
 lender and the amount of the loan. The mass of sufferers 
 were now determined to seek relief at all hazards. A 
 general insurrection was expected, and the government 
 dared not enforce the existing laws. In the other Greek 
 oligarchies, when the government had lost its authority, 
 some ambitious individual had generally anticipated the 
 crisis, by taking advantage of the popular discontent to 
 overthrow the oligarchy and seize the supreme power. 
 The recent failure of Cylon, however, probably deterred 
 any other adventurer from making the attempt at Athens. 
 Such was the disorganised state of society when the name 
 of Solon was everywhere invoked. But we must com- 
 mence another chapter before we attempt to sketch his 
 life and labours.
 
 241 
 
 CHAP. XVIL 
 
 HISTORY OF ATHENS (continued), b.c. 594—510. 
 
 SOLON THE LEGISLATOR. SWEEPING CHARACTER OF HIS MEASURES. 
 
 THE SEISACHTHEA, OR SHAKING OFF OF BURDENS. DEBASEMENT OF 
 
 THE MONEY STANDARD. — RE-CLASSIFICATION OF THE ATHENIAN PEOPLE. 
 
 POLITICAL PRIVILEGES OF EACH CITIZEN DEPENDANT ON THE AMOUNT 
 
 OF HIS INCOME TAX. POWERS OF THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY. 3IISCEL- 
 
 LANEOUS LAWS OF SOLON. — HE LEAVES ATHENS. — PISISTRATUS, THE 
 
 TYRANT, B.C. 560-527. — SINGULAR PORTENT PRIOR TO HIS BIRTH. 
 
 OBTAINS A BODY-GUARD. SEIZES . THE ACROPOLIS, AND BECOJIES 
 
 TYRANT OF ATHENS, B.C. 560. OPPOSITION OF SOLON. — FIRST EXILE 
 
 OF PISISTRATUS. RESTORED BY THE INTERPOSITION OF THE GODDESS 
 
 ATHENA. — SECOND EXILE. SEIZES THE TYRANNY A THIRD TIME. — 
 
 DIES, B.C. 527.^ — ACCESSION OF HIS SON HIPPIAS, B.C. 527-510. AS- 
 SASSINATION OF HIPPARCHUS, B.C. 514. — TERRORISM ESTABLISHED BY 
 HIPPIAS. REVOLUTION ATTEMPTED BY THE ALCM^ONIDS. COR- 
 RUPTION OF THE ORACLE AT DELPHI. — INTERVENTION OF SPARTA. 
 
 DOWNFALL OF THE PISISTRATIDS, B.C. 510. 
 
 Solon was a eupatrid of moderate fortune, but of the 
 purest heroic blood. The prodigality of his father had 
 compelled him to devote his earlier years to the pursuit of 
 commerce, and he was thus led to engage in extensive 
 travels. At a very early age he began to exliibit poetical 
 talents of a high order. At that time there was no such 
 thing as prose writing. The ideas of the intellectual man 
 were not adjusted to the limitations of the period and 
 semicolon, but to those of the hexameter and pentameter ; 
 and it was doubtless far more easy to arrange the thoughts 
 in easy metre than in an elaborate prose like that of 
 Thucydides or Demosthenes. The poetry and reputation 
 of Solon soon spread throughout Hellas, and he was 
 classed with the seven wise men. We pass over his poli- 
 tical career until the year B.C. 594, when he was elected, 
 
 VOL. I. R
 
 242 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 594—510. 
 
 at the age of 44, to an archonship at Athens. He had 
 already, by his metrical but vigorous protests against the 
 iniquities of the existing system, rendered himself very 
 acceptable to the great mass of the people, whilst his 
 well-known wisdom and integrity had obtained for him 
 the respect of the governing oligarchy. Thus it was that 
 he was elected to an archonship, but invested for the 
 occasion with the powers of a dictator. 
 
 The friends and supporters of Solon now urged him 
 to multiply partisans for himself and seize the supreme 
 power. The masses would doubtless have seconded 
 him in the attempt ; whilst the eupatrids might have 
 acquiesced from the mere dread of something worse. But 
 the lofty character of Solon would not permit him to betray 
 his trust. He nobly rejected the allurements of vulgar 
 ambition, and simply came forward in the character of a 
 legislator and a judge, to arbitrate upon the great social 
 and political questions which agitated the Athenian com- 
 monwealth in that alarming crisis. 
 
 His first measure was one of those violent remedies 
 which ought only to be employed in cases of extreme 
 urgency. It was called the seisachthea, or " shaking off of 
 burdens." It cancelled all existing contracts in which the 
 debtor had borrowed on the security of his person or of 
 his land ; it forbad all future contracts in which the person 
 of a debtor was pledged as security; it deprived the 
 creditor in future of all power to imprison, enslave, or 
 extort work from his debtor, and confined him to an effec- 
 tive judgment at law, authorising the seizure of the pro- 
 perty of the latter. It swept off all the numerous mort- 
 gage pillars from the landed properties in Attica, leaving 
 the land free from all past claims. It forbad every 
 Athenian to pledge or sell his own person into slavery, or 
 to pledge or sell his son, daughter, or unmarried sister 
 under his guardianship. It liberated and restored to their 
 full rights all debtors actually in slavery under previous
 
 SWEEPING MEASURES OF SOLOX. 243 
 
 legal adjudication ; and it even provided the means of 
 repurchasing in foreign lands many Athenian insolvents 
 who had been sold for exportation.* 
 
 The second measure was to assist the richer or middling 
 class, who had lent money to the poorer population upon 
 personal security, and who had consequently lost it by the 
 seisachthea. Many of these creditors had of course, in 
 their turn, borrowed money of others, though not on the 
 security of their lands or persons ; and therefore those 
 debts were still uncancelled in the eye of the law, and 
 could be recovered by an execution on their property. 
 To relieve this middling class, without exonerating them 
 entirely, Solon had recourse to debasing the money stan- 
 dard. He lowered the standard of the drachma more 
 than twenty-five per cent, so that 100 drachmas of the 
 new standard contained no more silver than 73 of the old, 
 and 100 of the old drachmas were equivalent to 138 of the 
 new. The creditors of these more substantial debtors 
 thus submitted to a loss, whilst the debtors themselves 
 obtained a corresponding relief to the extent of about 
 twenty-seven per cent. 
 
 Thirdly, Solon decreed that all the Athenians who had 
 been condemned to be disfranchised by the archons should 
 be restored to their privileges as citizens ; those, however, 
 who had been condemned by the Council of the Areopagus, 
 or by the corresponding Court of the Ephette f, on charges 
 of murder or treason, were exceptions to this amnesty. 
 
 These three measures were at first received with consi- 
 derable dissatisfaction, but as they healed the prevailing 
 discontent all real opposition soon passed away ; and such 
 was the general confidence which Solon had inspired, 
 tliat he was soon called upon to draw up a constitution 
 and laws for the better workingj of the o;overnment. 
 
 * See Grote's History of Greece, vol. iii. p. 135. 
 
 f The Council of the Areopagus and Court of the Ephcta? will be noticed 
 further on.
 
 244 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B. C. 594—510. 
 
 We have already seen that the population of Attica was 
 divided into four Ionic tribes, which were again subdivided 
 into families and naucraries. A classification had also 
 been introduced by Theseus, in very ancient times, into 
 eupatrids or nobles, farmers, and mechanics and field 
 labourers ; and down to the time of Solon the eupatrids 
 were the only class who possessed the slightest share in 
 the government. Thus all political power was in the 
 hands of an oligarchy of eupatrids, whilst, at the same 
 time, many of these eupatrids had been reduced to 
 a state of poverty which rendered them exceedingly 
 susceptible to bribery. Solon now made a new classi- 
 fication, called a Timocracy. He distributed all the citizens 
 of the four Ionic tribes, without any reference to the 
 families, into four classes, according to the amount of 
 their property ; he introduced an income tax, graduated 
 according to the property possessed by each citizen ; and he 
 then gave to each citizen a measure of political rights and 
 franchises, in accordance with the class to which he be- 
 longed. Those whose annual income was not less than 500 
 medimni of corn* he placed in the first class, and these 
 were alone eligible to the archonship or to military com- 
 mand. Those whose income was between 300 and 500 
 medimni formed the second class, and were called knights, 
 as possessing enough to enable them to keep a horse and 
 serve in the cavalry. Those whose income was between 200 
 and 300 medimni formed the third class, and served in the 
 heavy-armed infantry. The fourth class, which was the 
 most numerous of all, comprised those whose incomes 
 were less than 200 medimni. The three first classes alone 
 paid income tax, which was, however, levied not on the 
 income, but on the capital. The capital of a member of 
 the first class was rated at twelve times the value of his 
 income ; that of a member of the second class at ten times 
 
 * The medimnus was not quite one imperial bushel and a half ; thus 
 500 medimni were about 700 imperial bushels. The medimnus was also 
 considered to be equivalent to one drachma in money.
 
 OLIGARCHICAL CONSTITUTION OF SOLON. 245 
 
 the value of his income ; and that of a member of the 
 third class at five times the value of his income. The 
 fourth class paid no income tax, and only served in the 
 army as light-armed infantry ; and its members were also 
 disqualified from holding any individual office of dignity. 
 But the members of the fourth class, in their collective 
 capacity as a Popular Assembly, exercised great and 
 important powers. They were invested with the right 
 of choosing the annual archons out of the first class; 
 and the archons and magistrates Avere no longer ac- 
 countable to the Council of the Areopagus, but to this 
 Popular Assembly, which, at the close of every official year, 
 sat in judgment upon their past conduct. In order, more- 
 over, to assist this Popular Assembly in the exercise of its 
 important functions, a preconsidering Senate of Four Hun- 
 dred was established to prepare matters for its discussion, 
 to convoke and superintend its meetings, -and to ensure 
 the execution of its decrees. These 400 members were 
 taken in equal proportions from the four Ionic tribes, but 
 only from the three first property classes ; and, like the 
 archons, they were elected to their office by the great 
 body of the people. 
 
 Last of all, we come to the laws of Solon : but these 
 are more curious than important. In order to encourage 
 Attic manufactures, he prohibited the export of all landed 
 produce excepting olive oil. He gave to every man who 
 had no family the power of willing his property to whom 
 he pleased ; for in such cases the property had previously 
 gone to that gens, or family, in the tribe to which the de- 
 ceased had belonged. He likewise prohibited expensive 
 funerals. He forbad all evil speaking, especially in re- 
 spect to the dead. He instituted splendid rewards for 
 those Athenians who gained Olympic victories. He 
 ordered twofold compensation in cases of theft. The 
 most remarkable law of all, however, was that in which 
 he pronounced that man to be dishonoured and disfran- 
 
 K 3
 
 246 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B. C. 594—510. 
 
 chised who stood aloof during a sedition, and took part 
 with neither side. This law is at first sio^ht most startling^ 
 and puzzling to the modern politician ; but it was neces- 
 sary in Athens, where the government was rather in the 
 condition of a contending party than in the possession of 
 supreme power. If a sedition broke out, therefore, it was 
 absolutely indispensable that every citizen should at once 
 declare his adhesion to the existing government or to 
 the revolutionary party. Indifference on the part of the 
 masses woukl be most injurious to the interests of the 
 state. Seditions would perpetually arise if it was be- 
 lieved that an ambitious malecontent might rely upon the 
 passive submission of the people, if he could only over- 
 power the small body of troops which surrounded the 
 archons, and exhibit himself in the possession of the Acro- 
 polis. On the other hand, if the new law was respected, 
 no insurgent leader would attempt a revolution, unless he 
 was fully assured of his own popularity, and of a universal 
 detestation of the existing government. 
 
 The laws of Solon were inscribed on wooden rollers and 
 triangular tablets, in the species of writing called Bous- 
 trophedon, in which the lines ran from left to right, and 
 then from right to left alternately, like the course of the 
 ploughman. They were preserved first in the Acropolis, 
 but subsequently in the prytaneum, or town-hall. The 
 ecclesiastical laws, or those which referred to sacred rites 
 and sacrifices, were inscribed on the triangular tablets ; 
 whilst the civil and criminal laws Avere inscribed on the 
 pillars or rollers, of which there were at least sixteen.* 
 
 But though the great Athenian lawgiver had thus com- 
 pleted his task, he found himself and his code perpetually 
 subjected to criticisms, questions, and complaints. At 
 last, wearied out, he obtained leave of absence from his 
 country, for the purpose of spending ten years in foreign 
 travel ; and, accordingly, having bound the Athenian 
 people by solemn oaths to observe his regulations and 
 
 * See Grote, vol. iii. p. 179.
 
 RAPID GROWTH OF ATHENS. 247 
 
 ordinances for the same period, he went into voluntary 
 exile, hoping that, before the expiration of the ten years, 
 the city woidd have been accustomed to his laws, and that 
 all desire for repeal or alteration would have passed away. 
 The reader must now be carried onward for a period of 
 thirty-four years, which brings us to the year 560 B.C., 
 or exactly one hundred years before Herodotus visited 
 Athens. The thirty-four years are a blank, during which 
 we may presume that the Solonian institutions prevailed 
 without undergoing any important change. The nine 
 archons or chief magistrates of the state were annually 
 elected from the first class by the great body of the 
 Athenian people. The Council of the Areopagus, or 
 supreme judicial court for cases of murder or sacrilege, 
 continued to hold their solemn sittings on the ancient hill ; 
 whilst the Epheta3 sat in their four courts for the trial of 
 cases of unintentional or justifiable homicide. The Po- 
 pular Assembly and preconsidering Senate of Four 
 Hundred were convened upon the necessary occasions, 
 according to the regulations of Solon. The temple 
 services and sacred festivals were celebrated in the ap- 
 pointed seasons according to the usages which had 
 existed from time immemorial. But during the century 
 which followed — that is, between B.C. 560 and 460 — 
 Athens Avas the theatre of important events, which would 
 alone have immortalised her in the history of the world. 
 These events were the tyranny of the Pisistratids, the 
 democratic revolution of Clisthenes, the Persian war, 
 and the rise of Pericles. The history of this century 
 must be reviewed in greater detail than that of Sparta. 
 The latter is a mere string of biographical anecdotes 
 of warrior kings ; but the history of Athens is the 
 history of a richly endowed people, learning the arts 
 of self-government and free inquiry with the rapidity 
 of an infant prodigy, and springing in a little more than a 
 century from the depths of ignorance and political degra- 
 
 B 4
 
 248 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B. C. 594—510. 
 
 dation to the loftiest heio-hts of intellectual greatness and 
 constitutional freedom. 
 
 During the period immediately preceding the year 560 
 B.C., the old animosities between the Lowlanders, High- 
 landers and Sea-coast joarty, had raged with increased 
 violence. Solon had returned to Athens, after a long 
 absence, in the very height of this sedition. All parties 
 treated him with respect, but turned a deaf ear to his 
 recommendations; whilst his advanced age disqualified 
 him from acting with his former energy and eifect. The 
 old man, however, continued to employ his best efforts to 
 settle these internal quarrels ; but meantime his keen 
 eye had detected the ambitious projects of Pisistratus. 
 Accordingly, he applied himself with renewed zeal to 
 frustrate the efforts of one whom he foresaw only desired 
 to tyrannise over the constitution of Athens, and be him- 
 self the sole administrator of her laws. 
 
 Pisistratus, the son of Hippocrates, was a wealthy 
 Athenian of noble birth. His father's family traced their 
 descent to Neleus^ the father of Nestor, having sprung 
 from the same ancestors as Codrus and Melanthus, two 
 of the ancient kings of Athens. His mother's name is 
 unknown, but she was cousin german to the mother of 
 Solon. When a young man, Pisistratus had formed a 
 close friendship with Solon, and distinguished himself in a 
 war with Megara. His future greatness is said to have 
 been portended by a prodigy which occurred even before 
 his birth, and which is worth recording, as an illustration 
 of the curious fancies and superstitions of the age. On 
 one occasion his father, Hippocrates, was present as a 
 spectator at the Olympic games, and took a victim to 
 sacrifice to the gods. After the sacred portions had been 
 burnt upon the altar, the remainder was placed in the 
 caldrons of water to be boiled for the evening feast. 
 Before, however, the fire was kindled, the flesh and 
 water in the caldrons bubbled up and boiled over, and the
 
 PISISTRATUS OBTAIXS THE SUPREME POWER. 249 
 
 prodigy was seen by all the bystanders. Chilon, the 
 Lacedaemonian, was accidentally present, the same who 
 ranked as one of the seven sages of Hellas ; and he im- 
 mediately advised Hippocrates not to marry, or if married 
 to put away his wife, or if he had a son to disown him, as 
 he was destined to be the father of a man who would 
 occasion much mischief. Hippocrates, however, did not 
 follow the advice of Chilon, and Pisistratus was born. 
 
 It was this Pisistratus who was now earnestly entreated 
 by his old friend, Solon, to restrain his ambition ; but all 
 remonstrance was useless. Solon then publicly denounced 
 Pisistratus in verses which he addressed to the people ; 
 but the popularity and artfulness of Pisistratus enabled him 
 to overcome all such opposition. The three great parties 
 in Attica were still engaged in active animosity. The 
 Lowlanders were headed by an Athenian named Lycur- 
 gus, and the Sea-coast men by Megacles, an Alcmgeonid, 
 whilst Pisistratus himself was at the head of the Hioh- 
 landers. At length, on a day remarkable in Greek 
 tradition, Pisistratus suddenly appeared in his chariot in 
 the agora, with bleeding wounds upon himself and mules. 
 Pretending that he had only just escaped with his life 
 from a sudden attack of the Lowlanders in the neigh- 
 bourhood of x^thens, he threw himself upon the compas- 
 sion of the Athenian citizens, and implored them to defend 
 him from his political enemies. The wounds had in reality 
 been artfully inflicted by himself, for the sake of effect ; 
 and the popular feeling, which had previously run warmly 
 in his favour, was now excited to the last degree against 
 his supposed assassins. The preconsidering Senate of 
 Four Hundred was chiefly composed of his partisans, and 
 at once convened an assembly of the people in the area of 
 the pnyx. Aristo, a friend of Pisistratus, then mounted 
 the bema, and formally brought forward the proposition 
 which had already been agreed to by the Four Hundred, 
 namely, that fifty citizens, armed with clubs, should be
 
 250 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B. C. 594—510. 
 
 granted as a body-guard to the son of Hippocrates. The 
 measure was at once carried. Solon opposed a strenuous 
 resistance, but was treated as a madman. The poor were 
 universally in favour of it, whilst the rich were afraid to 
 dissent ; and the old legislator could only declare that he 
 was not such a fool as the former, or such a coward as the 
 latter. All that Solon had foreseen quickly came to pass. 
 The body-guard was soon increased in number, whilst 
 their clubs were probably exchanged for swords. At last 
 Pisistratus threw off the mask, and seized the Acropolis. 
 His principal opponents immediately fled from the city, but 
 the venerable old lawo-iver stood forward with undaunted 
 patriotism to resist the usurpation. He harangued the 
 people in the agora ; he told them that it would have been 
 easy to prevent the despotism, but that now, though more 
 difficult, yet at the same time it would be more glorious ; 
 but he might as well have harangued the olive trees on 
 the Cephissus. Then the venerable sage made one final 
 appeal. He put on his lonii-abandoned armour, and 
 planted himself in the front of his house in military pos- 
 ture ; but he was regarded no more than the statue of 
 Hermes in the doorway. ^* I have done my duty," he ex- 
 claimed, " and I have upheld to the best of my power my 
 country and her laws ; " and from that hour he gave up 
 all opposition except such as appeared in the inspiration 
 of his muse. He died a year or two afterwards ; and it 
 is pleasing to know that Pisistratus never attempted to 
 punish his opposition, but left the poet and lawgiver un- 
 touched by the hand of despotism. 
 
 Pisistratus thus became the master, or, as the Greeks 
 called him, the tyrant of Athens ; but he used the powers 
 which he had usurped honourably and well, and made no 
 other change in the constitution but that of placing him- 
 self at its head. A strong party, however, was always 
 opposed even to his mild despotism. The rule of the Pi- 
 eistratids, that is, of Pisistratus and his son and successor,
 
 FIRST EXILE OF PISISTRATUS. 251 
 
 Hippias, commenced in B.C. 560, and ended in B.C. 510 ; 
 thus extending over a period of fifty years ; but the thirty- 
 three years covered by the reign of Pisistratus were inter- 
 rupted by two periods of exile, one of which lasted for 
 ten years, and the other for five. These periods of de- 
 thronement and exile were not, however, brought about by 
 a popular revolution ; for the masses appear to have con- 
 stantly exhibited that dangerous indiiference to their 
 political rights and liberties which Solon had so much 
 deplored, and which had given rise to his celebrated law 
 against neutrality. On the contrary, we might almost 
 say that the government was merely transferred by bar- 
 gains and cross changes between two or three powerful 
 men at the head of partisans, who echoed their voices, es- 
 poused their personal quarrels, and drew the sword at 
 their command. *" 
 
 The first exile of Pisistratus was caused by an armed 
 coalition between his old rivals, — Megacles, who was at 
 the head of the Sea-coast men, and Lycurgus, who was at 
 the head of the Lowlanders. Opposition was useless 
 against such a formidable coalition, and Pisistratus fled 
 from Athens. After some four or five years, however, 
 his two successful rivals quarrelled with each other ; and 
 Megacles sent a private messenger offering to assist Pi- 
 sistratus in recovering the sovereignty, if the latter would 
 engage to marry his daughter. This precious proposal 
 was readily accepted by the old exile, who would have 
 been just as willing to marry the mother or grandmother 
 of Megacles upon the same conditions; whilst Megacles 
 himself, just like other Athenian fathers, never consulted 
 his daughter as to whether she would be willing to marry 
 a hoary-headed despot, or indeed thought of anything in 
 the matter but of his own personal aggrandisement. 
 
 A few days afterwards all Athens was in a furor of 
 excitement. Mysterious heralds had proclaimed that 
 * Grote, vol. iv. p. 138.
 
 252 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B. C. 594—510. 
 
 Athena herself was bringing Pisistratus to her own Acro- 
 polis, and called upon the people to receive him kindly. 
 The news ran through the streets like wildfire that 
 the great goddess Athena, the guardian deity of the fa- 
 voured city, was manifesting herself on earth, and ap- 
 pearing to mortal eyes. Men, women, and children, of 
 all ranks, the believing and the incredulous, rushed out of 
 their houses to behold this marvellous and divine prodigy. 
 The tidings were true, and the multitude gazed in fear 
 and trembling at the awful spectacle. She, the great 
 daughter of Zeus, who sprang full armed from his majestic 
 brow, — she, the fair protectress of Athens, the wise, the 
 holy, and the pure, was slowly approaching the Acropolis ! 
 Her virgin form was arrayed in celestial armour. Over 
 her shoulder was the sacred aegis ; in her hand was the 
 golden staflT. Taller than the tallest woman in Hellas, and 
 beautiful and majestic beyond expression, she stood up- 
 right in her radiant chariot, and gazed benignly upon the 
 wondering multitudes. By her side was the old favourite 
 of the people, the mild sovereign Pisistratus. Around 
 her chariot were her heavenly attendants. Then the 
 j)opular emotions burst out in pious exclamations. The 
 people prostrated themselves in adoration before the mighty 
 goddess ; and at last, led on by some unseen being, the 
 whole populace sang the ancient hymn to Athena in ex- 
 ulting chorus. Thus the goddess conducted Pisistratus 
 to her own Acropolis, and then, entering her ancient 
 temple, she passed through into her inner sanctuary, and 
 disappeared for ever from the eyes of men. 
 
 Pisistratus was thus once again sovereign or tyrant of 
 Athens. His marriao'c with the dauorhter of Me2:acles was 
 quickly celebrated, but she bore him no children, and the 
 union proved most unhappy. Megacles was an Alcmte- 
 onid, and we have seen that all the Alcnifeonids were under 
 a curse, because of the sacrilegious murder committed by 
 the grandfather of the present Megacles upon the wretched
 
 SECOND EXILE OF PISISTRATUS. 253 
 
 partisans of Cylon. Pislstratus, therefore, treated his 
 new wife with cruelty and neglect ; and at last Megacles 
 was so exasperated that he joined his old partisan Lycur- 
 gus, and Pisistratus was obliged once again to fly into 
 exile. The mystery connected with the appearance of 
 the goddess Athena was now divulged. A handsome 
 woman, named Phya, had been induced by Pisistratus and 
 Megacles to personate Athena, and as she was six feet high, 
 her extraordinary stature had completed the deception. 
 The discovery of this trick aroused the animosity of the 
 people against the ex-tyrant, but he by no means relin- 
 quished all hoj^e of regaining the sovereignty. Eretria, 
 in the large neighbouring island of Euboea, was hence- 
 forth the head- quarters of himself and sons ; and here he 
 spent ten years in making preparations for a forcible 
 return to Athens, before he considered himself justified in 
 making the hazardous attempt. 
 
 At last the moment arrived for the great effort. He 
 had received large contributions from several cities in return 
 for former favours, and had hired a number of mercenary 
 troops from Argos. He was also joined by Lygdamis, the 
 sovereign of the island of Xaxos, who owed all his power to 
 the assistance which he had received from Pisistratus, and 
 who now furnished the old Athenian despot with money 
 and troops. Eretria is only separated from the high- 
 lands of Attica by the narrow channel of Euboea ; and 
 as Pisistratus still enjoyed a great popularity amongst 
 the Highland party, of which he had formerly been 
 leader, he now directed his armament to the Highland 
 shore. Landing at Marathon, he first occupied the sur- 
 rounding country, and waited patiently until he had been 
 joined by a considerable number of jiartisans. 
 
 jMeantime the Athenian people were as careless and 
 indifferent as ever : but when the news ultimately reached 
 them that Pisistratus was actually on his march for 
 Athens, they were induced to take the field against him.
 
 254 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B. C. 594—510. 
 
 but still without a spark of spirit, and exhibiting a very 
 suspicious appearance of having been bribecL 
 
 Pisistratus had left Marathon some days, and taken up 
 a position at Pallene, about eight miles from Athens. 
 Suddenly, one morning, a prophet from Acarnania ap- 
 proached him and chanted in inspired verse — 
 
 " The cast is thrown out, and the net is spread there ; 
 At moonlight the fishes will rush in the snare." 
 
 Pisistratus at once comprehended the oracle, and crying 
 out that he would accept it, immediately led on his army. 
 The Athenian forces were reposing themselves after the 
 fatigue of a few miles' march from the city. Some of 
 them were engaged upon their breakfasts. Others, who 
 had been quicker over that lively meal, were amusing 
 themselves with the dice-box, or taking a nap on the 
 green sward. Pisistratus fell upon them by surprise, and 
 put them to flight ; and then sent his sons after them to 
 bid them to be of good cheer, and return to their homes. 
 This command they readily obeyed. Pisistratus obtained 
 Athens a third time. Megacles and most of his partisans 
 left the city; but the sons of those who still remained 
 were seized by the new sovereign as hostages, and shipped 
 off to Naxos. Pisistratus also provided himself with a 
 large body of mercenaries from Thrace, and paid them by 
 taxes levied upon the Athenian people ; and thus, as his 
 government was otherwise mild and parental, he was 
 enabled from that time until the day of his death, in B. C. 
 527, to maintain his power undisturbed, and bequeath it 
 to his eldest son. 
 
 Hippias succeeded his father Avithout encountering 
 any opposition, and for thirteen years exercised the same 
 mild sway. But in B.C. 514 an event took place which 
 changed the entire character of his government, and led, 
 four years later, to the complete overthrow of his power 
 and the exile of all the Pisistratids. There lived two friends
 
 ACCESSION OF HIFPIAS. 255 
 
 at Athens named Harmodius and Aristoglton. Harmo- 
 dius unfortunately excited the enmity of Hipparchus, 
 the brother of Hippias ; and from that time Hipparchus 
 took every opportunity of insulting Harmodius. At last 
 Hipparchus caused the sister of Harmodius to be sum- 
 moned, along with other noble maidens of Athens, to take 
 her place in a religious procession as one of the canephora?, 
 or basket carriers ; and then he publicly dismissed her 
 with scorn, as being unworthy of fulfilling the sacred office. 
 Harmodius and his friend Aristogiton were now both 
 exasperated, and conspired wuth a few associates to put an 
 end to the power of the Pisistratids. They waited for 
 the festival of the Great Panathenffia, in which the citizens 
 marched in procession to the Acropolis with spears and 
 shields ; and here the conspirators appeared attired like 
 every one else, but also carrying daggers concealed under 
 their clothes. Harmodius and Aristogiton undertook to 
 kill the two Pisistratids, whilst the other conspirators en- 
 gaged to protect them from the foreign mercenaries ; and 
 it was believed that when the first blow was struck, the 
 body of the citizens, having arms in their hands, would 
 make an instantaneous effort to recover their ancient 
 liberties. 
 
 The important day aiTived. Hippias was without the 
 city walls, surrounded by his Thracian body-guard, and 
 marshalling the armed citizens for the procession, when 
 Harmodius and Aristogiton approached to execute their 
 bloody purpose. At that moment, however, the two friends 
 saw one of their fellow conspirators familiarly talking 
 with Hippias, and at once concluded that the plot was 
 betrayed. The thought drove them to desperation. They 
 expected to be arrested every minute ; but resolving not 
 to lose their lives without at least revenging themselves 
 upon Hipparchus, they hurried into tlie city. Here 
 they soon found their victim, and stabbed him to the 
 heart. Harmodius was slain by the guards on the spot ;
 
 256 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B. C. 594—510. 
 
 and Aristoglton, though rescued for the moment by the 
 surrounding crowd, was speedily taken, and subsequently 
 perished in the torture, without disclosing the names of 
 any of his accomplices. 
 
 The news of the assassination of Hipparchus reached 
 the ears of Hippias before it was known to the general 
 public. He had been in reality ignorant of the plot, and 
 was still engaged in marshalling the armed citizens for 
 the procession. With admirable self-command, he now 
 ordered the citizens to drop their arms for a short time 
 and retire to an adjoining ground. They obeyed without 
 suspicion or hesitation. Instantly he directed his guards 
 to seize the arms, and then, being undisputed master, he 
 apprehended every citizen whom he suspected or who 
 carried a dagger. 
 
 A system of terrorism was then established, but Hip- 
 pias was doomed. The circumstances connected with his 
 dethronement are, however, most extraordinary. The 
 general detestation which his oppression excited, induced 
 the Athenian exiles, with the powerful family of the 
 Alcmgeonids at their head, to attempt an invasion of 
 Attica. Accordingly they occupied a fort called Lipsy- 
 drium, on that northern rano-e of mountains which forms 
 the base of the Attic triangle; but here they were 
 attacked and defeated by Hippias, and driven out of the 
 country. The dominion of the tyrant seemed to be then 
 more firmly established than ever. Sparta was on 
 intimate terms of friendship with him; Macedonia and 
 Thessaly were likewise his allies. But the exiles, whom 
 he had beaten in the open field, succeeded in a secret 
 manoeuvre which proved his ruin. 
 
 The great temple at Delphi had been accidentally de- 
 stroyed by fire, in B. c. 548, more than thirty years 
 previous to the present date. A sum amounting to some- 
 thing like 115,000/. sterling was required to rebuild it, 
 and this sum could only be raised by voluntary subscrip-
 
 FINAL EXPULSION OF THE PISISTRATIDS. 2o7 
 
 tions. Many years passed away before so vast an amount 
 could be collected; but at length the matter was ac- 
 complished, and the Amphictyons * declared themselves 
 ready to make a contract with any party who would under- 
 take the rebuildinof of the sacred edifice. This contract 
 was accepted by the Alcmaeonids, who, though in a state 
 of exile, were possessed of enormous wealth, and were 
 eager for renown and popularity. The Alcma^onids ex- 
 ecuted the work in a style and splendour which went 
 far beyond the stipulated terms of the contract ; and 
 it is especially recorded, that whilst it was originally 
 intended that the frontage should only be built of coarse 
 stone, these magnificent architects chose to employ Pa- 
 rian marble at their own private cost. The temple 
 seems to have been finished about B. c. 512, or two years 
 after the assassination of Hipparchus. This princely 
 liberality was duly appreciated by the grateful Delphians. 
 Clisthenes, the son of Megacles, was at the head of the 
 Alcmaeonid clan : and bv takinij advantao-e of this feelinor, 
 and by the free distribution of pecuniary presents, he was 
 enabled to work the oracle for political purposes. Everv 
 Spartan who went to consult the oracle was always told, 
 whatever might be his question, that Athens must be 
 liberated from the Pisistratids. Sparta was stronglv 
 attached to Hippias, but the constant repetition of the 
 divine mandate obliged her to comply with what she re- 
 verently believed to be the holy will of Apollo. Accord- 
 ingly she sent a force to the Athenian port of Phalerum, 
 under a distinguished citizen named Anchimolius. Hip- 
 pias, however, was apprised of the intended invasion, and 
 had procured a thousand horse from his allies the Thes- 
 
 * The temple was under the general guardianship of the great national 
 council called the Amphictyons. This Amphictyonic council consisted 
 of deputies from each of the twelve races which were supposed to consti- 
 tute the Greek people. It met twice every year ; in spring at the temple 
 of Apollo in Delphi, and in autumn at the sacred preciuct of Deraeter at 
 Thermopylae. 
 
 VOL. I. S
 
 258 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B. C. 594—510. 
 
 salians ; and when the invaders had effected a landing, this 
 Thessalian cavahy attacked them with great slaughter, 
 and drove them to their ships. Sparta was thoroughly- 
 aroused by the defeat, and renewed the war with increased 
 zeal. A much larger army was dispatched by land, under 
 King Cleomenes, the same whose life we have already 
 written. Cleomenes soon defeated the Thessalians; and 
 being joined by the Alcmteonids and other malcontent 
 Athenians, he at once marched upon the city. Meantime, 
 Hippias and the other Pisistratids had fled to the Acro- 
 polis, which was so well fortified and well provisioned 
 that they might have successfully resisted an assault, and 
 even a siege, for Cleomenes was by no means prepared for 
 a lengthened blockade. Just, however, as the Spartans 
 were about to draw off their forces and return home, an 
 accident happened which ruined the cause of Hippias. 
 The Pisistratids were not altogether confident of their 
 position, and endeavoured to remove their children se- 
 cretly from the country ; but in this proceeding the chil- 
 dren were taken prisoners. In order, therefore, to redeem 
 their families, they were compelled to submit to the terms 
 which the Athenians prescribed — namely, to leave Attica 
 within five days. 
 
 Thus fell for ever the dynasty of the Pisistratids. Not- 
 withstanding their tyranny at Athens, they had done good 
 service to Hellas. It was Pisistratus himself who procured 
 full and correct copies of the Homeric poems, and promul- 
 gated what may be called the first complete edition of the 
 works of the immortal bard. He also collected the works 
 of other poets, and formed what has been called a library, 
 which he liberally tlu'cw open for the use of the public. 
 But the final expulsion of his family was rejoiced over by 
 the vast majority of Athenian citizens ; and a column was 
 erected in the Acropolis commemorating both the past 
 iniquity of the dethroned dynasty, and the names of all 
 its members.
 
 259 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 HISTORY OF ATHENS (coxTixrED), e. c. 510—460. 
 
 TWO GREAT POLITICAL PARTIES AT ATHEXS. THE CONSERVATIVES LED 
 
 BY 18AGORAS, AKD THE REFORM PARTY LED BY CLISTHENES THE 
 ALCyLSLO'SlD. — 3IEASURE FOR ENXARGIXG THE FRANCHISE BROUGHT 
 FORWARD BT CLISTHENES. — THROWN OUT IN THE SENATE OF FOUR 
 
 HUNDRED.— CARRIED IN THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY. RE-CLASSIFICATION 
 
 OF THE PEOPLE. CONSTITUTION OF THE SENATE OF FIVE HUNDRED. 
 
 REFORMS IN THE ADMINISTP.ATION OF THE ARMY AND THE COURTS OF 
 
 JUSTICE. — ESTABLISH3IENT OF THE DICASTERIES OR JURY-COURTS. 
 
 OSTRACISM. ISAGORAS AND THE CONSERVATIVES APPEAL TO SPARTA. 
 
 SPARTAN INTERVENTION DEFEATED BY A RISING OF THE 3IASSES. 
 
 COMBINED INVASION OF ATTICA. — TRIUMPH OF THE ATHENIAN DE3I0- 
 
 CRACY. SPARTAN ATTEMPT TO RESTORE THE PISISTRATIDS. SPEECH 
 
 OF SOSICLES THE CORINTHIAN. — SPARTA OBLIGED TO SUCCUilB TO HER 
 ALLIES. — ATHENS JOINS IN THE IONIAN REVOLT, B.C. 500.— BATTLE OF 
 MARATHON, B.C. 490. — SALAMIS, B.C. 480. PLAT^A, B.C. 479. — PATRIOT- 
 ISM OF THE ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. MILTIADES, ARISTIDES, AND 
 
 THEMISTOCLES. POLITICAL STRUGGLES BETWEEN THEMISTOCLES AND 
 
 ARISTIDES. CHARACTER OF THE TWO STATESMEN. ADMINISTRATION 
 
 OF THEMISTOCLES. — REBUILDING OF THE WALLS OF ATHENS. — INTRIGUES 
 OF SPARTA DEFEATED BY THE CRAFTINESS OF THEMISTOCLES. — ATHENS 
 AT THE HEAD OF THE CONFEDERATE FLEET. — DISGRACE OF THEMIS- 
 TOCLES. — DEATH OF ARISTIDES. — REVIEW OF THE HISTORY. 
 
 The oligarchical constitution established by Solon was 
 now freed from the pressure of tyranny, and soon ex- 
 panded into a democracy. The Thracian mercenaries 
 had retired with the Pisistratids. Cleomenes had only 
 remained long enough to establish a personal friendship 
 with an Athenian of ilkistrious descent, named Isagoras, 
 and had then returned to Sparta. For more than thirty 
 years the Senate of Four Hundred and the Popular 
 Assembly had only worked in subservience to the reio-n- 
 ing dynasty. During the same period, the foreign settlers 
 
 S 2
 
 260 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510— 460. 
 
 and other residents who did not belong to any of the old 
 Attic families, had greatly increased in numbers, and thus 
 formed an important element in the population without 
 having any part in the political franchise. So long as 
 the senate and the assembly were mere empty forms, 
 this franchise was of no value ; but when the real con- 
 trolling power fell into these legislative bodies, a measure 
 was brought forward for an enlargement of the franchise, 
 and Athens became once more divided into two great 
 political parties, one of which was led by Isagoras, son of 
 Tisander, and the other by Clisthenes, the Alcmasonid. 
 
 The question stood thus : Solon's division of the people 
 into four great classes was based upon the ancient division 
 into four Ionic tribes ; and thus, though many men of the 
 same tribe might belong to different classes, according to 
 the amount of their several incomes, yet all were ex- 
 cluded from these political classes who did not belong to 
 one of the four Ionic tribes, each of which was a mere 
 aaorreo^ate of ancient Attic families, or 2:entes. Clisthenes 
 desired to extend the political franchise to the excluded 
 masses. This could not be done by enrolling them as 
 new families, or gentes, because that would have inter- 
 fered with the national feeling and belief that each family 
 was descended from some particular hero, who had him- 
 self sprung from one of the four sons of Ion. Clisthenes 
 therefore proposed to disconnect the franchise altogether 
 from the four Ionic tribes, as well as from the families of 
 which they were constituted, and then to re-distribute 
 the entire population into new tribes exclusively for 
 political purposes. 
 
 Isagoras, as one of the old conservative party, strongly 
 and successfully opposed this measure for universal suf- 
 frage. In his eyes it was not only an irreverent and 
 unnecessary change in the constitution, but also an im- 
 pious attempt to break up the old religious associations 
 which bound together the members of every family, and
 
 DEMOCRATIC COXSTITUTIOX OF CLISTHENES. 261 
 
 the families of every tribe. Moreover, the admission of 
 the foreign residents, or non-freemen, into the rights of 
 Athenian citizenship, merely because they were native- 
 born, was doubtless as shocking to ancient Attic ideas as 
 the admission of Jews into an English Parliament is con- 
 trary to old English notions. Isagoras therefore found 
 sufficient support in the preconsidering Senate of Four 
 Hundred to throw out the comprehensive Reform Bill 
 brought forward by Clisthenes. 
 
 Beaten in the Senate of Four Hundred, Clisthenes 
 next made a direct appeal to the Athenian people. The 
 forms of the old Solonian constitution could not have been 
 popular even with the privileged masses. For many 
 years the archons, the senate, and even the Council of 
 the Areopagus had been the mere tools of the Pisistra- 
 tids; and by their means the tyrants had carried their 
 most unpopular measures, and performed their most des- 
 potic acts. A change w^as therefore anxiously desired; 
 and amidst the political excitement which followed the 
 expulsion of Hippias, men were not disposed to shrink 
 from the most radical reform, if it would but remove all 
 traces of the noxious tyranny which had passed away. 
 The people everywhere responded to the appeal of Clis- 
 thenes. The Senate of Four Hundred was compelled to 
 bring the measure before the Popular Assembly, where it 
 was triumphantly carried. We shall see that it was in 
 reality the establishment of a democracy. 
 
 The details of this important measure were as follows : 
 — Clisthenes abolished the four Ionic tribes, and created 
 in their place ten new tribes, constituted upon a very 
 different principle from that of family unions. AVe have 
 already noticed the twelve ancient divisions of Attica, 
 and also the division into naucraries. Clisthenes now 
 divided the entire surface of Athens and Attica, in perhaps 
 a similar way, into denies or cantons, the number of which 
 is unknown, but may be fixed at about one hundred and 
 
 8 3
 
 262 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510—460. 
 
 fifty. A certain number of these demes or cantons were 
 included in each of the ten new tribes, with all their en- 
 rolled proprietors and native residents. Thus every man 
 born in Attica who was not a slave was admitted into the 
 political franchise ; and the tribes were no longer an ag- 
 gregation of families, but of demes and of fellow-demots. 
 But the old family associations were still connected by 
 religious ties; and each family continued united in the 
 common worship of its particular ancestors, though the 
 religious association no longer carried with it any political 
 privilege. 
 
 Henceforth the demes became the substitute for the 
 naucraries. Each deme had its own demarch, its register 
 of enrolled citizens, and its public meetings. The 'demarch 
 kept the register, and the names of new citizens were 
 inscribed in it at the assemblies of the demots. Legiti- 
 mate or adopted sons were enrolled at the age of eighteen ; 
 but new citizenships could only be legally granted to 
 fresh settlers by a public vote of the people. Lastly, the 
 demes of each tribe were bound together by a religious 
 tie, somewhat similar to that which bound together the 
 families of the old four Ionic tribes; for the ten new 
 tribes were each called after the name of an ancient Attic 
 hero*, in whose honour each had its especial sanctuary and 
 festivals; and the statues of all the ten divine patrons 
 were stationed in the most conspicuous part of the Athe- 
 nian agora. 
 
 The Athenian people now sprang into new and vigo- 
 rous life. The infusion of fresh blood had given new 
 strength and character to the Popular Assembly. The 
 Senate of Four Hundred was reconstituted. It could 
 no longer consist of 400 members, taken in equal 
 
 * One tribe, however, that of Mantis, was called after Ajax, who was 
 worshipped at Salamis, and, therefore, though a near neighbour, could not 
 be said to belong to Attic legend.
 
 THE PRYTANES. 263 
 
 proportions from each of the four Ionic tribes. It was 
 therefore formed of 500 members, fifty being taken 
 from each of the ten new tribes; and under the name 
 of the Senate of Five Hundred, it existed as an active 
 and indispensable body throughout the whole period of the 
 Athenian democracy. Moreover, it was no longer a mere 
 preconsidering senate, like the old Senate of Four Hun- 
 dred, but seems to have enjoyed the same powers of ad- 
 ministration and general superintendence w^hich had for- 
 merly been possessed by the Pisistratids and the archons. 
 Its sittings became constant. The Attic year * was divided 
 into ten equal portions, generally of about five weeks 
 each, and each of these portions was called a Prytany. 
 The Five Hundred were likewise divided into ten corre- 
 sponding portions, each consisting of the fifty members 
 taken from each tribe, and known by the name of Pry- 
 tanes. Thus the fifty members of each tribe sat during 
 one Prytany in every year, and the order of the Prytanes 
 was settled by lot. Each Prytany was again subdivided 
 into five periods of seven days each; and during each 
 period or week ten members of the fifty sitting Prytanes 
 presided, each ten of the fifty taking a week in turns. 
 Moreover, every morning the ten presiding members of 
 each Prytany drew lots among their number for a new 
 chairman, called Epistates, to whom, during his day of 
 office, were confided the keys of the Acropolis and the 
 Treasury, together with the city seal. In order, also, to 
 insure a constant representation of the collective people, 
 the sitting of a Prytany was never considered to be a 
 valid meeting unless one member from each of the nine 
 other bodies of fifty tribe senators were likewise present, 
 
 * The ordinary Attic year consisted of twelve lunar months, or 354 days, 
 and, therefore, six of the Prytanes contained thirty-five days, and four of 
 them contained thirty-six. In the intercalated years of thirteen months, 
 six of the Prytanes contained thirty-eight days, whilst four of them con- 
 tained thirty-nine. 
 
 S 4
 
 264 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510— 460. 
 
 though of course the whole Five Hundred might attend if 
 they thought proper. During each Prytany the Popular 
 Assembly was convoked certainly once, and, at a later 
 period, always four times, and it was presided over by 
 the Prytanes of the time being, and the questions were 
 put to the vote by the Epistates or chairman of the sitting 
 Prytanes. 
 
 The changes introduced by Clisthenes also affected the 
 conduct of the army and the courts of justice. Under 
 the Solonian constitution the command of the army had 
 been vested in the third archon or polemarch, but now 
 ten generals, or strategi, were annually elected to the 
 supreme command, one being taken from each tribe. The 
 courts of justice underwent still more important changes. 
 Hitherto the judicial business of the state seems to have 
 been conducted partly by the archons and partly by the 
 Council of the Areopagus. Corruption and connivance 
 had been undoubtedly practised to a great extent; and 
 the outburst of popular feeling, of which Clisthenes was 
 only a leader or exponent, led to the investment of the 
 judicial power in the hands of the people. We have 
 already seen that Solon had himself transferred the power 
 of pronouncing the judgment of accountability upon the 
 archons from the Council of the Areopagus to the Popular 
 Assembly. Clisthenes now seems to have established 
 special assemblies of all the citizens above thirty years of 
 age to try all persons accused of public crimes ; private 
 offences and disputes being still determined by the archons 
 and ephetge, and a judicial power of unknown but of 
 gradually decreasing extent, being still retained by the 
 Council of the Areopagus. 
 
 Sixty years later, and at the time of Herodotus's visit 
 to Athens, these judicial assemblies had been elaborated 
 into the popular dicasteries or jury-courts. The collective 
 assembly was distributed into sections of jurors. From 
 the entire body of citizens, above thirty years of age.
 
 THE DICASTERIES, OR JUEY-COURTS, 265 
 
 6000 were annually selected by lot, 600 from each of the 
 ten tribes. Of these, 5000 were arranged in ten panels 
 of 500 each, whilst the remaining 1000 were reserved to 
 fill up vacancies arising from death or absence. The 
 whole of the 6000 took a prescribed oath, and then each 
 man received a ticket inscribed with his own name, and 
 with a letter designating his particular panel. When the 
 causes were coming on, the six archons, who were called 
 inferior archons, determined by lot, first, which panel 
 should sit ; and, secondly, in what court, and under what 
 magistrate it should sit. It was thus utterly impossible 
 for any man to know the cause he was going to try. 
 Other alterations had also been gradually made which 
 cannot be ascribed to Clisthenes. The archonship having 
 been shorn of its military and judicial powers, was open 
 to every citizen, even of the poorest class ; and candidates 
 for the office were no longer elected, but chosen by lot. 
 No one, however, was invested with the office until his 
 standing as a citizen and his various moral and religious 
 qualifications had been legally examined. Indeed, as its 
 functions were limited to the preliminary examination of 
 parties and witnesses for the dicastery, the presidency of 
 the dicastery during the trials, and the power of imposing 
 small fines upon inferior offenders, its powers could be 
 executed by any citizen of average integrity and intelli- 
 gence. Ostracism, however, which was much censured 
 by those who could not understand the workings of a 
 democracy, was undoubtedly introduced by Clisthenes. 
 The exercise of arbitrary power is sometimes absolutely 
 necessary in the first establishment of a democracy. A 
 violent feud between two powerful members, or the am- 
 bitious designs of a too popular citizen, might lead to a 
 successful revolution. A despot or an oligarchy could 
 put down a sedition by violence ; but in a democracy the 
 individual exercise of arbitrary power was the thing most 
 to be dreaded. Ostracism was therefore the arbitrary
 
 2G6 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510— 460. 
 
 exercise of preventive measures by the great body of the 
 people, and it constituted a most salutary check upon any 
 Athenian noble, like Cylon, Megacles, or Pisistratus, who 
 might be inspired with a reckless and ambitious desire to 
 overthrow the liberties of Athens. The fear of ostracism 
 was, indeed, so great, that the process was but seldom re- 
 quired ; and even if deemed to be necessary to the public 
 safety, it was carried out with extraordinary deliberation. 
 First of all, the Senate of Five Hundred, in its collective 
 capacity as a preconsidering senate, and the Popular As- 
 sembly, had each to decide that the exigencies of the state 
 demanded it. If it was resolved on, then a day was fixed, 
 and the agora was railed round. Ten entrances were 
 left for the citizens of each tribe, and ten separate casks 
 for depositing the suffrages. The process was not allowed 
 to be opened against any one citizen exclusively, but 
 every one, without exception, was exposed to the sentence. 
 Each voter wrote upon an oyster-shell or piece of tile the 
 name of the citizen whom he desired to ostracise, and de- 
 posited it in the cask. If, at the end of the day, 6000 
 votes were found to have been given against any one 
 person, that person was ostracised or banished; if, how- 
 ever, less than that number had condemned him, the cere- 
 mony ended in nothing. Ten days were allowed to the 
 ostracised individual for the settlement of his affairs, after 
 w^hich he was required to go into exile for the space of 
 ten years, but permitted to retain his property, and, in 
 fact, suffered no other penalty. Such, however, was the 
 growing love of the people for their democratic constitu- 
 tion, that within a century from the time of Clisthenes 
 ostracism was no longer necessary, and had fallen into 
 total disuse. 
 
 The constitution of Clisthenes seems to have been re- 
 ceived with almost universal applause, and its author was 
 perhaps the most popular man in Athens. Isagoras, as the 
 leader of the old conservative party, still continued his
 
 INTERVENTION OF SPAETA. 267 
 
 opposition, but found that the new Senate of Five Hun- 
 dred was as much opposed to him as the Popular Assembly, 
 whilst the old Senate of Four Hundred was of course 
 dissolved and scattered. In this state of things, he 
 secretly invited the intervention of Sparta. Scandal whis- 
 pered that Cleomenes, during his recent visit to Athens, 
 had been attracted by the beauty of the wife of Isagoras. 
 Whether this was true or not, the Spartan king seems to 
 have accepted the invitation with alacrity. First of all, 
 however, it was necessary to deprive the Athenian demo- 
 cracy of its great leader. Clisthenes, as we have already 
 seen, was the son of Megacles, the Alcm^eonid ; and the 
 noble family of Alcmaeonids was still supposed to be tainted 
 with the inherited sin of Megacles, the grandfather of the 
 father of Clisthenes, and the sacrilegious slayer of the sup- 
 pliant partisans of Cylon. Cleomenes accordingly sent a 
 herald to Athens to demand the expulsion of the accursed. 
 This appeal to the religious feelings of the Athenian people 
 was perfectly successfuL Clisthenes dared not oppose it, 
 and immediately went into voluntary exile. Cleomenes 
 marched to Athens with a small force, and at once found 
 himself master of the city. First of all, he banished 
 700 families whom Isagoras pointed out as being the 
 chief partisans of Clisthenes. He next endeavoured to 
 dissolve the new Senate of Five Hundred, and to place 
 the government in the hands of 300 partisans of 
 Isagoras. But he had miscalculated the spirit of the 
 Athenian people. The old Senate of Four Hundred 
 had submitted to the first usurpation of Pisistratus 
 without a blow ; and even now the piety of the people 
 would not permit them to oppose the exile of the 
 Alcmaeonid and the banishment of his partisans. But 
 the attempt to touch the new constitution met with the 
 sturdiest opposition. The Senate of Five Hundred 
 refused to be dissolved or to discontinue its sittinscs. 
 The whole city was aroused. The aspect of affairs was
 
 268 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510— 460. 
 
 becoming threatening and dangerous. Cleomenes and 
 Isagoras, and their adherents, would soon have been sur- 
 rounded in the streets, overpowered, and cut to pieces. 
 The Acropolis, however, was still in their possession, and 
 thither they retired and stood upon the defensive. This 
 symptom of weakness was the signal for a general rising. 
 The Senate of Five Hundred, with an immense body of 
 supporters, surrounded the holy rock, and established an 
 effective blockade. Cleomenes had not anticipated any 
 resistance, and had therefore made no preparations for a 
 siege. At the end of two days, all his provisions were 
 exhausted; and to attempt to cut a way through the 
 infuriated mob which surrounded the Acropolis would 
 have been perfect madness. He was therefore obliged to 
 capitulate. He and his Spartans, together with Isagoras, 
 were permitted to retire to Sparta ; but all the Athenians 
 amongst the besieged were imprisoned, condemned, and 
 executed by the Popular Assembly. 
 
 Clisthenes, the Alcmreonid, was now recalled by the 
 Athenian people, as well as the 700 families that had 
 been exiled by Cleomenes. General fears, however, 
 were still entertained of Spartan intervention. Envoys 
 were therefore sent across the -^o;ean with directions to 
 proceed to Sardis, and there to solicit the satrap of the 
 Persian province of Lydia to admit Athens into the Per- 
 sian alliance. The satrap contemptuously replied that if 
 the Athenians would send earth and water to the great 
 King Darius, as a token of their submission, he would 
 accept their alliance, but on no other condition. The 
 envoys, mindful of the fears of the infant democracy, pro- 
 mised this unqualified token of submission; but subse- 
 quently found that they had gone too far. On their 
 return, the envoys were loudly blamed, and their engage- 
 ment scouted. Athens was no more inclined to be the 
 slave of Persia than of Sparta. 
 
 Meantime Cleomenes had determined on taking signal
 
 COMBINED INVASION OF ATTICA. 269 
 
 revenge upon Athens, and establishing his friend Isagoras 
 as her despot. Sparta had been for some time tacitly 
 regarded as the head of the Peloponnesus ; but this head- 
 ship, though recognised in theory, had never been as yet 
 put into practice. Cleomenes was determined to act uj^on 
 it. He called upon all the States in the Peloponnesus to 
 furnish supplies of troops, but without mentioning the 
 object of the expedition. At the same time he concerted 
 measures with the Boeotians beyond the northern frontier 
 of Attica and with the Chalcidians of the island of Euboea, 
 for a simultaneous invasion of Attica on all sides. The 
 Boeotians were to cross the northern frontier of the Attic 
 triangle ; the Chalcidians were to assail its eastern coast ; 
 whilst he himself invaded it with his Peloponnesian forces 
 on the western side. 
 
 The simultaneous invasion was eifected, and Athens 
 seemed on the point of destruction. The Boeotians 
 crossed the northern frontier. The Chalcidians com- 
 menced their attack. The united Peloponnesian army, 
 under the command of the Spartan kings Cleomenes and 
 Demaratus, advanced on the western side as far as Eleusis, 
 wdthin twelve miles of Athens. The tidings quickly 
 reached the threatened city. The Athenians were at first 
 in a state of doubt, but soon resolved to engage with the 
 Peloponnesians immediately, and to march against the 
 Boeotians and Chalcidians on a future day. Accordingly, 
 the two armies met at Eleusis, and were on the point of en- 
 gaging, when the Corinthians considered that they had no 
 quarrel with the Athenians, and that the intervention was 
 palpably unjust, and therefore they withdrew. Dema- 
 ratus either shared in the same dissatisfaction, or, perhaps, 
 had an old grudge against his colleague, and he refused 
 to join in the coming engagement ; and this refusal was 
 the cause of that deadly hatred between the two kings 
 which we have already recorded. The rest of the allies, 
 seeing that the two kings did not agree, and that the
 
 270 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510— 460. 
 
 Corinthians had quitted their post, at once broke up the 
 camp and returned home without striking a blow. 
 
 The Athenians were thus rescued from their greatest 
 danger. Their w^hole attention was now directed to their 
 north and eastern frontiers. Their first object was to 
 prevent a junction betw^een the Boeotians and Chalcidians. 
 Accordingly, they at once marched against the Chalcidians, 
 but on their way fell in with the Boeotian army. An 
 engagement ensued, in which the Boeotians were com- 
 j^letely routed. The victorious Athenians crossed the 
 strait of Euripus the same day, landed in Euboea, and 
 attacked the Chalcidians, and gained so decisive a victory, 
 that the war was really over. An immense number of 
 Chalcidians and Boeotians were taken prisoners and 
 carried in chains to Athens, where, after some detention, 
 they were ransomed at the usual rate of two minas, or 8Z. 
 sterling per man. A tenth of this money was afterw^ards 
 spent in fabricating a chariot and four horses in bronze, 
 which was dedicated in the Acropolis as a memorial of 
 the victory. The Boeotians made another effort to retrieve 
 their fortune by calling in the aid of the inhabitants of 
 the isle of ^gina, and the war was subsequently renewed, 
 but without any important result. 
 
 jNIeantime, a new and more alarmins; dano-er threatened 
 Athens. Cleomenes was still meditating revenge, but his 
 designs w^ould have been comparatively harmless had not 
 the resentment of the whole Spartan people been suddenly 
 and violently excited against Clisthenes and his demo- 
 cracy. The corrupt practices of the Alcmaeonids at Delphi 
 were discovered. The Spartans found out that the oracle 
 which had ordered them to expel their own friends, the 
 Pisistratids, from Athens, was not the voice of Apollo, 
 but a sacrilegious deceit practised by the pythoness at the 
 instigation of the Alcmaeonids. Their anger, too, w^as not 
 a little increased by the feeling that after expelling the 
 despot, and obtaining a lasting claim upon the gratitude
 
 ATTEMPT TO RESTORE THE PISISTRATIDS. 271 
 
 of Athens, this claim had been abrogated by the foolish 
 attempt of Cleomenes to destroy the democracy and set 
 up a tyranny under Isagoras. Nor was this all. Whilst 
 Cleomenes was shut up in the Athenian Acropolis he had 
 found there numerous oracular prophecies, previously 
 treasured up by the Pisistratids, which foretold that in 
 coming days Sparta would have to suffer numerous in- 
 dignities from the Athenian people. 
 
 The Spartan kings, the ephors, the aristocratic council 
 of elders, and the great body of the citizens, were now 
 equally aroused. A most remarkable step was taken by 
 the Spartan authorities. Hippias, the Pisistratid, was in- 
 vited from his exile in Segeium, on the Hellespont, and 
 all the Peloponnesian states were requested to send depu- 
 ties to meet the ex-tyrant at Sparta. Accordingly, the 
 convocation assembled, and the Spartans made the fol- 
 lowing speech to the deputies : — 
 
 " Confederates, we acknowledge that we have done 
 wrong. Persuaded by lying oracles, we have expelled 
 the Pisistratids, who were our best friends. We have 
 emancipated an ungrateful people, who have recently and 
 insultingly ejected both us and our king. The Boeotians 
 and Chalcidians have already learned what others may 
 learn too late. Let us, then, correct our error ; and for 
 this purpose we have sent for Hippias and summoned you 
 here, that by common consent and combined forces we 
 may restore him to Athens." 
 
 The allies were thoroughly opposed to this proposition, 
 and for some time maintained a sullen silence. The spirit 
 which had animated the armed contingents at Eleusis was 
 still burning in the hearts of the several deputies. At 
 last the Corinthians took the initiative, as they had before 
 done at Eleusis. Sosicles, their deputy, made a powerful 
 statement of the hateful effects of tyranny as exhibited 
 at Corinth by Cypselus and Periander, and poured forth
 
 272 HISTOKY OF ATHEISMS, B. C. 510—460. 
 
 his indignation in the following powerful and threatening 
 harangue : — 
 
 " Surely the heavens and earth will change places, and 
 fishes and men their abodes, since you, Spartans, seek to 
 abolish a free government and restore a despotism. If it 
 seems to you good for cities to be ruled by tyrants, why 
 not set one up in Sparta ? Whilst, however, you take 
 very good care never to experience a despotism yourselves, 
 you are insulting the allies by proposing to restore a 
 despotism to Athens. If you knew its calamities as 
 well as we do, you would have a better proposition to 
 make us. We adjure you then, by the common gods of 
 Hellas, not to establish despots in her cities. If, how- 
 ever, you still persist, know at least that Corinth will 
 never assist you." 
 
 This spirited appeal broke the silence of the other allies. 
 They at once declared that Sosicles had only given ex- 
 pression to their common feelings. In vain the artful 
 Hippias invoked, like Sosicles, the common gods of Hellas, 
 and warned the Corinthians that the day would come, and 
 was already foretold by the divine oracle, when Corinth 
 herself, more than any other city, would have reason to 
 dread and abhor the Athenian democracy, and wish for the 
 restoration of the Pisistratids. His words fell upon heed- 
 less ears — no one believed him. He was compelled to 
 return into exile ; and Sparta was forced to abandon his 
 cause. 
 
 Hippias, however, having once indulged in the hope of 
 being restored to Athens, was unwilling to resettle 
 calmly in his exile. He proceeded to Sardis, and accused 
 the Athenians to Artaphernes, the Persian satrap, and pro- 
 posed that Athens should be reduced to the Persian sway, 
 and that he himself should be appointed to be her go- 
 vernor. The Athenians heard of these intrigues, and sent 
 ambassadors on their part to warn Artaphernes not to 
 listen to the exiled Pisistratid. The satrap replied, that
 
 BATTLES OF SAL AMIS, MAEATHOX, PLAT^A. 273 
 
 if they looked for safety they must receive back Hippias. 
 This reply was considered at Athens as equivalent to a 
 declaration of hostilities. 
 
 The great Persian war was now looming in the future. 
 In B. c. 503, scarcely seven years after the expulsion of 
 Hippias, the Ionian cities on the coast of Asia Minor re- 
 volted from the sway of King Darius. Aristagoras of 
 Miletus crossed the ^gean to obtain the support of 
 Sparta, but Cleomenes refused to engage in the revolt. 
 Aristagoras then went to Athens. The democracy, irri- 
 tated by the contemptuous replies which they had received 
 from the Persian satrap, eagerly responded to his appeal. 
 The history of the next twenty-five years belongs to the 
 history of Hellas. The Ionian revolt was put down by 
 Persia. Darius resolved on punishing Athens for the 
 assistance she had furnished to the insuro^ents: but his 
 generals, after reaching Attica and landing at Marathon, 
 were gloriously beaten by the forces of the young republic, 
 B. c. 490. Darius prepared to renew the war, but died 
 B. c. 485. His son and successor, Xerxes, then made his 
 vast preparations for the complete subjection of Greece ; 
 but the battles of Salamis, in B. c. 480, and those of Pla- 
 tiea and Mycale, in B. c. 479, broke up that mighty 
 armament, and Hellas still remained free and independent. 
 
 Athens fought nobly throughout the war, and made 
 the greatest sacrifices in the cause of Hellas. Her citi- 
 zens were no longer slaves working for a master, but free 
 men, fighting for their liberties. Her leading statesmen 
 at this period were Miltiades, Aristides, and Themlstocles. 
 All three fought at Marathon, and the two former were 
 amongst the ten generals, or strategi, who had been chosen 
 from the ten tribes. Miltiades was commander-in-chief on 
 that eventful day, and obtained the glory of the victory. 
 His after career was unworthy of his great fame. He 
 was impeached before the dicastery, and found guilty of 
 
 VOL. I. T "
 
 274 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510—460. 
 
 employing the forces of the state upon a disgraceful ex- 
 pedition for the gratification of his own personal revenge. 
 His recent services saved him from being condemned to 
 death, and he was fined fifty talents instead. He died, 
 however, a few days afterwards, without having paid it, 
 and it was subsequently liquidated by his son, Cimon. 
 
 After the disgrace of Miltiades, Themistocles and Aris- 
 tides became the chief men at Athens. Either one could 
 always obtain possession of the bema in the pnyx. The 
 speeches of either were always heard with the greatest at- 
 tention by the Popular Assembly. A bitter and menacing 
 rivalry sprung up between the two. The men stood in 
 marked contrast with each other. In Themistocles was 
 seen the might of unassisted nature. Acting solely from 
 the dictates of his genius, he was yet the best judge of 
 present emergencies, and the best conjecturer of future 
 events ; at the same time his sagacity was only to be 
 equalled by his promptitude, for the right expedient flashed 
 upon his mind in a moment. In all joint affairs his 
 superior capacity at once marked him out for a leader ; 
 and no business, however foreign to his experience, could 
 take him by surprise, or defy his discernment. His tac- 
 tics as a party man were also of the highest order. He 
 could conciliate political friends, and defeat political 
 enemies with a celerity and ability which bewildered the 
 most acute opponent. His besetting sin was an unbounded 
 passion for glory and display, and he Avas but too often 
 unscrupulous in the attainment of his ends, and grossly 
 corrupt in the exercise of his power. Aristides was ex- 
 actly the reverse. Inferior to Themistocles in resource, 
 quickness, and general intellectual energy, he was so re- 
 nowned above all rivals and contemporaries whatsoever for 
 his public and private integrity and incorruptibility, as to 
 have earned for himself the name of Aristides the Just. 
 In short, Themistocles was a man of genius ; Aristides was 
 a man of principle. Themistocles was most fitted to take
 
 THEMISTOCLES AND ARISTIDES. 275 
 
 the lead during a great war ; Aristides was one whom all 
 men would have trusted in time of peace. 
 
 The points in dispute between these two leaders can 
 only be guessed at. The great policy of Themistocles was 
 to convert Athens from a land power into a sea power. 
 We may, therefore, suppose that Aristides, the old- 
 fashioned statesman, and friend of the departed Clisthenes, 
 used his utmost endeavours to oppose this important 
 change. The rivalry between the two became dangerous 
 to the state. Ostracism was resorted to, and Aristides was 
 banished. 
 
 Themistocles was now all powerful in the pnyx. He 
 knew that Darius, enraged by his defeat at Marathon, was 
 making vast preparations for a fresh invasion ; and he was 
 fully aware that the navy was the weakest branch of the 
 Persian service, and that if the Athenians turned their 
 best attention to their fleet, they might not only eno-ao-e 
 the Persians on more equal terms, but also earn for 
 Athens the naval supremacy of Hellas. Fortunately, 
 at that very time, the Athenian treasury was filled with 
 the produce of the silver mines of Laurium. This great 
 national property, which lay in the southern angle of the 
 Attic triangle, had been extraordinarily productive, and 
 the Popular Assembly was on the point of votino- a 
 distribution of its proceeds amongst the great body of the 
 citizens at the rate of ten drachmas a man. Themistocles 
 seized this precious moment for mounting the bema, and 
 by setting forth the necessity of a war with il^^gina*, 
 and the threatened invasion of the Persians, he induced the 
 people to forego the intended distribution and to devote 
 the money to the construction of a fleet. His measure 
 was carried ; 200 vessels were immediately built, and 
 in process of time his grand anticipations were realised to 
 the letter. 
 
 * See page 270. 
 
 T 2
 
 276 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510—460. 
 
 We cannot follow the fortunes of Athens through 
 
 o 
 
 the tremendous war with the myriads of Xerxes. Xo 
 calamities could depress the energies of her leaders. No 
 alarming oracles at Delphi could weaken the courage of 
 her warriors. No internal dissensions could break up the 
 brotherly union of her citizens against a common and 
 overwhelming foe. Themistocles, ever in the van in a 
 popular movement, led the way in political generosity. He 
 obtained from the Popular Assembly a measure for the 
 recall of all temporary exiles, and specially included his 
 old opponent, Aristides, amongst the number. Meantime, 
 Athens herself set the example of forgetting all paltry 
 quarrels with other Greek states by devoting herself 
 heart and soul to the common cause of Hellas. It was 
 she who inspired the confederate Greeks with courage to 
 meet the terrible and countless armies of the enemy; 
 next to the gods it was she who proved the saviour of 
 Hellas. Sluggish and selfish Sparta fortified the isthmus 
 and left Attica to her fate. The houses and temples of 
 Athens were left to the mercy of the invaders. Her 
 women, her children, and her old men were placed in 
 doubtful safety ; but her lofty citizens, the nameless 
 demigods of Hellas, crowded to the ships from whence to 
 make their last heroic stand. Then came the glorious 
 day of Salamis. The vacillating allies would have 
 deserted the homeless state, but the presumptuous foe 
 hurried on the conflict. The allies fell back, but Athens 
 led the charge. Then Hellas fought her best. The 
 blood of thousands fell in that deadly conflict. The 
 Persian fled howling to his barbarian gods. The sons 
 of Athens were borne away in the hour of victory to 
 the Islands of the Blessed ! 
 
 The next year the battles of Plata^a and Mycale com- 
 pleted the destruction of the Persian armament, and the 
 Athenian people carried back their families to their ancient 
 city. Hellas was now freed from the invader. Sparta
 
 THEMISTOCLES OYERREACHES SPARTA. 277 
 
 was Still the recognised head of the Greek confederacy : but 
 Athens had suffered more, and on sea had done more, 
 than all the allies put together. Her city was burnt or 
 destroyed, her lands were laid waste. Directly, there- 
 fore, that her citizens had provided for their immediate 
 requirements, they began to rebuild the streets and fortifi- 
 cations of Athens on an enlarged scale. The allies took 
 the alarm, and urged the Spartans to arrest the building 
 of the walls. Sparta dared not dividge her jealousies of 
 Athens, but sent envoys suggesting to the Athenians the 
 imprudence of fortifying a city which in the case of another 
 invasion might become a dangerous post in the hands of 
 the enemy; and proposing the demolition of all fortifications 
 without the isthmus, and promising a shelter within the 
 Peloponnesus in case of need. 
 
 Themistocles was not at all the sort of statesman to be 
 imposed upon by such diplomacy. He knew that Sparta 
 could prevent the works, and he saw that they could 
 only be completed by means of successful deceit. But 
 crafty expedient was his great forte. Accordingly, by his 
 advice, the Athenians dismissed the envoys, saying, that 
 they would themselves send to Sparta and explain their 
 views. Themistocles was then despatched to Sparta, but 
 two citizens, who were intended to be his colleagues, were 
 purposely kept behind. Meantime all the men, women, 
 and children in Athens laboured incessantly at the walls, 
 quarrying their materials from the ruins around them. 
 At Sparta Themistocles was completely in his element. He 
 could not, he said, demand an audience with the Ephors 
 until the arrival of his colleagues. He could not under- 
 stand what could possibly have delayed his colleagues. 
 Positive intelligence reached the Ephors that the walls were 
 rapidly advancing. He peremptorily denied its truth. 
 Fresh information came. He unblushingly declared it was 
 a lie, and urged the Ephors to send envoys of their own 
 and convince themselves of the facts. They followed his 
 
 T 3
 
 278 HISTORY OF ATHENS, B.C. 510—460. 
 
 advice, whilst he transmitted a private message to Athens, 
 desiring that the envoys might be retained as hostages for 
 the safe return of himself and colleagues. At last his two 
 colleagues arrived; the wall had attained a sufficient 
 height. Themistocles at once threw oif the mask, avowed 
 the stratagem, and assured the Spartans that the Athenian 
 people were perfectly competent to judge for themselves 
 in so important a matter as the fortifying of their city. 
 
 The walls of Athens included a circuit of about seven 
 miles, having the Acropolis nearly in the centre. Imme- 
 diately they were finished Themistocles prevailed on the 
 Popular Assembly to enlarge and fortify the harbour of 
 Piraeus, and enclose it by a similar stupendous wall, and 
 to build twenty new war-ships every year. 
 
 Meantime the fleet of the allied Greeks was sent out 
 under the command of the Spartan, Pausanias, the hero 
 in the recent victory at Plataea, to liberate the Greek 
 cities of Asia Minor and the islands from the Persian 
 yoke, and to operate generally against the shores of the 
 -^gean. Pausanias disgusted all the confederates by his 
 arrogance, and ultimately proved a traitor, and was re- 
 called. Athens then came forward, at the express solici- 
 tation of the Asiatic lonians, to take the command of the 
 allied fleet on sea. Aristides the Just and Cimon, the son 
 of Miltiades, were at that time the generals of the Athe- 
 nian contingent, and the supreme direcl^ion of the con- 
 federate fleet fell into the hands of Aristides. The extra- 
 ordinary integrity of this great man w^as as essential to 
 Athens in the present crisis as the sagacity, craft, and 
 decision of Themistocles had been serviceable in van- 
 quishing the Persians at Salamis and in completing the 
 city walls. No one but a man of undoubted probity like 
 Aristides could ever have achieved the delicate task of 
 organising the new confederacy, and assessing the amount 
 of money and number of ships which each state should 
 contribute to the great cause of Greek freedom. The
 
 < DISGPwACE OF THEMISTOCLES. 279 
 
 island of Delos was chosen as the centre of this Athenian 
 confederacy and constituted the general treasury. This 
 confederacy was ultimately converted by Athens into 
 an empire of subject allies : but a consideration of that im- 
 portant change belongs more properly to another chapter. 
 
 The few facts which it is necessary to bear in mind as 
 appertaining to this period, can be summed up in a few 
 words. Pausanias, the Spartan traitor, came to a dis- 
 graceful end in B.C. 470. Themistocles had been pre- 
 viously tried on a charge of having accepted bribes from 
 Persia, but acquitted by the dicastery. Subsequently, 
 the bitter feuds between himself on the one side, and 
 Aristides and Cimon on the other, led to the intervention 
 of ostracism ; and as a majority of more than 6000 votes 
 were recorded against him, he was banished from Athens, 
 and retired to the Peloponnesian city of Argos in B. c. 471. 
 After the death of Pausanias, however, it was discovered 
 that he was fully implicated in the treason of the Spartan 
 general. Accordingly, in B. C. 466, persons were sent to 
 Argos to arrest him ; but he contrived to effect his escape 
 to Persia, where he died many years afterwards, an exile 
 and a traitor, richly meriting the obloquy and disgrace which 
 were attached to his once famous name. Aristides died 
 some short time after the ostracism of his ancient rival, 
 but so poor, that he did not leave sufficient to pay for his 
 funeral. His daughters were subsequently portioned by 
 the state, and a grant of land and money was voted to his 
 son. The banishment of Themistocles and the death of 
 Aristides thus left Cimon for some years without a 
 rival in Athens ; and we shall soon have occasion to bring 
 him more prominently forward. 
 
 The reader has thus been able to review the whole 
 course of the political history of Athens from the earliest 
 ages to the period immediately preceding the year b. c. 460, 
 when Herodotus visited the city. He has seen how the 
 government passed through the successive changes of 
 
 T 4
 
 280 HISTOKY OF ATHENS. B. C. 510—460. 
 
 hereditary monarchy, oligarchy, tyranny, and democracy, 
 which so exactly illustrate the intellectual progress of 
 this highly gifted people. The ancient monarchy had 
 been set aside by the rising power of the nobles, who in 
 their turn were rapidly losing all hold upon the commu- 
 nity, when Solon stepped forward, and transferred the 
 government from the aristocracy of birth to the aristo- 
 cracy of wealth. The great mass of the people, who were 
 still denied all share in the government of the state, saw 
 with indifference the government wrested from the hands 
 of their rich masters, and usurped by the strong arm of 
 the dynasty of Pisistratids. That dynasty was overthrown 
 by the hereditary leader of a mere factious clan. But 
 Clisthenes was wise enough to see that the people were 
 ripe for political freedom, and would never submit to the 
 tyranny of one or of a few, but only to their own sove- 
 reignty. Hence arose the democracy of Athens ; a de- 
 mocracy which, with all its faults, may yet teach the 
 modern democrat to pay a greater reverence to the divine 
 mysteries of our own holy religion, and to abandon those 
 false and fiendish doctrines of a nauseous and depraved 
 socialism, which are alike hateful to God and unnatural 
 to man.
 
 281 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 ATHENS, B. c. 460. 
 
 HERODOTUS LANDS AT THE PIK.^rS. — ATHEMAX TVIT. — A BAEBER's SHOP. 
 — WALK TO ATHENS. — EIRST IMPRESSIONS. — THE AGORA, OR MARKET- 
 PLACE. riSH-3IARKET, THE BILLINSGATE OF ATTICA. LOVE OF FISH 
 
 AND HATRED OF FISHMONGERS. HERODOTUS'S DISPUTE WITH EUPOLIS 
 
 THE MONTETCHANGER. — CARRIED BEFORE AN ARCHON. — PASSED OVER 
 TO THE PRYTANES. — TRIAL. — IMPORTANT EVIDENCE. — RELEASE OP 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 Herodotus left Captain Phylarchus at the Corintliian 
 port of Lechgeum ; for it was of no use staying there 
 merely to see the ship unloaded and carried across the 
 isthmus. In order, however, not to miss joining Phy- 
 larchus at Athens, he promised to call at the house of the 
 Captain's father-in-law directly he was settled, and there 
 to make known the name of the house at which he might 
 be residing. 
 
 From Lechaeum to Cenchrea was only a pleasant morn- 
 ing's walk along a very busy road ; and at Cenchrea 
 Herodotus found a ship just on the point of sailing for 
 Athens, and soon struck a bargain with the captain for 
 conveying him thither. In the afternoon of the next day 
 the voyage was completed ; and the vessel, having coasted 
 the southern shore of the immortal isle of Salamis, entered 
 the newly-constructed harbour of Piraeus. 
 
 Herodotus landed amidst the Babel of a thousand 
 voices. The Piraeus was already one of the most bustling 
 ports in HeUas. Throngs of retail buyers and strangers 
 seemed to be constantly streaming in from Athens 
 towards the deigma, or emporium, where merchants 
 from all parts of the world exposed the samples of their 
 several wares. Foreign ships of every description ap-
 
 282 ATHENS, B. C. 460. 
 
 peared to be continually discharging their strange cargoes 
 and still stranger passengers and crews. The loungers on 
 the pier, and among the taverns and shops, crowded to the 
 water's edge on seeing a fresh vessel come in, in order 
 to inquire what news from Corinth of the newly-arrived 
 voyagers. Herodotus himself was bewildered by a hun- 
 dred questions, and, in the utterly confused state of his 
 brain, might have favoured an admiring audience with 
 the whole history of the rascality of the house of Glaucus, 
 which the mere mention of Corinth had brought most 
 vividly to his recollection. Fortunately, however, some 
 Athenian wags, struck with the Spartan quaintness of his 
 figure, endeavoured to extract amusement instead of news, 
 and repeatedly asked him if he had boiled down all his 
 helots for broth, or wanted change for a pot-lid; by which 
 it will be seen that national peculiarities, like iron money 
 and black broth, rosbif, soup maigre, and wooden shoes, 
 have always been chosen as subjects for international 
 waggery. At last, several jokes were passed upon his 
 long hair and untrimmed beard, from which it was pretty 
 evident that some toutino; barbers had mino-led in the 
 crowd ; and sure enough one of the noisiest of the jesters 
 soon politely delivered the young stranger from his tor- 
 menters, and courteously escorted him to his barber's 
 shop. 
 
 " Fair sir," cried the voluble barber, " rest yourself, I 
 pray you. The mob in the Piraeus is really the noisiest 
 rabble in Attica. Just arrived from Corinth, I presume. 
 And how is trade at Corinth ? Very bad here. The 
 citizens will wear their hair short ; Spartan fashion is what 
 I like — long hair, trimmed and dressed every day. Your 
 head of hair is very fine ; rather disturbed by your voy- 
 age though. The beard, too, requires trimming before 
 you walk the streets of Athens. If you will allow me, 
 I will put your hair and beard to rights in a trice." 
 
 In a moment Herodotus was under the hands of the
 
 A baeber's shop. 283 
 
 barber, who chattered rapidly and continuously during 
 the entire operation ; and, as he was an unguent seller as 
 well as a hair-dresser, he was just as anxious to dispose of 
 rich unguents and marvellous perfumes as any hair-artist 
 or professor of modern times. 
 
 " Corinth, I suppose, sir, is much the same as ever? I 
 have not been there these ten years. Splendid chariot 
 race, I understand, at the Olympic games. But perhaps 
 you were present ? Your hair is weak, very weak ; 
 should be cut and dressed oftener. That is the worst of 
 travellins: — no barbers. To cut and dress the hair is, as 
 the poet* says, 
 
 ' A lovelj action of a cheerful mind,' 
 
 I have some fine unguents here ; will brighten and per- 
 fume the hair, and prevent its falling off. Iris from Elis 
 and Cyzicus ; perfume of roses from Lycia ; perfume of 
 crocuses from Cilicia and Rhodes ; extract of vine leaves 
 from Cyprus ; perfume of apples and marjoram from Cos ; 
 oils and essences from Egypt and Phoenicia ; everything 
 of the best, and cheaper than at any shop in Athens. I 
 buy direct of the captains themselves. Great rogues 
 some of them are ; cannot cheat me though. Perhaps 
 this is your first visit to Athens? — then I need not tell 
 you to beware of sharpers and swindlers. The greatest 
 cheats in all the world live and thrive in Athens. It is a 
 great city though — finest in the world. In a year or 
 two, they will begin building the long walls; and then the 
 Piraeus and Athens will be all one. Our new alliance 
 with Mecrara is a fine thino; ; but I foresee a war with 
 Corinth. I understand, from a captain whose beard I 
 trimmed yesterday, that there is a revolt in Egypt. Have 
 you heard the new^s ? " 
 
 " Xo!" cried Herodotus, at last aroused. ^' What is 
 it ? I suppose you mean a revolt against the Great 
 
 * Athenaeus, lib. xii. c. 37. /•
 
 284 ATHENS, B. C. 460. 
 
 King. Did you hear whether the insurrection was for- 
 midable?" 
 
 " Why, the captain told me ; and he had only just come 
 from Naucratis, which, I believe, is the only port where 
 the Greek ships put in. He had a very long beard that 
 required a great deal of trimming. He said that a king 
 of the Libyans, between Egypt and Cyrene, had defeated 
 the Persians, and that all Egypt was revolting against 
 Artaxerxes the Great King. I suppose you know all 
 about the death of Xerxes ? He died five years ago. 
 They call Artaxerxes by the surname of Longimanus, be- 
 cause his right hand is longer than his left. Half an obol, 
 su', is all I charge. Your beard and hair are now quite 
 the thing. May I recommend you to purchase a box of 
 this celebrated perfume ? It is called the Panathenaicum, 
 You have doubtless heard of it." 
 
 How much more the barber might have said if Hero- 
 dotus had stopped to listen to him cannot be made known. 
 Herodotus ^^aid the half obol, but politely declined making 
 any purchases on the present occasion. He had left his 
 slave and luggage, together with most of his money, in 
 the hands of his friend Phylarchus ; and as he was there- 
 fore quite at liberty to do as he pleased, he could not 
 determine upon doing anything at all. So, having at 
 last resolved on postponing his visit to Athens until the 
 following morning, he spent the autumn evening partly 
 in strolling about the Piraeus, and partly in one of its 
 many taverns, where, for that night, he had fixed his 
 quarters. 
 
 Early on the following morning Herodotus proceeded 
 from Piraeus to Athens. The road led over the river 
 Cephissus and through beautiful groves of olives. After 
 a w^alk of nearly two hours, he at last entered Athens 
 at the Peiraic gate on its western side. The extra- 
 ordinary wall Avhich had been raised, in spite of the 
 opposition of Sparta, by the crafty management of The-
 
 HERODOTUS AT ATHENS. — FIRST IMPRESSIONS. 285 
 
 mistocles, attracted his first attention. It had been con- 
 structed of every variety of material, fragments of temples 
 destroyed by the Persians, colmnns from tombs, carved 
 stones, and, in short, of anything at hand which could be 
 applied to the purpose. Entering the city, he proceeded 
 onwards towards the agora, where he intended to inquire 
 his way to the Prytaneum, or town-hall, in order that he 
 might there present his credentials to the sitting Prytanes, 
 and learn the name and residence of the Proxenus of 
 Halicarnassus. Accordingly, he trudged along a winding 
 street, having the hill of the Pnyx on his left hand, and 
 looked eagerly and curiously around him, but was sadly 
 disappointed at the aspect of so famous a city. He knew 
 that, only twenty years before, almost every building had 
 been destroyed by the ferocious barbarian, but still he had 
 heard so much of the greatness, magnificence, and glory 
 of Athens, that he had expected to see broad and straight 
 roads lined with splendid structures, the fitting abodes of 
 the mighty Athenian people. As far as he could see, 
 however, the streets were narrow and winding, and by no 
 means over-clean. The houses were mean and insio-nifi- 
 cant, and built of bricks, not hardened by fire, but dried 
 in the open air. Projecting gables and balconies over- 
 hung the streets, which were still farther narrowed by 
 stairs, railings, and doors opening outwards. Statues, 
 altars, and sanctuaries he was continually passing, but 
 still nothing^ would have s^iven him an idea of the o-reat- 
 ness of the city but the multitudes of people, which, even 
 at that early hour, were moving through the streets in 
 every direction. Citizens were hastening to catch their 
 friends at home, for at Athens the people spent most of 
 their time in the open air. Boys were going in merry 
 troops to the school or gymnasium, each apparently at- 
 tended by his own pedagogue. AVomen and female slaves 
 were going, even from that distant quarter, to fetch water 
 from the spring called Enneacrunos, near the Ilissus, at
 
 286 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 the other end of the city. Country folks, from the rural 
 demes in the neio-hbourhood, were movino; alono; with 
 vegetables, fruits, and a variety of country productions, 
 to sell to the dealers, who retailed them in the agora ; 
 whilst, on all sides, chapmen of every description were 
 busily preparing for the several avocations of the day. 
 
 At last Herodotus entered the agora. This name 
 was more especially applied to an open spot of ordinary 
 assembly and resort, adorned with sanctuaries and altars, 
 porticoes, statues, and rows of shady trees. According to 
 the common acceptation of the word, however, and that 
 in which we are now using it, the agora was the rambling 
 quarter of the town, covered with stalls and shops, Avhich 
 lay between the Pnyx and the Acropolis, and thus in- 
 cluded both the agora, or place of resort, and the market, 
 or place of business. Every householder in Athens con- 
 sidered that a visit to the market formed part of the usual 
 arrangements of the day. There retail dealers of every de- 
 scription erected their booths of wicker work, in which they 
 exposed an immense variety of goods on tables and benches ; 
 for though shops were scattered over the entire city, yet 
 the principal business of buying, selling, and money- 
 chancring was transacted in the market and the taverns 
 which surrounded it. Different divisions were assigned 
 to the sale of different goods, as in the markets of 
 the present time. In one place boiled peas and other 
 vegetables were simmerino; in the kettles of the female 
 cooks. In another, pyramids of round-shaped cakes and 
 loaves were piled up by the female bakers. In the 
 crockery market, hard by, loud-voiced potmen were deliver- 
 ing the most powerful orations upon the superior virtues 
 of their brittle ware. In the myrtle market, not far off, 
 blooming flower-girls were selling chaplets and fillets, or 
 receiving orders for fresh garlands to be delivered that 
 same evening for the adornment of some gay symposium. 
 Every species of commodity was there that was necessary
 
 LOVE OF FISH AND HATRED OF FISHMONGERS. 287 
 
 to meet the wants of tlie day, from cheap barley-groats 
 to the choicest and rarest meats, — from common garlick 
 to incense for the gods. Clear oils, exquisite ointments, 
 rich perfumes, and famous unguents ; potent cheese, fresh 
 butter, and famous honey of Hymettus. Cooks standing, 
 waiting to be hired ; male and female slaves grouped for 
 sale, — all were to be found in the customary stands or 
 appointed divisions of the agora. Xor was the bustle 
 only confined to the mere sellers. Crowds of both slaves 
 and freemen were goins; from one stall to another in 
 search of baro^ains. Pilferers were busy wherever o;oods 
 were exposed. Public criers vv^ere every now and then 
 announcing, in stentorian voices, the arrival of goods, the 
 sale of a house, or a reward for the apprehension of a 
 robber, or the capture of some runaway slave. Herodotus 
 was already contrasting, in his own mind the liveliness, 
 activity, and bustling character of the Athenian, with the 
 slow, grave, and dilatory movements of the over trained 
 and over disciplined Spartan, when suddenly the fish- 
 market bell rang, as a signal that the fish-carts had arrived 
 from the Piraeus, and that the sale of fish was already 
 be^innino^. 
 
 Every one hurried in the direction of the bell, and 
 Herodotus willingly joined the stream. This mart was 
 not unlike the Billingsgate of the last century; the same 
 sharp bargaining, the same elegancies of language, the 
 same bitter complaints of the ruinous dearness of the 
 finny tribe. Fish and horses are indeed the most mysteri- 
 ous animals in creation ; more money has been made by 
 fish and more money lost by horses than by any other 
 living thing, small or great. At Athens, every man hated 
 the fishmonger in the same ratio that he loved the fish. 
 The comic poets were unanimous in denouncing all who 
 were engaged in the trade. One says, " It is easier to 
 speak to a victorious general than to one of these saucy 
 blackguards." Another cries, " I thought the Gorgons
 
 288 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 were an invention of the poets, but in the fish-market I 
 find they are a reality ; a fishwoman asked me such a great 
 price for such a little fish, that she turned me to stone." 
 A few quotations may not come amiss. Diphilus says : 
 
 " I once believed the fishmongers at Athens 
 Were rogues beyond all others ! 'Tis not so. 
 The tribe are all the same, go where you will, 
 Deceitful, avaricious, plotting knaves, 
 And ravenous as wild beasts. But we have one 
 Exceeds the rest in baseness, and the wretch 
 Pretends that he has let his hair grow long 
 In reverence to the gods. The varlet lies. 
 He bears the marks of justice on his forehead, 
 AVhich his locks hide, and therefore they are long. 
 Accost him thus : ' What ask you for that pike ? ' 
 ' Ten oboli,' he answers ; — not a word 
 About the currency — put down the cash, 
 He then objects, and tells you that he meant 
 The money of ^gina. If there's left 
 A balance in his hands, he'll pay you down 
 In Attic oboli, and thus secure 
 A double profit by the exchange of both." 
 
 Xenarchus says : 
 
 " Poets, indeed ! I should be glad to know 
 Of what they have to boast. Invention? — no ! 
 They invent nothing, but they pilfer much. 
 Change and invert the order, and pretend 
 To pass it oflf for new. But fishmongers 
 Are fertile in resources, they excel 
 All our philosophers in ready wit 
 And sterling impudence." 
 
 Alexis says : 
 
 " I still maintain, that fish do hold with men. 
 Living or dead, perpetual enmity. 
 For instance, now, a ship is overset. 
 As sometimes it may happen, — the poor wretches 
 Who might escape the dangers of the sea 
 Are swallowed quick by some voracious fish. 
 If, on the other hand, the fishemien 
 Enclose the fish, and bring them safe to shore,
 
 HERODOTUS IN THE FISH-MARKET. 289 
 
 Dead as they are, they ruin those who buy them ; 
 For they are sold for such enormous sums 
 That our whole fortuue hangs upon the purchase — 
 And he who pays the price becomes a beggar."* 
 
 This general antagonism between fish buyer and fish 
 seller was often attended by most amusing circum- 
 stances. Sharp jests from witty Athenians were fre- 
 quently answered by rough and hoarse retorts, more 
 remarkable for force of expression than for refinement of 
 language. Herodotus, in his progress to the mart, had 
 accidentally upset one of the pyramids of loaves and cakes 
 which a female baker had piled up for the attraction of 
 purchasers. The irate lady, aroused by the destruction 
 of one of her favourite edifices, denounced our unhappy 
 traveller in loud and unmeasured terms. She opined that 
 he was an evil beast, a robber of temples, an enemy of the 
 gods; a brainless jackanapes — any thing but handsome, and 
 anything but brave ; born in a sty, and bred on a dung- 
 hill. Herodotus flung her a drachma and ran for it. In 
 the fish-market he found that the language he had just 
 heard formed the staple of the conversation. Satirical 
 buyers exchanged compliments with surly sellers, and 
 laughed the more at the replies the more they told against 
 themselves. Herodotus was soon excessively amused. 
 One gentleman in particular attracted his notice, who 
 apparently sauntered about the stalls as much for the sake 
 of amusement as for the choice of fish ; whilst a slave 
 followed to carry home such purchases as his master might 
 please to make. He was evidently well known; and 
 some of the more experienced dealers shrank before his 
 keen eye and bitter speech. 
 
 " What is the price of those two pike, if I take the 
 pair ? " he asked, in Herodotus's hearing. 
 
 * Athenaeus, lib. vi. cc. 5—8. The above translations are by an anony- 
 mous hand, and may be found in the appendix to Mr. 0. Yonge's pleasant 
 translation of the " Deipnosophists." 
 
 VOL. I. U
 
 290 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 " Ten obols/' answered the fishmonger, gruffly. 
 
 " Too much ! You must let me have them for eight." 
 
 " Yes, one of them," growled the fishmonger. " If you 
 like not my price, you can go elsewhere." 
 
 " You may like your price, but I like not the fish ; I 
 have tasted them sufficiently with my nose," retorted the 
 customer, turning on his heel, and reckless of the man's 
 abuse. 
 
 The owner of another stall greeted the dangerous cus- 
 tomer with a smiling countenance. 
 
 " No, my friend," cried the satirist ; " I cannot buy 
 fish of you. Your politeness is suspicious. Fishmongers 
 are only civil when their fish are stale. If your fish were 
 good for anything, you would be as cross-grained as 
 Micio yonder." * 
 
 When Herodotus had sufficiently satisfied his curiosity 
 in the fish-market, he proceeded towards the arcade, where 
 the trapezit^, or moneychangers, sat at their tables. He 
 had left all his heavy cash with Phylarchus, with the 
 exception of a little silver and four gold darics; and as 
 his silver was nearly all exhausted, he determined to change 
 some of his gold money. Carelessly approaching a table, 
 he asked its owner to give him the change in Attic 
 drachmas. 
 
 '^ A daric, eh ? " said the moneychanger, looking up 
 with a cunning expression of countenance. " You are 
 a stranger in Athens, and doubtless have other moneys to 
 exchange?" 
 
 " I have but three other darics," replied Herodotus. " I 
 am a Greek from another city, and I know not how long 
 I may stay here, as I have not yet seen my proxenus." 
 
 " Will you permit me to see the coins?" politely 
 asked the moneychanger. 
 
 " Certainly," answered Herodotus, and placed them in 
 
 * Athenseus, lib. vi. c. 7.
 
 HERODOTUS AND THE MONEYCHANGER. 291 
 
 his hand, eacli of them honestly worth twenty Attic 
 drachmas. 
 
 The moneychanger examined the pieces separately. 
 On one side of each was the figure of an archer wearing a 
 crown, and kneeling on one knee ; on the reverse was 
 merely a deep cleft. Having thoroughly satisfied himself 
 of the weight and genuineness of each, he quietly said, 
 " It is impossible to pass a daric at Athens. Men found 
 with Persian gold are usually arrested as spies and thrown 
 into the barathrum.* It would, therefore, be as difficult to 
 get rid of one as of four. I will take the four daric s off 
 your hands at ten drachmas apiece, if you like." 
 
 Herodotus felt his blood rushing to his cheeks. Every 
 stranger with whom he came in contact seemed to think 
 him a most foolish individual, and one who might be 
 easily cheated or outwitted. He haughtily replied, " I 
 know not your meaning. A daric is everywhere worth 
 twenty Attic drachmas. I will give you two drachmas if 
 you will change me a single daric : the other darics I will 
 not chano-e at all." 
 
 o 
 
 " Not so," said the moneychanger, mysteriously. " For 
 aught I know you may be a Persian spy ; and it is, perhaps, 
 my duty to arrest you at once. In short, this Persian 
 money is dangerous." 
 
 " Give it me back again, then," cried Herodotus. 
 
 " This money," said the sharper, " is forfeited to the 
 state. Take the forty drachmas if you please, otherwise 
 I arrest you on the spot." 
 
 Herodotus cared nothing about being cheated, and had 
 generally suffered with a scornful laugh any petty chap- 
 man or keeper of a tavern to take him in that pleased ; 
 but to be treated as such a simple-minded Arcadian was 
 
 * The barathrum was a deep pit at Athens, with hooks on the sides, into 
 which criminals were cast. The envoys of Darius were thrown into this 
 pit, and told to get their earth and water there. 
 
 u 2
 
 292 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 more than he could stand. He rushed at the money- 
 changer, seized him by the throat, and wrested the darics 
 from his trembling hand ; and kicking over his table, 
 would have strode haughtily away, but found himself 
 surrounded by a bawling and excited crowd. The matter 
 was now becoming serious. To all appearance he was a 
 bold robber, who had attempted to plunder the money- 
 changer. The heaps of coins, Attic and -/Eginetan, were 
 scattered about in all directions, and the whole place was 
 in an uproar. In an incredibly short time the officers of 
 the market made their appearance. A space was formed, 
 and the money w^as picked up; and Herodotus was 
 marched off to one of the archons, accompanied by the 
 moneychanger and a host of bystanders. 
 
 The archon only heard the complaint of the money- 
 changer, and at once refused to adjudicate. The matter, 
 he said, must be immediately brought before the Prytanes. 
 
 Herodotus now began to feel that his position was be- 
 coming dangerous. He was conducted by the officers to 
 the Prytaneum ; and, as far as he could judge from the 
 outcries of the populace, he was supposed to be a Persian 
 spy sent over to bribe the Athenian authorities, but who 
 had most properly been arrested in his career by the 
 patriotic valour of Eupolis, the moneychanger. He was, 
 moreover, confounded at the idea of being obliged to give 
 a full account of himself, and explain the whole cir- 
 cumstances of the case before a public tribunal. But 
 he had very little time for such cogitations. He was 
 quickly led by the officers and mob along the street which 
 ran parallel with the southern side of the Acropolis ; and 
 then turning sharply to the left, up Tripod Street, which 
 ran parallel with the eastern side, the procession at last 
 reached the Prytaneum. 
 
 As a private house was the common home of every 
 member of the family which occupied it, so was the 
 Prytaneum the common home of all the citizens of the
 
 HERODOTUS BROUGHT TO THE PRYTANEUM. 293 
 
 state to which it belonged. It consisted of a range of 
 halls round an inner quadrangular court. In the centre 
 of the court was an altar of Hestia, upon which a fire was 
 kept constantly burning. On one side was the hall of 
 audience open towards the court, in which the ten Prytanes, 
 with their epistates, or chairman, at their head, were sitting 
 in virtue of their ofiSce. Into this hall Herodotus and the 
 moneychanger were presently ushered, with the necessary 
 witnesses of the case ; whilst the court was thronged with 
 the crowd of citizens, who were anxious to hear the pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 Silence was at length obtained, and the officers of the 
 market explained the nature of the charge to the Prytanes, 
 and stated that they had brought the accuser, the accused, 
 and the attending witnesses to the Prytaneum by the 
 direction of the archon. The epistates then ordered 
 Eupolis, the moneychanger, to state his accusation in full. 
 Eupolis declared that the young stranger had imperiously 
 demanded change in Attic drachmas for four gold darics ; 
 that, in order to know if the darics were genuine, he had 
 asked the stranger where he had taken them ; and that, 
 upon this question, the stranger had violently assaulted 
 him, and overthrown his table for the purpose, as he pre- 
 sumed, of giving certain confederates not in custody the 
 opportunity of carrying off his money amidst the confusion. 
 The different witnesses were next called, who spoke to 
 having seen the young stranger seize Eupolis by the 
 throat, kick over his money table, and then attempt to 
 escape. At last the epistates, with a curious glance at 
 the prisoner, demanded to know who he was, how he 
 became possessed of the Persian gold, and what he had to 
 say in his defence. 
 
 Herodotus briefly stated his name and parentage, 
 together with the circumstances of the case, and then 
 exhibited his father's letter and seal. The Prytanes con- 
 sulted together for a few moments ; and the epistates 
 
 u 3
 
 294 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 ordered one of the attendants to fetch Euphorion, an 
 Athenian who was well acquainted with the chief citizens 
 of Halicarnassus, and generally acted as their proxenus, 
 A considerable time elapsed before Euphorion could be 
 found. The citizens of Athens were not accustomed to 
 live much in their houses, but spent most of their time 
 out of doors ; and even those who were engaged in the 
 more respectable branches of commerce were always going 
 about with samples amongst their friends and connections. 
 News, however, travelled faster than the messenger ; and 
 whilst Euphorion was eagerly discussing the state of 
 affairs at Corinth and Megara with some brother politicians, 
 some one came up with the information that a young 
 Haliearnassian of noble birth had got into a scrape with a 
 moneychanger in the agora, and been carried before the 
 Prytanes. Away went Euphorion to the Prytaneum, 
 eager to offer his services to the unlucky foreigner, and 
 ha\dng a pretty strong presentiment that he should find 
 the son of an old friend. Directly he entered the court, 
 he was called by the epistates. 
 
 " Are you acquainted with the family of Lyxes of 
 Halicarnassus ? " 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 '' Is this his seal?" 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 " State what you know concerning him." 
 
 " I have a letter from Lyxes, delivered only a few 
 days ago, apprising me that his son Herodotus would soon 
 visit Athens, and asking my protection. Halicarnassus, 
 though still under the government of Artemisia, pays a 
 considerable contribution to the Athenian Confederacy ; 
 and if yonder is Herodotus, the son of Lyxes, 1 will 
 willingly give security for his being in no way inclined to 
 the Persian, or disposed to disturb our democracy and its 
 laws." 
 
 The Prytanes again consulted together; and by this time
 
 RELEASE OF HERODOTUS. 295 
 
 the archon had arrived, and apparently furnished them 
 with some additional information. At last the epistates 
 arose, and spoke formally as follows : — 
 
 " This is not the first time, O Prytanes, that Eupolis, 
 the moneychanger, has been before an archon; but as, 
 in the present case, a foreigner had been found with Persian 
 gold in his possession, of which he could give no satis- 
 factory account, the archon deemed it advisable to send 
 the case before us. We must, however, be of opinion 
 that the cause should be judged by the archon, or tried 
 before a dicastery. It is evident that the person accused 
 is really Herodotus, the son of Lyxes of Halicarnassus ; 
 and it cannot, therefore, be believed that he contemplated 
 committing any robbery upon Eupolis, the moneychanger ; 
 whilst, at the same time, the previous charges which have 
 been made against Eupolis, strongly inclines us to disbe- 
 lieve his present statement. I therefore move that Hero- 
 dotus be discharged, with permission to reside at Athens 
 for so long a time as Euphorion shall give full and sufficient 
 security ; and that he may, if he considers himself ag- 
 grieved, bring his charge against Eupolis before the ar- 
 chon, to be adjudged by him, or referred by him to a 
 dicastery." 
 
 This proposition was put to the vote and agreed to by 
 all the Prytanes. Herodotus was discharged, and left the 
 Prytaneum with Euphorion ; and not caring to be brought 
 more prominently before the notice of the Athenian public, 
 he declined prosecuting the moneychanger, for whom, 
 indeed, the exposure was almost of itself a sufficient pun- 
 ishment for his attempted fraud. 
 
 u 4
 
 296 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 ATHENS (continued), b. c. 460. 
 
 HERODOTUS ENTERTAINED IN THE HOUSE OF EUPHORION, THE PROXENUS. 
 ^LITERARY STMPOSIUjVI. — WONDERFUL PRODUCTS OF THE EARTH's EX- 
 TREMITIES. THE GOLD-HUNTERS OP INDIA. — CINNAMON STEALERS OF 
 
 ARABIA. TIN ISLANDS. PHILOSOPHICAL DISPUTATIONS CONCERNING 
 
 MATRIMONY AND LADIES. HERODOTUS's WALK WITH EUPHORION 
 
 THROUGH ATHENS. — THE RIVER ILISSUS AND SPRING OF CALLIRRHOE. 
 
 — LEGEND OF ORITHEIA AND BOREAS HALF-FINISHED TEilPLE OP 
 
 OLYMPIAN ZEUS. — GREAT STONE THEATRE OF DIONYSUS. — THE 
 ATHENIAN ACROPOLIS. — RAVAGES OF THE PERSIANS. — FORTIFIED EN- 
 TRANCE. LEGEND OF THE SERPENT OF THE ACROPOLIS. CHAPEL OF 
 
 ERECHTHEUS. — LEGEND OF THE CONTEST BETWEEN ATHENA AND PO- 
 SEIDON. — OLD TE3IPLE OF ATHENA THE VIRGIN. — ANCIENT PELASGIC 
 
 WALL. WOODEN FORTIFICATIONS FIRED BY THE PERSIANS. LONG 
 
 ROCKS. — LEGEND AND SANCTUARY OF AGLAURUS. — BEAUTIFUL TEMPLE 
 OF THESEUS. — SITTING OF A DICASTERY. — SPEECH OF THE PRISONER 
 ON TRIAL. — IIVIPORTANT NEWS. 
 
 Edphorion was an Athenian citizen of the noble class 
 of eupatrids, and the large income which he derived from 
 his family estate qualified him for the first class of wealthy- 
 citizens, according to the division of Solon. He had greatly 
 distinguished himself in the struggle against Xerxes, and 
 subsequently served on board the Greek allied fleet, under 
 the command of Aristides and Cimon. During this latter 
 period he had visited many of the Greek cities in Asia 
 Minor and the islands ; and amongst others he had resided 
 a short time at Halicarnassus, under the protection of the 
 father of Herodotus. In age he appeared to be about 
 five-and-forty. In character he was more like one of those 
 Ionian philosophers whom Herodotus had often met in the 
 house of Theodorus of Samos ; but the voyages which he
 
 HERODOTUS ENTERTAINED BY EL'PHORION. 297 
 
 had undertaken, and the free institutions under which he 
 had been brought up, had given a more practical turn to 
 his mind. His family consisted of a wife, who was rarely- 
 seen by visitors ; a young daughter, who was completely 
 secluded in the women's apartments from all society what- 
 ever excepting that of her own sex ; and a son, who was 
 serving on board the confederate fleet cruising in the 
 JEgean, as his father had done before him. 
 
 Euphorion welcomed Herodotus to his house with the 
 utmost hospitality. " Your father Lyxes," he said, " is 
 desirous that you should reside in Athens for a consider- 
 able time, and perhaps you cannot do better than take a 
 small house ; but for the present I hope you will fix your 
 quarters in my humble habitation. Never mind telling 
 me the story of your mishaps until you^ have taken some 
 refreshment." 
 
 In the course of an hour or two Herodotus had partaken 
 of a plentiful meal, and was sufficiently recovered, not only 
 to relate his recent fortunes and misfortunes at full length, 
 but also to join in the evening's symposium, and to take a 
 part in the pleasant conversation of Euphorion's guests. 
 
 Herodotus soon found that a symposium at Athens, 
 in the house of Euphorion, was a far more intellectual 
 entertainment than a symposium at Corinth in the house 
 of Xicias. For a long time the conversation ran chiefly 
 upon geography; and he heard for the first time some 
 strange stories of the wonderful products of those re- 
 gions which were supposed by the Greek geographers 
 of that age to lie at the extremities of the earth. He 
 was told that in the extreme East lived the Indian people, 
 whose country produced beasts and birds of a monstrous 
 size, together with enormous quantities of gold, and cu- 
 rious wild trees bearing wool instead of fruit. This 
 wool (i, e. cotton) was said to excel the wool of sheep 
 both in beauty and quality, and to be used by the Indians 
 in the manufacture of their clothing. The Indians were
 
 298 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 said to get their gold from the sand heaps thrown up by 
 the desert ants, which were larger than foxes. Each man 
 took three camels — namely, a female camel, on which he 
 himself sat, and a male camel on each side, to carry the 
 gold. Whilst the ants were burrowing themselves away 
 from the heat of the sun, the gold-hunters came up and 
 filled their sacks with the gold in the ant heaps with all 
 speed, and then rode off as fast as possible : for otherwise 
 the ants would speedily discover them by their smell, and 
 being the swiftest of animals, would overtake the gold- 
 stealers and destroy them. 
 
 In the extreme South were the gigantic long-lived 
 Ethiopians, whose country produced gold and ebony, and 
 elephants of monstrous size. There also were the 
 Arabians, whose country breathed a divine odour from 
 its frankincense, myrrh, cassia, cinnamon, and ledanum. 
 The frankincense trees were said to be guarded by winged 
 serpents, which could only be driven away by the smoke 
 of burning styrax. The cassia plant grew in a shallow 
 lake, round which lodged a number of winged bats, which 
 were very fierce, and made a most horrible screeching ; 
 and the Arabians enveloped themselves in hides before 
 they could possibly get the cassia. Ledanum was to 
 be found sticking like gum to the beards of goats.* Cin- 
 namon was supposed to be collected in a still more won- 
 derful manner. Large birds were said to carry the rolls 
 of cinnamon to their rocky and inaccessible nests. The 
 Arabians then placed some very large pieces of meat on 
 the ground, which the birds carried up to their nests ; and 
 then down fell the nests with the weight of the meat, 
 and the Arabians got the cinnamon. 
 
 In the extreme West were the islands which produced 
 
 * " The ledum is a shrub. Goats browse on its leaves, and carry awav a 
 gummy matter on their beards. The peasants of the Levant collect the 
 gum with a wooden comb, and then run it into a mass." — Tournefort.
 
 DISPUTATION CONCERNING WOMEN. 299 
 
 tin ; and in the North were a people with only one eye, who 
 stole the gold from the griffins who guarded it. 
 
 Besides these geographical stories, Herodotus heard a 
 number of anecdotes and traditions connected with the 
 histories of foreign countries, which we shall relate when 
 we follow Herodotus in his travels to the countries them- 
 
 It must not however be supposed that the conversation 
 was purely literary, for there was much news, much 
 singing, and much jesting, and some philosophical dis- 
 puting. One of the company had been recently married, 
 and consequently was much rallied by his friends present. 
 Some pitied his indiscretion ; others admired his courage. 
 The ball then went round, and every one cracked his jest. 
 Grasshoppers were envied for having wives who could not 
 speak, and many other merry sarcasms were passed upon 
 the marriage state. At last a sophistical philosopher under- 
 took to prove that all women were deceitful, and Eupho- 
 rion good humouredly offered to combat the charge. 
 
 " First of all," s^id Euphorion, *^ will you prove it from 
 your own experience, having been taken in yourself; or 
 from seeing your friends taken in without stepping for- 
 ward to save them ? " 
 
 " I shall prove it by analogy and inference," said the 
 sophist, " for that is the only true philosophical way of 
 carrying on an argument. All animals not endowed with 
 personal strength are gifted with instincts of a deceitful 
 nature to enable them to defend themselves against animals 
 that are more powerful. Thus foxes and cats are endowed 
 with infinitely more cunning than lions or wild bulls ; and 
 in the same way women, who are certainly inferior to man 
 in their bodies, are wily, treacherous, and inconstant in 
 their minds." 
 
 Every one present assented to this proposition which 
 fully confirmed all that the poets had declared of the fair 
 sex. Euphorion even was posed ; his reasonings were
 
 300 ATHENS, B. C. 460. 
 
 overturned one after the other by his acute antagonist; 
 at last, partly to gain time, and partly to draw out Hero- 
 dotus, he asked the latter what he thought of the argu- 
 ment. 
 
 " I have been trying," said the young foreigner, modestly, 
 " to see how far that gentleman's theory would apply to 
 worms, for I know they are not strong, and never heard 
 that they were deceitful." 
 
 The sophist immediately collapsed, and for the remainder 
 of the evening had the pleasure of finding that his unhappy 
 proposition excited more mirth and jesting than even the 
 Athenian ladies. 
 
 The next morning Euphorion offered to conduct his 
 guest to all the wonders of Athens. His house was situ- 
 ated near the Itonian gate in the southern quarter of the 
 city ; and from thence the two gentlemen proceeded in 
 a north-easterly direction along the banks of the river 
 Ilissus, towards the fountain called Enneacrunos, over 
 against the great half-finished temple of Olympian Zeus. 
 The morning was bright and clear, and the shallow stream, 
 pure and transparent, reflected the yellow beams of the 
 autumn sun. That beautiful retreat was one of the love- 
 liest spots in Athens, for though included within the walls 
 which Themistocles had enabled the people to build eighteen 
 or nineteen years before, it was still covered with tall 
 luxuriant grass and shady bushes ; and noble trees like- 
 wise threw out their leafy arms from which countless 
 birds sang their sweet woodland songs in innumerable 
 choirs. During the walk many a friend tugged the hima- 
 tion of Euphorion, and asked him " What news ? " but the 
 proxenus always replied that he had heard nothing as yet, 
 and passed on, determined to devote himself for that day 
 at least entirely to the son of Lyxes. 
 
 " This is a famous place," he said to Herodotus, " besides 
 being a very pleasant walk. It was somewhere near here, 
 or else beyond the city wall, that the beautiful maiden.
 
 HERODOTUS'S WALK WITH EUPHORIOX. 301 
 
 Oritheia, a daughter of King Erechtheus, was straying 
 when Boreas fell in love with her and carried her off to 
 Thrace ; and many other pretty stories are also told of 
 this locality by the poets. That fountain yonder, where 
 a crowd of female slaves are getting water, is called Ennea- 
 crunos, because it runs through nine pipes, which were 
 laid down by the Pisistratids. The spring itself, however, 
 is still called Callirrhoe. It is the best and almost the 
 only water fit to drink in aU Athens, and is exclusively 
 used in the temple services ; and Athenian brides and 
 bridegrooms are always obliged on the wedding day to 
 bathe in water fetched from this fountain. You see that 
 immense half-finished temple between us and the Acropo- 
 lis ; that is the great temple of Olympian Zeus. It was 
 commenced by the tyrant Pisistratus, and continued by 
 his sons ; and if finished it would be the largest and finest 
 in the world. Our democracy, however, hate tyranny 
 too much to spend the public money upon completinjx any 
 work begun by the Pisistratids. Those solid masses of 
 masonry were about the only things in Athens which the 
 Persians could not destroy. If you like, we will walk 
 past them, and go and view that great stone theatre of 
 Dionysus, which you can see on the slope of the Acropolis 
 yonder ; and then we will go over the Acropolis itself, and 
 after that perhaps see the new temple of Theseus which 
 Cimon built five years ago. That will be a good lono- 
 morning's walk ; but as we must return through the agora, 
 where you immortalised yourself yesterday, we may per- 
 haps be able to drop in at the dicastery, where a trial is 
 going on. But we shall see how the time passes." 
 
 This was the very kind of walk which Herodotus pre- 
 ferred above all things. He was exceedingly delighted 
 at the chance of being rapidly conducted over Athens by 
 an experienced friend, as he would then be enabled to 
 roam about afterwards at his leisure, and revisit each object 
 of interest in a more careful manner. Accordingly, passino-
 
 302 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 by the unfinished Olympieuni, the two pedestrians reached 
 the great stone theatre of Dionysus, which would hold 
 30,000 spectators. It had been commenced forty years 
 before, in B. c. 500, but, like the temple, was still un- 
 finished, and had equally defied the torch of the Persian. 
 The work, however, had been begun by the democracy, 
 and was sufficiently advanced for the purposes of perform- 
 ance. Herodotus entered the immense area of the theatre, 
 and saw that it was excavated out of the solid rock in 
 the southern slope of the Acropolis, whilst around it the 
 rows of seats ascended one above the other in a succession 
 of retreating and semicircular lines. 
 
 Leaving the theatre, Euphorion conducted his visitor 
 towards the ancient fortified entrance at the western 
 extremity of the Acropolis. Ascending the rugged path- 
 way, they passed through the half-burnt walls of this 
 fortification, and then beheld the broken fragments of the 
 ancient buildings which had once covered the rocky plat- 
 form. 
 
 " Here," cried Euphorion, " all is desolation. This 
 Acropolis was once the fortress, the sanctuary, and the 
 museum of Athens. Here w^ere strong fortifications, noble 
 temples, and beautiful statues and other works of art ; 
 but the torch of the Persian has destroyed them all. 
 I well remember that when we returned from Salamis, 
 we looked upon our wasted farms and vineyards, our 
 smouldering houses, and even our desolate hearths, as the 
 fortune of war which men must often suffer before they 
 can gain a victory. But when we ascended this sacred 
 rock, and, passing through these ruins, saw the blackened 
 temple of Erechtheus on one side, and on the other the 
 temple of Athena levelled to the ground, we swore to be 
 revenged, and not only to drive the barbarian from the 
 soil of Hellas, but to sacrifice him to the gods whose 
 fanes he had destroyed." 
 
 Herodotus was wise enough to remember his father's
 
 THE ACROPOLIS. 303 
 
 warning ; and though he fully sympathised with Eupho- 
 rion's feelings, yet he was prudent enough to keep his 
 sentiments to himself. He, therefore, merely asked if the 
 Athenian people woidd not some day rebuild the temples. 
 
 " The very thing we are about to do," said Euphorion. 
 •' Hitherto we have kept these ruins as they are, in order 
 to keep alive our hatred ; but if our present great man, 
 Pericles, can only carry out his designs, in a very few 
 years this Acropolis will be cleared of all its ruins, and 
 rise up in greater splendour and magnificence than ever. 
 Time wHl teU." 
 
 '"•' But I must now show you what ancient curiosities 
 have survived the devastation. This rock is about one 
 thousand feet long, running from east to west, and five 
 hundred feet broad, running from north to south. This 
 fortified entrance where we are standing is the propylasa, 
 or gateway, which was hastily built up after the Persian 
 war, but which is some day to be rebuilt of Pentelic 
 marble. You see the fetters hanging on that blackened 
 wall. Those are the chains with which the Athenians 
 bound their Boeotian and Chalcidian prisoners after they 
 had defeated both armies one after the other on the same 
 day. Here, too, is a very curious trophy of that double 
 victory ; a chariot and four horses all made of bronze. 
 The inscription on them is worth reading : — 
 
 " Athena's sons o'ercame in feats of war 
 Boeotians and Chalcidians, and subdued 
 Their pride within a dark and iron dungeon, 
 And tythed the spoil, and gave these mares to Pallas." 
 
 " Yonder on our left hand are the ruins of the old 
 temple of Erechtheus. Before the Persian war a serpent 
 always lived in that temple ; and the Athenians used 
 to say that it was the guardian of the Acropolis, and 
 were accustomed to bring it honey-cakes every month. 
 When, however, Xerxes arrived in Hellas, the serpent 
 left the cakes untouched; and the people said that the
 
 304 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 god had abandoned the citadel, and were more anxious 
 than ever to abandon the city themselves, and get on 
 board the fleet. There also is still the salt spring and 
 sacred olive, of which, I dare say, you have heard ; but, if 
 not, I will tell you the story. 
 
 *' That temple contains a chapel of Erechtheus, and also 
 another chapel of Athena, the protectress of our city. 
 The logographers say that in the reign of Cecrops, the 
 goddess Athena disputed with Poseidon, whom some think 
 is the same as Erechtheus, as to who should have the pos- 
 session of Attica. The Olympian gods decreed that it 
 should be given to the one who should be able to produce 
 from the soil the most precious gift to mortals. Poseidon 
 accordingly struck the rock with his trident, upon which 
 a spring of salt water welled up from the earth. Athena 
 then planted the 'sacred olive, which at once sprung up, 
 and was declared by the gods to be the most precious 
 gift to man. The salt spring and sacred olive are still 
 there ; and when the temple was set on fire by the Persians 
 a very singular prodigy occurred. The olive tree was of 
 course burnt down to the stump ; but when the Pisistra- 
 tids who accompanied Xerxes were ordered, the day after 
 the conflagration, to ascend the Acropolis and sacrifice to 
 Athena, the Protectress, they found that a shoot had 
 sprung up from the stump during a single night, and this 
 they all attested on oath. 
 
 " On the other side of the Acropolis over against the 
 Dionysiac theatre is all that remains of the old temple of 
 Athena the Virgin, and goddess of war. It is to be 
 rebuilt almost immediately, and much of the ruins are 
 already cleared away. Take care when you return to 
 Halicarnassus, and mention it to your father, that you do 
 not confound this temple of Athena the Virgin with the 
 chapel of Athena the Protectress in the Erechtheum." 
 
 Euphorion thus spent a considerable time in conducting 
 Herodotus over the Acropolis. He directed his attention
 
 THE LONG ROCKS. 305 
 
 to the steep sides, which were all inaccessible excepting 
 at the western extremity. He described the ancient 
 Pelasgic stone wall or fort, which had been built for the 
 Athenians by some Pelasgian wanderers ; but which had 
 been subsequently dismantled by the democracy, in order 
 to prevent any revolutionist from obtaining the govern- 
 ment by merely seizing the Acropolis. He also informed 
 oar traveller, that at the time of the Persian invasion 
 the Acropolis was only surrounded by a wooden pali- 
 sade, whilst the sloping ascent at the western extremity 
 was merely guarded by wooden gates and fortifications. 
 He likewise pointed out to him the spot where the few 
 Athenians who refused to go on board the ships made 
 their last stand against the invaders. 
 
 " It was a sad siege," he said. " The wooden fortifica- 
 tions were quite suflftclent to protect this rugged rock, 
 and though the Persians used every effort to storm the 
 western extremity, they could not succeed. At last 
 they posted themselves on the hill of the Areopagus 
 yonder, and fired the fortifications, by shooting in arrows 
 wrapped round with lighted tow. But even when the 
 wooden entrance was burnt down, they could not carry 
 the rock; for our desperate citizens rolled great stones 
 down the ascent, and kept the Barbarian at bay. At last 
 some of the besiegers climbed the deep ascent on the 
 northern side, here under the Erechtheum. We call it the 
 Long Rocks ; and nobody believed that any man could 
 ascend it. Thus, whilst the main forces were making an- 
 other attempt to advance up the western slope, these 
 climbers mounted the Acropolis in the rear of the Athen- 
 ians, and took it by surprise. Our poor citizens seeing 
 that the place was lost, fled as suppliants to the chapel of 
 Athena the Protectress ; but the Persians soon swarmed 
 over the rock, and impiously slew the suppliants, and set 
 fire to the temple." 
 
 Herodotus looked down the steep Long Rocks with much 
 VOL. T. X
 
 306 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 interest and horror. The spot, indeed, had been cele- 
 brated in^ the oldest times. It was here that Aglauros, 
 the daughter of Cecrops, had thrown herself down in 
 order to stay a terrible war; an oracle having declared 
 that the Athenians would never gain the victory unless 
 some one sacrificed himself for his country. A small ex- 
 cavated sanctuary of Aglauros still marked the spot; and 
 there every young Athenian, on receiving his first suit of 
 armour, took a solemn oath to defend the state to the 
 very last, and always observe its laws. 
 
 It was scarcely noon when Euphorion left the Acro- 
 polis, and led the way to the new temple of Theseus in the 
 northern quarter of the city. Herodotus first viewed the 
 Grotto of Pan in the north-western slope of the Acropolis, 
 and passed by the hill of the Areopagus. On the hill itself 
 the Areopagite Council was sitting to try a case of wilful 
 murder. In the valley below the hill the preconsidering 
 Senate of Five Hundred was in full conclave ; for though 
 the Prytaneum was quite large enough to hold the sitting 
 Prytanes, yet it would not receive the whole 500 from 
 whom the Prytanes were taken according to their allotted 
 order. Euphorion and Herodotus did not stop to listen to 
 the Council or the Senate, but hastened on to the temple 
 of Theseus. This was a beautiful sanctuary, which had 
 been built to receive the bones of Theseus, brought by 
 Cimon from Scyros to Athens in B.C. 469. Five years 
 were occupied upon the erection, so that it was finished 
 just four years before Herodotus saw it. The sacred 
 enclosure or temenus in which the temple stood was 
 large enough for a military assembly, and was considered 
 to be a sacred asylum for all runaways. The temple 
 was built of Pentelic marble, in the Doric order of archi- 
 tecture. It consisted, like all Greek temples, of a cella or 
 inner sanctuary, having a pronaos, or principal front, at 
 the eastern end, and an opisthodomus, or back portico, at 
 the other end. It was an oblong building suiTounded by
 
 SITTING OF A DICASTERY. 307 
 
 a colonnade or ambulatory supported by columns ; six 
 columns along each of the two ends, and thirteen columns 
 along each of the two sides. The pronaos and opistho- 
 domus were each separated from the cella by two walls, 
 called ant^e, and a gateway or railing ; and again from 
 the ambulatory by ten pillars and a similar railing. The 
 entire temple was one hundred feet long ; the cella being 
 forty feet ; the pronaos, including the eastern portico, 
 thirty-three feet; and the opisthodomus, including the 
 western portico, twenty-seven feet. This temple was in- 
 teresting from the beautiful wdiiteness of the freshly cut 
 marble ; and at a subsequent period it was covered with 
 glorious sculptures and filled with exquisite paintings. 
 The nearest way from the Theseum to the house of Eu- 
 phorion was through the agora ; and as one of the dicas- 
 teries was sitting at the time, Euphorion proposed to take 
 Herodotus into the assembly to hear the trial. 
 
 " What is the nature of the charge ? " inquired Hero- 
 dotus. 
 
 " Oh, one of our unfortunate philosophers has come to 
 grief. Men are not content with reading Ionian philo- 
 sophy, but they must needs preach it. The people can- 
 not understand it, and consequently denounce it as impiety 
 towards the gods. Then there is a public outcry; and 
 some luckless individual, who only sought to enlighten 
 his fellow-citizens, is brought to a public trial. Whereas, 
 if he had contented himself with merely writing what he 
 thought, none could have known his opinions excepting 
 those capable of judging them; for no man without intel- 
 ligence ever cares to read mere prose books. But suppose 
 we mingle with the crowd, and hear a little of what is 
 goinoj on." 
 
 Euphorion and Herodotus approached an open space 
 in the agora, which had been railed round for the 
 court or dicasterion, and was surrounded by spectators. 
 Within the railing were rows of wooden benches, upon 
 
 X 2
 
 308 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 which sat the 500 dicasts appointed to judge the case ; 
 and before them was a raised platform, upon which 
 stood the accused and accuser, and the presiding archon. 
 The accused was evidently a feeble-minded man, who 
 hardly knew what he believed himself; but having had 
 his head turned by a little j^hilosophy, and having too 
 much vanity to avoid making a show of his superficial 
 attainments, had at last been brought to the bar of public 
 justice, — a position far too honourable for such a pre- 
 sumptuous blockhead. His ridiculous attempts to save 
 himself, and yet preserve his character as a man of learn- 
 ing, were, indeed, almost amusing ; and Herodotus could 
 not help feeling far more contempt than pity on hearing 
 him make his defence. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the dicastery," said the would-be philo- 
 sopher, " I have been accused of saying that Helios the 
 Sun god is a mere mass of red hot iron, and that Selene 
 the Moon goddess is a mere stone. But, gentlemen, even 
 my accuser dare not say that I believed such things. I 
 only said what I had read in the works of Anaxagoras and 
 other Ionian philosophers, which any man present may 
 have read also if he had skill and leisure. I believe in 
 the gods, I sacrifice to the gods, and I take a part in all 
 the religious festivals and assemblies; and I think that 
 any one who says that the sun is not Helios, and that 
 the moon is not Selene, is at once foolish and impious." 
 
 " The man is a fool ! I thought he was only a luckless 
 philosopher; but he is not Avorth hearing," whispered 
 Euphorion. 
 
 " Oh, I have heard quite enough," replied Herodotus. 
 " I suppose he will not be condemned to death, — he is too 
 contemptible for that." 
 
 " Why, I am afraid," replied Euphorion, *^ that his im- 
 peachment is mixed up with some political movement ; 
 but from the look of the dicasts, who are evidently heartily 
 weary of their morning's work, he will be let off with a
 
 IMPORTANT NEWS. 309 
 
 fine. I hope you are ready for your dinner, for I am 
 sure I am, and so are the dicasts. We, however, can 
 help ourselves, and they cannot. We are not above five 
 stadia from my house." 
 
 The pair accordingly walked rapidly towards the Itonian 
 Gate ; but whilst approaching their destination, a citizen 
 plucked the himation of Euphorion, and fairly stopped 
 him. 
 
 " Have you heard the news ? " he said excitedly. 
 
 " No," replied Euphorion ; " what is it ? " 
 
 " Why, a special assembly of the people is to be held 
 to-morrow morning at the pnyx. The Council of Five 
 Hundred has prepared a measure about Megara. The 
 criers will soon be round to proclaim the meeting. You 
 will be there, of course." 
 
 " Most assuredly," replied Euphorion. Upon which the 
 other hastened away, apparently eager to tell the news 
 before the criers could be heard. 
 
 "There!" said Euphorion to his guest, "to-morrow 
 you will have an opportunity of hearing some of our great 
 orators at the pnyx. I will explain to you this evening 
 the nature of the measure that is to be brought forward. 
 A joint of roast kid and a goblet of Chian wine is more to 
 our present purpose." 
 
 X 3
 
 310 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 ATHENS (continued), b. c. 460. 
 
 SERODOTUS'S OPINION OF ATHENS. — THE TWO POLITICAL PARTIES : THE 
 CONSERVATIVES LED BY CIMON, AND THE YOUNG ATHENS PARTY LED BY 
 PERICLES. — HATRED TO SPARTA, AND ALLIANCE WITH ARGOS. — POPULAR 
 ASSEMBLY AT THE PNYX. — OPENING SPEECH. — HIEASURES PREPARED BY 
 THE SENATE OF FIVE HUNDRED. . — OPPOSED BY CIMON. — ADVOCATED BY 
 
 PERICLES. EFFECT OF THE ORATORY ON HERODOTUS. A DISCUSSION 
 
 ON DEMOCRACY. — HOW AN OLIGARCHY MAY BE BETTER THAN A DEMO- 
 CRACY, AND A TYRANN-Y BETTER THAN AN OLIGARCHY. — A DISCOVERY. 
 
 ^^ And what do you think of Athens?" said Euphorion 
 to Herodotus as they sat together in the warm afternoon 
 in the open court of the andronitis. 
 
 *^ I scarcely know yet," replied our traveller. *^ It 
 seems to be more populous than Sparta, and yet not so 
 large ; and more bustling than Corinth, but without half 
 the traffic." 
 
 " True," replied Euphorion ; " Athens is a young giant. 
 Her infant democracy is already as strong as the Hera- 
 cleid government of Sparta, Her citizens work not for 
 themselves, like the traders at Corinth, but for the state. 
 They are the bravest, the wisest, the gayest, and the 
 most active in all the world. To-morrow we shall see 
 men from all the denies in Attica at the Popular Assem- 
 bly. By the way, you will want a little enlightenment 
 upon the present state of affairs at Athens, or you will 
 not be able to understand the speeches. 
 
 '^ There are two great parties in Athens, — the old 
 conservative party, and the more democratic, or young 
 Athens party. The conservative party is headed by
 
 CONSERVATIVES AND DEMOCRATS. 311 
 
 Cimon, the son of Miltiades ; the young Athens party by 
 Pericles, the son of Xanthippus. Cimon and the conser- 
 vatives are opposed to all progress and all reforms. They 
 want to carry on the war against Persia for ever, to keep 
 up a friendly alliance with Sparta under any circum- 
 stances, and to stem the tide of democracy. On the 
 other hand, Pericles and young Athens are all for pro- 
 gress and for democratic perfection. They wish to end 
 the war with Persia by an honourable peace, to renounce 
 the alliance with Sparta, to set up the land forces of 
 Argos as a rival to the land forces of Sparta, and to 
 obtain for Athens the headship of Hellas. 
 
 " For years the conservatives were in the ascendency. 
 The protracted war against Persia checked the progress 
 of reform. Cimon, as the admiral of the fleet, was the 
 idol of the Athenian people. Four years ago (b.c. 464.) 
 he defeated the Persian fleet and the Persian army on the 
 same day on the banks of the river Eurymedon, in Asia 
 Minor; and thus for a time he was the most powerful 
 man in Athens. Then came the reaction. Sparta was 
 overthrown by an earthquake, and nearly destroyed by 
 the rebellion of her helots. She sent to Athens for 
 assistance. Pericles opposed the measure with all his 
 might, and dwelt on the jealous enmity and insolence 
 which Sparta had always exhibited towards Athens. 
 Cimon asked the Athenian people if they desired to see 
 Hellas lamed of one leg, and Athens drawing without 
 her yoke-fellow. Cimon prevailed, and was sent to 
 Sparta at the head of an Athenian army ; but Sparta, 
 even in the hour of trial, grew suspicious of her friends, 
 and soon sent back the Athenian forces with ungrateful 
 insolence. 
 
 " The Athenians were then equally enraged with Sparta 
 and with Cimon. Following the advice of Pericles, they 
 renounced the alliance with Sparta, and allied with Argos, 
 the ancient foe of Sparta, and the greatest military power 
 
 X 4
 
 312 ATHENS, B. C. 460. 
 
 in the Peloponnesus next to Sparta. The struggle be- 
 tween Cimon and Pericles still continues to the detriment 
 of the state, and every day we expect that a measure of 
 ostracism will be proposed ; and if that is adopted, Cimon 
 will doubtless be banished from Athens. 
 
 " The questions which will be brought before the 
 Popular Assembly to-morrow are two in number. First, 
 as to whether we shall aid Megara against Corinth ; and, 
 secondly, whether we shall assist the Egyptian revolt of 
 Inaros against Artaxerxes. Cimon will certainly de- 
 nounce the first, and Pericles will as certainly urge it. 
 I understand that Cimon fought hard against it in the 
 Council of Five Hundred this morning, and there he has 
 the most influence. It will be strange if he carries the 
 day in the Popular Assembly to-morrow, against the ora- 
 tory of Pericles ; but we shall see." 
 
 For the rest of the day friends were continually 
 dropping in upon Euphorion. The whole-engrossing sub- 
 ject was the meeting of the Popular Assembly appointed 
 for the morrow. The very short notice granted to the 
 citizens w^as in itself very remarkable ; but it was 
 believed that extraordinary envoys both from Egypt and 
 Megara had reached the Prytanes, bringing despatches 
 which required the immediate decision of the Athenian 
 people. Political conversation is only interesting to the 
 parties engaged in it. Herodotus, however, was much 
 excited, and looked forward to the morrow with very 
 great expectations ; for though a stranger, yet Euphorion 
 had assured him that there would be no difficulty in in- 
 troducing him into the body of the pnyx ; for if he only 
 made a slight change in his costume, and the trimming of 
 his hair, he would be easily mistaken for a citizen of one 
 of the distant demes. 
 
 It was still early dawn when Euphorion and Herodotus, 
 having partaken of a light breakfast of bread and wine, 
 left the house near the Itonian Gate, and proceeded towards
 
 POPULAR ASSEMBLY AT THE PXYX. 313 
 
 the pnyx. Bright Helios had begun to rise from his 
 mysterious slumbers, and joyously smiled upon the glis- 
 tening earth. The morning^ breezes were brino^ino; fra- 
 grance and freshness from far-off rural denies into the in- 
 nermost streets of the awakening city, and rippling the 
 breast of the Ilissus to receive the first kisses of the golden 
 Sun god. Countless birds were singing their morning 
 hymn to far-glancing Apollo. In the eastern quarter of 
 the city might have been heard the laughing and greeting 
 of merry women and graceful maidens round the clear 
 fountain of Enneacrunos. But in the western quarter 
 crowds of citizens were pouring through the startled 
 streets towards the pnyx ; not to join in some gay festival 
 procession through the leafy groves of fair Attica, but to 
 plunge in the stormy arena of political strife ; not to 
 gaze on the contests of athletas, or the races of horses and 
 chariots, but to decide upon the measures of their fiery 
 leaders, and exercise a sovereignty unimpeachable and 
 supreme. 
 
 Euphorion and Herodotus were soon mingled with the 
 living stream which emptied its thousands into the pnyx. 
 The immense semicircular area was quickly filled with 
 eager and excited citizens. Above their heads was the 
 clear blue sky, before them was the bare stone of the 
 bema, and beyond the bema were the Prytanes and their 
 scribes. The busy hum of conversation continually rose 
 from anxious groups. Suddenly the assembly was 
 hushed, as the epistates of the sitting Prytanes stepped 
 on to the bema, and formally addressed the assembly as 
 follows : — 
 
 " Athenians ! Certain envoys having arrived both 
 from Megara and Egypt on the same day, the Prytanes 
 have considered it their duty to call this extraordinary 
 meeting, in order that you, Athenians, may hear the 
 envoys yourselves, and then decide upon the measures 
 which the Senate of Five Hundred have prepared, and
 
 314 
 
 which the Secretary will presently read. These measures 
 are connected so intimately with each other, that it is pro- 
 posed that the envoys from Megara be first heard, and 
 then those from Egypt, before the measures themselves 
 be read; but if any citizen have aught to object, let him 
 briefly state his objection." 
 
 No dissentient voice was heard. The envoys from 
 Megara then came forward, and their spokesman made a 
 long and powerful speech, in which he stated that Corinth 
 had made encroachments upon Megara, and that Megara 
 was desirous of throwing oiF her connexion '.vith Sparta, 
 and enrolling herself as an ally of Athens. The Egyp- 
 tian envoys followed ; but merely produced a letter written 
 in Greek, which was read aloud by the secretary of the 
 Prytanes, and which entreated the people of Athens to 
 assist the revolt of Inaros against the Persian yoke. The 
 secretary concluded these preliminaries by reading the 
 tvro measures: — 1st, That the Athenians do receive 
 Megara into their confederacy, and defend her against the 
 encroachments of Corinth. 2ndly, That the Athenians 
 do send a fleet up the Kiver Nile as far as Memphis, to 
 support the Egyptian revolt under Inaros against the 
 Persian garrison. 
 
 These two measures w^ere now under discussion, and 
 Cimon the son of Miltiades mounted the bema amidst a 
 storm of hisses and applause, and then, when silence was 
 obtained, he thus addressed the assembly : — 
 
 " Athenians ! that voice within me which ever urges 
 me to labour for the state cannot be hushed by your 
 disapproval. My ever-burning and passionate love for 
 our free and mighty city — that city for which my father 
 fought at Marathon, and for which I myself have bled on 
 many a glorious day — is not to be quenched by the cold 
 doubts of friends, or the bitter calumnies of unscrupulous 
 and designing enemies. I come before you this day, 
 because I perceive that ambitious and reckless men, taking
 
 ORATION OF CIMON. 315 
 
 advantage of your honest and generous openheartedness, 
 Avould hurry you into a fathomless barathrum which lies 
 yawning beneath your feet ; because I feel assured that, 
 if you will heed my words, I shall do as much service to 
 the state this day as when I shattered the Persian fleets 
 on distant seas, and destroyed their army on a foreign soil. 
 
 " Megara, the enemy of Athens, and the ally of Sparta, 
 prays us to protect her against the encroachments of 
 Corinth, and admit her into our alliance. Now, of what 
 use can Megara be to us that for her sake we should go 
 to war with Corinth, and still further embroil ourselves 
 with Sparta ? We allied with Argos, the deadliest foe of 
 Sparta, because Argos possesses a powerful army ; but the 
 army of Megara can never assist Athens, and her city is 
 too far from the shore for our fleets to assist her. The 
 alliance with Argos was equal to a declaration of war 
 against Sparta ; but an alliance with Megara will be war 
 itself against the whole Peloponnesus. 
 
 ** Now, I have little love for Corinth, but did she not 
 prevent the Peloponnesians from restoring the Pisistratids? 
 I have little affection for Sparta, but has she not shed her 
 best blood in the cause of Hellas ? But I have still less 
 love for that Argos which refused to fight against Xerxes, 
 and for that Megara which has ever been the foe of 
 Athens. 
 
 '' Athenians, the great questions upon which you have 
 this day to decide are these : — Are we resolved upon a 
 war with Sparta ? Are we determined on fighting against 
 the Persian in the ^gean, and for the Persian in the 
 Peloponnesus? Abroad our fleets are triumphing over 
 the Persian ; at home we are allying ourselves with the 
 friends of the Persian, and arraying ourselves against his 
 foes. In this juncture Egypt has revolted from the great 
 king. Excited by our triumphs in the ^Egean, she too has 
 turned against the invader; and can Athens refuse her 
 alliance ? The blood of our fathers and the smoiilderino;
 
 316 ATHENS, B. C. 460. 
 
 ashes of our temples are still crying for revenge. Shall 
 we, then, stay our hands against the Persian in order to 
 sheathe our swords in the breasts of our brother Greeks ? 
 I say unto you, if we are to fight against the Persian, let 
 us assist the Egyptian ; if we are to fight for the Persian, 
 let us ally with Megara and war against Sparta. 
 
 " It may be that your hearts are steeled against these 
 appeals by the false insinuations of political foes. Men 
 may mount the bema after me, and use their smooth 
 tongues and oily words to persuade you that I am a 
 traitor to Athens and a secret friend to Sparta. They 
 may tell over again, with a thousand additions, how 
 Athenians under Cimon were sent to assist Sparta 
 against her helots, and how those Athenians were sent 
 back again with marked insults. Such men's charges are 
 contradicted by their own words. If I were too friendly 
 to Sparta, would Sparta have dismissed me with such 
 indignity ? 
 
 " But I have held the stone too long. StiU, I would 
 again beseech you — you who still burn for revenge upon 
 the Persian and fresh glory for Athens — I conjure you by 
 the common gods of Hellas, not to suffer your fathers' mur- 
 derers to go unpunished, and your fathers' blood to remain 
 unavenged. I implore you by those kindly deities who 
 aided both Dorian and Ionian Avhen fighting side by side 
 in the common cause of Hellas, not to deliberately war 
 against men who speak the same tongue, worship the 
 same gods, and are sprung from the same glorious and 
 immortal heroes." 
 
 Shouts of applause rang through the clear morning air 
 as Cimon descended from the stone. His manly voice, 
 his open and generous countenance, somewhat clouded by 
 a sense of his declining popularity, the earnestness of his 
 delivery, and the memory of his former exploits, had all 
 conspired to make a considerable impression upon the 
 assembly. Many of the older citizens were indeed decidedly
 
 ORATIOX OF PERICLES. 317 
 
 favourable to his policy ; hating the Persians as our fathers 
 hated the French, and hating the democrats as our fathers 
 hated the Jacobins. Cries for Pericles, however, soon 
 filled the area. 
 
 "What!" whispered Herodotus to Euphorion, "is 
 it possible that any man will answer the speech of Cimon?" 
 
 " Wait a minute," was the reply ; " I see Pericles ap- 
 proaching, and the lightning in his eye shows that he is 
 aroused. Hush ! " 
 
 A slight, pale man, with forehead of marble whiteness, 
 and eyes of wondrous depth and brilliancy, slowly mounted 
 the bema. Gradually Herodotus was filled with the idea 
 that he was in the presence of a being mysterious and 
 spiritual. The figure before him was as graceful as 
 Apollo, as majestic as Zeus. Intellect was enthroned 
 upon his brow, lightning flashed from his eye ; but a 
 melancholy, like the majestic grief of a divine hero, per- 
 vaded the sweetness of his countenance. Men held their 
 breath to catch the first accents which fell from his lips. 
 
 " Athenians," he cried, dwelling upon the word as 
 upon some favourite chord of music, 'Athenians, once 
 more the gods have enabled Athens to exhibit to the 
 world her grandeur and her glory. Once more that 
 bright goddess Athena, who ever dwells in yon Acro- 
 polis, the fair protectress of our ancient city, has given to 
 Athens the happy chance of again standing forth as the 
 protector of the distressed, and the avenger of our mighty 
 fathers. Here, from this sacred spot to the dreary shores 
 of that mysterious ocean stream which engirdles the entire 
 earth, the growing power of the Athenian people is the 
 theme of every tongue, the envy of the Greek and the 
 admiration of the Barbarian. We are a city of kings, 
 with none to sway us but the immortal gods. 
 
 " We, the citizens of Attica, have assembled in solemn 
 conclave. Greeks, eager to throw off the selfish and 
 suspicious domination of Sparta, are earnestly entreating
 
 318 
 
 us to admit them into our confederacy. Barbarians, 
 fired by our example, bave thrown off the Persian yoke, 
 and pray us to aid them in their holy struggle. Athens 
 benignly listens to the suppliants. The Council of Five 
 Hundred have formally prepared the necessary measures ; 
 and now submit them to the judgment of the sovereign 
 people. On the wisdom of that sovereignty all men might 
 rely ; but Cimon is fearful lest you should be deceived by 
 specious oratory. He beseeches you — you the offspring of 
 gods and heroes — not to be duped by smooth tongues and 
 oily words. Having been himself mightily befooled at 
 Sparta, he comes back to implore you not to suffer your 
 weak minds to be led astray. I, who would have saved 
 him from his disgrace, who entreated you not to send him 
 to Sparta, I — even I — am now charged by Cimon with 
 seeking to beguile you. Surely too much wisdom must 
 have made him mad. He boasts of his father's exploits at 
 Marathon, but bids us fear the Persian ; he brags of the 
 victories wdiich he has achieved for Athens, but bids us 
 be afraid of Sparta. Is the intelligence of the Athenian 
 people to be thus insulted ? 
 
 " But let us forget our indignation, Athenians, and 
 discuss the measures before us with that calm deliberation 
 which befits a sovereign people. Megara is the only city 
 between us and the Peloponnesus. Her territory occu- 
 pies the isthmus, and is, in fact, the key to the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. If we admit her into our confederacy, no 
 Peloponnesian army can invade Attica. Cimon tells us 
 that, by so doing, we shall offend Sparta, and lay our- 
 selves open to the Persian. But I tell you, Athenians, 
 that the Persian is a bugbear ; never again will he send 
 an armament to redden the waves of Salamis. It is 
 Sparta we have to dread, — selfish, suspicious, heavy-armed 
 Sparta; she who suffered Athens to fight her battle at 
 Marathon ; she who shrank behind the isthmus wall when 
 Athens was in flames, and Attica was a desolation ; she
 
 EFFECT OF THE ORATORY ON HERODOTUS. 319 
 
 who sought to overthrow our democracy, and was jealous 
 of our very walls. 
 
 " The question of assisting the Egyptian revolt might 
 be adjourned to a future day, but Megara demands your 
 immediate attention; Megara, the key of the Pelopon- 
 nesus, the bulwark against Sparta. Now is the time for 
 driving out the Corinthians ; Sparta is paralysed, and to- 
 tally unable to assist them. The other allies of Sparta are 
 disgusted with her sluggishness and arrogance. Her helots 
 are in open revolt. Megara has cried to her in vain for 
 justice. Great Poseidon himself has shaken her soil and 
 overturned her city. Truly the present moment is a 
 divine chance given us by the gods for the lasting pre- 
 servation of Attica against the Peloponnesus. Will you, 
 then, dream it away in peaceful slumbers lulled by the 
 fears of Cimon ? 
 
 " Athenians, we are not the men that Cimon takes us 
 for. He forgets that he must implicitly rely upon the 
 collective wisdom of the sovereign people, — that wisdom 
 which made him admiral in the ^gean, and gave to Mil- 
 tiades the command at Marathon. He bids us remember 
 the services of himself and of his father, — but forofets the 
 glorious deaths of our fathers and brothers, by which alone 
 have we attained our immortal renown. By the shades 
 of those departed heroes I now implore you to act worthy 
 of that power which they bequeathed unto you, worthy 
 of your own high destiny and the present crisis. That 
 freedom which they purchased by their blood must be 
 preserved by your energy and valour. Dispatch, then, 
 an army to INIegara, and escape the war which is now 
 threatening Athens ; and thus, with the lofty wisdom of 
 a democracy, and the generous daring which belongs to 
 free citizens, shall we utterly defy the jealousy of Sparta, 
 and preserve our city without the sacrifice of her sons." 
 
 An impressive silence pervaded the whole assembly as 
 Pericles descended from the bema. The graceful majesty
 
 320 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 of his figure and the musical sweetness of his voice had 
 given an almost sacred authority to his language and a 
 mysterious significance to his words. His counsels were 
 as the oracles of Apollo ; he seemed not to be advising 
 the people, but to be imparting to them the inscrutable 
 will of Olympian Zeus. But though all men were thus 
 powerfully aflfected by his oratory, yet all were not equally 
 swayed by his opinions. The democratic party looked 
 upon him as their great leader whom no man could gain- 
 say. The aristocratic party regarded him as a political 
 charlatan, having a marvellous plausibility and a wondrous 
 flow of language, — whose counsels it was easy to condemn, 
 but almost impossible to refute. Herodotus was singu- 
 larly interested. He had listened to the straightforward 
 speech of Cimon with interest and sympathy ; but Pericles 
 seemed to carry him away against his will — to excite his 
 passions and warp his judgment by sheer subtlety of words. 
 He felt that Pericles had triumphed, — that the people 
 must give him their votes ; but yet he vainly hoped that 
 some still more powerful orator would ascend the bema, 
 scatter the arguments of Pericles, and successfully espouse 
 the declining cause of Cimon. 
 
 But where was the Athenian who dared to face the 
 lightning eye of Pericles ? that eye whose searching glances 
 could tell a confused speaker that all his thoughts were 
 known, and his shallow intellect fathomed in every direc- 
 tion. One engine, however, was left to the aristocratic 
 party, namely, that of invective. Abuse could be poured 
 upon the dignified orator until the assembly had forgotten 
 his best arguments, and the effects of his oratory had 
 passed away. Speaker after speaker successively mounted 
 the bema. Democrats contented themselves with dwelling 
 upon the most striking passages in the speech of their 
 favourite leader. Aristocrats wisely avoided all argument 
 upon the matter in hand, and contented themselves with 
 merely stating elaborate opinions directly opposed to those
 
 DISCUSSION ON DEMOCRACY. 321 
 
 of Pericles, and with vilifying and reviling him in the most 
 scurrilous and offensive language. That sympathy for the 
 fallen, which is the beautiful characteristic of young and 
 ardent minds, now enlisted the feelings of Herodotus in 
 favour of Pericles. He forgot that the aristocratic orators 
 were partisans of Cimon, and only looked upon them as the 
 slanderous calumniators of a noble and elevated statesman. 
 Some hours passed away, and the sun had risen high in 
 the heavens. The area was hot and oppressive, for no 
 awnino: defended the heads of the assemblv from the 
 noon-day rays. Hearty disgust for the orators began to 
 fill the heart of our young traveller. Xearly all the 
 citizens of Athens had been engaged for the best part of 
 the day in listening to speakers who merely talked about 
 the measures, vituperated each other, or endeavoured to 
 confuse the judgment of the assembly by artful fallacies 
 and subtle speeches. At last the audience became as 
 wearied and hot as Herodotus. The orators were per- 
 petually interrupted with cries of " go down." Xo one 
 was at length permitted to mount the bema, and the 
 epistates came forward to take a show of hands. Then 
 it was finally declared, amidst much commotion and 
 applause, that the measure for sending a force to ]Megara 
 was affirmed by a large majority, but that the motion for 
 assisting the Egyptian revolt was postponed for the con- 
 sideration of a future meeting. Thus Pericles and the 
 ultra democrats achieved another triumph over Cimon and 
 the conservatives. 
 
 It had certainly been a fatiguing morning ; but when 
 Herodotus and his host had returned home and partaken 
 of some refreshment, Euphorion did not fail to question 
 our traveller upon what he thought of the workings of a 
 democracy. Herodotus, however, remembered the caution 
 of his father, and returned evasive answers. Indeed, he 
 had already been somewhat practised in that kind of fence ; 
 for during the last two days almost every one he had seen 
 
 VOL. I. Y
 
 322 ATHENS, B. C. 460. 
 
 had asked him what he thought of Athens and her insti- 
 tutions. Euphorion saw his hesitation and attempted to 
 remove it. 
 
 " I am aware," he said, " that many of our ardent 
 democrats are anxious that our democracy should be 
 admired by all men, and especially by those who have 
 lived under a tyranny, or an oligarchy; whilst at the 
 same time they will resent the least slur which might be 
 cast upon our government, or upon our laAvs. I however 
 ask you, not for the sake of gratifying any national pride, 
 but in order that I may know the first impressions of a 
 foreigner." 
 
 *• To tell the truth, then,'' replied Herodotus, " and to 
 tell it with full confidence, that you will not be offended 
 at any opinions which I may now express, and which may 
 hereafter become modified as my experience becomes en- 
 larged, I must confess that I like not a democracy. I 
 think that all men are better adapted for one avocation 
 than for another ; and that statesmanship can be better 
 practised by the few^ who understand it than by the many 
 who only follow their factious leaders." 
 
 **' But who would you choose to be the few ? *' said 
 Euphorion. 
 
 ^* Either those," answered our traveller, ^' who were 
 born to power, and have, therefore, been accustomed to it 
 from their infancy ; or else those who are chosen for 
 their talents by the great body of the citizens." 
 
 *' But is not the collective wisdom of the many more to 
 be depended upon than the wisdom of the few ? " 
 
 " Xo ; because the masses are always swayed by their 
 leaders, whilst the few would be well fitted to govern 
 from their hereditary rank or superior talents, and would 
 neither be obliged to pander to the mob nor to yield to it." 
 
 " But ought not every citizen who shares the burden of 
 the State to have an equal share in its government?" 
 
 " I do not think that because a political question more
 
 ANCIENT POLITICAL PAMPHLET. 323 
 
 or less affects the whole body of citizens, that it is ne- 
 cessary to call every citizen from his daily avocations to 
 decide upon every political measure. The price of cab- 
 bage affects every father of a family ; and yet you would 
 not call an assembly of all the citizens to decide upon 
 the price of cabbage." 
 
 " Xow we are getting at the question," said Euphorion ; 
 " we certainly should not call an assembly to settle the 
 price of cabbage, but to choose from their own body such 
 citizens as would be best fitted to regulate the market, 
 and who would be always responsible to the people for 
 their acts, of which, indeed, the people w^ould be the best 
 judges. I have no wish, however, to disturb those 
 opinions in which you have been educated by your father ; 
 and I would only have you consider that there is a great 
 deal to be said in favour of every form of government, 
 and that a people are generally able to establish for them- 
 selves that form which best suits their city and nation. 
 I have a curious book written by a philosopher, who 
 desired for argument's-sake to prove that a pure tyranny 
 was better than democracy. I have a slave who knoAvs 
 liis letters very well, he shall read it to us." 
 
 In a few minutes the slave appeared by Eujohorion's 
 orders, and taking up the roll of Xile paper read aloud 
 as follows : — 
 
 " How AN Oligarchy may 
 
 BE BETTER THAN A DEMOCRACY, 
 
 AND A Monarchy better than 
 AN Oligarchy. 
 
 " After Smerdis Magus, King of Persia, had fallen by 
 the conspiracy of the Seven, the Seven met together for 
 the purpose of settling the future government of the 
 Persian Empire, and three out of the seven then delivered 
 their separate opinions, as follows : 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 ATHENS, B. C. 460. 
 
 " First spoke Otanes, who advocated a democracy, 
 thus : ' Having experienced the insolence of kings, we 
 cannot think of establishing a monarchy. Indeed, how is 
 it possible for a monarchy, in which one man is allowed 
 to do as he pleases without control, to be a well- con- 
 stituted government? If you were even to invest the 
 best of men with the sovereign power, he would soon 
 cast off his previous wisdom and moderation. Envy is 
 implanted in every man from his birth, and insolence is 
 likewise engendered in a king by the advantages which 
 surround him. The possession of these two vices leads 
 him to indulge in every other. Stung by envy, he com- 
 mits many nefarious actions ; and, puffed up by insolence, 
 he indulges in many vices. One would think that a 
 sovereign should be free from envy because he possesses 
 all things ; but the contrary is always to be found. He 
 envies the best citizens, takes delight in the company of 
 the worst, and readily listens to the envious reports of 
 calumny. In his behaviour towards his subjects, he is 
 the most inconsistent of all men. Treat him with mode- 
 rate respect, and he is offended at the slightness of the 
 honour. Prostrate yourselves before him, and he is 
 offended at the grossness of the flattery. His insolence 
 again is unbearable. He alters the established institu- 
 tions of the country, takes whom he pleases to be his 
 wives and concubines, and puts men to death without 
 judicial trial. On the other hand, a democratic govern- 
 ment, where every citizen enjoys an equality of rights 
 and privileges, is the fairest upon earth, and cannot be 
 guilty of the excesses which are practised by a sovereign. 
 Archons and Prytanes obtain their oflSces by the ballot, 
 and are not only responsible to the people for the just 
 performance of their several duties, but are also obliged 
 to submit their plans to the people before carrying them 
 into execution. I therefore give it as my deliberate 
 opinion, that we should abrogate the Persian monarchy
 
 A^'CIE^'T POLITICAL PAMPHLET. 325 
 
 altogether, and establish a democracy in its stead, for in 
 the government of the many is to be found every virtue.' 
 
 " Secondly spoke Megabyzus, wlio advocated an olig- 
 archy, thus : ^ I perfectly agree with what Otanes has 
 said about abolishing the Persian monarchy ; but when 
 he bids us place the government in the hands of the 
 people, he evidently shuts his ears to the counsel of the 
 wise. Xo one can be more foolish or insolent than an 
 ignorant mob. It would, therefore, be madness in us, 
 after throwino^ off the insolence of a tvrant, to fall under 
 the insolence of an ungovernable multitude. AYhen a 
 sovereign commits a tyrannical act, he does it knowingly, 
 and is therefore, to some extent, restrained by his own 
 conscience. But the multitude are totally ignorant of 
 everything; they have never been taught hitherto, nor 
 have the means of knowing now ; they would, therefore, 
 rush on without reflection, and overwhelm the state like 
 a winter torrent swollen with rain and snow. Let those, 
 then, who desire the ruin of the Persians adopt a demo- 
 cracy; but let us transfer the sovereign power to a 
 council of nobles, amongst whom we ourselves shall be 
 included ; and thus we may reasonably expect that the 
 best counsels will proceed from the best men.' 
 
 " Thirdly, Darius, son of Hystaspes, advocated a mon- 
 archy, thus : — ^ I, for my part, perfectly agree with 
 what Megabyzus has said concerning a democracy ; but T 
 am entirely opposed to his proposal for the establishment 
 of an oligarchy. Let us examine the three different forms 
 of government, — namely, democracy, oligarchy, and mon- 
 archy ; and, for the sake of argument, let us consider 
 each one as the best of its kind ; and if we then compare 
 one with the other, we shall find the monarchical form of 
 government to be the best of all. In the best of monar- 
 chies will be seen one good man acting upon the wisest 
 plans, governing the people without blame, and keeping 
 his designs perfectly secret from all who are ill affected 
 
 T 3
 
 326 ATHENS, B.C. 460. 
 
 towards the State. In the best of oligarchies, however, 
 though the council of nobles will exert its energies for the 
 public good, yet strong private feuds will spring up amongst 
 its members. Thus factions will arise, and factions will 
 bring on murders ; and this dreadful state of things can 
 only be terminated by some one seizing the supreme power 
 and establishing a monarchy, which alone proves it to be 
 the better government. Last of all, we come to a demo- 
 cracy ; and, under the indiscriminate government of the 
 people, it is impossible but that many evils should spring 
 up. These evils, however, do not so much arise from the 
 private animosities of the evil-disposed, as from the power- 
 ful combinations of party ; and these party struggles con- 
 tinue until some one of the people stands forward and 
 puts them down ; and on this very account the people 
 will admire him and make him their king. This termina- 
 tion again proves that a monarchy is the best government 
 that can be adopted. But, to sum up everything, let me 
 ask this question : — Whence came the freedom of Persia 
 from the Median yoke ? Who gave it ? Was it a demo- 
 cracy, or an oligarchy, or a monarchy ? I need scarcely 
 remind you that we obtained our freedom through our 
 just and great king Cyrus. It is therefore my opinion, 
 that, as w^e were made free by a monarch, so we ought to 
 preserve a monarchical government ; and that we ought, 
 on no account, to subvert the righteous institutions of our 
 great and glorious ancestors.' 
 
 "Darius, the son of Hystaspes, having thus spoken, 
 four out of the seven declared themselves to be of his 
 opinion ; and thus the Persian monarchy was preserved, 
 and Darius was shortly afterwards invested with the sove- 
 reignty." 
 
 " That is a wise book," said Herodotus, when the slave 
 had finished reading ; " I should like to study it alone."
 
 A DISCOVERT. 327 
 
 " Take it, by all means," responded Euphorion ; " I 
 freely make you a present of it." 
 
 Herodotus took it from the hand of the slave, and what 
 was his surprise to see that it was written in the well- 
 known handwriting^ of his own father, Lyxes. He could 
 scarcely believe his eyes. 
 
 ^^ AYhat," he cried, " did you mean by saying that this 
 book was written by a good Athenian democrat?" 
 
 *^You have already, I see, discovered the author," 
 said Euphorion. '' Your father desired me to deliver it 
 into your hands ; but I had a mind to hear whether you 
 had become too good a democrat to admire it. It is all 
 sophistry, and some day we will go over its arguments 
 together. What say you now to a walk along the banks 
 of the Ilissus, or a stroll into the agora ? " 
 
 '' Oh, the walk through the groves near the Ilissus, by 
 all means," said Herodotus. And the two left the house, 
 and wandered forth in company. 
 
 T 4
 
 328 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 ATHENS (contixued), b.c. 460, 459. 
 
 PURSUITS AND AMUSEMENTS OF HERODOTCS. — ATHEl'IAN PARTIALITY FOR 
 FOREIGNERS, AS OPPOSED TO SPARTAN JEALOUSY. — EXCURSION TO 
 
 MARATHON. — THOUGHTS ON THE BATTLE FIELD. VISION OF THE 
 
 ENGAGEMENT. — BREAKING UP OF OLD IDEAS. PREPARATIONS FOR A 
 
 VOYAGE TO THE SCYTHIANS ON THE BLACK SEA. — GEOGRAPHICAIi 
 DESCRIPTION OF THE ROUTE PAST MACEDONIA AND THRACE.— STRANGE 
 
 ARTICLES FOR BARTER. TRADE IN GODS. — GREEK IDEAS UPON THE 
 
 SUBJECT. — FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF HERODOTUS's RELIGIOUS BE- 
 LIEF AND POLITICAL VIEWS. 
 
 Heeodotus resided at Athens for several weeks in the 
 house of Euphorion, during which he every day made 
 himself more and more acquainted with her citizens and 
 her institutions. He found, indeed, that the manners of 
 the people accorded exceedingly well with his own tastes. 
 He would rise early in the morning, soon after sunrise, 
 and take his lio^ht breakfast of bread and wine in his own 
 room ; then he would walk to the agora and hear the 
 news, and stroll along the banks of the Ilissus with 
 Euphorion or some of his friends ; and generally once a 
 day he paid a visit to the gymnasium. Not unfrequently, 
 also, he walked to the Piraeus and saw if any ships came 
 in ; and he called more than once at the house of the 
 father-in-law of his friend Phylarchus, and soon had the 
 pleasure of seeing the worthy captain, and the wife which 
 had occasioned so much trouble with the oracles. Of this 
 quiet Athenian damsel we have nothing to record. Of 
 course she was many years younger than Phylarchus, and 
 perhaps young enough to be his daughter ; but he cer- 
 tainly had no reason to doubt his own fehcity. She was
 
 ATHENIAN PARTIALITY FOR FOREIGNERS. 329 
 
 evidently as attached to him as he was devoted to her ; 
 and as navigation was considered to be far too dangerous 
 an occupation for the winter season, it may be readily 
 supposed that Phylarchus spent a few months with his 
 young wife in a state of unalloyed happiness. 
 
 It is hardly to be expected that Herodotus should see 
 much of his seafaring friend during this, his first visit to 
 Athens. Their occupations were essentially diiferent. 
 Whilst Phylarchus was squaring the accounts of his last 
 voyage, and preparing for a new expedition, Herodotus was 
 looking on at a dicastery or attending a public assembly, 
 or, in short, doing anything by which he could become 
 better acquainted with the trade of Athens, her laws, or 
 her democracy. Indeed, the democratic usages and in- 
 stitutions of Athens made a very great impression upon 
 Herodotus, as they were sure to do upon a young 
 foreigner who had been brought up under monarchical 
 institutions. At Sparta, the modesty of the young men 
 and the veneration paid to old age were carried to the 
 extreme; and Herodotus being both young and a 
 foreigner, had found himself for a long time but little 
 more regarded than a Helot. At Athens, however, 
 the younger citizens considered themselves as impor- 
 tant as their fathers ; and swaggered through the 
 agora, speechified in the pnyx, or shouted in the 
 dicastery with as much consequence as a citizen of 
 twenty years' standing. Moreover, the younger men 
 at Athens were far less under the control of their elders 
 than those at Sparta, or at any other Greek city which 
 Herodotus had as yet visited. Those with whom he 
 came into contact were tolerably well supplied with 
 money and indulged in amusements equally as expensive, 
 though, perhaps, more manly than those of the Corinthian 
 gallants. Horse-racing, chariot-driving, hunting, cock and 
 quail fighting, with an occasional rattle at the dice-box, 
 would sometimes clear out a young Athenian just when
 
 330 ATHENS, B. C. 460, 459. 
 
 he wanted to buy a handsome suit of armour to join the 
 garrison at Megara, or procure a respectable outfit for the 
 JEgeein fleet. 
 
 Herodotus liked this free and independent kind of life. 
 He had obtained his money from Phylarchus, and had no 
 objection to amusement, so long as it was unaccompanied 
 by vice. A merry symposium, or a rapid drive through 
 the rural demes, were very enjoyable; though the un- 
 evenness of the soil of Attica occasioned perpetual ac- 
 cidents. But at Athens, as well as in other learned 
 cities of modern times, there were a set of reckless 
 stupid fellows yclept triballi, who thought there could be 
 no fun without mischief, and were consequently carefully 
 avoided by all young men of sense and reputation. In- 
 deed, the triballi would get stupidly intoxicated early in 
 the day ; quarrel and fight over their horses, dogs, cocks, 
 or quails ; pitch into the fortunate winners at astragali or 
 dice ; or lie in wait and frightfully ill-use any one, slave 
 or free citizen, who chanced to offend them. 
 
 There was another circumstance which rendered our 
 traveller's residence at Athens exceedingly agreeable. 
 The Spartans hated foreigners, whilst the Athenians were 
 by no means averse to them. At Sparta, therefore, he had 
 not unfrequently been insulted during the early part of 
 his stay in that jealous and severe city ; but at Athens the 
 curious and open-hearted citizens received him with the 
 greatest cordiality from the very fact of his having come 
 from the opposite shores of the ^gean. Euphorion espe- 
 cially took pleasure in the society of his guest, and kindly 
 used every endeavour to promote his amusement. Day 
 after day passed away, and Herodotus still continued to 
 live in the house of his entertainer ; though he very rarely 
 saw the wife of Euphorion, and never had a single glimpse 
 of the face of the daughter. He offered more than once 
 to remove to some other house, but Euphorion pressed 
 him to remain where he was, at least until the spring ; and
 
 EXCURSION TO MARATHON. 331 
 
 when Euphorion at last heard that his young guest pur- 
 posed going on another voyage with Phylarchus directly 
 the winter was over, he assured him that he had better 
 postpone taking a house at all. 
 
 As the spring advanced and before Herodotus finally left 
 Athens with Phylarchus, he made an excursion to the 
 immortal plain of Marathon, about twenty-two miles from 
 Athens. The road ran through the pretty little village of 
 Cephisia, at the source of the river Cephissus. As far as 
 Cephisia the country was most beautiful. The road ran 
 past farms and pastures, hamlets and villages. Hills and 
 valleys were carpeted with green verdure and early 
 flowers ; whilst the prospect was varied by myrtles, ivy, 
 olives, and wide-spreading plane trees. Beyond Cephisia 
 was a magnificent olive wood, but beyond the wood the 
 country became waste and bare, and the vegetation was 
 stunted. Here the road ascended the rocky eminences 
 along the northern slope of Mount Pentelicus, and Hero- 
 dotus, who was on horseback, found this part of the 
 journey not over pleasant. When, however, he reached 
 the highest part of the road, all his toil was fully repaid 
 by the magnificent view which met his eyes. Before him 
 was the beautiful plain of Marathon, and beyond it were 
 the blue waves of the sea which washed the eastern shores 
 of Attica ; whilst in the distance he could plainly see the 
 finely varied forms of the mountains of Eubcea. Turning 
 into a ravine the road wound slowly down the zigzag 
 stony mountain path ; and at last, after a long morning's 
 ride, he stood on the hallowed soil of the famous battle- 
 field. 
 
 Numerous guides offered their services to our traveller, 
 but he had made himself too well acrj[uainted with the 
 history of the battle to need their assistance. His slave 
 had accompanied him throughout the journey, and carried 
 a basket of provisions and skin of wine ; and Herodotus 
 having duly refreshed himself, left the horse and slave at
 
 332 ATHENS, B. C. 460, 459. 
 
 a neighbouring tavern, and strolled out to view the glo- 
 rious plain. 
 
 Marathon is principally famous as the scene of the first 
 great conflict between Greek and Persian on European 
 soil. When the lonians and other Asiatic Greeks re- 
 volted against Darius, Athens had sent over ships and 
 troops to assist in the war of independence. After Darius 
 had crushed the rebellion in Asia, he resolved to avenge 
 himself on Athens. The Persians brought an immense 
 armament to the shore of Marathon. Athens sent to 
 Sparta for aid, but waited in vain for the reinforcements 
 from her sluggish and jealous rival. At last her heroic 
 citizens marched boldly out to victory or death, and en- 
 camped on the heights whilst the Persians advanced 
 haughtily into the plain. Then the men of Athens sounded 
 the pgean, and rushed fiercely on the foe. Their centre 
 gave way at the first shock of that terrific charge, but 
 their wings were victorious, and soon turned back and 
 gained the day. 
 
 Herodotus became another man as he trod that hal- 
 lowed ground. For the first time in his life he began to 
 glory in the thought that he too belonged to that noble race 
 of Hellenes who had defied and overthrown the Persian. 
 His education in his father's house had led him hitherto to 
 take a pride in exhibiting his loyal attachment to the 
 great king, under whose imperial sway Halicarnassus had 
 enjoyed a comparative immunity from the horrors of a war, 
 and the throne of Artemisia had been unshaken by the 
 factions of an oligarchy, or the party struggles and sedi- 
 tions of a democracy. But his travels had opened his 
 eyes. ^ His sympathies were no longer enlisted in the 
 cause of Persia, but in the cause of Hellas. He saw the 
 mounds erected over the dead ; the graves of those heroes 
 who had freely sacrificed their lives in that glorious con- 
 test against the barbarian invaders. He looked around 
 and recalled the entire scene. The Persian fleet anchor-
 
 THOUGHTS ON THE BATTLE FIELD. 333 
 
 ing in the bay, — the terrible and overwhelming army of 
 the barbarian arranged in order of battle, and filling the 
 entire plain, — the small but intrepid lines of Athenians 
 encamped upon the heights. Hark I the Athenians sound 
 the paean, and rush like madmen upon the invaders. The 
 field is covered with a confused mass of combatants, — cuts 
 and thrusts, dead and dying, Persian shrieks and Greek 
 execrations. The green verdure is dyed w^th human 
 blood. The blooming flowers are broken by the heels of 
 furious warriors, or crushed by the wounded and the slain. 
 The air of heaven is filled with yells and curses. At 
 length the day is over. The barbarians rush to the shore. 
 Athenians seize the ships and shout for fire. The struggle 
 becomes more deadly and more desperate. Life and limb 
 are yielded without a sigh in that fierce battle for land 
 and liberty. The Persian fleet slowly bears away the 
 shattered squadrons. The band of victors return to Athens 
 with songs and pceans, to exult in the deliverance of their 
 glorious city, and sacrifice to her kindly and protectino- 
 deities. 
 
 Mighty thoughts w^ere revolving in the brain of Hero- 
 dotus as he returned to Athens on the succeeding day ; 
 thoughts that broke up the confused pictures and half- 
 formed images which had previously occupied his mind. 
 He felt that the world within him was being reduced to a 
 chaos ; that his old ideas were not being merely modified, 
 but were passing away altogether. He had no such aspi- 
 rations for fame as he had experienced in the valley of 
 Olympia. He was inspired with a burning desire to know 
 more of man and of his actions, more of heroes and of 
 their immortal deeds. He began to contemn his own 
 ignorance, his mistaken notions of great events, his one- 
 sided view of politics and governments. It was therefore 
 with a strange dissatisfaction with what he had, and a 
 strange cravino; for what he had not, that he aa^ain entered
 
 334 ATHENS, B. C. 460, 459. 
 
 the house of Euphorion, and hurried weaiy and dispirited 
 to his own chamber. 
 
 The very next day he was called upon by Phylarchus to 
 make preparations for a long and even dangerous voyage. 
 Two merchants from Olbia, on the Euxlne, had agreed 
 with the worthy and experienced captain upon a joint 
 expedition to the Black Sea, to purchase gold and furs 
 of the Scythians ; and perhaps, as the vessel was a large 
 one, to bring back a cargo of corn and slaves. The voyage 
 out, if the weather proved favourable, would occupy nearly 
 three months ; and Phylarchus had arranged to return to 
 the Propontis or Sea of Marmora at the latter end of the 
 summer, and spend the winter at Byzantium, on the site 
 now occupied by the city of Constantinople. The time, 
 however, which such a long run would occupy, could 
 scarcely be calculated. At many of the ins and outs of 
 the coast of Macedonia and Thrace the navigation was 
 very dangerous. The winds even during the summer 
 were also very treacherous both in the iEgean and in the 
 Euxine or Black Sea; and a sudden squall might occasion 
 more damage in three minutes, than could be remedied in 
 days. Phylarchus therefore strictly cautioned Herodotus 
 to take as much of warm clothing with him as would 
 defy the intense cold of the northern climate should they 
 be compelled to winter in any distant port. 
 
 Scythia, in the time of our history, occupied the whole of 
 the Crimea, together with that part of Southern Russia 
 which lies between the mouths of the Danube and banks of 
 the river Don. The furthest port to which Phylarchus was 
 bound was the Greek settlement of Olbia, at the mouth of 
 the river Dnieper, not far from the modern town of Cher- 
 son, and about seventy miles from Odessa. It will thus be 
 seen that the course of the voyage ran along that line of 
 coast which has been familiarised to every Englishman by 
 the present war against Russia, — namely, first along the
 
 PROJECTED VOYAGE TO SCYTHIA. 335 
 
 western and northern shores of the -^gean ; then tln-ouo-h 
 the Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmora, and the Channel of 
 Constantinople ; and lastly, along the western shore of 
 the Black Sea, past the mouths of the Danube to the 
 mouth of the Dnieper. This line of coast, as far as 
 the Danube, belonged to Northern Greece, Macedonia, 
 and Thrace, and now answers to the modern territories 
 of Turkey in Europe. Beyond the Danube commenced 
 the Scythian territory; a region which answers to the 
 modern provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia, and the 
 countries of the Ukraine, the Nogays, the Don Cossacks, 
 and the Tartars of the Crimea. 
 
 Macedonia was divided from Northern Greece by a 
 range called the Cambunian mountains. Thrace, again, 
 was divided from Macedonia by an arm of the Balkan, 
 called Mount Dysorum, just at the north-western corner 
 of the ^gean, Avhere the three-pronged peninsula of 
 Chalcidice runs out into the Archipelago. On its northern 
 side it was separated from Scythia by the river Danube. 
 Thrace was thus a huge square mass of country divided 
 into two by the Balkan range ; having the ^gean and 
 Sea of Marmora on its south, the Black Sea on its east, 
 the Danube on its north, and a boundary line, partly in- 
 dicated by Mount Dysorum, may be drawn to mark its 
 western frontier. The coasts of Southern Thrace, Ma- 
 cedonia, and Northern Greece, were celebrated as the 
 route by which Xerxes, after crossing the Hellespont or 
 Dardanelles, invaded Greece by sea and land ; whilst the 
 line of coast northward from the Hellespont over the 
 Balkan range and river Danube into the territory of Scy- 
 thia, was celebrated as the track by Avhich Darius, the 
 son of Hystaspes, invaded the Scythian territory. 
 
 A voyage to the Crimea is considered but a small thing 
 in the present day, however disastrous may be its results. 
 In ancient times the neighbouring ports were frequently
 
 336 ATHENS, B. C. 460, 459. 
 
 visited by Greek merchants, and the coasts of the Black 
 Sea were studded with Greek colonies ; but yet Scythia 
 was considered to be almost as remote as the Australia of 
 the last generation. 
 
 It was in the same spirit of adventure as that in which 
 young Englishmen sometimes hurry off to the South Seas, 
 and examine the institutions of Malavs and other savas^es, 
 that our young traveller prepared for his great voyage to 
 Olbia. As he was not going out, like Phy larch us and the 
 two other merchants, for the purposes of trade, he laid in 
 no stock of wine, and only bought a few brightly-coloured 
 garments and tinselled ornaments as presents, together 
 with arms and armour, and a sufficiency of winter clothing. 
 Meantime, however, the worthy captain and his two part- 
 ners had laid in a tremendous stock of goods for barter. 
 Skins of wine of excessive potency, smartly dyed sashes 
 and vests, glittering baubles, and an immense number of 
 other articles of similar worthlessness and attractiveness, 
 were taken for the purpose of dealing with the natives ; 
 whilst articles of greater use and of more refined luxury 
 were shipped for the more legitimate trading with the 
 Greek settlers, or with the foreign merchants who came 
 in caravans from the far interior. Amongst other things, 
 too, Phylarchus insisted upon taking on board a quantity 
 of ugly mis-shapen monsters of baked clay, which he had 
 purchased from Glaucus, the Corinthian. Herodotus saw 
 these monsters in a warehouse in the Piraeus, and thought 
 Phylarchus must be mad ; but the two Olbiopolitan mer- 
 chants, who happened to be present, warmly approved of 
 the exportation, and evidently set their affections upon 
 the most evil-featured, hideously-deformed demons in the 
 whole collection. 
 
 "Pray for what reason," cried our traveller to the 
 worthy captain, " are you going to load the ship's hold 
 with that pack of ill-omened barbarian images ? "
 
 TRADE IX GODS. 337 
 
 ^^They will make very good barbarian gods," replied 
 Phylarchus, with a grin. 
 
 '^ Gods ! " cried Herodotus. 
 
 ^^ Aye, aye," rej^lied the captain; "there is always a 
 good trade for gods in the interior. The merchants at 
 Olbia will buy them at once, and sell them. Zeus only 
 knows where. The Scythians, it is true, worship no 
 images ; but there are hosts of savages on the Black Sea 
 and in the interior who worship idols, and who always 
 break up their old gods when it lightens, or when they 
 are defeated in battle, and then, of course, are ready to 
 buy a fresh lot." 
 
 '^ What ! such ferocious-looking images as these are ? " 
 
 " Aye, aye, the uglier the better ! Why I have seen 
 the barbarians on the Black Sea sacrifice human victims to 
 an old sword ; and I have no doubt but that hecatombs 
 of prisoners will be sacrificed to some of these brick-bat 
 deities." 
 
 *^ Their oracles must be worth consulting. Had you 
 not better inquire of one of them concerning your first- 
 born ? " remarked Herodotus. 
 
 " Go and make ready," replied the captain ; " we sail 
 in seven days." 
 
 But though Herodotus was willing to jest upon the 
 trade in deities, yet his religious feelings sustained a similar 
 shock to that which they had encountered in the warehouse 
 of Glaucus. A year and a half had elapsed since he had 
 visited Corinth ; and he was no longer the same retiring 
 Dorian youth who had refused to listen to the sneers of 
 the philosophers of Samos. He had imbibed a little of 
 the independence of the democratic Athenian. He had 
 learned to exercise his own judgment upon men and 
 things. But in all religious matters, he was as reverent 
 and believing as ever, for so were the Athenians. Not 
 indeed regarding the gods of Hellas with that holy awe 
 and spiritual adoration with which the true Christian 
 
 VOL. I. z
 
 338 ATHENS, B. C. 460, 459. 
 
 bends before tbe mercy-seat of the Eternal Father; but 
 more with the chikllike confidingness, the reiterated 
 prayers, and tearful entreaties with which the simple- 
 minded and imaginative Roman Catholic addresses the 
 several saints in his legendary calendar, or approaches 
 the speaking picture of the blessed Virgin, or the mystic 
 symbol of the holy crucifixion. 
 
 Herodotus and his religious contemporaries had begun 
 to throw off their implicit faith in the ancient mythes, and 
 to consider them as based upon truth indeed, but as having 
 been expanded and distorted by poets, who had not been 
 always truly inspired by the divine Muses, and who there- 
 fore required to be interpreted on rationalistic principles. 
 But they unhesitatingly believed in, and worshipped, the 
 gods themselves, not only as being each possessed of indi- 
 vidual and particular attributes, but as being, in virtue of 
 their divine character, mediators between man and the all 
 mighty Zeus. The religious worship in other countries 
 was supposed to be merely a barbarous corruption, or imita- 
 tion of the religion of Hellas. Barbarians in distant climes 
 were considered in general to be worshipping the same 
 gods, though under different names, and with very differ- 
 ent rites and ceremonies ; in some cases to be confining 
 their attention to only one or two of the gods in the 
 Greek calendar ; and in others, to be worshipping a god 
 under a name so strange, and with rites so peculiar and 
 mysterious, that it was almost impossible to identify it 
 with any Hellenic deity. We moderns feel shocked when 
 we hear of a South Sea chief worshipping a neatly turned 
 bed-post ; a Chinaman burning incense before the picture 
 of Napoleon ; or the entire inhabitants of an island march- 
 inof in solemn procession, with the priests and singers at 
 their head, to appease the mysterious wrath of an old tom 
 cat. But the shock sustained by Herodotus corresponded 
 more to the sensation we should experience, if we saw a 
 Protestant potter exporting a quantity of cheap and ugly
 
 HERODOTUS'S RELIGIOUS VIEWS. 339 
 
 earthenware saints and apostles to an ignorant and priest- 
 ridden community. One exception, however, must be made 
 to this comparison. We, on our part, would gladly see the 
 sublime truths of revelation carried into every hole and 
 corner throughout the entire earth; and Avould merely 
 consider the exportation of the images as the pandering 
 to a degrading superstition, for the sake of lucre. Hero- 
 dotus, however, regarded the Olympic gods as being 
 peculiarly the gods of Hellas ; he cared not whether the 
 barbarian w^orshipped them or no ; he was willing to re- 
 verence the gods of such countries as he might visit, from 
 a sense of politeness, and from a fear lest he should con- 
 demn a deity wdio might prove to be identical wdth a god 
 of Hellas ; and, lastly, being accustomed to approach all 
 temple images with mysterious awe, he was quite as much 
 shocked at seeing that load of figures shipped off in the 
 most common manner, and for the most common purposes 
 of barter, as he was hurt at thinking that, ugly and 
 misshapen as they w^ere, yet tliey might possibly be wor- 
 shipped as the images of those wise, holy, and beneficent 
 deities, whom he had been accustomed to revere from his 
 earliest infancy. 
 
 It will thus be seen that Herodotus's thoughts and ideas 
 generally were in a state of progression ; and that at the 
 time he sailed from Athens to Olbia, they had reached a 
 certain and decided stage of development. His political 
 views had become enlarged with a decided leaning towards 
 democracy. He w^as more independent and self-reliant; 
 less sentimental, and more energetic ; less poetical, and more 
 practical. His religious belief was less superstitious, and 
 perhaps more elevated. Nurses might have thought him 
 lax ; philosophers might have thought him dreamy ; whilst 
 rakes and triballi would have put him down for a strait- 
 laced hypocrite. His aspirations were more sound and 
 healthy. He hoped some day to win the admiration of 
 his fellow men, but he saw that he could only obtain it 
 
 z 2
 
 340 ATHENS, B. C. 460, 459. 
 
 by ministering to their real welfare, and not by pandering 
 to their tastes. To sum up all, we may say that in morals, 
 he was too proud to indulge in any vice ; whilst in mind, 
 he had ceased to be merely contemplative, and was be- 
 coming thoughtful. We shall see how his intellectual 
 character was still further modified by the distant travels 
 which he is now about to undertake, and by other events 
 which are more generally incidental to the young men of 
 all times and nations, and which we shall describe as we 
 best can in succeeding chapters.
 
 341 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 MACEDONIA, b.c. 459. 
 
 EilBAEKATION AT THE PIR.EUS. — VISIT TO THE PASS OF THERMOPYLAE. 
 
 — HISTORY. — BATTLES OF MARATHON AND THERMOPYL^ C03IPARED. 
 
 — DESCRIPTION OF THE PASS. — TREACHERY OP EPHIALTES. — GLORIOUS 
 DEATH OF LEONIDAS AND HIS THREE HUNDRED, — MONUMENTS AND 
 
 INSCRIPTIONS. THESSALY ANCIENTLY A LAKE. YALE OF TEMPE. 
 
 MOUNT ATHOS. — CANAL OF XERXES. — ANCIENT HISTORY OF MACE- 
 DONIA. — ANCIENT LEGEND OF THE TEMENID CONQUEST OF MACEDONIA, 
 
 — STORY OF THE MASSACRE OF THE PERSIAN ENVOYS. — JIACEDONIA 
 IN THE TIME OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 At sunrise on a fine morning early in April, B. c. 459, 
 Herodotus, having made Euphorion a present of his slave, 
 embarked with the two merchants at the Piraeus, and 
 fairly set out on the long and important voyage. Turning 
 towards the southern promontory of Attica, the voyagers 
 doubled Cape Sunium the same night, and on the second 
 morning were sailing in a northerly direction along the 
 eastern coast of northern Greece. Proceeding up the 
 channel of Euboea, and through the straits of Euripus be- 
 tween the island of Euboea and the main land, they passed 
 by Marathon ; and then finally leaving the coast of Attica, 
 they sailed along the shores of Boeotia and Locris towards 
 the Maliac gulf on the southern frontier of Thessaly. 
 
 Herodotus went ashore in the Maliac gulf to view the 
 famous pass of Thermopylae ; and a day or two afterwards 
 landed upon the northern coast of the island of Euboea to 
 view the immortal beach of Artemisium. Our readers 
 will probably remember that ten years after the defeat of 
 the generals of Darius at Marathon, his son and successor, 
 Xerxes, invaded Europe with an enormous army, and an 
 almost equally powerful navy, to carry out the subjuga- 
 tion of Hellas. The barbarous tribes of Thrace and 
 
 z 3
 
 342 MACEDONIA, B. C. 459. 
 
 Macedonia sullenly submitted to the overwhelming forces 
 of the Persian, and the enemy arrived at the Cambunian 
 mountains, which form the northern frontier of European 
 Greece, without check or hindrance. Thessaly, the first 
 Greek nation on the north, was unable single handed to 
 guard the pass through the Cambunian mountains against 
 the myriads of Xerxes ; and they were therefore com- 
 pelled not only to submit but to unite their forces with 
 those of the invaders. The Persian fleet sailed to the 
 southern coast of Thessaly opposite the beach of Artemi- 
 sium in Euboea, off which the ships of the Greek con- 
 federates were stationed. Greek heroism, though backed 
 by the blasts of Boreas, could only make a momentary 
 stand at Artemisium against the overwhelming armament 
 of Xerxes. The allied fleet retreated to Salamis, and there 
 fought that desperate and glorious battle which gave de- 
 liverance to Hellas. Meantime the army of the Persian 
 poured through Thessaly, and tried to force its way through 
 the narrow pass of Thermopylse into Locris and Phocis, in 
 order to trample down the cornfields of Boeotia, and ravage 
 the consecrated soil of immortal Attica. Then a Spartan 
 king was equal to the crisis. A band of heroes, brave as 
 an army of lions, held that glorious pass in the teeth of 
 those haughty myriads. But treachery did its work. 
 Ephialtes, a Greek, lured by the hope of gold, guided the 
 Persian through another and a secret pass. Leonidas and 
 his Spartans fell gloriously at their post. The Persian 
 marauder trampled on, burning and destroying, to the bay 
 of Salamis. The heroism of Sparta has brightened her 
 name for ever. The treason of Ephialtes is held in eternal 
 scorn. 
 
 At Marathon, Athens had dashed fearlessly and impe- 
 tuously upon the astonished barbarian. At Thermopyla3, 
 Leonidas and his martyrs sought only to die in the cause 
 of Hellas, to fall unconquered and unconquerable. At 
 Marathon the Athenians poured down a rocky slope upon
 
 PASS OF THERMOPYL^. 34^^ 
 
 the enemy in the plain. At Thermopylae the Spartans 
 stood in a narrow way, with a mountain wall on one side, 
 and the shallow sea on the other. Thermopylas, or Hot 
 Gates, consisted of two narrow openings, having an inter- 
 mediate mile of enlarged road and hot springs between 
 them. Leonidas, with an allied force of about 4000 men, 
 encamped in the intermediate space, to guard the front 
 entrance, which was only wide enough to admit a single 
 chariot. He hoped to be able to hold the position until 
 the main army of the allies could march up. Then 
 the information reached him that there existed a secret 
 path over the otherwise inaccessible mountain wall on 
 his left, and that by that path a division of the Persian 
 army might advance and take him in the rear. He at 
 once despatched a thousand Phocians from his small army 
 to guard the mountain path. Meantime the whole Persian 
 army advanced upon Thermopylae. Throughout two days 
 of desperate conflict Leonidas held the pass against the 
 bravest and best of the invaders. Xerxes, in spite of his 
 innumerable hordes, became fairly alarmed. He could 
 make no impression upon the forces of Leonidas. The 
 pass appeared impracticable. At last Ephialtes, the dastard 
 traitor, betrayed the fatal secret to the great king. 
 
 In one dark and never to be forgotten night, the Per- 
 sian imperial guard, known by the name of the Immortals, 
 moved along the secret mountain-path, led by the sor- 
 did betrayer of Hellas. These Immortals consisted of 
 10,000 picked infantry, under the command of Hydarnes. 
 The thick forest of oaks which covered the mountain, to- 
 gether with the darkness of the night, prevented the ad- 
 vance from being observed by the Greek pickets. In the 
 deep stillness of daybreak — a stillness which is so remark- 
 able in Greece — the measured tramp of the Persian Im- 
 mortals upon the rustling leaves at last reached the ears 
 of the thousand Phocians. In a moment they sprang to 
 their arms, and saw that the wood was full of warriors. 
 
 z 4
 
 344 MACEDONIA, B. C. 459. 
 
 Hydarnes feared they were Spartans ; but, learning the 
 truth from Ephialtes, he drew up his Immortals in battle 
 array. A shower of Persian arrows obliged the Phocians 
 to give way; but the gallant band only retired to the 
 mountain-top, and there prepared to sell their lives as 
 dearly as they could. Hydarnes cared not to pursue them ; 
 he only sought to clear Thermopylae of Leonidas and his 
 army ; and, therefore, hurried doAvn the mountain to take 
 the Spartan in the rear. 
 
 Meantime the fatal truth reached the little camp in 
 Thermopylae. Scouts ran down the hill with the news 
 that the mountain-path was in the hands of the Persians. 
 The officiating seer who performed the morning sacrifice 
 read the approach of death in the portentous aspect of the 
 victims. Small time was there for a council of war ; still 
 smaller time for men to decide whether to retreat or die. 
 The allies generally were for a precipitate flight. Leoni- 
 das at once dismissed them ; but resolved to stay himself 
 with his three hundred Spartans. Death stared him in 
 the face, but the laws of Sparta required him to stand to 
 his post, to conquer or to die ; and he, the descendant of 
 Heracles, was resolved to sell his life in that terrible pass 
 in a manner worthy of Sparta, and worthy of her Hera- 
 cleid kings. But it was not only his duty, his honour, 
 and his aspiration for immortal renown which determined 
 him to perform this noble self-sacrifice. One loftier 
 thought inspired him. It had been told at Delphi that 
 men sprung from Perseus would either take Sparta, or 
 Sparta must mourn the loss of a king ; for the Persian 
 monarch was endued with the strength of Zeus, and no 
 force could resist him. These were the words of the 
 oracle ; — 
 
 " Hear me, ye citizens of spacious Sparta ! 
 Either your glorious town must be destroyed 
 By the fell hands of warriors sprung from Perseus, 
 Or else the confines of fair Lacedamon 
 Must mourn a kins: of Heracleidan race.
 
 GLORIOUS DEATH OF LEONID AS. 345 
 
 For all the strength of lions and of bulls 
 Is naught to him who has the strength of Zeus ; 
 And never shall that monarch be restrained 
 Until he takes your city or your king." 
 
 Thus Leonidas determined to devote himself and his three 
 hundred for the salvation of Sparta. 
 
 Seven hundred Bceotians refused to leave Leonidas and 
 his Spartans. The seer, Megistias, who had read the will 
 of the gods in the morning sacrifice, would not be sent 
 away with the allies. Thus a thousand men remained to 
 hold that pass against the millions of Persia. 
 
 It had been settled in the Persian camp that Xerxes 
 and the main army should advance against the Greeks a 
 little before noon, by which time Hydarnes and his Im- 
 mortals would be in the rear of Leonidas. Accordingly, 
 Xerxes having poured out libations to the gods at sunrise, 
 began his attack upon Thermopylae about eleven o'clock, 
 A. M. Onward came the trampling lines of the over- 
 whelming barbarian. Leonidas and his devoted band 
 knew that death was certain ; that all was lost directly 
 the Immortals should arrive at their rear. Their only 
 thought was to thrust and slay for as long as the gods 
 should grant them life. The narrow pass no longer gave 
 them elbow-room. Out they marched into the wider road 
 to form a wider front. Each man clenched his teeth and 
 grasped his spear. That morn they were living men; 
 that night they would be hero martyrs. Not a single 
 heart trembled at the thought; every arm was nerved 
 for Hellas and for Sparta. 
 
 Onward came the glittering and innumerable Persians. 
 The Persian van charged and fell, but on pressed the 
 mighty host, trampling under foot their shrieking com- 
 rades. Still the heavy-armed Spartan speared them 
 down. The Persian scourges forced on their own shrink- 
 ing squadrons. The Spartan ranks, fierce and immoveable, 
 thrust them back with murderous spears. Persians
 
 346 MACEDONIA, B. C. 459. 
 
 dashed into the shallow sea rather than face the Spartan, 
 and bubbled up their drowning prayers to barbarian 
 gods. Spears were broken, but the Greeks drew their 
 swords and slaughtered thousands. Men staggered through 
 streams of blood and climbed hills of slain. Leonidas fell, 
 and round his bleeding body arose the last and deadliest 
 strusrsfle. Four times the Persians carried it off, four 
 times the Greeks rescued it by desperate valour. The 
 Immortals at last arrived. An unconquered and un- 
 conquerable remnant of Spartans fell back upon a small 
 rising ground. The Persians, like an infuriated mob, 
 pressed the lion-hearted warriors on all sides, but still the 
 slauorhterinor work went on. The barbarians threw stones 
 and javelins, but the Greeks cut them down with their 
 swords, or flew on them with their fists and teeth. Thus 
 fought and fell that glorious band; and such were the 
 men of Sparta ! 
 
 Twenty years had passed away, when Herodotus 
 landed at Thermopylae. He had but short time for the 
 visit, but he walked through the pass and saw the spot 
 near the rising ground where Leonidas fought and fell, 
 and where a stone lion had been erected to his eternal 
 memory. He also gazed on the other monuments and 
 inscriptions which marked the spot. Over the grave of 
 those who fell before Leonidas dismissed the allies, were 
 the following words : 
 
 *' From Peloponnesus came four thousand men, 
 And on this spot fought with three hundred myriads." 
 
 Over the tomb of the Spartans were the following : 
 
 " Go, stranger ! tell at Sparta that her sons 
 Lie here obedient to their country's laws." 
 
 And over the tomb of Megistias the seer, was the 
 following inscription, written by his friend Simonides, the 
 old Greek poet of Ceos :
 
 DESCRIPTION OF THESSALY. 347 
 
 " The monument of fam'd Megistias, 
 Slain by the Medes, what time they passed the Spercheus : 
 A seer, who, though he knew impending fate, 
 Would not desert the gallant sons of Sparta.'' 
 
 We need scarcely say that Herodotus's heart was full 
 as he gazed upon these spirit-stn'ring objects ; and such 
 thoughts would not lightly pass away. During the follow- 
 ing days he passed many other spots which had become 
 memorable during that great war. Leaving the Maliac gulf, 
 he passed the beach of Artemisium on the northern shore 
 of Euboea, where the Greek fleet had performed pro- 
 digies of valour, whilst their brethren were guarding 
 Thermopylae. Then coasting northward along the shore 
 of Thessaly, he passed the places where the winds and 
 Avaves had destroyed many of the Persian ships, and been 
 a sio'n to Hellas that the gods themselves w^ould deliver 
 her cities if her citizens would but remain united against 
 the common foe. 
 
 Thessaly possessed the largest territory in Hellas, but 
 Phylarchus could not wait whilst Herodotus spent any 
 time on shore. Our traveller, however, landed at Tempe, 
 and saw the wonderful ravine of the great river Peneus. 
 The beautiful and romantic valley of Tempe, betw^een the 
 mountains of Olympus and Ossa, is about five miles long, 
 and forms the principal pass between Thessaly and Mace- 
 donia. Herodotus was most delighted wdth the wild and 
 lovely scenery. The river Peneus traverses the entire 
 glen, and on each side of it the rocks rise precipitously 
 from the bed of the stream, and in some places leave so 
 little room that the road is absolutely cut in the solid 
 rock. Five rivers fall into the Peneus, and thus dis- 
 charge themselves through the narrow vale of Tempe 
 into the sea. Herodotus was told by some Thessallans 
 that in ancient times this outlet did not exist, and that 
 Thessaly w^as then covered by an immense lake or sea, 
 surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains. Tlie Thes-
 
 348 MACEDONIA, B.C. 459. 
 
 salians also said that the outlet was foiined by great 
 Poseidon, the god of the sea and shaker of the earth ; and 
 when Herodotus had fully examined the wonderful ravine, 
 he was of the same opinion, for he saw that the two moun- 
 tains must most decidedly have been severed by an earth- 
 quake. When Xerxes invaded Hellas he did not march 
 his army through this ravine, but through another pass 
 in the Cambunian mountains, called the Pass of Gonnus. 
 He, however, paid a visit to Tempo, and when he saw its 
 extraordinary formation, he could not refrain from com- 
 mending the prudence of the Thessalians in surrendering 
 to him at once ; for, he said, if they had attempted to 
 hold out, I could easily have dammed up the Peneus and 
 inundated the whole country. 
 
 After some days' voyage along the coast of Thessaly, the 
 voyagers at last reached the frontiers of Macedonia, and 
 coasted round the Thermaic gulf, and the three-pronged 
 peninsula of Chalcidice. The only point on the whole 
 of the Macedonian coast which attracted our travellers' 
 attention was the furthest prong of Chalcidice towards 
 the east, which was known by the name of Mount Athos. 
 It consisted of a large and celebrated mountain, stretching 
 out into the sea, and joined to the continent by an isthmus 
 only a mile and a half across. Before Darius had dis- 
 patched those generals against Athens, who were defeated 
 at Marathon, the Persian, Mardonius, had set off Avith a 
 large armament for a similar purpose, but the fleet had 
 been almost entirely destroyed by a storm off Athos. It 
 seems that whilst this Persian fleet were endeavouring 
 to double the promontory, a terrible and irresistible 
 wind sprang up from the north and wrecked 300 vessels ; 
 and upwards of 20,000 men were either seized and 
 destroyed by the monsters which were said to reside in 
 the depths of the sea, or else were dashed against the 
 rocks and drowned, or else perished from the intensity 
 of the cold. In order to avoid a similar calamity.
 
 CANAL OF XERXES AT ATH05. 349 
 
 Xerxes had cut a canal through this isthmus which was 
 well worth seeing. Accordingly, Herodotus spent a day 
 there, and learnt all the particulars of the excavation, whilst 
 Phylarchus conducted his ship round the promontory ; 
 the canal having been again filled up in the middle, in 
 order to allow a more ready land passage into and out of 
 the peninsula. 
 
 Three years were employed in the excavation of this 
 canal. Men of all nations were sent out from the army, 
 and compelled to dig under the lash in successive sets, 
 whilst the inhabitants of the surrounding country were 
 also compelled to take a share in the labour. The exca- 
 vation was thus managed. A straight line was drawn at 
 the narrow part of the isthmus, where the country was 
 very level ; and the entire space was allotted in parcels to 
 the several nations that were employed. In the progress 
 of the excavation the earth dug out was handed up from 
 man to man from the bottom of the canal to the top ; the 
 whole being performed by hand, without the aid of cranes 
 or barrows. The canal was made sufficiently wide for two 
 triremes to pass abreast, and the Phoenicians showed their 
 superior intelligence by being the only people who took 
 the iDrecaution of beginning the excavation at a breadth far 
 greater than that prescribed, so as to enable them to gra- 
 dually narrow the canal as they approached the bottom, 
 and leave a convenient slope for the sides. The others 
 dug straight down, so that their time as well as their toil 
 was doubled by the continual falling in of the sides. 
 Should any of our readers ever follow in the steps of 
 Herodotus, they will find that this canal of Xerxes is 
 still most distinctly to be traced all the way across the 
 isthmus, with the exception of about 200 yards in the 
 centre. 
 
 Macedonia was anciently inhabited by a number of 
 warrior tribes bearino; different names, but acknowledorino: 
 a common nationality. In the century previous to Hero-
 
 350 MACEDONIA, B. C. 459. 
 
 dotus's visit, these tribes were divided into distinct petty- 
 principalities, of which the Macedonians, properly so called, 
 only formed one. From a singular legend, which we shall 
 presently relate, it would appear that a Greek adventurer 
 from the city of Argos, in the Peloponnesus, became 
 sovereign of the Macedonians proper, and of some of the 
 neighbouring tribes ; and that his successors gradually 
 extended their rule until the Macedonian'empu'e stretched 
 from the borders of Greece to those of Thrace, and to an 
 unknown distance in the interior. When our traveller 
 visited the country, Alexander, the son of Amyntas, was 
 king of Macedonia, and his territory extended from the 
 Cambunian mountains to Mount Dysorum. It was in the 
 century after Herodotus's visit that Macedonia attained 
 its greatest celebrity and power, under the sceptres of 
 Philip and Alexander the Great. 
 
 Herodotus tried to learn something of the history of 
 Macedonia, but without much success. He had been 
 already told the legend connected with the establishment 
 of the reigning dynasty on the throne of Macedonia ; and 
 this legend is so well worth repeating as a sample of the 
 old historical traditions which were preserved by the early 
 Greek logographers, that we cannot do better than pre- 
 sent it to the reader in full. 
 
 " In ancient days, when the children of Heracles, the 
 hero, had subdued nearly all the cities of the Peloponnesus, 
 the city of Argos was given to Temenus, the son of Ari- 
 stomachus, and great-great-grandson of Heracles himself. 
 Then Temenus became king of Argos, and his first-born 
 after him ; and from that time the princes and the daughters 
 belonging to the royal house of Argos were called the race 
 of the Temenids. 
 
 '^ In process of time there lived at Argos three brothers 
 of poor estate, but they were Temenids ; and the names 
 of the three were Gauanes, ^ropus, and Perdiccas. One 
 day the youngest brother said to the two elders, ^ My
 
 LEGEND OF THE CONQUEST OF MACEDONIA. 351 
 
 brethren, let us not stay in Argos and starve ; but let us 
 leave our city, and work for strangers, and obtain food and 
 wages.' And the advice of the youngest brother was 
 followed by the two elder ones ; and the three went to the 
 land of Illyria, and from thence into Macedonia, and at 
 last reached the city of Lebaea, where dwelt the king of 
 Macedonia. This king took the three brothers into his 
 house and hired them as servants. And Gauanes, the 
 elder, had the charge of the horses; and ^ropus, the 
 second, had the charge of the oxen; and Perdiccas, the 
 youngest, had the charge of the sheep and of the goats. 
 
 " In those days the people paid no tribute, and the king 
 was therefore no richer than his subjects ; whilst the 
 queen cooked the meat and baked the bread for all the 
 household. One day, when the queen had baked the 
 loaves for the three brothers of the race of Temenus, she 
 saw that the loaf of Perdiccas was twice the size of the 
 other loaves ; and this prodigy continued many days. 
 Accordingly, she went to the king, her husband, and said 
 to him, * Master, every day I have made and baked the 
 bread, and have made all the loaves of the same size ; but 
 after the bread is baked, I find that the loaf of Perdiccas, 
 the youngest of the three men, is twice as large as the 
 other loaves.' * Then,' said the king, ^ it is a prodigy, and 
 bodeth ill.' And he sent for the three men and dismissed 
 them, without making any complaint, or paying any 
 wages. Accordingly, the three brothers cried out in their 
 wrath, ^ Give us our wages, and we will go.' 
 
 " And the fire was not kindled ; but the chimney in the 
 roof was open, and the sun's rays came through and shone 
 upon the ground. And the king, being filled by the gods 
 with madness, stretched out his hand towards the sun- 
 beams, and said, ^ Hear me, ye three men of Argos ; I 
 give you those rays as the wages equal to your services.' 
 The two elder brothers stood amazed and speechless ; but
 
 352 MACEDONIA, B. C. 459. 
 
 Perdiccas, the youngest, said, *We accept thy offer, O 
 king ! ' And the king answered never a word, but girded 
 up his raiment, and went out into the streets of the city. 
 
 " Then Perdiccas took a knife, and drew a circle on the 
 ground around the place where the rays fell ; and then 
 placing himself under the rays, he drew them three times 
 upon liis bosom. Having so done, he left the house, and 
 was accompanied by his two brothers. A Macedonian, 
 however, had seen the action of Perdiccas, and went and 
 told it to the king. And the king immediately exclaimed 
 to the men who were standing by, ^ Take your horses, 
 and pursue the three brothers, and slay them, and bring 
 their heads to the royal house.' The attendants at once 
 mounted their horses, and hotly pursued the three fugi- 
 tives. 
 
 " In that region, however, there is a great river. The 
 three brothers crossed the river ; but when the horsemen 
 came up to the bank and prepared to follow, the waters 
 rose, and they dared not venture. Meantime the three 
 brothers proceeded in safety to the gardens of Midas, 
 the same where wild roses grow with sixty leaves, and 
 surpass all others in fragrance. In these gardens Silenus 
 was taken when drunk with wine, and was bound with 
 wreaths of flowers. There the three brethren settled 
 down, and took the land for a possession; and thence 
 they went out, and conquered all the country of Mace- 
 donia. And the first Temenid king of Macedonia was 
 Perdiccas ; and the sixth king was Amyntas ; and the 
 seventh king was Alexander, the son of Amyntas ; and 
 the reigning king and all his family offered sacrifices every 
 year to the river which swelled its waters, and delivered 
 the three Temenid brothers from their pursuers." 
 
 Such was the family tradition of the origin of the 
 Macedonian monarchy. Its early history was a blank. 
 Amyntas the father of the Alexander who was on the
 
 MASSACRE OF THE PERSIAN EXYOYS. 353 
 
 throne at the time of Herodotus's visit had carried on a 
 friendly intercourse with the Pisistratids ; and his son 
 Alexander was favourably disposed towards the Athenian 
 democracy. Amyntas and Alexander had successively 
 tendered their submission to Darius and Xerxes ; but 
 when the envoys of Darius first arrived to demand the 
 customary earth and water, they were put to death by 
 Alexander, who was at that time a very young man, 
 under the following circumstances. The Persian envoys 
 were very illustrious generals; and the king Amyntas 
 not only promised submission, but invited them to a 
 magnificent feast. Accordingly the Persians attended 
 the banquet and drank very freely of the wine, for tem- 
 perance was by no means one of their national virtues. 
 At last they expressed a great desire to see the ladies of 
 the royal household ; and though it was contrary to the 
 customs both of Greece and Macedonia for any ladies to 
 be present at a drinking party, yet King Amyntas, out of 
 excessive fear of the Persian power, introduced all the 
 princesses to the noble strangers. The envoys, however, 
 treated the ladies with disrespect, and their conduct threw 
 the young prince Alexander into a boiling rage. He 
 persuaded his father, Amyntas, to retire, and said to the 
 guests, ^' The ladies have come to the feast without their 
 festival ornaments. Suffer them to retire for a few mo- 
 ments, and decorate themselves, and then I am certain 
 you will respect their beauty." Meantime he dressed a 
 number of smooth-faced young men in ladies' costume, 
 armed them with daggers, and brought them to the feast 
 in the room of the princesses. The Persian envoys were 
 too much intoxicated to perceive the difference, and 
 quickly made room for the supposed damsels to sit amongst 
 them. Then Alexander gave the signal, and each Mace- 
 donian youth plunged his dagger into a Persian's bosom, 
 and thus obtained a bloody revenge for the insult upon 
 VOL. I. A A
 
 354 MACEDONIA, B. C. 459. 
 
 the ladles of the royal household. All the attendants of 
 the envoys perished the same night, and all their carriages 
 and baggage disappeared as though they had never been 
 in the country. 
 
 Not a single man escaped to tell the tale ; but as the 
 embassy never returned to Persia, inquiries were set on 
 foot, and a number of troops were sent under Bubares, 
 the general, to make the necessary search. The matter 
 soon became serious. King Amyntas was getting fright- 
 ened, and even his hot-headed son Alexander had begun 
 to repent the murderous deed. AYhen, however, the 
 Persian commission arrived at the Macedonian court, the 
 prince brought his sister, Gygasa, who was the most beau- 
 tiful maiden in the country, into the presence of Bubares, 
 and the susceptible Oriental fell violently in love with the 
 Macedonian princess. Alexander now saw a chance of stop- 
 ping all further inquiry, and by giving his sister in mar- 
 riage to Bubares, Avith a very large dower of gold and 
 jewels, he prevailed on the Persian to hush the matter up, 
 and say that no information could be obtained concerning 
 the missing envoys. It was this same Alexander who 
 was reigning when Herodotus visited Macedonia. But 
 very little more is known concerning him. When a 
 young man he had been permitted to contend in the 
 Olympic games, having proved that he was not descended 
 from a Macedonian ancestor but from a Greek stem, 
 namely, from the Temenids of Argos. Shortly before the 
 battle of Platiea he was sent by Mardonius to persuade 
 the Athenian democracy to submit to Persia ; but we need 
 scarcely say that his mission was unsuccessful. Notwith- 
 standing his sister's marriage with Bubares, he heartily 
 hated the Persian supremacy, and a day or two before the 
 conflict at Plat^ea he gave the Athenians such information 
 concernino; the Persians as would further the Greek cause, 
 and entreated them, if they obtained the victory, to assist
 
 MACEDONIA IN THE TIME OF HERODOTCS. 355 
 
 him likewise in throwing off the yoke of Persia. It is a 
 great pity that Herodotus could learn so little of this half- 
 barbarous prince ; but Macedonia was not at that period 
 much of a place for commerce, and Phylarchus was eager 
 to get on to Thrace and Scythia^ to which countries we 
 shall now introduce the reader as speedily as possible. 
 
 A A 2
 
 356 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 THRACE, B, c. 459. 
 
 GEOGRAPHY OF THRACE. — GREEK SETTLERS AND SAVAGE NATIVES. — 
 POLYGAMY. — SLAVES. — TATTOOING. — RELIGION. — SUTTEES. — MOURN- 
 ING AT BIRTHS AND REJOICING AT FUNERALS. — AlVIPHIBIOUS PEOPLE OF 
 
 LAKE PRASIAS. — GOLD MINES. — THE HELLESPONT OR DARDANELLES. 
 
 TROY. INTERESTING TRADITION OF THE GREEK COLONIZATION OF THE 
 
 CHERSONESUS BY MILTIADES THE ELDER. ANECDOTES OF MILTIADES 
 
 THE YOUNGER, THE TYRANT OF THE CHERSONESUS AND HERO OF »IARA- 
 
 THON. THE CHERSONESUS AT THE TIME OF HERODOTUS'S VISIT. 
 
 SEPULCHRE OF HELLE. — TRAGICAL LEGEND CONNECTED WITH ATHAMAS. 
 
 BRIDGES OF XERXES OVER THE DARDANELLES. HERO AND LEANDER. 
 
 XERXES PUNISHES THE STRAITS FOR DESTROYING HIS BRIDGES. 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION OF THE BRIDGES. — VOYAGE THROUGH THE BOS- 
 PHORUS, OR CHANNEL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. — DESCRIPTION OF A 
 THRACIAN TRIBE, WHO BELIEVED IN THE IMMORTALITY OP THE SOUL. 
 
 TRADITION CONCERNING ZALMOXIS. DOUBTS \^TIETHER ZALMOXIS 
 
 WAS A MAN OR A GOD. 
 
 Thrace, in the time of Herodotus, included that square 
 mass of country which extends northward from the 
 ^gean to the right bank of the Danube, and answers 
 to the modern territories of Bulgaria, Rumilia, and 
 eastern Macedonia. On the west is the river Strymon, 
 on the east is Constantinople and the Black Sea, whilst 
 the interior is filled up by the craggy and precipitous 
 mountains of the Balkan range. 
 
 The whole of this region was occupied by a number of 
 ferocious and untameable tribes, each of which was known 
 by its particular appellation, though the members of all 
 were called by the common name of Thracians. The 
 Pasonians, a less savage nation, which was neither Macedo- 
 nian nor Thracian, likewise occupied the banks of the river 
 Strymon and other fertile lands in the western quarter.
 
 GKEEK SETTLERS AND SAVAGE NATIVES. 357 
 
 whilst settlers from cllfFerent parts of Hellas possessed 
 certain ports along the coast. These ports were very- 
 dangerous acquisitions, for the settlers were constantly 
 liable to an attack from some wild Thracian tribe, who, 
 disregarding the laws of commerce, would sack the entire 
 place, and murder every Greek inhabitant. The gold, 
 however, which could be obtained from Scapte Hyle and 
 the mines near the Strymon, and the extensive traffic in 
 slaves which everywhere prevailed, induced many a 
 hardy emigrant to brave all dangers rather than retire 
 from so profitable a locality. 
 
 The only ports worth mentioning, at which Herodotus 
 landed in his course from Mount Athos to the Dardanelles, 
 w^ere those of Eion and Abdera; and here he obtained 
 nearly all the information which he ever procured con- 
 cerning the habits and manners of the Thracians. The 
 difference between the Greek settlers and the wild and 
 ferocious aborigines, was as strongly marked as that 
 between the English emigrant and the savage Red Indian 
 of a century and a half ago. The rude barbarians of 
 Thrace would do no work at all, unless forced by the 
 most urgent necessity. They considered it a great dis- 
 grace to cultivate the soil for a livelihood, and they re- 
 garded war and rapine as the most glorious and honourable 
 means of obtaining a subsistence. They all practised 
 polygamy, marrying as many wives as they could afford to 
 buy ; and they were always ready and willing, in their 
 turn, either to sell their daughters to Thracian husbands, 
 or to sell either sons or daughters to those Greek mer- 
 chants who would export them to foreign lands. Wives 
 were generally well guarded, lest they should prove un- 
 faithful ; daughters, on the other hand, were permitted 
 every freedom, and not the slightest check was placed 
 upon their proceedings until consigned to the care of a 
 husband. Tattooing was practised to a very consider- 
 able extent, as all who were not tattooed were said 
 
 A A 3
 
 358 THRACE, B. C. 459. 
 
 to be of ignoble birth. Their gods were identified by the 
 Greek settlers with Ares, Dionysus, and Artemis ; and 
 Herodotus was told that they possessed a great temple 
 and oracle of Dionysus on one of the loftiest summits of 
 the Balkan. The kings or chiefs of the several tribes 
 traced their descent from a god whom the Greeks identi- 
 fied with Hemiesj and this god was worshipped by the 
 chiefs alone, who swore only by him, and not unfre- 
 quently sacrificed a human victim in his honour. Amongst 
 many of the tribes, the death of the husband was followed 
 by the horrible suttee. On this occasion fearful contests 
 would arise amongst the several widows and their relations 
 as to who had been the most beloved by the deceased 
 husband. When the point had at length been settled, 
 the favoured woman or victim received the praises of all 
 the mourners, and was then slain upon her husband's tomb 
 by her nearest relative, and buried in the same grave, whilst 
 the surviving widows were supposed to consider them- 
 selves to be disgraced. When a rich man died, his body was 
 laid out for three days. The mourners then made great 
 lamentations, and killed various animals for sacrifice ; 
 after which they all feasted, and then either burned the 
 body of the deceased, or simply buried it in the grave. 
 A great mound of earth was afterwards thrown up over 
 the grave, and all kinds of games were practised upon it ; 
 the highest prizes being adjudged to those who gained the 
 victory in single combat. A tribe named the Trausi, 
 likewise observed a strange custom at births and burials, 
 in which they differed from all other Thracians. When a 
 child was born, its relations sat round it and deplored the 
 many ills it would have to undergo, and at the same 
 time enumerated the various suiferings incidental to man- 
 kind. When, however, any one died, they buried it in 
 the earth with merriment and rejoicing, that now, being 
 released from so many ills, the departed being would hence- 
 forth revel in perfect bliss.
 
 AMPHIBIOUS PEOPLE ON LAKE PRASIAS. 359 
 
 Whilst Herodotus was stopping at the port of Eion, on 
 the river Strymon, he paid a visit to the very strange 
 people who lived upon a neighbouring lake named Lake 
 Prasias, and who, in this singular locality, were enabled 
 to preserve their independence against Persia. The people 
 actually lived upon the lake itself, in dwellings or huts 
 built upon planks, which were fixed on lofty poles in the 
 centre of the lake. A single narrow bridge alone con- 
 nected this community with the main land. The piles 
 which supported the planks were anciently fixed at the 
 common charge of all the citizens, and the wood was 
 brought from a neighbouring mountain, known as Mount 
 Orbelus. Subsequently the people established a law, 
 that whenever a man married he should sink three piles 
 for each wife, for, like the Thracians generally, they 
 practised polygamy to a considerable extent. Every 
 man had his own hut upon this extensive platform, with 
 a trap-door closely fitting in the planks, and leading 
 down to the lake, and a cord was tied to the feet of the 
 young children to prevent their falling in. Horses and 
 draught cattle were fed with fish instead of fodder; and 
 there was such an abundance of fish, especially of the 
 species named papraces and tilones, that when a man 
 let down a net of basket-work through the trap-door into 
 the lake, he drew it up again after a little time com- 
 pletely filled. 
 
 Between Eion and Abdera was the island of Thasos, 
 which had been colonized by the Phoenicians at a very 
 ancient period, and was celebrated for its gold mines. It 
 had been conquered by the Persians in the reign of Darius, 
 but, after the conclusion of the Persian war, had been 
 received by the Athenians into their confederacy. Five 
 or six years before Herodotus's visit, it had revolted from 
 Athens, but after a three years' siege had been subdued 
 by Cimon the Athenian. Herodotus himself landed and 
 visited the mines, and was astonished at their immense 
 
 A A 4
 
 360 THRACE, B. C. 459. 
 
 size, a large mountain having been apparently thrown up- 
 side down, in the search for ore. He was told that, 
 before the Persian conquest, the Thasians had derived 
 from the mines in the island, and from those on the oppo- 
 site coast of Thrace, a clear surplus revenue of between 
 200 and 300 talents yearly, a sum wdiich was equivalent 
 to 50,000/. or 60,000/. sterling. 
 
 After many days' sailing along the coast of Thrace, and 
 round the promontory called the Chersonesus, our traveller 
 a,nd his fellow-voyagers at last entered the Hellespont, or 
 modern Dardanelles, leaving the coast of Troy on their 
 right or Asiatic side, and having that of the Chersonesus 
 on the left or European side. The Hellespont connects 
 the ^gean with the Propontis, or Sea of Marmora, as it 
 is now called; it is about fifty miles in length, and in 
 width varies from six miles to two, and in some places to 
 one mile or even less. 
 
 Both the Hellespont and the shores on either side were 
 famous in olden story and more recent history. Of the 
 immortal plains of Troy, on the Asiatic side, nothing need 
 be said. The history of the Athenian colonization of the 
 long straggling peninsula on the European side, anciently 
 known as the Chersonesus, or " land island," is, however, 
 less known, and very interesting, both as illustrative of 
 the manners of the time, and as connected with the his- 
 tory of Miltiades, the hero of jNIarathon, and we shall 
 therefore relate it at length as it was told to Herodotus. 
 
 In the days when Pisistratus was tyrant, there lived at 
 Athens a citizen named Miltiades. This Miltiades was 
 the son of Cypselus, and belonged to a family of great 
 riches and influence at Athens, being especially celebrated 
 for maintaining a breed of horses for the chariot races at 
 Olympia, and indeed Miltiades had himself gained an 
 Olympic victory. Noav it so happened that the Chersonesus 
 was at that time in a very troubled state. It was inhabited 
 by a tribe of Thracians called Doloncians; but these
 
 COLONIZATIOX OF THE CHERSOXESUS. 361 
 
 Doloncians were very much harassed by another Thracian 
 tribe, named Ajosinthians, who were perpetually entering 
 the Chersonesus for the purposes of plunder; and it 
 would seem that as the Doloncians inhabited a maritime 
 country, which contained several Greek colonies, they 
 had become more civilised and wealthy, and less warlike 
 and barbarous ; and were therefore unable to defend them- 
 selves with any success against the wild and ferocious 
 Apsinthians of the interior. In this predicament, the 
 Doloncians sent their kings to consult the oracle at 
 Delphi upon the best means of carrying on the war, being 
 probably advised to take this step by the Greek merchants 
 who visited their shores. Accordingly, the kings and 
 some other chief men amongst the Doloncians proceeded 
 to Delphi. The pythoness ascended the sacred tripod, 
 and received the inspiration from Apollo, and then in- 
 formed the Doloncian deputies that they must take that 
 man with them to found a colony in the Chersonesus, and 
 defend them from the Apsinthians, who, after their de- 
 parture from the Delphian temple, should first offer hospi- 
 tality to their party. The Doloncians having received 
 this answer, left the temple and proceeded along the Sacred 
 Way through Phocis and Boeotia; and then, as no one 
 offered them hospitality, they turned out of the road to 
 go towards Athens. 
 
 A few days after this event, Miltiades, who knew no- 
 thing of the Doloncians, was sitting under the portico of 
 his house at Athens, enjoying the cool of the evening, and 
 lamenting over the tyranny of Pisistratus. Suddenly he 
 saw a party of foreigners marching along the street, attired 
 in long cloaks of various colours, and carrying javelins and 
 light bucklers. Being struck by the travel-worn, but yet 
 noble appearance of the strangers, he courteously offered 
 them shelter and hospitality. The Doloncians of course 
 thankfully accepted the invitation; and after washing 
 their feet, and partaking of the evening meal, they told
 
 362 THRACE, B. C. 459. 
 
 him all the cu'cumstances connected with their inquiry at 
 Delphi, and besought him to obey the will of the deity. 
 Miltiades was exceedingly pleased at hearing this relation 
 from his illustrious guests ; for he had been much troubled 
 by Pisistratus, and was anxious to leave Athens. He 
 therefore set out to consult the oracle at Delphi on his 
 own account, and was directed by the pythoness to obey 
 the previous oracle. He then returned to Athens, and 
 taking with him all such Athenians as were willing to 
 join in the expedition, he set sail with the Doloncians, and 
 at length arrived at the Chersonesus. Here he was intro- 
 duced to the other citizens, and made tyrant or sovereign 
 of the Chersonesus. The Athenians and Doloncians com- 
 bined, were soon enabled to drive out the Apsinthians; 
 and in process of time, Miltiades built a wall right across 
 the narrow^ isthmus w^iich connected the Chersonesus with 
 the main land, and thus effectually protected the pro- 
 montory from the savage invaders. 
 
 After some years, this Miltiades, the son of Cypselus, 
 died, and the Chersonesians sacrificed to him as their 
 founder, and instituted horse races and gymnastic con- 
 tests in his honour. He left no children, but his half- 
 brother, Cimon, had tw^o sons, respectively named Stesa- 
 goras and Miltiades ; and Stesagoras had been brought up 
 by his uncle in the Chersonesus for the express purpose 
 of succeeding him in the sovereignty. Stesagoras, how- 
 ever, w^as killed shortly after his accession by a pretended 
 deserter, who struck him on the head with an axe as he 
 sat in the Prytaneum ; and thus the throne w^as once more 
 vacant, for Stesagoras, like his uncle, died childless. 
 
 Miltiades, the brother of Stesagoras, and younger son 
 of Cimon, was now the nearest heir. Cimon, like his 
 half-brother, Miltiades the elder, had been much troubled 
 by Pislstratus, and was at last banished from Athens. 
 During his exile he had gained an Olympic prize in the 
 four-horse chariot race, and transferred the honour to
 
 MILTIADES THE YOUNGER. 363 
 
 Miltiades the elder, who was at that time still living and 
 reigning in the Chersonesus. At the next Olympiad he 
 obtained a second victory with the same mares, and this 
 time he transferred the honour to Pisistratus, and thus 
 obtained his own recal to Athens. Lastly, at another 
 Olympiad, he, w^ith the same mares, gained a third victory, 
 and this time he permitted himself to be proclaimed the 
 victor. When, however, Pisistratus had died, and his son 
 Hippias ruled Athens, Cimon again fell under the dis- 
 pleasure of the government. But his Olympic victories 
 had made him so popular in the eyes of the citizens, that 
 Hippias was afraid of sending him into another exile. 
 Accordingly the tyrant hired some assassins, w^ho waylaid 
 Cimon by night, and slew^ him near the Prytaneum. 
 Cimon was afterwards buried in the neighbourhood of the 
 city, and opposite him were likew^ise buried the four 
 famous mares by which he had obtained the three Olympic 
 victories ; for they were the only mares in all Hellas that 
 had ever performed the treble event, with the exception 
 of the mares of Euagoras, the Spartan. 
 
 jMiltiades the younger had been educated by his father, 
 Cimon, at Athens, whilst Stesagoras w^as educated by his 
 uncle, Miltiades the elder, in the Chersonesus. When 
 Cimon died, the Pisistratids treated his son Miltiades with 
 the utmost kindness, in order, if possible, to ^vard off the 
 suspicion that they had been parties to the assassination 
 of Cimon. When Stesagoras died, they sent iNIiltiades 
 with one ship to the Chersonesus to succeed his brother 
 in the sovereignty. This Miltiades was a man who evi- 
 dently possessed a great genius for command. On arriving 
 at the Chersonesus he found that the inhabitants generally 
 were discontented with the sovereignty. Accordingly he 
 kept himself in his late uncle's palace under pretence of 
 honouring the memory of his late brother, Stesagoras. 
 The principal persons of every city throughout the Cher- 
 sonesus then assembled at the palace for the purpose of
 
 361 l-HRACE, B. C. 459. 
 
 condoling with him ; upon which he threw them all into 
 chains, and thus obtained ready possession of the whole 
 of the peninsula. Further, in order to secure himself 
 m the sovereignty, he took 500 mercenaries into his pay, 
 and married a Thracian princess named Hegesipyle, who 
 was the daughter of a Thracian king named Olorus. 
 When Darius made his great expedition against Scythia, 
 Miltiades and the tyrants of the Ionian cities in Asia Minor 
 joined the army, and were left to guard the bridge of 
 boats over the Danube, by which Darius entered the 
 Scythian territory. After many days Miltiades advised 
 the other Greeks to destroy the bridge, and leave Darius 
 and his Persians to the mercy of the Scythians, and thus 
 throw off the Persian yoke. This proposition, however, 
 was overruled by the other tyrants, on the ground that 
 the existence of their power as petty sovereigns depended 
 on the supremacy of the Persian ; and if that supremacy 
 was thrown off, the people of the several cities would 
 depose their tyrannies, and establish democracies. Darius 
 accordingly was enabled to effect his retreat. Soon after- 
 wards the Scythians determined on invading Persia, and 
 actually marched as far as the Chersonesus; and Miltiades, 
 not daring to oppose them, was compelled to fly; but they 
 retired in a very little while, and he returned to his 
 sovereignty. Not long afterwards, the Ionian cities fairly 
 revolted against Darius, but were resubdued by the over- 
 whelming forces of the Persians. Miltiades soon heard 
 that a fleet of Phoenician ships was approaching the Cher- 
 sonesus to reduce it to the Persian dominion. He there- 
 fore placed all his property on board five triremes, and 
 leaving the Chersonesus to be subdued by Persia, he 
 escaped with some difficulty to Athens. Here his mili- 
 tary talents were so well appreciated, that when Attica 
 was invaded by the generals of Darius, he was chosen to 
 be one of the ten leaders of the Athenian army, and acted 
 as commander-in-chief in the great battle of Marathon.
 
 THE SEPULCHRE OF HELLE. 365 
 
 After the Persian war the Chersonesus fell into the hands 
 of the Athenian confederacy, and such was its condition at 
 the time of our traveller's visit. 
 
 Herodotus landed at different points in the Chersone- 
 sus, and amongst other places he visited the sepulchre of 
 Helle, who had given her name to the Hellespont. The 
 legend belongs to the mythic history of the family of the 
 Solids. In very ancient times the great city of Orcho- 
 menus in Boeotia was ruled by Athamas, the son of ^olus 
 grandson of Helen and great-grandson of Deucalion. Xow 
 Athamas, the king, was of mortal race, but, at the com- 
 mand of Hera, he married the goddess Xephele, and 
 became the father of two children, Phrixus and Helle. 
 After a time, Athamas fell in love with Ino, the daugh- 
 ter of Cadmus, and, putting away the goddess, he mar- 
 ried the mortal, and thus became father of two more 
 children, Learchus and INIelicertes. Ino soon became jeal- 
 ous of the children of Xephele, and hated them with all 
 the hatred of a step-mother. At last she laid a snare for 
 the life of Phrixus. She persuaded the women to roast 
 the seed-wheat, and thus, when the seed was sown it 
 yielded no crop, and direful famine soon overspread the 
 land. Athamas, the king, was terribly alarmed at this 
 direful prodigy. He sent to Delphi to implore the god 
 for counsel and a remedy, but through the machinations 
 of Ino with the oracle he received for answer that the 
 barrenness of the fields could only be alleviated by offerino- 
 up Phrixus as a human sacrifice to the great Zeus. The 
 distress of the people compelled the agonised kino- to 
 execute this command in order to turn away the divine 
 wrath. His son, Phrixus, was led as a victim to the altar. 
 But the power of Xephele, the goddess mother of the 
 devoted prince, was sufficient to save Phrixus. She 
 snatched him from destruction, and procured from Hermes 
 a ram with a fleece of gold, upon which Phrixus and his 
 sister Helle mounted, and were carried across the iEo-ean,
 
 366 THRACE, B. C. 459. 
 
 The ram proceeded in the direction of the Euxine Sea, and 
 Colchis, but whilst crossing the Hellespont, Helle fell off 
 into the narrow strait, which was henceforth called after 
 her. The ram, which was endowed with speech, con- 
 soled Phrixus for the loss of his sister, and carried him 
 safely to Colchis, south of the Caucasus; and here Phrixus 
 sacrificed the ram to Zeus, and hung up the golden fleece 
 in the sacred grove of Ares, where it remained until carried 
 off by Jason and the Argonauts. 
 
 Meantime King Athamas and his cruel wife, Ino, were 
 driven mad by the anger of the goddess Hera. Athamas 
 killed his own son Learchus, and would have put to death 
 his other son Melicertes, if Ino had not snatched him away. 
 She fled with him through Attica towards the Saronic 
 gulf, and leaping into the sea became a sea goddess. Her 
 son, however, was drowned, but his body was cast ashore, 
 and the Nereids commanded that honours should be paid 
 to him as a hero. 
 
 Athamas fled to Thessaly, and was afterwards wor- 
 shipped as a hero in the city of Alos, where he had a 
 chapel and consecrated grove attached to the temple of 
 the Laphystian Zeus. At Alos some sanguinary religious 
 rites and very peculiar family customs prevailed down 
 to the time of our traveller, and as they were connect- 
 ed with the legend of Athamas we may mention them 
 here. A special curse was aflSxed to the family of which 
 Athamas was considered to be the heroic progenitor. 
 The eldest of the race was ever forbidden to enter the 
 Prytaneum. If found within the doors of that building 
 he was seized by the citizens on going out, covered with 
 garlands, and led in solemn procession to be sacrificed as 
 a victim at the altar of Zeus Laphystius. Many of the 
 individuals thus excluded from all the public meetings 
 and ceremonies, political as well as religious, were bold 
 enough to transgress the law. Some had been seized on 
 quitting the Prytaneum, and actually sacrificed ; and
 
 BRIDGES OF XERXES. 367 
 
 Others had fled the country for a long time to avoid a 
 similar fate. 
 
 The voyage through the Hellespont was very slow, for 
 the waters of the Euxine pour through the Bosphorus 
 into the Propontis, and again from the Propontis through 
 the Hellespont in a constant current. About half way 
 through the straits, and just opposite the Asiatic town of 
 Abydos, was the place where Xerxes constructed his 
 double bridge of boats for the conveyance of his immense 
 land forces into Europe ; and here too, according to a 
 legend of much later date, Leander swam across to visit 
 the beautiful priestess Hero. Of course Herodotus was 
 unacquainted with the lives of Hero and Leander, but he 
 determined, if possible, to learn exactly how the bridges 
 of Xerxes were constructed ; and as Philarchus stopped a 
 short time at Abydos, our traveller landed also, and was 
 fortunate enough to meet with a man who had assisted in 
 the great work, and who was only too pleased to tell hun 
 all about it. 
 
 The two bridges of boats were to stretch from Abydos 
 on the Asiatic side right across the Hellespont, to the coast 
 near Sestos on the European side, at a point where the 
 strait was scarcely an English mile in breadth. The 
 execution of this work was entrusted to Phoenician and 
 Egyptian engineers, who had received orders long before 
 to prepare cables of extraordinary strength for the pur- 
 pose. The Phoenicians made their cables of flax ; the 
 Egyptians made theirs of the fibre of the papyrus. At 
 last the two bridges were completed, and Xerxes was 
 informed that they were available for transit. At this 
 critical moment a violent storm arose. The cables broke 
 in every direction ; and the sliips which formed the 
 bridges were completely scattered by the tempest. The 
 news soon reached the Persian army, which had en- 
 camped in the neighbourhood of Sardis. The Persians, 
 who were accustomed to worship the sun, to sacrifice
 
 368 THRACE, B.C. 459. 
 
 to rivers, and to regard all the great objects of nature 
 as being responsible agencies, possessing certain per- 
 sonalities and attributes, were terrified at this demonstra- 
 tion on the part of the sea ; an element which they had 
 been accustomed to hold in mysterious fear. Xerxes 
 endeavoured to arouse the drooping spirits of his army 
 and restore their confidence in him as the great king, by 
 exhibiting his own power as superior to that of the sea. 
 He ordered a pair of fetters to be thrown into the strait, 
 and likewise commanded that the Hellespont should be 
 scourged with 300 lashes; and he charged those who 
 scourged the waters to cry out during the infliction of 
 the sentence, " Thou bitter water ! thy master inflicts 
 this punishment upon thee because thou hast injured him 
 without having suflPered any harm from him. King 
 Xerxes will cross over thee whether thou wilt or not. 
 It is with justice that no man sacrifices to thee, for thou 
 art a deceitful and briny river." 
 
 Xerxes next satisfied his own wrath by ordering those 
 who had superintended the construction of the bridges to 
 be immediately beheaded ; and he then employed other 
 engineers to reconstruct the two pontoon bridges in a more 
 strong and substantial manner. Each bridge now consisted 
 of a line of ships moored side by side across the strait, having 
 their sterns turned towards the Euxine, and their prows 
 towards the ^gean. Each ship was moored by anchors 
 at the head and stern ; those in the bridge nearest the 
 Euxine being intended to hold fast the line of ships against 
 the north-easterly winds which might blow from the 
 Euxine ; and those in the bridge nearest the ^gean 
 being intended to hold fast that line of ships against the 
 south-westerly winds which might blow from the ^gean. 
 The bridge nearest the Euxine consisted of 360 ships; 
 that nearest the JEgean consisted of 314 ships. Over 
 each of the two lines of ships were stretched six vast 
 cables from shore to shore, for the double purpose of
 
 CONSTRUCTION OF THE BRIDGES. 369 
 
 holding the ships together, and of supporting the bridge- 
 way to be laid upon them. Both bridges ran somewhat 
 obliquely across the channel, in order that the current 
 might keep up the tension of the cables ; but the bridge 
 nearest the ^gean ran in a much more slanting direction 
 than the other, because, owing to the shape of the channel 
 in that part, the set of the current is not in the line of 
 water, but oblique from one shore to the other. The six 
 great cables in each line of ships were tightened by means 
 of capstans on each shore ; and in three different places in 
 each line a gap was left between the ships for the purpose 
 of enabling small trading vessels without masts to continue 
 their voyages between the ^gean and the Euxine. 
 
 In the previous bridges the Phoenician cables of flax 
 had been employed for uniting one line of ships, and the 
 Egyptian cables of papyrus for uniting the other. In the 
 present bridges, however, two cables of flax and four of 
 papyrus were employed for uniting each line. The flax 
 cables were as thick and compact as those of the papyrus, 
 and, at the same time, were superior in weight, each 
 cubit length weighing a talent ; or, as we should say, 
 each yard of cable weighing a hundred weight. Planks 
 of wood were then placed across the cables from one 
 end to the other in regular order, and fastened together ; 
 and upon this foundation a causeway was formed of earth 
 and wood, with a palisade on each side high enough to 
 prevent the cattle which passed over from seeing the ter- 
 rifying billows. 
 
 When everything was prepared for the crossing over, 
 every description of perfume was burnt upon the bridges, 
 and the bridgeways were strewed with myrtle branches. 
 At length, early in the morning, and whilst the Sun-god 
 was rising, Xerxes poured a libation into the sea from a 
 golden cup, and offered up a prayer to the Sun, that nothing 
 might prevent his subduing Europe to its utmost limits. 
 He then threw the golden cup into the Hellespont, to- 
 
 VOL. I. B B
 
 370 THRACE, B.C. 459. 
 
 s:ether with a golden bowl and a Persian sword. Seven 
 days were occupied by his immense army in crossing over 
 the two bridges ; the infantry and cavalry marching by 
 the bridge towards the Euxine, and the attendants and 
 beasts of burden marching by the bridge towards the 
 ^gean. 
 
 At Abydos Herodotus was also shown the spot where 
 Xerxes had surveyed his entire armament, and had wept 
 to think that in less than a hundred years the whole must 
 pass away. He also heard one or two other particulars 
 connected with the great expedition, which we need not 
 repeat here. He however encountered no adventures worth 
 recording, and in a few days the ship had finished the voy- 
 age through the Hellespont, and traversed the Propontis or 
 Sea of Marmora, to the channel of Constantinople. This 
 channel was called Bosphorus in the time of Herodotus, a 
 name which exactly answers to the English word Ox-ford. 
 At its entrance was the town of Byzantium, afterwards 
 called Constantinople, near which Mandrocles, the Samian 
 architect, constructed the pontoon bridge by which Darius 
 and his land forces crossed the Bosphorus and proceeded 
 to the Danube for the invasion of Scythia. 
 
 The vessel which carried our traveller proceeded 
 through the Bosphorus and entered the Black Sea, and 
 then coasted northwards along the shore of Thrace towards 
 the mouths of the Danube. The only interesting parti- 
 culars belonging to this part of the voyage are connected 
 with the information which Herodotus was enabled to 
 collect concerning the Getas, a Thracian people who 
 occupied the northern quarter of Thrace, between the 
 Balkan range and the right bank of the Danube. 
 
 These Getae were the most valiant and just of all the 
 Thracian tribes. They believed in the immortality of 
 the soul, inasmuch as they imagined that men did not 
 actually die, but that the soul of the deceased went to 
 the deity Zalmoxis, who, as some of them thought, was
 
 TRADITION CONCERNING ZALMOXIS. 371 
 
 the same as Gebeleizis, or " he who gives repose." E very- 
 fifth year they selected one of themselves by lot to go 
 to Zalmoxis and tell him what they required. Their 
 mode of sending: the messeng-er was as follows. Some of 
 them stood together holding three lances with the points 
 upward. Others then seized the appointed ambassador 
 by the hands and feet, and swinging him backwards and 
 forwards, tossed him upon the points of the lances. If he 
 died of the wounds they considered that the deity Zalmoxis 
 would prove propitious ; if he did not die they decided 
 that the messenger was a bad man, and selected another. 
 These Getse considered that there was no other deity but 
 theirs, and during storms of thunder and lightning they 
 shot their arrows towards heaven and threatened the god. 
 Herodotus was informed by those Greeks whom he 
 met in the Hellespont and at the ports on the Euxine 
 where Phylarchus touched, that this Zalmoxis, who was 
 worshipped by the Geta3, was only a Thracian slave who 
 had fallen into the possession of Pythagoras the philosopher, 
 whilst the latter was living at Samcjs, about seventy or 
 eighty years before the date of the voyage we are now 
 describing. ^Vhen, however, Zalmoxis had obtained his 
 freedom, and subsequently acquired great riches, he re- 
 turned to Thrace, and finding that his fellow countrymen 
 were living in a very wretched and uncivilised state, he 
 set himself to try and reform their habits and manners, 
 and elevate their religious belief. Being himself acquainted 
 with the more refined manners of the lonians, and having 
 enjoyed familiar intercourse with the Greeks, and especially 
 with Pythagoras, who v/as certainly not the meanest sage 
 in Hellas, he built a hou^e and saloon after the Greek style, 
 and received and entertained the principal persons of the 
 country, and taught them that neither he, nor any of his 
 posterity for ever, should die, but should be translated to a 
 place where they would live eternally, and enjoy every 
 kind of blessing. Meantime, he prepared for himself a sub-
 
 372 THRACE, B. C. 459. 
 
 terraneaii dwelling, and at length suddenly disappeared 
 from amongst the Thracians and lived in this underground 
 abode for three years ; but in the fourth year, and whilst 
 the people were still lamenting his supposed death, he 
 reappeared, and thus obtained additional credibility for 
 his teachings. Herodotus knew not what to think of this 
 Greek account of Zalmoxis, but he was satisfied of one 
 thing, that, if he were a man, he must have lived many 
 years prior to the time of Pythagoras. Herodotus, however, 
 could not make up his mind whether Zalmoxis was a man 
 or a god ; and, indeed, he did not think it worth while to 
 trouble his head much upon the subject. 
 
 These Getae were the last Thracian people towards the 
 Scythian frontier. 
 
 END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 
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